Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

[ 10] ENGLISH VOYAGES BE∣YOND THE EAST-INDIES, TO THE ILANDS OF IAPAN, CHINA, CAVCHIN∣CHINA, THE PHILIPINAE WITH OTHERS, AND THE INDIAN NAVIGATIONS FVRTHER PROSECVTED: [ 20] Their iust Commerce, nobly vindicated against Turkish Treachery; victoriously defended against Portugall Hostility, gloriously aduanced against Moorish and Ethnike Perfidie; hopefully recouering from Dutch Malignitie; iustly maintayned against ignorant and ma∣licious Calumnie. [ 30] THE FOVRTH BOOKE. (Book 4)

HAuing brought to light (rather as a Midwife, the fruit of Others Trauels then mine owne as a Parent) the imperfect vntimely Births of Other Englishmen, and that more mature, well complexioned, strong limmed, and (if Genethliacall coniectures faile not) hopefully promising Riches, Honour, Happie Successe and Long-life, of the [ 40] East-Indian Societie; which we haue also in a Scenicall Historie, or an Historicall Scene, (the Actors being the Authors, and the Authours themselues the Actors of their owne Parts, Artes, Acts, Designes) brought from the Cradle to the Saddle, from weaker Infancie of first beginnings to the happie Progresse and growth of youthfull vigour and courage: I made a stand, and, in the mids of our Indian Course, finished the former Booke; that as after a long ascent of some steeper Hill, Men take breath, and reuiew with delight, that which with irkesome labour and wearie steps they haue passed; or like the Land-traueller resting in his Inne, or the Weather-beaten Mariner refreshing himselfe in some mid-way Harbour (which heere you see our Indian Nauigators doe [ 50] in Soldania, or at Saint Helena.) You might also after that stay beginne a fresh Career, with reuiued spirits, and renewed alacrtie, resume this Booke-Voyage, and Reading Nauigation. So may your Mindes in few houres and a safe course, without feare of Rockes, Sands, Winds, Stormes of vnseasonable Monsons, vnreasonable Men (Fu∣gitiues, Traytors, Pyrates, false Friends, open Foes) of an ill Market, hard Customes, or harsh accounts to be giuen at last; communicate in that, which These with so long la∣bours, and so perillous dangers, haue done and suffered.

And here first we present vnto you, the East-Indies made Westerly by the Illustrious Voy∣age of Captaine IOHN SARIS, who hauing spent some yeares before in the Indies, by Ob∣seruations [ 60] to rectifie Experience, and by Experience to prepare for higher Attempts, hath heere left the knowne Coasts of Europe, compassed those more vnknowne of Afrike from the Atlantike to the Erythraean Sea, and after Commerce there (tam Marte, quàm Mer∣curi••) compasseth the Shoares, and pierceth the Seas, to and beyond all iustnames of Indian

and Asia, penetrating by a long iourney the Ilands, Cities, Court of the Iaponian Empire; there setleth an English Factorie, and after safe returne, is readie to render thee the plea∣sure of his paine, and (why stay I thee any longer?) by a more pleasant Discoursiue way, to discouer to thee the Karities of that Discouerie; and by hand, by the Eyes to lead thee alongst with him all the way: and then leaue thee to those that shall tell thee after Accidents and later Occurents in the Iaponian, Indian and Asian Affaires.

[ 10]

CHAP. I. The eighth Voyage set forth by the East-Indian Societie, wherein were imployed three Ships, the Cloue, the Hector, and the Thomas, vnder the Command of Captaine IOHN SARIS: His Course and Acts to and in the Red Sea, Iaua, Molucca's, and Iapan (by the Inhabitants called Neffoon, where also he first began and setled an English Trade and Factorie) with other remarkable Rari∣ties, collected out of his owne [ 20] Iournall.

§. I. Their sayling about Africa, visiting diuers Ilands thereof, and comming to Socatora.

[ 30]

THe eighteenth of Aprill 1611. wee set saile out of the Downes.

* 1.1The sixth of Iune following, we passed the Equinoctiall Line.

The first of August 1611. we arriued in the Bay of Soldania, where hauing well refreshed our selues the space of eight dayes, the ninth of August in the morning we weighed Anchor, and about foure in the after-noone were fiue leagues off the Cape Buona Esperanza.

The second of September, of latitude twentie foure degrees, twentie one minutes, way East by North Northerly sixe leagues. Nota, That since our comming from Cape Buona [ 40] Esperanza, We found no Monsons of West-winds, (as hath beene reported) but to the contrarie, did find North Easterly, South Easterly and Easterly winds with extreame Stormes, Raine, Thunder and Lightening: yet at that present very faire and so hot that calmes were to bee doubted.

The third, latitude twentie three degrees, fiftie minutes, way South by West twentie three leagues wind at South.

* 1.2About fiue at night we made land being the Iland of Madagascar, otherwise called Saint Lau∣rence, the Bay of Saint Augustine bearing East by North about sixe leagues off. And then steered away North North-east, variation at Sun-setting fifteene degrees, eleuen minutes Westerly. We sounded, but had no ground at one hundred fathome. The land not very high, but Sandie. And [ 50] then we passed the Tropicke of Capricorne, to the North-ward.

The tenth of September, latitude seuenteene degrees, three minutes, way North-west twelue leagues, wind at North-east: we steered North North-west, variation at Sun-rising thir∣teene degrees,* 1.3 fiftie foure minutes Westerly. Heere wee found a strong Current setting South South-west▪ for these last foure and twentie houres, shee could not haue runne lesse then foure and twentie leagues, hauing a stiffe gale: but for the reason aforesaid, in the euening we made the Island Primeiras bearing West by North about foure leagues off.

The eleuenth, latitude seuenteene degrees, thirty three minutes way South by East halfe a point Easterly fourteene leagues, the wind at Noth-east, and North-east by East, a storme.

* 1.4Note that hauing stood but one watch and an halfe to the East-wards, the Current did carry [ 60] vs thirtie minutes to the Southwards of the latitude we were in, by the last obseruation: then we stood in for the land North North-west, hoping of a better wind neare the shoare with lesse cur∣rent, an•• suddenly the water changed, but we could find no ground at an hundred fathom. In the euening we made the land bearing North, and North by West about sixe leagues off, finding

it to be the Islands Primeiras, but being to the Northward of it,* 1.5 it shewed somewhat longer then before, for it did beare from the North-west to the North of vs; wee sounded and had twentie fathom small glistering sand; and sounding againe, had twentie fathom blacke Ozie, with black shels. Then we stood off to the Eastward, the storme continuing with more wind in the night, then in the day; and hauing stood off one glasse, we sounded and had two and twenty fathome, gray sand and shels.

The twelfth, latitude eighteene degrees seuenteene minutes, way South-east by East eight and twentie leagues, wind at North-east, a storme: so that these last twenty foure houres we were carryed by the force of the Current forty foure minutes to the Southward of the former obser∣uation, [ 10] variation fourteene degrees, one and forty minutes Westerly. About night the wind ve••red to East North-east, so that we lay North with the sterne.

The thirteenth, latitude nineteene degrees, sixteene minutes, way South-east by South, two and twentie leagues, wind North-east by East little wind, the Current very strong against vs.

The fifteenth, latitude sixteene degrees, six and forty minutes, way North North-east, halfe a point Easterly thirty leagues, wind South-west, wee steered North-east by North. Note heere we found not the Current so forcible, for we haue deprest the Pole one degree, seuen and twenty minutes these foure and twentie houres. The reason wee supposed to bee that the Island Iuan de Noua, was betweene vs and the Current, for we made account it did beare East by North eigh∣teene leagues off, variation at Sun-setting twelue degrees, eight minutes Westerly.

The sixteenth, latitude sixteene degrees not nine minutes, way North North-east eighteene [ 20] leagues, we steered North-east by North, wind South-west by South, little wind, but a strong Current, variation at Sun-rising thirteene degrees, not three minutes Westerly.

The seuenteenth, the ships way North by West eight leagues, variation twelue degrees one minute Westerly: in the morning we made the land to the Southward of Mosambique, making it to be the Islands de Angoxa, bearing West South-wst seuen leagues. The Westermost part of the said Islands seeming whitish. The maine to the Northward bearing North by East,* 1.6 smooth champion ground: we steered North-east by East, and towards euening we saw the land tren∣ting to the Northward, seeming to the Seaward to be full of trees; here we found the Current to set North North-west, for we could perceiue by the land that we ran very fast to the North-ward, and having little wind, wee sounded often, but could not find ground at an hundred [ 30] fathome.

The nineteenth, latitude fifteene degrees, twentie nine minutes, way South by East foure leagues, wind at East South-east, we steered North-east, but by extremitie of the Current, wee were carryed to the Southward. So that wee were heere ten dayes,* 1.7 and could not get to the Northward; notwithstanding we had a faire and reasonable stiffe gale.

The one and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees, twentie minutes, way South by West foure leagues, wind North-east, and North-east by East, little wind: in the morning wee were neare the Northermost of the Islands de Angoxas, bea••ing West by North about three leagues off. And to windward of vs, we espied a very dangerous shoale,* 1.8 lying East off the North part of the [ 40] main, at the least three points into the sea, hauing a drie splat of white sand betweene it and the maine: We sounded and had ground at thirtie fathom, red stones like Corall, with gray sand and shells, we stood off, it being a lee-shoare and Westerly Current. And finding by our skiffe, which was sent off, that the Current did set exceeding strongly to the South-west by West, and such vncertaine shoaling, we stood off for Saint Laurence.* 1.9 Note that these Islands de Angoxas (which are many) doe stand in the plat in fifteene degrees, fortie minutes, and we find them in sixteene degrees, twentie minutes to the Southward of the Equinoctiall, variation thirteene degrees, no minutes Westerly.

The two and twentieth, latitude seuenteene degrees fiue minutes, way South South-east eigh∣teene leagues, wind North-east, and in foure and twentie houres that we parted from the land, we lost no degrees, fortie fiue minutes. But towards euening the wind came to the South-east, [ 50] and South-east by South; we steered North-east, and North-east by east, and East North-east for the Island Saint Laurence, looking out for Iuan de noua, which Hugen van Linschoten, willeth to beware of, and not to come neare it in a small Moone; notwithstanding wee were inforced to put our selues in hazard to get out of this Current and dangerous place, variation at Sun-setting twelue degrees, fortie foure minutes Westerly.

The three and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees, foure and twentie minutes, way North-east, two and twentie leagues, wind at South South-west, we steered East North-east, to rid vs of the Current, hauing deprest the Pole these last foure and twentie houres, no degrees, one and fortie minutes, variation at Sun-setting thirteene degrees, sixteene minutes Westerly.

The foure and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees, sixteene minutes, way East North-east [ 60] ten leagues, wind at South-west, and South South-east, till eight in the morning, it came then to the North, and North by East, little wind.* 1.10 In the morning at breake of day (to our great ad∣miration) wee saw land to the Westward, bearing North by West fiue leagues off, not once loo∣king

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for any that way,* 1.11 but to the Eastward for Iuan de noua, which we made account could not be aboue sixe leagues South from vs, and being be-calmed, did doubt least the Current would set vs vpon it in the night: but the day clearing, we found it to be the Northermost Iland of the Angoxas,* 1.12 whence we departed the one and twentieth, ditto in the afternoone, which so amazed our Marriners, as that they were discouraged of getting our Voyage this way. The reason of this difference was (as we supposed) by a Counter current, which certainely in the small of the Moone doth set East North-east, and West South-West, from the Plashella or point of the shoare, which lieth North-east by East off the Northermost part of Iuan de noua, which meeting with our auncient enemie the North North-east Current, hath thus violently put vs ouer to the West-wards, notwithstanding we haue had a fresh gale and faire wind, vntill this morning that it fell [ 10] calme. Note, that if there be any such Iland as Iuan de noua, it lies not so farre to the West-ward, as Daniels plots make mention,* 1.13 but stands neerer the maine Iland, otherwise we must of necessi∣tie haue seene it. They of the fourth Voyage in the Ascension, made accompt that they passed to the East-wards of it, and S. Laurence, which thing the Portugals hold impossible, saying, that it stands so neere the maine Iland, as that there is no passage but a little channell, which once one of their ships was inforced to put through, and since nor afore they haue not heard of any to haue done the like. Wherefore it was held amongst vs to be but a cunning of the Portugals, to place such an Iland so farre to the West-ward, to the end that such as shall saile this way, being not so well experienced as themselues,* 1.14 might (giuing it a birth) fall into this extreame Current which we certainely found to set more Westerly then North-East, and South-west. Wherefore [ 20] it is necessary for all such as shall be bound this way, to be vpon the Coast of S. Laurence by the first of Iune, and from the Cape S. Augustine, vntill they come into twelue degrees no minutes, to keepe vp to the East-ward, and not to make their way to the West of the North, or North by West, for feare of the South-west Current, which with calmes, and foureteene degrees two minutes variation Westerly, will perforce set them ouer vpon the Coast of Soffala. And most certaine it is, that in August and September, you shall find very violent North-west winds, so that if yee would stand it ouer for S Laurence, you shall not fetch it without great danger of the shoalds of India, (the Current taking you on the broad side:) I meane, if you bee to the North of the said shoalds, neither can you stop vpon the maine to keepe your Latitude, for it is bro∣ken ground, and very deepe water.

The third of October we came to an anchor (after much trouble by Currents) betweene Sof∣fala [ 30] and Mosambique,* 1.15 in thirteene and foureteene fathome: Latitude sixteene degrees thirty two minutes: Longitude seuentie sixe degrees tenne minutes: Variation eleuen degrees fiftie minutes Westerly. We anchored vnder an Iland neere vnto the maine, vpon which wee neither found people nor fresh water, though we digged very deepe in the sand. The tenth, wee weighed, the wind at South South-west, and stood ouer East by North for S. Laurence, hoping thereby to get out of these Currents. Thus were we tossed to and fro with variable winds, and still troubled with the Current comming out of the North-east, vntill the twentie sixth, wee came to an an∣chor vnder Moyella,* 1.16 which is one of the Ilands of Comora, Latitude twelue degrees thirteene minutes, to the Southward of the Aequinoctiall, where we refreshed our selues eight dayes pro∣curing [ 40] Bullocks, Goates, Hennes, Limons, Cocos, Pines, Papanes, Plantans, Pomgranates, Su∣gar canes, Tammarin hennes, Rice, Milke, Rootes, Egges and Fish, in exchange of small Ha∣berdash••ry wares, and some money, and had here kind vsage and great store of fresh water, the rather for that we stood still vpon our guard. I inuited the King of Moyella beeing a Mahometan aboord the Cloue, and intertained him with a noyse of Trumpets, and a consort of Musique, with a Banket, which he refused to eate of▪ because it was then his Lent, which amongst them is called Rammadam,* 1.17 but hee tooke away with him the best of the Banket to carrie to the Queene his Mother, saying, they would eate it when the Sunne was downe. The Q••eenes name was Sultan∣na Mannangalla. The Kings name was Sariffoo Booboocarree. He req••ested the Generall to leaue him a letter in his commendations to those that should happen hereafter to come thither, wher∣by [ 50] they might vnderstand of his honest dealing with vs. The like letter he had procured from Stephen Verhaghen, Admirall of twelue Holland ships, who arriued there in the yeare 1604. which he deliuered vnto our Generall, who gaue him the like, with this caution in the end thereof, that they should not giue too great credit to them, but stand vpon their guard, for that oftentimes weapons continue peace.

The Inhabitants here are Negroes, with short curled haire, and Pintados about their middles, some wearing white caps, others turbants, by which we knew they were Mahometans. The King himselfe was apparrelled in a white Cotten coate, a Turbant vpon his head, and a Guz••rate Pintado about his middle: he was little whiter then the ordinary people, who are blacke: hee was leaue, he had a round thinne blacke beard, great eyes, of a low stature, and of very few words; [ 60] he could speake a little Arabique, which he had learned in his Pilgrimage to Mecca, from whence he had the name of Sheriffe. Here they desire money (whereby we vnderstand Spanish Rialls of eight) rather then commoditie. But for Crimson broad Cloath, Red sculd Caps, Cambaya cloaths,

and Sword blades, you may haue any thing the Iland affoords, which serueth onely for refresh∣ing, and no way for merchandizing. He gaue the Generall a note vnder his hand of friendship, which beeing not long, I haue here inserted.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉* 2.1

[ 10]

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The fourth of Nouember, we set saile from this Iland Moyella. The seuenteenth in the mor∣ning, [ 20] we made the land being the maine of Melinde, the Bay or Gulfe called Formosa,* 2.2 bearing North-west about foure leagues off. The land trending North-east South-west, wee had thirtie fathome, small gray sand and shels, wind at East North-east, we stood off South-East a stiffe gale, and a very great sea, which sheweth to be shoale water, and a Current which we found to set a∣longst the shoare, North-east. Latitude two degrees tenne minutes, variation at Sunne-setting twelue degrees thirtie one minuts Westerly. Note, this land lieth more Easterly then in our plats, otherwise we should not haue fallen therewith so soone:* 2.3 for by our reckonings we were at least fortie eight leagues off.

The nine and twentieth, latitude foure degrees fortie foure minutes, variation seuenteene de∣grees thirtie foure minutes Westerly, beeing as we supposed twelue leagues off the shoales, called [ 30] Baxos de Malhina East by South, we had a great Rippling, and ouer-fall of water, as if it had beene shoal-water; but sounding found no ground at an hundred fathome, the wind came about here to South Southeast, our course North-east.

The first of December, Latitude three degrees fortie minutes, our way North North-east eight leagues, wind at North North-east, East, East South-east, and North East by North,* 2.4 little wind for the most part calme, and had a very fearefull rippling of the water, much like vnto the fall at London Bridge, beeing out of sight of land, and finding no ground at an hundred fathome:* 2.5 when we stood into the land it left vs, but bearing off, (beeing fiftie leagues from land) we found very terrible. Variation sixteene degrees fifteene minutes Westerly. The second, Latitude two degrees fiftie fiue minutes, way North-east by North eighteeene leagues, wind variable, the Rippling [ 40] continuing, variation fifteene degrees fiftie seuen minutes Westerly, which mooued vs to thinke that wee had a Current setting to the West, the variation decreasing so suddenly. The third, Latitude foure degrees foure minutes, way South twentie three leagues, wind variable, most part calme, with great Rippling of the water, and a very strong Current Southerly, so that these last twentie foure houres, we are carried backe to the South-wards of our former latitude, one de∣gree nine minutes. The fourth, latitude foure degrees thirtie three minutes, way South tenne leagues, little wind and variable betwixt the North-east, and East by South, very strange Rip∣pling of the water, and strong Current Southerly, variation eighteene degrees fortie foure mi∣nutes Westerly. The fifth, latitude foure degrees fiftie foure minutes, way South by East seauen leagues, wind variable, betwixt North-east by North, & East by South, the Rippling continuing [ 50] and Current Southerly, variation eighteene degrees eleuen minutes Westerly at Sun-setting. The sixth, latitude fiue degrees fiue minutes, way South-east by East eighteene leagues, wind variable betwixt North-east by North, & North-east by East a gale, and at sometimes more fearefull Rip∣plings of the water then before, yet could haue no ground at an hundred fathome. These Ripplings shew like shelfes, and are not at all times alike, but sometimes more, sometimes lesse; but met with many times in a day, and make a noise by the ships side, as if she did runne fiue leagues a Watch, when she doth scarce goe a head. We were much terrified there-with, the rather because wee could not imagine from whence it should proceed, seeing no land; but supposed our selues to bee amongst the Easter-most Islands, which lie off the Northermost point of S. Laurence. Here wee had raine, thunder, lightning, and sudden gusts which continued not long. The seuenth, way [ 60] East by South eighteene leagues, wind betwixt the North and North-east, the Rippling still continued. The eighth, way North-east twenty two leagues, wind at South-west, and Southwest by West, with Rippling, but no ground at an hundred fathome: variation twenty degrees seuen minutes Westerly. The ninth, latitude foure degrees eighteen minutes, way North-east eighteen leagues, wind variable, little Current and no Rippling: variation twentie degrees fortie seauen

minutes Westerly; heere we found it extreame hot. The tenth, latitude foure degrees, twelue minutes, way East North-east seuen leagues, wind from North-west by North, to North-east by East, many times calme, with no ripling, nor Current Southerly. Note wee haue found continuall calmes, euer since we came off the Maine, and the further off, the lesse wind. Variati∣on twentie degrees, fiftie seuen minutes Westerly.

* 2.6The fiue and twentieth: Note, it is a moneth and fiue dayes since we were in latitude no de∣grees, one minute to the Northward, close by the shoare: since which time wee haue been put backe into fiue degrees, fiue and twentie minutes to the Southward: wherefore those bound to Socatora at this time of the yeere, must hold to the Eastward of Pemba two hundred leagues, East by North, the variation there encreasing Westerly, which will bring you the more Norther∣ly: and so keeping the Island Socatora open of you, betweene the North by East, and the North [ 10] North-east, you shall be in the greatest possibility to make the best vse of these winds, which neare to the maine we found to keepe betweene the East by North, and East by South a continu∣all gale: but off at Sea, about the Islands Mascharenas at North-east North, and sometimes at North-west West, and West by South▪ with calmes, riplings of the water very fearefull, thun∣der and lightning. And albeit the North-east and Northerly winds are but bare helpes, plying to the Northwards: yet this benefit you shall haue, that by how much easterly you are, by so much the more you shall recouer to the Northward of the Line, before you meete with the Maine, which if you can auoid, see not in this time of the Easterly Monson, vntill you be full in the latitude of ten degrees, to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall. But in the time of the We∣sterly Monson,* 2.7 keepe the shoare aboord, for it is very bold, but lyeth much more Easterly, then [ 20] in our Plats.

The first of Ianuary, latitude three degrees, fiftie eight minutes to the North-ward of the E∣quinoctiall,* 2.8 heere we made land, being the Maine of Magadoxa, Cape Das Baxas bearing North North-east eight leagues off; the land low, sandie and barren, all alongst; the wind at North-east and East by North, a stiffe gale, we stood off to the Eastward, way North by West twelue leagues.

The second day, latitude two degrees, one and thirtie minutes, way South-east by South fiue and thirtie leagues, much wind and Current Southerly, hauing deprest the Pole in these last foure and twentie houres, one degree, seuen and twentie minutes, whereof sixe and twentie leagues shee had runne by dead reckoning, and nine leagues shee was carried by the Current contrary to [ 30] expectation. The eighteenth, latitude sixe degrees, seuen and twenty minutes to the North-ward of the Equinoctiall, way North-west by North foure and twentie leagues, wind at North-east, and North-east by East. About two of the clocke we made the land, being the maine, called Doara,* 2.9 the South-part bearing West, and the North-part, North-west by North about eight leagues off, seeming not very high, but sandie and barren, we stood off with much wind, and a Current setting North-west, as we supposed; otherwise wee should haue gotten further to the North-ward.

Note, that although the variation holdeth little proportion, yet did we find by experience, that in running to the Eastward wee haue variation Westerly increasing: and standing into the shoare North-west,* 2.10 our variation was Westerly decreasing: so that by reckoning according to [ 40] our plats, we found our selues much further off the land, then by iust proofe by variation: which truely is a most certaine thing to bee credited; obseruation being taken by one of experience, with an exact instrument, our so often falling with this maine, hath gained vs this knowledge, variation at Sun-rising seuenteene degrees, thirty sixe minutes Westerly, and at setting seuen∣teene degrees, twentie minutes Westerly.

The first of February, we made the land bearing North-east by North, about seuen leagues off: we sounded,* 2.11 and had ground at twenty seuen and twenty eight fathom, soft sand: this Land is called Cape Dorfuy,* 2.12 being very high and barren by the Sea-side; many gusts.

The ninth, latitude ten degrees, thirtie seuen minutes, way West by North sixteene leagues, wind North-east by East: we had now sight againe of Cape Dorfuy, from whence we departed [ 50] the first day, contrary to our expectation, bearing North-west, about nine leagues off, hauing found a strong Current in the offing, setting West North-west; which vntill meeting with this land againe, we dreamed not of, but rather thought we had been fortie fiue or fiftie leagues off, not once looking for the land, we sounded and had fifty fathom fine small sand, about fiue leagues 〈◊〉〈◊〉: this land is high and full of mountaines.

The tenth, latitude eleuen degrees, twentie minutes, way North-east by East, Easterly six∣teene leagues, wind from East by North, to North-east, we sounded and had ground at fiue and fortie fathom, small blacke sand, about eight leagues off the high land of Cape Guardafu••, wee made triall of the Current with our Pinnasse,* 2.13 and found it to set North by East. Towards euening [ 60] we had sight of the Island Abba del Curia, bearing East North-east about ten leagues off, being very high land, rising in two parts like two Islands.

The fourteenth, latitude eleuen degrees, two and thirty minutes, wind North-east, and East North-east calme: heere we had sight of the Eastermost Irmana, seeming to the Eastward low land, about sixe leagues off.

The fifteenth, latitude eleuen degrees, seuen and twenty minutes, way East South-east sixe leagues, wind East, East North-east, East South-east, and North-east calme for the most part, making account to be eight leagues off the Eastermost Irmana: But wee were mistaken; for it was Abba del Curia, and the Duas Irmanas did beare North-east of vs twelue leagues off, varia∣tion at Sun-setting seuenteene degrees, three and twenty minutes Westerly, and in the night the wind came faire to the South South-east, we lay East with the stemme, with helpe of a Cur∣rent Easterly; contrary to the report of former Nauigants, and by breake of day, wee were sixe leagues off the Westmost Irmana, bearing East South-east,* 2.14 and had sight of Socatora ten [ 10] leagues off.

The sixteenth, latitude twelue degrees, nineteene minutes, variation at Sun-rising seuenteene degrees, two and twentie minutes Westerly, wee bare vp and went about the Wester point of Socatora: towards euening we had sight of the white Rock, which lyeth about foure leagues off the Westermost point of Socatora, the point and the Rocke, bearing one off the other North-west by North, and South-east by South, the said Rock looming like a saile, standing to the Eastward, larboord tacke aboord; and was so made for, by them of former Voyages. The Current still hel∣ping vs to the East-ward.

The seuenteenth, latitude twelue degrees, seuen and fortie minutes, variation at Sun-setting seuenteene degrees, two and twentie minutes Westerly, wind variable, at South-east, and South-east by South calme, but a strong Current setting alongst the land, after we were about the We∣ster [ 20] point. This night wee came to an anchor, one league and an halfe to the Westward of the Kings Towne, called Tammarin, in twentie fathom water, distant from the shoare two miles; our shoalding in, after we had ground, vvas two and twentie, twenty, nineteene, twenty, twen∣tie, twentie, small vvhite sand, the vvind East South-east, and South-east calme.

The eighteenth, we came to an anchor in the Road of Tammarin, right before the Kings house, in nine fathom water, a league from the shoare, fine sandie ground.* 2.15

§. II. [ 30] Occurrents at Socatora and in the Red-sea.

THe Generall sent Master Richard Cockes, Cape Merchant, with the Skiffe vvell ap∣pointed vnto the King, to acquaint him vvhat vvee vvere,* 2.16 and the cause of our com∣ming, and to prouide cattell and fresh victuall. Master Cockes returned, hauing beene friendly entertained and feasted by the King, and the rest that went with him. They brought a Present of fresh victuall from the King to the Generall, together with a Letter left there by Sir Henry Middleton, dated the first of September 1611. aboord the Trades-Increase in Delisha Road, in the Island of Socatora: the originall our Generall kept, and returned the copie [ 40] verbatim, for the future ships.

The nineteenth, They went in solemnest manner on shoare, where the King bid vs welcome, and feasted all the Company in his Royal maner, himself being richly vested in crimson Veluet, laid rich with gold-lace. His house was built of free-stone, Castle-like: he had aboue an hundred attendāts, wherof about fifty were wel apparelled, according to the Moors fashion, the rest were naturalls of the Island. After many complements and curtesies, at night we took our leaue of him. His name was Sultan Amur Bensaid, sonne to the King of Cushin vpon the Arab side. We paid heere for kine twelue Ryalls of eight the piece, sheepe three shillings the piece, and for Goats one Ryall of eight a piece, which though it be deare, yet are the most of them not mans meate, being so vildely, and more then beastly buggered and abused by the people, as that it was most [ 50] lothsome to see, when they were opened. We paid for Rice three pence a pound, Dates three pence a pound, Hens twelue pence a piece, Tobacco seuen hundred leaues a Ryall of eight, Egges pence a piece. The King vvill take no English money, but all Ryalls of eight.

The twenty seuenth, our General caused a meeting of his merchandizing Councel, vnto whom he read the Companies Remembrance, and the Letter receiued by the hands of the King of Soca∣tora, from Sir Henry Middleton: and shewed them, That whereas he had been put in good hope by the Companies Remembrance, to haue obtained good store of Aloes heere at Socatora, which now he found frustrate, the King being wholly vnprouided, and not able to furnish vs therewith vntill August: And whereas we were appointed to goe from hence to Aden and Moha in the Red-sea, (the Monson not seruing for Surat) we were now vnterly disswaded from the view of [ 60] those parts, by the treachery and wrong done to Sir Henry and his Fleet. And lastly, whereas if we did not goe for the Red-sea, if we should remaine heere in Delisha Road sixe monethes atten∣ding the Monson, wee should find it very chargeable, and be able to effect nothing, (for vntill the end of September, there is no comming vpon the Coast of Cambaya) his opinion was, that notwithstanding these bad tydings receiued from Sir Henry, yet that we should go for Moha, we

hauing with vs the Grand Segniors Passe, which the former ships neuer had. For hereby wee should be able to certifie the Company what stea•• the Pa••••e might stand them in, determining to stand vpon our guard, and not to aduenture any one man without good pledge, so that wee might ride securely, and obtaine trade aboord, though none on shoare, our force being able to de∣fend and offend vpon occasion, the greatest power that Port could raise. And finding no hope of Commerce, then he intended to make vse of his Maiesties Commission, in respect of the violence offered vnto Sir Henry and his Company, and so enforce the putting off of our English commo∣dities▪ or to make spoile of their Skale and Custome, by not permitting the Indian ships, which were expected in the fift of March to enter there, which wo••ld be a matter of no small hinde∣rance vnto them: but vntill then hee would be very vnwilling to deale with them by force. [ 10] And this course he did the rather approoue of, because heere needed no parting of company, but the Fleet might keepe together, and assoone as the Monson ••hould permit, goe ioyntly together for Surat, according to the Compani••s order, their force▪ vnited the better to resist whatsoeuer the enemie should attempt. The Councell generall assented to what he propounded; and so con∣cluded to keepe company together, and goe for the Red-sea.

The first of March, we weighed anchor, & set saile for the Redsea, the wind at S. E. and South, sometimes little wind.* 2.17 The winds since we came to an anchor heere▪ were in the mornings and so till night for the most part at North-east by East, and East North-east, and at night o••f the land between the South and South-east, faire and temperat weather: vntil you come to foure fa∣thom, where we might haue rid a musket shot off the shore, & further in, is three & three fathom [ 20] and an halfe, it is bold all the Bay alongst, keeping two Cables length off the land, faire sand, and some stones amongst: a demie-culuering will reach the Castle, which is of no force. Latitude in Tammarin Bay twelue degrees, fiue and thirtie minutes to the North, variation eighteene de∣grees,* 2.18 two and fortie minutes Westerly. The King of Socatora gaue counsaile, that if we went to the Redsea, we should ply to the Southward of Abba del Curia, for that keeping on the north-side wee should ••eep it ouer to the Arabian shoare, and should not without great trouble fetch Cape Guardafui, so that by proofe we found it best to keepe the Abash shoare aboord.

The fourth in the morning, wee saw Cape Guardafui bearing West eight or nine leagues off, we steered in West North-west latitude twelue degrees one minute, the Cape South by West foure leagues off, no ground at an hundred fathom, the land high and smooth, variation at Sun-rising, [ 30] seuenteene degrees, foure and thirtie minutes Westerly. In the euening wee had ground, standing in alongst the land,* 2.19 to find the Bay of Feluke, our depth was twentie sixe, seuenteene and eighteene fathome. Heere we resolued to go for Moha, and not for Aden, because Aden is a Towne of Garrison, and of little Trade, with other inconueniences, as exaction of custome, &c. as appeared by the sixt Voyage. Here we took good store of Mullets with our Sayne, other large excellent fish with lines and hookes.* 2.20 Heere are Gummes of seuerall sorts very sweet in burning, also fine Mats w••ll reque••••ed at Aden and Moha, and the Indies: For ordinarily the Indian ships touch heere, both inward and outward, to buy thereof, and of the Gummes: also victuall, sheepe and Butter; which is farre better cheape then at Moha, for daily Boats goe ouer laden with vi∣ctuall, to sell at Aden and Moha; but they will not barter for any thing but linnen cloath.

* 2.21Note that at Feluke Towne, there is wood and water to be had plentie, but not in the bottom [ 40] of the Bay, the passage vp to the Towne is so large, as that three ships may passe a brest without danger. The going in is betweene the high Homock and the low sandie point. The Masters were willed to ste••re from hence West by North, alongst the South-shoare to Demity, and then to shape their course ouer to Aden.

The ninth, latitude eleuen degrees, fiftie eight minutes, way West fiue and twentie leagues, wind at East and East by South, a stiffe Breese all day, but at night little wind, keeping alongst the shoare about eight leagues off, we steered West by North, variation at Sun-rising fifteene de∣grees, ten minutes Wester••y.

The tenth in the morning, steering West by North, the wind Easterly, wee had sight of two [ 50] small Islands,* 2.22 lying off the high land of Demety about a league off the maine, distant one from the other foure leagues, the Eastermost bearing South by West seuen leagues off, and the Wester∣most South-west, the same distance; we stood ouer for the high land of Aden North-west by North, and North-west, the wind at East, and East by North, a stiffe breese▪ Easterly Current: variation fifteene degrees, no minutes, Westerly, latitude eleuen degrees, fiftie eight minutes.

The eleuenth we had ••ight of the high land of Arabia making it to be the high-land of Darsi∣na, bearing North by East, by the compasse eight leagues of latitude at noone thirteene degrees eleuen minutes, of variation at Sunne-rising, fifteene degrees two minutes Westerly, hauing had a strong Easterly current comming ouer, for wee steered betweene the North North-west and North-west, and were so carryed to the East-ward that shee made but a North by West way, [ 60] contrarie to expectation, for had wee had no current, wee should by course haue giuen her a North-west way Westerly. But after we were shot in about some twelue leagues off the shoare, we found no current, the point or head-land of Aden breaking it off, as we supposed.

I sent certaine instructions in writing to Captaine Towerson and Master Dauis, to be obserued

at our arriuall in the Roade of Moha for the better grace and countenancing of our action and safe guarding of our ships; hauing to doe with so treacherous a Nation.

The twelfth, variation at Sunne-rising foureteene degrees fiue minutes Westerly in sight of the high-land of Aden, bearing West by South ten leagues off, We steered in West South-west, and at noone had latitude twelue degrees, fortie nine minutes about fiue leagues off. The South∣most point bearing South-west by West, we sounded and had ground eighteen fathome soft sand.

The thirteenth, in the euening fourteene leagues to the East-ward of the entrance into the straights, and to the West-ward of Aden sixteene leagues, we came to an anchor, in respect we were not acquainted with the Coast, and finding the inconueniences afore-said, keeping all day [ 10] within three or foure leagues off the shoare to the time wee anchored, our sounding was fortie, thirtie eight, nine and twentie, eighteene, seuenteene, sixteene, fifteene, sixteene, seuenteene, nineteene, eighteene, nineteene fathome. Here wee let fall our anchor, sandie ground, the We∣ster-most land we could see, bearing West by South Southerly, and the high-land to the East-ward. North North-east about foure or fiue leagues off.

The foureteenth, in the morning we weighed, the wind at West by North, a small gale with ra••ne, hauing had none till this present, these foure monethes.* 2.23 We steered South-west by South as i neere as we could lye for the straights.

In the euening, esteeming our selues to be off the straights, we shortned sayle and stood it off and in with a short sayle, keeeping our Leade all night, beeing eight or nine leagues off the [ 20] Mayne of Arabia, we stood off West by South, and had no ground at an hundred fathome.

The fifteenth, our course West by South Southerly sixe leagues, wind East South-east, the land which on the foureteenth about sixe at night did beare West by South ten leagues off, did now beare South-west by South foure leagues off. To the East-ward heere we had sight of three small Ilands or Hummockes bearing North North-west one league & an halfe, the greatest show∣ing as if it had a Castle vpon it, beeing the Eastermost, heere is a current setting from the South-east.

And about noone opened the straights, we steered North North-east, the wind at East by South, then we steered North and North by East, hauing thirtie, eight and twentie, seuen and twentie, eight and twentie, three and twentie, one and twentie, nineteene, eighteene, seuen∣teene, [ 30] fifteene, sixteene, ten, ten, twelue, ten, nine, seuen and nine, and when wee had opened the White-house which standeth on a sandy Bay on the star-boord side of the entrance North-east, and the rocke or low point on the same side East North-east, we had sixe and seuen fathome fine blacke sand. Then we steered North North-east vntill wee brought the rocke or low point East halfe a point Southerly, then North by West, latitude at noone twelue degrees, fiftie six minutes; And keeping this course we had seuen, sixe, six and a halfe, and as wee went in the deeper water, foureteene, fifteene and sixteene fathome good ground, and at night did let fall our anchor in fifteene and a halfe fathome blacke Ozie ground, distant from the Arabian shoare three leagues, and from the Abesh shoare on the other-side ten leagues faire cleere weather, so that we could see from side to side, the wind at South South-east, little wind.* 2.24

[ 40] The sixteenth, in the morning we weighed, the wind at East South-east, wee steered North by West for Moha, and had eighteene, sixteene, fifteene fathome about foure leagues off the shoare. Then we steered North and North by East, and had nine, ten, eight and seuen fathome: but finding a shoale or banke, which lyeth to the South-east-ward of the Towne, wee steered North North-west keeping in eight, nine, seuen fathome, and edging to the Southward we had ten, eleuen, ten and a halfe, vntill wee brought the Towne East by South Southerly of vs, and were in fiue and a halfe fathome where we let fall our anchor, the Steeple or high Church stan∣ding in the Towne bearing East, and one league of the point to the South-ward South by East three leagues off. Nota, you must bring the high Church East Northeast Easterly, before you shall be cleered of the shoale afore-said at your comming into the Roade:* 2.25 which is very dange∣rous, [ 50] and where the Trades-Increase did set at least foure and twentie houres. But it shewes it selfe by the colour of the water: here at entrie, wee had very much wind at South and South South-east with a great Sea.

Not long after we were at anchor, the Gouernour sent off a poore old slaue in a small Canoa, to know what was the cause of our comming. The Generall vsed the poore man kindly: who of his owne accord told him that the English that lately were heere, were not well vsed by Re∣gib Aga then Gouernour, whereupon he was cashiered,* 2.26 and that the Gouernour at the present was called Ider Aga, a Grecian by birth, a man very kinde to Strangers, and a great friend to Merchants. The Generall willed the Purser to giue the poore man two Rials of eight, and so returned him to his Master, with answere that we were Englishmen, and friends to the Grand [ 60] Signior, and would vpon his sending of a worthy and fit man, acquaint him further with the cause of our comming. Presently after he sent off an Italian turned Moore, well clad, with the like message, and to know whether we had the Grand Signiors Passe. The Generall told him hee had not only such a Passe, but likewise Letters from the Kings Maiestie of Great Britaine vnto the Basha. The Italian desired to see them. Which the Generall denyed, in respect hee held him a

base fellow, from Christian to turne Moore, but willed him to acquaint the Gouernour there∣with, and that we were appointed in honour of the said Passe to shoote off fiftie one Peeces of Ordnance at our arriuall heere in this Road, which he intended presently to doe. The Italian intreated that he might first giue his Master to vnderstand thereof, which was granted, and the Purser willed to giue him fiue Rials of eight, and his Boate one, his name was Mustafa Trudgeman. The Ordnance shot out of each shippe was, The Cloue nineteene, Hector se∣uenteene, Thomas fifteene Peeces. The Towne answered with fiue Peeces of excellent Ord∣nance, and two Gallies three a-piece. These Gallies were stout Gallies, of fiue and twentie Oares on a side, and well fitted, yards vp. The Captaines name whereof was Mamy, and the Captaines name of the Towne Mahumet-bey.

The seuenteenth, the Generall receiued a present from the Gouernour Ider Aga, that is to [ 10] say, three Bullockes, twentie Hens, two baskets of Plantens, and two of Limons, with many complements, desiring him to come ashore. He returned him a faire fowling Peece, and willed the Messenger to tell him that hee desired to haue a suffi••ient pledge from him for his safe re∣turne, (when he should come) for reasons not vnknowne to the Gouernour,

The Gouernour sent his Secretarie vnto the Generall with a Letter to know what answere he had formerly returned him by Mustafa Trudgeman: for he hauing giuen him at much intreatie a Bottle of Wine was so dr••nke therewith before he got to the Gouernour, as that he could not speake: which being certified by the Secretarie, on the eighteenth Master Cockes, and Bolton our Linguist were sent ashoare, to acquaint the Gouernour that the Generalls comming was to in∣treate Trade, and that whensoeuer it please•• him to send a man of equall worth to remayne with [ 20] the ships as a pledge for his safe returne, hee would in person come and visit him: and also to let him to vnderstand that our Generall was not ignorant of the wrongs done by Regib Aga vn∣to Sir Henry Middleton his Countrey-man and his Companie. But if we might now haue quiet Trade, all matters passed should be forgotten, and we would treate with him of such our busi∣nesse as th•• G••and Signior had giuen vs ••eaue, which we hoped should bee for all our goods. The Secretarie remayned aboord, pledge for Master Cockes and Bolton; he did eate of our victuals, but had it dressed by his owne people. At night they returned hauing beene well vsed, feasted, ve∣sted in cloth of S••luer, and carryed vp and downe the Towne with Musicke before them, to giue the people to vnderstand how welcome they were, as Master Cockes vnderstood it. But at their comming away, they were brought into a house, and dis-robed of their Ve••ts. The Generall as∣ked [ 30] the Secretarie whether it were ordinary and vsuall with them to doe so, he answered; Yes: he replyed that in no other part of Turkie the like was done, that euer he heard of. In the end the Secretarie was dismissed, and halfe a Violet Kersie giuen him: hee was very importunate to know whether the Generall were not of kinne vnto Sir Henrie Middleton. The like was de∣manded of Master Cockes by them ashore, fearing that hee was come to take reuenge of them.

The Letter written from his mouth is this. [ 40]

RIght worthy and my esteemed good Friend, I haue had conference with them you sent ashoare, and haue vsed them in the best sort our Countrey fashion doth affoord, inuesting them with Robes, and conducting them backe with Musicke, that the Countrey people might take notice how you come and are receiued in Amitie. And if it be your pleasure to come ashore to me to morrow, I will giue you the best entertaynment the place will affoord, with a true and vpright heart, without guile or deceit, & will send you my Secretarie or any other pledge you shall esteeme fitting, if it please you to send me word thereof by my Interprter, which is now abo••rd your ship, the time you will haue me send my pledge, and houre you meane to come ashoare. I haue written yesternight to Ieffer Basha, and it will bee some fourteene or fifteene [ 50] dayes before I haue answere from him. Yet in the meane-time if you please to send any of your people a∣shoare ••o buy e••ther fresh victuals, or any thing else the Countrey will affoord, they shall be welcome. As also to s••ll any thing they please without any molestation at all. And so expecting your answer, I cease: from Moha, the fiue and twentieth of Moharem, De 1021. de Mahomet.

Dus Como bono Amico Aidar Aga Aga de Mucha.

[ 60]

I haue also diuers Letters of Mamy Captaine of Mucha (Moha) or of the Gallies there, vn∣to the Generall, which to auoide prolixitie, and because the substance is as the former, I omit. I haue yet caused some of the Seales to be cut, and heere added for the raritie, being not in wax, but stampes of Inke, in forme as heere is expressed.

[illustration]

[ 10]

Likewise I haue added a piece of a Letter in the Banian hand and Language (common in great part of the Indies) written from the Sabander in Moha, to Captaine Saris.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[ 20] [ 30]

The twentieth, the Gouernour sent aboord, according to agreement the day before, Mahu∣met Aga Admirall of the shoare,* 3.1 and Commander of the Roade for the Turkes Custome and An∣chorage, And Nasuffe a graue old man, with two attendants proper men to remayne pledges for the Generall. So he went ashore with all the Merchants, the three Skiffes well fitted, and had one and fiftie Peeces of Ordnance shot out of the ships at parting. Hee was receiued at the lan∣ding place by the Captaine of the Gallies, and diuers other principall men, with Waites, Drums, [ 40] and other Musicall Instruments playing before, and diuers Peeces shot out of the Castle, the peo∣ple following in such abundance, that we could hardly passe. Hauing passed two Guards of verie proper men well clad, we were brought into the Gouernours House, which is built all of Free∣stone, with very faire and large staires, and so were led into a roome spred with rich Carpets, at the vpper end of the roome was a window made after the fashion of our Bay-windowes: where a Silke Quilt was spread vpon the floore, and two Cushions of Cloth of Siluer, laid there∣on, he was requested to sit downe. But presently the Gouernour came forth of another Cham∣ber accompanied with fiue or sixe persons richly apparelled, himselfe in a Gowne of Cloth of Siluer, faced with rich Furre. He tooke the Generall by the hand, kist his owne hand, and put it to his head. Then he led him by the hand to the said window, where they sate downe, and af∣ter [ 50] some few complements, he deliuered vnto the Gouernour our Kings Letter, which Master Cockes did reade, and Bolton our Linguist interpreted to the Captaine of the Gallies, and hee to the Aga, which course hee held for state. After, he deliuered him the Grand Signiors Passe, which he gaue to his Secretarie to reade, which done, he tooke it, kist it, and layd it vpon his head without further ceremonie.

The Originall I haue in my hands, and haue caused a little of the beginning to be here expres∣sed, and therewith the forme of the Grand Signiors Seale, (a little contracted to come with∣in the Page) and heere, to giue delight to the Curious Reader, annexed. All the larger strokes or lines are Gold, the rest Azure, with Red here and there beautif••lly intermixed. After which followeth the same Letters Patent, for better Patencie, Englished out of the A∣rabique.

[ 60]

[illustration]

[ 10] [ 20] [ 30] [ 40] [ 50]

The Great Turkes Letters Patents Englished.

[ 60]

YOV that are My most Laudable, Fortunate, Wealthie, and great Vice-reys and Beglerbeys, that are on the way from My most Happy and Imperiall Throne (both by Sea and Land) vnto the Confines and Bounds of the East-Indies: Owners of some part of Dignitie, and those vnto whom belongeth to giue aide, helpe, and succour in GODS cause, and Mussulmanicall Religion, vpon their Emperours booke, The Wealth and Greatnesse of whom let it continue for euer. Likewise vn∣to

yee My most Laudable, and Valiant Saniacq Beys, that are vnder the aboue-named Beglerb••ys, ow∣ners, and h••pe of future greater Dignities, and those vnto whom belongeth dutifull aide and help in GODS cause and Religion, vpon their Emperours direction: the Honour and Dignitie of whom bee euer conti∣nuing. And vnto yee, My most Laudable, Wise, and Prudest Iustices of Peace, Iudges, and Ministers of Iustice, that are within the Precincts of the said Saniacqbeys, whose Iudgements, Iustice, and Words doe flow, as from a fountaine of all Wisedome and Prudence: The Worthinesse and Greatnesse of whose Dig∣nitie and Function, let it continue for euer. Also vnto yee My Laudable, Great, and most Worthy Cap∣taines and Reyses of all Our Nauies and Shipping that swimme vpon the face of the Sea. Vnto yee My laudable Captaines, of the Castles, Cities, and Townes: And vnto yee worthy and laudable Customers, [ 10] dwelling vpon the Sea-coast, vpon Riuers, Bridges, and all other parts of our Dominions, and thereunto adiacent. Vpon sight of this My most High▪ and Imperiall Commandement, in conformitie of your most bound duties, yee shall arise, and doe obeisance and Reuerence thereunto.

Hereby yee shall vnderstand, that the Embassadour of the King of Great Brittanie that resideth in Our happie and most high Port, hath giuen vs to vnderstand by his Supplication; That forasmuch as some of his Masters the King of Great Brittaine his subiects, haue with great charge and labour, discouered a Trade in the East-Indies; and withall vnderstand of Wealth, & likelihood of Trade in some Parts of Our Dominions by the way to be had in their Passage to the said Indies, beeing therefore desirous to visit those places for the better enlarging of their said Trade. To the ende that such men may in so good and laudable enterprises haue all fauour, aide, and helpe (so farre as lawfully and conueniently may be graunted) Hath [ 20] requested vs in the Name of his said Master the King of Great Brittaine, to vouchsafe them our safe-conduct and recommendations. In conformitie of whose request, as also in regard We and our Predecessors, are and haue beene for the space of many yeeres in strict league and Amitie, with the afore-mentioned King of Great Brittaine, and the Subiects of that Kingdome, who long haue had, and at this present haue free Traffique and Trade in merchandizing in our Dominions and Prouinces through the Mediterranean Seas. Wee therefore doe command, and expressely charge yee all, and euery of yee, our aboue mentioned Subiects and Officers, that yee will not only kindly and louingly intertaine and receiue the said Merchants and Subiects of Great Brittaine, comming or passing through or by any of Our Dominions, especially in∣tending to trade, to the Dominions of Yemen, Aden, and Moha, and the parts adioyning thereunto. As∣sisting and relieuing them with all things needfull for themselues, their men and Ships: but also freely to [ 30] permit them by Land or by Sea, to goe or saile, outward and returning, Euen as their occasions shall require, and to remaine in any of our Dominons, Countreys, or Cities, granting them such libertie of Traffique, and Priuiledges as shall be reasonable without giuing or suffering any let or hinderance, iniurie, or molesta∣tion to be offered or done vnto them. Yea, yee shall yeeld vnto them such Offices of Beneuolence and Hu∣manitie, as shall bee meet and conuenient to be yeelded vnto honest men, and strangers, vndertaking so long and laborious a Voyage. And If so be that We shall vnderstand, that contrary to the Capitulations, the Amitie, and League, which is betweene vs and the King of Great Brittaine, yee doe offer them the least wrong, and any way molest and trouble the said Merchants in their Traffique, and ought elSe: Know ye for certaine, that yee shall not onely incurre Our high displeasure, but yee shall be punished for example vn∣to others: and therefore carry your selues co••formable to this My Imperial Commandement, and giue cre∣dit to this My Imperiall Ensigne. Written at Our Mansion Guard at Constantinople, on the fifteenth [ 40] day of the Moone called Zil••••gie. Anno. 1019.

The Gouernour afterward tooke a Copie thereof, and returned it againe.

He told our Generall that he was welcome, desiring that what had formerly been past▪ touch∣ing Sir Henry Middleton, might not be remembred, for that the quarrell grew by two drunken men, and was by the then Gouernour rashly followed, for which he was displaced fiue Moneths since. And as concerning Trade, he could not permit any great matter, till he had direction from his Master Iafar Basha of Sinan, whom he had written vnto, and would within tenne or twelue dayes returne an answer, earnestly intreating that he would permit his people to come on shoare to buy what they wanted, and to sell small matters, to the end that the Naturalls might see that [ 50] we were in peace and amitie together, and that what was past was forgotten. These his spee∣ches made good what the Generall had formerly conceiued, touching the doubt that the East-Indian ships would make of their comming in here, vnlesse they vnderstood that wee were all friends: and their not comming in here, would bee a great hinderance to euery Officer of this Port. Besides, we riding so neere the shoare (as we did of purpose) as that no laden ship could come in, but that she mu••t p••rforce ride within call of vs, which did put them in the greater feare: whereby he reckone•• himselfe sure of Trade, either a shoare or aboord the ships, and that keeping the Towne in this awe, he might the more boldly aduenture his skiffe and people to the shoare▪ to fetch what our ships wanted.

[ 60] The Gouernour feasted them very r••yally at a dinner, with all sorts of wild fowle, Hennes, Goates, Mutton, Creame, Custards, diuers made dishes, and Confections, all serued in Vessels of Tinne (different from our Pewter) and made Goblet-fashion with feet, the dishes so placed the one vpon the other, that they did reach a yard high as we sate, and yet each dish fit to bee dealt vpon without remooue. The meate was all serued vp at once, and that before we sat down.

Our drinke was water simply, or else water boyled with an herbe called Canhaw therein, which is in tast somewhat bitter. We did sit crosse-legged vpon Carpets laid vpon the floare: for there they vsed neither Tables nor Stooles. Dinner ended, he led the Generall into an inner Cham∣ber, where he had fowre little boyes that attended him, beeing his buggering boyes: there they two being set vpon a crimson Veluet Carpet, the rest of the Chamber floare beeing spread with very rich Carpets, one of the boyes bearing a linnen napkin in his hand, did vsher in two of the other, whereof the first had a siluer Chaffing-dish with coales, the other brought a dish wherein were diuers rich perfumes, viz. Amber-greece, Lignum Aloes, and others. The Gouernour re∣quested the Generall to let the Boy couer his head close with the napkin; which done, the other [ 10] Boy held the Chaffing-dish, with the perfumes put therein, vnder his head, that he might receiue the fume which was very pleasant. After he had finished, the Gouernour and two other chiefe men about him did the like, being as it seemeth a ceremony much vsed among them. Hauing con∣ferred a while together, there came in three of the Boyes again. The one brought a Vest or Gowns of cloth of Gold, wrapped vp in a case of Taffatie, died in Saffron to preserue the colour of the Gold. The other Boy had a Shash or Turbant striped all with Gold, and in length twenty two yards: the third a Damaskeen, or Turkish Sword, richly garnished with Siluer and Gilt, both Hilt and Scabberd. The Gouernour himselfe did put the Vest vpon the General, & did girt the Damas∣keen vnto his side, telling him, That they were not presents from himselfe, but commanded by the Grand Signior, who (as he said) did bestow them, and intreated him to ride with the Cady, [ 20] (who is chiefe Iustice there) and the Captaine of the Gallies, about the Towne, that the people might take notice of the amitie and friendship that was betwixt vs. They brought a horse rich∣ly trapped, the mettall worke of the bridle all of Siluer: but he rather chose to goe on foot, that he might the better view the Towne, whereto they gaue consent, and so wee walked together about the Town, and hauing viewed a house wherein to haue setled our Factory, I was brought to the house of the Captaine of the Gallies, where he had a costly banquet. And thus returning by the Gouernours house, he met him vpon the stayres, where againe earnestly intreating that the discourtesies offered Sir Henry might be forgotten, and that it might appeare by his often com∣ming or sending his people a shoare, they tooke their leaues one of another. And so accompani∣ed with a great traine of the best of the Towne, he returned aboord, where the shippes discharged [ 30] fifteene peeces of Ordnance. The Turkes that remained pledges hauing diuers Presents giuen them, were sent friendly on shoare, and had fifteene Peeces shot off at their parting.

The one and twentieth, the Generall sent M. Cocks and others a shoare with a Present to the Gouernour, a case of Bottles fild with Rosa Solis, which he did earnestly desire the Generall to giue him, and to send it so wrapped vp, as that it might not be knowne what it was: likewise was sent two Vests of Violet broad cloth to his Eunuches. They had further directions giuen them to enquire a shoare what Customes were due in and out, the weights, measures, valuations of Coynes, prizes of Indicos, Callicoes, Cotton-yearne, and other Commodities fit for vs to lade. Also to procure the Iewe to come aboord, who was in the Ascension at her casting away, neere the Barre of Surat, and could giue vs certaine intelligence of Sir Henries successe.

* 4.1Note, that this Road of Moha is very open and dangerous, with very shoald water a mile off [ 40] the Towne low land euen with the Sea. At this present the wind South South-west a great storme, which caused such a Sea, as that we did send not lesse then seuen feete, riding in fiue fa∣thome; and the wind at West you haue no succour. But the country people say, that in the time of those winds,* 4.2 which beginne in the fine of May, the extremitie of heate is such, as that it deads the wind, which maketh that season very contagious.

The thirtie one, the General vnderstood from the Captaine of the Towne that yester-niGht latE arryued the Messenger from the Grand Basha, with Letters to the Gouernour to this effect, That he should yeeld vs peaceable Trade, both on shoare, and with the Indian ships, as he would answer the contrary at his perill, and to let vs furnish our selues with what we wanted. He was doubtfull of the certaintie of this pleasing newes, for that not halfe an houre before, M. Cockes [ 50] had speech with the Gouernour, who spake of no such matter. The Captaine said, that the rea∣son of the Gouernours not speaking thereof, was, because here was a Ielba bound for Mecca, and readie to depart, which he would not haue to know, that the Basha had graunted vs trade, fea∣ring least they should acquaint the Sheriffe at Mecca therewith, who by his Letters to the Grand Signior, might cause the graunt to be reuoked. But we rather thinke the Basha hath returned some harsh answer, with direction to doe that vnto vs, which as yet he cannot effect, we being so watchfull and wary ouer him, and therefore will not be knowne to haue receiued answer from Sinan, till better bethinking. Note that Hosoroofe (one that closely had sent a letter of M. Femells, testifying their treacherous vsage here) did now send word by our Linguist, That the Generall [ 60] should beware of comming a shoare himselfe, vnlesse he had good pledges as formerly, and then he might boldly come, but otherwise not to trust them, though the Gouernour should sweare vp∣on his Alcaron: for they were souldiers, and did not much respect oathes: and as hee heard, the newes that was come from the Basha did not tend to our Benefit: for that the Copy of the Grand Signiors passe was not as then come to the Bashaes hands: But then should be fully seene what would be done, which would be within sixe dayes.

The second of Aprill, 1612. the Carauan from Grand Cayro in Egypt, arriued here in Moha.* 4.3 The third, came into the Road two Indian ships, one of Chaul, the other of Cananor, their lading Indicos, and Callicos, Pintados, Amber-greece, and Cotten-yarne, with at least foure hundred passengers, who carried much wealth about them. We saluted them with nine Peeces of Ord∣nance out of our Fleet. They answered with three Chambers a Peece beeing all they had. The Generall sent the Skiffe, to enquire what newes vpon the Coast of Surat. The Captaine sent word that there were three English ships trading there, but further could not tell. The Captaine of the Towne with fiue chiefe Ianisaries came aboord, beeing sent by the Gouernour, to let our Generall vnderstand, that the Basha had written vnto him to intreate and vse vs kindly, and to [ 10] permit vs peaceable Trade, desiring the Generall that hee would in person come a shoare the next morning, and he should further vnderstand. He craued pardon, not forgetting Hoso∣roofes admonition. But Captaine Towerson being desirous to goe a shoare, the Captaine was re∣quested to tell the Gouernour, that the Generall vpon good pledge would the next morning send his Brother vnto him, which was well liked of: so hauing feasted the Captaine and his retinew, and giuen them diuers Presents, they were sent a shoare, with twentie one Peeces of Ordnance at parting, which he sent word that he tooke so well, as that we should not want the best assi∣stance he could doe vs.

The fourth in the morning, though the pledges were not yet come, yet desirous to see what the Basha had ordered, Captaine Towerson was sent a shoare: for we held the two Indian shippes which rid hard by vs, for sufficient pledge, if on shore any iniury should be offered. The Gouer∣nour [ 20] vsed him friendly, and vested him to content, but nothing was effected of that hee went a∣bout, the Turkes not performing their promise. The Gouernour sent word, that it would be fit∣ting to send two of our men of good fashion vp to the Basha to Sinan, with the Kings Letter and Present, and then speedy dispatch would be had to our liking. Whereof the General approoued, intending the next day to lay out a Present for him.

The fifth, the Captaine of the Gallies sent aboord three letters, which the last night came to the Gouernours hands, from S. Henry Middleton, and Captaine Sharpeigh,* 4.4 who rid then at an an∣chor at Babmandel. The effect whereof was, That he was come from Surat, and had little or no Trade there. That Captaine Hawkins vpon distast was come from Agra, and with his wife was aboord his ship. That he had brought all away from thence, except one man of Captaine [ 30] Hawkins, which went ouer Land for England. And that he was come backe to bee reuenged of the Turks, wishing our Generall to get his goods and people aboord with all speed. Hereupon he altered what yesternight was agreed vpon, and forthwith sent one of the Marchants away to Sir Henry with a letter of the proceedings of his Voyage, and of the manner of our entertainement here hitherto: that if he had not thus come in, he had on Monday sent two men of fashion vp to Sinan.

Note, the two Indian ships aforesaid, did discharge here these goods following:* 4.5 Lignum Aloes sixtie Kintals, Indico sixe hundred Churles out of both ships, Shashes of all sorts great store, Cina∣mon of Celon one hundred and fiftie Bahars, each Bahar three Churles and an halfe, Osfar which [ 40] is a red die, great quantitie, Cloues great store, Bastas or white Callicos from twentie to fortie Royals the Corge, (a Corge being twentie pieces) a great quantitie. The Price of Indico was from thirty to thirty fiue, fortie, and fiftie Rials the Churle.

The seuenth, the Generall writ to the Captaine of the Towne, that he should procure the In∣dian Merchants to barter with him at reasonable rates for such of their commodities as he should desire, and as might serue to lade one of our ships, which doing would satisfie S. Henry of their now friendly meaning towards vs, and cause him to forbeare all hostile attempts.

At this present, there was a great rumour spread in the Towne, of a Ielba or two, which Sir Henry had taken (comming ouer from the Abesh side with victuall) in respect whereof, we durst scarcely aduenture our Skiffe and Ging a shoare.

The Generall receiued another letter from Captaine Mamee, That the answer which the Go∣uernour [ 50] had receiued from the Basha, was in these words; Ider Aga, You haue writ me that three English ships are come to Moha, to trade in merchandise, with the Grand Signiors Passe: Giue them fa••thfull promise from me to come on shoare, to take a house vntill the Monson be past, to buy and sell. You haue likewise writ me, that they will send vp two men vnto me: giue them all things fit for their iourney, &c. Captaine Mamee did further write, that what our Generall would propound, the Aga and hee would vnderwrite. That for bartering, they would doe something for loue, but nothing by force, and were as willing to lade all the three ships as one.

Note, as we were informed, the weight here vsed is called an Inen, which is two Rottalas, a Rottala is a pound of their weight: tenne Inens is twentie pound of theirs,* 4.6 which makes twenty three pound English haberdepoize, sometimes foure and twentie pounds as the Weigher will be∣friend [ 60] you. A Churle of Indico by their weight is an hundred and fiftie pound, and of ours be∣twixt an hundred and sixtie sixe, and an hundred and seuentie pound. Cotten wooll is sold by the Bahar, which is three hundred Rottalas, making betwixt three hundred thirty two pound, and three hundred forty foure pound English, at eighteen Royals the Bahar, very good & cleane. Their

measure of length is called a Peeke, contayning seuen and twentie inches, or three quarters of our English yard.

The ninth, the Gouernour sent off a Canoa to intreate me, that the Generall in the morning he would send a hoare, and he should haue both the Bashas answere, and a warrant to stay all such Iun••kes as shall passe Sir Henrie, and force them to come in hither, and trade with them for such of their goods as he desired, &c. and that he would suffer his people to come ashoare, because the Merchants were now growne fearefull, by reason of Sir Henries staying some of the ships.

The tenth, Master Cockes was sent ashoare, had conference with the Gouernour, and Cap∣taine Mamy: who told him that they were now fully resolued, that what they had formerly promised, they might not performe, the Cadie disliking thereof, saying, that they might hazard [ 10] their owne liues thereby: That neither Merchant nor Broker would come aboord (as our General had requested) the Knight had so discontented them: That they of Grand Cairo had their Fa∣ctors there, which lay purposely to ingrosse Indicoes, and other Indian Commodities, whereof they would not buy vntill they should see what quantitie would come: That the Bannians (or Indian Liegers ashoare) which haue Indicoes in their hands, would not sell, hoping of a scarcitie: he also brought word, that they denie ashoare to buy any of our goods, vnlesse wee will land them first.

Note, the Grand Signiors Custome of this Port Moha, is worth yearly vnto him fifteen hundred thousand Chicquenes, (which rated at fiue shillings sterling a piece, is yeerely thirtie seuen thou∣sand fiue hundred pounds sterling) according to the report of the Gouernour to Master Cockes. [ 20]

§. III. Their Aduentures with Sir HENRY MIDDLETON, with other Obser∣uations of those parts, and arriuall at Bantam.

THe eleuenth, the Generall caused the Merchandizing Councell to meete and consult what was best to be done, seeing that Sir Henrie thus kept the Iunckes from com∣ming in thither, and that there was then no further hope of Trade heere. It was a∣greed [ 30] vpon, that vntill the Monson would permit vs to proceed further, wee should continue friendship with the Towne, as hitherto we had done, &c.

The twelfth, the Generall being informed of Sir Henries earnest desire to speake with mee, and protestations of great kindnesse and loue, resolued to goe vnto him; and so willed the Master with the first wind to set sayle for Babmandell. Whereof hee did let the Gouernour of the Towne to vnderstand, and tooke a Letter of his to carrie to Sir Henrie, the better to continue friendship still with him.

The fourteenth, in the morning we arriued at the Bab, where wee found the Trades Increase riding, and foure Indian Iunckes or ships. The Generall went aboord the Trade, where hee re∣mayned [ 40] vntill night, but nothing could at that time be concluded vpon betwixt the Generals.

The fifteenth Sir Henry came aboord the Cloue.

The sixteenth, our General seing Sir Henries resolution, called his Councel together, & acquain∣ted them with what he obserued thereupon, and that in regard, that by these brabbles and iarres happened betwixt Sir Henrie, the Turkes and the Cambayans▪ our hopes of any Trade to be had at Surat, was as small, as that which we had already found at Moha: Our best course would be, that the Hector and Thomas should waigh anchor & ply between Aden and the Bab, The Cloue to keep the Abesh Channell there, that none might passe by in the night, and so to meet with as many of the Indian ships as we could, to whom we might put off our Broad-cloth, Leade, Tinne, Iron, and Elephants Teeth (Commodities which were prouided for those parts) in barter for such as he knew would vent well in those Countries, whither wee were afterwards to goe: if wee [ 50] lighted vpon Indicoes, they would be good for England also. That he had certaine intelligence of two very great ships daily expected, called the Rehmi and the Hasani the least of them (by report) able to lade the Hector, with requestable Commodities: Hereunto they generally assented, to be put in practice with the first wind.

The Generall went aboord the Trade, where at length this agreement was made: that both Fleets should ioyne to trade with as many of the Indian ships as they could meet with, and to exchange our English Commoditities with them for theirs: Sir Henrie to dispose of two third parts of all the goods which should be bartered for from this day forwards, and Generall Saris the other third. The Grand Signior to haue his Custome paid. Hereof Writings were made, be∣ing [ 60] sealed and deliuered betwixt them. The Hector and Thomas were appointed to ply betweene the North end of Babmandell and the Abesh shoare, to meete with all such as should come that way: with charge that no man should take the value of a penie out of them, or offer the least violence to any of their persons, &c.

The eighteenth, in the euening, a ship of Cananor arriued laden with Spice, Drugs and other Commodities.

The Generall se•• sayle for Moha, the wind at South and South by East a stiffe gale, where we arriued within fiue houres after. The Gouernour presently sent off to vs intreating to know how all things passed at the Bab; requesting that our Linguist might bee sent ashoare to acquaint him therewith, which was accordingly done.

The twentieth, the Skiffe was sent ashoare to fetch our Linguist, who returned and brought a present of fresh victuals from the Gouernour to our Generall. The Gouernour intreated to haue a muster of our Commodities, which Master Cockes carryed presently to him: hee liked of [ 10] diuers colours of our Broad-cloth, promising to take for a thousand Rials besides some quantitie of Tinne and Lead. Many others desired to haue Lead and Iron, wherefore he intreated that in the morning some quantitie thereof might bee brought ashoare, for hee hauing once begun, the Merchants would certainly follow and trade with vs.

He sent three samples of Indico, but none of Lahor, which is round and the best. The price a hundred Rials the Churle; which is an hundred seuen and twentie pound or Rottalas of Moha, and about a hundred and fiftie pound English. But they would not sell by any other weight, then that they bought by, which they might very well doe, the price so vnreasonable: for wee esteemed the three sorts to bee worth but thirtie, fortie and fiue and fortie the best the Churle.

Our Generall writ to Sir Henry and Captaine Towerson, and sent his Letters ouer land by [ 20] Mahumed, Secretarie to the Gallies.

The one and twentieth we sent ashoare eight Clothes, one Tunne of Iron, one Tunne of Lead, two Chests of Tinne of sixe hundred weight. They offered for foure of the best clothes three halfe Rials the Peeke, which should be seuen and twentie inches, but measured by another Peeke, proued to be one and thirtie inches. The Bahar of Tinne▪ an hundred and twentie Rials. The Bahar of Iron, twelue Rials. Lead fifteene Rials, which were no prices to our liking. At night the Merchants returned with their Commodities aboord againe.

The fiue and twentieth, the Generall (vpon conference with Master Cockes) resolued to set saile and goe to Assab, where we came to an anchor.

The seuen and twentieth, about eight at night hee found the Trade and Hector riding there, [ 30] with eleuen saile of Iunckes or Indian shippes of seuerall places. Note, that comming into this Road or Harbor, keepe the Northerne side aboord, leauing a little Rocke or Hummocke on your star-boord side, then we had twelue, eleuen, ten, nine, eight and seuen fathome sandie ground, and in seuen fathome wee let fall our anchor about halfe a mile off the shoare.

The thirtieth, the Generall sent his Skiffe to the Iunckes, to giue warning to the Nohodaies, and Merchants, that they should not offer to set saile without his leaue. The Nohodas and prin∣cipall of them requested, that such of their goods as wee desired might bee sorted out of hand, that they might not loose their Monson of going to Iudda, offering to bring aboord our shippes what packes wee would to be opened there, and to carrie backe what we refused.

The ninth of May, 1612. I caused the Indian ships to be measured, which were found to bee [ 40] of the scantlings following, viz. The Rehemy, was long from sterne to sterne-post, an hundred three and fiftie foot. For rake from the Po•••• aste, seuenteene foot. From the top of her sides in bredth, two and fortie. Her depth, one and thirtie.

The Mahomedee in length, an hundred sixe and thirtie foot. Her rake aste, twentie. In bredth, one and fortie. In depth, nine and twentie and an halfe. Her maine Mast in length, was sixe and thirtie yards, an hundred and eight. Her maine yard, foure and fortie yards, an hundred two and thirtie.

The other were not much lesse.

The tenth, Captaine Mamy came from Moha to treate with Sir Henry concerning his de∣mand. But first he came aboord the Cloue, where hee was friendly entertayned, and after the [ 50] Generall went with him aboord the Trade, where he deliuered to Sir Henrie two Letters, viz. one from the Basha of Sinan, and the other from the Aga of Moha: the effect, to know what he demanded of them, for they were ignorant of any after iniurie offered to him, & for the former they said that they had giuen him satisfaction before his departure. Wherefore they intreated the Iunkes might bee discharged and sent for Moha. His answere was, that hee demanded satis∣faction for the losse of his mens liues, & for the making of him lose his Monson, to the ouerthrow of his Voyage. Mamy said, if he would write his minde, he should haue answere from the Basha in fourteene dayes.

The twelfth, Captaine Mamy returned with Letters from Sir Henrie.

The fifteenth, the King of Rehita being a pettie Prince vpon the African or Abesse side,* 4.7 came [ 60] riding downe vpon a Cow to visit Sir Henrie and our Generall: he had a Turbant on his head, a piece of a Periwinkle shell hanging on his fore-head, in stead of a Iewell, apparelled like a Moore, all naked (sauing a Pintado about his loines) attended with an hundred and fiftie men in battaile after their manner, weapond with Darts, Bowes and Arrowes, and Sword and Targets: both the Generals went ashoare with an hundred shot and Pike to preuent all Treacheries, that

the Turkes might plot against them by colour of this courtesie, being loath to let him returne without an enteruiew, lest they should want the refreshing which they might haue by his friendship heere at Assab, which is vnder his command. They presented him with diuers gifts, and (according to his desire) did giue him his lading of Aquanitae, that hee was scarceable to stand; they are Mahometanes, being a blacke hard-sauoured people, with curled pates. The King bestowed vpon our Generall fiue Bullockes, and proffered all the assistance he might doe them.

This day the Pepper-Corne arriued from Aden, bringing with her a Iuncke, which came from Sixde, or the Riuer Indus, laden with Butter, Oyle, and Cambaya cloath. They brought vs newes that Mallacamber, Captaine of the great shippe of Diu had escaped them with his shippe, and [ 10] was arriued at Moha, passing in sight of them; the Pepper-Corne shot at her, but could not reach her, shee went so well. This was the ship for which the Pepper-Corne had purposely weighed, and which the Thomas and Darling had so long expected to haue come to Babo.

This day our Generall had a note deliuered him of the prises of commodities, how they were lately bought and sold at Surat, whereof the copie followeth, viz. Broad-cloath of three and twentie pound a Cloath seuerall colours, twentie Mamoodyes, the Conido of fiue and thir∣tie Inches and fiue Mamoodyes make one Riall of eight. Kersies eightie foure Mamoodyes the piece, which was lesse then ours did cost in England. Lead the great Maund, thirtie three pound, at seuen and one third part of Mamoodyes. Tinne the small Maund, fiue and twentie pound, at fiue and a halfe Rialls of eight. At Dabull, Iron the Bahar, containing three hundred and [ 20] threescore pound, at one and twentie Rialls the Bahar. Peeces damasked, from twelue to eigh∣teene Rialls the piece. Ellephants teeth, threescore and fiue Mamoodyes, the great Maund of three and thirtie pound. Indico Cirkesa, three sorts, whereof the best at fourteene Rupias, which make halfe a Riall of eight: the second sort, twelue Rupias; the third sor•• eight, the great Maund of three and thirtie pound. Indico Lahor, which is best of all; three sorts, whereof the best at sixe and thirtie, the second at thirtie, the third at foure and twentie Rupias, the Maund of fiue and fiftie pound. Charges of bringing it to the waterside, ten in the hundred for the Cir∣kesa, and twentie in the hundred custome for Lahor.

The seuenteenth, we began to weigh Lead, and deliuer our English commodities to the Cap∣tains & Masters of the Iuncks▪ in part of paiment of the goods, which we had receiued of them. [ 30]

* 4.8The three and twentieth, the Thomas manned with nine and fortie men, all in health, set saile for Socatora, for Aloes: and from thence for Priaman and Tecoo, vpon Sumatra, for Pepper.

The one and thirtieth▪ the messenger from the Basha of Sinan, the Sabander of the Ba••nians at Moha, and Captaine Mamy arriued at Assab, to compound the differences with Sir Henry Middleton.

* 4.9The foure and twentieth of Iune, the Trade set saile out of Assab Road for Moha, and the fiue and twentieth day, the Cloaue did follow. The same night they in Moha made great Bonefires, and Fire-workes, which for that they had not done the like before when wee were there, wee supposed them therewith to braue vs.

The sixe and twentieth, our Generall sent his Skiffe to the shoare with letters to the Aga, the [ 40] Sabandar, and Captaine Mamy, and gaue the Cockson charge not to put ashoare, for feare of sur∣prising. The effect of these letters was, to see what readie money might bee procured to cleare the accounts betwixt the Indians and vs. The nine and twentieth, the Gouernour returned an answere to our Generall, more ceremonious then of substance; so that the thirtieth day we re∣turned againe to Assab Road.

* 4.10The first of Iuly the Trade came thither likewise, and fell to our old trade of bartering for In∣dian commodities.

The fift, Mere Mahumood Tookee, Captaine of the Rehemi of Surat (which was the Queene Mothers ship) brought diuers dishes of meate aboord the Cloaue, being dressed after their fashion; he was accompanied with diuers of his principall merchants, who were all kindly entertained: [ 50] his shippe was at the least of twelue hundred Tunnes.

The eleuenth, we all visited the Cloaue and Hector: the Trade and Pepper-Corne weighed an∣chor and set saile for Moha, together with seuen of the Ind••an ships, which for the most part of them were better then any of vs any way: in the euening we anchored short of Moha.

The twelfth, we weighed and stood for Moha, and about three in the after-noone, we all an∣chored before the Towne of Moha.

The eighteenth, one of the Iunckes, which was indebted to vs, got in so neare the shoare, that we doubted shee would steale all her goods ashoare. Whereupon, the next day, the Cloaue and the Pepper Corne did warpe nearer, and discouered many Ielbaes aboord the Iuncke to vnlade her, [ 60] but at their going ashoare, the Cloaue, Hector and Pepper-corne, made many shot at them, so as the men forsooke both the Iunckes and the Ielbaes and swomme ashoare; the Castle nor Towne not once shooting at vs, albeit we were much within command of their Ordnance.

The twentieth, the Gallyes fearing our comming so neare, warpt behinde an Island to the Northward.

The seuenth of August, wee had aduice of the arriuall of the great shippe of Sues,* 4.11 and foure great Gallyes at Bogo, a Towne on the Abesse side, about halfe a dayes saile from Moha. Our Ge∣nerall receiued a Letter from the Gou••rnour of Moha, shewing that this day was Festiuall a∣mongst them, and that thereon they were acc••stomed to shoote off certaine Peeces of Ord∣nance, desiring that it might not be taken in euill part, doubting lest we should hold it done in a braua••o, and so in requitall shoote into the Towne againe. About noone they discharged seuen∣teen Peeces out of the fort, three from the landing-place, and diuers from within the land, with abundance of small shot, which went off in good order; some of their great shot went a head vs, and some a sterne, to shew what they coul•• doe, but all past in kindnesse: hereby wee found [ 10] the report of this place false, viz. That heere were only two Peeces, and that they were not able in two houres to discharge them.

The eight, the Hector set saile for Priaman and Tecoo (the Monson now seruing) hauing eigh∣tie eight English in perfect health. The Nohodais, or Captaines of the Iunckes,* 4.12 desired to haue Pasports from our General, for their better getting into their Countrey, in case they should meet with any more of our Nation: which was granted.

The tenth, all rekonings were cleared with the three Iunckes, the Hasani, Caderi, and Ma∣homodi. The eleuenth, we cleared the Rehemey and Salameti. Note our whole cargason of com∣modities and Rialls bartred for in this place, did amount but to fortie six thousand one hundred seuentie foure Rialls of eight.

[ 20]

I haue thought good to adde heere, two Acquittances for better vnderstanding the premises.

In Moha Road in the Red-sea the tenth of August 1612.

Memorandum, That I Mahomed Hashen Comall Adeene Ashen, Captaine of the Hassauy of Su∣rat, haue bartered and sold vnto Captaine Iohn Saris, Generall of the eight Voyage into the East-Indies, for the summe of seuen thousand foure hundred Rialls of eight, and 11/4•• of a Riall in these [ 30] goods following, viz.

Indicoes of both sorts 86. balles amount with profit vnto the summe of	3046 7/48	7400 11/4••
Cambaya Cloath 316. Corges, 7.1/•• peeces, amounts to with profit, summe	4136	7400 11/4••
Carpets three, valued at	0020	7400 11/4••
Quilts of Cottonia, two, at eightie Rialls a Corge	0008	7400 11/4••
Rice, Butter, Ginger and Sugar, amount in Rialls	0053 7/24	7400 11/4••
For eighteene yards Broad-cloath receiued backe in acccount, summe	0096	7400 11/4••
Foure bales G••mme, lacke with profit	0040 19/24	7400 11/4••

Summe totall of all the Merchandizes sold, as aboue said, is Rialls 7400 11/4••

[ 40] And I haue Receits in payment thereof these goods following, viz.

Eight and twentie and an halfe Broad-cloathes amounts to in Rialls	4574 19/4••	7400 1••/4••
Ten Pieces of Kersies amounts to	0501 ⅓	7400 1••/4••
Thirtie Bahars of Lead, amounts to	0720	7400 1••/4••
Twentie Bahars Iron, amounts to	0480	7400 1••/4••
Foure and an halfe Bahars of Tinne, amounts to	0679 1/••	7400 1••/4••
Fifteene Fowling-peeces, amounts to	0445	7400 1••/4••

Summe totall of these goods Receiued, amounts vnto in Rialls—7400 11/4••

[ 50]

And in witnesse of the truth, I haue hereunto set my hand and Seale the day and yeere aboue written. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[ 60]

In Moha Road in the Red-sea, the twelfth day of August 1612.

Memorandum, That I Nohada Hassan, Captaine of the good ship, called the Cawdrie of Diew, haue bartered and sold vnto Captaine Iohn Saris, Generall of the eight Voyage into the East-Indies, for the summe of two thousand nine hundred fortie and sixe Rialls of eight, and ••9/•••• parts of a Riall, in these goods following, viz.

Indicoes of both sorts, one and thirtie Bales, with profit, amounts to in Rialls	1694 13/16	2947 9/••••
Spicknard one Bale, Turbith one Bale, Cinamon fiue Bales, with profit amounts Rialls	0064 ¼	2947 9/•••• [ 10]
Cloath of Cambaya an hundred thirtie seuen Corges, and three pieces with profit, a∣mounts to Rialls	1188 1/••	2947 9/••••
Summe totall	2947 9/••••

And I haue receiued in payment, these goods following, viz.

Broad-cloathes, sixe pieces, for the summe of Rialls	0890 ⅔	2947 9/1••
Kersies, ten pieces, amounts to Rialls	0477 ••/3	2947 9/1••
Lead one and thirtie Bahars and three quarters, amounts to Rialls	0762 17/4••	2947 9/1••
Iron ten Bahars, amounts to Rialls	0240	2947 9/1••
Tinne one Bahar and an halfe, amounts to Rialls	0226 5/••	2947 9/1••
Fowling-peeces fourteene, amounts to Rialls	0350 [ 20]	2947 9/1••
More Receits in money to ballance, Rialls	0000 17/••4	2947 9/1••
Summe totall amounts to Rialls	2947 9/1••

And in witnesse of the truth, I haue hereunto set my hand and Seale the day and yeare aboue written. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

[ 30]

* 6.1At the Port of Moha we found not our English commodities vendible for any quantitie: the Naturalls poore, and the Turkes vnwilling to deale with vs.

The thirteenth, we set saile from Moha for Bantam, our Company seuenty fiue men all in per∣fect health.

The four••eenth in the morning, in sight of Babo, but the wind large at North-west, we stee∣red East by South through the great Channell on the Abesse side, hauing eighteene fathom, about one league of the Island Babo, where is very good and safe harbour for shipping, and of good re∣ceit, but the place is barren. [ 40]

* 6.2The th••rd of September, we arriued at Socatora in the Road of Delisha, hauing been much hin∣dred in our passage hither, by a West and North-west Current. We vnderstood that the Thomas had been heere three moneths past, but stayed not, for that they could not agree vpon the price of Aloes.

The fourth, the Merchant and Linguist were sent ashoare, friendly entertained and furnished with horses to returne to the Skiffe, but could not agree vpon the price, hee holding it at fortie Rialls of eight, the kintall of one hundred and foure pounds; saying, he had only fiue and twen∣tie hundred weight, for which he was earnes••ly solicited by the Portugals.

Being loath to lose time heere, it was conclude that hee should haue thirtie Rials for one par∣cell, and thirtie eight for another; so he deliuered foure thousand sixtie seuen pound, which cost [ 50] one thousand foure hundred eighteene and an halfe of Rialls of eight: we found the King very false both in his weight and word, but we vsed him kindly for the good of future Voyage. The eight, we set saile for Bantam.

The two and twentieth, latitude by the Starre eight degrees, twelue minutes, the wind at West South-west, we steered East by South. About midnight we fell into the strangest and fear∣fullest shining water that euer any of vs had seene: the water giuing such a glare about our ship, as that we could discerne a letter in the book thereby, it being not halfe an houre before so darke, as that it was not possible to see halfe our shippes length any way.* 6.3 We doubted it had beene the breach of suncken ground, and thought to haue cast about: but finding that wee had sailed in it for halfe an houre, and saw no alteration, we held on our course, quartering very much wind; but [ 60] at length it proued to be Cuttle-fish, which made this fearefull shew.

The seuen and twentieth, in the morning we had sight of the Island Selon, bearing Northeast by East, about seuen leagues off, being very high land vp into the countrey, but low to Sea-ward.

The nine and twentieth about noone, we fell with Cape Comorin,* 6.4 bearng East by South a∣bout fourteene leagues off, being high land, and towards the North, shewing double land neare the water-side, we sounded and had no ground at an hundred fathom. Note, that this land lyes in the latitude of seuen degrees, two and fortie minutes to the Northward of the Line: but in our Plats it is made to stand in sixe degrees, and ten minutes, which differs one degree, two and thirtie minutes, stretching South South-east. By experience we find that it lyeth more Norther∣ly; and in our course we had no sight of any of the Islands described in our Plats, neither did we discouer any of the Maldiuae Islands, whereof the number is said to bee so great; making our account to haue past betweene the Maine and the Northerne Coast of the Maldiuas, in eight de∣grees [ 10] no minutes, discrying no land, vntill we saw this Maine.

The fifteenth of October, latitude foure degrees, nine and fortie minutes to the Southward of the Line: This day we had sight of Sumatra,* 6.5 whereof the Eastmost part did beare East North-east fourteene leagues off, high land: heere we found a very strong Current setting to the South-ward, which put vs off from the land. Note, that those bound for the Straights of Sunda, must keepe Sumatra aboord, after they are come into one degree, thirtie minutes to the Southward of the Line, for there begins the current: keep thirties league off; with good looking out, for there are many Cayos fifteene or twenty leagues off, which, by reason of the current, we did not see.

The eighteenth, latitude fiue degrees and twentie minutes, way East, Northerly, very tem∣pestuous, with thunder and lightning very fearefull, with much raine, so that we could not see [ 20] the land: But, praised be God, notwithstanding the euill weather, our people were all then in as good health (if not better) as when we parted out of England.

The foure and twentieth, we came to an anchor in the Road of Bantam, where (though con∣trary to expectation) we found the Hector, which arriued there the day before,* 6.6 with the Iames in her company, and certaine Flemmings. The arriuall of all these ships, and expectation daily of the Trades-Increase, the Pepper-Corne, Darling and Thomas to follow, occasioned a great (though sudden) alteration in the prices of commodities, Those of any request being raised very neare to thrice the value of what they were bought for, the day before the Hectors arriuall. Cloaues which the Marriners of the Hector and Iames had bought the day before for sixteene Rialls of eight the Peecull were now risen to fortie Rialls and vpwards: Pepper the day before [ 30] was at ten Rialls of eight the ten sackes, but vpon our comming, were raised to twelue Rialls and an halfe, &c.

The sixe and twentieth, we went ashoare, and so to the Court, accompanied with the Mer∣chants, and gaue diuers presents to the Gouernour Pangran Chamarra, (who is as Protector to the King, ruling all, the King being as no body, though of yeares sufficient) which Presents hee well accepted: we desired his Order for speedie landing of our goods, which he granted; pro∣uided, that the Kings officers might be acquainted with what wee landed, that the King might not be wronged in his Custome.

The eight and twentieth, a Letter from Master William Adams out of Iapan, was read to all the Merchants, that they might take notice of the hopes of that Countrey.* 6.7 It was now con∣cluded [ 40] vpon, that in regard the Flemmings were so strong, and almost sole Commanders of the Moluccas and Banda, and that the place heere is so vnhealthfull, besides our people dangerously disordering themselues with drinke and Whores ashoare: The Hector should with all speed bee dispatched for England, and that fourteene thousand sackes of Pepper should be prouided for the lading of her, and the Thomas: doubting that if once there should come newes of the other ships expected, Pepper would be much raised ouer that it now was.

We bargained with Lackmoy for two thousand sackes of Pepper, at an hundred twentie se∣uen Rialls of eight and an halfe the hundred sackes: and with Keewee, for a thousand sackes, at an hundred twentie fiue Rialls the hundred sackes: and for three thousand sackes more, at an hundred and fiftie Rialls the hundred. Wee made triall on shoare, what a Peecull of Cloaues [ 50] might weigh by our English weights, and found it to be an hundred and thirtie two pound sub∣till, good weight.

The ninth of Nouember, Sir Henry Middleton arriued at Bantam in the Pepper-Corne.* 6.8 The fif∣teenth, (the Gouernour hauing earnestly requested it) there mus••ered before the Court fortie men out of the Cleaue and Hector, thirtie out of the Pepper-corne, and ten out of the Salomon, in all eightie men, which gaue him good content. The Flemmings denyed him: it was for the brea∣king vp of the Mahometanes Lent.

The seuenteenth, agreed with Keewee for foure thousand sackes of Pepper, at sixteene Rialls ten sackes, with allowance of three in the hundred basse.

The eighteenth, heere arriued eleuen saile of Flemmings, great ships, and the Thomas in their [ 60] company; shee had gotten at Priaman only three hundred and twelue Bahars of Pepper,* 6.9 and twentie Taile of Gold.

The two and twentieth, and hundred Flemmings, with their furniture and their pike-men in bright armour marched to the Court, where they brought themselues into a ring, and gaue three vollyes of shot: The Gouernour sent word to them, that the King thanked them, that they

had done enough, and might depart with their iron hats; for so the Iauans call head-peeces.

The eight and twentieth, three Holland ships, laden for the most with Pepper and Mace, set saile, homeward bound: fiue more of their ships set saile for Banda, and the Moluccas.

* 6.10The fourth of December, a Dutch ship arriued heere from Choromandell: by whom wee vn∣derstood that they left the Globe in Patane, bound for Siam.

The eleuenth, the Hector set saile from Bantam for Morough the watering place, where there is a sweet ayre, and where good refreshing of Orrenges, and other wholesome fruits are to bee had; there to attend till the Thomas were full laden.

The two and twentieth, the Trades-Increase and the Darling arriued heere from Priaman.

The fiue and twentieth, in honor of the Birth-day of our Sauiour Christ, certaine Chambers [ 10] were discharged at the English house in Bantam, and were answered with Ordnance out of the shippes.

The eight and twentieth, Kewee, the chiefe China Merchant, inuited Sir Henrie and my selfe, with all the Merchants,* 6.11 to dinner, and caused a Play to be acted before vs by Scenicks of China, which was performed on a Stage with good pronunciation and gesture.

The twelfth of Ianuary, the Thomas set saile for England, hauing in her sixe and thirtie Eng∣lish, and three Indians.

[ 20]

§. IIII. The Voyage of Captaine SARIS in the Cloaue, to the Ile of Iapan, what befell in the way: Obseruations of the Dutch and Spaniards in the Molucca's.

THe fourteenth of Ianuary 1612. in the morning, wee weighed out of the Road of Ban∣tam, for Iapan, hauing taken in heere for that place seuen hundred sackes of Pepper for a triall there. Shee had in her seuentie foure English, one Spaniard, one I••pan, and fiue Swarts or Indians. [ 30]

The fifteenth in the Morning, little wind at West, and haling into fourteen fathom, we steered East by South,* 6.12 and East South-east, leauing Pulo Lack on our Starboord, and eleuen or twelue on our Larboord side, our depth from fourteene to ten fathoms, going within two Islands, which lye to the Eastwards of Pulo Lack. And in the faire way there lyeth a shoald, which hath not aboue sixe foot on the toppe of it, and is not aboue halfe a Cables length euery way, and hard a∣boord it there is ten fathomes,* 6.13 and the next cast on ground, as by experience: for heere we lay three houres beating, with a reasonable stiffe gale; but through Gods mercy, and the extraordi∣nary labour and endeauour of the Company, got her off; but sprung a leake, that for all night, and t••ll ten the next day we continued pumping euery man (my selfe only excepted) taking his turne, and all little enough to keepe it from increasing, which made vs all to doubt that wee [ 40] should be enfor••ed to put backe againe to Bantam, to the ouerthrow of all our men and Voyage for Iapan. The Carpenter by his diligence hauing found out the leake, made it Thite, thankes bee to God. To goe cleare off this shoald, keepe close to the Islands, for the Maine is shoald.

The sixteenth, we anchored at the watering place called Tingo Iaua, beeing foureteen leagues from Bantam,* 6.14 and some three leagues and an halfe to the West-wards of Iaccatra, riding between two Ilands which lie off the point,* 6.15 distant fiue miles. Depth ten and nine fathomes close to the Iland, but the maine is shoald. I sent Presents to the King, to his Sabandar, and Admirall reque∣sting leaue to buy such necessaries as we wanted.

The eighteenth, the King of Iaccatra sent his chiefe man vnto me, with thanks for the Pre∣sents, [ 50] and proffer of what his Countrey affoorded. The twenty one, we set saile, steered neere vnto the East-most Iland of the two, that are against the watering place: depth ten and nine fa∣thome, and so to Sea-boord of all the Ilands East North-east from the watering place. For the outward-most of them beareth East by North Northerly, and off the Norther point of the said Iland lieth a shoald, which yee shall see breake, distant from the Iland halfe a league, and hauing that South of you, the East point of Iaua will beare East Southerly, depth seuenteene and eigh∣teene fathome, and all the way out from twentie to foureteene fathome, but here you shall find a Current setting East South-east,* 6.16 which you must allow for, as you haue the wind. In the eue∣ning we anchored, little wind at North by West, the Current setting vs to the South-east vpon [ 60] the shoare: depth thirteene and thirteene fathomes and an halfe, being shot three leagues to the East-wards of the East point of Iaccatra, wind at North-west.

The twenty two, the wind at South-west, we weighed and steered East North-east to get deepe water, and finding foureteene fathome, the high hill ouer Bantam did beare West South-west, halfe a point Westerly. The three and twentieth in the morning, we deckt vp our sailes,

the wind at South-east, and had sight of an Iland which lieth off Cherribon, with three of those high piked hils of Iaua, the Eastermost bearing South-east, and Cherrybon South by East. Lati∣tude at noone sixe degrees tenne minutes, the wind at North North-west, the Iland bearing East by North three leagues and an halfe off.

Note, that yee may bol••ly keepe betweene twentie three and twenty foure fathome water in the Offing, and in twentie fathome vpon Iaua, the darkest night that is, and in the day vpon Ia∣ua in what depth yee please.

The twentie fourth in the morning, we had sight of three high piked hils, and three other to [ 10] the East-ward, like Ilands: depth twentie fathome, the point of Iaua bearing South-east by South, and the Iland lying off it South-east and North-west about nine leagues off. We steered East by South, and East South-east. Latitude sixe degrees tenne minutes, way East twenty eight leagues.

The twentie sixth, at breake of day we had sight of the Iland called Pulo Labuck, bearing North-east by East eight leagues off, wind West by North. We steered East by South,* 6.17 depth thirtie foure and thirtie fiue fathomes, and about nine of the clocke had sight of land, bearing South-east and South-east by South, the Iland aforesaid bearing now North-east by North little wind, latitude sixe degrees twelue minutes, way East and East ••y North twentie two leagues, wind at West, the Iland at foure in the after-noon, bearing West by North nine leagues off, depth thirtie foure fathomes. The twentie seuenth, latitude sixe degrees foure minutes, way East [ 20] Northerly twenty eight leagues, depth thirtie eight fathome, and at three in the afternoone had sight of an Iland bearing North North-east seuen leagues off, and at fiue of the clocke sounded, and had thirtie foure fathomes.

The twenty eighth, at foure in the morning, we had twentie fiue fathomes, steering East till noone, latitude fiue degrees fiftie fiue minutes, way East Northerly twenty leagues, depth thirty fathome. From noone we steered East by South, and at foure a clocke had thirty fiue fathome. The twenty ninth, in the morning about foure, wind at West by North, we steered East by South, but had no ground at fortie fathome, but at noone fiftie two fathomes, with many ouerfalls. La∣titude sixe degrees nine minutes, way East by South twentie eight leagues,* 6.18 wind at West and West b•• North, with a Current setting to the West-ward, afternoone we sounded, but had no [ 30] ground at an hundred fathome, and steered East.

The thirtieth in the morning, latitude fiue degrees fiftie seuen minutes, way East Northerly twenty eight leagues, and in longitude from Bantam, two hundred twenty foure leagues, the o∣uer-fals continuing, but sounding had no ground at an hundred fathome. At three in the after∣noone, we had sight of a low flat Iland at top-mast head, bearing North-east by North fiue or six leagues off, full of trees, and had eighteene fathome, and at next cast eightie fiue fathome: then we steered East by South, and at foure a clocke it did beare North by East halfe a point Norther∣ly, three or foure leagues off. Then we had sight of two other low flat Ilands, the one opening to the East-ward, the other to the West-ward, so that this was the middle-most. At sixe at night, it bearing North halfe a point Easterly, we sounded againe, but had no ground at eightie fathom, [ 40] we steered East by South, keeping our lead in respect of the ouer-fals or Ripplings, which were fearefull, yet had no ground at sixtie fathome.

The one and thirtieth, at breake of day we had sight of the Celebes,* 6.19 the Wester end rising like an Iland, and the outward-most high land bearing East by North: Latitude fiue degrees fiftie two minutes, the East part bearing East by North sixe leagues off, way East Northerly sixteene leagues and a Current setting to the North-west ward. At Sunne-setting we tooke in our sailes to keepe short of the straights of Desalon, by the Naturals called Solore,* 6.20 and keeping our Lead all night, we found first twenty fathome, the high land North, and so droue into thirtie three, and fortie seuen fathome, fearing a shoald which lyeth two third parts of a league from the Celebes, and at low water the breach vpon it may be seene. On the Celebes side it is very dangerous, and [ 50] full of sunken ground. Wherefore we haled ouer for Desalon side, keeping a good birth of it, ha∣uing a piked hill, which is next to the Sea side, rising like an Iland, being to the West-wards, then it is North North-east, and when it is North, then yee are thwart of the West end of the shoald, and then will the Iland which yee leaue on your Star-boord side, beare East North-east, so that yee may be bold to steere out in the middest betweene the two Ilands. And when the Pike hill beares North by West, then are you thwart of the East end. Note that the East end of Desalon showeth like an Island, and will deceiue you till you come to it, but hauing brought the North end of the point East North-east, halfe a point Easterly, then bee bold; for you are cleare of the shoald afore-said. It is about foure leagues betweene them: we came within halfe a mile of the Iland of our Star-boord side, going through, and the wind taking vs suddenly short, we sounded, [ 60] but had no ground at fiftie fiue fathome, right vp and downe.

The first of February afternoone,* 6.21 we were thwart of the point of the Iland bearing South off vs, and the two Ilands which make the straights, lying one from the other North and South, di∣stant fiue small leagues.

The second in the morning, we had sight of the South part of Desalon, South-west by South,

and the North part West by North eight leagues off. We steered East by North, the wind at North by East, latitude fiue degrees fiftie two minutes, distant from Desalon tenne leagues. The third in the morning, the Southerne end of Cambina did beare North-east by East, and the Iland or Hammocke North-east eight or nine leagues, latitude fiue degrees fiftie seuen minutes: the I∣land North-east halfe a point Northerly eight leagues, way East Southerly fiue or sixe leagues, and towards night the wind at South, and South South-east, we steered all night East by North. The fourth in the morning, the wind at North-east, latitude fiue degrees no minutes. At three we saw land East by North, making it to be Botun.

The fifth, three or foure leagues off Cambina, we found the Current to carry vs to the North-ward, the wind at East by North; and the Iland of the East end of Cambina, North-east halfe a [ 10] point Easterly foure leagues off. The sixth at breake of day, the Iland North-east by North Nor∣therly foure leagues off, the wind at North; so that these twenty foure houres we haue gotten to the East-wards one point.

The seuenth at breake of day, the Northern point was North by East, & a smal high land, that lieth to the South-ward sixe or seuen leagues off Botun, South-east, and the Easter land of Botun East North-east: we steered East by North, and East, but left the high land to the South-wards on our Star-boord side, and it did beare South-east halfe a point Easterly, then was the point of Botun shut in, in a long great Iland. The Norther end will be North North-west.

* 6.22The eighth in the morning, we saw another Iland, called Tinga••asse, rising round and flat. Here we had a Current setting North-east, the wind at North-east by North and North North-east. [ 20] The ninth, wind at North West by North, the point of Botun North-west, halfe a point Nor∣therly, we had sight of two Curra Curras between vs and Botun: The Skiffe was sent off to them, and brought one M. Welden, one of the Expeditions Companie, and a Flemming bound for Banda. The said Welden beeing employed in the King of Botuns affaires for Banda,* 6.23 and had now the com∣mand of these Curra Curras. Latitude fiue degrees twentie minutes, wind at East North-east, we steered North, and at night the wind Southerly, we steered North North-east: and from the East point of Botun, the land fals away suddenly, with two or three great Bayes to the North-west∣wards; and three great Ilands which lie to the Northward of Botun, which make the straights.

* 6.24Note to goe through the straights of Botun, it is not aboue a league broad, and the entrance is on the North-side of the Iland; and if you come from the Westward, being thwart of the North-west point, your course is East North-east, and East by North, vp to the Roade, and no danger [ 30] but what you shall see; but you must leaue the three great Ilands to the North-wards of you, yet goe not betweene any of them, and falling with the West end of Botun, goe not betweene the Iland that lyeth off it. There are two long Ilands, but leaue them on your star-boord side, for it is full of broken ground betweene them and Botun. But if the wind serue you, then hale to the North-ward of all the Ilands either betweene Botun and Cambina, or else to the North-ward of that too, and so you may keepe the Coast of Celebes, for it is bold: we steered with little wind all night, North North-east.

The tenth in the morning, the straights of Botun did beare North-west by West, and the maine Iland of Tingabasse South South-east halfe a point Southerly. [ 40]

The eleuenth, at fiue in the morning, the wind at North-west, the Iland West ten leagues off, we steered North North-east, latitude at noone foure degrees eight minutes; way North North-east Easterly a li••tle, foure and twentie leagues, and off the East point of Botun, fiue and thirtie leagues, the wind all night betweene North and North by West.

The twelfth, little wind at North by West, latitude foure degrees sixe minutes, way East by Nor••h twentie leagues.

The thirteenth in the morning, we had sight of the Iland Buro, beeing high-land, the one point bearing North-east by North,* 6.25 and the other North-east ten leagues off, ••he wind at North by West, hauing made to noone seuen leagues of latitude, three degrees one and fortie minutes.

The fourteenth in the morning, we bore vp with the East part of the Iland to seeke for some [ 50] place to ride in.

The fifteenth and sixteenth of latitude, three degrees, fortie minutes, breake off day the Northermost part of Buro, East by North nine leagues off, little wind at East North-east, and North by East.

The seuenteenth, little wind, the East-part of Buro, bearing East Northerly, wind at North, at noone North-west by North, the North part of Botun East by South, and three Ilands, which we then had in sight at Top-mast head, North-east by North.

The eighteenth, in the morning we were by the Eastermost Iland three leagues off, wind at North North-west, it bearing North North-east. At noone we were within a mile off the shore. The Skiffe was sent to speake with the Countrey people. This Iland is called Sula: wee had fif∣teene [ 60] fathome,* 6.26 the ships length off the shoare, and a mile off no ground at a hundred fathomes: the West part of Buro lying South halfe a point Westerly, and North halfe a point Easterly fourteene leagues the one from the other, wind at West, the Land stretching North North-east.

The twentieth, wind at East by North, steered North by East, of latitude one degree thirtie minutes, way North-east seuen leagues.

The one and twentieth in the morning, we were foure or fiue leagues off an Iland, called Ha∣leboling by our Saylers, being a high copped round Iland,* 6.27 different in shape from all the rest of the Ilands in sight. The wind at North-east, and at East hauing made to this noone a North-east way fourteene leagues of latitude one degree, sixteene minutes the point of Haleboling, or Ba∣chian, North-east by North foure leagues off: and the outwardmost land, North a quarter We∣sterly, finding a current setting North-east, wind all night at North North-east and North.

The two and twentieth in the morning, wee had sight of land North by East, it being the I∣land Machian very high land:* 6.28 heere we had a current setting North North-east of latitude at noone no degrees, one and fiftie minutes, way North seuen leagues, variation at Sun-setting, [ 10] foure degrees twelue minutes, wind at North by East, and North North-east.

The three and twentieth in the morning we were three leagues off the Land, wind at North North-east seeking a place to anchor in: and within a quarter of a mile of the shoare had fortie fathome, wherefore we bore vp to the South part of the Iland, where we had twentie and nine∣teene fathomes for a cast or two, but then no ground. Wee steered from this South point East South-east, for so the Land lyeth open off the point of the high round Iland, being foure leagues betweene the two points, but the Wester point is an Iland with three or foure other to the East∣wards, which you cannot perceiue till you bee verie neere them. Then the Land falleth away North-east, and sheweth a large and round sound or Bay with Land of both sides very deepe. This round Hill is Bachian, and yeeldeth great store of Cloues;* 6.29 but by reason of the Warres they are wasted. The people not suffered to make their benefit thereof, forbeare to gather them, and [ 20] let them fall and rot vpon the ground. Beeing by the Flemmings and Spaniards opprest, and wrought to spoyle one another in Ciuill Warre, whilest they both secure in strong Forts, sit and looke on, prepare to take the bone from him that can wrest it from his fellow. Hauing no ground to anchor in, and not able to get to the Northward, we resolued to stand off all night, hoping to haue a shift of wind to carrie vs to the Iland Machian, whither we intended.

The foure and twentieth, in the morning the high land South by East ten or twelue leagues off the Iland seemed ragged, we stood in, and a league off the point,* 6.30 sent off the Skiffe to sound and to looke for water, but returned aboord finding no water nor place to anchor in, wherefore we stood into the Bay, and presently had sight of a Fort and Towne called Bachan. The Pin∣nasse a head finding fresh water in diuers places, but steepe too into the cod of the Bay, where [ 30] the Flemmings haue a Fort artificially and warlike built; the Towne hard by it. Heere we came to an anchor (saker shot off the Fort) hauing had very vncertaine shoaling, as seuentie, sixtie, eight and ten fathome; but Ozie.

The Dutch saluted vs with fiue Peeces; whom I requited with the like number, but the Kings man being then a boord our ship, we told him, it was done to the honour of his King, who sent mee word that hee would haue come to visit mee, but that the Dutch intreated him to for∣beare. In this Fort are thirteene Peeces: viz. one Demy-culuering of ••rasse, the rest Saker and Minion. The Flemmings here resident are more feared of the Naturals then loued, which not∣withstanding is cause of their better benefit. For the Naturals, affoon as we were arriued, told vs [ 40] that they durst not bring vs a Cattie of Cloues, but vpon their liues. As wee rid heere, the out∣wardmost point was South South-west, and the other South-west, distant from vs foure leagues. The King sent his Admirall and diuers of his Nobles aboord to bid me welcome, saying, that they knew of what Nation we were by our Flagge, vsing much Ceremonious courtesie, wishing that we were seated there in stead of the Flemmings, that they might bee cleered of them, their Countrey now almost ruined by these Warres. I entertayned them friendly, and told them that our comming was to procure Trade and to leaue a Factorie amongst them, if their King so plea∣sed. They answered that it was a thing by them much desired, but at present not to bee granted, yet they would acquaint their King therewith.

The Captaine of the Dutch Fort came aboord to visit mee, by whom I vnderstood their force to be but of thirteene Peeces and thirtie Souldiers. The most of them marryed,* 6.31 some to the [ 50] Countrey-women, and some to Dutch women, whereof the Fort was fitted with eleuen able to withstand the furie of the Spaniard or other Nation whatsoeuer, beeing of a very lu••tie large breed, and furnished with few good qualities. But it seemed they followed their Leader: for no sooner was the Captaint aboord, but the Amazon-band followed, complayning of great miserie, sitting downe with our Saylors to victuals at their first comming, with small intreatie. They had what the ship affoorded, and they returned ashore with their Captaine.

The third of March, we sounded with the Sk••ffe alongst the East-side of this Bay, and at the opening or going out neere to a little Iland, we found a place to anchor, in twelue, sixteene, twentie fathome, Corall ground, without command of the Fort. Note, there is a shoald to the South-wards the length of three Cables, latitude no degrees, fiftie minutes.

[ 60] The fourth, the King of Ternata sent me a present by his Priest.

The fifth, variation at Sun-rising, foure degrees fortie eight minutes Easterly,* 6.32 A Moore came aboord with a muster of Cloues, offering to sell some quantitie, if wee would goe to Machian. This Moore was sent by a man of great account of that place, who at the present was heere.

Wherefore it was thought good to stay a day longer to haue some conference with him, his name was Key Malladaia; and was Brother to the old King of Ternata.

* 6.33The sixth, we stayed to speake with this Caualier, who came and promised to goe with vs to Machian, and to bring vs to a place there called Tahannee, and did put aboord vs two of his chiefe men to be as our Pilots thither, appointing vs to goe before and stay for him at an Iland by the way, and within two dayes he would be with vs, giuing vs great incouragement of good store of Cloues. He told me that the Dutch gaue fiftie Rials of eight the Bahar, but they would cost vs sixtie Rials, which I willingly promised to giue him.

The seuenth in the morning, we weighed anchor and parted out of this Road called Amasan, & by direction of our new Pilots, steered in West & West by North for the Iland Machian, lea∣uing [ 10] two Ilands (which lye foure or fiue miles from the place where we last anchored) on our lard-boord side, depth two and twentie, thirtie and fortie fathomes, two Cables length off the Iland.

The tenth, we had sight of Machian being a high and copped Iland bearing North-easterly, and the Iland Tidore opening like a Sugar-lofe on the Wester side, but not so high Land as Ma∣chian: it is shut into the point of the Wester side of the outwardmost Ilands, of the three that lye in the going out, two of them being without the narrow or straight, and the third maketh the straights it selfe, yet there are more Ilands on the Easter side. But the current setting to the South-wards, we a••chored in three and twentie fathomes, a mile off the little Ilande in the straights mouth: so that the distance from the straights of Namorat, to this passage, is fiue [ 20] leagues, and from the Roade of Amasane, where the Flemm••sh Fortresse standeth, fourteene leagues.

* 6.34The eleuenth in the morning, we weighed the wind at South South-east, and current setting to the North-ward, we passing the streights. The wind vered to the North-west by North, we stood to the East-ward till noone, then we tackt to West-ward the wind at North North-west, and had sight of Geilolo, being a long Land, depth going out nine and twentie, and foure and thirtie fathome, and many Ilands to the East-ward, and East South-east. The point of old Ba∣chian lying to the North-ward of the streights some three or foure leagues, leauing foure Ilands on the star-boord side.* 6.35 That which maketh the straights on that side is called Taually Bachar, and when you are a little without the small Iland which lyeth in the straights, you shall haue [ 30] eighteene fathome, a cast or two, and then it will deepen▪ and standing to the North-wards you shall open another Iland to the West-ward called Tamata, with a Rocke like a Sayle a good di∣stance off the point of it. And anchored at an Iland bearing North Westerly, three leagues from the straights in three and fortie fathomes,* 6.36 where on the Southerne point is a shoale hauing three fathome on the skirts, and is dry at low water, which shoale reacheth ouer to the South part of Bachian, we riding halfe a mile off the shoare. This Iland is called Taually, the wind at North North-west.

Heere we stayed all the twelfth day, for Keymalladaia, being the place where hee appointed to come vnto vs. This Iland is distant from Machian ten leagues: here we had good store of wood, but no water. [ 40]

The thirteenth, our Cowpers prouided themselues of Rotta••s for Water caske, which make excellent hoopes, and are heere of all assises in great abundance. The shoale afore-said now dry, beareth West by South, halfe a mile off vs, and another point a mile off, North North-east. The wind at North.

The fourteenth, for that Keymalladaia came not, his seruant doubted that the Flemmings seeing vs to aduenture through this passage amongst the Ilands did suspect him and perforce kept him. Wherefore we did set sayle, the wind at North by West, and plyed vp for Machian. The Nor∣ther point of Taually, and the Norther point of Lattetatte (from whence wee set saile) bearing one of the other West by North, and East by South, distant sixe leagues, and the Norther end of Taually,* 6.37 and the bodie of Grochie, the great Iland, lye the one from the other North-west foure [ 50] leagues, and North North-west from Grochy, are foure or fiue small Ilands which couer the Mayne of the great Iland, and are distant from it fiue leagues North-wards, and there are many Ilands North-east by North, called Motere. The sound lyeth cleere of all the Ilands betweene Bachin and Geilolo, (alias Batta China) South-east and North-west, and is very broad, but hath Ilands on the star-boord side as you goe to the North-wards. The Channell betweene Bachian, Machian, Tidore, and Ternata lyeth North by West, and South by East, and is sixe leagues ouer in the narrowest part.

The fifteenth in the morning, we passed betweene Battachina and Caia. Latitude at noone no degrees seuenteen minutes to the North-ward: So that Machian is not truely placed in the Plats: for that there the Equinoctiall cuts it in the middle, and wee find it to stand fiue leagues more [ 60] Northerly,* 6.38 wind at North by East, and North by West, with a Current setting to the South-wards, variation foure degrees fiftie eight minutes Easterly. The sixteenth in the morning, we were faire by the Iland of Caia, the wind at North by East. Here we had sight of a s••le to the North-wards, which by a Fisherman we vnderstood to bee a Flemming bound from Machian to

Ta••••re with Sago, which is a * 6.39 Roote whereof the Naturalls make their bread.

The seuenteenth in the morning, we were neere a Fort of the Flemmings called Tabolola, wind at North-east; we stood to the Southwards, the Current setting vs to the North-wards. Then the wind at East••••y North, we steered with the East-most point, and came to an anchor at foure in the afternoone in the Road of Pelebere▪ hard by Tahanne in fiftie fathome, within call of the shoare hauing one point of the land South South-west two miles off, and another North-east by North one mile and an halfe off, and the ••land Caia fiue leagues off. This night some small quan∣titie of Cloues were brought aboord, the price set at sixtie Rials of eight the Bahar, of two hun∣dred [ 10] Cattees, each Cattee three pound fiue shillings English. I receiued a letter from Key Mal∣ladaia from Bachian, excusing his stay, with promise▪ that he shortly would bee with me, in the meane time that he had written to ••he people to helpe me with all the Cloues they could.

The eighteenth, a Saniaca came aboord and proffered much curtesie: two Hollanders came with him, being very inquisitiue to know who directed vs to this roade, saying,* 6.40 that it must needs bee one of the Naturalls, and if they knew him they would cut him in peeces before our faces; that we did wrong them in comming hither, this beeing their Countrey, as hauing conquered it by the Sword. They were appointed to returne to their Forts, and tell their Captaines that if they needed ought that we might spare, they should haue it for reasonable content before all others, because we acknowledged them our neighbours and brethren in Christ: but for any propertie of this Countrey to be more in them then vs, we tooke no notice, and therefore would ride there, [ 20] and trade with whosoeuer it pleased to come aboord. So they parted, threatning the Naturalls which were then aboord, that if any did bring Cloues ahoord vs, they would put them to death. The countrey people made light of their threats, and said they held vs their friends, and would come aboord to vs. Bought this day three hundred Catties Cloues for Cambaya cloth, and some sold for ready money.

The nineteenth, the two Flemmings came aboord againe, and beganne to note downe in their Table-bookes the names of the Countrey people which came aboord. Whereupon I caused the Boat-swaine to turne them out of the ship, and command them to come no more aboord. Diuers of our Companie were sent to walke ashoare, to see what intertainement the Countrey people would giue them. They went vp to the Townes of Tahanne and Pelebere, and were very friendly [ 30] vsed. They told our men, that the Flemmings had wrought so with Key Chillisad••ng,* 6.41 the King of Ternataes sonne, who was newly come, that he had forbidden them to sell vs any Cloues vpon paine of death, otherwise we should haue had them before the Flemmings, whom they find great oppres••ors of them. Towards night, the Prince passing by our ship in his Curracurra, I sent my Pinnasse well fitted with a faire Turkie Carpet, and Crimson Silke and Gold Curtaines, intrea∣ting him to come aboord; which he tooke kindly, but excused it, saying, that in the morning he would visit me.

The one and twentieth, an Oran Caya came aboord, and told me, that a Curra Curra of the Flemmings had searched three or foure Prawes or Canoas comming aboord vs with Cloues, and had taken them from them, threatning death to them for the next offence. And that since our [ 40] comming hither, they disfurnished their Forts, and placed their people round about the Iland, that the Naturalls should not be able to bring vs any more Spice,* 6.42 and that they had sent ouer a Curra Curra to Tidore, to cause two great ships of theirs to come hither and ri••e by vs, the one a head, the other a sterne, to beate vs out of the Road, without trade or refreshing.

The twentie two, we had s••ght of one of the Flemm••sh ships comming about the point, by rea∣son whereof we had little trade now, the people being afraid▪ I receiued a Present from Key Mal∣ladaia, who as yet was not come. The Naturals expected what would now become of vs, the Flemmings hauing reported ashoare, that they should see vs runne out of the Road at fight of one of their ships. It was the Redde Lion, had thirtie Peeces of Ordnance, anchored a sterne of vs.

The twentie fourth, the Prince of Ternate, Key Chillisad••ng sent to tell me, that hee would [ 50] come and visit me. So all things were fitted in the best manner for his entertainment. Hee came attended with diuers great Curracurras, and rowed thrice round about the ship before he entred. At his boording of vs, our ship discharged fiue Peeces of Ordnance: I brought him to my Cabbin, where I had prepared a Banquet, meet enough to haue been set before the King of Ternata him∣selfe (had he been there) with a very good confort of Musique, which much delighted him. He promised me to giue the people license to bring Cloues aboord vs, and requested that I would but haue patience for a day or two, that he might haue aduice from his brother then beeing at Ti∣dore. I bestowed on him diuers Presents, and at parting ordered seuen Peeces for his farwell.

The twenty fifth in the morning, a Curracurra of the Flemmings came rowing by our shippe, scoffing at our people, and singing a song which they had made in derision of vs: they often vsing [ 60] thereof caused our men iustly to find themselues therewith agrieued, as also for their rowing ouer our Can-bodyes diuers times, endeuouring to sinke thē. Wherefore I caused the Pinnasse to be wel fitted, and gaue order, that if at their returne they continued their mocking of vs,* 6.43 to r••n aboord and sinke them. They came singing and scoffing according to their custome, the Pinnasse ranne aboord them with such a surge, as that the water came through her sides; there beeing in her two

of the Captaines of their Forts, well fitted with shot and darts: our men were well prouided, and had two good Fowlers in the Skiffes head. They lay a good while aboord her, and willed them to take this for a warning, and leaue off their scoffing and mocking of vs, for else they would teach them better manners the next time, and so they returned aboord with their pro∣mise, that it should be no more so.

Towards euening they sent one of their Merchants vnto me, with a writing from their Do∣ctor in Droits,* 6.44 who as we were informed, was chiefe amongst them in absence of But or Blocke, who had come out of Holland, Generall of eleuen Saile. The effect whereof was to let me know, That all the people of the Moluccas had made a perpetuall contract with them for all their Cloues, at fiftie Royals of eight the Bahar, of two hundred Cattees, in respect that they had de∣liuered [ 10] them out of the seruitude of the Spaniards, not without losse of much blood, and expence of great wealth; willing me that I should not mooue the people from their obedience, which might redound to their greater damage, they holding the Countrey to be their owne, as conque∣red by the Sword. Also that the Naturals ought them much money, which was aduanced to be paid in Cloues. Answer was returned that we would not meddle with their businesse, our com∣ming being only to trade with such as desired to trade with vs, and so dismissed him.

The twentie seuenth, the Flemmings inforced the Prince to lie with his Curracurra a sterne, to keepe watch that none bring any thing aboord vs: for in our sight he commanded a Canoa a∣boord him, which was comming to vs (as we thought with Spice) making him returne. To∣wards night, two of the Naturalls brought vs some refreshing. [ 20]

The twentie eighth, the Prince vnderstanding that we tooke it not well, that hee rid so neere vs to the fearing of the Naturals, remooued and went about a point further off, which much dis∣contented the Flemmings. After noone, with the Skiffe well manned, I went to see if I could deale with the Prince for a parcell of Cloues, but found him gone to the Wester side. Captaine Blocke seeing my Ski••fe gone into the Bay, followed vs with his Curracurra, and would haue lan∣ded where I was, but that I would not suffer him, which the Naturals seeing, and that Captaine Blocke returned aboord againe without landing, diuers of the better sort came downe to vs, pro∣testing great loue towards vs, and sent for Cocos and other fruites, and bestowed them vpon the Ging. The Master of the Cloue seeing Captaine Blocke to make such speed after vs, manned the long Boat for aide, but vpon a signe giuen returned aboord.

The thirtieth, the Flemmings brought the Prince to ride by vs in his old place. Towards eue∣ning [ 30] another Flemmish ship came in, called the Moone, a proper ship of thirtie two Peeces of good Ordnance, but not aboue fiftie men: she came to an anchor so neere a head vs, as that wee could scarcely wind cleare one of the other. The Prince sent vnto me to excuse his comming backe, but now we saw that he durst not displease the Flemmings. The thirtie one, diuers harsh dealings and discourtesies passed betwixt the Flemmings and vs.

* 6.45The first of Aprill, the Flemmings brought an hundred and twentie of their men ashoare, which morning and euening did set and discharge the watch with Drum, Fife and Ensigne. This force they had gathered together out of their Forts and ships.

The second, I seeing no more hope of lading, and that Key Malladaia came not according to [ 40] promise, gaue order to the Master, to cause water to be filled, and to make readie to set saile with the first faire wind.* 6.46 At noone, obseruing we found this Road of Pelabry, to stand in no de∣gree, twentie sixe minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctiall, Variation three degrees, eight and twentie minutes, the highest land in the Island, Mechian bearing West North-west halfe a point Westerly.

The fift, we weighed anchor, little wind, the Current setting to the Southward, we droue to sea, being vnder our fore-saile, and ahead the Moone the greater ship of the Flemmish, which made a faire shot vnder our sterne, which we presently answered, close a head his Admirall, ex∣pecting further, but heard no more of them. At noone they both weighed and followed vs, but the wind at South-west had put vs so farre to the windward, as that the Naturalls came aboord [ 50] with Cloaues for a time, as fast as we could weigh and pay for them, the Flemmings not able to hinder them. Also there came an Oran Caya aboord, who promised vs a good parcell of Cloaues, if we would but come nearer the shoare in the morning.

The sixt, about fiftie Cattees of Cloaues were brought aboord in diuers Canoa's, but no newes of the Gallant. Towards euening I standing nearer the shoare then we were willing, but for this occasion, we had sight of a we••t ashoare: the Skiffe was sent and spake with the Oran Caya, who said the Cloaues were readie, and in the darke should be brought aboord; but presently a Curra Curra, of the Flemmings passing by, put him into such a feare, as albeit our people would haue wafted him, yet durst he not aduenture: so they returned.

* 6.47The seuenth in the morning, wee were thwart of Mootiere, being distant from the Wester [ 60] point of Machian foure leagues North by East, halfe a point Easterly; and from it North three leagues, is the Island Marro, and from that two leagues Tidore. There is passage betweene these Islands, or on any side of them, without danger. Wee had sight of the two Flemmings to the Southwards of vs, plying after vs: Latitude at noone no degrees, fiue and thirtie minutes, wind Westerly.

The eight, Marro, North by West,* 6.48 some two miles off the body of it and one point North by East, halfe a point Easterly, and the other North-west by North, halfe a point Westerly, and the pike of Tidore North by West, and opening the East point of Tidore, and the Wester point of Bachian, they will beare the one from the other North and South, and the body of Marro West South-west halfe a point Southerly, and the Westerne part of Tidore, that you shall see West by North. Looke well out, for in the faire way is a long shoale, which lyeth euen with the water at high water, the water shewing whitish, and stretcheth North-east and South-west,* 6.49 betweene Marro and Battachina: and hauing brought the points of the Islands, as aboue-said, then it will [ 10] be East of you, at low water you shall see it, for it ebbeth sixe foote, the tide setting sixe houres to the Northward, and sixe to the Southward: but keepe close to the Islands for there is no feare. The Spaniards Fort is on the East-side of Tidore, where is deepe water shoare-too.* 6.50 It fell suddenly calme, so that a great sea did set vs into the shoare. The Fort made a shot at vs, but willingly short: we answered with one to Sea-boord: then the Fort made two more, intending to strike vs, one betweene our missen mast and ancient staffe, the other betwixt maine-mast and fore-mast. Then they shot a Peece from the Top of the Fort without sharpe; wee answered that without, and presently they sent off a Boat with a flagge of truce, the Sea still setting vs vpon the shoare, no wind, nor ground at an hundred fathom, so that we could lay it o••f no way, two Gallyes ri∣ding vnder the Fort: when their Boat was put from the shoare, they shot their ••wo chase peeces, but without sharpe. They came and tooke a fast a starne our shippe: there were two Spaniards [ 20] souldiers of good ranke, (knowne to Hernando the Spaniard, whom wee tooke with vs from Bantam) sent from the Captaine Generall of the shoare, Don Fernando Byseere, to know of what Nation we were, what we came for, and wherefore we came not to an anchor vnder the Kings Fort. We requested them to come aboord: they said they were commanded to the contrary: wherefore I willed to let downe wine and bread vnto them in a string, from the poope, which they fell too lustily, in so great a showre of raine, as we had seene, yet would not enter the ship. I returned answere, that I was the subiect of the Kings Maiestie of Great Britaine, as by my Colours they might well discerne. They said the Flemmings had many times past by scot-free, by shewing the like, which made them shoote the second shot with sharpe at vs, thinking vs to bee Flemmings. I sent them word that my comming was, to doe the best good I could to the [ 30] friends of the Kings Maiestie of Spaine, but was not minded to anchor heere but further a head, where, if it pleased Don Fernando to come aboord, he should be welcome: with which answere, they returned ashoare contented. Suddenly it pl••ased God to grant vs a gale, so that we stood a∣longst the shoare. The Captaine Generall sent off the Pilot Maior of the Gallyes, Francisco Gomes, a man of good presence, to bid mee welcome, offering his assistance to bring vs into the best anchoring place vnder the Fort, or elsewhere about the Island. Being darke, he brought vs to a place about one league and an halfe off the Fort, whereas he said no force was, and so intrea∣ted after supper to be set ashoare, for that the Captaine Generall would dispatch away letters to Ternate, to the Master Del Campo, Don Ieronimo de Sylua, for resolution in all points, and so departed.

[ 40] The ninth in the morning before day, finding that we were within command of eight peeces of Ordnance, we got vp our anchor and remoued a league further to the Southward, where we rid in fiue and thirtie fathome: Gomes the Pilot came aboord with two Spaniards more of good fa∣shion, whom I bid kindly welcome, so that they tooke their lodging aboord. They brought with them a Present of eatable commodities from their Generall. I returned the like to theirs, with proffer of all friendship and assistance, that in mee lay, to supply his wants, and to accept of Cloaues for payment, desiring speedie answere, for that I would not stay long there. The two Flemmish shippes plyed, as if they would haue come to an anchor by vs;* 6.51 but afterwards went and rid at their new Fort Maracco.

The tenth, the Captaine Generall sent to request me to stay, and the next morning hee would [ 50] visit me, with the Sergeant Maior of Ternate, who was arriued with a letter from the Master Del Campo, giuing them leaue thereby to trade with me for diuers matters, and to content mee in what I requested; wherefore I resolued a while longer, to see what good might be done.

§. V. Further obseruations touching the Molucca Ilands, and their proceeding on their Voyage to Iapan.

[ 60]

THe eleuenth, wee expected the Captaine Generall according to promise, and hearing nine peeces of Ordnance to be shot out of the Fort, prouided for them, thinking ve∣rily that they were comming: But it proued to bee for the arriuall of the Prince of Tidore, who had bin abroad in war, and was now returned with the heads of an hun∣dred

Ternatans, his force being only sixtie small shot, two brasse Bases, and three or foure Fow∣lers:* 6.52 hauing ouerthrowne Key Chilly Sadang, the King of Ternate his sonne, whom the Flem∣mings had enforced ouer from Ternate to Machian, to keepe the countrey people from selling of Cloaues to vs. For whom returning back towards Ternate, (after our departure) the King of Ty∣dores sonne, lying purposely in waite vpon sight of them, the Tydorians keeping themselues be∣hind a point of land, sent out two small Praws to fish in their way, whom the Ternatans espy∣ing, did presently giue chase vnto. The Fishermen easily retire, the other earnestly pursue, vntill before they once thought thereof, they fell into their enemies hands, who spared not one man of an hundred and sixtie, the Prince of Ternate himselfe being one of the number, whose head the Conquerour brought to his wife, who was sister to the Prince of Ternate, so slaine. At their [ 10] first incounter, a barrell of powder, which the Prince had bought of vs at Machian, tooke fire, which was the confusion and losse of them all. With the Prince was slaine one of his yonger brethren, and the King of Geilola. Towards euening came aboord vs the Sergeant Maior of Ter∣nate, and Secretary of State; with the like complements to those of the Tydorian Officers, re∣questing me to come thither, and they would doe what in them lay for me: whereto I consen∣ted, the rather because it was in my way.

The twelfth, the Prince of Tidore sent vnto mee, to excuse his hitherto not visiting of mee, and to acquaint me that he had some store of Cloaues, which I should haue. I thanked him, and requested speedie dispatch. They promised mee to be aboord againe before day. Wherefore to preuent all treachery, we kept double watch, match in cocke, and all things in readinesse. This [ 20] Tidorian Prince being a very resolute and valiant souldier, hauing performed many dangerous ex∣ploits vpon the Flemmings, and not long since surprized one of their ships (being a Man of War) then riding not farre from this place. Before day, a Gally (which the Spaniards told vs they ex∣pected) came ouer from Batta China, and were neare vs in the darke before they were aware, we haled her, they answered, Spaniards, and your friends, and so made to the shoare with all speed, shee was but small, of fourteene oares on a side. At noone latitude no degrees, fiftie minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctiall.

The thirteenth, we weighed, the wind Northerly, and a Current setting out of the South-ward: passing by the Fort, we gaue them fiue-peeces, which they required. Diuers Spaniards boorded vs with complements, and the Princes man, saying, that if we had stayed but foure and [ 30] twentie houres longer, we should haue had good store of Cloaues, but wee rather thought they intended some treachery against v•• with their Gallyes, Frigats, and Curra Curra's, which by sudden departure we thus preuented. Comming about the Wester point of Tidore, we had sight of the foure Flemmish shippes,* 6.53 riding before their Fort of Maricco: one of them at sight of vs, shot off a peece of Ordnance, as we supposed, to call their people aboord to follow vs. We stee∣red directly with the Fortresse of Ternate: comming neare, shortned our sailes, and lay by the Lee, and shot off a peece towards the Towne, without sharpe; which they readily answered, and sent off a Souldier of good fashion, but to as little purpose as those of Tidore had done.

But little wind our shippe sagged in, and no anchoring, but at night a gale at South, we stood into the Sea, hauing lost much by the Current of that wee had gotten, finding it to set to the [ 40] Southward.

The fourteenth, the wind at South South-west, we steered North North-west, and at noone had latitude one degree no minutes: we had sight of a Gallie, wherefore we cast about, but fin∣ding her to stand away, went our course for Iapan.

But before we part further from this Moluccan Coast, I thinke it not amisse, to acquaint the Reader with a few Notes that I hold worthy obseruance, touching the Trade and state of those Ilands.

Throughout all the Moluccae Ilands, a Bahar of Cloues doth weigh two hundred Cattees of that Countrey, euery Cattee three pound fiue ounces haberdepoiz, which maketh the Bahar to be sixe hundred sixtie two pound eight ounces haberdepoiz subtill. For which Bahar of Cloues, [ 50] the Flemmings by their perpetuall contract (as they terme it) giue fiftie Rials of eight. My selfe for more speedie obtayning of lading, yeelded to pay them sixtie Rials of eight the Bahar. Which increase of price made them so forward to furnish vs, that had not the Flemmings by their force ouer-awed the nationals, imprisoning and threatning them with death, and keeping watch and good guards alongst the Sea-Coast, I had in one moneth procured our full lading. The most of these Ilands beare store of Cloues. Those of note inhabited, yeeld one yeare with another as followeth, that is to say, Ternate, one thousand Bahars. Machian, one thousand and ninetie. Tydore, nine hundred. Bachian, three hundred. Moteer, sixe hundred. Meau, fiftie. Batta Chi∣na▪ fiue and thirtie. The totall is three thousand nine hundred seuentie fiue.

Euery third yeare is farre more fruitfull then either of the former two, and is called the great [ 60] Monson. It is lamentable to see the ruines that Ciuill Warre hath bred in those Ilands, which as I vnderstood at my being there, beganne and continued in manner following. The Portugall at his first discouerie of them, found fierce warres betwixt the King of Ternate, and the King of Ty∣dore, vnder which two Kings all the other Ilands are either subiected or confederated with one of

them. The Portugall for the better setling of himselfe, tooke part with neither of them, but politikely carrying himselfe kept both to bee his friends, and so fortified vpon the Ilands of Ternate and Tydore, where, to the Portugals great aduantage, hauing the whole Trade of Cloues in their owne hands,* 6.54 they domineered and bore chiefest sway vntill the yeare 1605. wherein the Flemming by force displaced them, and planted himselfe: but so weakly and vnprouided for fu∣ture danger, that the next yeare the Spaniard, (who whilest the Portugall remayned there, was ordered both by the Pope and King of Spaine not to meddle with them) came from the Philip∣pinas, beat the Flemmings out of both the Ilands, tooke the King of Ternate Prisoner, sent him to the Philippinas, and kept Ternate and Tydore vnder their command. The Flemming since [ 10] that time hath gotten footing there againe, and at my beeing there had built him these Forts, viz.

Vpon the Iland Ternate, They haue a Fort called Malayou, which hath three Bulwarkes, and is walled round about. Secondly Tolouco, which hath two Bulwarkes, and a round Towre walled about. Thirdly, Tacome, which hath foure Bulwarkes, and is walled about.

Vpon the Iland Tydore, Marieko which hath foure Bulwarkes.

Vpon the Iland Machian, First, Tafasoa, (the chiefe Towne of this Iland) where they haue foure great Bulwarkes walled about, sixteene Peeces of Ordnance, and about one thousand In∣habitants of the Naturals.

Secondly, Nofakia, another Towne, where they haue two Forts walled about, and another [ 20] Fort vpon the top of a high hill there, which freeth the Roade on the other side, and hath fiue or sixe Peeces of Ordnance.

Thirdly, Tabalola, a Towne where they haue two Forts walled, eight Peeces of Ordnance, and the Inhabitants hereof, (as of the former) vnder their command. This place is very strongly scituated by nature.

Those of Nofakia are esteemed no good Souldiers, but are reported to take part alwayes, as neere as they can ghesse it, with the strongest. But the Naturals of Tabalola, which formerly dwelt at Cayoa, are accounted the best Souldiers of the Maluccae Ilands, and are deadly Enemies to the Spaniards and P••rtugals, and as weary now of the Flemmings.

In these three Forts vpon Machian, there were at my being heere an hundred and twentie [ 30] Holland Souldiers, viz. eightie, at Tafasoa; thirtie, at Nofakia; and ten, at Tabalola: which Gar∣rison is with the least.

This Iland Machian is the richest of Cloues of all the Moluccae Ilands, and according to the generall report of the Inhabitants, yeeldeth in the yeare of the great Monson aboue eighteene hundred Bahars of Cloues.

Vpon the Iland Bachian, The Flemmings haue one great Fort.

Vpon the Iland Moteer, They haue foure Bulwarkes.

These Ciuill Warres haue so wasted the Nationals, that a great quantitie of Cloues perish, and rot vpon the ground for want of gathering. Neither is there any likelihood of peace to bee made betwixt them, vntill the one part be vtterly rooted out.

[ 40] Thus leauing them to their warres I will returne to our Trafficke, and shew in what manner we traded with the Naturals for Cloues, which for the most part was by barte••ing and exchang∣ing Cotton cloth of Cambaya, and Coromandell for Cloues. The sorts requested, and prices that they yeelded.

Candakeens of Barochie, six Cattees of Cloues. Candakeens Papang, or flat, three Cattees. Selas, or small Bastas, seuen & eight. Patta chere Malayo, sixteen. Dragam chere Malayo, sixteen. Fiue Cassas twelue. Course of that kind eight. Betellias, or Tancoulos red, fortie foure and fortie eight. Sarassas chere Malayo, fortie eight and fiftie. Sarampouri, thirtie. Chelles, Tapsiels, & Matafons, twentie, & foure and twentie. White Cassas, or Tancoulos, fortie, and foure and fortie. Dongerijus, the finest, twelue. Course of that kind, eight and ten. Pouti Castella, ten. Ballachios the finest, thirtie. Pat∣ta [ 50] chere Malayo, of two fathomes eight and ten. Great Potas, or long foure fathome, sixteene Cattees of Cloues. Parcallas white, twelue. Salalos Ytam, twelue and fourteene. Turias and Tappe Turias, one and two. Patola, of two Fathomes, fiftie and sixtie. Those of foure and one fathome accordingly. Rice eight and twentie pound, a Riall of eight. Sagu, which is a roote whereof the Naturals make their Bread, and is their chiefest food through the whole Countrey, it is sold in bunches, and was worth there one quarter of a Riall of eight a bunch. Veluets, Sat∣tins, Taffataes, and other stuffes of Silke of China, are very well requested heere. And this shall serue for aduice concerning the Moluccae Ilands.

The sixteenth, calme till night, then a gale at West: we steered North North-west.

The seuenteenth in the morning, wind at East by South, we steered North but after variable, [ 60] shifting to all the points of the Compasse: towards night we had sight of land to the North-ward.

The eighteenth, calme, much raine and contrarie windes, I therefore resolued to goe for the Iland Saiem which was to the West-ward, and there to stay and refresh till the Monson would permit me to proceed. But instantly the wind came to the West, so that wee stood North and

North by East. The nineteenth, little wind at West, wee continued our course North by East, very much ••aine and extreame hot.

* 6.55The twentieth, in the morning calme, and a continuall current setting to the East-ward, which we haue felt euer since our departure from Ternate. In the after-noone the wind North a gale we stood to the West-ward to stemme the current, in regard of the Northerly winds sub∣iect to calmes and the Easterly current, we stood in with a great Iland called Doy, to rest and re∣fresh our selues.

* 6.56The one and twentieth, in the morning we were faire before the said Iland, neere the Nor∣therne point, being a low point stretching to the Southwards, we stood in East by South, wind at North by East: at nooone the Skiffe was sent to search out a conuenient place to ride in, but the current did set so strong to the East-ward, as that we could not get a head, onely discouered a Bay [ 10] very large, but it had a great shoale lying off the Northerne point halfe a league into the Sea, and had sixtie fathome two mile off the shoare sand,* 6.57 but night approaching wee stood off till morning.

The two and twentieth, after Sun-set we anchored in foure and twentie fathomes, in the Bay hauing had (standing in) fiftie sixe, thirtie fiue, twentie sixe, and twentie foure fathomes.

The three and twentieth, I sent the Skiffe ashoare to seeke a conuenient place to water in, and to pitch a Tent for the company to defend them from the raine. They found such a place right ouer against the ship, together with a great tracke of Deare and Swine, but no signe of people: the Countrey full of Trees and abundance of Cokers, Penang, Serie, Palmitas, and Fowle, Phesant and Wood-cockes. I went ashoare, the Merchants with mee, a Tent was set vp, our [ 20] Carpenter made Fal-pits very artificially to take Swine, some fish we tooke amongst the rockes, but cost much labour, one Phesant, and two Wood-pidgeons very large bodied like Hens, some of the Companie stayed all night on shoare, to looke for the comming of the Swine to the Trap.

The foure and twentieth, we saw very large Swine, but got none. This day about halfe an houre after seuen in the morning,* 6.58 the Moone in the full was eclipsed in the strangest manner that euer any of vs had seene, being obscured three houres and an halfe before she recouered her per∣fect light, which vnto vs was very fearefull.

The fiue and twentieth, our people searched abroad, brought to the ship great store of Cokers, some Fowles, and heads of Palmita Trees, which boyled with Beefe are as good as Cabbage. [ 30]

The eight and twentieth, the Companie laboured to get in wood and water. The Skiffe sounded about the shoale, and found ten and twelue fathome, at the Norther point neere to it, night and day very much raine.

The nine and twentieth and thirtieth were spent in getting aboord our wood, whereof wee had great store, and as good as our Billets in England.

* 6.59The first of May, the Skiffe was sent to sound to the Wester point into the Bay, and found ve∣ry deepe water. Landing, they found the ruines of houses, and certaine brasse pannes, so that we were of opinion that the place had lately beene inhabited, but the Inhabitants by the Warres hunted from their home.

* 6.60The twelfth, we set sayle from this Iland Doy, being the North-east most Iland of Batta Chi∣na [ 40] or Geilolo in the Moluccas, latitude two degrees, thirtie fiue minutes, variation fiue degrees, twentie minutes Easterly, hauing remayned heere twentie dayes, beeing seuentie one persons bound for Iapan, and at noone fourteene leagues North by East, off the place where wee an∣chored.

The thirteenth, the shippes way to noone North by East, twentie two leagues. Wee steered North the wind West, variation fiue degrees thirtie minutes Easterly, with a strong Current set∣ting to the East-ward, then the wind shifted to the West by South, West North-west, East, then a gale at West by South, and West South-west. The fourteenth, latitude fiue degrees twentie sixe minutes, way North by East twentie sixe leagues, wind West, and Current as afore-said: cleere weather. The fifteenth, latitude fiue degrees fiftie sixe minutes, way North North-east, [ 50] fourteene leagues current as formerly. The sixteenth, latitude seuen degrees ten minutes way North Easterly, twentie seuen leagues, wind at South-west, and West rainie. The seuenteenth, latitude eight degrees twentie two minutes, way North twentie foure leagues wind South-west, but in the morning at East with raine. The eighteenth, latitude nine degrees seuen minutes, way North-easterly fifteene leagues, wind at East and East North-east very cleere weather. The nineteenth, latitude nine degrees fortie one minutes, way North eleuen leagues one third part▪ wind East and East North-east. The twentieth, latitude ten degrees fortie minutes, way North halfe a point Westerly, twentie leagues wind, East and North-east, with helpe of a current Northerly. The one and twentieth, latitude eleuen degrees thirtie sixe minutes, way North North-west twentie leagues, wind North-east East, North North-east, and North-east by East [ 60] star-boord tacke aboord. The two and twentieth, latitude twelue degrees thirtie nine minutes, way North North-west, twentie three leagues, wind East North-east, North-east by East, and North-East.

The three and twentieth, latitude twelue degrees fiftie seuen minutes, way North by West, sixe and two third parts of a league wind, South-east calme. The foure and twentieth, latitude thirteene degrees fortie two minutes, way North fifteene leagues, wind South by East, very smooth water. The fiue and twentieth, latitude fifteene degrees, twelue minutes, way North thirtie leagues, wind South, we steered North Westerly. Note,* 6.61 that wee find those fauourable winds in the full of the Moone. The sixe and twentieth, latitude seuenteene degrees, sixe mi∣nutes, way North▪ thirtie eight leagues, wind South by West South, and South South-west a con∣tinuall stiffe gale and smooth water. The seuen and twentieth, way North-east twentie foure [ 10] leagues, wind at West North-west and West, with Raine, Thunder and Lightning. The eight and twentieth, way North, nine leagues wind West, and West North-west. The nine and twen∣tieth, latitude nineteene degrees fifteene minutes, way North, nine leagues winde North-east East, West, West North-west and South, calmes and gusts. The thirtieth, latitude twentie de∣grees twelue minutes, way North twentie leagues, wind at South-east and East South-east. The one and thirtieth, latitude twentie one degrees, thirtie fiue minutes, way North by West,* 6.62 thir∣tie leagues, wind East, and East by North. Variation sixe degrees no minutes Easterly.

The first of Iune, we passed the Tropick of Cancer, the Sunne in our Zenith wee could not ob∣serue, way North fortie leagues, wind at South-east, and South-east by East, variation fiue de∣grees twentie fiue minutes Easterly.

The second, latitude twentie fiue degrees fortie foure minutes, way North fortie two leagues, [ 20] wind South-east and South-east by South, making account we should haue seene the Ilands,* 6.63 Dos Reys Magos about eight of the clocke in the morning, but as yet see none. About foure a clocke in the after-noone we made land being a very low Iland bearing North-west about three leagues off, wind South-east by East, and hauing it North North-east, we had sight of the high-land o∣uer the low land, there being many little Ilands to the number of ten or eleuen, with broken ground and breaches reaching ouer to each Iland, so that wee could discerne no passage to the West-ward. At night we tackt off, tooke in our Top-sayles, and lay close by in our courses all night, wind very much at South South-east, we steered East. The Ilands lye alongst North-east and South-west.

The third, we stood in for the land, being a high Iland bearing North-west, seeming to vs a [ 30] most pleasant and fruitfull soyle, as any we had seene since our comming out of England, well peopled, and great store of Cattle. Wee purposed to haue come to an anchor about the North-east point, and sounding had sixty fathome, had sight of two Boates comming off vnto vs, wee vsed all the meanes we could to speake with them, being desirous of a Pilot, and to know the name of the Iland, the better to bee assured where we were. But the wind was so forcible, as that we could not get in, wherefore we stood away North-west, and had sight of another Iland bearing West North-west, we steered with it, and from thence had sight of another Iland, bea∣ring North-east halfe a point Easterly, some seuen or eight leagues off, and comming vnder the Wester-most Iland, we discerned certaine Rockes that lay off the shoare aboue two miles, the one aboue water, and the Northermost vnder-water, and is a great way without the other, the [ 40] Sea breaking vpon it. Then the land falleth away to the South-wards round, and neere to the point you shall open a steepe Rocke, that is vpon the West-side of the Iland, resembling Charing-Crosse. Then we steered North-west with an extreame gale at South by West, and South South-west. When we had opened the Iland, and a current setting to the South-ward, at foure of the clocke we tooke in our Top-sailes and haled close vpon a tacke, the Iland being a∣bout seuen leagues Nort-west off vs. Way to noone North halfe a point Easterly, sixteene leagues, way North North-west three quarters Westerly, twentie leagues. At three a clocke in the afternoone we set our courses, the wind at North-west, and North-west by North, wee steered North-east some two houres, then calme and raine,* 6.64 variation at Sunne-setting foure de∣grees fortie minutes Easterly.

[ 50] The fifth, way West by North foure leagues and an halfe, wind North North-east, wee steere North-west starboord tackt, variation foure degrees fortie two minutes.

The sixth, way North North-west nine leagues, wind East North-east, North-east by North and North-east by East, little wind, much raine, variation foure degrees nineteene minutes Ea∣sterly. At night the wind at East and East South-east.

The seuenth, way North-east by North sixteene leagues, wind at South-east and South South-west, then we steered away North-east by North, supposing to bee off Tonan twentie eight or thirtie leagues.

The eight, in the morning wee had sight of a high round Iland bearing East sixe leagues off with diuer•• other Ilands rising in sixe or seuen parts bearing West fiue or sixe leagues off: hauing [ 60] made to this noone twentie two leagues North-east by North, wind at South South-west a stiffe gale. Then we haled ouer North-west with another Iland, which we found to be foure in num∣ber, being barren and many picked Rockes. Then we steered North by East, the wind at South by West, about three of the clocke wee had sight of an Iland, with three Hills like three round Sugar-loues, bearing East by S. fiue leagues off. At fiue of the clock we had sight of an Iland ri∣sing

in two parts, bearing North North-east, the Northren end being an high steep vpright point, the land falling away to the Eastward North-east, and at sixe of the clock the body of it did beare East one league and an halfe off. The wind West, we stood off vpon a tacke North North-west.

The ninth, in the morning wee had sight of land, bearing North North-east, and sixe great Islands on a ranke. From the Island we descried yesternight North-east and South-west, and at the Northermost end of them all, many small rockes and hummockes, and in the Bay to the Eastward of the hummockes we saw an high land bearing East, East by South, and East South-east,* 6.65 which is the Island called Xima in the Plats, but called by the Naturals Mashma, and the Is∣land aforesaid, North North-east, is called Segue or Amaxay: it lyeth East by North, and West by South, with many small Islands and rockes on the Southerne side of them, and is distant from [ 10] the Island with the steepe point, (which wee did see the eight day) South South-west twelue leagues, the wind calme all night, yet we got to the Northward, as wee supposed, by the helpe of a current or tide.

The tenth, by breake of day the outward-most land to the Westward did beare North by East ten leagues off, the wind at North-east by North: at nine, a gale at South, wee steered North by West, and had sight of two hummockes without the point. Then wee steered North North-west, and soone after came foure great Fisher-boats aboord, about fiue tunnes apeece in burthen, they sailed with one saile, which stood like a Skiffe saile, and skuld with foure oares on a side,* 6.66 their oares resting vpon a pinne fastned on the toppe of the Boats side, the head of which pinne was so let into the middle part of the oare, that the oare did hang in his iust poize, so that [ 20] the labour of the Rower is much lesse, then otherwise it must be; yet doe they make farre grea∣ter speed then our people with rowing, and performe their worke standing, as ours doe sitting, so that they take the lesse roome.* 6.67 They told vs that we were before the entrance of Naugasaque, bearing North North-east, and the straights of Arima, North-east by North, and the high hill, which we did see yesterday, is vpon the Island called Vszideke, which maketh the straights of Arima, where at the Norther-most end is good riding, and at the South end is the going into Cochinoch. To this noone we haue made a North-way sixe leagues. Wee agreed with two of the Masters of the Fisher-boats (for thirtie Rialls of eight a piece in money, and Rice for their food) to Pilot vs into Firando; which agreement made, their people entred our shippe, and performed voluntarily their labour, as readily as any of our Mariners. We steered North by West, the Pi∣lots [ 30] making account to be thirtie leagues off Firando. One of the foure Boats which came aboord vs, did belong to the Portugals, liuing at Langasaque, and were new Christians, and thought that our ship had been the Macau ship; but finding the contrary, would vpon no intreatie stay, but made hast backe againe to aduise them.

§. VI. Their arriuall at Firando: the Habite, Rites, and Customes of the Iaponians. [ 40]

* 6.68THe eleuenth, about three of the clocke in the afternoone, we came to an anchor halfe a league short of Firando, the tide so spent that we could not get further in: soone af∣ter I was visited by the old King Foyne Sama, and his Nephew Tone-Sama, Gouer∣nour then of the Iland vnder the old King. They were attended with fortie Boats or Gallyes, rowed some with ten, some with fifteene oares on a side: when they drew neare to the ship, the King commanded all, but the two wherein himselfe and his Nephew were, to fall a sterne, and they only entred the ship, both of them in silke gownes, girt to them with a shirt, and a paire of breeches of flaxen cloath next their bodies▪* 6.69 either of them had two Cattans or [ 50] swords of that Countrey by his side, the one of halfe a yard long, the other about a quarter. They wore no bands, the fore-parts of their heads were shauen to the crowne, and the rest of their haire, which was very long, was gathered together and bound vp on a knot behind, wea∣ring neither Hat nor Turbant, but bare-headed. The King was aged about seuentie two yeeres, his Nephew or Grand-child, that gouerned vnder him, was about two and twentie yeeres old, and either of them had his Gouernour with him, who had command ouer their slaues, as they appointed him. Their manner and curtesie in saluting was after their manner, which is this. First, in presence of him whom they are to salute, they put off their shooes (stockings they weare none) and then clapping their right hand within their left,* 6.70 they put them downe towards their knees, and so wagging or mouing of their hands a little to and fro, they stooping, steppe with [ 60] small steps sideling from the partie saluted, and crie Augh, Augh. I led them into my Cabbin, where I had prepared a Banquet for them, and a good consort of Musicke, which much deligh∣ted them. They bade me welcome, and promised me kind entertainment. I deliuered our Kings Letters to the King of Firando, which he receiued with great ioy, saying hee would not open it

till Ange came, who could interpret the same vnto him; this Ange is in their language a Pilot, be∣ing one William Adams an English man, who passing with a Flemming through the South-sea,* 6.71 by mutiny and disorder of the Marriners shee remained in that Countrey, and was seised vpon by the Emperour about twelue yeares before. The King hauing stayed aboord about an houre and a halfe, tooke his leaue: he was no sooner ashoare, but all his nobilitie, attended with a multitude of souldiers, entred the ship, euery man of worth brought his present with him, some Venison, some Wilde-fowle, some wilde Boare the largest and fattest that euer any of vs had seene, some Fruits, Fish, &c. They did much admire our shippe, and made as if they had neuer seene it suffi∣ciently. We being pestered with the number of these visiters, I sent to the King, requesting [ 10] him that order might bee taken to remoue them, and to preuent all inconueniences that might happen. Whereupon hee sent a Guardian, (being a principall man of his owne Guard) with charge to remaine and lye aboord, that no iniury might be offered vnto vs; and caused a procla∣mation to be made in the Towne to the same effect. The same night, Henrick Brower, Captaine of the Dutch Factory there, came aboord to visite me, or rather to see what passed betwixt the King and vs. I did write the same day to Master Adam•• (being then at Edoo, which is very neare three hundred leagues from Firando) to let him vnderstand of our arriuall. King Foyn sent it a∣way the next day by his Admirall to Osackay, the first Port of note vpon the chiefe Island,* 6.72 and then by post vp into the Land to Edoo: giuing the Emperour likewise to vnderstand of our be∣ing there, and cause thereof.

[ 20] The twelfth in the morning, there was brought aboord such abundance of fish, and so cheape as we could desire. We weighed and set saile for the Road. The King sent at the least threescore great Boats or Gallyes very well mand, to bring vs into the harbor. I doubted what the cause of their cōming might be, & was sending off the Skiffe to cōmand them not to come neare the ship but the King beeing the head-most, weaued with his handkercher, and willed the rest to attend, and himselfe comming aboord, told me that he had commanded them to come to tow our ship in about a point, somewhat dangerous, by reason of the force of the tide, which was such,* 6.73 that hauing a stiffe gale of wind, yet we could not stemme it, and comming into the eddie, we should haue been set vpon the Rockes. So we sent Hawsers aboord them, and they fell to worke. In the meane while the King did breake his fast with me. Being at an anchor, I would haue requi∣ted [ 30] the people for their paines, but the King would not suffer them to take any thing.* 6.74 Wee an∣chored before the Towne in fiue fathome, so neare the shoare, that we might talke to the people in their houses. We saluted the Towne with nine peeces of Ordnance, but were not answered, for they haue no Ordnance heere, nor any Fort, but Barricados only for small shot. Our ground heere was Ozie. Diuers Noblemen came to bid me welcome, whereof two were of extraordi∣nary account, called Nobusane and Simmadone, who were very well entertained, and at parting held very great state, one staying aboord whilest the other were landed; their children and chiefe followers in the like manner. There came continually such a world of people aboord, both men and women, as that we were not able to go vpon the decks: round about the ship was furnished with Boats full of people, admiring much the head and sterne of the ship. I gaue leaue to diuers [ 40] women of the better sort to come into my Cabbin, where the Picture of Venus,* 6.75 with her sonne Cupid, did hang somewhat wantonly set out in a large frame, they thinking it to bee our Ladie and her Sonne, fell downe and worshipped it, with shewes of great deuotion, telling men in a whispering manner (that some of their owne companions which were not so, might not heare) that they were Christianos: whereby we perceiued them to be Christians, conuerted by the Por∣tugall Iesuits.

The King came aboord againe, and brought foure chiefe women with him.* 6.76 They were atti∣red in gownes of silke, clapt the one skirt ouer the other, and so girt ••o them, bare-legged, only a paire of halfe buskins bound with silke riband about their instep: their haire very blacke, and very long, tyed vp in a knot vpon the crowne in a comely manner: their heads no where shauen as the mens were. They were well faced, handed, and footed; cleare skind and white, but wan∣ting [ 50] colour, which they amend by arte. Of stature low, but very fat; very curteous in behaui∣our, not ignorant of the respect to be giuen vnto persons according to their fashion. The King requested that none might stay in the Cabbin, saue my selfe and my Linguist, who was borne in Iapan, and was brought from Bantam in our ship thither, being well skild in the Mallayan tongue, wherein he deliuered to mee what the King spoke vnto him in the Iapan language. The Kings women seemed to be somewhat bashfull, but he willed them to bee frollicke.* 6.77 They sung diuers songs, and played vpon certain Instruments (whero•• one did much resemble our Lute) being bel∣lyed like it, but longer in the necke, and fretted like ours, but had only foure gut-strings. Their fingring with the left hand like ours, very nimbly: but the right hand striketh with an Iuory bone, [ 60] as we vse to play vpon a Citterne with a quill. They delighted themselues much with their mu∣sicke, keeping time with their hands, and playing and singing by booke, prickt on line and space,* 6.78 resembling much ours heere. I feasted them, and presented them with diuers English commodi∣ties: and after some two houres stay they returned. I moued the King for a house, which hee rea∣dil•• granted, and tooke two of the Merchants along with him, and shewed them three or foure

houses, willing them to take their choise, paying the owners as they could agree.

The thirteenth, I went ashoare, attended vpon by the Merchants and Principall Officers, and deliuered the Presents to the King,* 6.79 amounting to the value of one hundred and fortie pounds, or thereabouts, which he receiued with very great kindnesse, feasting me and my whole companie with diuers sorts of powdered wild fowles and fruits: and calling for a standing Cup (which was one of the Presents then deliuered him) he caused it to be filled with his Countrey wine, which is distilled out of Rice, and is as strong as our Aquauitae: and albeit the Cuppe held vpward of a pint and an halfe, notwithstanding taking the Cup in his hand, he told me hee would drinke it all off, for a health to the King of England, and so did, my selfe and all his Nobles doing the like. And whereas in the roome where the King was, there was onely my selfe and the Cape Mer∣chant, [ 10] (the rest of our Company being in an other roome) the King commanded his Secretarie to goe out vnto them,* 6.80 and see that euerie one of them did pledge the health. The King and his Nobles did sit at meat crosse-legged vpon Mats, after the Turkie fashion, the Mats richly edged, some with cloath of Gold, some with Veluet, Satten, and Damaske.

The foureteenth and fifteenth, we spent with giuing of Presents. The sixteenth, I concluded w••th Captaine Audassee, Captaine of the China quarter here, for his house, to pay ninetie fiue Ryals of eight for the Monson of sixe Moneths, he to repaire it at present, and wee to repaire it hereafter, and alter what we pleased: he to furnish all conuenient roomes with Mats according to the fashion of the Countrey.

This day our ship was so pestered with people, as that I was enforced to send to the King for [ 20] a Guardian to cleare them out, many things being stolne, but I more doubted our owne people, then the Na••urals. There came in a Flemming in one of the Countrey boates, which had been at the Iland Mashma,* 6.81 where he had sold good store of Pepper, broad Cloth, and Elephants teeth, but would not be acknowne vnto vs to haue sold any thing, yet brought nothing backe in the boat with him. But the Iapons his watermen told vs the truth, viz. That he had sold good quan∣titie of goods at a Mart there, and returned barres of siluer, which they kept very secret.

The one and twentieth, the old King came aboord againe, and brought with him diuers wo∣men to be frollicke. These women were Actors of Comedies, which passe there from Iland to I∣land to play,* 6.82 as our Players doe here from Towne to Towne, hauing seuerall shifts of apparrell for [ 30] the better grace of the matter acted; which for the most part are of Warre, Loue, and such like. These Women are as the slaues of one man, who putteth a price what euery man shall pay that hath to doe with any of them; more then which he is not to take vpon paine of death, in case the partie iniured shall complaine. It is left to his owne discretion to prize her at the first, but rise he cannot afterwards, fall he may. Neither doth the partie bargaine with the Wench, but with her Master, whose command she is to obey. The greatest of their Nobilitie trauelling, hold it no dis∣grace to send for these Panders to their Inne, & do compound with them for the Wenches, either to fill their drinke at Table (for all men of any ranke haue their drinke filled to thē by Women) or otherwise to haue the vse of them.* 6.83 When any of these Panders die (though in their life time they were receiued into Company of the best, yet now as vnworthy to rest amongst the worst) they are bridled with a bridle made of straw, as you would bridle an Horse, and in the cloathes [ 40] they died in, are dragged through the str••etes into the fields, and there cast vpon a dunghill, for dogges and fowles to deuoure.

The twentie three, we had newes of two China Iunkes arriued at Langasaque, laden with Su∣gar.* 6.84 By him we vnderstood, that the Emperour of China had then lately put to death about fiue thousand persons, for trading out of the Countrey, contrary to his Edict, confiscating all their goods: notwithstanding hope of profit enticed these men to put it in hazard, hauing bribed the new Pungauas and Officers vpon the Sea-coast, which vpon the execution of the former, were placed in their steads.

* 6.85The twentie ninth, a Soma or Iunke of the Flemmings arriued at Langasaque from Syam, laden with Brasill wood and Skins of all sorts, wherein it was said that there were Englishmen, but [ 50] prooued to be Flemmings. For that before our comming, they passed generally by the name of Englishmen: for our English Nation hath been long known by report among them, but much scan∣dalled by the Portugals Iesuites, as Pyrats and R••uers vpon the Seas▪ so that the Naturals haue a song which they call the English Crofonia, ••hewing how the English doe take the Spanish ships, which they (singing) doe act likewise in gesture with their Cattans by their sides, with which song and acting, they terrifie and skare their children, as the French sometimes did theirs with the name of the Lord Talbot.

* 6.86The first of Iuly, two of our Company happened to quarrell the one with the other, and were very likely to haue gone into the field, to the endangering of vs all. For it is a custome here, That [ 60] whosoeuer drawes a weapon in anger,* 6.87 although he doe no h••rme therewith, hee is presently cut in peeces: and doing but small hurt, not only themselues are so executed, but their whole gene∣ration.

The second day, I went ashoare to keep house in Firando, the houshold consisting of twenty six persons. Note, that at our comming we found Broad-clothes of fifteen or sixteene pound a cloth

to be sold by the Dutch in Firando, for fortie Rials of eight, which is eight pound sterling the Mat,* 6.88 which Mat is two yards and a quarter: but desirous to keep vp the price of our cloath, and hearing that the Dutch had great store there, I had conference with Brower, Captaine of their Factorie to this effect; That betwixt vs we should set rates vpon such clothes as both of vs had, and nei∣ther of vs in any wise to sell vnder the price agreed vpon: for performance whereof, I proffered to enter into bond to him. In the morning he seemed to approoue hereof, but ere night sent word that he disliked it, excusing himselfe that he had no warrant from his Masters to make any such agreement. The next morning, he shipped away great store of Cloath to diuers Ilands, ra∣ting them at base prizes, viz. at twentie, eighteene and sixteen Rials the Mat, that he might pro∣cure [ 10] the more speedie dispatch of his owne, and gl••t the place before the comming of ours.

Bantam Pepper vngarbled, which cost at Bantam one Riall three quarters of eight the sacke, was worth here at our comming tenne Tayes the Peecull, which is one hundred Cattees, ma∣king one hundred thirtie pound English subtill. A Taye is fiue shillings sterling with them. A Riall of eight is worth there in ordinary payment but seuen Masse, which is three shillings sixe pence sterling. For a Masse is as a Riall of Plate.

Tinne the Peecull, thirtie Tayes: Elephants Teeth the Peecull eightie Tayes: Iron cast Peeces the Peecull sixe Tayes: Powder the Peecull twentie three Tayes: Aloes Socatrina the Cattee sixe Tayes: Fowling Peeces the peece twentie Tayes: Callico and such like Commodities of Choro∣mandel, and of the Guzerates, as they are in goodnesse.

The seuenth, the King of the Iland Goto, not farre from Firando came to visit King Foyne, saying, [ 20] that he had heard of an excellent English ship arriued in his Dominions,* 6.89 which he greatly desired to see, and goe aboord of. King Foyne intreated me that he might be permitted, for that hee was an especiall friend of his. So he was well entertained aboord, banqueted, and had diuers Peeces shot off at his departure, which he very kindly accepted, and told me, that hee should bee right glad to liue to see some of our Nation to come to his Iland,* 6.90 whither they should be heartily wel∣come.

The eighth, three Iaponians were executed, viz. two men and one woman: the cause this; The woman none of the honestest (her husband being trauelled from home) had appointed these two their seuerall houres to repaire vnto her. The latter man not knowing of the former, and thinking [ 30] the time too long, comming in before the houre appointed, found the first man with her already, and enraged thereat, he whipt out his Cattan, and wounded both of them very sorely, hauing very neere hewne the Chine of the mans backe in two. But as well as he might hee cleared himselfe of the woman, and recouering his Cattan, wounded the other. The street taking notice of the fray, forthwith seased vpon them, led them aside, and acquainted King Foyne therewith, and sent to know his pleasure, (for according to his will, the partie is executed) who presently gaue or∣der that they should cut off their heads: which done, euery man that listed (as very many did) came to trie the sharpenesse of their Cattans vpon the Corps, so that before they left off, they had hewne them all three into peeces as small as a mans hand, and yet notwithstanding did not then giue ouer, but placing the peeces one vpon another, would try how many of them they could [ 40] strike through at a blow: and the peeces are left to the Fowles to deuoure.

The tenth, three more were executed as the former, for stealing of a woman from Firando, and selling her at Langasacque long since, two of them were brethren, and the other a sharer with them.* 6.91 When any are to be executed, they are led out of the Towne in this manner: There goeth first one with a Pick-axe, next followeth an other with a shouell for to make his graue (if that bee permitted him) the third man beareth a small Table whereon is written the parties offence, which table is afterwards set vp vpon a Post on the graue where he is buried. The fourth is the partie to be executed, his hands bound behind him with a silken cord, hauing a litle Banner of Pa∣per (much resembling our wind-vanes) whereon is likewise written his offence. The executioner followeth next, with his Cattan by his side, holding in his hand the cord wherewith the offen∣der [ 50] is bound. On either side of the executioner goeth a souldiour with his Pike, the head thereof resting on the shoulder of the partie appointed to suffer, to skare him from attempting to escape. In this very manner I saw one led to execution, who went so resolutely and without all appea∣rance of feare of death, that I could not but much admire him, neuer hauing seene the like in Chri∣stendome. The offence for which he suffered was for stealing of a sacke of Rice (of the value of two shillings sixe pence, from his neighbour, whose house was then on fire.

The eleuenth, there arriued at Langasacque three China Iunckes laden with Silkes. The nine∣teenth, the old King Foyne, intreated me for a peece of Poldauis, which I sent him;* 6.92 hee caused it presently to be made into Coates, which he (notwithstanding that hee was a King, and of that great age, and famed to be the worthiest souldiour of all Iapan, for his valour and seruice in the Co∣rean warres) did weare next his skinne, and some part thereof was made into handkerchiefes, [ 60] which he daily vsed.

The twentieth, a Soma or Iuncke comming from Cochinchina arriued at Langasaque, laden with Silkes, and Beniamin, excellent cleere and rich. The nine and twentieth, M. Adams arri∣ued at Firando, hauing been seuenteene dayes on the way comming from Sorongo, we hauing stai∣ed

here for his comming fortie eight dayes.* 6.93 After I had friendly entertained him, I confer••••d with him in the presence of the Merchants, touching the incouragement hee could giue of trade in these parts. He answered, that it was not alwaies alike, but sometimes better, sometimes worse, yet doubted not but we should doe as well as others; giuing admirable commendations of the Countrey, as much affected thereunto.

The thirtieth in the morning, one of the yong Kings Gouernours was by his order cut into pieces in the street, for being (as it was thought) too familiar with his mother. A slaue of his died with him, for endeauouring to defend his Master. This day there came to Firando certaine Spaniards of M. Adams his acquaintance, to desire passage in our ship for Bantam. These Spani∣ards had been belonging to a Spanish Gentleman their Generall, who about a yeare past, were [ 10] come (vpon the King of Spaines charge) from Noua Hispania,* 6.94 to discouer to the Northward of Iapan, and arriuing at Edoo, attending the Monson to goe to the Northward, which beginneth in the end of May, his Company (whereof these were two) mutinied against him, euery man taking his owne way, leauing the ship vtterly vnmanned, wherefore I thought it best to keepe them out of my ship.

The third, King Foyne sent to know of what Bulk our Kings Present to the Emperour was, al∣so what number of people I would take with me,* 6.95 for that he would prouide accordingly for my going vp in good fashion both for Barke, Horses, and Pallanchins.

This day, I caused the Presents to be sorted that were to be giuen to the Emperour, and to those of office and esteeme about him. viz.

	l	s	d [ 20]
To Ogoshosama, the Emperour, to the value of	87	7	6
To Shongosama, the Emperours sonne	43	15	0
To Codskedona, the Emperours Secretarie	15	17	6
To Saddadona, the Emperours Sonnes Secretarie	14	03	4
To Icocora Iuga, Iudge of Meaco	04	10	6
To Fongo dona, Admirall of Orungo	03	10	0
To Goto Shozauero, the Mintmaster	11	00	0
Totall	180	03	10

[ 30]

§. VII. Captaine Saris his Iourney to the Court of the Iaponian Emperour, and obseruations there, and by the way.

THe seuenth of August, King Foyne furnished me with a proper Galley of his owne rowed with twentie fiue oares on a side, and sixtie men, which I did fit vp in a verie comely manner, with waste clothes, ensignes, and all other necessaries, and hauing ta∣ken my leaue of the King, I went and remained aboord the ship, to set all things in or∣der before my departure.* 6.96 Which done, and remembrances left with the Master and Cape Mer∣chant, [ 40] for the well gouerning of the ship and house ashoare during my absence, taking with mee tenne English, and nine others, besides the former sixtie, which were onely to attend the Gal∣lie, I departed from Firando towards the Emperours Court. Wee were rowed through, and a∣mongst diuers Ilands, all which, or the most part of them, were well inhabited, and diuers pro∣per Townes built vpon them; whereof one called Fuccate, hath a very strong Castle, built of fre•• stone, but no Ordnance nor Souldiers therein. It hath a ditch about fiue fathome deepe, and twice as broad round about it, with a draw bridge, kept all in very good repaire. I did land & dine there in the Towne, the tyde and wind so strong against vs, as that we could not passe. The Towne seemed to be as great as London is within the wals, very wel built, and euen, so as you may see from the one end of the streete to the other. The place exceedingly peopled, very Ciuill and [ 50] curteous, onely that at our landing, and being here in Fuccate, and so through the whole Country, whithersoeuer we came, the boyes, children, and worser sort of idle people, would gather about and follow along after vs, crying, Corè, Coré, Cocoré, Waré, that is to say, You Coreans with false hearts: wondering, hooping, hollowing, and making such a noise about vs, that we could scarce∣ly heare one an other speake, sometimes throwing stones at vs (but that not in many Townes) yet the clamour and crying after vs was euery where alike, none reproouing them for it. The best aduice that I can giue those who hereafter shall arriue there, is that they passe on without regar∣ding those idle rablements, and in so doing, they shall find their eares onely troubled with the noise. All alongst this Coast, and so vp to Ozaca, we found women diuers, that liued with their houshold and family in boats vpon the water,* 6.97 as in Holland they do the like. These women [ 60] would catch fish by diuing, which by net and lines they missed, and that in eight fathome depth: their eyes by continuall diuing doe grow as red as blood, whereby you may know a diuing wo∣man from all other women.

We were two daies rowing from Firando to Fuccate: about eight or tenne leagues on this side

the straights of Xemina-seque, we found a great Towne, where there lay in a Docke,* 6.98 a Iuncke of eight hundred or a thousand Tunnes of burthen, sheathed all with yron, with a guard appointed to keep her from firing and treachery. She was built in a very homely fashion, much like that which describeth Noahs Arke vnto vs. The Naturals told vs, that she serued to transport souldi∣ers into any of the Ilands, if rebellion or warre should happen.

We found nothing extraordinary after we had passed the straights of Xemina-seque, vntill we came vnto Osaca, where we arriued the twenty seuenth day of August: our Gailey could not come neere the Towne by sixe miles, where another smaller Vessell met vs,* 6.99 wherein came the good man or Host of the house where we lay in Osaca, and brought a banquet with him of wine [ 10] and salt fruits to intertaine me. The boat hauing a fast made to the mast-head, was drawn by men, as our Barkes are from London Westward. We found Osaca to be a very great Towne, as great as London within the walls, with many faire Timber bridges of a great height,* 6.100 seruing to passe ouer a riuer there as wide as the Thames at London. Some faire houses we found there, but not many. It is one of the chiefe Sea-ports of all Iapan; hauing a Castle in it, maruellous large and strong, with very deepe trenches about it▪ and many draw bridges, with gates plated with yron. The Castle is built all of Free-stone, with Bulwarks and Battlements,* 6.101 with loope hol••s for smal shot and arrowes, and diuers passages for to cast stones vpon the assaylants. The walls are at the least sixe or seuen yards thicke, all (as I said) of Free-stone, without any filling in the inward part with trumpery, as they reported vnto me. The stones are great, of an excellent quarry, and are [ 20] cut so exactly to fit the place where they are laid, that no morter is vsed, but onely earth cast be∣tweene to fill vp voyd creuises if any be. In this Castle did dwell at our beeing there, the sonne of Tiquasamma, who being an infant at the time of his Fathers decease,* 6.102 was left to the gouerne∣ment and education of foure, whereof Ogoshosamma, the now Emperour was one and chiefe. The other three desirous of Soueraigntie each for his particular, and repulsed by Ogoshosamma, were for their owne safetie forced to take vp Armes, wherein fortune fauouring Ogoshosamma at the triall in field, two of them beeing slaine, the third was glad to saue himselfe by flight. He beeing Conquerour, attempted that which formerly (as it is thought) hee neuer dream'd of, and pro∣claimed himselfe Emperour, and seazing vpon the true heire, married him vnto his daughter, as the onely meanes to worke a perfect reconcilement, confining the young married couple to liue [ 30] within this Castle of Osaca, attended onely with such as had been brought vp from their cradles by Ogoshosamma, not knowing any other Father (as it were) then him: So that by their intelli∣gence he could at all times vnderstand what passed there, and accordingly rule him.

Right ouer against Osaca▪ on the other side of the Riuer, lyeth another great Towne called Sacay, but not so bigge as Osaca, yet is it a Towne of great Trade for all the Ilands thereabout.* 6.103

The eight and twentieth day at night, hauing left musters and prices of our Commodities with our Host, we parted from Osaca by Barke towards Fushimi, where we arriued.* 6.104

The nine and twentieth at night we found here a Garrison of three thousand Souldiers main∣tayned by the Emperour, to keepe Miaco and Osaca in subiection.* 6.105 The Garrison is shifted eue∣ry three yeares, which change happened to be at our being there, so that we saw the old Bands [ 40] march away, and the new enter, in most Souldier-like manner, marching fiue a brest, and to eue∣rie ten files an O••f••cer which is called a Captaine of fiftie, who kept them continually in verie good order. First, their shot, viz. Calieuers, (for Muskets they haue none, neyther will they vse any) then followed Pikes, next Swords, or Cattans and Targets, then Bowes and Ar∣rowes: next those, weapons resembling a Welch-hooke called Waggadashes; then Calieuers a∣gaine, and so as formerly, without any Ensigne or Colours:* 6.106 neyther had they any Drummes or other Musicall Instruments for Warre. The first file of the Cattans and Targets had siluer scab∣berds to their Cattans, and the last file which was next to the Captaine had their scabberds of gold. The Companies consisted of diuers numbers, some fiue hundred, some three hundred, some one hundred and fiftie men. In the midst of euery Companie were three Horses very richly [ 50] trapped, and furnished with Sadles, well set out, some couered with costly Furres, some with Veluet, some with Stammet broad-cloth, euery Horse had three slaues to attend him, ledde with silken halters, their eyes couered with lether couers. After euery Troope followed the Captaine on Horse-backe, his bed and other necessaries were laid vpon his owne Horse, equally peased on either side, ouer the same was spread a couering of redde felt of China, whereupon the Captaine did sit crosse-legged,* 6.107 as if hee had sate betwixt a couple of pan∣niers: and for those that were ancient or otherwise weake-backt, they had a staffe artificially fixed vnto the Pannell, that the Rider might rest himselfe, and leane backward against it, as if he were sitting in a chaire. The Captaine Generall of this Garrison wee met two dayes after we had met his first troop, (hauing still in the meane-time met with some of these Companies as [ 60] we passed along, sometimes one league, sometimes two leagues distant one from another.) Hee ma••ched in very great state, beyond that the others did, (for the second Troope was more richly set out in their armes then the first: and the third then the second, and so still euery one better then other, vntill it came vnto this the last and best of all.) He hunted and hawked all the way, hauing his owne Hounds and Hawkes along with him,* 6.108 the Hawkes being hooded and lured as

ours are. His Horses for his owne Sadle being sixe in number, richly trapped. Their Horses are not tall, but of the size of our midling Nags, short and well trust, small headed and very full of mettle,* 6.109 in my opinion, farre excelling the Spanish Iennet in pride and stomacke. He had his Pal∣lankin carryed before him, the inside of Crimson Veluet, and sixe men appointed to carrie it, two at a time.

* 6.110Such good order was taken for the passing and prouiding for, of these three thousand Souldiers, that no man either trauelling or inhabiting vpon the way where they lodged, was any way in∣iured by them, but cheerefully entertayned them as other their guests; because they paid for what they tooke, as all other men did. Euery Towne and Village vpon the way being well fit∣ted with Cookes and Victualling houses, where they might at an instant haue what they nee∣ded, [ 10] and dyet themselues from a pennie English a meale, to two shillings a meale.

* 6.111The Dyet vsed generally through the Countrey, is Rice of diuers sorts, one better then o∣ther (as of our Wheate and Corne here) the whitest accounted the best, which they vse in stead of Bread, Fish, fresh and salted, some pickeld Herbes, Beanes, Raddishes and other Roots salted and pickled,* 6.112 Wild-fowle, Ducke, Mallard, Teale, Geese, Phesant, Partridge, Quaile, and diuers others, which they doe powder and put vp in pickle, of Hens they haue great store, as like∣wise of Deere both red and fallow: wild Bores, Hares, Goates, Kine, &c. of Cheese they haue plentie,* 6.113 Butter they make none, neither will they eate any Milke, because they hold it to bee as bloud, nor tame beasts.

Of tame Swine and Pigs they haue great abundance. Wheate they haue as good as any of [ 20] ours, being red. They plow both with Oxen and Horse as wee doe neere. At our being there, we bought Hens and Phesants of the best for three pence a piece. Pigs very fat and large twelue pence a piece, a fat Hogge fiue shillings. A good Beefe, such as our Welch Runts, at sixteene shil∣lings, a Goate three shillings, Rice a halfe-pennie the pound. The ordinarie drinke of the com∣mon people is water,* 6.114 which with their meate they drinke warme, holding it to bee a souereigne remedie against Wormes in the maw: other drinkes they haue none, but what is distilled out of Rice, which is almost as strong as our Aquanit••, and in colour like to Canarie Wine, and is not deare. Yet when they haue drawne off the best and strongest, they wring out of it a smaller and slighter drinke, seruing the poorer sort of people, which through want cannot reach to the better.

The thirtieth, we were furnished with ninetene Horse at the Emperours charge, to carrie [ 30] vp our Kings presents, and those that attended me to Surunga.

I had a Pallankin appointed for me, and a spare Horse led by, to ride when I pleased, very well set out. Sixe men appointed to carrie my Pallankin in plaine and euen ground. But where the Countrey grew hilly, ten men were allowed me thereto. The Guardian whom King Foyn sent along with vs, did from time to time and place to place by warrant, take vp these men and Hor∣ses to serue our turnes,* 6.115 as the Post-masters doe here in England: as also lodging at night. Accor∣ding to the custome of the Countrey, I had a slaue appointed to runne with a Pike before mee.

Thus we trauelled vntill the sixth of September, before we got to Surunga, each day fifteene or sixteene leagues,* 6.116 of three miles to a league as we ghessed it. The way for the most part is won∣derfull euen, and where it meeteth with Mountaines, passage is cut through. This way is the mayne Roade of all this Countrey,* 6.117 and is for the most part sandie and grauell; it is diuided into [ 40] leagues, and at euery, leagues end are two small hils, viz. of either side of the way one, and vpon euery one of them a faire Pine-tree, trimmed round in fashion of an Arbor. These markes are placed vpon the way to the end, that the Hacknie men, and those which let out Horses to hire, should not make men pay more then their due, which is about three pence a league. The Roade is exceedingly trauelled, full of people, euer and anon you meet with Farmes and Countrey hou∣ses, with Villages, and often with great Townes, with Ferries ouer fresh Riuers, and many Fut∣takeasse or Fotoquis which are their Temples,* 6.118 scituate in Groues and most pleasantest places for delight, of the whole Countrey. The Priests that tend thereupon dwelling about the same, as our Friers in old time planted themselues here in England, When wee approched any Towne, [ 50] we saw Crosses with the dead bodies of those who had beene crucified thereupon.* 6.119 For crucify∣ing is heere an ordinarie punishment for most Malefactors. Comming neere Surunga, where the Emperours Court is, wee saw a Scaffold with the heads of diuers (which had beene executed) placed thereupon, and by it were diuers Crosses with the dead Corpses of those which had been executed, remayning still vpon them, and the pieces of others, which after their Executioners had beene hewen againe and againe by the triall of others Cattans.* 6.120 All which caused a most vn∣sauourie passage to vs, that to enter into Surunga, must needs passe by them. This Citie of Su∣runga is full as bigge as London, with all the Suburbs. The Handi-crafts men wee found dwelling in the outward parts and skirts of the Towne, because those that are of the better sort, dwell in the inward part of the Citie, and will not be annoyed with the rapping, knocking, and other [ 60] disturbance that Artificers cannot be without.

Assoone as we were setled in our lodging in Surunga, I sent Master Adams to the Court, to let the Secretarie vnderstand of my comming, and desire of as speedie dispatch as might bee. Word was returned that I was welcome, that I should rest me, and within a day or two I should haue accesse to the Emperour.

The seuenth was spent in fitting vp of the presents, and prouiding little Tables of slit deale of that Countrey (which smelleth verie sweet) to carrie them vpon, according to the custome.

The eighth,* 6.121 I was carryed in my Pallankin to the Castle of Surunga (where the Emperour kept his Court) and was attended with my Merchants and others carrying the presents before me. Being entred the Castle, I passed three draw bridges, euery of which had a corps of Guard, and comming vp a paire of verie faire and large stone staires, I was met by two graue comely men the one them Codske dona, the Emperours Secretarie; the other Fu••go dono the Admirall, who led me into a faire roome matted, where we sat downe crosse-legged vpon the Mats. Anon after they lead mee betwixt them into the Chamber of Presence, where was the Emperours [ 10] Chaire of State, to which they wished me to doe reuerence. It was of cloth of Gold, about fiue fe••t high, very richly set forth for backe and sides, but had no Canopie ouer head. Then they re∣turned backe againe to the place where before they did sit, where hauing stayed about one quar∣ter of an houre, word was brought, that the Emperour was come forth. Then they rose vp and led me betwixt them vnto the doore of the roome where the Emperor was, making signes to me that I should enter in there, but durst not looke in themselues. The presents sent from our King to the Emperour, as also those which (according to the custome of the Countrey) I gaue vnto the Emperour, as from my selfe, were placed in the said roome vpon the Mats very orderly, be∣fore the Emperour came into it. Comming to the Emperour, according to our English Comple∣ments, I deliuered our Kings Letter vnto his Maiestie, who tooke it in his hand, and put it vp towards his fore-head, and commanded his Interpeter, who sate a good distance from him be∣hind, [ 20] to will Master Adams to tell me that I was welcome from a wearisome iourney, that I should take my rest for a day or two, and then his Answere should be readie for our King. Then he asked whether I did not intend to visit his sonne at Edoo. I answered, I did. The Emperour said that order should be taken to furnish mee with men and Horses for the Iourney and against my returne his Letters should be readie for our King. So taking my leaue of the Emperour, and comming to the doore where I had left the Secretarie and Admirall, I found them there readie to conduct me to the staires head where formerly they had met mee, and there I tooke my Pallan∣kin, and with my Attendants returned to my lodging.

The ninth, I went to deliuer the Secretarie his present, which in no wise hee would receiue, [ 30] but heartily thanked me, saying, that the Emperour had commanded the contrarie, and that it were as much as his life if he should take any gift. But hee tooke fiue pound of Aloes Socatrina to vse for his health. I deliuered the Articles of priuiledge this day to Co••skedona▪ being in number fourteene. He requested to haue them abbreuiated and made as short as might bee, for that the people of Iapan affect breuitie.* 6.122

The tenth, the Articles so abridged, were sent by Master Adams to the Secretarie, who shewed them to the Emperour, and he approued thereof, denying one only, which was, That whereas the Chineses had refused to trade with the English, that in case we should now take any of them by force, that our Nation might haue ••eaue and libertie to bring them into Iapan, and there make sale of the goods so taken. At the first motion, the Emperour answered,* 6.123 that seeing they de∣nyed [ 40] vs Trade, we might take them. But vpon conference with the Lieger of China, the Em∣perours minde was changed, and would not allow of that Article. The rest were passed vnder his great Seale, which is not of Waxe (as ours) but stamped like a print and coloured red.

The eleuenth, the Present appointed for the Mint-master, was deliuered him, which he took thankfully▪ and returned to me two Iaponian Gownes of Taffata, quilted with silke Cotton.

The twelfth, Master Adams was sent to the Mint-master (being the Emperours Merchant, and hauing charge of his Mint and readie monies, a man of very great esteeme with the Empe∣rour, and one that hath vowed that whensoeuer the Emperour shall dye, he will cut out his own guts and dye with him.) Master Adams carryed vnto him the particular prices of our English Commodities (as before is specified.)

[ 50] About noone the same day, wee departed foe Edoo, to the Emperours sonne, beeing furnished with horse and men by the Emperour, as formerly.

The Countrey betwixt Surunga and Edoo is well inhabited. We saw many Fotoquise or Tem∣ples as we passed, and amongst others one Image of especiall note, called Dabis,* 6.124 made of Cop∣per, being hollow within, but of a very substantiall thicknesse. It was in height, as wee ghessed, from the ground about one and twentie or two and twentie foot in the likenesse of a man knee∣ling vpon the ground, with his buttockes resting on his heeles, his armes of wonderfull large∣nesse, and the whole bodie proportionable, he is fashioned wearing of a Gowne. This Image is much reuerenced by Trauellers as they passe there. Some of our people went into the bodie of it, and hoope and hallowed, which made an exceding great noyse. We found many Characters and [ 60] Markes made vpon it by Passengers, whom some of my Followers imitated, and made theirs in like manner. It standeth in the maine Roade of the Pilgrimage to Tencheday, which is much fre∣quented: for night and day, rich and poore, are com••••••g and going to visit Tencheday.* 6.125 M. Adams told me that he had beene at the Fotoqui or Temple d••••icated to this Tencheday, to whom they make this deuout pilgrimage; and as he reported, there is monthly one of the fairest Virgins of

the whole countrey brought into that Fotoqui,* 6.126 and there she sits all alone in a ••come neatly kept, in a very sober manner, and at certaine times, this Tencheday (which is thought to be the Diuell) appeareth vnto her, and hauing knowne her carnally, leaueth with her at his departure certaine skales, like vnto the skales of fishes: what questions shee is willed by the Bonzees, or Priests of that Fotoqui to aske, Tencheday resolues: and euery moneth a fresh Virgin is taken in; but what becomes of the old, Master Adams himselfe did not know.

* 6.127The fourteenth, we arriued at Edoo, a Citie much greater then Surunga, farre fairer buil∣ding, and made a very glorious appearance vnto vs▪ the ridge▪ tiles and corner-tiles richly gilded, the posts of their doores gilded and varnished: Glasse-windowes they haue none, but great windowes of board, opening in leaues, well set out with painting, as in Holland there is a [ 10] Cawsey which goeth thorow the chiefe streete of the Towne; vnderneath this Cawsey run∣neth a Riuer, at euery fiftie paces there is a Well-head, fitted very substantially of free-stone, with buckets for the neighbours to fetch water, and for danger of fire. This streete is as broad as any of our streets in England.

The fifteenth, I gaue the Kings Secretary, Sadda-dona, to vnderstand of my arriuall, requesting him to let the King know thereof.

The seuenteenth, I had accesse to the King, and deliuered him the Presents from our King, as also certaine from my selfe (according to the custome of the Countrey.) The King kept his Court in the Castle of Edoo, which is much fairer and stronger then that of Surunga, hee was better guarded and attended vpon, then the Emperour his Father. Sadda-dona the Kings Secretary, is [ 20] father to Codske-dona the Emperours Secretary, whose yeeres affoording better experience, hee is therefore appointed to haue the gouernment and direction of the yong King, who (at our be∣ing there) we esteemed to be aged about two and fortie yeeres.

My entertainment and accesse to the King heere, was much like to the former at Surunga with the Emperour▪ he accepted very kindly our Kings Letters and Presents, bidding me welcome, and wishing me to refresh my selfe, and his Letters and Presents to our King should be made rea∣die with all speed.

The nineteenth, I deliuered Sadda-dona his Presents. This day two and thirtie men being commanded to a certaine house, for not paying their debts, and being in the stockes within the house, the house in the night time by casualtie fiered, and they were all burnt to death. [ 30]

Towards euening, the King sent two varnished Armours for a Present to our King. Hee sent likewise a Tatch or long swords▪ (which none may weare there but souldiers of the best ranke) and a Waggadash for a present to my selfe. From Edoo to the Northermost part of Iapan, it is esteemed two and twentie dayes iourney by horse, little more or lesse.

The one and twentieth, we parted by Boat from Edoo to Oringgaw, a Towne vpon the sea side. From whence we arriued at Surunga the nine and twentieth day, and there remained for the Emperours Letters and Presents to our King.

The eight of October, I receiued the Emperours Letters, directed to our Soueraigne Lord Iames, King of Great Britaine, the true Copie whereof is as followeth.

[ 40]

To the King of Great Britaine.

YOur Maiesties kind Letter sent me by your seruant Captaine Iohn Saris, (who is the first that I haue knowne to arriue in any part of my Dominions) I heartily embrace, being not a little glad to vnderstand of your great wisdome and power, as hauing three plentifull and mightie Kingdomes vnder your powerfull command. I acknowledge your Maiesties great bountie, in sending mee so vndeserued a Present of many rare things, such as my Land affordeth not, neither haue I euer before scene: Which I receiue not as from a stranger, but as from your Maiestie, whom I esteeme as my selfe. Desiring the con∣tinuance of Friendship with your Highnesse: And that it may stand with your good liking, to send your [ 50] Subiects to any part or Port of my Dominions, where they shall bee most heartily welcome, applauding much their worthinesse in the admirable knowledge of Nauigation, hauing with much facilitie discoue∣red a Countrie so remote, being no whit amazed with the distance of so mightie a Gulfe, nor greatnesse of such infinite clouds and stormes, from prosecuting honorable enterprises, of Discoueries and Merchan∣dizing: wherein they shall find me to further them, according to their desires. I returne vnto your Ma∣iestie a small token of my loue (by your said Subiect) desiring you to accept thereof, as from him that much reioyceth in your Friendship. And whereas your Maiesties Subiects haue desired certaine priuiledges for Trade, and setling of a Factorie in my Dominions, I haue not only granted what they demanded, but haue confirmed the same vnto them vnder my Broad-seale, for better establishing thereof. From my Castle in Surunga, this fourth day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth yeere of our Dary, according to our Com∣putation. [ 60] Resting your Maiesties Friend. The highest Commander in this Kingdome of Iapan:

Subscribed. Minna. Mouttono. yei. ye. yeas.

I also receiued the said Priuiledges for Trade in * 7.1 Iapan: the Originall was left with Master Cocks: the copie thereof with the Seale in blacke heere followeth. The translation whereof (as neare to the Originall as may be) followeth.

The Iaponian Charter, the lines to be read downwards, beginning at the right hand.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

This last is the Seale.

Priuiledges granted by OGOSHOSAMA, Emperour of Iapan, vnto the Right Worshipfull Sir THOMAS SMITH, Knight, Gouernour, and others the Honorable and Worshipfull Aduenturers to the East-Indies.

1 INprimis, Wee giue free licence to the subiects of the King of Great Britaine, viz. Sir Tho∣mas Smith, Gouernour, and Company of the East-Indian Merchants and Aduenturers, for euer, safely to come into any of our Port of our Empire of Iapan, with their shippes and merchandizes, [ 10] without any hinderance to them or their goods. And to abide, buy, sell, and barter, according to their owne manner, with all Nations: to tarry heere as long as they thinke good, and to depart at their pleasures.

2 Item, Wee grant vnto them freedome of Custome, for all such merchandizes as either now they haue brought, or hereafter shall bring into our Kingdomes, or shall from hence transport to any forraigne part. And doe authorize those ships that hereafter shall arriue, and come from England, to proceed to present sale of their commodities, without further comming or sending vp to our Court.

3 Item, If any of their shippes shall happen to be in danger of shipwracke, Wee will Our subiects not only to assist them, but that such part of shippe and goods as shall be saued, be returned to their Captaine, or Cape Merchant, or their assignes. And that they shall or may build one house or more for themselues in any part of Our Empire, where they shall thinke fittest. And at their departure to make sale thereof [ 20] at their pleasure.

4 Item, If any of the English Merchants or other shall depart this life, within our Dominions, the goods of the deceased shall remaine at the dispose of the Cape Merchant. And that all offences com∣mitted by them, shall be punished by the said Cape Merchant, according to his discretion: and Our Lawes to take no hold of their persons or goods.

5 Item, Wee will that yee Our subiects trading with them for any of their commodities, pay them for the same, according to agreement, without delay, or returne of their wares againe vnto them.

6 Item, For such commodities as they haue now brought, or shall hereafter bring, fitting for Our ser∣uice and proper vse: Wee will that no arrest bee made thereof, but that the price bee made with the Cape Merchant, according as they may sell to others, and present payment vpon the deliuery of the goods. [ 30]

7 Item, If in discouery of other Countries for Trade, and returne of their shippes, they shall need men or Victualls, Wee will that yee Our subiects furnish them for their money, as their need shall require.

* 8.18 And that without other Passe-port, they shall and may set out vpon the discouery of Yeadzo, or any other part, in or about our Empire.

From our Castle in Surunga, this first day of the ninth moneth, and in the eighteenth yeere of Our * 8.2 Dary, according to Our Computation. Sealed with our Broad-seale, &c.

Vnder-written: Minna. Mottono. [ 40] yei. ye. yeas.

Note that Oringgaw is a very good harbour for shipping, where ships may ride as safely as in the Riuer of Thames before London,* 8.3 and the passage thereto by Sea very safe and good: so that it will be much better for our ships to saile thither, then to Firando, in respect that Oringgaw is vp∣on the maine Island, and is distant from Edoo (the chiefe City) but fourteene or fifteene leagues. The place is not so well replenished with victuall and flesh-meat, as Firando is, which want only excepted, Oringgaw is for all other matters to be preferred before Firando. [ 50]

At my returne to Surunga, I found a Spanish Embassadour arriued there from the Philippinas, who only had sight of the Emperour,* 8.4 and deliuered him his presents, which were certaine Chi∣na Damaskes, and fiue Iarres of sweet wine of Europe. After the first time, he could not obtaine accesse to the Emperour. His Embassage was, that such Portugals and Spaniards as were within his Dominions, not authorized by the King of Spaine, might be deliuered vp vnto him to carry away to the Philippinas: which the Emperour denyed to doe, saying, That his Countrey was a free Country, and none should be forced out of it; but if the Embassadour could perswade any to go, they should not be staied. This comming of the Spanish Embassadour for men, was caused by the great want of mē they had to defend the Molucca Ilands frō the Dutch, who then made great preparation for the absolute conquest thereof. After that the Embassadour had attended for the [ 60] Emperours answere, the time limitted him by his Commission, seeing it came not, hee departed discontented. But being at the Sea-side, there was an answere returned for him to carry, with a slender Present, viz. fiue Iapan Gownes, and two Cattans or Swords.

The ninth we departed from Surunga at Edoo. About a month before my comming thither, the

Emperour being displeased with the Christians, made proclamation,* 8.5 that they should forthwith remoue and carry away all their Churches to Langasacque, a Towne situate on the Sea-side, and distant from Firando about eight leagues: And that no Christian Church should stand, nor Masse be sung, within ten leagues of his Court, vpon paine of death. A while after, certaine of the Naturalls, being seuen and twentie in number, (men of good fashion) were assembled together in an Hospitall, appointed by the Christians for Lepers, and there had a Masse: whereof the Emperour being informed, commanded them to be shut vp in an house for one night, and that the next day they should suffer death. The same euening another man for debt was clapt vp in the same house, being an Heathen at his comming in, and ignorant of Christ and his Religion: But [ 10] (which is wonderfull) the next morning, when the Officer called at the doore for those which were Christians to come forth, and goe to execution, and those which were not, and did renounce the same, to stay behind: this man in that nights space was so instructed by the other, that reso∣lutely he came out with the rest, and was crucified with them.

In our passage towards Miaco from Surunga, we had for the most part much raine, whereby the waters did so rise, that wee were forced to stay by the way, so that it was the sixteenth of October before we got thither. Miaco is the greatest Citie of Iapan,* 8.6 consisting most vpon mer∣chandizing. The chiefe Fotoqui or Temple of the whole countrey is there, being built of free∣stone, and is as long as the Westerne end of Saint Pauls in London, from the Q••ier, being as high arched and borne vpon pillars as that is: where many Bonzees doe attend for their maintenance,* 8.7 as the Priests among Papists. There is an Altar whereon they doe offer Rice and small money, [ 20] called Cundrijus (whereof twentie make one shilling English:) which is employed for the vse of the Bonzees. Neare vnto this Altar there is an Idoll, by the Natiues called Mannada, made of Copper, much resembling that of Dabis formerly spoken of, but is much higher, for it reacheth vp to the very Arch. This Fotoqui was begun to be built by Taicosania in his life-time, and since his sonne hath proceeded to the finishing thereof, which was newly made an end of when wee were there. Within the inclosure of the walles of this Fotoqui there are buried (by the report of the inhabitants) the Eares and Noses of three thousand Coreans, which were massacred at one time: Vpon their graue is a mount raised, with a Pyramis on the toppe thereof; which mount is greene, and very neatly kept. The horse that Taicosania last rode on, is kept neare vnto this Fotoqui, hauing neuer been ridden since, his hooffes being extraordinarily growne with his age, [ 30] and still standing there.

The Fotoqui standeth vpon the top of an high hill, and on either side, as yee mount vp to it, hath fiftie pillars of free-stone, distant ten paces one from the other, and on euery pillar a Lan∣terne, wherein euery night lights are maintained of Lampe-oyle. In this Citie of Miaco,* 8.8 the Portugall Iesuits haue a very stately Colledge, wherein likewise are diuers Iesuits,. Naturall Ia∣ponians, which preach, and haue the new Testament printed in the Iapan language. In this Col∣ledge are many Iaponian children trayned vp, and instructed in the rudiments of Christian Reli∣gion, according to the Romish Church: There are not lesse then fiue or sixe thousand Iaponians in this Citie of Miaco professing Christ.

[ 40] Besides the Fotoqui before described, there are many other Fotoquis in this Citie. The Trades∣men and Artificers are distributed by themselues, euery Occupation and Trade in their seuerall streets, and not mingled together, as heere with vs.

At Miaco we stayed, expecting the Emperours Present, which at length was deliuered to me out of the Castle, being ten Beobs, or large Pictures to hang a chamber with.

The twentieth, wee departed from Miaco, and came the same night to Fushimi.

The one and twentieth, about noone we arriued at Osaca:* 8.9 heere wee found the people very rude, following vs, crying Tosin, Tosin, that is, Chinaes, Chinaes; others calling vs Coré, Coré, and flinging stones at vs; the grauest people of the Towne not once reprouing them, but rather animating of them, and setting them on. Heere we found the Gally readie, which had attended for vs euer since our landing, at the charge of the King of Firando. The foure and twentieth at [ 50] night we all embarked for Firando.* 8.10

The sixt of Nouember we arriued at Firando, and were kindly bid welcome by King Foyne. All this while our people sold little, the custome of the Countrey being, that without expresse permission from the Emperour, no stranger may offer goods to sale. Besides, our chiefest com∣moditie intended for those parts being Broad-cloath, (which, according to former intelligence, had lately been sold there at fortie Rialls of eight the matte, which is two yards, as aforesaid) the Natiues were now more backward to buy then before, because they saw that we our selues were no forwarder in wearing the thing which wee recommended vnto them. For, said they, you commend your Cloath vnto vs, but you your selues weare least thereof, the better sort of you wearing Silken garments, the meaner Fustians, &c. Wherefore hoping that good counsell may [ 60] (though late) come to some good purpose, I wish that our Nation would be more forward to vse and spend this naturall commoditie of our owne Countrey, so shall wee better encourage and al∣lure others to the entertainment and expence thereof.

§. VIII. Accidents after his returne to Firando, the setling of a Factory there, departure for Bantam, and thence for England.

THe seuenth of Nouember, I visited the Kings with Presents first, and after with Pre∣sence, and was kindly entertained. The eighth, Andrew Palmer, Steward of the ship, and William Marnell Gunners Mate, lay ashoare all night, and in a drunken hu∣mour, went into the field and fought, and wounded each other so sore, that it is [ 10] thought Palmer will hardly escape with his life, and Marnell be lame of his hands for euer.

The ninth, in the morning very early I went aboord the Ship, and carried M. Cockes along with me, and called the Master and all the Officers into my Cabbin, making it knowne vnto them, that it much grieued me the indirect course some of them tooke, namely, Palmer and Mar∣nell, who went out of the Ship without license, and had wounded one an other so sore, that the one was in danger of his life, and the other a lame man for euer; and that which was more, the Suruiuer in danger to be hanged if the other died, which could not choose but bee a great hearts griefe vnto me: as also to vnderstand, that Francis Williams and Simon Colphax were in the boat, going ashoare to haue fought, and Iohn Dench and Iohn Winston appointed to doe the like, and Dench confessed it was true, and that he saw Palmer and Marnell fighting, and went and parted [ 20] them, otherwise both had remained dead in the field: these matters, I told them, were grieuous vnto me, and therefore I willed them it might be amended in time, otherwise they would dis∣people the Ship, to the vtter ouerthrow of our Voyage, and deceiue the Honourable Companie, that had put their trust in vs.

After much contestation, each one departed, with promise to amend what was amisse, and not to offend in any sort hereafter, which God graunt may prooue true. I told them also, that Foyne Same, the old King, had made complaint vnto me, that if any more came ashoare to fight and shed blood in his Countrey (contrary to his Lawes) he would cause them to be cut in peces, for that he would not suffer strangers to haue more Priuiledge in that matter then his owne Subiects. And at my returne to the English house, Foyne Same the King came to visit me, and told mee the piece of Poldauis and a Shash I gaue him, were consumed with fire when his house was burned, which [ 30] was a manner of begging two more, which I promised him, and got him to send of his people a∣boord, with my Iurebasso Iohn Iapan, to signifie to the Company, that if any of them came ashoare to fight any more, the King had giuen order to cut them in pieces, and not to suffer any one to re∣turne aboord. I did this in hope to restraine them from such drunken Combats.

Towards night came a Spaniard from Langasaque, called Iohn Comas, and brought two Letters from Domingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for M. Cockes, and sent me a Present of three baskets of Sugar, and a pot of Conserues, with many no lesse sugred conserued words of comple∣ment in his Letters, that he was sorie that our seuen men were gone away in his absence, excu∣sing both himselfe, and the Fathers or Iesuites, that they had no hand in the matter, neither e∣uer [ 40] spoke such word, that we were heretikes or theeues, yet said our men were gone away from thence, three of them in a China or Iapan Soma for the Manillias, and the other foure in a Portu∣gall Vessell; but I hold these but words to excuse themselues, and put other men in fault: for the Spaniards loue not the Portugals, neither either of both the Iapan, much lesse the Iapan them.

The eleuenth, I went and visited Nobesane; he vsed me kindly, and would haue had mee come to dinner to morrow, but I excused the matter, in respect of the much businesse I had, and short time of stay. I met the old King Foyne at his house, who desired to haue two peeces English pou∣dred Beefe, and two of Porke sod with Turnips, Raddish and Onions by our Cooke, and sent vn∣to him, which I caused to be done. Wind Northerly a fresh gale day and night, faire dry wea∣ther, but cold. [ 50]

The twelfth, the two Kings Gouernours, came to visit me at the English house; and from thence went abord the Cloue (Master Cockes accompanying them) to signifie vnto the Master and the rest of the Companie, that from hence forward, our ships Companie should haue a care how they came a shore to fight and shed blood; for that the Law of the Countrey was, that they which went out to fight, and drew weapon, were to die the death, and all those which did be∣hold them, obliged to kill both parties, in paine of ruinating all their generation if they did not kill both parties.

The foureteenth, I sent M. Cockes and my Iurebasso to both the Kings, to entreat them to pro∣uide me of a dozen Sea-men, that were able to doe their labour, to goe with me for England, and for wages I was willing to giue them what in reason their Highnesses thought fit. The Kings [ 60] were impeached about other matters; so they spake with their Secretaries, who told them, they need not to speake about that matter to the Kings, for that they would prouide mee a dozen such as should be fit; but that there were diuers vagrant people about Towne, which no doubt would be willing to goe, yet were not fit to be carried to Sea; for that when they came there, they

would serue for nothing but to spend victuals, and of such the Flemmings serued their turne with∣out making request vnto them: and what is become of them or the Ship is not known to this day. But seeing that now the matter was referred to them, they would looke out for such as were for our purpose.

The eighteenth, Foyne the old King sent me word he would come and visit me, and bring the dancing Beares or Curtesans of the Countrey, which soone after he did, being three whoores of the Countrey, and two or three other men with them, they all dancing and making musique af∣ter the Countrey fashion, although harsh to our hearings.

The nineteenth, the Captaine Chinesa and George Dura•• the Portugall came vnto me,* 8.11 desiring [ 10] me to send to Semidone, to procure the libertie of two honest poore men, who were like to loose their liues, for bidding a poore Knaue flie, which had stolne a little piece of Lead not worth three halfe pence, and yet the Malefactor was taken and put to death, and these men in danger to haue done the like, had I not sent M. Cocks with my Ring to Semidone, to desire pardon for them for my sake, which he granted to procure, and did effect it.

The twentieth, Samedon the King of Crats sent mee word hee would come aboord our Ship: So I met him there, he beeing accompanied with both the Kings of Firando, they had fiue peeces of Ordnance at their entrie aboord, and three with shot or Bullets, were shot at a marke at the request of Samedon. He gaue me two Pikes or Iapan staues with Cattans or Sables on the ends, and so they departed with seuen peeces of Ordnance for a farewell, one being with shot at [ 20] the marke aforesaid.

The twentie two, a Present was laid out, and sent to Samedon King of Crats: it was deliue∣red vnto him at Tomesanes the young Kings house, he being there at Breakfast, and tooke in ve∣ry kind part, sending me word by M. Cockes, that he was doubly obliged vnto mee, first in his kind entertainement aboord, and now in sending him such a Present of worth, of such things as his Countrey affoorded not the like, and all without any desert of his: onely the recompence he could make was, that for his sake, if euer any of the English Nation did come within his Domi∣nions, he would bid them kindly welcome, and shew them any fauour he could.

The twentie fifth in the morning betimes, the Purser and M. Hownsell came ashore, and told me Andrew Palmer the Steward departed out of this world about tenne of the clocke the night [ 30] past, and that the Chirurgion Thomas Warner affirmed (as he told me the like many times before) that Palmer was the occasion of his owne death, his wound beeing curable, if he would haue bin ruled. I willed the Purser M. Melsham to goe aboord, and that the Master and he should take or∣der to carry him, and bury him on an Iland as secretly as might be, in respect we were about to get some Iapans to goe along in our ship, which it might be hearing of the death of any one, would make them the more vnwilling.

The twentie eighth, a Iapan was put to death: some said for theft; others said he was a house-burner: He was lead by the Hang-man to execution, one carying a board before him, wherein was written the fact he had committed, as the like was written in a paper flag ouer his head, and two Pikemen followed him with the points of their Pikes hard to his backe, to haue killed him [ 40] if he had offered to resist. Diuers of this place complained, that the Ships Company owed them money, and now the Ship was ready to depart, desired payment, which to preuent a greater in∣conuenience, I hearkened vnto, and wrote to the Master to enquire aboord who they were that were indebted, and what the summe was they owed, to the intent to make satisfaction, and so to abate it out of their wages.

Now touching a Factorie to be left there, I had on the twenty sixth, assembled my Merchan∣dizing counsell, where vpon these considerations, viz. The encouragement wee had receiued in the Moluccas by priuate intelligence, the Dutch Factorie alreadie planted here in Firando: The large Priuiledges now obtained of the Emperour of Iapan: The certaine aduise of the English Fa∣ctories setled in Siam and Patane: The Commodities resting vnsold vpon our hands appointed [ 50] for these parts, and the hoped for profit which further experience may produce: It was resolued, that a Factorie should be left here, viz. eight English, three Iapan Iurebasses or Interpreters,* 8.12 and two seruants, who were appointed against the comming of the next ships, to search and disco∣uer the Coast of Corea, Tushmay, and other parts of Iapan, and Countreys thereunto adioyning, to see what good might be done in any of them.

The fifth of December, M. Richard Cockes,* 8.13 Captaine and Cape Merchant of the English Facto∣rie, setled at Firando in Iapan, tooke his leaue of me aboord the Cloue with his Companie, beeing eight English, and fiue others. After their departure, our Companie was mustered aboord, finding fortie sixe English, fiue Swarts, fifteene Iapaners, three Passengers, in all sixtie nine: hauing lost since our arriuall here three English, two by sicknesse, one slaine, and seuen which ranne away to [ 60] the Portugals and Spaniards, whilest I was at the Emperours Court. The names of the English we left in the Factorie with M. Cockes, were William Adams, (entertained at an hundred pounds the yeere into the Companies seruice) Tempest Peacocke, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edward Sares, William Nelson.* 8.14

The wind Northerly a stiffe gale, we set saile, beeing foure leagues from the place where wee

rid: our course South by West, halfe a point Westerly, Latitude thirtie three degrees foureteene minutes. Note, that by exact obseruation on the shoare, we found this Iland of Firando to stand in latitude thirtie three degrees thirtie minutes,* 8.15 variation two degrees fiftie minutes Easterly.

It was resolued to keepe alongst the Coast of China, directly to Bantam, and so wee brought aboord our star-boord tacke, and steered away South-west, edging ouer for China, the wind at North North-east, a stiffe gale and faire weather.

The sixth, Latitude thirty one degrees thirty nine minutes, way South by West forty leagues.

The seuenth, it blew very much wind, a storme at North-west, wee steered South South-west no obseruation, there we felt the great Current which shoots out betweene the Iland Corea and the maine of China, which made a very great Sea, way South South-west halfe point Wester∣ly twentie fiue leagues. [ 10]

The eight, Latitude twentie nine degrees fortie one minutes, way South-west, twentie sixe leagues, wind North-west a very stiffe gale, we steered West South-west, to make Cape Sumbor vpon the Coast of China: the Sea very much growne, so much wind, that it blew our maine course out of the bolt ropes.

The ninth, Latitude twentie eight degrees, twentie three minutes, way South-west three quarters Westerly, twentie two leagues and two third parts, we sounded and had fortie nine, and fortie fiue fathome Ozie, the weather cleered, and the wind came to the North, but wee could see no land.

The eleuenth, no obseruation: way West South-west thirtie fiue leagues, verie greene water, we kept our Leade, and had fortie nine, fortie three, thirtie fiue, thirtie seuen, thirtie fathome, [ 20] no sight of land, yet very cleere, wind North and North-west by North.

The twelfth, before day we sounded, and had thirtie fiue fathome Ozie, wind North and North-west by North a stiffe gale, and in the morning esteeming our selues to bee neere the Coast of China, we had sight of (at the least) three hundred sailes of Iunckes of twentie, thirtie, and vpwards tunnes apiece, whereof two came to the wind-ward close by vs, but perceiuing them to be Fisher-men,* 8.16 we let them passe, vsing all the faire meanes wee could to get some of them to come aborad, but could not preuayle. Wherefore we stood on our course West by South, and presently descryed the land, being two Ilands called the Ilands of Fishers, bearing West by North halfe a point Northerly some foure leagues off. Latitude at noone twentie fiue degrees fiftie nine minutes, way South-west by West fiftie leagues, Depth twentie, and twentie sixe [ 30] fathome. Soone after, the wind came to North-east, wee brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord, and steered alongst the land South South-east, very much wind. About seuen at night we came faire by a Rocke,* 8.17 which, by Gods mercie, wee descryed by Moone-light, and lay right in our course, supposing to haue runne from noone to this time twelue leagues. We were within twice our ships length of the Rocke depth thirtie fathome. Then we haled off South one watch to giue the land a berth, and after mid-night steered South-west, the wind at North-east very much wind, and continually following vs as the Land trents.

* 8.18The thirteenth, Latitude twentie foure degrees thirtie fiue minutes, variation one degree, thirtie minutes Easterly, way South-west fiftie foure leagues, wind at North-east faire weather, wee steered South-west keeping faire by the Ilands, lying alongst the maine of China, some fiue [ 40] leagues off, much wind.

The fourteenth in the morning little wind, hauing this night past had twelue and fourteene fathome, then stood off into deeper water. Latitude at noone twentie two degrees ten minutes, way South-west by South one quarter Westerly fortie two leagues wind at East North-east,* 8.19 and at eight at night we had fifteene, thirteene fathome, at nine a clocke sixteene, twentie seuen, twentie one and twentie fiue, sandie ground.

The fifteenth, in the morning we came amongst many Fisher-boates, but had so much wind as that we could not speake with them. They made signes to vs to keepe vp to the West-ward (as we thought.* 8.20) Our sounding the last night to this present was twentie, twentie foure, twen∣tie fiue, twentie fathomes, three leagues off the land. Latitude at noone twentie one degrees, [ 50] fortie minutes, way West South-west one quarter Southerly fiftie two leagues. The wind at North North-east a stiffe gale, we steered in West North-west Northerly to make the land, and about two houres after had sight of it, but by reckoning should not haue beene neere it by fiftie sixe leagues, so that the distance from Firando hither, is lesse by fiftie sixe leagues.

* 8.21Note, that the Ilands which lye alongst the Coast of China, lye more Southerly then in the plats; about three in the after-noone wee were by an Iland called Sancha about two leagues off, we steered South-west alongst the land, esteeming to haue runne since noone three leagues West North-west.

The sixteenth, at noone no obseruation: way fortie leagues, South-west by South one quarter Westerly, wind at East with drisling raine. [ 60]

* 8.22The seuenteenth, Latitude eighteene degrees nineteene minutes, course South-west by South one quarter Westerly fortie seuen leagues, wind at East, variation fiftie minutes Westerly, we sounded, but had no ground.

The eighteenth, latitude fifteene degrees fortie three minutes, course South-west by South sixtie leagues, wind at East a stiffe gale, and at f••ue at night wee had sight of land beeing an Iland called Pulo Cotan, bearing West South-west, about fiue leagues off, wee steering South-west. This Iland is high land,* 8.23 and lyeth about twentie leagues (by report) from the shoale called Plaxel, to the West-ward of it we sounded about eight of the clocke, but had no ground.* 8.24

The nineteenth in the morning,* 8.25 the maine of Camboia was on our star-boord-side about two leagues off: we steered alongst South by East Easterly, keeping the maine in sight. Latitude at noone thirteene degrees one and thirtie minutes, way South by West fortie foure leagues, wee [ 10] steered alongst South South-west, making account to bee thwart a Varella:* 8.26 keeping about two leagues off the shoare, we sounded but had no ground at fiftie fathome. Note, that this land of Camboia lyeth more Easterly in our plats, then it should, for wee find South South-west to goe alongst the land a faire berth off. So that the land heere lyeth South South-west, and North North-east, hauing diuers Rockes like Ilands, some one league, some league and an halfe off the maine, but otherwise no danger that we could see. Note also, that heere wee found the windes trade alongst the shoare, for from Firando hither we did goe Large, finding the wind to follow vs as the land trents.

The twentieth, Latitude ten degrees fiftie three minutes, course South by West fiftie foure leagues wind at North, a stiffe gale alongst the shoare. And three Glasses after we had obserued, wee had sight of a small Iland, which wee made to be the Iland at the end of the shoale, called [ 20] Pulo Citi, and at fiue Glasses running we sounded and had eleuen fathome, fine sand, two leagues off the shoare.* 8.27 We steered alongst Southwest to bring the point of the shoale called Pulo Citi a starne: then wee founded about two Glasses after, and had fifteene fathome. Note, that wee found Ian Huijghen Van Linschotens booke very true, for thereby we directed our selues euer from our setting forth from Firando.

The one and twentieth, Latitude nine degrees fortie three minutes course South-west a quar∣ter Westerly thirtie foure leagues, wind at East North-east a continuall stiffe gale till noone, then calme, and found that we were in a tyde girt, our depth all the last night to this noone was ten, sixteene, seuenteene, eighteene, twentie one, twentie one, nineteene, twentie, twentie, nine∣teene, eighteene fathome good ground, but had no sight of land.

[ 30] The two and twentieth in the morning,* 8.28 we had sight of land being an Iland called Pulo Con∣dor, bearing off vs about fiue leagues off, we steered South-west, the w••nd at North-east, lati∣tude at noone eight degrees, twentie minutes, way South-west by West, fortie leagues and two third parts. Depth eighteene, nineteene, twentie two, twentie one, twentie one, twentie two and twentie one fathomes, we steered South South-west, for the land called the seuen Points.

The three and twentieh, no obseruing, way South-west by South one quarter Southerly, fif∣tie one leagues, depth twentie, twentie two, twentie foure, and at noone twentie seuen fathomes.

The foure and twentieth, way South-west halfe a point Westerly, thirtie three leagues one third part, wind at North-west by North, depth thirtie seuen, thirtie nine, fortie three, fortie, and at noone thirtie fiue fathome Ozie ground.

[ 40] The fiue and twentieth, latitude two degrees, thirtie eight minutes, course South by East,* 8.29 one quarter of a league Easterly, twentie two leagues one third part, the wind at North-west and East by North, Depth, thirtie foure, thirtie two, thirtie, thirtie foure, thirtie foure, thirtie foure, thirtie fiue. And about foure a clocke in the morning, we made the land, beeing an Iland called Pulo Timon, distant from vs some fiue leagues. And at sixe in the morning,* 8.30 the Northermost part bearing South-west Westerly: and the South part South South-west halfe a point Westerly, we had sight of another Iland called Pulo Tinga, bearing South South-west Westerly,* 8.31 about sixe leagues off at noone.

The sixe and twentieth, Latitude one degree eighteene minutes, course South-east by South, thirtie two leagues wind at East and East by North, Depth thirtie seuen, thirtie sixe, thirtie se∣uen, [ 50] thirtie fiue, thirtie, and twentie seuen fathome.

The seuen and twentieth, course South by East fortie leagues, and two third parts, Depth, twentie seuen, thirtie one, twentie eight, twentie nine, twentie eight, twentie sixe, and twen∣tie foure fathomes at noone.

The eight and twentieth, way South South-east, fortie leagues and two third parts, Depth eighteene, nineteene, sixteene, eighteene, nineteene, sixteene, & at noone fifteene fathome san∣die ground, making account that China-bata was about one league and an half of being low land,* 8.32 and at the South-west point full of Trees or Bushes. At sixe Glasses after-noone wee sounded, and had twentie fathomes Ozie ground, steering alongst the Land South South-east, the wind at North North-west. Note, that those long Ilands on our star-boord-side heere, and diuers small I∣land•• [ 60] on our Lar-boord-side doe make the Straights of China-bata▪ finding it to bee truely laid do••ne in Plat or Draught made by Ian Ianson Mole a Hollander, which he gaue to Master Hippon,* 8.33 and he to the Companie.

The nine and twentieth, a little before noone, we perceiued the water to be much changed a

head, and therefore doubted it to bee a shoale; so narrowly escaping a very great danger. ••ee sounded and had eleuen,* 8.34 twelue, fourteene, fifteene fathome, but within halfe a Glasse had eight & seuen fathomes & a halfe, it seemed three square sharp to the South-west-ward, & so we stee∣red when we had first sight thereof, not farre from the entrance of the straights of China-bata. This shoale lyeth very dangerously, but is truly placed with his depths. Latitude at noone foure degrees sixe minutes, course South by West thirtie leagues, wind at North-west and North, depth twentie, thirteene, fifteene, twentie foure, twentie seuen, twentie, twentie fiue, twentie, eightetne, ten, ten, ten, eight and ten fathomes soft sand. And at eight a clocke in the night, we came to an anchor in seuen fathomes, the weather likely to bee fowle, and our experience little or nothing, the place verie f••ll of shoales, and before our anchor was a ground wee were in sixe [ 10] sixe and a quarter, fiue and an halfe, sixe, and then in seuen fathomes soft sandie ground, then wind at North-west a small gale and rainie.

* 8.35The thirtie••h, this morning we had sight of the Darling, plying for Coromandell, her Compa∣nie one and twentie English, and nine Swarts. By them wee first vnderstood of the death of Sir Henrie Middleton, and l••sse of the Trades Increase, &c. The weather close, wee obserued not: way South South-west halfe a point Westerly fifteene leagues, depth, ten, thirteene, fourteene, eleuen, ten, nine, eight, seuen, sixe and an halfe, ten, ten, sixe and a halfe, seuen, fiue, foure and an halfe, foure and a quarter, fiue, fiue, and foure fathome, hard sandie ground, esteeming this the shoale described in Moles Plat, and not that which we made it for. This night God mercifully deliuered vs out of a great danger. For wee passed by a sunken ledge of Rockes, vnder all our [ 20] sayles, within a stones cast of the top thereof, which was onely seene aboue water, and, had not the noyse of the breach vpon it wakened vs, wee could not haue cleered our selues. Wee did let fall our anchor presently, being in a great Tide girt, and had seuenteene, seuenteene fathomes and an halfe Ozie ground.

The one and thirtieth, in the morning as we rid, the high land of Sumatra was about leagues off vs,* 8.36 and one Iland a starne. The passed shoale or ledge of Rockes on the star-boord side, and three small Ilands on our lar-boord bow, lying three square: way South three quarters Easterly, one and twentie league•• wind at North-west. Depth, ten, nine, eight, seuen, nine, ten, eleuen, twelue, fifteene, twentie two fathome, about eight leagues off the high-land of Iaua. We could not get in, because it fell calme.

* 8.37The first of Ianuary, beeing calme, was most spent at an anchor. The second hauing a little [ 30] wind we set saile, and about eight of the clocke met with the Expedition, and vnderstanding that shee was bound home-ward laden with Pepper, we writ by them to our friends in England.

The third, we came to an anchor in Bantam Roade, finding (to our great griefe) no lading in readinesse: For which I iustly blamed those whom I had left there to prouide the same, who ex∣cused themselues, saying, that they did not as yet expect me.

I questioned with Kewee, the chiefe Merchant of the Chineses, (being come aboord to visit me) what price Pepper did beare, and how he would sell. He answered that it was alreadie knowne ashoare that I was home-ward bound, and must of necess••tie lade Pepper, whereof my Mer∣chants hauing prouided none afore-hand, I might be assured it would rise. He said it was then at [ 40] twelue Rials of eight, the ten sackes, but he would not vndertake to deliuer any quantitie at that price. I offered him twel••e Rials and an halfe for ten sackes, but found him so farre off, as that there was no hope of dealing at the present.

Note, that of the ten, left in the Factorie heere for the eight Voyage at our departure for Iapan, we found now but fiue liuing at our returne. Betweene Firando and Bantam, wee lost on∣ly one.

The fourth in the morning, I went ashoare, visited the Gouernour of Bantam, and presented him with two faire Cattans, and diuers other things of worth.

This day I bargained with Kewee and Lackmoye for foure thousand sackes of Pepper, at thir∣teene Rials of eight the ten sackes: Basse three the hundred, and appointed the Merchants to [ 50] hasten the milling thereof, all that might be.

* 8.38The fifth was spent in reducing the seuerall English Factories in Bantam to one Gouernment, and setling them in one house: also order was taken that the expence of Dyet should bee more frugally managed, and not spent in racke houses abroad, or on Hang-by Swarts at home, as of la••e it had beene: and that the Ware-houses in the Towne should be fewer in number and better looked vnto, as well it might be, the goods being with more discretion orderly stowed.

The sixth, in the reweighing of the Pepper receiued the day before, wee found most of the sackes hard weight, and many to want of what the Kings B••ame did allow. Wherefore I sent for the Weigher, vsed him kindly, intreated him to take a little more care and paines to amend this fault, which he promised to doe: whereto the better to incourage him, I appointed the va∣lue [ 60] of fiue Rials of eight to be giuen him.

The sixteenth, being the Sabbath day, I stayed aboord. About two of the clocke in the after∣noone the Towne was all on a fire. Wherefore our Skiffe being well manned was presently sent

ashoare to helpe the Merchants to guard the goods. The wind was so violent,* 8.39 that in a moment of time almost the whole towne was burnt downe, the English and Dutch houses excepted, which it pleased God of his mercy to preserue.

The twentieth, being ashoare, I procured Lackmoy and Lanching, two Chinesa Merchants, to translate the Letter which the King of Firando in Iapan, had deliuered mee to carry to our King Iames; it was written in China Character and Language, they translated it into the Malayan, which in English is as followeth, viz.

[ 10]

To the King of Great Britaine, &c.

MOst mightie King, how acceptable your Maiesties louing Letter and bountifull Present of many worthy things sent mee by your seruant Captaine Iohn Saris is vnto mee, I cannot sufficiently ex∣presse: neither the great happinesse I esteeme my selfe to be in, by enioying your Highnesse friendship: For which I render you many thankes, desiring the continuance of your Maiesties loue and acquaintance. I am heartily glad of your subiects safe arriuall at my small Island, from so long a iourney. My helpe and fur∣therance they shall not want to the vttermost, for the effecting of their so worthy and laudable enterprises [ 20] of Discouery and Merchandizing, greatly commending their forwardnesse therein: referring their hi∣therto entertainment to the report of your seruant, by whom I returne vnto your Maiestie an vnworthy token, wishing your Maiestie long life. From my Place of Firando, the sixt day of our tenth moneth.

Your Maiesties louing Friend, Commander of this Island Firando in Iapan, FOYNE SAM-MASAM.

[ 30] They could not well pronounce his name, for Lanching said it was * 9.1 Foyne Foshin Sam: But Lackmoy said as is aboue written.

The two and twentieth, such houses as the former fire had spared, were now burnt downe; yet the English and Dutch houses escaped againe: thankes be to God.

The sixe and twentieth, heere arriued a Flemmish shippe of a thousand tunnes from Holland, called the Flushing. At the Island Mayo the Company had mutined against the Captaine, and had murthered him in his Cabbin, but that it pleased God a Scotch-man reuealed the matter, euen when they were armed to the exployt, so that they were taken betwixt the deckes with their weapons about them. In this shippe were diuers English and Scottish souldiers. Shee stayed not heere, but towards euening set saile for Iaccatra.

[ 40] The seuen and twentieth, I went ashoare to hasten the Merchants, diuers of our Company be∣ing at this present fallen sicke. Our ship had now her full lading in.

The first of February, the Darling was enforced to returne hither, and order by common coun∣cell was taken, both for her goods and present sending to Socadanna, and after to Patane and Siam.

The thirteenth day, we got out of the Straights of Sunda. Note that in the Straight of Sun∣da, the Tides set twelue houres to the Eastward, which is floud, and twelue houres to the West∣ward, which is ebbe.

The sixteenth of May 1614. we came to an anchor in the Bay of Saldania, where wee found the Concord of London, being the first that was set out for the ioynt stocke. We found the Natu∣ralls [ 50] of this place very treacherous at the present, making signes vnto vs of the forcible carrying away of two of their people. They had wounded one of the Concords men very sore; and whilst we were vp in the Land, they did assault those that kept our Skiffe, carried away our Grapnell, and had spoiled those that were left to tend her, but that they tooke the water.

The nineteenth, heere arriued a Flemmish shippe bound for Bantam, the Master, Cornelis Van Harte. We remained heere three and twentie dayes, and hauing well refreshed our selues, tooke with vs fourteene Oxen and seuentie sheepe aliue, besides good store of Fish and Beefe,* 9.2 which we powdered there, finding it to take salt well, contrary to former reports. For ten dayes after our departing from Saldania, we had the wind at North-west, and West North-west, but then came to South-west, so that we might goe our course North-west.

[ 60] The seuen and twentieth of September, we arriued, thankes be to God at Plimmouth, where for the space of fiue or sixe weekes wee endured more tempestuous weather,* 9.3 and our liues more endangered, then vpon the whole Voyage besides. Since which, hauing had some spare time, I haue collected certaine notes (in the Iournall omitted) and haue thought good, to cause them heere to attend the former Relation.

§. IX. Intelligence concerning Yedzo, deliuered in the Citie of Edoo in Iapan, by a Iapanner, who had beene there twice.

THat Yedzo is an Island, and lyeth on the North-west side of Iapan, and distant from thence ten leagues:* 9.4 That the people are white, and of good condition, but very hairy all their bodies ouer like Munkeyes. Their weapons are bowes and arrowes poyso∣ned. The people in the Southermost part thereof doe vnderstand weight and measure: whereof within the Land thirtie dayes iourney they are ignorant. They haue much siluer and [ 10] sand-gold, whereof they make payment to the Iapanners for Rice, &c. Rice and Cotton cloath of Iapan, is heere well requested. Iron and Lead is brought to them from Iapan. Necessaries for the belly and backe are most vendible to them. Rice transported from Iapan to Yedzo, hath yeelded foure for one.

The Towne where the Iapanners haue their chiefe residence and Mart, is called Match∣ma,* 9.5 therein are fiue hundred housholds of Iapanners, who likewise haue a Fort there, the Gouernour whereof is called Matchmadonna. This Towne of Matchma, is the principall Mart Towne of all Yedzo, whither the N••tiues most resort to buy and sell, especially in September, for their prouision for winter. In March, they bring downe Salmon and dryed fish of sundrie sorts, and other wares, for which the Iapanners barter, which the Iapanners rather desire then [ 20] siluer.

* 9.6The Iapanners haue no setled being or Trade, in any other Towne then Matchma. That further to the Northward, vpon the same Land, are people of very low stature like Dwarfes. That the Yedzos are people of the stature of the Iapanners: and haue no apparrell, but what is brought them from Iapan. That there setteth a very violent current betweene Yedzo and Iapan, which commeth from Corea, and setteth to the East North-east. That the winds are for the most part, as vsually they are in Iapan, viz. That the Northerly winds beginne in September, and end in March, and then the Souther••y winds begin to blow.

[ 30]

CHAP. II. Obseruations of the said Captaine IOHN SARIS, of occurrents which happened in the East-Indies during his abode at Bantam, from October 1605. till Octob. 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandizes of those parts; obserued by his owne experience, or relation of others, extracted out of his larger Booke, and heere added as an Appendix to his former greater Voyage; and may serue as a continuation of Master SCOTS premised Relations. To which are added certaine Obseruation of the said Author, touching [ 40] the Townes and Merchandize of principall Trade in those parts of the World.

* 9.7THe seuenth of October 1605. Our Generall Henry Middleton, and Captain Chri∣stopher Coulthurst departed this Roade for England. The eight, we killed one of Keygus Varowes Slaues, which would haue fired our house.

The three and twentieth, here arriued a Iunck of the Flemmings from Priaman, by whom we vnderstood of Sir Edward Michelborne and Captaine Dauis, there [ 50] being vpon the coast, and that they had taken a Guzerate Iuncke in the Straights of Sunda, which came from Bantam, bound to Priaman.

The fiue and twentieth, we were commanded to the Court, vpon the report the Flemmings had made of Sir Edward, where it was demanded whether wee knew him, and wherefore hee should offer violence to the Kings friends, which had done him no wrong. It was answered, we knew a Knight so called, but whether he were vpon the Coast or no, we knew not, nor did know the Guzerate to be taken, but by the report of the Flemmings, which we held fabulous, and that vpon their better considerations, it might prooue rather to be one of the Flemmings ships, which set saile two dayes before the departure of the said Guzerate from Bantam. Whereupon we were willed to depart,* 9.8 till fur••her proofe could be made. [ 60]

The sixe and twentieth, Admirall Vanhangen of Vtricke departed for Holland, with two ships more in company, by whom we aduised the Company of all matters at large.

The nine and twentieth, Sir Edward Michelborne came to anchor heere, in the Road of Ban∣tam,

Master Towerson and my selfe went aboord to him, where we had good entertainment:* 9.9 And he did intimate vnto vs the taking of the Guzerate: wee intreated him that he would not take the China Iunckes, the which he promised vs, as he was a Gentleman, he would not.

The second of Nouember 1605. Sir Edward set saile, directing his course for the Straights of Pallingban.

The thirteenth heere arriued a small ship of the Flemmings from the Moluccas, called the lit∣tle Sunne.

The eighteenth, heere departed a small Pinnasse of the Flemmings, for the discouery of the I∣land called Noua ginnea, which, as it is said, affordeth great store of Gold. The foure and twen∣tieth, [ 10] Vansoult set saile for Choromandell.

The second of December 1605. heere arriued three Iunckes from Pattanny, they brought newes of the great losse the Flemmings had had by fire there.

The seuenteenth, Generall Warwicke arriued heere from Patanny, where hee had taken a very rich Carracke, which came from Mackcan, the greatest part of her lading was raw Silke.

The second of Ianuary 1605. heere departed a Iuncke of this Towne, fraughted by Chineses for Temore: their lading or commodities they caried w••s Brand peeces of siluer, beaten very thin of an hand-breadth English, Iron, course Purseline, Taffa••••es, China Pans and Belles. The twen∣tieth, arriued a China Iuncke, which Sir Edward Michelborne had taken, and restitution was de∣manded of vs, the Gouernour and principall Courti••rs being very much offended, but by the Ad∣mirall [ 20] and Sabandar were pacified. The Nockhoda of the Iuncke alledged many rich parcells taken.

The three and twentieth of May 1606. heere arriued a small Frigat of the Flemmings from Ternate, and brought away their Merchants, which had been left there by Bastianson. The Spa∣niard had taken away all they had, but gaue euery man his libertie. They carried the King of Ter∣nate for the Mannelyes, and as it was reported, they purposed to send him for Spaine. Some ten leagues from Iackatra, this Flemmish Frigat chance•• to meete with the King of Bantams Fleete, which pillaged them of all which they had saued from the Spaniards. The Flemmings laboured to get restitution, but could get none of the Iauanes.

The nine and twentieth, the Kings Fleete returned, hauing done vere little against their ene∣mies [ 30] the Pallingbanes.

The fifteenth of Iune, heere arriued Nockhoda Tingall a Cling-man from Banda, in a Iaua Iuncke, laden with Mace and Nutmegs, the which he sold heere to the Guzerats for an hundred and fiftie Rialls of eight the Bahar Bantam, which is foure hundred and fiftie Cattees: he told me that the Flemmings Pinnasse which went vpon discouery for Noua Ginny, was returned to Banda, hauing found the Iland: but in sending their men on shoare to intreate of Trade, there were nine of them killed by the Heathens, which are man-eaters; so they were constrained to returne, finding no good to be done there.

The sixt of August, the Moone was Eclipsed about eight of the clocke in the euening, conti∣nuing for the space of two houres, the Chineses and Iauanies beating of Pans and Morters during [ 40] her obscurie, in such manner, as you would thinke there were no hell but there, and crying out the Moone was dead.

The fourth of October, 1606. the China quarter was all burnt downe, yet it pleased God to preserue Ours. The same night, the Carracke of the Flemmings set saile for Holland, her lading was fifteene thousand sackes of Pepper, some rawe Silke, and great store of China Sugar.

The fifth, the West Frisland arriued here from Ternata, whence she was beaten by the Spaniards: she was not aboue halfe laden with Mace, Cloues, and Cotton-yarne.

The ninth, here arriued a small Frigat from Soocadanna, the Merchant was Claes Simonson, his lading was Wax, Caulacca, and great store of Diamonds. The thirteenth, about midnight we had an Earthquake, it continued not long, but for the time it was very fearef••ll.

[ 50] The thirteenth of December, here arriued two Iunkes of the Flemmings from Io••, by whom we vnderstood, that there was a Fleete of Flemmings, beeing eleuen ships before Mallacca. The Commander whereof was Mattele••fe the younger. The ships names were as followeth: The Orangia Admirall, Amsterdam Vic••admirall, Midleburgh, Mauritius, Erasmus, Great Sunne, Little Sonne, Nassaw, Prouincies, White Lyon, Blacke Lyon.

The twentie two of May, they came to an anchor before Mallacca with nine ships: for their Admirall before their comming thither, had sent the Prouincies and the Erasmus for Achen.

The fifth of Iune, they landed their men, but a little before their landing, the Portugals set fire of one Carracke and foure Iuncks which were in the Road. In Iuly, the Prouincies and Erasmus came to the Fleet at Mallacca. The twenty fifth of August, the Viceroy with a Fleete of six∣teene [ 60] great ships, were discouered by the Little Sunne, which was appointed to keepe watch at an Iland called Cape Rochado, who immediately came and certified their Admirall, finding him very much vnprouided, his Ordnance and men beeing ashoare. But by the Portugalls calling of a Councel, they gaue the Flemmings twenty foure houres time, to get his men and furniture aboord, and to fit himselfe before he came to them. Thus being readie, the Flemmings weighed, and stood

out of the Harbour to them,* 9.10 where they beganne a good fight, which continued two nights and one day: in which fight was burned the ship Middleburgh, the Nassaw, and three Portugal ships. The Orang••a hauing sprung a great leake, was faine to put into Ior, the King beeing their great friend and assistant, the Fleet following him, where he remained one moneth, and then set saile for Mallacca againe, where he met with sixe ships of the Portugals, of the which the Flemmings burnt three, and the Portugals themselues burnt three. From thence they departed for the Ni∣cubars, where they found the Vice-roy with seuen ships, but they were haled so close ashoare, that they durst not deale with them.

The twentieth, he arriued here with sixe ships. The twenty ninth, he departed for the Mo∣luccas.

The fourteenth of May, 1607. here arriued a Malaia Iunke from Grese, by whom we vnder∣stood, [ 10] that Iulius a Flemming, and fiue more, which departed this Road the thirtieth of Nouem∣ber, 1606. for Soocadanna, was put to death at Bemermassen, and all their goods taken by the King of that place, the occasion (as it is reported) proceeded from the Flemming, who had vsed certein foule speeches of the King, which he came to the hearing of, and thereupon sent for the Merchant and Master, and by the way gaue order to kill them.

The seuenteenth of August, here arriued the Great Sunne from Choromandell, the Captaine Pe∣ter Isaacson, by whom we vnderstood, that vpon the Iland of Selon, they tooke a very great ship of the Portugals, out of whom they had eightie Packs seueral sorts of cloath, eight hundred Bades of Sugar bound for Malacca. Item, that in the road of Masulipatan, where their Factory lieth, they took a Portugal ship very richly laden with all sorts of Commodities fit for that Coast, which was [ 20] greatly for their benefit, for that they were ignorant what Commodities were most vendible there: her lading was Cloues, Mace, Nut-megs, China Taffaties, Veluets and Dammasks of the brightest colours, but no white, China Porseline fine and course, but your great Basons with brims are the best. Item, the Flemming hath Factories in three seuerall places vpon that Coast, but not farre the one from the other, viz. At Masulipatan, at Pettapoli, and Balligat. Mesulipa∣tan lieth in the latitude of seuenteene degrees. It is a place of great plentie of victualls, thirty two Hennes for a Riall, two sheep for a Riall, an Oxe for a Riall. Item, in the moneth of May, the wind at West, it is so extreame hot there, that you would thinke the wind would take away your breath, yet can you not by any meanes sweat till the Sunne be downe, and then you shall sweat very much: wherefore in this Moneth they goe not abroad in the day time, but in the [ 30] night, for there haue been many smoothered.

The seuenth, here arriued a small Pinnasse from an Iland called S. Lucia, in the latitude of twentie foure degrees and an halfe, about a mile from the Iland of Madagascar, where they were forced in by a leake in the Carracke, which departed from hence the fourth of October, 1606. they were foced to throw away three thousand sacks of Pepper, besides other Commodities to great value. They reported vnto vs, that it is a very good place to refresh in. The people haue no knowledge of Coyne: they bought a fat Oxe for a Tinne spoone, and a sheep for a smal peece of Brasse: it is hard ground, and very good riding in seuen and eight fathome. The foureteenth of Nouember, 1607. Captaine Dauid Middleton arriued here in the Consent of London.

The seuenteenth, the Flemmish Admirall Matteleefe arriued here from the Coast of China, [ 40] wh••r•• he hoped to haue gotten Trade, but could not: he proffered them at Canton an hundred thous••nd Rialls of eight for a gift onely, but they would not accept it; he was there in great dan∣g••r ••f ••a••ing, by sixe Carracks which came out of Maccau of purpose for him: they made him cast off his Pinnasse, the which the Portugals tooke. He touched at Camboya and Pahang, but bought nothing but victuals.

The seuenteenth of December, 1607. here arriued the Gelderland from Holland. They came betweene S. Laurence and the maine:* 9.11 their first place of refreshment was at Mayot, one of the Ilands of Gomora, where they set vp a fine Pinnasse. It is a good harbour, but there is little cattel to be had. From thence to Callicut, where in their way they tooke a small Boat of Meeca, laden with Rice and people of diuers Nations. The Towne of Calicut lieth by the Sea-side, and is [ 50] thought to be fiue English miles long. The Sambrin which is their King, came downe vnto them, he was very rich in apparell, hauing a Crowne of Gold ouer his Turbant, a naked Sword in his hand, which is the manner there, he gaue the Flemmings good words, offering to let them leaue a Factory there: but they durst not trust him, the Portugal being so great with him.

The twenty seuenth, here arriued Admirall Paulus van Carle, with seuen very good ships, and one Portugall Frigat.* 9.12 They refreshed at Cape de Lope Gonsaluo, which lieth vpon the Coast of Ginnie, where they found very good water and fish; they continued here sixe weekes, hauing the wind at South-east by East. From hence to an Iland called Annabon, vpon the same Coast.

The thirtieth of March, Stilo nouo, we (say they) came to anchor in the road of Mosambique, letting fall our anchor in eighteene fathomes,* 9.13 the Castle shooting very hotly at vs, but wee an∣swered [ 60] them not againe, but made all the speed we could aboord of two great Guzerate shippes and a Frigat which ride hard by vs, laden with Callicoes, course blue cloth with white spots, and some with red spots, the which for the most part we tooke out, and set the great ships on fire, but

the Frigat we kept. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one, we m••stred our men, finding nine hundred ninetie fiue, all well and in perfect health

The first of Aprill, we landed seuen hundred men, and seuen peeces of Artillerie, viz. eight Demy-Cannons of Brasse, two Demy-Culuerings of Iron, and battered vpon the Castle, but to little purpose: wherefore we brought our tren••••es so neere the enemie, as we could heaue stones into them. And the same night we began to make our mine, but there fell so much raine, that we were constrained to giue it ouer. Here they heaued fire-pots downe from the walls vpon vs, which scalded our men very much, and perceiuing hereof, sallied out vpon vs, to our great detri∣ment. Thus hauing been here sixe weekes ashoare, our men beeing hurt and sicke, wee brought [ 10] our Ordnance and men aboord, hauing lost in all fortie men, we set saile out of the Roade,* 9.14 the Ca∣stle shooting very hotly at vs, so that they sunke the sterne Mast of our Fleete, which was a very tall ship: and other of our ships had thirtie shot through their failes and hull. The Gunner was an Englishman.

From hence we went for Mayotto, which is one of the Ilands of Gomora, to refresh our men. Here we bought sixe hundred twenty Oxen, thirty fiue Sheepe, and Goates,* 9.15 to the great com∣fort of vs. These people haue knowledge of Coyne, and would deale with vs for no Commodi∣tie but Rialls. The King made a decree, that no man should sell vs any Cattell, vntill the Kings were sold, the which he would not sell vs vnder three Rialls of eight the piece; but his peoples cattell we bought for a Riall of eight the piece, but sheepe and Goats cheaper. Here we mustred [ 20] our men againe, hauing bin here six weeks, & found our selues nine hundred & forty strong: wher∣fore it was determined to goe againe for Mosambique, to assault the Castle once againe. But com∣ming into the Roade, we found three Carracks riding there, which were newly come from Por∣tugal, whereupon it was held best, not to goe in againe, but to ply off and on, to see if they would come forth; but they did not, wherefore we stood away alongst the shoare some thirtie leagues off the land for Goa: where at a Towne called Seperdowne,* 9.16 we landed all the Guzerats which wee had out of the ships at Mosambique. At this place is good refreshing and cheape, twentie hennes for a Riall, one hundred and fiftie Egges for a shilling, and as much fresh fish as would serue all the ships companie for a day, for a Riall of eight. It lieth in eighteene degrees to the North of the line, and is not far from Chaul: we rid in seuen fathomes clay ground. The people are Moores, and [ 30] great enemies to the Portugals: it affoords no Marchandise but a little Pepper. From hence hard by the Ilands of Commodo to the North of Goa seuen leagues,* 9.17 we took a Carracke which was come from Lisbone, her lading was most Rialls of eight, currant Spanish coine; all which we tooke out, and set her on fire. The Captaine we tooke with vs, his name was Ieronymus Telbalditto. At Goa we remained a Moneth at anchor, hoping to haue met with the Carrackes which we had seene at Mosambique, but they came not: wherefore we set saile, and went for Callicut, purposing to haue spoken with the Sambarine, but by reason of tenne Galli••s,* 9.18 which were come from Goa and lay there, we went not ashoare, fearing some Treason. We sent him a Present, which was two pieces of Iron Ordnance, and one piece of Brasse, we sent our Caske ashoare to fill with wa∣ter, but we could find none that we durst drinke. From hence we shaped our course for Cape [ 40] Commerin to looke for water, but could get none: wherefore wee directed our course for the straights of Mallacca, but finding the winds and Current contrary, we came directly for Bantam, hauing been out of Holland twenty one Moneths and an halfe.

The thirtie one of December, he departed this Roade with seuen ships, and one Frigat to spend some time in the straights of Mallacca, in hope to haue met with the Mackaw shippes,* 9.19 but could not.

The fourth of Ianuary, 1607. he arriued in the Road here, leauing his ships riding at Poolo Tindoo. The fifth, he departed hence for the Molluccas.

The eighteenth, Admirall Matteleefe the younger▪ set saile for Holland: his lading was twelue thousand sackes of Pepper, foure hundred sackes of Nutmegs, Sugar, Ebony wood, and some [ 50] raw Silke.

This yeare, 1608. arriued here many Iunkes of China, and other places, which I forbeare to mention.

The nineteenth of August, arriued a Flemmish ship called the Erasmus from Amboyna,* 9.20 hauing in her some seuen hundred Bahars of Cloues, which she laded at Hitto.

The first of September, arriued a small Pinnasse of the Flemmings from Mackian, by whom we vnderstood of two ships called the China and the Doue were cast away,* 9.21 riding at anchor afore Mackian, with very litle wind at West, which makes such a Sea, that it is not possible for ships to ride there, by reason it is foule ground, and very deepe water, as seuenty and eightie fath••ms. Item, that they had taken Mackian and Taffasal without the losse of a man,* 9.22 and had left in each [ 60] place, one hundred and twenty Flemmings: in like manner they had strengthened the Castle at Malayo.

The tenth, departed a Pinnasse of the Flemmings for Soocadanna, to fetch away the Merchants whom they heard could get in no part of their debts, left there by Clawes Simonson, and that they were very sicke▪

* 9.23The three and twentieth, arriued the ship Zeland from Banda, halfe laden with Mace and Nut∣megs, her burthen was an hundred and fiftie last. The fiue and twentieth, arriued the Hay from Choromandell, her lading was diuers sorts of Mallayo cloth, and cloth Cherra Iaua.

The second of October, arriued the Dragon from Priaman, wherein was General William Kee∣ling. The seuenth, the Generall went vp to the Court, and deliuered the King our Kings Letter, with a Present, which was fiue Peeces, one Bason and Ewer, one Barrell of powder.

The thirteenth in the morning very early, the Gouernour and his Ierotoolies were killed by the Pungauas, the Sabandar, Admirall, Key depatty Vtennagarra, &c. who assembled themselues ouer night at Keymas Patties house, and beset the Court, first laying hold of the King and his Mother; and then they ranne into the Gouernours Court, thinking to haue found him in the bed, but he [ 10] was on the backeside his bed, where they found him, and wounded him first on the head, where∣upon he fled to the Priest, called Keyfinkkey, who came forth and intreated them for his life, but they would not be perswaded, but perforce ran in, and made an end of him.

The eighteenth, arriued the Flemmings Pinnasse from Soocodanna, and brought away their Merchants, leauing the Countrey much indebted vnto them.

The sixth of Nouember, set saile the Vice-Admirall of Paulus van Carle, with fiue saile for Holland: their lading was Cloues, Mace, Nutmegs, Pepper and Diamonds. The eighth, arriued a small Pinnasse of the Flemmings from Malacca, by whom wee vnderstood of thirteene saile of ships which rid there, and that in their Voyage they had taken two Carrackes.

* 9.24The ninth of Nouember, 1608. Samuel Plummer departed this Roade for Soocadanna, to re∣mayne [ 20] there.

The fourth of December, being Sunday in the afternoone our Generall William Keeling de∣parted this Roade for England in the Dragon. The sixth, hee was forst backe by foule weather and West-winds. The tenth, hee departed from the West point. The thirteenth, hee returned hauing met with the Hector in the Straights of Sonda. They were very weake, their men for the most part toucht with the Scuruie. The Portugalls of Damas had betrayed their Boates at Surat, taken nineteene of their men, and nine thousand Rials in Cloth as it cost there. Item, as they came for Bantam, they tooke a small Frigat of Collumba, out of which they tooke eleuen packes of Cloth, contayning in all eightie three Clothes, thirteene pieces poulings, which were sent for the Ilands of Banda. [ 30]

The sixteenth of December, arriued a small ship from Holland, by whom we vnderstood of two ships which they met withall to the North of the Cape Bona Speransa in thirtie two de∣grees. They made them to bee English ships, but whether they were bound they were not cer∣taine, but the smaller shippe bore the Flagge in the maine-top. This shippe had beene on her Voyage eight monethes and ten dayes, they refresht at one of the Ilands of Comora, called Pulo Lamone, where they had great store of Beeues and G••ats for old Kniues and Tinne Spoones.

The two and twentieth, she set saile for Mallacca, to their fleet which lay there, to will them to giue ouer their siege.

The three and twentieth, departed the Dragon for England: Captaine, Gabriell Towerson.

The first of Ianuary, 1608. our Generall William Keeling set sayle in the Hector for the Ilands of Banda. [ 40]

The seuenth, arriued two shippes and a Pinnasse of the Flemmings from Choromandell, laden with Cloath the which some part they had taken, and the rest bought. They had taken fiue pri∣zes, one a Carricke at Mosambique.

The fifteenth of Ianuary, 1608. departed the great Sunne, and the two ships which came from Choromandell.

The third of Februarie, arriued Admirall Willamson Verhoofe with twelue sayle of good ships from Mallaca.

The fourteenth, the Admirall with seuen ships departed for the Molluccoes.

The ninth of March, the Flemmings caused a meeting at the Court of all the Pungauas, To [ 50] tell the King that they had receiued Letters from their King, which did make mention of peace betweene them and the Portugalls.* 9.25 Wherefore they thought good to certifie so much vnto them, To this end that if the Portugalls should come thither vnder colour to trade with them, and so set vpon them for their Countrey, they could not take their parts as aforetime they could haue done, by reason the King of Holland and Portugall were friends. Where at the Iauans fell all into a great laughter, smoking them, that their pretence was to strike feare into them of the Portugall, doubting the King would if they came, giue them peaceable Trade, which would be the ouerthrow of the Flemmings. The Gouernour gaue them no an∣swere, but willed them to take their course.

* 9.26The twentieth, It pleased God to deliuer vs from a great danger, for a Chineses house next vn∣to [ 60] our Ware-house tooke fire and was burnt downe, but ours escaped.

The one and twentieth, I was sent for to the Court by Pangran Areaumgalla the Gouer∣nour. I went and carryed with me a Present which was one Peece, one Mallee Goobaer, one piece Morey, one piece Mallayo Pintado, one Bandaleere, one roll of Match, the which he ac∣cepted

very kindly, he told me he had sent for me, hearing that there were two men in chaines in our house for debt, and he would know by whose order I kept them. I told him by the order of the King we had taken them vp, and hoped that he would not take them from me before I were satisfied my debt, or some part, and that it was due by them, I shewed their Bils: hee said, hee thought they were indebted, but that the King gaue vs leaue to chaine them vp, he knew to the contrary, wherfore he would haue them loosed, but with much intreatie, I perswaded that he gaue me leaue to keep them til Tanyomge, which ought foure hundred twenty Rials & a half, should pay one hundred, and Bungoone which ought fiue hundred Rials, & one hundred sacks of Pepper, should pay twentie bagges of Pepper, and one hundred Rials in money, according as hee had before a∣greed [ 10] and giuen me his Bill. Wherefore hee sent one of his slaues home with me to tell the Pri∣soners thereof, willing them to resolue and pay me.

The foure and twentieth, I was sent for to the Court, and the Flemmings: hee demanded of the Flemming whether it was their Countrey manner to take vp a man for debt without telling of the King, the Flemming said no, whereupon he willed me presently to let them out,* 9.27 cleane for∣getting his promise three dayes before, the which I charged him with, but all would not pre∣uayle; wherefore he sent one of the Kings slaues and tooke them out of the house. The which strict course I hold to be taken against vs, by the instigation of the Flemmings, wrought by Lack∣moye, to the end we should not trust the Chineses: so that by this course they must needs come to him, & he being fitted with all sorts of Commodities from the Flemming, will wholly ouerthrow [ 20] our Trade, in respect wee cannot trust but at hazard, for there is no Iustice to bee had.

The three and twentieth of Aprill, 1609. here arriued a small Pinnasse of the Flemmings from Soocadanna and Ternata:* 9.28 by whom wee vnderstood that Admirall Pauls Vankerle was taken at Ternata.

The one and twentieth of May, 1609. A Pinnasse of the Flemmings set saile for Bemermassin, vpon a league made betweene them. And with purpose to search euery Creeke and corner of the Iland. For they haue heard there is much Gold there and Bezars, the which is to bee traded for with Beads and other Haberdasher-ware.

The sixe and twentieth of August, 1609. arriued Captaine William Keeling from Banda, ha∣uing laden there twelue thousand foure hundred eighty foure Cattees one halfe quarter of Mace, [ 30] fiftie nine thousand, eight hundred fortie sixe Cattees of Nutmegs, which stood them in nine, ten and eleuen Rials the Bahar, the Cattee there weighing thirteene and an halfe of our English Ounces. The smal Bahar Mace is ten Cattees, or one hundred Cattees of Nutmegs: & the great Bahar is one hundred Cattees of Mace, or one thousand Cattees of Nutmegs: so that if a man be indebted vnto you ten Cattees of Mace, and will giue you one hundred Cattees of Nut∣megs you cannot refuse it.

The fourth of October, 1609. Captaine Keeling set saile from Bantam, hauing taken in the rest of his lading, which was foure thousand nine hundred bagges, three Cattees of Pepper,* 9.29 in the which ship called the Hector. I came for England hauing beene in the Countrey foure yeares, nine monethes, eleuen dayes.

[ 40]

Certaine Rules for the choise of sundry Drugges, as also from whence they may be had, as followeth.

LIgnum Aloes, is a wood so called by vs, but of the Mallayens, it is called Garroo. The best commeth from Mallacka, Syam, and Cambaya.* 9.30 The best is that which is in large round stickes and very massie, of blacke colour intermixed with Ashe-coloured veines. In taste some-what bitter and odoriferous, and being burnt, it becommeth like vnto Pitch in bubbles. If a splinter thereof be laid vpon a fire-coale, for if it be good, it will not leaue frying till it bee quite consu∣med, casting forth a most delectable Odour.

[ 50] Beniamin, is a Gumme called by the Mallayens Minnian. The best sort commeth from Syam, which is very pure, cleere and white, with little streakes of Amber colour.* 9.31 The other sort which is not altogether so white, but is also very good, commeth from Sumatra. And a third sort which commeth from Priaman and Barrowse, is very course like Horse-bread, not vendible in England, but well esteemed in Bantam.

Ciuet, the best is that which is of a deepe yellow colour some-what inclining to the colour of Gold, not whitish, for that is vsually sophisticated with Grease, yet if it bee newly taken, it is naturally whitish, and will in continuance of time become of a yellowish colour.

Muske, there are three sorts, blacke, browne and yellow, of which the first is naught, the se∣cond is good, the last best: which ought to be of colour like the best Spicknard, that is, of a deep [ 60] Amber colour, inclosed with one onely skinne, and not one ouer another, as it is oftentimes to be seene, not ouer-moist which maketh it waightie, but in a meane, hauing some haires like bristles, but not ouer-many, cleere of stones, leade, or other trash intermixed, and of so strong and fragrant a smell, that to many it is offensiue, and being tasted in the mouth, it pierceth the very braine with the scent, and ought not ouer-soone to dissolue in the mouth, nor yet to re∣mayne

very long vndissolued in any hand, it must not be kept neere to any sweet Spices, least it lose the sent.

Bezar, there are heere of two kinds, the one brought from the West, the other from the East-Indies, whereof the East-India Bezar is worth double the price of the other. The formes of ••oth are diuers, some round, others long like Date-stones, others like Pidgeons Egges, some like the Kidneyes of a young Goate, and others in forme of a Ches-nut, but all for the most part are ••l••nt at the ends, not picked, and no lesse varietie is also to be seene in the colours, for some are of light redde,* 9.32 others of colour like Honey, many of a darke Ash-colour like that of the Ciuet-Cat, but for the most part of a waterish-greene. The East-India Bezars consist of many peelings and scales, as it were artificially compacted together, in manner of the skinnes and peeles of an Onion, each inclosing other, bright and splendent, as if they were po∣lished [ 10] by Art, the one peeling being broke off, the next is more splendent or brighter then the former, these peelings are some thicke, some thinne, according to the largenesse of the stones, and the larger the stone is, the better for sale. This is a certaine way to make tryall of Bezars; take the direct waight of the stone, then put him into water, and let it stand for the space of foure houres, then see if he be not crackt, wipe it dry, and weigh it againe, if it weigh neuer so small a matter more then he did at the first, then build vpon it, it is not good. Thus haue I proued my selfe many times in Bantam, and haue had diuers turne to Chalke with a little sticke in the mid∣dle, which hath weighed a Taile Iaua, which is two Ounces. The most Counterfeites come from Soocodanna, which is vpon Burneo. These names in the Margent, are the places from whence they may be had. [ 20]

Amber, there is hereof, if you regard the colour, many sorts, as blacke, white, browne, and gray, of all which the blacke is vsually the basest, and the gray the best, of which choose what is best clensed from filth or drosse, pure of it selfe, of colour inclining to a white, and of an Ash-colour intermixed with veines, some Ash-colour, other whitish, being put into a bowle of wa∣ter, it ought to floate aloft. The which, although some which is sophisticated may doe, yet this is 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that none which is pure will sinke in the water. The greatest quantitie commeth from Mosambique and Sofala.

Of all the chiefe and principall Townes for Trade in these parts, with their seuerall names and situations, and also what commodities they doe affoord, and what is there desired. [ 30]

BAntam, a Towne situate in the Iland of Iaua Maior, standeth in the latitude of sixe degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall, and hath three degrees variation West. To this place is great resort of diuers Nations, in sundrie sorts of commodities. For of it selfe it affoordeth lit∣tle but victuals, Cotton wooll and Pepper, whereof the quantitie may be at a haruest (which is in the moneth of October) some thirtie or thirtie two thousand sackes, each sacke containing forty nine Cattees and an halfe China,* 9.33 and each Cattee twenty one Rials and an halfe English, a sacke is called a Timbang, and two Timbanges is one Peecull, three Peeculls is a small Bahar, and foure Peeculls and an halfe a great Bahar, which is foure hundred fortie fiue Cattees and an halfe. Item, there is a Coolack, by the which the Iauanes most commonly deale, because they are not very [ 40] perfect in the vse of the Beame; it containeth seuen Cattees and a quarter, and seuen Coolackes is a Timbang (water measure) the which is one Cattee and a quarter, greater then the Beame (there should be no difference, but that the weigher, which is alwayes a Chinesa, doth giue his Countri∣men leaue to get) for according as he fauours, he can fit them with a great or a small measure, at his pleasure.* 9.34 Item, there commeth in the moneths of December and Ianuary to this place, many Iunckes and Prawes laden with Pepper from Cherringin and Iauby, so that in the fine of Ianuary there is alwayes Pepper sufficient to lade three good shippes. Item, the King hath no Coine of his owne, but what commeth from China, which is called Cashes, and is made of the drosse of Lead, it is round and thin, with holes to string them on, a thousand Cashes vpon a string, called a Pecoo, which is of diuers values, according as Cashes rise or fall, wherewith they know how to [ 50] make their accounts, which is as followeth: ten Pecooes is a Laxsau, ten Laxsaues is a Cattee, ten Ca••tees is an Vta, ten Vtaes is a Bahar.

Item, you are to vnderstand, there are two manner of wayes of the stringing of Cashes; the one called Chuchuck China, the other Chuchuck Iaua, of which the Iaua is the best, for there should be two hundred Cashes vpon a Tacke, but for the China Tackes you shall find but an hun∣dred and sixtie, or an hundred and seuentie: fiue Tackes should make a Pecoo; so that you lose two hundred Cashes vpon a Pecoo, or an hundred and fiftie, which will rise to a great matter, if you deale for much;* 9.35 but by the law of the Countrey they are to be iust a thousand Cashes vpon a string, or to giue Basse, which is allowance.

Item, vpon the departing of the Iunckes, you shall buy thirtie foure and thirtie fiue Pecooes [ 60] for a Riall, which before the next yeere you may sell for twentie two and twentie for a Riall, so that there is great profit to be made, but the danger of fire is great.

Item, the weight vsed to weigh Bezars, Ciuit and gold, is called a Taile, which is two Rialls

of eight and a quarter, or two ounces, English. Item,* 9.36 a Mallaya Taile is one Riall of eight and a halfe, or one ounce and one third part English. Item, a Taile China is 1 7/20 Riall of eight, or one ounce and one fift part English, so that ten Tailes China is sixe Tailes Iaua, exactly. Item, the English commodities vendible heere, are as followeth: English Iron, long and thinne barres, sixe Rials the Peecull: Lead, in small pigges, for fiue and twentie or sixe and twentie peeces, fiue Ri∣alls and a halfe the Peecull: Powder, fine round cornd, the barrell fiue and twentie Rials: Peeces square, sanguined, the peece ten Rialls, of sixe foot long: Peeces square, damasked all ouer, fif∣teene Rialls, of sixe foote long and a halfe: Broad-cloth of ten pound the Cloath, of colour Ve∣nice red, a Gasse, which is three quarters of a yard, three Rialls of eight: Opium Misseree, which [ 10] is the best, eight Rialls the Cattee: Amber, in great beads, one Wamg and a halfe Taile Mallaya, sixe Rialls of eight: Corall, in large branches, fiue and sixe Rialls, the weight of the Taile Mal∣laya: Rialls of eight, the principallest commodities you can carry.

Item, in the Moneths of February and March, heere commeth three or foure Iunckes from China, very richly laden with Silkes raw and wrought, China Cashes, Purseline,* 9.37 Cotton cloath of diuers fashions and prices, as followeth, viz. Raw-silke of Lamking, which is the best, an hun∣dred and ninetie Rialls the Peecull: Raw-silke of Canton, which is courser, eightie Rials the Pee∣cull: Taffata in boults, an hundred and twelue yards the peece, fortie six Rials the Corge, twenty peeces: Veluets all colours, thirteene yards the peece, twelue Rialls the peece: Damaske all co∣lours, twelue yards the peece, sixe Rialls the peece; white Sattins, twelue yards long the peeces, eight Rialls: Burgones, ten yards long the peece, fortie fiue Rialls the Corge: Sleue-silke, the [ 20] best made colours, three Rialls the Cattee: Muske the best, two and twentie Rialls the Cattee: Sewing Gold the best, fifteene knots, euery knot thirty strings, one Riall: Veluet Hangings im∣broydered with gold, eighteene Rialls▪ vpon Sattins, fourteene Rials: white Curten stuffes, nine yards the peeces, fiftie Rialls the Corge; white Damask Flat, nine yards the peeces, foure Rials: Sugar white the Peecull, three Rials and a halfe, very drie: Sugar Candy very drie, fiue Rials the Peecull: Purseline Basons the peeces, two Rialls, very broad and fine: Callico cloath, course,* 9.38 white and browne, fifteene Rialls the Corge: Course Purseline, Drugges, and diuers other com∣modities they bring, but because they are not for our Countrey, I doe omit.* 9.39 Beniamine very good and white▪ fiue and thirtie, and thirtie Rialls the Peecull: Lignum-Aloes, eightie Rialls the Peecull: Allum, which is as good as the English, and comes from China, two Rialls and [ 30] a halfe the Peecull. Choromandell Cloath is a principall commoditie heere, the most vendible sorts are called Goobares; Pintadoes of foure and fi••e couets: Fine Tappies of Saint Thomas, Ballachos, Iaua Girdles, alias Caine-Goolong, Callico Launes, Booke Callicos, and Callicos made vp in rowles, white. Item, a Goober is double, and containeth twelue yards,* 9.40 or sixe Hastaes sin∣gle. Item, Ballachos, course and fine, containing two and thirtie or foure and thirtie Hastaes, but the finest are alwayes longest.

Item, the fine Tappyes of Saint Thomas, sixe Hastaes. Item, Moorees is a fine sort of cloath, but not very much vsed heere, for it is deare and short, containing sixteene Hastaes, at two Rialls and a quarter. Item, Booke Callicos, if they be not corted, are two and thirtie Hastaes. Item, all [ 40] sorts of Mallayan cloath are generally eight Hastaes long, wherefore it is called, Cherra Mallaya. Item, generally all sorts of Cotton cloath, which is broad, and of good length,* 9.41 is well reque∣sted heere.

Item, Callico Lawnes, white and red, are two and thirtie Hastaes. Item, a Hasta is halfe a yard, accounted from your elbow to the toppe of your middle finger. Item, the Kings Customes heere, are as followeth: The Kings Custome called Chukey, is eight bagges vpon the hundred bagges, rating Pepper at foure Rials of eight the sacke, what price soeuer it beares: Billa-billian is,* 9.42 if any ship arriue in the Roade, laden with cloath or such like; the King is to be made acquainted there∣with, and with the sorts, quantitie, and price thereof, before you may land any part: then hee will send his Officers, and such sorts, as he likes, he will haue at the halfe of your price, or some∣what aboue, as you can agree: for if you prise your cloath at twentie Rialls for Corge, hee will [ 50] giue you but fifteene or sixteene Rialls a Corge: but the Flemmings course hath been to giue him seuen or eight hundred Rialls at a time for a shippes lading, to cleare them of the dutie and trou∣ble. But by the custome of the Countrey, this dutie is vpon sixe thousand sackes of Pepper, sixe hundred sixtie sixe Rialls, if you lade Pepper, otherwise to take so many thousand sackes of the King, at halfe a Riall, or three quarters of a Riall vpon a sacke, more then the price currant is in the Towne.

Item, if you shall haue prouided afore-hand sufficient lading to dispatch your shippes, yet you are to pay for this dutie as aforesaid, or else they will not permit you to lade.

Item, Rooba, Rooba, is a duty for anchorage, and is vpon sixe thousand sackes fiue hundred Ri∣alls of eight. Item, the Sabandars duty is vpon sixe thousand sackes two hundred fiftie Rials.* 9.43 I∣tem, [ 60] the Waighers dutie is one Riall vpon an hundred sackes. Item, the Ierotoolis or Waighers be∣longing to the Custome-house, their dutie is one Riall for an hundred sackes.

Iortan, is to the Eastwards of Iacatra, it is called Serebaya. It affoordeth of it selfe victuals,* 9.44 and great store of Cotton-wooll, and spun yarne. There commeth many Iunkes from Iauby, whose

lading is Pepper; also there are small Prawes of the Towne, which goe to Banda; so that there are some few Mace and Nuts to be had there.

Mackassar, is an Iland not farre from the Celebes. It affoordeth great store of Bezar stones, which may be had reasonably: also Rice and other Victualls great plentie. There are Iunkes also which trade to Banda, so that a small quantitie of Mace and Nuts is there to be had also.

Balee, is an Iland to the East-wards of Mackassar, standing in eight degrees and an halfe to the South of the Equinoctiall. It hath of it selfe great store of Rice, Cotten-yarne, slaues, and course white Cloth, well requested at Bantam. The commodities for this place are the smallest sort of blue and white beads, Iron and course Purseline.

Tymore, is an Iland which lieth to the East-ward of Baly, in the latitude of tenne degrees, for∣tie [ 10] minutes. This place affoordeth great store of Chindanna, by vs called, white Saunders; the greatest logges are accounted best, it is worth at Bantam twentie Rials of eight the Peecull, at the comming of the Iunkes: Waxe in great cakes, worth at Bantam eighteene, nineteene, twentie, thirtie Rials the Peecul, as the time serues. Item, you must be verie carefull in the choo∣sing of it, for there is great deceit therein; wherefore you must breake it, to see whether it bee mingled or not.

The Commodities which are carried thither, are Chopping-kniues, small Bugles, Porseline, coloured Taffataes, but no blackes, China frying-Pannes, China bels, and peeces of siluer beaten flat and thin as a wafer, of the bredth of a hand. Item, there is great profit made of this trade, for the Chineses haue giuen to our men which aduentured with them thither, foure for one. [ 20]

Banda lieth in the latitude of fiue degrees to the Southwards of the Equinoctiall. It affoordeth great store of Mace and Nutmegs,* 9.45 with Oyle of both sorts: it hath no King, but is gouerned by a Sabandar, which ioyneth with the Sabandars of Nero, and Lentore, Puloway, Pulorin, and Laba∣tacca, Ilands neare adioyning. These Ilands in former times haue been vnder the gouernement of the King of Ternata, but at this present they gouerne of themselues. Item, on these Ilands is haruest thrice a yeare, viz. in the Moneth of Iuly, October, and February. But the gathering in Iuly is the greatest,* 9.46 the which is called, the Monson Arepootee.

Item, the manner of dealing for their price, is as followeth. A small Bahar is tenne Cattees Mace, and an hundred Cattees Nuts; & a great Bahar Mace, is an hundred Cattees, and a thousand Cattees Nuts, and a Cattee is fiue pound, thirteene ounces and an halfe English, the prices variable. [ 30]

Item, the Commodities requested in these Ilands, are Choromandel cloth, Cheremallaw, viz. Sar∣rasses, Pintados of fiue Coueyts, fine Ballachos, blacke Girdles, Chellyes, white Callicoes, broad cloath Stammell, Gold in coyne, viz. Rose-nobles of England and the Low Countreys, Royalls of eight.* 9.47 Item, you shall haue that there, for seuenty Rialls in Gold, which will cost you ninetie in Rialls, China Basons fine large, and without brims, Damasks of light colours, Taffataes, Veluets, China Boxes, or Counters gilded, Gold chaines, Plate cups gilded, Head-peeces bright damasked, Peeces for shot, but not many Sword blades brand and backt to the point. Item, Cambaya cloth, Callicoes blacke and red, Callico lawnes, &c. Item, Rice is a very good commoditie to carrie thither.

The Ilands of the Moluccos are fiue, viz. Molucco, Ternate, Tydore, Gelolo, Mackean, and are [ 40] vnder the Equinoctiall line. These Ilands affoord great store of Cloues, not euery yeare, but eue∣ry three yeares. The Cattee there is, three pound fiue ounces English, the Bahar two hundred Cattees. Item, nineteene Cattees Ternata, makes fifty Cattees Bantam exactly.

The commodities vendible for these places, are Choromandell cloth, Cheremallaw, but fine; and Siam girdles, Salolos, fine Ballachos and Chelleys are best requested. Item, China Taffata, Vel∣uets, Damaske, great Basons, varnished Counters, Broad cloath crymson, Opium and Benia∣min, &c.

Siam, lieth in the latitude of foureteen degrees & a halfe to the Northward of the Equinoctial. It affoords great store of very good Beniamin, and many rich stones, which are brought thither frō Pegu. Item, a Tayle is two Rials of eight and a quarter. Item, here is much Siluer in bullion, which [ 50] commeth from Iapan, but Rials of eight are in more request, for two Rialls and a quarter in coine, will yeeld two and an halfe in bullion. Broad cloth stammell colour, Iron, and fa••re looking glas∣ses are well requested, all manner of China Commodities are there better cheape then at Bantam.

Item, the Guzerat Iunkes come to Siam in the moneths of Iune and Iuly, touching first at the Maldiues, and then at Tenassere, from whence they may goe ouer land to Siam in twentie dayes. Item, at Tenassere there is alwayes fiue and an halfe, and sixe fathomes water.

Borneo, lieth in the latitude of three degrees to the South of the Equinoctial. It affoordeth great store of Gold, Bezar stones, Wax, Rotans, Cayulacca, and Sanguis Draconis. Item, at Bemer∣massin, a Towne situated on this Iland, is the principallest trade for the Commodities afore-said. Item, the Commodities requested there, are as followeth, Choromandell cloth of all sorts, China [ 60] Silkes, Damasks, Taffataes, Veluets, all colours but blackes, Broad cloth, Stammell, and Rialls of eight. Item, Bezar stones are there bought by the Taile, which is the weight of one Riall and an halfe of eight, for fiue or sixe Rials the Taile, which is one Ounce, and the third part English.

Soocodanna, is a Towne situate vpon Borneo,, in the latitude of one degree and an halfe to the

South of the Equinoctiall, and is North-east from Bantam one hundred and sixtie leagues. There is in the entrance of the harbour fiue fathomes, and at low water three fathomes, a Faulcon short of the shore, Ozie ground.

To this place is great Trade in Iunkes and Prawes, for it yeeldeth great store of Diamonds, the which are accounted the best in the world. There is store to be had at all times, but specially in the moneths of Ianuary, Aprill, Iuly and October, but the greatest quantitie in Ianuary and A∣prill, at which times they are brought downe the Riuer called Laué by Prawes. The manner of getting of them, is as you diue for Pearle. The reason why more quantitie is gotten in one Mo∣neth [ 10] then in an other is, for that in Iuly and October, there falleth so much raine, that it riseth nine fathomes, which causeth such a streame that they can hardly diue, and in the other moneths there is but foure, or foure fathomes and an halfe, which is held the best depth for their diuing.

Item, Commodities vendible and in request here at Soocodanna, are Mallacca Pintados, verie fine Sarrassa, Goobares, Poulings, Chera Iaua, Callico Lawnes, China Silkes light colours, sewing Gold, sleaue Silke, Broad cloth, Stammell, all sorts of small Bugles, Bugles which are made in Bantam, of colour blue, and in fashion like a Tunne, but of the bignesse of a Beane, and cost at Ban∣tam foure hundred a Riall of eight, worth at Soocodanna, a Masse the hundred, the Masse beeing three quarters of a Riall of eight, China Cashes, Rials of eight, but principally Gold, without which you can doe little, for you shall haue a stone for one Rial in Gold, which you shall not haue for a Rial and an halfe, or a Riall and three quarters in siluer.

[ 20] Item, you are to vnderstand, that it is the best course when you are bound ••or this place, to goe for Bemermassen first, where you may barter the Commodities aforesaid for Gold, which you shal haue for three Cattees Cashes the Mallacca Taile, which is nine Rialls of eight, as I haue beene credibly informed, it hath been worth of late years. And bringing it to Soocodanna you shall put it away for Diamonds, at foure Cattees Cashes the Taile, which is one and three quarters and halfe quarter of a Riall in weight, so that you shall gaine three quarters of a Riall of eight vpon a Taile. But the principall gaines must be in the Diamonds.

Item, you must vnderstand, that there are Diamonds of foure waters, which is called Varna, viz. Varna Ambon, Varna Loud, Varna Sackar, Varna Bessee. The first is white, greene, yellow, and neither greene nor yellow, but a colour betweene both. But the white water is the best.

[ 30] Their Weights are called Sa-Masse, Sa-Copang, Sa-Boosuck, Sa-Pead. Item, foure Coopangs is a Masse, two Boosucks is one Copang, and one Pead and an halfe is a Boosuck. Item, there is a Pahaw which is foure Masse, and sixteene Masse is one Taile, and by this weight, they doe not onely weigh Diamonds, but Gold also.

Of China wares, raw Silke the best is made at Lanking, and is called Howsa, worth there eighty Rials the Peecul. Taffata, called Tue, the best made at a small Towne called Hocchu worth thirtie Rials the Corge. Damaske called Towne, the best made at Canton, worth fiftie Rials the Corge.

Sewing Silke called Couswa, worth one hundred Rials the Peecull. Imbrodered Hangings called Poey, the best ten Rials the piece. Sewing Gold called Kimswa, is sold by the Chippau, which is a bundle, each Chippau, contayning ten Papers, and in each Paper is fiue knots sold for [ 40] three Pawes, two Rials of eight, and the best hath thirtie sixe threds in a knot. Sattins called Lyn, the best one Riall the piece. Great Basons called Chopau, worth three by the Riall. White Sugar called Petong, the best one halfe Riall the Peecull. Purseline of the small sorts called Poa, the best one Riall the Cattee. Pearle Boxes called Chanab, the best fiue Rials the piece. Vel∣uets called Tangoiounck of nine yards long, fiue Rials the piece. Sleaue Silke called Iounckes, the best one hundred and fiftie Rials Peecull. Muske called Saheo, seuen Rials the Cattee. Cashes sixtie Pecooes, the Riall.

Item, Broad-cloth called Toloney, Sasocke, which is three quarters of a yard, worth seuen Rials of eight. Loking Glasses very large, called Kea, worth ten Rials the piece. Tinne called Sea, worth there fifteene Rials the Peecull. Waxe called La, fifteene Rials the Peecull, Mus∣kets [ 50] called Cauching, the Barrell twentie Rials. Iapon Sables called Samto worth eight Rials the piece. Elephants teeth the greatest and best two hundred Rials the Peecull, and small, one hun∣dred Rials the Peecull, called Ga: White Saunders called Toawheo: The best in great logges for∣tie Rials the Peecull.

Item, the Custome of Pepper inwards, as one Taile vpon a Peecull, and out-wards no Cu∣stome.

Item, it is very straightly looked into that they carry no munition out of the Land in any sort.

Item, in the moneth of March, the Iunckes bound for the Mannelies, depart from Chauchu in Companies, sometime foure, fiue, ten, or more together, as they are readie.

Item, there lading out-wards is raw and wrought Silkes, but farre better then those which [ 60] they carrie for Bantam.

Item, betweene Canton and the Mannelies is ten dayes sayle.

Item, in the beginning of Iune they returne from the Mannelies, there lading is Rials of eight, and there is not lesse then fortie sayle in a yeare, which are bound thither, there force is nothing, so that you may take them with your ships Boate.

Item, in this yeare, 1608. Pepper was worth in China sixe Tades and an halfe the Peecull, and at the same time in Bantam worth two and an halfe Rials the Tinbang.

A note of requestable Commodities vendible in Iapan, together with their prices there Current, being Masses, and Canderines, each Can∣derine contayning the 1/1••▪ of a Masse: viz.

BRoad-clothes of all sorts, viz. Blackes, Yellowes and Reds, which cost in Holland eight or nine Gilders the Flemmish ell, two ells three quarters is worth three, foure too fiue hundred. Note that cloth of a high Wooll is not requestable, but such as is low shorne most vendible. [ 10] Fine Bayes of the colours afore-said vendible: not according as the Portugalls were, but well cottoned.

Sayes. Rashes. Bouratts single. Bouratts double: Silke Grogarams. Turkey Grogarams. Chamlets. Diuo Gekepert. Weersctynen. Caniant. Gewart Twijne. Veluets. Muske sold in weight against Siluer. India cloth of sorts requested. Sattins. Taffataes. Damaskes. Holland-cloth from fifteene to twentie Stiuers the Flemmish ell, and not aboue. Diaper. Damaske the better it is wrought with figures or branches. Threed of all colours. Carpets for Tables. Gil∣ded Leather painted, with Pictures and Flowres, the smallest worke best. Painted Pictures, they delight in lasciuious Stories of Warres by Sea and Land, the larger the better worth, one, [ 20] two, to three hundred. Quick-siluer the hundred Cattees, from three to foure hundred.

Vermillion, the hundred Cattees, worth from three to sixe hundred. Painting for Womens faces, the hundred Cattees twentie eight. Copper in Plates, one hundred twentie fiue. Flem∣mish weight worth from ninetie to an hundred. Lead in small Barres, the hundred Cattees worth from sixtie to eightie eight. Lead in sheetes best requested, the thinner the better, one hundred pounds Flemmish, to eightie. Tinne in logs fine, one hundred and twentie pound, Flem∣mish three hundred and fiftie. Iron, twentie fiue Ounces Holland, worth foure. Steele the hun∣dred Cattees, worth from one to two hundred.

Tapistrie. Ciuet the Cattee, worth from one hundred and fiftie to two hundred. China roots the hundred Cattees or Peecull worth fortie. China sowing Gold the Paper, three masse, three Powder Sugar of China, the hundred Cattees or Peecull worth fortie to fiftie. Sugar Candie the [ 30] Peecul, or one hundred Cattees, worth from fifty to sixty. Veluets of all colors, eight els the piece, worth from one hundred & twenty, to one hundred and thirtie. Wrought Veluets like fabricke, worth from one hundred & eighty to two hundred. Taffataes all colours, & good Silke worth the piece, from foure and twentie, thirtie, to fortie. Sattin of seuen or eight ells long, the piece worth from eightie to one hundred. Figured Sattin, worth from one hundred and twentie to one hundred and fiftie. Gazen of seuen pikes or ells, worth from fortie to fiftie. Raw Silke the Cat∣tee, of twelue pound Flemmish, worth from thirtie to fortie. Vntwisted Silke of eight and twentie pound Flemmish, worth from thirtie fiue to fortie. Twisted Silke, worth from eight and twentie to fortie. [ 40]

Drinking Glasses of all sorts. Bottles, Cans and Cups, Trenchers, Platters, Beere Glasses, Salts, Wine Glasses, Bekers gilt, Locking-glasses of the largest sort, Muscouie Glasse, much Salt, Writing Table-bookes, Paper-bookes, Lead to neale Pots, Spanish Sope well requested, it is sold for one masse the small Cacke. Amber in beades, worth one hundred and fortie, to one hundred and six∣tie. Silke stockings of all colours. Spanish Leather, Neates Leather, with other sorts of Leather vsed for Gloues, worth from sixe, eight, to nine. Candiques of China, worth from fifteene to twentie. Candiques of the same place blacke, the former being blew, from ten to fifteene. Wax for Candles one hundred pounds Flemmish, worth from two hundred, to two hundred and fiftie. Hony the Peecull, worth sixtie. Samell of Cochinchina, the Peecull, one hundred and eightie. Pepper the Peecull, if there come not much, worth one hundred. Nutmegs the Peecull, twentie fiue, Campheir of Barous or Borneo, the pound hollaus, from two hundred and fiftie to foure [ 50] hundred. Sanders of Solier the Peecull, worth one hundred. Callomback wood good and weigh∣tie, the pound worth from one, two, three to fiue. Sapon, or red wood the Peecull, from twen∣tie to twentie sixe. Elephants teeth the greater, the better worth from foure, fiue, sixe, seuen, to eight hundred. Renosceros horne, the Iauan Cattee worth thirtie. Harts hornes gilded the piece, three, foure, or fiue hundred. Roch Allome esteemed good ware, and enquired after: that which cost but three Gilders, hath beene sold for one hundred Gilders, but not euery mans money.

Note, that the Chineses will commonly trucke for your Siluer, and giue you Gold of twentie three Carrackes: from fifteene to twentie the Ounce Siluer, but some times there commeth much, and other some times little. [ 60]

A Memoriall of such Merchandize as are to be bought in Iapan, and the prices as they are there worth.

HEmpe very good, one hundred Cattees beeing one hundred and twentie pound Holland, worth from sixtie fiue to seuentie. Eye colours for dying blew, almost as good as Indico, made vp in round cakes or pieces, and packed one hundred cakes in a Fardell, worth the Fardell, fiftie to sixtie. Dying for white, turning to red colour, made in Fardles or Bales of fiftie Gautins Malios worth fiue to eight. Rice very white and good, cased, worth the Fares, eight, three fifth [ 10] parts. Rice of a worser sort, the Bale worth seuen, three tenth parts.

At Edo, Saccaio, Osacaio and Meacow, is the best Dying for all sorts of colours whatsoeuer your desire, viz. Red, Blacke and Greene, and for gilding Gold and Siluer, and is better then the Chinese Varnish.

Brimstone in great abundance, cost the Peecull, seuen. Salt-peeter dearer in one place then another, worth one and an halfe. Cotton-wooll the Peecull, ten.

CHAP. III. [ 20] Relation of Master RICHARD COCKES Cape Merchant, Of what past in the Generals absence going to the Emperours Court. Whereunto are added diuers Letters of his and others for the better knowledge of Iaponian Affaires, and later Occurents in those parts.

[ 30] §. I. The Kings care, vnreadinesse of ours, Iaponian Saperstitions, strange tempest.

THe seuenth of August, all things being in a readinesse, our Generall in company of Master Adams,* 9.48 departed from Firando towards the Emperours Court of Ia∣pan, and tooke with him Master Tempest, Peacocke, Master Richard Wickham, Edward Saris, Walter Carwarden, Diego Fernandos, Iohn Williams a Taylor, Iohn Head a Cooke, Edward Bartan the Chirurgions Mate, Iohn Iapan Iurebasso, Ri∣chard Dale, Cox Swaine, and Anthonie Ferre a Sayler, with a Caualeere of the [ 40] Kings for Guardian and two of his Seruants, and two Seruants of M. Adams. And so they depar∣ted in a Barke or Barge of the Kings, which rowed with some twentie Oares on a side, and had thirteene Peeces of Ordnance shot off at departure.

I went to complement with the two Kings, (as being sent from the Generall) to giue them thankes for prouiding so well for him for his Iourney; they tooke it kindly. And I verily thinke the old King tooke notice of some of our mens euill behauiour this last night. For he willed me to put the Master in minde to looke well to them aboord, and that I should haue a care on shoare, that matters might be as well managed in the Generals absence, as when hee was heere present, otherwise, the shame would bee ours, but the dishonour his. Wind a stiffe gale at North-east, most part of the day but calme all night.

The ninth, a Iapan Boy called Iuan, came and offered me his seruice, hee speaking good Spa∣nish, [ 50] asking me nothing but what I pleased, and so to serue nine or ten yeares, and to goe with me for England, if I pleased. I entertayned him, the rather, because I did find the Iuribasso Mi∣gell, which Master Adams left with me to bee something stubborne, and loued to runne abroad at his pleasure, leauing mee without any one that could speake a word. I bought him two Iapan Garments cost me fourteene Mas, hee is a Christian and most of his Kinred dwell at Langasa∣que: only one dwelleth heere, who came with him and passed his word for him. Hee serued a Spaniard three yeares at Manilias.

The thirteenth, I shewed our commodities to certaine Merchants of Maioco, but they bought nothing, only their chiefe desire was to haue had Gun-powder. Semidone went aboord the ship to accompany certaine strange Caualeroes, and afterward hee brought them to see the English [ 60] House. I gaue them the best entertaynment I could.

The nineteenth at night, began the great Feast of the Pagans,* 9.49 they inuiting their dead kin∣dred, banquetting and making merry all night with candle-light at their graues: this Feast en∣dured three dayes, and as many nights. And very strict command was giuen from the King, that

euery house should grauell the street before their doores, and hang out candle-light in the night: in doing whereof I was not slacke; and as I was informed, a poore man was put to death, and his house shut vp, for disobeying therein. The China Captaine furnished me with a couple of paper Lanternes very decent. And I was informed the Kings would ride about the streets, and come to visite me: so I made readie a banquet, and expected them vntill after midnight, but they came not at all.

On the twentieth, one and twentieth, and two and twentieth, I sent presents to both the Kings (being informed that it ••as the vse of the Countrey) of Wine and banquetting stuffe; as likewise to Nobesane the yong Kings brother, and to Semidone, the old Kings Gouernour, and Vnagense, which were well accepted. Some Caualeros came to visite our house, and receiued the [ 10] best entertainment I could giue.

On the three and twentieth, we made an end of landing our Gun-powder, being in all ninety nine barrells, of which I aduised the Gener••ll by letter, to reserue conuenient store for our selues, if he sold the Emperour the rest. We landed diuers other things, which things the Master thought good to send ashore,* 9.50 because our men begin to filtch and steale, to go to Tauernes and Whore-hou∣ses. The Purser, Master Melsham and my selfe, dined at Semydones this day: and the Master and Master Eaton were likewise inuited, but did not goe: he vsed vs kindly.

* 9.51This day the great Feast made an end, and three companies of Dancers went vp and downe the Towne with flags or banners, their musicke being Drummes and Pans; at the sound whereof they danced at euery great mans doore, as also at all their Pagods and Sepulchres. [ 20]

The foure and twentieth at night, all the streets were hanged with candle-light, for that the yong King and his brother,* 9.52 with Nabesone, Semydone, and many others went with a Maskarado, or to dance at the old Kings house: the yong King and his brother were mounted on horse-back, and had Canopies caried ouer them; the rest went on foote, and the musicke was Drummes and Kettles, as aforesaid; and Nabesone winded a Phife: I was informed they meant to visite the English House at their backe returne: so I sate vp vntill after midnight, hauing a banquet in rea∣dinesse, and in the end they returned confusedly, and out of order; so I thinke there was some discontent, once none of them entred into the English house: Captaine Brower went along by the doore, but would not looke at vs, and we made as little account of him.

The seuen and twentieth, we landed other three peeces of Ordnance, viz. all whole Culue∣rin, [ 30] all which sixe peeces are Iron Ordnance. The old King came downe when they were about it, and seeing but twentie men, offered them seuentie or an hundred Iapans to helpe them; but very quickly, in his sight, our men got them ashore, which he maruelled at, and said an hundred of his men would not haue done it so soone; so hee sent for a barrell of wine, and certaine fish, and gaue it to our people for labouring so lustily.

The eight and twentieth, I receiued two letters from our Generall, by the Gouernour of Shi∣mon••seke, dated the nineteenth and twentieth of this moneth, with two other from Master Pea∣cock▪ and Master Wickham: this Gouernour came not ashore at Ferando, but deliuered the Letters aboord to the Master, and so went directly for Langasaque, and promising to returne hither short∣ly. A••so I carried a letter to the old King Foyne, which the said partie brought: Master Mel∣sham [ 40] and Harnando accompanied me: the King gaue a Cattan to Master Melsham, and another with a Spanish Dagger to Harnando, and gaue both me and them certaine bunches of Garlick, and gaue vs leaue to drie our Gun-powder on the toppe of the Fortresse; offering vs of his people to helpe ours, if they thought good. And I receiued a land into the English House two and twen∣tie barres of lead, and put into our new lodge and hundred an twentie fiue Culuerin shot, round and langrell. And as wee were going to Supper, the old King came and supped with vs, being very merry, and tooke such fare as we had, in good part.

The first of September, the old King, with all the Nobilitie, made a Maskerado; and this night following went to visite the yong King his Grand-child,* 9.53 with musicke as aforesaid, all the streets being hanged with Lanternes; and I was informed he meant to visite our English House at [ 50] returne: so I made readie for him, and stayed his returne till after midnight, but he p••ssed by with the rest of the company, and entred not into the House. I thinke there was not so few as three thousand persons in company with him, which I make account was the occasion he went by, be∣cause he would not trouble vs.

The second, Semydon and others, being appointed by the King, measured all the houses in the street;* 9.54 our English house being measured amongst the rest: I vnderstand it was for a generall taske to bee paid for making Fortresses by the Emperours appointment. I entertained them to content.

The fourth, we had newes the Queene of Spaine was dead, and the King a Suter to the Princes Elizabeth of England. [ 60]

The sixt, a Caualero, called Nombosque, came to visite our English House, and brought mee a present of two great bottells of wine, and a basket of Peares. I gaue him the best entertainment I could, and he departed content.

The seuenth in the morning, much raine, with wind encreasing all day and night variable, from

the East to the South, and in the night happened such a storme or Tuffon,* 9.55 that I neuer saw the like in all my life▪ neither was the like seene in this Countrey in mans memory, for it ouerthrew aboue an hundred houses in Firando, and vncouered many other; namely, the old Kings house, and blew downe a long wall which compassed the young Kings house, and carryed away bough••s or branches of trees: & the Sea went so high▪ that it vndermined a great Wharfe o•• Key at the Dutch House, and brake downe the stone-wall, and carryed away their Staires, and sunke and brake them two Barkes, as also fortie or fiftie other Barkes were broken and sunke in the Roade. It brake downe our Kitchen wall at the English House, which was newly made, and flowed into [ 10] our Ouen, and brake it downe, and blew downe the tyles, and vncouered part both of the house and kitchen, and the house did shake, like as if there had beene an Earthquake; I neuer passed night in all my life in such feare,* 9.56 for the barbarous vnruly people did runne vp and downe the streets all night with fire-brands, that the wind carried great coales quite ouer the tops of houses, and some houses being carryed away, the wind whirled vp the fire which was in them, and car∣ried it into the ayre in great flakes, very fearefull to behold; so that the greatest feare I had was that all would haue been consumed with fire: and I verily thinke it had, had it not been for the extreame raine which fell (contrary to the true nature of a Tuffon) being accompanied with lightning and thunder. Our shippe roade at an anchor with fiue Cables, and as many Anchors, whereof one old Cable burst, but God be thanked no other hurt done: our long Boat and Skiffe were both driuen from the shippe, yet both recouered againe: And as it is said, it did more hurt [ 20] at Langasaque then heere, for it brake aboue twentie China Iunckes, and the Spanish ship which brought the Embassadour from the Manilleas or Philippinas.

The twelfth, two Merchants of Miaco came to our English house, vnto whom I shewed all our Commodities; they laid by two broad-cloths, viz. a Stammel and a Blacke,* 9.57 the best they could find, and offered seuen Tais Iapan money the yard: also they saw our Priaman Gold, and offered eleuen Tais Iapan plate, for one Tais Gold: but went away without doing any thing. Francis Williams beeing drunke ashoare, did strike one of the old Kings men with a cudgell,* 9.58 which gaue him no occasion at all, nor spake a word to him. The man came to the English house and com∣plained, being very angry (and not without cause) giuing me to vnderstand, that he would in∣forme the King his Master, how he was misused by our people. He had three or foure in Compa∣ny [ 30] with him, who did see him abused, and that he which did it, was newly gone aboord the ship. I gaue them faire words, and desired them to goe aboord, and find out the partie, and they should see him punished to their contents; and to that effect, sent Miguell our Iurebasso along with them: so they found out the said Williams, who would haue denied it, if the matter had not been too manifest; but he stood stiffely against it with oathes; yet the Master caused him to be brought to the Capstaine in their presence, which they seeing, intreated for his pardon, knowing he was drunke, but he was so vnruly, that he tooke vp a crow of Iron to haue stricken the fellow in pre∣sence of the Master, vsing the Master in very bad termes.

The thirteenth, I vnderstood, that Foyne the old King of Firando was sicke, whereupon I sent Miguel our Iurebasso to visit him, and to carry a Present of one great bottle of the Generals sweet [ 40] wine, and two boxes of Conserues, Comfits, and Sugar-bread, offering him my Seruice, beeing very sory to heare of his sicknesse, and that I would haue come my selfe, but that I knew compa∣ny was not pleasing to sicke men. He tooke my Present in very good part, and returned me ma∣ny thanks; wishing me not to let to aske for any thing we had need of, either for the ship, or a∣shoare, and he would giue such order, as we should be furnished.

The foureteenth in the morning betimes, the Master came ashoare, and told me that most part of the ships company had lien ashoare all night without asking him leaue, notwithstanding the great wind which had continued all night, and the ship on ground. So he willed me to let Mi∣guell our Iurabasso goe along with him to seeke them out, which I was content he should doe, and would haue accompanied him my selfe, but he was vnwilling, telling me it was needlesse.* 9.59 But [ 50] M. Melsham the Purser went along with him, and he found diuers drinking and domineering; he bestowed blowes amongst some of them, and notwithstanding the Master had commanded Lam∣bart and Colphax to retire aboord, yet they staid ashoare all day, notwithstanding the great need was aboord about ships businesse, diuers Iapans being hired to helpe them: and Lambart and Col∣phax being drunke, went into the field and fought, Lambart being hurt in the arme, and remained drunken ashoare all night, as Boles did the like, and so had done two or three nights before, and quarrelled with Christopher Euans, about a whoore.

The seuenteenth of September,* 9.60 I was giuen to vnderstand the Bastian which keepeth the whoore-house gaue it out, that if I came any more into his house to seeke for our people, he would kill me, and such as came with me. Whereupon I went and complained to the young King, be∣cause [ 60] the old was sicke: and at my request, the King made Proclamation, that no Iapanese should receiue any of our people into their houses after day light was done, vpon great paine, and that it should be lawfull for me, or any other that accompanied me to goe into any Iapans house to seek for our men, without any molestation; and that they themselues should aide and assist me: and if the doore were not opened at my comming, I might lawfully breake them downe: and a soul∣diour

was sent to Bastian to signifie vnto him, he should take heed he did not molest or disturbe me in my proceedings: for if he did, he should be the first that should pay for it. This angred our peo∣ple in such sort, that some of them gaue it out, they would drinke in the fields, if they might not bee suffered to doe it in the Towne; for drinke they would, although they sought it in the countrey.

The sixe and twentieth, Nouasca dona came to visit me at the English house, and brought me two bottles of wine,* 9.61 seuen loaues fresh bread, and a dish of flying fish, and as he was with me, the old King came by the doore, and said, he met two men in the street as he came along, which hee thought were strangers, and none of our people, wherefore he willed that Swanton and our Iure∣basso might goe along with one of his men, and he would shew them to them, which they did, [ 10] and found it was Iohn Lambart and Iacob Charke, who were drinking water at a doore in the streete as he passed by. I was glad the King looked so neare after them; for it caused our men to haue a better care of their proceedings.

The seuen and twentieth, M. William Pauling Masters mate, hauing been long sicke of a con∣sumption,* 9.62 died at the English house, whereof I aduertised the old King by Miguel our Iurebasso, desiring a buriall place for him among the Christians, which he graunted me. So we put the dead corps into a winding sheete, and coffind it vp, letting it rest till morning. Then the Master, and diuers others of the ships company, came to the English house, to accompanie the dead corps to the graue, and then were we giuen to vnderstand, that of force we must transport it by water, as farre as the Dutch house,* 9.63 onely because the Bose (or Priests) would no•• suffer vs to passe through [ 20] the street (with the dead corps) before their Pagod or Temple: so the Master sent for the Skiffe, and conueied the dead body by water to the place aforesaid, we going all ••y land, and met it, and so accompanied it to the place of buriall, the Purser going before, and all the rest following af∣ter, the coffin being couered with a Holland sheet, and vpon that a Silke quilt, we being followed with many of that countrey people, both young and old. And after the corps was enterred, we re∣turned all to the English house, and there made collation, and so our people returned aboord about ships businesse. But I had almost forgot to note downe, that we had much adoe to get any one of these countrey people to make the graue, that a Christian was to be buried in; neither would they suffer the dead corps to be conueied by water in any of their boates. The King commaun∣ded that all the streetes in Firando should be made cleane,* 9.64 and channell rowes made on either side, [ 30] to conuey away the water, the streetes being grauelled, and the channels couered ouer with flat stones; which worke was all done in one day, euery one doing it before his owne house. It was admirable to see the diligence euery one vsed therein: our house was not the last a doing, the Cap∣taine Chinesa (our Land-lord) setting men a worke to doe it.

The thirtieth, certaine Merchants of Miaco came and had sight of all our commodities, and laid out the best Stammell cloth we had, and offered twelue Tais a fathome for it, and so departed without doing any thing. We had extream winds both day & night, so that we thought another Tuffon had beene come; for all the fishermen haled their boates on shoare, and euery one bound fast the couering of their houses:* 9.65 for a Bose (or Coniurer) had told the King (a weeke since) that this tempest would come. Our Chirurgion being in his pots, came into a house where a Bose was [ 40] coniuring for a woman, to know of her husbands or friends returne from Sea: so when he had done he gaue him three pence to coniure againe, and tell him when our General would returne for this place, which in the ende he assured him would be within eighteene dayes; hee said, hee heard a voice answer him from behind a wall, both when he coniured for the woman, as also when hee coniured for himselfe.

The second of October, the Master sent me word that some of our ships company were runne away with the Skiffe,* 9.66 viz. Iohn Bowles, Iohn Sares, Iohn Tottie, Christopher Euans, Clement Locke, Iasper Malconty, and Iames the Dutchman. I was in way to goe to the King to get boats to send after them, but our Dutch Iurebasso, (entertained for ships vse) came running after mee, and told me our people were on the other side, making merry at a Tap-house: which speeches caused me [ 50] to returne to the English house, and to get a boat for the Master to goe looke them out: but they prooued to be others; namely, William Marinell, Simon Colphax, and Iohn Dench, who had hired a Boat, and were gone ouer to an other Iland, because they could not haue swinge to walke by night in Firando. So in the meane time, our Run-awayes had the more time to runne away.

This night about eleuen a clock, the old Kings house on the other side the water was set on fire, and quite burned downe in the space of an houre. I neuer saw a more vehement fire for the time, it is thought his losse is great;* 9.67 and as it is said, ••e himselfe set it on fire, in going vp and down in the night with lighted canes, the coales whereof fell amongst the mats, and so tooke fire.

The third, I went to visit the old King, giuing him to vnderstand by his Gouernour, that I was very sorry for the mischance happened the night past, and that I pretended to haue come my [ 60] selfe in person to haue holpen the best I could, but that I stood in doubt whether my companie would haue been acceptable, I being a stranger, yet assuring him that he should find me readie at all times, to doe him the best seruice I could, although it were with hazard of my life: he returned me many thanks; saying, the losse he had sustained was nothing. And in returning to the English

house, I met the young King going to visit his Grandfather. And before noone wee had word, that our Run-awayes were at a desart Iland, some two leagues from F••rando, which I made knowne to both the Kings, desiring their assistance and counsel, how we might fetch them backe againe; they answered, that backe they would fetch them either aliue or dead: yet they would be loth to kill them, in respect we might want men to carry our ship backe for England. I gaue them thanks for the care they had of vs; yet withall gaue them to vnderstand, that although these knaues miscarried, yet we had honest men enough to saile the ship for England. In fine, the King made ready two boats full of souldiours to goe after them, with full determination to bring them backe either aliue or dead, which I made knowne to the Master, who desired verie [ 10] much to goe along with them.

§. II. Lies of or on the Deuill, and vproares about fire. Deceit of Nangasack. Suspitions, Feasts, Spanish Occurrents.

THe fourth of October, there was report giuen out, that the deuil had answered by their Oracle to their Bose or Coniurers, that the Towne of Firando should bee burned to [ 20] ashes this night, so that cryers went vp and downe the streets all night, making such a noyse, that I tooke but little rest; they gaue warning that euery one should put out their fire, yet God be thanked, the Deuill was prooued a lyer therein:* 9.68 for no such matter hap∣pened.

The fifth, the old King Foyne Same came to the English house, where I gaue him the best enter∣tainement I could: he also told me, that our Fugitiues could not escape taking, and that hee had sent out two other men of warre after the two former. And as I was talking with him about these matters, there came a Cauelero, and brought him a Letter from the Emperours Court, and said, that our Generall would be here at Firando within eight or tenne dayes; for that the Emperour had dispatcht him away before his comming from thence.

[ 30] The King told me, that the Gouernour (or King) of Langasaque, called Bon Diu, would bee here at Firando to morrow, telling me it were good our ship shot off three or foure Peeces of Ord∣nance as he passed by. This Gouernour is the Empresses brother. And there is an other Iapan Gouernour, or King, in Towne, of a place called Seam.

The seuenth, our Master, M. Iames Foster returned from Langasaque, and had brought the Skiffe with him, but all the men were gotten into Sanctuarie in the Towne, so that he could not come to speech any one of them. I was informed, that Miguell our Iurebasso dealt doubly both with the Master and my selfe: for I sent him along to be linguist, and assist the Master, and diuers Iapans came to me, telling me, that he both spake with our people, and gaue them counsell to ab∣sent themselues. Once I did perceiue how the world went, and doubted the priuy conueyance [ 40] of our people, which was like to ensue, if this Bon Diu the Gouernour were not extraordina∣rily dealt withall: whereupon a Present was laid out.

Afternoone, the Bon Diu passed along the street before our English house on foot, hee being ac∣companied with the young King (who gaue him the vpper hand) with aboue fiue hundred fol∣lowers after them. I went out into the streete, and did my dutie to them, and the Bon Diu stood still when he came to the doore, and gaue me thanks for the Ordnance were shot off at his passing by our ship. I desired pardon of his Greatnesse, if I had neglected my dutie hitherto, which was by meanes of the small acquaintance I had in the Countrey, but that I meant to visit him at his lodging, or aboord his Iuncke, before he went; he answered me, I should be very welcome. So it was darke night before he came to his lodging. At which time I carried the Present abouesaid, [ 50] which hee accepted of in very good sort, offering to doe our Nation any good he could at the Court, whither he was now bound, or else where. And so of his owne accord, hee beganne to speake of our Fugi••iues, asking me if he brought them backe againe, whether they should be par∣doned all for his sake for this fault. I answered him, it was not in my power to pardon them, but in our General, which no doubt (except it were one or two, which were the chiefe authors of this and other euils which deserued punishment) that the rest might easily goe free. He said, that his de∣sire was for pardon for all in generall, without exception. I answered, that I knew our Generall would be contented with any thing, his Greatnesse and the two Kings of Firando would desire. To conclude, he told me, that if I would giue it vnder writing of my owne hand, in faith of a Christian, that all in generall should be pardoned for this time, and that I would procure the Ge∣nerall [ 60] to confirme the same at his returne, that then he would send to Langasaque for them, and deliuer them into my owne custody: otherwaies he would not meddle in the matter, to be the oc∣casion of the death of any man. I said I was contented with any thing it pleased his Greatnes to command, and so to giue the said writing vnder my hand, prouided all our men might be brought backe. And so I returned to the English house, the Dutch comming after with an other Present, but we were before them.

The eight, Semidone passing by our doore, told mee that Bon Diu had a Brother in companie, which expected a present, although it was not fitting it shuld be so much, as his Brothers. So vpon aduice with others I laid by a present for him, as followeth; & going to deliuer it, the Flemmings were before me with another, Captaine Brower himselfe being with it. Hee accepted very kind∣ly of the present, offering his assistance to our Nation, either at Court, or in the Countrey. And soone after he came to the English House himselfe, accompanied with many Caualeeres, where they looked on all our Commodities, yet hee went away and bought nothing, but gaue mee a small Cattan, and I gaue him two Glasse Bottles, two Gally-pots, and about halfe a Cattee of great Cloues, picked out from the rest of purpose, hee being desirous to haue them for Physicall matters, as he told me. I made him and his followers a collation, and so they departed content. And soone after Bon Diu, & the two Kings sent a Caualeero to me, to haue me to giue it in wri∣ting [ 10] vnder my hand, that our Run-awayes should not receiue any punishment for this fact, so by counsell of others I condescended thereunto, and made a Writing in promise and faith of a Chri∣stian, they procure their pardon for this time of the Generall; if I had not done this, out of doubt, we should neuer haue got them againe, but the Spaniard would haue conuayed them to the Manillies or Maluccoes, I not doubting but the Generall will allow of what I haue done. An•• presently after this man was gone I had word, that the Bon Diu, and his Brother would goe aboord to visit our ship, so I sent some banketting stuffe aboord, and went my selfe and met them, where they were ent••rtayned in the best sort we could, and Bon Diu gaue mee two Cat∣tans for a present, and so they departed with seuen Peeces of Ordnance shot off for a fare-well. But forth-with his Brother returned aboord againe, desiring to haue one of the little Monkeyes [ 20] for his Brothers children: so I bought one of the Master Gunner, cost me fiue Rials of eight, and sent him to Bon Diu, and being readie to goe ashoare, he was desirous to haue me g••e along with him in his Boate, which I did, he hauing three Peeces of Ordnance for a fare-well, which as I vnderstood afterwards, was much esteemed off of both Brothers, and being ashoare hee would needs accompany me home to our English House, which I was vnwilling of, yet hee would of force doe it. So I made him collation againe in Captaine Adams chamber: and so hee and the rest departed well contented, (as it seemed) I offering to haue accompanyed him backe to his lodging, but he would not suffer mee. And late at night Foyne Same the olde King sent a man to me to know the particular of the presents giuen to both the Brothers, and put it downe in wri∣ting, but for what occasion I know not. And I forgot to note downe how Bon Diu went to the [ 30] Dutch House to wash himselfe in the new Hot-house, and from thence it was that hee came a∣boord our ship.

The ninth, Bon Diu sent one of his men to me to giue mee thankes for his kind entertayn∣ment aboord, and by the same Messenger sent mee two Barrels of Miaco Wine for a Present. And soone after his Brother sent another man with two Barrels of Iapan Wine, with the like ceremonie: both of them being very earnest to haue a Prospectiue Glasse, and in the end I found an old one of Master Eatons, but soone after he returned me the said Glasse with thankes, not de∣siring at all to haue it.

The tenth, two of the Gouernours sonnes of Langasaque (I meane another Gouernour which dwelleth in the Towne) came to see our English House, they are Christians. I enter••ayned them [ 40] in the best sort I could, and shewed them our commodities, and after made them collation and gaue them Musicke, Master Hownsell and the Carpenter by chance being heere: and as wee were at it, old Foyne the King came stealing in vpon vs, and did as the rest did, and seeing the King and these Langasakians together, I willed our Iurebasso, to put out a word for the speedie sending backe ••f ou•• Run-awayes: which they all promised, prouided, that they should be pardoned for this fault, as I had formerly promised, which now againe I acknowledged. The old King desi∣red to haue a piece of English Beefe, and another of Porke, sod with Onions and Turnips, and sent to him to morrow.

The eleuenth, I sent Migell our Iurebasso to the old King, with the Beefe and Porke accom∣modated as afore-said, with a bottle of Wine, and sixe Loaues of white Bread: he accepted of it [ 50] in very kind part, hauing in his company at eating thereof, the young King his Grand-childe, and Nabison••, his Brother, with Semidone his Kinsman.

The twelfth, I went to visit both the Kings, and found old Foyne asleepe, but spake with his Gouernour,* 9.69 and from thence went to the young King, and spake with him himselfe: they gaue me thankes for the kind entertaynment I gaue vnto these strangers; which they tooke as done vnto themselues. And towards night the old King sent to visit me, and to tell me he vnderstood these people which are departed, had taken away certaine commodities from me, and payd mee what they themselues tho••ght good, and not that which I required, I returned him answere, that it was true that they had done so, but I know not whether it were the custome of this Countrey or no; for that I was giuen to vnderstand they vsed the like course both with Chine∣ses [ 60] and Portugalls at Langasaque, and that that which they had taken from mee, was not worth the speaking of. I was answered, that although they did so with the Chineses at Langasaque, which were a people de••ended not to trade into Iapan, yet could they not doe so to Strangers

that had free priuiledge to trade, especially heere in this place where these fellowes had no command nor nothing to doe. I replyed, I would come and speake with his Highnesse my selfe, and informe him of the truth: and in the meane-time returned humble thankes, for the care hee had to vse Iustice to Strangers as well as home-borne.* 9.70 Captaine Brower sent me word that they had taken diuers sorts of commodities from him, and paid him what they list for it: he also sent an emptie Bottle, desiring to haue it filled with Spanish Wine, for that hee had inuited certaine Strangers, and had none.

The thirteenth, I heard three or foure Gunnes, or Chambers goe off,* 9.71 which I thought had bin [ 10] done to entertayne the King at the Dutch House: but they were shot out of a China Iuncke, which passed by this place, and so went for Langasaque, and presently after the old King sent for me to come to dinner to the Dutch House, and Master Eaton with mee, and to bring a Bottle of Wine. Master Eaton had taken Physicke and could not goe, but I went: wee had a very good Dinner at the Dutch House, the meate being well drest both after the Iapan and Dutch fashion,* 9.72 and serued vpon Tables, but no great drinking. The olde King sa••e at one Table, accompanied with his eldest Sonne, and both the young Kings Brothers (for the young King himselfe was not there, sending word he was not well) at the other Table. First, sate Nabesone the old Kings Bro∣ther, and then my selfe, and next me Semidone, and then the old King•• Gouernour, and next him Zanzebars Father-in-law, and diuers other Caualeeroes on the other side. Captaine Brower did not sit at all, but carued at Table, all his owne people attending and seruing on their knees, and [ 20] in the end, he gaue drinke to euery one of his ghests, with his owne hands, and vpon his knees, which seemed strange to me, and when they had dined, all the Nobles went away, and Cap∣taine Brower would needs accompany me to the English House. I asked him why he serued these people vpon his knees, they sitting at Table: he answered me it was the fashion of the Country; and if the King himselfe made a Feast, hee did the like for the more honour of his ghests. And before night the old King Foyne came to the English House, and visited all parts, and made collati∣on, staying an houre talking of one thing and other.

The sixteenth, I was giuen to vnderstand that two Christians were come from Langasaque, so I went to their lodging to see what they were, as also to vnderstand some newes from our men (or Fugitiues) I found the one of them to bee a * 9.73 Flemming borne in Flushing, (as hee told mee) [ 30] and the other an Italian borne in the * 9.74 Duchie of Venice. They told mee that our seuen men (or Runawayes) were conueighed away secretly in a small Barke, which is gone for Macoro, and that they were runne to get passage in our ship to returne into their Countries, they told me Ma∣ster Adams knew them well. And they were very desirous to haue gone immediately aboord our ship, there to haue remayned, because they were Sea-faring men. The Flemming hauing ser∣ued the Spaniard three and twentie or foure and twentie yeares, and came a Masters Mate from Agua pulca for the Manillias or Ph••llippinas, they had good store of money, and would haue sent it aboord our ship, or haue brought it to the English House: but I told them that in our Generals absence I durst not presume to giue them entertainment. Yet notwithstanding, I would doe them any fauour I could at his returne, and so sent Migell our Iurebasso to the King to let him vnder∣stand, [ 40] that two such Strangers were come to Towne to seeke passage in our shippe, they being no Spaniards, nor yet Subiects to the King of Spaine. The King returned mee answere, that if they were such as I said they were, they were welcome: but if they were Castillians, or Portugalls, hee would permit none to stay in this place, his reason is, for that the Spanish Ambassador hath pro∣cured order from the Emperour of Iapan, that all Spaniards which are to be found in his Empire, shall retyre themselues into the Phillippinas, but these being no Spaniards; are out of that number.

The seuenteenth betimes, the two strangers came to mee, desiring me to accompany them to the old King, the better to countenance them; which vpon good consideration I did. They told me in the way, that our Fugitiues had reported at Langasaque that more would come after them, and not any man of account stay to carry away the ship; the occasion they said was, for that they [ 50] which had command ouer them, vsed them more like dogges then men: adding further, that if but twentie resolute Spaniards would take the matter in hand, with a small Boat or two they might easily take our shippe. The old King gaue vs all kind entertainment, and asked the stran∣gers many questions about the warres betwixt the Spaniards and Flemmings in the Moluccas;* 9.75 the which they said the Spaniards were determined to pursue very hotly, and to that effect had great forces prepared. They also told the King, they thought verily all our Fugitiues were secretly conueyed from Langasaque seuen daies past in a Soma, that departed from thence for Macow: but the King would not beleeue them, saying, it was not possible that such a man as Bon Diu, hauing passed his word to bring them backe, should be found to be false of his promise. In fine, he was very well contented, that these two strangers should stay heere, and goe along in our ship, if it [ 60] pleased the Generall to carry them. So the poore men returned to their lodgings wit•• much content: and told me in the way, that we might make account we had not lost all our men, but recouered two, that would remaine as faithfull to the death, as the othrrs had proued false. Ad∣ding further, that we needed not to wish any worse reuenge to our Fugitiues, then the bad en∣tertainment they were sure to haue of the Spaniards, comming bare and beggerly as they did, in such base sort.

* 9.76The eighteenth, there was a great Eclips of the Moone this night, it began about eleuen of the clocke, and endured from the beginning to the end 〈…〉〈…〉 houres, it was quite darkned.

The nineteenth, at night, about eleuen of the clocke, a fire began in Firando, neare vnto the yong Kings house,* 9.77 the wind being at North-east, which if it had so continued, most part of the Towne had beene burned: but the wind fell variable South-easterly, and in the end calme: yet notwithstanding forty houses were burned to the ground; and had not our English men bestirred themselues lustily, many more houses had gone to wrack, for the fire tooke hold three or foure times on the other side the street, where our English house was, but they still put it out, and were very much commended of the Kings, and all other in generall. The old King Foyne came on horse-backe to our doore, and wished vs to put all things into the Gadonge, and daube vp the doores, [ 10] and then it was out of danger. Captaine Brower, and some of his people, came very kindly to the English house, to haue a••s••sted vs by land or water, if need had bin: it cannot certainly be known how this fire began, but there is speeches amongst the Iapans, that there will be a greater fire then any of these, it being told them by the Diuell and their Coniurers: God grant it bee not done by some villanous ill minded people, thinking to rob and steale what they can lay hold on, in time of such trouble and confusion.

The twentieth in the morning, I went to the Dutch house to visite Captaine Brower, and to giue him thankes for his frien••ly visitation and assistance the last night. And towards night Har∣nando the Spaniard, and Edward Markes, returned from Langasaque, but could not come to sight of any of our Runawayes, yet it is certaine that they are in Langasaque. And a Portugall or Spa∣niard, [ 20] a great man in Langasaque about Sea-matters, told Edward Markes that wee should haue none of these men backe; but to the contrary, if all the rest would come, and leaue the shippe emptie, they would giue them entertainment: yea, and that which was more, if they would bring away the shippe and all, they should be the more welcome. The Iapan, which the King sent to accompany Edward Markes and Harnando, and to looke out our people, would not let Edward Marks budge out a doores in the space of one night and halfe a day after they were arriued there at Langasaque, He going abroad himselfe, and the Spaniard Harnando lying at another place. So I doubt some legerdy-maine betwixt them two, and am now out of all hope to haue any of our people come backe. I blamed the Iesuits, and the old King liked well of my speeches: and told me he would take such order hereafter, that none of our people should be carried to Langasaque, except they stole away our ship-boats, as the others did: of which I aduised the Master, Master [ 30] Iames Foster: and so an Edict was set out, that no man should carry or conuey away any of our people, without making it knowne vnto me, and telling the King thereof.

The three and twentieth, I was giuen to vnderstand of a great Pagan Feast that was to be per∣formed this day, and that both the Kings, with all the rest of the Nobilitie, accompanyed with diuers strangers,* 9.78 met together at a S••mmer-house, set vp before the great Pagod, to see a Horse-race: I thinke there was not so few as three thousand persons assembled together, as I esteemed in viewing of them. Euery N••bleman went on horse-backe to the place, accompanied with a ro••t o•• Slaues, some with P••kes, some with Small-shot, and others with Bowes and Arrowes: the Pike-men were placed on the one side of the streete, and the Shot and Archers on the other; [ 40] the middest of the streete being left void to runne the race: and right before the Summer-house (where the King and Nobles sate) was a round Buckler of straw hanged against the wall, at which the Archers on horse-backe running a full Careere, discharged their arrowes, both in the streete and Summer-house, where the Nobles sate; that neither the Present which we sent, nor we could haue entrance: And so we passed along the streete, beholding all, and returned another way to the English house. And late at night Zanzebars wiues brother came to the English house, and brought me a Present of a hanch of Venison, and a basket of Orenges: Zanzebar himselfe did accompany him. And about ten of the clocke in the night, the Captaine Chinesa (our Land-lord) came and knocked at the doore, telling me that the King had giuen expresse command, that euery house should haue a Tubbe of water ready on the toppe of their houses, for that the Diuell [ 50] had said the Towne should be burned this night:* 9.79 yet he proued a lyer. But for all that, we got a great Tubbe of water on the top of our house, which held twen••ie buckets of water: and men did runne vp and downe the streetes all night, bidding euery one looke to their fire, that it was strange and fearefull to heare them.

The foure and twentieth, this report of burning the Towne being still current, and euery one making prouision to preuent it, I made readie fifteene buckets, which cost sixe Condrins a peece, and filled them full of water, and hanged them vp in the yard, and set another great Tubbe by them full of water, besides that w••ich stood on the toppe of the house; and gaue order to make a couple of ladders, to carry water to the top of the house, and had formerly prouided nine emptie wine-barrels full of tempered clay, to daube vp our Gad••nge doores, if need should [ 60] require, God defend vs from any such necessitie. Three or foure men did runne vp and downe the stre••tes all night, making a horrible noyse, that euery one should haue a care thereof; that it was bot•• strange and fearefull to heare them.

The fiue and twentieth, the Captaine Chinesa our Land-lord, being sicke, sent for a piece of

Porke, which I sent him, and presently followed after my selfe to visite him, and carried him a small bottle of Spanish wine, and while I was there, Semedone and our Guardians father in law came likewise to visite him.

The King sent me word by Miguell our Iurebasso, that he had a bad opinion of Harnando Xime∣nes our Spaniard, and that he went about to haue runne away when he was last at Langasaque: but that I know is not so, for he had free libertie to goe when he would, without running away. Another complaint was also made of him, that he was a common Gamster, and had brought on diuers to play, and got their money: which report I doe rather beleeue then the other; and I find by experience, these people are no friend, neither of Spaniard nor Portugall, and loue them of [ 10] Langasaque the worse, because they loue them so wel. And I had almost forgotten to note downe,* 9.80 that the night past ill disposed people had thought to haue fired the Towne in three places, and in one place set a house on fire, but it was soone put out, and no hurt done; but the partie that did it was not found: out of doubt it is nothing but a villanie of these Coniurers and other base people, which are giuen to the spoile, hoping to get or steale away something when the Towne is on fire.

The sixe and twentieth, Master Melsham being very sicke, Zanzebar came to visite him, and put him in mind to take the Physicke of this Countrey,* 9.81 and that it would presently stop his Flax; and brought a Bonze or Doctor with him, to administer it: Master Melsham was very de∣sirous to take it, but that first our Chirurgion should see it: and so he gaue him two pils yesterday, two in the night, and two in the morning, with certaine other feeds; but for ought I could see, [ 20] it did him no good at all: God send him his heal••h. All our waste-clothes, pendants, Brasse shi∣uers, and other matters were sent aboord, and the ship put in order to receiue the Generall. An∣other house was set on fire the night past by villaines, but soone put out, and no hurt done. Our night-criers of fire doe keepe such a horrible noise (without forme or fashion) that it is impossible for any man to take rest.

The Captaine Chinesa being sicke, sent for some spiced Cakes, and a couple of waxe candles which I sent him, as I had done the like heretofore. Master Melsham now being weary of his Ia∣pan Physicke, returned to our Chirurgion, Master Warner. Whereat Zanzebar and his Doctor tooke pepper in the nose.

[ 30]

§. III. A strange Comoedie acted by Kings and Nobles: Preuentions for Night-cries and fires; Returne of the Generall from Court.

THe thirtieth day, the Captaine Chinesa (our Land-lord) came vnto me, and told mee of a generall Coll••ction which was made throughout euery house in the Towne, to send presents of eatable commodities to the Kings,* 9.82 for the more honor of a great Feast they haue to morrow, with a Comoedie or Play: and so by his counsell (with aduice [ 40] of others) I ordained two bottles of Spanish wine, two roasted Hennes, a roasted Pigge, a small quantitie Ruske, and three boxes banquetting stuffe, to send to their Feast to morrow. And be∣fore night the yong King sent one of his men vnto me, to furnish them with some English appa∣rell, for the better setting out their Comoedie, namely, a paire of Stamel-cloath breeches. I re∣turned answere, I had none such, nei••her did know any other which had: notwithstanding, if any apparell I had wo••ld pleasure his Highnesse, I wo••ld willingly giue it him. And within night both the Kings sent to me, to bring Master Foster, the Master, and be a spectator of their Comoe∣die to morrow.

The one and thirtieth, before dinner, I sent our Present aforesaid to the Kings by our Iure∣basso, desiring their Highnesses to pardon the Master and my selfe, and that we would come to [ 50] them some other time, when there were lesse people: but that would not serue the turne, for they would needs haue our company, and to bring Master Eaton along with vs; which wee did, and had a place appointed for vs, where we sate and saw all at our pl••asures: and the old King himselfe came and brought vs Collation in sight of a••l the people:* 9.83 and after Semidone did the like in the name of both the Kings; and after diuers Noblemen of the Kings followers, made vs a third Collation. But the matter I noted most of all, was their Comoedie (or Play) the Actors being the Kings themselues, with the greatest Noblemen and Princes.* 9.84 The matter was of the valiant deeds of their Ancestors, from the beginning of their Kingdome or Common-wealth, vntill this present, with much mirth mixed among, to giue the common people content. The Audience was grea••, for no house in Towne but brought a Present, nor no Village nor [ 60] place vnder their Dominions, but did the like, and were spectators. And the Kings them∣selues did see, that euery one, both great and small, did eate and drinke before they departed. Their acting Mu••••que and singing (as also their Poetry) is very harsh to vs, yet they keepe due time both with hands and feet. Their Mus••que is little Tabers, made great at both ends,* 9.85 and smal in the middest, like to an Houre-glasse, they beating on the end with one hand, and straine the

cords which goe about it, with the other, which maketh it to sound great or small as they list, ac∣cording their voices with it, one playing on a Phife or Flute; but all harsh, and not pleasant to our hearing. Yet I neuer saw Play wherein I noted so much, for I see their policie is great in do∣ing thereof, and quite contrary to our Comoedies in Christendome, ours being but dumbe shewes, and this the truth it selfe, acted by the Kings themselues, to keepe in perpetuall remembrance their affaires. The King did not send for the Flemmings, and therefore I accounted it a greater grace for vs. At our returne to the English house, I found three or foure Flemmings there, one of them was in a Iapan habit,* 9.86 and came from a place called Cushma, within sight of Corea. I vnder∣stand, they sold Pepper, and other Commodities there, and I thinke haue some secret trade into Corea, or else are very likely to haue. I hope, if they doe well, we cannot doe amisse, M. Adams being the man that put them forward vnto it, and no doubt will bee as forward for the good of [ 10] his owne Countrey, as for Strangers. Hernando Ximenes was with Captaine Brower, and saw the two men which came from Cushma,* 9.87 and did but aske him from whence they came; whereat Cap∣taine Brower was angry, telling him he would giue him no account thereof. And towards night, I vnderstood that two Spaniards were come from Langasaque, and lodged at Zanzibars, and sent for our Iurebassa to come to them; but I would not let him go so soone. After, Zanzibar and they came to the English house, the one of them beeing Andres Bulgaryn, the Genowes, which passed by this place the other day; and the other is called Benito de Palais, and is Pilot Maior of the Spanish ship, which was cast away on the Coast of Iapan, and is the same man which came from Langa∣saque, to visit M. Adams at his being here. They told me they were come of purpose to visit their friends; namely, my selfe first of all, with many other words of complement, and then en∣tred [ 20] into speeches of our Fugitiues; saying, it was not the Fathers (as they call them) which kept our people secret, or went about to conuey them away; but rather they of Langasaque them∣selues,* 9.88 who they reported to be very bad people. In fine, I stood in doubt that these fellowes are come of purpose, to inueigle more of our people to doe as the others haue done, and thereof adui∣sed the Master, to haue a care both to ship and boats, as also to take notice of any such as went a∣bout to keepe them company: for that it is good to doubt the worst, for the best will saue it selfe.

* 9.89The first of Nouember at night, two houses were set on fire on the other side the water, but fire was soone put out, but the villaines that did it could not be found. I sent M. Foster the Master [ 30] a letter, aduising him to take care of ship and boats, as also to looke vnto the behauiour of our peo∣ple, for that I doubted these two Spaniards were but come as Spies, to see what we did, and to in∣tice some other of our people to do as the former did. Also, I aduised him how I vnderstood the said Spaniards did pretend to inuite him to dinner this day; but I wished him to take heed they gaue him not a Hig••: he returned me answer, that he esteemed them such as I tooke them for, and therefore would haue a care to the maine chance. But soone after he came ashoare, and the Spa∣niards came to the English house, and with much intreaty, got M. Foster, and M. William Eaton to goe along to dinner with them to Zanzebars, and the other two Spaniards and Harnando did the like. But these two Spaniards came vnto me, and bade mee tell the Master or any other that went with them,* 9.90 to take heed they did not eate nor drinke any thing, but such as they did see the others taste before them; for that it was no trusting of them, of which I aduised both the Ma∣ster, [ 40] and M. Eaton. Also I sent Miguell our Iurebassa, to both the Kings (and other Nobles) to giue them thanks for our kind entertainment yesterday, Harnando Ximenes told me that M. A∣dams had goods in his hands, belonging to this Pilot Maior the Spaniard, and that his chiefe com∣ming was, thinking to haue met M. Adams here, and doth meane to attend his comming to haue an accompt of those matters. As also they brought Letters of recommendation from the Bishop, and other Fathers to the other two Spaniards (or strangers) to perswade them to returne backe to Langasaque:* 9.91 but I thinke it is not their determination so to doe.

The second, some villaines set an house on fire in the Fish streete; and it was soone put out, and the partie escaped: and it is generally thought to be some base people or Renegados, which lie loytering vp and downe the Towne, and came from Miaco, and three are much suspected, but no [ 50] proofe as yet found against them. But there is order giuen, to make Gates and Partitions ouer e∣uery streete in diuers places, and watch to be kept at each place, and no man be suffered to walke in the night, except he be found to haue earnest businesse. Another villaine got into a poore wid∣dowes house, thinking to haue robbed her, but she making an out-cry, hee fled vp into the wood, ouer against the English house, where the Pagod is; and soone after, the wood was beset round a∣bout,* 9.92 with aboue fiue hundred men, but the theefe could not be found. At night, as we were go∣ing to bed, there was an out-cry on a sudden, that theeues were on the top of our house, setting it on fire; but our ladders being ready reared, both my selfe and others were not long a going vp, but found nothing, but that all our neighbours houses were peopled on the tops on a sudden, as well [ 60] as ours. And it is to be thought it was nothing but a false lar••m, giuen of purpose to see how euery one would be found in a readinesse. Yet at that very instant there was a house set on fire, but soone quenched, it being a good way from our English house.

The night past, three houses were set on fire in diuers parts of the Towne, but all put out at

beginning, so that no hurt was done. So now order is giuen, to take notice in euery house what people are in them, whether strangers or others;* 9.93 and such as are found to be suspected are to bee banished out of the Countrey; and gates or bars made to shut vp the passages or ends of streets, and watch set in diuers places, without crying and making a noyse vp and downe streets in the night, as hath been for a time heretofore without either forme or fashion: yet notwithstanding all this, a villaine about tenne a clocke in the night, set a house on fire neare vnto the Pagod, ouer against our English house: but he was espied by the watch, who pursued him with all speed, but he got into the wood aboue the Pag••d, which forthwith was beset round about, with aboue fiue hundred armed men, and the old King Foyne came in person with many other Noble men, [ 10] assisted in the pursuit▪ yet I verily thinke, the villaine did runne vp and downe amongst the rest, crying, Keepe theefe, as well as the best.

The fourth, the night past there was fire put in diuers places more, one in the Towne and an other in the Countrey, besides the House neere ours, as I said before. Order is now giuen, to haue secret watch in diuers parts of the Towne euery night, and no man to goe out in the night except vpon vrgent occasion, and then to haue a light before them, to the end they may bee seene. If this decorum be duly kept, our House burners will play least in sight. I told the Kings, and others hereof aboue a weeke past, and now it is put in execution.

The fifth, this morning I receiued two Lett••rs, the one from Domingo Francisco the Spanish Ambassadour dated in Ximonaseque fiue days past, and the other from George the Portugall: the Ambassadour went ouer Land from t••ence for Langasaque, and sent his Seruant with the Letters, [ 20] vnto whom I shewed such Commod••ties as he enquired for, and referred him off for others till our Generals returne writing him a Letter in answere of his, the Copie whereof I kept: his man tooke liking of two peeces of fine Semian Chowters, and eight p••eces of white Bastas, and paid seuen Tais the piece for Chowters, and two Tais the piece for Bastas. There came a Spanish Frier or Iesuite, in the Boat with the Ambassadours man & desired to see our ship,* 9.94 which I willed our Master to let him, and to vse him kindly, which he did. For as the olde saying is, It is good sometimes to hold a Candle to the Deuill, &c. Master Eaton, Harnando and my selfe dined with Vnagense, and were kindly entertayned.

The sixth this day about ten a clocke,* 9.95 our Generall and all his company arriued heere from the Iapan Court, Master Adams being in company with him. And presently the Generall sent [ 30] me wi••h Iohn Iapan our Iurebasso, to visit both the Kings, and thanke them for their kindnesse in so well accommodating him with a Boate, as also for the care they had of the ship, and the rest in his absence, and that he would come on the morrow to visit them, beeing now weary of his long Voyage. They tooke this visitation kindly, saying, they would be glad to see him at their Houses. Also certaine Merchants of Miaco which came from Langasaque, came to our English House, and had sight of all our commodities, and amongst the rest, took liking often pieces of Cas∣sedy nill, and made price for them at three Tais the piece, which is in all thirtie Tais, and so sent them to their lodging, as other Merchants before had done the like, and so returned mee money to my content, but these sent mee nothing but a Paper, and consigned mee to receiue my [ 40] money of Semidone, who was newly gone out of Towne on a Voyage, our Generall meeting him on the way: but I returned these Merchants word, that I would haue my payment of them, or else my Merchandize backe againe, but they made answere, I should haue neither the one nor other; neither would the Host of the House where they lodged passe his word for payment,* 9.96 so I was forced to goe to both the Kings to seeke for Iustice, but first sent word aboord, that if the Boate of Miaco weighed anchor to goe away, that they should man out the Skiffe, and stay her, which they did, and made her to come to an anchor againe, and in the meane-time I spake to the Kings, but the younger said that Semidone was a man able enough to pay me. And then I answe∣red and asked him, that if Semidone did not, whether he would, and he told me no, and while we were talking of it, old Foyne Same came in and told me he would take order that I should haue content: yet his order had come ••oola••e, if our Pinnasse had not stayd them. So in the end the [ 50] Host where they did lodge, passed his word for payment.

Captaine Brower and all his Merchants came to the English House to visit our Generall,* 9.97 and Nobisana sent him a young Porke for a Present, saying, hee would come himselfe and visit him within a day or two.

Here follow certaine Letters, the first sent from the Emperour to the Prince of Orange, the rest from the English in Iapan, and principally from Master Cocke, wherein the Iaponian Affaires and various Occurrents for diuers yeares are expressed.

[ 60]

The Copie of a Letter sent by the Emperour of Iapan, vnto the King of Hol∣land, by the Ship called the Red Lyon, with Arrowes, which arriued in the Texel, the two and twentieth of Iuly, 1610.

I Emperour and King of Iapan, wish to the King of Holland, who hath sent from so farre Countries to visit me, greeting.

I reioyce greatly in your writing and sending vnto me, and wish that our Countries were neerer the one to the other, whereby wee might continue and increase the friendship begunne betwixt vs through your Maiesties presence, whom I imagine in conceit to see, in respect I am vnknowne vnto your Maiestie, and [ 10] that your loue toward me is manifested through your liberalitie in honouring mee with foure Presents, whereof though I had no need, yet comming in your name I receiued them in great worth, and hold them in good esteeme.

And further, whereas the Hollanders your Maiesties Subiects desire to trade with their shipping in my Countrey, which is of little value and small, and to traffique with my Subiects, and desire to haue their abiding neere vnto my Court, whereby in person I might helpe and assist them; which cannot bee as now through the inconueniencie of the Countrey: yet notwithstanding I will not neglect, as alreadie I haue beene, to be carefull of them, and to giue in charge to all my Gouernours and Subiects, that in what places and Hauens in what part soeuer they shall arriue, they shall shew them all fauour and friendship to their Persons, Ships and Merchandize: wherein your Maiestie or your Subiects need not to doubt or feare [ 20] ought to the contrarie. For they may come as freely as if they came into your Maiesties owne Hauens and Countries; and so may remayne in my Countrey to trade. And the friendship begunne betwixt mee and my Subiects with you shall neuer bee impayred on my behalfe, but augmented and increased.

I am partly ashamed that your Maiestie (whose Name and Renowme through your valorous Deeds is spred throughout the whole World) should cause your Subiects to come from so farre Countries into a Countrey so vnfitting as this is, to visit me, and to offer vnto me such friendships as I haue not deserued. But considering that your affection hath beene the cause thereof, I could not but friendly entertayne your Subiects, and yeeld to their requests: whereof this shall serue for a testimonie, That they in all pla∣ces, Countries, and Ilands vnder mine obedience may trade and traffique, and build Houses seruiceable and needfull for their Trade and Merchandizes, where they may trade without any hinderance, at their [ 30] pleasure, aswell in time to come as for the present, so that no man shall doe them any wrong: And I will mayntayne and defend them, as mine owne Subiects.

I promise likewise, that the persons which I vnderstand shall bee left heere, shall now and at all times be held as recommended vnto me, and in all things to fauour them, whereby your Maiestie shall find vs as your Friends and Neighbours.

For other matters passed betwixt me and your Maiesties Seruants, which would bee too long heere to repeate, I referre my selfe vnto them.

[ 40]

Firando in Iapan, the tenth of December 1614.

TO this day I haue not had time to perfest vp my old bookes of Accounts, by meanes of the dispat∣ching away our people, some to one place, some to another, and then the new building of our house, and after that the buying of a Iuncke,* 11.1 and repairing of her, which is now ready to depart for Syam, and hath been any time this ten dayes riding at an anchor at Cochi, a league from Firando, where your ship rode at your departure from hence, expecting but afaire wind to set forward on her voyage: shee is called the Sea Aduenture, being about some two hundred Tunnes, in whom Master Adams goeth for Master, and Master Wickham and Edward Sayer for Merchants,* 11.2 by meanes of the death of Master Peacock slaine in Cochinchina, and likelihood of casting away Walter Carwaden, returning backe from thence, [ 50] for to this houre we haue no newes of him, ••or the Iuncke they went in, as I haue at large aduised the Wor∣shipfull Company,* 11.3 &c. Since your departure from hence, the Emperour hath banished all Iesuits, Priests, Friers and Nunnes out of Iapan, and pulled downe, and burned all their Churches and Monasteries, ship∣ping them away, some for Amacau in China, and the rest for Manillias. Foyne Same the old King of Firando is dead,* 11.4, and Vshiandono his Gouernour, and two other Seruants cut their bellyes to beare him company; their bodies being burned, and ashes entembed by his. Heere are warres like to ensue betwixt Ogu••ho-same the old Emperour, and Fidaia-same the yong Prince, sonne to Tico-same, who hath for∣tified himselfe strongly in his Castle or Fortresse of Osak••y, hauing eightie thousand or an hundred thou∣sand men run awayes and banished men, mall-contents, which are retyred out of all parts vnto him, & vi∣ctualled themselues for three yeares. The old Emperor himselfe is come downe against him in person with an [ 60] armie of three hundred thousand souldiers,* 11.5 and is at the Castle of Fushma: their fore-runners haue had two or three bickerings already, and many slaine on each part. All Osakey is burned to the ground, but only the Castle. So Master Eaton is gone to Sackey with his goods; yet not without danger, for part of that Towne is burned too.* 11.6

Such a Tempest or Tuffon hath lately happened at Edoo, that the like was neuer seene in that place,* 11.7 the sea ouerflowing all the City, driuing the people vp into the mountains, defacing and breaking downe all the Noblemens houses, which you know were beautifull and faire. So let thus much suffice for newes in Iapan.

And now for Sales of our goods: the Emperour tooke our Ordnance, with a good part of our Lead, and ten barrels of powder, and two or three Broad-cloathes, and a good part of our other Broad-cloathes are sold, namely, Blacke, Haire-colour, Synamon-colour, at fifteene, fourteene, thirteene, and twelue Taies▪ the Tattamy: but they will not looke on a Venice-red, nor a Flame-colour, neither are Stamels in such request as heretofore: they enquire much after white and yellow Broad-cloath. The Hollanders haue sold most of their Broad-cloath at base rates, which maketh vs to doe the like. And for our Cloath of [ 10] Cambaya, they will not looke on our red Zelas, blew Byrams, nor Duttis, which are the greatest part of that you left with vs, only some white Bastas are sold at fourteene and fifteene Masse a peece: And Cassedys nill, Alleias, broad Pintados, Chader Pintados, with such spotted, striped and chequered Stuffes, most looked after, and sold at profit. We haue also sold neare halfe our Bantam Pepper for sixtie fiue Masse the Peecull, and all the rest had been gone before now, had it not been for this rumour of warres. I stand in great hope we shall procure Trade into China, by meanes of Andrea, the Captaine China, and two o∣ther of his brothers, which labour in the matter, and make no doubt but to bring it to effect,* 11.8 for three ships a yeere to come and goe to a place neare Lanquin, to which place we may goe from hence in three or foure dayes, if the wind be good▪ I haue written hereof at large to the Worshipfull Company, as the like to my Lord Treasurer.

[ 20] Some little sicknesse I haue had, but now I praise God it is past. Master Wickham, Master Eaton, Master Nealson, and Master Edward Sayer, haue all foure been very sicke, but now well recouered all, except Master Eaton, who is troubled with the Fluxe and a tertian Ague, God send him his health, for I cannot too much praise that man, for his diligence and paines taken in the Worshipfull Companies af∣faires. Iacob Speck, who was thought to be cast away in going from hence to the Moluccas, is now re∣turned to Firando, Captaine of a great ship called the Zelandia, with a little Pinnasse, called the Iaccatra: the cause of his so long missing was, for that the ship wherein he went from hence, passed to the Eastward of the Philippinas, the same way we came, yet by currents and contrary winds (as they say) they could not fetch the Moluccas, but were driuen to the Westward of the Iland Celebes, and so passed round about it through the Straights of Desalon, and so backe to the Moluccas, &c. The Chinaes doe much complaine [ 30] of the Hollanders robbing and pilfering their Iuncks▪ for (as they say) they haue rifled and taken seuen. The Emperour of Iapan hath taken some distaste aga••nst the Hollanders, for he refused a Present they late∣ly sent vp to him, and would not speake to them which brought it:* 11.9 as he did the like by another Present the Portugalls sent him, who came in the great ship from Amacau, this yeare, to Langasaque; he refusing both the Present, as also to speake to them which brought it. You thought at your being heere, that if any other ship came out of England, we might sell our Goods without carrying vp any Present to the Em∣perour: but now I find it to be otherwise, for euery ship which commeth in must carry a Present to the Emperour, as a custome: neither can we set out any Iuncke,* 11.10 without procuring the yearely License of the Emperour, otherwise no Iapan Mariner dare goe out of Iapan vpon paine of death, only our owne shippes from England may come in, and goe out againe when they will, and no man gain-say it.

[ 40] Wee cannot yet by any meanes get Trade from Tushma into Corea, neither haue they of Tushma any other priuiledge, but to enter vnto one little Towne (or Fortresse) and in paine of death not to go without the walles thereof, to the Landward, and yet the King of Tushma is no Subiect to the Emperour of Iapan. Wee could vent nothing but Pepper at Tushma, and yet no great quantitie of that, and the weight is much bigger then that of Iapan, but sold at a better rate. I am giuen to vnderstand, that vp in the Countrey of Corea, they haue great Cities, and betwixt that and the Sea mightie Bogs,* 11.11 so that no man can trauell on Horse-backe, nor very hardly on foote; but for remedie against that, they haue great Waggons or Carts, which goe vpon broad or flat wheeles vnder saile, as ships doe. So that obseruing Monsons, they transport their goods to and fro in these sayling Waggons. They haue Damaskes, Sattins, Taffeties, and other Silke stuffes made there, as well as in China: it is said that Ticus-same (otherwise called Quabicondono) [ 50] the deceased Emperour, did pretend to haue conueyed a great armie of Souldiers in these sailing waggons, to haue assaulted the Emperour of China on a sudden in his great Citie of Paquin,* 11.12 where hee is ordinarily resident, but he was preuented by a Corean Noble-man, who poysoned himselfe, to poyson the Emperour, and other great men of Iapan, which is the occasion the Iapans haue lost that, which some two and twenty yeares past they had gotten possession of in Corea. Iames Turner the fidling youth, left a wench with child heere, but the whore, the mother, kill••d it so soone as it was borne, although I gaue her two Taies in plate before to nourish it, because shee should not kill it, it being an ordinary thing here. Master Foster, the Masters whistle and chaine is found, and Master Adams hath it, and will be answerable vnto him for it. I did thinke to haue sent you a Iapan Almanacke in another Letter to the same effect as this, dated the fiue and twentieth Vltimo, and sent by Sea-aduenture, by way of Syam, but forgot to put it in, yet now [ 60] commeth here inclosed: I pray you let this Letter suffice to Master George Sa••is your brother and the rest of my louing friends▪ and with heartie Commendations in generall, I leaue you all to the holy protection of the Almightie, resting alwayes

Your euer louing friend at command, RICHARD COCKS.

To the Worshipfull THOMAS WILSON Esquire, at his House at the Britaine-Burse, at the Strand, giue these.

SIr, my last vnto you was of the first of December 1613. dated in the Isle of Firando in Iapan; and sent by Captaine Iohn Saris, in the ship called the Cloaue: wherein I aduertised you, how vnkindly the Hollanders dealt with vs in the Maluccas. Since which time, there is not any matter of moment to aduise you of, more then I haue touched in another Letter to my good Lord Treasurer. The Hollanders giue it out heere, That it is very likely our East-India Company of England, and that of Holland shall be ioy∣ned all in one: which if it proue true, it is thought an easie matter to driue both Spaniards and Portugals out of these Easterne parts of the world; or else vtterly to cut them off, or debarre them from all Trade. [ 10] For you will hardly beleeue how the Hollanders alreadie haue daunted the Spaniards and Portugals in these parts,* 12.1 especially in the Maluccas, where they daily encroach vpon the Spaniards, which are not able to withstand their proceedings:* 12.2 but now stand in much feare, that in short time they will also take the Phi∣lippina; from them. Also the Portugals, which trade from Ormus to Goa, and so for Malacca and Macao in China, stand daily in feare to be surprised by them.

One thing there is, the issue whereof I cannot well conceiue: and that is the robbing of the Iunckes of China, daily practised by the Hollanders in these parts: the goods whereof cannot choose but amount to great matters,* 12.3 and suffice to set out and maintaine a great Fleete, which is worthy of consideration. And if it should happen, that the King of Iapan should fall out with the Hollanders, and debarre them from Trade into his Dominions, (as it may fall out that he will:) then is it likely the Hollanders will make prize as [ 20] well of Iapans as Chinaes. For out of doubt, their Forces at sea in these parts are sufficient to doe what they lust, if they haue but a victualing place to retire vnto. And they are of late growne very stout, and mocke at them, which, all the world knoweth, were their masters and teachers. And it is very certaine that they haue gotten possession of diuers Fortresses in the Maluccas, and those parts: yet on my knowledge the people of those parts doe rather encline to the Spaniards, then to them: although at the first, they were glad of their arriuall, by meanes of the intollerable pride of the Spaniards. But now time telleth them, that the Spaniard brought them store of Rialls of plate; and in their proud humors were liberall, which was easie for them to doe,* 12.4 in respect they had wherewithall to doe it. But the poore Hollanders, which serue in these parts for souldiers, both by sea and land, haue such bare pay, that it will hardly find [ 30] them clothing to their backes, and meate for their bellies: Their Commanders alledge, that all the benefite which hapneth, either by reprisall or conquest, is for the States, and Winthebbers, as they call them. So that what will come of this in the end, is hard to iudge.

But letting these matters passe, I am verily of opinion, that, if it be not for the misdemeanour of the Hollanders, we shall obtaine a Trade in China: for our demand is but for three ships a yeare to come and goe;* 12.5 and only to leaue Factors sufficient to doe the businesse, without bringing in any Iesuits or Padres, as they tearme them, which the Chinaes cannot abide to heare of, because heretofore they came into these parts in such numbers to inhabite, that now they will not endure it, and were alwayes crauing and begging without shame, which is a common saying among the Pagans.

One thing there is, which putteth me in good hope, and that is the good report and fame, which our English Nation hath gotten in these parts, since our Arriuall: which, as I am giuen to vnéerstand, is [ 40] come to the knowledge of the Emperour of China: and how the chiefe King of Iapan hath receiued vs, and granted vnto vs very large priuiledges. As also, how that the English at all times, haue held the Ca∣stilians, as they call them, to hard meate, both by sea and land. These things the Chinaes themselues tell me: and that the Emperour and other great men in China, delight to heare reports of our Nation. But I had almost forgotten to note downe, how some China Merchants put out a question to me, to know if we had a trade in China, whether the King of England would debarre the Hollanders from robbing and spoiling of their Iunckes? Which question was dow••full vnto me: yet I answered them, that his Maie∣stie would take such order, that the Hollander should not misuse them.

Of late heere is come newes from Edoo, a Citie of Iapan as bigge as London, wherein the chiefe of [ 50] the Nobilitie of Iapan haue beautifull houses,* 12.6 that by meanes of an exceeding Tuffon or tempest, all or the most part of them are defaced; the whole Citie being ouer-flowen with water, and the people forced to flye vp into the mountaines, a thing neuer heard of before: and the Kings Palace being stately builded in a new Fortresse, the tyles being all gilded on the out-side, were all carryed away with a whirlewind, so that none of them are to be found. The Pagans attribute it to some Charmes, or by Coniurations of the Iesuits lately banished: but the Papist Iaponians doe rather ascribe it to the punishment of God, for the banishing of such holy men.

Another matter there is, which I thought good to aduertise you of, and that is of a disaster lately hap∣pened to vs in Cauchin-China:* 12.7 To which place we sent a quantitie of goods and money, to the value of seuen hundred and thirtie pound sterling, as it cost in England. Master Tempest Peacock, and Ma∣ster [ 60] Walter Caerwarden, going for Merchants in a Iapan Iuncke, carryed the Kings Maiesties Letters of England, with a Present of worth for the King of Cauchin-China, and arriued at their Port of Dis∣charge, called Q••inham: deliuered his Maiesties Letters, and the Present, which were taken in g••od part, and they entertained with kind speeches, and large promises▪ The Hollanders seeing we aduentured to

that place, would needs doe the like, and tooke fraught in other Iunkes, and were likewise well entertained at first. But in the ende, Master Peacocke and the ch••efe Merchant of the Hollanders, going on shoare, both in one boat, to receiue certaine summes of money of the King for broad-Cloath, and other Commodi∣ties sold him, were treacherously set vpon in the water, and their boat ouerturned, they beeing killed in the water with harping yrons like fishes, with their Interpreters and other followers which were Iaponians: Walter Caerwarden beeing aboord the Iuncke, escaped and came away. But from that day to this, wee can heare no newes neither of him, nor of the Iunke, wherefore we feare hee is cast away.

The common report both of the Chinas and Iapans is, that the King of Cauchin-china did this, to be reuenged on the Hollanders, for burning a Towne of his, and putting his people to death without mer∣cie. [ 10] The originall grew, from a great quantitie of false Dollers or Rials of eight,* 12.8 sent to Quinham by the Hollanders certaine yeeres past; and there put away for Silkes, and other China stuffes, with the Mer∣chants of that place. But the falshood of the money beeing espied, they laid hands on the Holland Factors, and I thinke, some one was put to death in reuenge: whereupon the Holland ships comming on that Coast, ••••nded their men, and burned a Towne, putting Man, Woman, and Child to the sword. This was the chiefe occasion (as report goeth) that this mischance is happened now; M. Peacocke being slaine, because he was in company with the Hollanders. Here inclosed, I send you a Iapan Almanacke, whereby you may see their order of Printing, Figures, and Characters. And so I leaue you to the holy protection of the Al∣mighty. Resting alwaies

Your Worships to command, RICHARD COCK.

[ 20] From Firando in Iapan. December 10. 1614.

December 5. 1615.

SIr, I receiued a Letter from you by the hands of Captaine Copendall▪ Captaine of the Hosiander, which arriued here in Iapan the twentie ninth of August, 1615. wherein I vnderstood of your safe arriuall at the Cape Bona Esperanza homeward bound•• wherein your Worship gaue mee to vnderstand, of the losse of some of your Company; yet I make no doubt, but by the grace of God, you are safely arriued in England long before this time. I sent you a Letter, dated the last of Nouember, 1614. by the Hollan∣ders [ 30] ship called the old Zealand, wherein I gaue you to vnderstand of the death of M. Peacocke, and Walter Carwarden betrayed in Cauchinchina, which was not a little griefe to vs all besides the losse of the Companies goods. This last yeere past, M. Wickham, M. Adams, and my Selfe, beeing bound in a Iuncke which we bought for Siam, hauing great stormes and foule weather, sprung leakes in her, and were faine to beare vp for the Ilands Leuckes, where we stayed so long, and could not stop our leakes, we lost our Monson, and came to Firando againe. This yeere we haue trimmed her againe, and at this present readie to set sayle againe for Siam. My greatest hope in these parts is, that we shall haue a trade into China, for we haue great possibilities, and I make no doubt but ere long, to see a Factory established there, by meanes that the Captaine Cheny and his brothers haue made. We haue had here the last Summer great troubles of Warres, betwixt the Emperour and Fida••a Sama, which we doe not know whether hee bee slaine or fled, [ 40] but the Emperour hath got the victory, with losse of men of both sides, the summe of foure hundred thousand.* 13.1 Thus hauing no more newes to write, I commit you to the protection of the Almightie. From Firando in Iapan.

Your Seruant alwaies to command, EDMOND SAYER.

Firando in Iapan. December 4. 1616.

WOrshipfull Sir, my humble dutie alwayes remembred: hauing so fit an oportunitie, I could not [ 50] choose but trouble your Worship with these few lines, I being but newly arriued heere in Firando, of a hard and tedious Voyage from Siam, which went in a Iunke of the Right Honourable Companies, M. Adams being Master, and my selfe Factor in her, hauing bought more goods then we could lade, we fraigh∣ted an other Iunke for Iapan: M. Beniamin Fary being principall of the Factory of Siam, thought it fit for me to goe in this Iunke for Iapan, for the safegard of the Worshipfull Companies goods: wherein I tooke my Voyage, the yeare beeing far spent, that we were from the first of Iune, to the seuenteenth of September, betweene Siam and Shachmar, with much torments and fowle weather, hauing lost twenty of our men with sicknesse and want of fresh water. The greatest occasion of this first, was for want of a good Pilot, for we had a China Pilot, which had no vnderstanding of Nauigation: for when he was out of sight of the Land, hee know not where he was, nor what course to take: then he falling sicke, was not able to creepe out of his Cab∣bin, [ 60] I beeing forced with the small skill I had, to doe my best, and with the helpe of God brought the Iunke safe to Shachmar, where we arriued the seuenteenth of September, hauing but fiue men able to stand on their legges, comming so late to Firando, that I could not goe this yeere to Siam, but the Companies Iunke is gone with M. Wil. Eaton, and two English Pilots, whose names are Robert Burges, and Iohn Burges.

Your Worships seruant till death, EDMOND SAYER.

Firando in Iapan. February 15. 1617.

CAptaine Saris, My last Letter vnto you, was the fifth of Ianuary, 1616. sent by way of Bantam, in the ship Thomas, which went from hence that yeere, with an other small ship called the Aduice: in which Letter I wrote you at large, of all matters which occasion then offeered: as also of the receipt of two Letters of yours, the one dated in London the twenty fourth of Nouember, 1614. and the other the fif∣teenth of August, 1615. Since which time the ship Aduice is returned againe into Iapan, and arriued at Firando, the second of August last past. By which conuaiance I receiued a Letter from the Honoura∣ble Company, dated in London the thirtieth of Ianuary, 1615. Wherein they write me, &c. [ 10]

* 15.1There are some which can tell you, that Captaine Barkely lying on his death bed, escaped a scowring of loosing sixe thousand Rialls of eight; and had he died before it was found out, paid out for Custome of Pep∣per, it may be some other man might haue had the credit of paying it. It is a common Prouerbe, that it is a small matter for men which lie at Bantam, to be rich if they liue but a little time: for as the old saying is, No man dieth without an heire.

Wee haue beene this yeare againe, before the Emperour of Iapan, but cannot get our Priuiledges en∣larged, but trade onely at Firando and Langasaque, and our English shipping to come for Firando only.

M. Edmond Sayer went this last yeare for Cochinchina, with a Cargeson of some one thousand eight hundred Tays Goods and money:* 15.2 and being ready to come away, was coozened of sixe hundred and fifty Tays by a China & others, of whom he had bought Silke for the Worshipful Company, and weighed out the Mo∣ney, [ 20] attending to receiue the Silke, the Money lying by till it came, he and an other being in the roome where it lay: but those false people made a hole through the Cane-wall, and stole out the Money, they not seeing when it was done. I am sorrie for the mischance, but he hopeth to recouer it againe this yeare, hauing left a man to follow the suite, and returneth backe this Monson in a China Iunke, with a Cargeson of two thousand Tais in Plate to bestow in Silke, and one Robert Hawley goeth with him for mortalities sake, and M. William Adams goeth Pilot for the Chines. God send them a prosperous Voyage, and to reco∣uer the money lost.

Our Iunke, the Sea Aduenture, made an other Voyage the last yeare to Siam, M. William Ea∣ton going Merchant in her, and is returned againe in her thither this yeare, God send them a prosperous Voyage.

The Hollanders sent a Fleete of ships the last yeare from the Moluccas to the Manillias, to fight with [ 30] Spanish Fleete: but they kept in for the space of fiue or sixe moneths, so that the Hollanders made ac∣count they durst not come out at all: and therefore separated themselues, to looke out for China Iunkes whereof they tooke and rifled some say twentie fiue Iuncks,* 15.3 others say thirtie fiue: once they tooke great ri∣ches, and all vnder the name of Englishmen. But in the end, the Spanish Fleete came out, and set vp∣on fiue or sixe of their ships, burning and sinking the Admirall, and two other Holland ships, the rest esca∣ping: but the Spaniards separating themselues to seeke out the Hollanders, the Vice admirall of them fell with two fresh Hollanders on the morning, who fought with her all day, and made her to runne on ground, and set her selfe on fire, because the Hollanders should not take them: the which two ships, and one of them which was at former fight, came after to Firando, with two other great Hollanders from Bantam, to [ 40] looke out for the Amacau ship, but missed narrowly of her, so that fiue great Holland ships, the least of them as big as the Cloue, came into Iapan this yeare, one of which, called the Red Lyon (which was she which rid by vs at the Moluccos) was cast away at Firando in a storme, with a China Iuncke they brought in for Prize, but all the Merchandise recouered, although wet. The Emperour letteth them make good price of all. They sent away the Blacke Lyon for Bantam, a ship of nine hundred Tunnes, full laden with Raw Silke, and other rich China stuffes. Another, called the Flushing, of seuen or eight hundred Tunnes, is gone for the Moluccas, full laden with prouision and money: and the Sunne, a ship of sixe or seuen hun∣dred Tunnes, with the Gallias of aboue foure hundred Tunnes, are left to scowre the coast of China, to take what booty they can, and returne the next Monson: the Gallias is gone out already, but the Sunne atten∣deth the going out of the Amacau ship from Langasaque, to be doing with her. She was going out hereto∣fore, [ 50] but comming in sight of the Gallias, (the wind seruing her) returned into Langasaque againe, so I thinke she will hardly goe out this yeare:* 15.4 and as I said before, they haue robbed all the Chines in the name of Englishmen, which hath done much hurt to our proceeding, to get trade in that place; so that we were forced to send new supplies, to giue the Gouernours in China to vnderstand, that they are Hollanders which did it, and not Englishmen. In fine, I haue aduised the Worshipfull Company at large of all, of which I make no doubt but you will heare: And so I commit you to God, resting

Your louing Friend assured at command, RIC. COCK.

The Coppie of my Letter the last yeare, I send you here inclosed. [ 60]

A piece of another Letter of M. Cockes.

There came two Friers in that ship as Embassadours from the Viceroy of new Spaine, with a Present for the Emperour, but he would neither receiue the Present, nor speake to them which brought it, but

sent M. Adams to tell them, they should auoide out of his Dominions, he hauing formerly banished all of their coate, and remained still in the same opinion. It is said, that Fidaia Same had promised the Ie∣suites entrance againe, if he had got the victorie, and been setled in the Empire, which if it had taken effect, out of doubt both Hollanders and we had been turned out of Iapan. And therefore better as it is.

Also, the last yeere when we set out our Iunke, we entertained a Spaniard, called Damian Mari∣na, and was the same man which thought once to haue gone along with you, in Company of George Pe∣terson. This Damian was a good helme man: and therefore entertained, and an other Spaniard, cal∣led Iuan de Lieuana went with them as a Passenger: but the Iunke loosing her Voyage, they returned [ 10] to Langasaque, where soone after arriued the Carracke from Amacau; and vnderstanding that these two men had gone in our shipping, they laid hands of them, and put them in chaines aboord the great ship, condemning them to death, as Traytors to their Prince and Countrey in seruing the English their enemies. Which comming to my knowledge, I tooke their defence in hand, and by authoritie from the Emperour got them set at libertie, to the great spight and hearts griefe of both Spaniards and Portu∣gals, these two men going Passengers in the Hosiander for Bantam, &c. We haue had extreame trou∣bles in Iapan, by meanes of these warres, in posting or transporting of our goods from place to place, to saue it. I long to heare from you of your safe arriuall, &c.

M. Adams is gone againe in the Iunke for Siam, accompanied onely with M. Edmond Sayer; and M. Nealson is very sicke, but M. Wickham, and M. Eaton well: I pray you deliuer the enclo∣sed [ 20] to my brother.

Yours, most assured at command, RICHARD COCK.

Naugasaque in Iapan, the tenth of March 1610.

[ 30] IT is now almost three yeeres last past since I wrote your Worship any Letter, and is by meanes of the vnlooked for & vnruly proceedings of the Hollanders against our English Nation in all these parts of the World, not sparing vs in these Kingdomes of Iapan,* 17.1 contrarie to the large Priuiledges which the Em∣perour of Iapan hath giuen vs, that the Iapans should not meddle with vs. But these Hollanders this yeere hauing seuen ships great & small in the Harbor or Port of Firando, haue with sound of Trumpet pro∣claymed open War against our English Nation, both by Sea and Land to take our English ships & goods, and kill our persons as their mortall Enemies, which was done by one Adam Westarwood, their Ad∣mirall or Lord Commander (as they tearme him) and openly proclaymed aboord all their shippes. Also they came to braue vs before our owne doores, and picking quarrels entred into our House, thinking to haue cut all our throates, yet wounded but two persons, and had it not beene for the ••ssistance of the Iapa∣nesses [ 40] our Neighbours, which tooke our parts, they had killed vs all, they being a hundred Hollanders to one Englishman: and not contented with this, they tooke our Boat going out about our businnesses, where∣in there was one Englishman which they carryed Prisoner into their owne House, threatning to haue kil∣led him, putting him in great danger of his life, by meanes of a Company of drunken Consorts which were about him, threatning him to stab him with their Kniues. The young mans name is Richard King and sonne to Captaine King of Plimmouth. And besides this, two other of our Barkes going besides their ships within the Towne and Harbour of Firando, they bent a Peece of Ordnance against them, which tooke false fire, but they shot at them with Muskets, but missed the Englishmen, and killed a Ia∣pan: Yet for all this there is no iustice executed against them by the King of Firando, although the Em∣perour hath commanded him to doe it.

[ 50] Also may it please you to vnderstand, that two of these shippes which they brought into Firando this yeere, are English ships which they tooke from Englishmen in the Indies, as also they tooke two other this yeere from them, riding at an anchor in the Roads of Patania, where wee haue a Factorie, and not doubting any such matter: in which broyle, they killed Captaine * 17.2 Iohn Iordaine, our Chiefe President for the right Worshipfull Companie in the Indies, with diuers others, and carryed the ships and goods quite away, but sixe of the Mariners which were in the English ships which they tooke, escaped from them and came to the English House, they sending to me to haue them sent backe againe: vnto whom I answered, I would first see their Commission, how they durst presume to take our shipping and goods, and kill our Kings Maiesties faithfull Subiects as they did: so then they went to the Tono or King of Firando; [ 60]

desiring to haue their * 17.3 English slaues (as it pleased them to call them) delivered vnto them, but they had answere, they must first demaund them of the Emperour, and looke what he ordayned should be ful∣filled. Yet in th•• meane time, they held not the English-men to bee slaues vnto them. This was the chiefe occasion which made them to picke quarrels against vs, to haue killed vs all, but I hope in God, his Maie∣stie by the Solicitation of our right Honourable, and right Worshipfull ••mployers, will not suffer his true and loyall Subiects to lose their shipping, liues and goods, in such order as they ••••e by such an vnthanke∣full and theeuish Rabbie of them, which are assembled together in these parts of the World, who make a daily practice to rob and spoile all both friends and foes, and I trust that you your selfe will be a Solici∣tor in this so iust a cause, against so common an Enemie.

This Adam Westerwood their Lord Commander, set my life at saile, offering fiftie Rials of eight, to [ 10] any one that would kill me,* 17.4 & thirtie Rials for each other Englishman that they could kill▪ but hitherto God hath preserued me and the rest in this place, although they wounded two or three, yet they are not dead. And this proceedings of their Lord Commander, was told me secretly by some of their owne people (wil∣ling me) and the rest to take heed of our selues. They also informed mee of the Noble Parentage of their Lord Commander Westerwood, telling that his Father is a Close-stoole-maker at Amster••am, or thereab••uts, and the best of their Captaines either Shoomakers, Carpenters, or Beere-brewers Sonnes, God blesse such an Honourable and Worshipfull Generation, I meane, God blesse mee from them. And so to make an end of this matter, I was this yeere aboue at the Emperours Court at Miaco, to make com∣plaint of the abuses offered to vs within his Dominions, contrary to the Priuiledges his Maiestie had gi∣uen vs, and I had very good words and promises that wee should haue Iustice, and the Tono or King of [ 20] Firando commanded to see it performed, but as yet nothing done, although I haue many times earnestly sued for it.

And at my beeing at Court, and at the Emperours Palace, Portugals and Spaniards being there at the same time, to doe their duties to the Emperour, as they doe euery yeere when shipping commeth. There was a Hollander in the Court,* 17.5 (which had liued in Iapan almost twentie yeeres, and speaketh the Iapan Language well) this fellow, in my hearing and others, beganne to extoll their King of Holland, to be the greatest King in Christen••ome, and one that held all the others vnder, he little thinking that we had vn∣derstood what he said: but I was not behind hand to tell him that he needed not to lye so loud, for that they had no King at all, in Holland, but were gouerned by a Court, or rather they gouerned him. But if they had any King at all, in whom they might boast it was the Kings Maiestie of England, who hitherto had [ 30] beene their Protector, otherwayes they had neuer bragged of their States, at which speeches, both Spa∣niards, Portugals, and others did laugh apace, and so the Hollanders mouth was stopped, &c.

And now for newes in these parts, may it please you to vnderstand that this Emperor is a great Enemy to the name of Christians,* 17.6 especially Iapans, so that all which are found are put to death, I saw fifty fiue mar∣tyred at Miaco, at one time when I was there, because they wold not forsake their Christian Faith, & amongst them were little Children of fiue or sixe yeeres old burned in their mothers armes, Crying out, Iesus re∣ceiue their soules. Also in the Towne of Naugasaque, there was sixteene more martyred for the same matter, whereof fiue were burned and the rest beheaded and cut in pieces, and cast into the Sea in Sackes of thirtie fathome deepe: yet the Priests got them vp againe, and kept them secretly for Reliques. There is many more in Prison in diuers other places, as also heere, which looke hourely when they shall die, for very few turne Pagans. Also this last yeere before Christmas, the Emper••ur hath displaced one of the [ 40] greatest Princes of Iapan, called Frushma Tay, of sixtie or seuentie Mangocas, and turned him into a Corner, in the North parts of Iapan, where hee hath but a small portion in respect of that was taken from him, and this must bee doe or cut his belly. It was thought there would haue beene much trouble in Iapan about it,* 17.7 for all Frushma Tayes Subiects were in Armes, and meant to haue held it out to the vt∣termost, hauing fortified the Citie of Frushma, and gotten prouision into it for a long time, but the Tay himselfe and his Sonne being in the Emperours Court, he commanded them to write to their Vassals, to lay downe their Armes and submit themselues to the Emperours pleasure, or else forth-with to cut their bel∣lies. So life was sweete vnto them, and all rendred vnto the Emperour, and those pardoned which had ta∣ken vp Armes in the defence of the Tay. And the Emperour hath giuen his Dominions being two King∣domes, [ 50] to two of the Emperours owne Kinsmen, and now this yeere the Emperour hath pulled downe his Castle at Frushamy, which I thinke was f••••re bigger then the Citie of Rochester, a very beautifull and gallant thing, wherein I saw him this yeere, and all the stones are carried to Osackay, and that old rui∣nated Castle which Ticus Samma built,* 17.8 and Og••sha Samma pulled downe, must now bee built againe, three times bigger then it was before, so that all the Tones or Kings, haue each one their taske set them to doe at their owne proper charge, not without much grudging, they hauing leaue after so many yeeres, to re∣turne to their owne Lands, and now on a suddaine, are all sent for againe to come to the Court, which an∣greth them not a little, but they must, ••••ll they will they; in paine of belly-cutting. Yet at this very instant, heere is a s••cret muttering, that Fidaia Samma the Sonne of Ticus Samma is aliue; and in the Daires House at Miaco but I thinke it hath beene reported diuers times heretofore that hee was aliue, and in o∣ther [ 60] places but proued vntrue, yet here are some rich Merchants at Miaco, hereat present, which are af∣fraid, and are readie to goe vp on a suddaine, for feare the Emperour should burne Miaco, if it be true, he be aliue, and out of d••ubt if he be aliue, it may turne the Emperours Estate vpside downe, for hee is no Marshall man, but a great Politician: once, howsoeuer it bee, it cannot bee worse for vs then it is, &c And as I aduised you in my last, of the pulling downe of all the Churches in Iapan, yet there were some

remnants standing in Naugasaque till this yeere, and the Monasterie of Misericordia not touched, nei∣ther any Church-yard nor Buriall place, but now by order from the Emperour all is pulled downe, and all Graues and Sepultures opened, and dead mens bones taken out, and carried into the Fields by their Pa∣rents and Kindred to be buried else-where. And streets made in all their places, where both Churches or Church-yards were, except in some places, where the Emperour hath commanded Pagods to bee erected, and sent Heathen Priests to liue in them, thinking vtterly to roote out the memory of Christianitie out of Iapan. For there were certaine places a little without the Citie of Naugasaque, where diuers Fathers and other Christians were martyred, in the time of Ogosha Samma, where their Parents and Friends had planted greene Trees, and set vp Altars neere each Tree, vnto which place many hundreds went euery [ 10] day to pray, but now by command from the Emperour, all the said Trees and Altars are quite cut downe, and the ground made euen, such is his desire to root out the remembrance of all such matters.

And in Anno 1618. in the moneths of Nouember and December, heere were two Comets seene o∣uer all Iapan, the first rising in the East, being like a great fiery beame rent to the South-wards,* 17.9 and there within the space of a moneth vanished away. The other did also rise iust East, being a great blasing Starre, and went North-wards, and within a moneth vanished quite away about the Constellation of Charles-wayne, or Vrsa Maior. The Wissards in these parts doe prognosticate great matters thereof, but hitherto nothing of moment hath happened, but the deposing of Frushma Tay, aforesaid.

But I am ashamed to write you the newes the Portugals and Spaniards report,* 17.10 and some of them haue shewed me Letters to verifie it, and is of a bloudie Crosse seene in the Ayre in England, against which an English Preacher speaking in the Pulpit was strooke dambe, which Miracle, as they terme it, caused our [ 20] Kings Maiestie to send to the Pope, to haue some Cardinals and Learned men to come into England, for that he meant all England should turne Roman Catholikes. I pray you pardon me for writing such fop∣peries which I doe, to the intent to haue you laugh a little, yet I assure you, heere are many Portugals and Spaniards, will not be perswaded to the contrary. I know not what else to write, but I hope by the next shipping which commeth for this place to come towards England, where God grant I may find you in good health, &c.

Your Worships at command, RICHARD COCK.

To the Right Worshipfull Sir Thomas Wilson, &c.

[ 30]

I haue heere added for the Readers profit and delight this Map of Iapan, published by I. HONDIVS.

[illustration]

[ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. IIII. Obseruations of WILLIAM FINCH, Merchant, taken out of his large Iournall.

§. I. Remembrances touching Sierra Leona, in August 1607. the Bay, Countrey, Inha∣bitants, Rites, Fruits and Commodities. [ 10]

* 17.11THe Iland which we fell with, lyeth some ten leagues to the South of the Bay, the latitude is eight degrees, it hath no inhabitants, nor did I learne the name. It hath some Plantans, and by report good watering and wooding for ships. Some league from the shoare is a dangerous breach of a rocke, scarcely at high water to bee dis∣cerned. The Bay of Sierra Leona is about three leagues in breadth. On the South is high land, full of trees euen to the Sea-side, hauing diuers Coues, in which wee caught plentie and varietie of fish. On the further side of the fourth Coue is the watering place, of excellent water continually running: at which place, on the rockes, we found the names of [ 20] diuers English men which had bin there; amongst the rest, of Sir Francis Drake, which had bin there seuen and twentie yeeres before, Thomas Candish, Captaine Lister, with others. About the middest of the Bay, right from the third Coue lyeth a sand, neere about which, is not aboue two or three fathome; in most places else eight or ten close to the shoare. It floweth East South∣east, and higheth sixe or eight foote, a strong tide of ebbe; the latitude eight degrees and a halfe North.

The King keepeth his residence in the bottome of the Bay, and is called by the Moores, Borea, or Captaine, Caran, caran, caran. Hee hath other pettie Kings vnder him, whereof one, called Captaine Pinto, a wretched old man, dwelleth at a Towne within the second Coue: and on the other side the Bay, Captaine Boloone. Boreas Dominions stretch fortie leagues into the land; he hath tribute of Cotton-cloath, Elephants teeth and gold: he hath power to sell his people for [ 30] slaues, (which he proffered vnto vs) and some of them are by Portugall Priests and Iesuits made Christians, and haue a Chappell, wherein are written in a table, such dayes as they are to obserue holy. The King, with some about him, are decently cloathed in Iackets and Breeches, and some with hats, but the common sort go naked, saue that with a Cotten girdle about their waste, they couer their priuities; the women couer theirs with a Cotton-cloath, tacked about their middles and hanging to the knees, wrapped round about them; the children goe starke naked. They are all, both men and women, raced and pinked on all parts of their bodies very curiously, hauing their teeth also filed betwixt, and made very sharpe. They pull off all the haire growing on their eye-lids. Their beards are short, crispe, blacke, and the haire of their heads they cut into allyes [ 40] and crosse pathes; others weare it iagged in tufts, others in other foolish formes; but the women shaue all close to the flesh.

Their Townes consist of thirtie or fortie houses, all clustered together (yet each hath his own) couered with ••eed and enclosed with mud-walls, like our houels or hog-sties in England, hauing at ••he entrance a matte in stead of a doore, locked and bolted, not fearing robbery, where the house∣hold holds correspondence to the house. In stead of a carued bed-sted, they haue billets of wood laid ouerthwart, vpon which, in stead of a fether-bed, they spread a matte or two. Some are so proud, that they haue their (Arras) hangings also of mattes about the walles, yet most about their beds b••twixt them and the wall. Their other furniture, is two or three pots of earth to keepe water in, and to boyle such meate as they can get, a gourd or two to fetch Palme-wine, and [ 50] a halfe go••rd for his quassing cup, earthen dishes for their loblolly, a basket or two by the walles for his Maria to gather cockles, with a snap-sacke for himselfe made of rindes of trees to carry his prouant, with his Tobacco and Pipe, and thus is their house furnished. When they goe abroad each weareth one of those snap-sackes on his shoulder, wherein he carrieth his prouision and To∣bacco (which in no wise must be long from his mouth) with his do-little sword by his side, made by themselues of such iron as is brought them; hauing also his bow and quiuer full of poyson-arrowes, pointed with iron in forme of a Snakes-sting, or else a case of Iauelins or Darts, poi••••ed with iron of a good breadth and sharpe; and sometime with both. They are bigge and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set me••, strong and couragious, of a ciuill-heathen disposition. They keepe themselues for••••e most part vnto their owne wiues, of whom they are not a little iealous. I could not learne ••heir Reli∣gion [ 60] what it is: they haue some Images, yet know there is a God aboue: for w••en wee asked them of their woodden Puppets, they would lift vp their hands to heauen; ••ore they knew not: but how soeuer it comes to passe, their children are all circumcised. They are very iust and true, and theft is punished with present death. When any dieth, a little thatched shed is set ouer

his funerall hearse, vnder which in earthen pots they continually keepe fresh water,* 17.12 and in ear∣then platters set diuers meates, sticking about them some three or foure bones.

To the South of the Bay, some fortie or fiftie leagues distant within the Countrey,* 17.13 inhabiteth a very fierce people which are man-eaters, which sometime infest them. The Moores of Sierra Leona feed on Rice, of which they haue no great quantitie, sowing only what is needfull, in pla∣ces neare to their houses, where they haue burnt vp the wood, not hauing otherwise so much free ground: they sow also another little seed which they call Pene, of which they make bread, not much vnlike to Winter-sauory seed. They haue some few hennes about their houses, but no other flesh, except sometime they get a Fawne of the wilde Deere, running in the Mountaines (not many) or some fowle. They feed also vpon Herbs, Cockles, Oysters,* 17.14 whereof they haue great [ 10] store growing on the rockes and trees by the sea-side, but of a flash taste. They take much good fish with waues and other deuices. They feed also much on rootes, and plant about their houses many Plantan-trees, Gourds, Potatoes, Pompions and Guinne-Pepper. But Tobacco is planted about euery mans house, which seemeth halfe their food:* 17.15 the boll of their Tobacco-pipe is ve∣ry large, and stands right vpward, made of clay well burnt in the fire. In the lower end thereof they thrust in a small hollow cane, a foot and halfe long, thorow which they sucke it, both men and women drinking the most part down, each man carrying in his snap-sack a small purse (called Tuffio) full of Tobacco, and his Pipe. The women doe the like in their wrappers, carrying the Pipe in their hands. Vnto their Tobacco they adde nothing, but rather take from it: for I haue [ 20] seene them strayning forth the iuyce of the leaues, being greene and fresh, before they cut and drie it (making signes that otherwise it would make them drunke) then doe they shr••••d it small,* 17.16 and drie it on a sherd vpon the coles. We beheld in a certaine Iland neare (and no where else) halfe a dozen of Goats, but could not get a taile of one all our time.

They haue innumerable sorts of fruits, growing wilde in their woods; whole woods of Lim∣mon trees, especially a little on this side the watering place neare the Towne,* 17.17 and some few O∣renge trees. Their drinke is for the most part water; yet the men deuour much Palmito wine, which they call Moy, giuing little or none to the women. It is strange to behold their manner of climbing these trees, which haue neither boughes nor branches, saue only on the top, being al∣so of great height and bignesse: with a withe he graspeth his body and the tree together, and so [ 30] bearing backe his body, and lifting vp his withe before him, he foots it vp with such speed and certaintie, comming downe againe also so orderly, bringing his gourd full of wine on his arme, that it was admirable. They haue diuers sorts of Plummes, one like a wheaten Plumme,* 17.18 whole∣some and sauoury: a blacke one also, as bigge as a Horse-plumme, much esteemed, hauing an aro∣maticke sauour: Mansamillias like to a wheaten Plumme, very dangerous, as are likewise the boughes of the tree, full of sappe, perillous to the sight, if it should happely flye in. They haue Beninganions about as bigge as a Limmon, reddish on the rinde, very wholesome: another fruit called Beguill, as bigge as an apple, with a rough knottie skinne, which being pared, it eateth like a Strawberry, being like it also in colour and graine, of which wee did eate many: there is store of wilde grapes in the woods, of a wooddie and bitterish taste. They eat the nuts roasted [ 40] which fall from the Palmito tree: they vse small store of Pepper and graines, this in Surgerie, that in Cookery. They haue certaine fruits growing sixe or eight together on a bunch, each as long and bigge as a mans finger, of a browne yellowish colour, and somewhat downie, containing within the rinde a certaine pulpie substance of pleasant taste: I know not how wholesome. There grow in the woods trees like Beeches, bearing fruits like Beans,* 17.19 of which I obserued three kinds: one great and tall, bearing a cod like a Beane-cod, which hath in it foure or fiue square Beanes, almost like the seed of a Tamarinde, enclosed with a hard pill like a shell, within which is a yellow kirnell, a dangerous poison vsed by the Negros, to enuenome their arrowes; they call the fruit Ogon. The second is lesse, his cod crooked byas-wise, of a thicke rinde, sixe or seuen in∣ches in the bending, and halfe so much in breadth, containing fiue large beanes of an inch long. [ 50] The third is large, hath short leaues like the former, the fruit much bigger, on a strong wooddie stalke, thicke and massie, a little indented on the sides, nine inches long, and fiue broad: within which are fiue long beanes, larger then the other, called by them Quenda, which they affirme al∣so to be dangerous.

I saw Trees like Willowes, bearing fruits like Pease-cods. They haue a fruit called Gola, which growes vp further in the Countrey, inclosed in a shell; it is hard, reddish, bitter,* 17.20 about the big∣nesse of a Wal-nut, with diuers corners and angles: this fruit they much set by, chewing it with the rinde of a certaine Tree, then giuing it to the next, and he hauing chewed it to the next, so keeping it a long while (but swallowing none of the substance) before they cast it away, to which they attribute great vertue for the teeth and gummes, these Negros being vsually as well [ 60] to••••hed as Horses. This fruit passeth also amongst them for monie,* 17.21 this happie-haplesse-people knowing none other. They plant also Potatoes, and higher within Land, Cotton, called ••nnum∣ma, wh••••eof with a Spindle they make a good Threed, and weaue it artificially, making cloth thereof a ••••arter broad, to make couerings for their members, and being sewed together,* 17.22 Iackets and Breeche. They haue another Wood called Cambe, wherewith they dye their Purses and

Mats red.* 17.23 The Limon Tree much resembleth a Crab-Tree, and is exceeding full of prickles, car∣rying a slender leafe like a Willow, abounding with fruit as our Crab-trees, beginning to ripen in August, and continuing on the Trees till October; whither they beare twice a yeere I know not.

* 17.24The Tree which beareth Plantans is of a reasonable height, the bodie about the bignesse of a mans thigh, and seemeth to be an annuall Plant, and in my iudgement might better bee accoun∣ted amongst Reedes then Trees; the bodie not beeing of wooddie substance, compact of ma∣ny leaues, wrapped close one vpon another in manner of an Artichoke stalk, adorned with leaues in stead of boughes from the very ground, which are for the most part about two ells long, and some ell broad, hauing a very large rib in the middle thereof. The fruit is a bunch of ten or twelue Plantans, each a span long, and almost as thicke as a mans wrist, some-what crooked or bending inwards, growing on a leauie stalke on the mids of the Plant, at the first greene, growing yellow [ 10] as they ripen, and tender: the rinde being stripped off, the substance within is also yellowish, pleasant in taste. Beneath the fruit on the same stalke hangs downe a leauie tuft, sharpe-poin∣ted, which seemeth to haue beene the flowre, which I know not whether it hath any seed or no. They call this fruit Bannanas,* 17.25 and haue reasonable plentie: they are ripe in September and Octo∣ber: we carryed some to Sea greene, which lay sixe weekes in ripening.

* 17.26Guinny Pepper is not plentifull, it groweth in the Woods wilde, a small Plant like Priuet, or P••icke-wood, adorned with little slender leaues, bearing a small fruit like vnto our Barberie in forme and colour, greene at f••rst, turning as it ripeneth, red; but not growing in bunches as Bar∣beries, but heere and there two or three together about the stalke: they call it Bangue. Of their Pene whence they make their bread is spoken,* 17.27 a small slender herbe like grasse, the stalke full of [ 20] Seed, not inclosed with any huske; the same I thinke which the Turkes call Cuscus, the Portugals Yfunde.

The Palmito Tree is strait high, knottie (only in the rinde) the wood of a soft substance with∣out boughes,* 17.28 except in the top, those also seeming rather Reeds then boughes, being all pithie within, inclosed with a hard rinde: the leafe long and slender in manner of Sword grasse, or the flagge of Calamus: the boughes are from the bodie of the Tree some yard or better in length, be∣set on both sides with sharpe and strong prickles, standing like the teeth of a Saw, but longer. It beareth a small fruit like to an Indian Nut, as bigge as a Chesnut, inclosed in a hard shell, and streaked with threeds on the out-sides, contayning a kernell of a hard hornie substance without taste. The people eate them rosted, and call the Tree T••bell, and the fruit Bell. The manner of [ 30] extracting the Wine is this: they cut off one of the branches within some spanne of the head, a little opening the place by inc••••ion, and thereto make fast the mouth of a guord, which in foure and twentie houres will be filled with a cleere whitish water, distilling from the Tree of good rellish and strong, wherewith the people will be drunke.

* 17.29There grow likewise within the Bayes great store of Oysters on Trees, resembling Willowes in forme, but the leafe broad and of thicknesse like Leather, bearing small knops like those of the Cypresse. From this Tree hang downe many branches, (each about the bignesse of a good wal∣king flicke) into the water, smooth, lithe, pithy within, ouer-flowne with the tyde, and hanging as thicke of Oysters as they can sticke together, being the only fruit the Tree beareth, begotten thereof, as it seemeth, by the Salt-water. [ 40]

* 17.30Fishes they haue many of ordinary kind, and some which seemed to vs extraordinarie: Mullets, Raies, Thorne-backes, Old-wiues with beetle Browes, Fishes like to Pikes, Gar-fishes, Cau••l∣lios (like Mackerell) Sword-fishes with snowts a yard long, toothed on both sides like the teeth of a Saw, Sharkes, Dog-fishes; Shark••rs, like a Sharke, but hauing a snowt flat and broad like a Shouell; Shoomakers, hauing on each side the mouth pendants like Barbels, and grunting like Hogges, &c. We catched in an houre sixe thousand of a kind, like Bleakes.

Of Fowles are Pellicans, white, as bigge as Swannes, with a large and long bill; Hearnes, Curlews,* 17.31 Boobies, Oxe-eyes, with diuers strange kindes of water-fowles. On Land are great numbers of gray Parrets, as also store of Guinny Hennes, which are very hurtf••ll to their Rice. This is a beautifull Fowle, about the bignesse of a Phesant, with parti-coloured feath••rs. [ 50] I saw also among the Negros many Porcupine Quils, with other strange Fowles in the Woods, whereof we knew not the names. There are store of Monkeyes leaping to and fro the Trees, Lions,* 17.32 Tygres, O••nces on the Mountaines; heere are Elephants but no store; wee saw but three, for they are further within Land. The Negros told vs of a strange beast (which the In∣terpreter called a Carbuncle) oft seene,* 17.33 yet only by night, hauing a stone in his fore-head, incre∣dibly shining and giuing him light to feed attentiue to the least noyse, which he no sooner hea∣reth, but he presently couereth the same with a ••lme or skinne, giuen him as a naturall couering, that his splendor betray him not. The Commodities here are few, but are further vp, viz. Gold and Elephants teeth, which at certaine times of the yeare, the Portugals get of them for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 60] Salt, Beads, Bels, Garlicke, French Bottles, Copper Kettles; low-prized Kni••es, Hats, L••nen checkered like Barbers Aprons, Lattin Baso••s, edge-tooles, Iron barres, and sundry spec••us tri∣fles, but for your Toyes they will not giue Gold in this place but Victuals.

This diligent Obseruer hath taken likes paines touching Soldania, but because wee tou•••• there often,

and haue alreadie giuen many Relations, we will double the Cape, and take a little view with him of Cape Saint Augustine.

§. II. Of Saint AVGVSTINE and SOCOTORA, like Obseruations, with other notes taken out of his Iournall.

[ 10]

THis place is rather a Bay then Cape or Point, not hauing any land,* 17.34 much more bearing out then the rest, it lyeth in twentie three degrees, thirtie eight minutes of South la∣titude, hath variation fifteene degrees fortie minutes, hauing on either side breaches, which make it easie to be discerned, lying some league from the Mayne West South-west. Right from the Bay is deepe water to Sea-ward, but when you are entred, the ground is so sheluie, that you shall haue one Anchor aground on the North in twentie two, and your other in aboue sixtie fathomes, and in some places more inward, not two foot at a low water,* 17.35 and o∣uer that, deepe againe neere the shoare, yet all soft Ozie ground. The land within a mile or two is high, stonie, barren, full of small Woods. In the bottome of the Bay runne two Riuers,* 17.36 the Land about them sunken, sandie Land: forth these Riuers, came so strong a fresh, that the floud [ 20] neuer stils them, although it floweth at least two fathomes, wherewith the water is thicke and muddie. Great store of Canes come downe, of which wee had seene some store, twentie or thirtie leagues off at Sea. It lyeth open to a North-west wind,* 17.37 we caught heere Smelts of a foot long, and Shrimps of ten inches. The best fishing is on the sandie shoare of the low Land, neere which the Natiues catch many with strong Nets. A ledge of Rockes trending alongst, breakes off the force of the Sea. Within the Woods, we found on the low Land, infinite numbers of wa∣ter Melons, which yeelded good refreshing: the Riuers nothing, saue hurt to one by an Allega∣tor, the water not also very good, but wooding plentie.

The place seemeth not very populous. We saw not at any time aboue twentie together:* 17.38 the men are comely, lustie, tall and wel-set, of a tawnie colour, wearing no apparel, but a Girdle made [ 30] of rindes of Trees to couer their priuities: the haire on their beards blacke, and reasonable long; on their head, likewise, which they pleate and frizzle very curiously, neither haue they bad smels on their bodies. Behind on their Girdles are many Trinkets, fastned with Allegators teeth, some hollow to carrie Tallow to keepe their Darts bright, which are their chiefe Weapons (of which each carries a small bundle) and a faire Lance artificially headed with Iron,* 17.39 and kept as bright as Siluer. Their Darts are made dangerously with holes on each side backe-ward. They carry about them certaine Kniues, like Butchers Kniues, artificially made. They therefore regard no Iron, nor will barter for any thing but Siluer, for which we bought a sheepe for twelue pence, a Cow for three shillings and sixe pence, they asked Beads into the bargaine, for which yet alone they [ 40] would giue nothing, saue a little Milke brought downe in gourds, excellent sweet and good.

Their Cattel haue great bunches on their fore shoulders, like a Sugar-loafe in fashion and quan∣titie, which is a grislie substance, and good meat; their beefe not loose, like that of Soldania,* 17.40 but fast and good, little differing from English, as also their sheep, which haue tayles weighing twenty eight pounds a peice, therefore vsually cut off from the Ewes, least it should hinder their bree∣ding. In the woods neere about the Riuer, is great store of beasts, as big as M••nkies, ash-coloured, with a small head, long taile like a Fox, garled with white and blacke, the furre very fine.* 17.41 Wee killed some with Peeces, not being able to take them aliue. There are Bats as big bodied almost as Conies, headed like a Foxe, with a hairie furre in other things like Bats. We killed one, whose wings extended an ell in length: their cry is shrill and loud. Here are Hernes plentie, white, [ 50] blacke, blew, and diuers mixed colours; many bastard Hawkes; birds of infinite varietie of co∣lour, hauing for the most part crests on their heads, like Peacocks. There are store of Lizards and Chamelions, which agree to Plinies description; onely it is aire, that they liue of aire without other meat: for hauing kept one aboord but a day, we might perceiue him to hunt for flies,* 17.42 in a very strange manner. Hauing espied her setting, he suddenly shootes a thing forth of his mouth (perhaps his tongue) lothsome to behold, the fashion almost like a Bird-bol••, wherewith he takes and eates them, with such speed, that a man can ••••arsly discerne what he doth; euen in the twink∣ling of an eie. In the woods on the hils are many great Spiders, which spin their webs from tree to tree, it being very excellent strong silke of a yellow colour, as if it were died by art.* 17.43 I found also here great Worm••s, in manner of our Grubs, with many legges, which are enclosed within a [ 60] double cod of white silke, hanging on the trees.

There groweth great store of herbe Aloes, and also Tamerind trees by the waters side. Here was also store of a very strange Plant, which I deeme a wild Coco-nut,* 17.44 seldome growing to the height of a tree, of a shrubby nature, with m••ny long prickled stalkes, of some two yards long. At the ende of each foot-stalke, 〈…〉〈…〉 ••afe about the bignesse of a great Cabbage leafe, s••ipt round halfe the leafe, like sword grasse. From the tops thereof amongst the leaues, come forth

many woodie branches, as thicke set commonly with fruit as they can stand, one by another (I haue seen fortie together clustering on one branch) about the bignesse of a great Katherine peare, and like it in colour being ripe, at the first greenish, fashioned almost like a sheepes bell, with a rinde bearing forth neere the head, flat at the top, and smooth; within which rinde is contained a hard substance, almost like the Coco-nut-shel, in which is included a round white kernell, of a hard gri••••ly substance, yet to be eaten: and within that (for it is hollow) is about a spoonefull of pleasant sweet water and coole, like milke, or that rather of the Coco-nut.

H••re groweth also another as big as a Peare tree, thicke set with boughes and leaues, like those of the Bay-tree, bearing a great foot-ball fruit (such is the round forme) sticking to a strong 〈…〉〈…〉 by certaine seames into foure quarters. The rind of it beeing cut greene, yeelds a [ 10] cl••mmi•• s••bstance, sauouring like Turpentine. The rind is very thicke, with which I found di∣uers parcels p••••ked together, almost like the substance that groweth on trees, but harder, rather like a piece of browne woody Agarike, being thirteene in number, couched neatly together, with∣in each of which is contained another great kernell of a darkish white colour, hard, bitter, and vnpleasant of tast.

In Socotora, the Guzerats and English build them houses for the time of their stay, sleight with stone•• (the whole Iland seemeth nothing else) and pieces of wood laid ouerthwart,* 17.45 couered with Reed and Date branches to keepe out the Sunne, for raine in that time they feare not. About the head of the Riuer, and a mile further into the land, is a pleasant Valley replenished with Date-trees. On the East side is Dibree a little Towne, little inhabited, except in their haruest of Dates. [ 20] In this Valley the wind bloweth with such violence in Iune and Iuly,* 17.46 that it is strange; yet with∣in a flight shot off towards the Town of Delisha,* 17.47 ouer against the r••ad, you shal not haue a breath of wind.* 17.48 About an hundred yeers since, this Iland was conquered by the King of Caixem (or Cushem, as the Arabs pronounce it) a King of no great force, able to make two or three thousand souldiors: he hath this, and the two Irmanas, and Abba del curia subiect to him. The two Irmanas, or two Brethren, are stonie, small, barren, hauing nothing but Turtles or Tortoises, not inhabited. Abba de la curia is large, hath st••re of Goa••es, and some fresh water, not aboue three or foure inhabi∣tants, as we were certified. The Kings sonne Amor Benzaid resideth at Socotora, which he ruleth during his fathers pleasure. They haue trade to the Iles of Comoro, and to Melinde, for which he hath heere two good Frigats, wherewith they fetch Rice and Melo from the maine, which [ 30] is their chiefe food.

* 17.49The Arabians h••re are in manner slaues to the Snakee or Prince, are all souldiours, and attend on him when he commands; some of them are shot. Moreouer, euery of them weares a kind of wood-knife, or crooked dagger on their left side, without which they dare not bee seene abroad. They haue also thin, broad, painted Targets. Their dagger handles and chapes, the better sort set forth with Siluer, the other with Red Latten. They are tawney, industrious, ciuill in gesture: the women are some of them reasonable white,* 17.50 much like to a Sun-burnned countrey maid in England. The men are of stature like ours, well proportioned in their limmes, wearing their haire most of them long,* 17.51 binding a cloth or Turbant about the same like the Turkes, and a cloath wrap∣ped about their middles, which hangeth downe to their knees; not wearing vsually other appa∣rell, [ 40] except sometimes a paire of sandals on their feet, fastened with thongs; carrying their sword naked on their shoulders, or ha••ging from the shoulder in the sheath by a strap, or else on their arme; and thus they march vp and downe. They loue Tobacco, but are loth to giue any thing for ••t.

Diuers of them fling a Pintado or other cloth in manner of an Irish mantle ouer their shoul∣ders, and others make them shirts and surplesses of white Calico: some weare a paire of linnen breeches vnder,* 17.52 like the Guzerates. But their women goe altogether in these smockes hanging downe to the ground, of red, blew, or for the most part of a light black colour, being died Calicoes: and ouer their heads they put a cloth, with which (when they lust) they hide their faces, making very dainty to be seene, yet are scarsly honest. And though the men be very poore, and haue but [ 50] to defend necessitie, yet their women (whereof some keepe foure, fiue, or sixe, as many as they are able) are so laden with Siluer,* 17.53 and some also with some Gold, that I haue seene one not of the best, which hath had in each eare at least a dozen of great Siluer rings, almost like Curtaine rings, with as many smaller hanging in them: two Carkanets or chaines of siluer about her necke, and one of Gold bosses; about her wrists, tenne or twelue Manillias of Siluer, each as big as ones lit••le finger, but hollow, one about another, on one arme: almost euery finger laden with rings, and the small of her legs with siluer rings like horselockes. And thus adorned, they cannot stirre, but they make a noise like Morris-dauncers. They are kept closely by their iealous husbands. They de∣light in Christ••ll, Amb••r, or Currall beads, but ha••e little to buy them, but will either beg them, or make a swap with you in priuate.* 17.54 The young children (except of a few of better sort) go na∣ked [ 60] till they come to some age. They are married at tenne, or twelue yeares olde. They call themselues Musselmen, that is, Catholikes, or true beleeuers, according to their false faithlesse faith of M••homet: yea they alledge this reason for themselues (let Iesuite-Catholikes acknowledge their owne) the great multitude of them,* 17.55 and the small number of vs, all the world, say they, be∣ing

of our Religion, and but a handfull of yours.* 17.56 They eate their meat on a Mat spread on the ground, but neither vse Spoones nor Kniues (hands are the elder) in vnmannerly manner: they drinke vsually water, yet in secret can be content to be drunke with wine. They make in the time of yeare some wine of Dates, pleasant and strong.

Thus much for the Conquerours. They call the conquered Caffars (misbeleeuers,* 17.57 or if you will heretikes) and subiect them to great slauery, insomuch that some remaine in the Mountaines, li∣uing in a wild liberty like beasts, the other not suffered to haue any weapons. They are well sha∣ped, more swart then the Arabs, weare nothing on their heads, weare their haire long, I suppose neuer cut, staring as if they were frighted. About their middles they weare a cloath wrapped a∣bout [ 10] them, made of Goats haire, or course wooll, wouen by themselues, on their feet slight san∣dals. Their women goe all in smocks of coloured Calico, or course cloth hanging to the ground; on their heads vsually nothing: in imitation of the Arabs,* 17.58 haue Manill as of earth painted or of yron, about their armes and legs, beads in stead of Karkanets, painting their faces with yellow and blacke spots, loathsome to behold. For Religion, they are meere Heathen all of them,* 17.59 as the Arabians certified vs, obseruing no rites of Marriage, but vse their women in common. Their na∣turall language is much different from the Arabique, which yet the most learne. They liue very miserably, and many of them are famished with hunger. Flesh they are not permitted to kill, so that they are forced to liue of fish which they take at Sea, and by their share of Dates, not ha∣uing wherewith to buy Rice, except with the vse of their womens bodies to the Gazerates, while [ 20] they remaine there. Such as haue the keeping of the Cattell, maintaine themselues with the milke.

I could learne of no Merchandise the Iland yeeldeth, but Aloes, Sanguis Draconis, and Dates, and as they say, on the shoare of Aba del curia, blacke Ambergreese. Of Aloes,* 17.60 I suppose they could make yearely more then Christendome can spend, the herbe growing in great abundance, being no other then Semper viuum, in all things agreeing to that description of Dioscorides, in seed,* 17.61 stalke, &c. It is yet all of a red pricklie sort, and much chamfered in the leaues, so full of a rosin∣iuyce, that it is ready to breake with it. The chiefe time to make it, is when the winds blowe Northerly, that is, about September, and that after the fall of some raine, which being then ga∣thered, they cut in small pieces, and cast into a pit made in the ground, well cleansed from filth [ 30] and paued: there it lieth to ferment in the heat of the Sunne, whereby it floweth forth. Thence they take and put it in skinnes, which they hang vp in the wind to dry, where it becommeth hard. They sold vs for twentie Rials a Quintall, which is an hundred and three pound English:* 17.62 but we were after told, that they sold to others for twelue, which considering the abundance and ea∣sie making, may be credible. Their Date trees beare fruit twice a yeare; one haruest was in Iuly whiles we were there. It is a principall part of their sustenance, pleasant in tast: and when they are through-ripe, are laid on a heap vpon a skin lying sloping, whence distilleth a liquor, receiued in earthen pots placed in the earth, and is their Date-wine, reserued for drinke, wherewith they will also be drunke. Those dates beeing thus drained, they take out their stones, and pack them hard into a skinne, which will so keepe long. Another meanes to preserue them, is by cutting be∣fore [ 40] they are through ripe, and taking out their stone, to dry them: these are the best of all, and eate as if they were canded: whole they will not keepe. In haruest time in euery Valley where these trees grow, the King hath a Deputy which seeth all gathered,* 17.63 and brought to a certaine place (none daring to touch a Date vpon paine of death without order, or seuere punishment) where he diuideth them in three equall parts; one for the King, one for the Arabs, and the third for the Caffars: which are after distributed seuerally, but not alike to each.

This Iland hath store of Ciuet cats, which the Caffars take in the Mountaines with traps,* 17.64 and sell them for twelue pence a piece to such as will buy them. Flesh is deare, tenne Rials of eight a Cow, one Goat, or two sheepe for a Rial of eight; their cattell good and fast flesh,* 17.65 like English beefe: their Goats large and good flesh, their sheep small, like our English sheepe, bearing course [ 50] wooll: of Goats and Sheep they haue great abundance. They make very good butter, but it is alway soft like Creame, at foure pence or sixe pence a pound, Goats milke at three pence a quart, store of Hennes, but fiue for a Riall of eight, or twelue pence a piece. In the whole Iland are not aboue one or two Horses, very small of the Arabian breed, and some Camels. At Delisha they take much good fish, Lobsters and others. On the Strand groweth cotton Plants, but few: ther•• groweth also amongst the stones a shrubby Plant, with thicke, round, greene leaues, as big as a shilling, with a fruit like Capers (of which it is a kind) called Eshac, eaten in Sallets.* 17.66 Orenges there are few and deare, exceeding sweet Basil: and on the shoare many faire shels are found, with cuttle bones, and peerle Oystershels, which the people affirme to driue thither: for there are none found, yet shels abundant.

[ 60] They are beggers, buy what they can, beg what they may, yet giue faire vsage. Their best in∣tertainement is a China dish of Coho, a blacke bitterish drinke, made of a berry like a Bay berry,* 17.67 brought from Mecca, s••pped off hot, good for the head and stomacke. And thus much for his discourses of these places, to which I thought good to adde these notes taken out of his Iournall.

Nouember the twenty ninth, 1607. in thirty foure degrees, we saw a monstrous ouergrowne

Whale comming vp close vnder our sterne,* 17.68 and spouting water in great quantitie, hauing much trash growne about his head which we iudged to be Limpets, and other Shel-fi••••. At ••is going downe he turned vp his taile, which we deemed neere as broad as our after Deck, estimating him to be at the least one hundred tunnes in weight.

* 17.69In Socotora at our first landing, the people hauing receiued before iniurious dealings from the Portugals, (which, they said, had carried some of them away) were all ••edde from vs for feare to the Mountaines. Their Towne which they had left is built of stone 〈◊〉〈◊〉 couered with Rafts and Palme-branches, with artificiall doores and woodden lockes. Neere the Sea side stands their Church enclosed with a wall in manner of a Church-yard▪ within it a couple of Crosses and an Altar, with Frankinsence, Wood and Gumme. They said (when we came to speech) that this was not Socotora but Abba del Curia, which wee after found false, wee walked vp two or three [ 10] mile, not seeing so much as a sprig of greene grasse, but many Date trees, and one other tree very strange, about the height of a man, or little better, great at the roote, and lesse and le••e toward the top where it ended almost piked; the trunke smooth, not couered with barke, ••••••ting forth in the top some branches of a Cubite long void of leaues, bringing forth Reddish flowres, which after change into a fruit first greene, in forme and bignesse not vnlike to the Date: within which is contayned many small whitish kernels, bitter, as are also the branches, full of ra••sinous sub∣stance. Whether this be the Mirrhe I leaue to better iudgements. They also saw another * 17.70 Church with a Crosse on the top of it.

[ 20]

§. III. Occurents in India touching the English, Dutch, Portugals, and the Mogols dealing with the English.

* 17.71TThe eight and twentieth of August, 1608. Captaine Hawkins with the Merchants and certaine others landed at Surat, where the Captaine was receiued in a Coach, and carryed before the Dawne. Wee had poore lodging alloted vs, the Porters lodge of the Custome house: whither the next morning came the Customers who searched [ 30] & tumbled our Trunkes to our great dislike, which had yet brought ashore only necessaries. We were inuited to Dinner to a Merchant where wee had great cheere: but in the midst of our Ban∣quet sowre sawce, for hee was the man that had sustayned almost all the losse in a ship that Sir Edward Michelborne tooke. The Captaine also of that ship dined with vs. Which when it was there told vs, the Captaine answered that hee neuer heard of such a matter, and rather iudged it done by Flemmings: but they said, that they knew certainely that they were English, deploring their hard fortunes, and affirming that there were Theeues in all Countries: nor would they im∣pute that fault to honest Merchants. This speech somewhat reuiued vs. The day after, Mede Colee the Captaine of that ship aforesaid inuited vs to Supper.

The second of October, wee imbarqued our goods and prouision, gaue Shek Abdelreheime a [ 40] Present, and got dispatch to depart: the Customers denying leaue, till they had searched the ship whether she had discharged all her goods, to ship any new; but meeting with Frigats they sup∣posing them Malabars, durst not aduenture their own Riuer. These Frigats were Portugals, which desired one to come talke with them, and Master Bucke rashly doing it, they detayned him, and after (I and Nicholas Vfflet being ashoare) Master Marlow and the rest beganne to flee; the Cock∣son would haue fought, which he would not permit, but running a ground through ignorance of the Channell, they were taken going on the sandie Iland by Portugall treacherie, and the fault of some of themselues, nineteene with Master Bucke: but the Ginne put off the Pinnace, and notwithstaning the Portugall Bullets, rowed her to Surat. Foure escaped by swimming and got that night to Surat, besides Nicholas Vfflet and my selfe, neere twentie miles from the place. [ 50] Yet had we resisted, we wanted shot, and in number, & armour they very much exceeded vs. The fourth, the Captaine of the Frigats sent a reuiling Letter to the Gouernour of the Towne, cal∣ling vs Lutherans and Theeues, and said we were Flemmings and not English; charging him (on continuance of their friendship) to send aboord the Captaine with the rest of vs: which Ab∣delreheime not only denied, but in the Mogols name commanded him to render the goods and men.

The fifth, came a Captaine of one of the Frigats which vsed peremptorie words, and before the Gouernour stood vpon it that the King of Spaine was Lord of those Seas, and that they had in Commission from him to take all that came in those parts without his Passe.

The thirteenth, the Gouernour called all the chiefe Merchants of the Towne vpon their con∣science to value our cloth (before carryed to his house) which they did at a farre vnder rate, the [ 60] Gouernour affirming that hee must and would haue it, the Captaine denying his consent.

On the sixteenth, we were forced to accept for some of our cloth in their hands, promise of a little more,* 17.72 and were permitted to carrie away the rest: causing vs to leaue fiftie pieces, and four∣teene

Deuonshire Kersies for the King, with nine and twentie other Kersies; and fifteene clothes for Shek Ferred, keeping also the foure clothes which wee reserued for Presents for the King. Wee were otherwise molested by a contention betwixt Shek Ferred and Mocrow Bowcan (or Mocreb Can) about the Custome-house, that wee could not get our goods from thence. Wee heard that the Portugals sold our goods for halfe that they cost: Our men were sent to Goa.

The fifteenth of December, came Mo. Bowcan with a Iesuite Padre Peniero;* 17.73 to this our Cap∣taine shewed kindnesse for hope of his men; to the other he gaue Presents: both dealt treache∣rously [ 10] in requitall, the Iesuite (as it was reported by Mo. Bowcan himselfe) offering a Iewell which he said was worth two hundred thousand Rials to betray vs. This day came to vs R. Carelesse an Englishman, who had long liued amongst the Portugals, from whom hee now fledde for feare of punishment for carrying necessaries to the Dutch at Muselpatan, desiring to bee en∣tertayned, which we did with much circumspection.

The seuen and twentieth, Mo. Bowcan desired great abatements vpon our cloth, or else hee would returne it, and (will wee nill wee) abated two thousand seuen hundred and fiftie Ma∣mudies, before hee would giue vs licence to fetch vp the rest of our goods to make sales. My selfe was very ill of the bloudy Fluxe (whereof Master Dorchester dyed) of which that English∣man Carelesse, (next vnder God) recouered me. I learned of him many matters, as namely of the great spoile done the last yeere to the Portugals by the Hollanders, who lying before Malac∣ca [ 20] with sixteene ships, inclosing the Towne with helpe of other Kings by Sea and Land; newes was carryed to the Vice-Roy, then before Achen accompanied with all the Gallants of India) hauing with him a very great Fleet of Ships, Gallies and Frigats, and foure thousand Souldiers, being commanded by the King to take Achen, and there to build a Castle and appoint an Al∣phandira; and thence to goe and spoile Ior and chastise the Moluccas for giuing the Hollanders traffique, being minded to roote out the Holland name in those parts, for which purpose came two thousand Castilians from the Manilias.

Andrew Hurtado then gouerned within Malacca, and sent word of their present distresse,* 17.74 vpon which the Vice-Roy weighed from Achen (which otherwise had beene spoyled) where∣of the Dutch Generall aduertised, got his men and Artillery a-boord, and went forth to meete [ 30] him; where after a long and bloudie fight, with much losse on both sides, the Dutch depar∣ted, enforced to stop the leakes of their Admirall, likely otherwise to perish. The Portugals let slip this opportunitie, and fell to merriments and bragges of their Victorie, not looking any more for the Hollanders, who hauing stopped their leakes at Ior,* 17.75 new rigged and returned vpon the Portugals, whom they found disordered and feasting ashoare, where they sunke and burned the whole Fleet, making a cruell execution: and had not the Vice-Roy before sent sixe shippes on some other seruice, they had beene all heere vtterly extinguished. After this fell such sicknesse in the City, that most of them dyed, amongst which the Vice-Roy was one: and shortly after the Gouernour of the Spaniards in the Moluccas, so that their strength was laid in the dust, and the Archbishoppe made and yet * 17.76 remayneth [ 40] Vice-Roy.

This last yeere the Malabarres vexed the Portugals, and tooke or sunke of them at times, sixtie saile or more.

This yeere also was expected a Vice-Roy to come with a strong Fleet, to driue the Hollanders out of India.

This Fleet consisted of nine shippes of Warre, and sixe for the Voyage: they were separated in the calme of Guinea, and neuer met together after. Two of them came to Mosambique, where they were fired of the Hollanders, who also much distressed the Castle, but could not take it: and the time of the yeere requiring their departure, they set sayle for Goa, to the num∣ber of fifteene shippes and one Pinnasse, where they rode at the Barre, challenging the great [ 50] Captaine Andrew Hurtado, who durst not visit them. Another of that Voyage hauing ad∣uise that the Hollanders rode at the Barre, put to the Northward, where they present∣ly landed their money and goods and set fire of their shippe, to saue the Dutch a labour: and lastly, the Souldiers fell together by the eares for the sharing of the money. This Fleet departing from Goa sailed alongst the Coast of Malabar, spoyling and burning all they could meet with. There was report of leaue giuen them by the Samorine, to build a Castle at Chaul.

This moneth here was also newes of an Ormus ship taken by the Malabarres,* 17.77 and three Fri∣gats: and shortly after of a Fleet of twentie fiue Frigots from Cochen, whereof sixt••ene were taken and burnt by the Malabars, which the rest escaped, if miserable spoile be an escape: also [ 60] of fiftie Frigats and Galiots of the Malabars spoiling on their Coast.

In Ianuary, came other newes of thirtie Frigats which put for Diu richly laden, taken by the Malabars, beeing at this time Masters of these Seas. They are good Souldiers, and carry in each Frigat one hundred Souldiers, and in their Galiots, two hundred.

The first of February, the Captaine departed with fiftie Peons, and certaine Horsemen▪ A∣bout

this time was great stirre touching the Queene Mothers ship, which was to be laden for Mocha: the Portugals then riding at the Barre with two and twentie Frigats, threatned to carry her to D••••: at length they fell to compounding, the Portugals demanding an hundred thou∣sand Mamudies for her Ca••tas or Pa••••e, and after twentie thousand, at last taking one thousand Rialls and odde money, with diuers Presents, which the Mogolls were faine to giue them. Mo. Bowcan gaue me faire words, but the Diuell was in his heart, he minded nothing lesse indeed then paiment of his debts, seeking also to deduct some, others imbeselled, striking off by new accounts seuenteene thousand of one and fortie thousand. I thought he meant to shift, if hee could, and pay nothing, secretly departing the Towne, owing much to certaine Banians, who must get it when they can: at last I got his Cheet for some, though with great abatements, esteeming halfe [ 10] better secured, then to endanger all.

The six and twentieth of March 1609. it was here reported that Malacca was besieged with thirtie ships of Holland,* 17.78 in succour of which the Vice-Roy assembled all these his Northerne In∣dian forces, appointing Andrew Hurtado Generall, being the more cranke, by newes of a New Vice-Roy with fourteene saile to winter at Mosambique. Meane while a ship of Cambaya which had been at Queda, came for Goga, which the Portugalls finding without Cartas, made prize of. The Customers at that time by new prices and reckonings,* 17.79 sought to make prize in great part of vs. I was also in the beginning of Aprill taken with a burning Feuer, which drew from me much blood, besides ten dayes fasting with a little Rice: and after my F••uer, miserable stitches tor∣mented me. The next moneth I was visited againe with a burning Feuer. [ 20]

* 17.80The twelfth of May came newes that Melik▪ Amber, King of Decan, had besieged the Citie of Aurdanagar (which had been the Metropolitan of that Kingdome, conquered by the Aca∣bar) with two and twentie thousand horse, and that after diuers assaults, the Mogolls made shew to deliuer vp the Citie, vpon condition that hee would withdraw his armie some foure or fiue * 17.81 Co••e from thence, that they might passe with more assurance with bagge and baggage: which being done, they suddenly issued forth with all their forces vpon the vnprouided ene∣mie, and made a great slaughter, but feared hee would bee reuenged on those parts which were lesse able to resist. The Canchanna gathered great forces, and demanded of Surat three hundred thousand M. towards the charge, sending also for the Gouernour, an expert Decan Souldier. [ 30]

The twentieth of Iune, came newes of the arriuall of fiue shippes at Goa, and of the Vice-Royes Death,* 17.82 whereupon Andrew Hurtado was chosen Vice-Roy, being the only stay left of all those parts, and reported a braue souldier. He presently gaue order for shipping to be built, in∣tending after the breaking vp of winter to make a bolt or shaft with the Hollanders, which were now reported to lye before Malacca with eighteene ships. The Portugall ships in the way had met with one of this Towne, and finding her without Cartas, brought her with them as prize for Go••, where on the Barre shee was cast away; whereupon the Gouernour for Can-Channa, and the Customer for Mo. Bowcan seised on Tappidas the owner, a Ba••ian, for money owing to them, whereby also we lost his debt to vs, for which we may thanke the Portugall.

* 17.83The twentieth of Iuly, Sha Selim commanded Can Channa and Manisengo, two great Com∣manders [ 40] of his, to inuade all the Kingdomes from hence to the South, euen to Cape Com••ri; for which a huge armie was assembling. In resistance of whom, three great Kings were combi∣ned, the King of Decan (whose chiefe Citie is Genefro) the King of Visapor, and the King of Gol∣cunda (who••e chiefe Citie is Braga••adar) who also gathered great forces, making head neare Bramport, vpon the Mogolls Frontiers, expecting the breaking vp of winter, both armies lying abroad in Tents.

* 17.84In August I receiued flying newes of an English Pinnasse at Gandoue, which departing thence, was againe forced thither by three Portugall Frigats: I supposed that it might belong to some of our shipping, which standing for Socatora, might not be able to fetch in, and so be forced to fall on this Coast;* 17.85 which proued accordingly, it being the Ascensions Pinnasse, wanting water, [ 50] wood, and victuall, the Master, Iohn Elmer, with fiue men and two boyes. The Master and foure of the Company came hither on the eight and twentieth, but I had no small a••oe with the Townsmen of Surat, for bringing them into the Towne, they taking them from me, pretending we were but allowed Trade, indeed fearing the Portugalls, till I should send to the N••b•••• foure course off,* 17.86 fearing force: to which euill, was added a worse of the Portugalls comming into the Ri••er with fiue Frigats, and carrying away the Pinnasse, weighing also the two Falcons, which they had cast by the boord: and yet a worse report came the fifth of Septemb. of the casting away of the As••e••sion, the company about seuentie persons being saued, which the next day came to Surat, but were forced by the Towne to lye without amongst the trees and tombes, I being not able to procure leaue for the Generall himselfe (notwithstanding diuers letters of recommenda∣tion [ 60] which hee brought from Mocha,* 17.87 besides letters from the King himselfe) into the Towne. Such is their slaui••h awe of the Portugalls, two Iesuits threatning ••••re, faggot, and vtter desola∣tion, if they receiued any more English thither. That which I could doe, was to send them re∣freshing, and carry them to the Tanke, where they were conueniently lodged, yet amongst

tombes, till the Gouernor appointed them a more conuenient-place at a small Aldea two Course off, and with much adoe got leaue for Master Riuet, Master Iordan and the Surgion, to come hi∣ther to prouide necessaries for the rest. I had other trouble by the disorder and riot committed by some of them, especially one Thomas Tucker, which in drinke had killed a Calfe,* 17.88 (a slaughter more then murther in India) which ma••e mee glad of their departure, fifteene staying hehind sicke, or vnwilling to goe for Agra: and some returned againe.

The sixt of October, came Letters from Captaine Hawk••ns, importing his mariage with the daughter of an Armenian: and others in the latter end of the next moneth, for my comming to Agra. In December, we stood much in feare of Badur his comming vpon Surat, he lying with∣in [ 10] two dayes iourney, with sixe hundred horse and many foote: for which cause the Gouernour cessed all men with the entertainment of souldiers, setting vpon my head ten men. I went to him, and told him that I had twentie English at his command, for which hee thanked mee, and freed mee of further charge. During this time, the Banians were forced to labour to barricado all the streets of the Citie: great watches were appointed at the gates, certaine peeces drawne from the Castle, and from Carode Garrison fiftie horse, which had not sufficed, had not the Go∣uernour of Amadanar sent one thousand horse, and two thousand foot to our succour: vpon newes of which forces, Badur withdrew to his Holds. Two yeeres before our comming, had this man sacked Cambaya, whereof his Grand-father had been King.

The eighteenth of Ianuary, I departed out of Surat towards Agra, willing yet to leaue some notice thereof before I leaue it. The Citie is of good quantitie, with many faire Merchants ho••∣ses [ 20] therein, standing twentie miles within the land vp a faire Riuer. Some three miles from the mouth of the Riuer (where on the South-side lyeth a small low Iland ouer-flowed in time of Raine) is the Barre, where ships trade and vnlade, whereon at a spring tide is three fathome wa∣ter. Ouer this, the Channell is faire to the Citie side, able to beare vessels of fiftie tunnes laden. This Riuer runneth to Bramport; and from thence, as some say, to Musselpatan. As you come vp the Riuer, on the right hand stands the Cas••le well walled, ditched, reasonable great and faire, with a number of faire peeces, whereof some of exceeding greatnesse. It hath one gate to the Green-ward, with a draw-bridge and a small Port on the Riuer side. The Captaine hath in com∣mand two hundred horse. Before this lyeth the Medo••, which is a pleasant greene, in the mid∣dest [ 30] whereof is a May-pole to hang a light on, and for other pastimes on great Festiualls. On this side, the Citie lyeth open to the Greene, but on all other parts is ditched and fenced with thicke hedges, hauing three gates, of which one leadeth to Variaw, a small Village, where is the ford to passe ouer for Cambaya way. Neare this Village on the left hand, lieth a small Aldea on the Ri∣uers banke very pleasant, where stands a great Pagod, much resorted to by the Indians.* 17.89 Another Gate leadeth to Bramport, the third to Nonsary, a Towne ten cose off, where is made great store of Calico, hauing a faire Riuer comming to it. Some ten cose further lyeth Gondoree, and a lit∣tle further Belsaca, the frontire Towne vpon Daman.* 17.90 Hard without Nonsary gate is a faire Tank sixteene square, inclosed on all sides with stone steppes, three quarters of an English mile in com∣passe, with a small house in the middest. On the further side are diuers faire tombes, with a good∣ly [ 40] paued court pleasant to behold: behind which groweth a small groue of Manga trees, whither the Citizens goe forth to banquet. Some halfe cose behind this place,* 17.91 is a great Tree much wor∣shipped by the Banians; where they affirme a Dew to keepe, and that it hath been oftentimes cut downe and stocked vp by the rootes, at the Moores command, and yet hath sprung vp againe. Neare to the Castle is the Alphandica, where is a paire of staires for lading and vnlading of goods:* 17.92 within are roomes for keeping goods till they be cleared, the custome being two and an halfe for goods, three for victualls, and two for money. Without this gate is the great Gondoree or Bazar. Right before this gate stands a Tree with an Arbour, whereon the Fok••ers (which are Indian ho∣ly men) sit in state. Betwixt this and the Castle, on the entrance of the Greene, is the market for horse and cattell. A little lower on the right hand ouer the riuer, is a little pleasant Towne, Ranele, inhabited by a people called Naites, speaking another language,* 17.93 and for the most part [ 50] Sea-men: the houses are faire therein, with high steps to each mans doore, the streets narrow: they are very friendly to the English. Heere are many pleasant Gardens, which attract many to passe there their time: and on the trees are infinite number of those great Bats,* 17.94 which wee saw at Saint Augustines, hanging by the clawes on the boughes, making a shrill noise. This fowle the people say, ingendreth in the eare; on each wing it hath a hooke, and giueth the yong sucke.

The Winter heere beginneth about the first of Iune,* 17.95 and dureth till the twentieth of Septem∣ber, but not with continuall raines, as at Goa, but for some sixe or seuen dayes euery change and full, with much wind, thunder and raine. But at the breaking vp, commeth alway a cruell storme, which they call the Tuffon, fearefull euen to men on land;* 17.96 which is not alike extreame euery [ 60] yeare, but in two or three at the most. Monsons heere for the South, serue in Aprill and Septem∣ber, and for Mocha in February and March: from the South, ships come hither in December, Ia∣nuary and February, and from Mocha about the fifth of September, after the raines: from Or∣mus for the Coast of India in Nouember. But none may passe without the Portugalls Passe, for

what, how much, and whither they please to giue licence, erecting a Custome on the sea, with confiscation of shippe and goods not shewing it, in the full quantitie, to the taker and exa∣miner.

§. IIII. His Iourney to Agra: Obseruations by the way, and there; and of the Decan warres there.

[ 10]

* 17.97THe second of Ianuary, I departed from Comuariaw (a small village three Cose from Surat) to Mutta a great Aldea 7 ^c. 21.8 ^c. to Carode, a great countrey Towne, by which on the North runneth Surat Riuer. It hath a Castle, with two hundred horse Pa••ans good souldiers, twentie two to Curka 12 ^c. it is a great Village with a Riuer on the South side.* 17.98 In the way 7 ^c. is Beca, a Castle with a great Tanke, and a pleasant Groue, 23.10 ^c. to Nacampore a great Towne vnder the Pectopshaw. In this way on the right hand beginneth a great ridge of mountaines, which come from Amadanar-wards, neare which Badur keepeth, holding diuers strong holds thereon, that the King with all his force cannot hurt him. These Mountaines runne to Bramport:* 17.99 on them are bred many wilde Elephants, 24. to Dayta, 8 ^c. a [ 20] great Towne. In the mid-way you passe a stony troublesome Riuer. This Towne hath a Castle, and is almost encompassed with a Riuer, seated in a fertile soyle. 25. to Badur, 10 ^c. a filthy towne and full of theeues: heere is made much wine of a sweete fruit called M••wa, but I found it not wholesome, except it be burnt. This Towne is the last of note in Pectopshaws Land, who is a small King or Raiaw, a Gentile, keeping on the top of inaccessible Mountaines, which beginne at Curka▪ and extend many Courses. He holdeth two faire Cities, Salere, and the other Mu∣liere,* 17.100 where the Mamudees are coyned, each hauing two mightie Castles, which haue way to them but for two men abrest, or for an Elephant at most to get vp; hauing also in the way eigh∣tie small Fortresses dispersed on the Mountaines to guard the way. Vpon the top of these Moun∣taines is good pasture, and abundance of graine, fountaines running thence into the Plaines. The [ 30] Acabar besieged him seuen yeeres, and in the end was forced to compound with him, giuing him Narampore, Dayta, and Badur, with diuers other Aideas, for the safe conducting of his Mer∣chants alongst this Plaine; so that he now remaineth this Kings friend, sends Presents yeerely, leaues one of his sonnes at Bramport, for pledge of his fealtie. He is said to haue alway in readi∣nesse foure thousand Mares of a strange breed and excellent:* 17.101 and one hundred Elephants. 26.7 ^c. to Nonderbar a Citie, short of which are many Tombes and houses of pleasure, with a Castle and a faire Tanke. seuen and twentie to Lingull, 10 ^c. a beastly Towne, with theeuish inhabitants, and a dirtie castle; a deepe sandie way neare the Towne. 28.10 ^c. to Sindkerry, a great dirtie Towne. In the way the Gouernour of Lingull (with others as honest as himselfe) would haue borrowed some money of me, but seeing it proue powder and shot, gaue ouer, and wee drew on [ 40] our Carts without trouble. On the further side of Sindkerry runneth a Riuer of brackish water, with drinking whereof, I got the bloody fluxe, which accompanied me to Bramport. 29.10 ^c. to Taulneere,* 17.102 a theeuish way, the Towne faire, with a Castle and a Riuer, in time of raine not pas∣sable without Boat. 30.15 ^c. to Chupra, a great Towne. I rested two dayes by reason of raine, in which time came the Gouernour of Nonderbar with foure hundred horse,* 17.103 without whose com∣pany I could not haue proceeded without danger, Can-Canna hauing been beaten, and retired to Bramport, after the losse of the strong and rich Towne of Ioulnapore, whereupon the Decanes grew so insolent,* 17.104 that they made roades into this way, and spoyled many passengers.

* 17.105The second of February, 6^c. to Rawd, a countrey Village. The vnseasonable thunder, wind and raine, with my disease, almost made an end of me: which made vs make Mukom the third [ 50] and fourth, the fifth to Beawle 10^c. a great towne, with a faire castle, 6. stayed by foule weather, 7.16 ^c. to Rauere, a great Towne, 8.10 ^c. to Bramport, where I pitched my Tent in the Armeni∣ans yard, not being able for money to get an house, the Towne was so full of souldiers. Some 2 ^c. short of this Citie lyeth Badurpore, a faire City, and betwixt these two Cities, the Campe of Can-Canna vnder Tents, 2 ^c. in length (hauing some fifteene thousand Horse, two hundred faire Elephants, an hundred peeces of Ordnance of all sizes) on the North side. On the other side, within twentie or thirtie course,* 17.106 lay Amberchapon, an Ab••shed, and Generall of the King of Decans Forces, with some ten thousand of his owne cost, all braue souldiers, and som forty thou∣sand Decanees: in so much that the Citie of Bramport had certainly been lost, had not the Prince Saltan Peruis, and Raiaw Manisengo, come instantly downe with great forces. For at this time [ 60] he had sent to the Can-Canna to yeeld vp the Citie vpon composition, deeming him not able to hold it against him.

This Citie is very great, but beastly, situate in a low, vnholsome aire, a very sickly place, cau∣sed especially by the bad water:* 17.107 On the North-east is the Castle on the Riuers bank (comming

from Surat) large and well fortified. By the Castles side in the Riuer lyeth an Elephant of stone, so liuely, that a liuing Elephant comming one day to drinke, ranne against it with all his force,* 17.108 and brake both his teeth. The head is painted red in the fore-head; and many simple Indians worship it. Some two Cose forth of the Citie, is Can Cannas Garden called Loll bage; the whole way thereto being vnder shadie trees very pleasant. Within it are diuers faire walkes, with a stately small Tanke standing square betweene foure trees, all shaded and inclosed with a wall; at the entrance without, a faire Banketting house built aloft betweene foure trees.

I rested to the twelfth, for recouery (which God sent) vnder my Tent. Two dayes after my [ 10] comming came newes of the sacking of Rauere,* 17.109 by fifteene hundred Decan Horse with other places neere thereto, we blessing God for our safe arriuall, the way now not passable with one thousand Horse. I was here certified also by an Armenians Letters, of a great ouerthrow giuen to the Portugall Armada vpon the Mallabar Coast, consisting of fiftie Frigats and two Gallies,* 17.110 which being dispersed with foule weather, were sudainly out of diuers creekes assailed by the Malabars, which was attended with spoile, fire, taking the rest fleeing. On the twelfth I rode to visit the Prince, and on the thirteenth, gaue him a Present, found him courteous, promising what I desired. The Prince had with him twentie thousand Horse, and three hundred faire E∣lephants, and with him, Asaph Can with some three thousand, and Emersee Rastein late King of Candbar, with some thousand old Souldiers. And during my abode in the Campe, came also Raia Manisengo with ten thousand Horse, all Resboots, and neere a thousand Elephants: so that all the [ 20] Plaines for a great distance were couered with Tents very braue to behold: with the Armie came diuers great Boates for the transporta••ion of forces ••uer waters. The Prince remouing I retur∣ned to Bramport: and on the sixe and twentieth, hee beeing aduanced 3 ^c. towards the E∣nemie, I went to him to take my leaue, where newes came of the ouerthrow of certaine of Ma∣nisengos forces.

The first of March, the Gouernor of Bramport departed for Agra, and I with him 12^c. to Barre a great Village, stonie & steep way, being the passage ouer the great ridge of Mountaines which come from Amadauarwards.* 17.111 About some 4 ^c. of this way lyeth the strong and inuincible Castle of Hassere, seated on the top of a high Mountaine, large and strong,* 17.112 able to re∣ceiue (as is reported) fortie or fiftie thousand Horse. And on the top are many faire Tankes and [ 30] good pasture grounds. It hath had in the dayes of Badur Sha late King thereof, some sixe hundred Peeces of Ordnance. The Acabar besieged it a long time, circling it on all sides, and at length tooke it by composition. For it is said, that there bred such an innumerable sort of Emmets or o∣ther small Wormes in all the waters, that the people swelled and burst with drinking thereof: which mortalitie caused him to compound and deliuer it, being by meere humane force inuinci∣ble. The third, 11 ^c. to Camla, a small Aldea, stonie, troublesome way. The fourth,* 17.113 to Magergom 4 ^c. a great Aldea, bad way. The fifth, 10 ^c. to Kergom a great Village, steepe way. The sixth, 13 c. to Berkul a small Village. The seuenth, 8 ^c. to Taxa∣pore a small Towne. At 2^c. on this way, you passe a faire Riuer called Neruor which comes from Baroche: vpon the Banke is a prettie Towne and faire Castle, and vnder it the Fer∣rie [ 40] place. To passe ouer with Camels is a way a C. lower on the left hand, where is an ouer∣fall, and not aboue three foot in the passage, but neere a mile ouer. The eight, 5 ^c. to Man∣dow, 3 c. whereof is vp a steepe stonie Mountaine, hauing way but for a Coach at most.* 17.114

This ridge of Mountaines extendeth North-east and South-west. On the top at the edge of the Mountaine standeth the gate or entrance of the Citie, ouer which is built a faire Fort and House of pleasure; the walls extending all along the Mountaines side for many Coses. On the left hand at the entrance some two or three miles distant, on the toppe of a picked Mountaine standeth a strong Fort, and in other places dispersed some ten or twelue more. For 2 c. or better within this gate the City is ruined all saue only Tombes and Meskites, which remayne in great numbers to this day, with some tottered walls of great Houses. The olde City is from [ 50] gate to gate 4 c. long North and South, but East and West ten or twelue Coses: and yet to the East-ward of all lyeth good pasture ground for many courses. Aloft on this Mountaine are some sixteene faire Tankes here and there dispersed about the Citie. That which is now stan∣ding is very faire, but small in comparison of the former,* 17.115 with diuers goodly buildings all of firme stone, and faire, high gates, that I suppose the like not to be in all Christendome. At the entrance on the South within the gate of the City now inhabited, as you passe along on the left hand, stands a goodly Meskite, and ouer against it a faire Palace, wherein are interred the bodies of foure Kings, with exceeding rich Tombes. By the side thereof standeth a high Turret of one hundred and seuentie steps high, built round with Galleries and Windowes to euery roome, all exceeding for goodly Ports, Arches, Pillars; the walls also all interlayed with a greene stone much [ 60] beautifying. On the North-side where I came forth lyeth a piece of a foot and an halfe bore in the mouth, but the breech was in the ground. The gate is very strong with a steepe descent; and without this sixe other, all very strong, with great walled places for Courts of Guard betweene gate and gate. On this side is also a small Port, but the way thereto is exceeding steepe. All a∣longst on the side also runneth the wall, with flankers euer here and there among; and yet is the

hill so steepe of it selfe, that it is not almost pos••••ble for a man to climbe vp on all ••oure to any part of it.* 17.116 So that to mans iudgement it is altogether inuincible; and yet was taken partly by force, partly by Treason by Hamawne, this mans Grandfather, for••ing Seic Sha Selim whose Ancestors had conquered it from the Indians some foure hundred yeeres agoe. This Sha Selim was a very powerfull King of Dely, and once forced Hamawne to flye into Persia for ayde; from whence returning with Persian forces, he put him againe to the worst; who yet held out against him all his life time, as also a long time of Ecabars Raigne, flying from one Moun∣taine to another. Without the wals of the City on this side, the Suburbs entred 4 ^c. long, but all ruinate, saue certaine Tombes, Meskits and goodly Seraies, no man remayning in them. [ 10]

The way exceeding stony and bad at 4 ^c. end lyeth Luneheira, a small Saray where wee pitched the ninth. Betweene this and the ruines about 3 ^c. of the way, is a goodly Tanke inclosed with stone, and a banketting house in the middest: On the South whereof are faire houses of pleasure now ruinated, from whence goeth an arched bridge to the banketting house in the Tanke.

Some halfe a Cose beyond Luneheira on the right hand, are foure or fiue faire Tankes with a great Pagode,* 17.117 a very pleasant place. The tenth, to Dupalpore 14 ^c. good way, a small Towne. The eleuenth, to Ouglue a faire City twelue long Coses. This Countrey is called Mal∣ua, a fertile soile, abounding with Opium. Here the Cose or Course is two miles English. The twelfth,* 17.118 wee made Mukom. The thirteenth, to Conoscia, 11 ^c. good way, a little Vil∣lage. [ 20] I enqu••red the price of Opium. They giue the head three scratches, from whence issue small teares, at the first white, which with the cold of the night turneth reddish, which they daily scrape, not without infinite trouble, the head beeing very small and yeelding little. The fourteenth,* 17.119 to Sunenarra 8 ^c. way much stony and theeuish, a people called Graciae, inha∣biting the hils on the left hand, which often vngraciously entertayn Carauans. A hundred of them had done the like to a Caffila now, had not our comming preuented. It is a small Towne, short of which is a great Tanke full of wilde fowle▪* 17.120 The fifteenth, 10 ^c. to Pimpelgom a ragged Aldea. At 4 ^c. end of this way lyeth Sarampore, a great Towne with a Castle on the South∣west side, with a faire Towne-house. Here are made faire Turbants and good linnen. Short of this Towne we met Caun Iohn a great Minion of the Kings with ten thousand horse, many Ele∣phants, [ 30] and Boats carryed on Carts, going for Bramport. On the way also we passed diuers of Manisengos men, hee hauing in all some twenty thousand, so that it was deemed there were one hundred thousand Horse assembled.

The sixteenth, 7 ^c. to Cuckra, a great Countrey Towne abounding with all sorts of Graine,* 17.121 Victuall and Mewa Wi••e: at 4 ^c. lyeth Berroul a great Aldea. The seuenteenth, 12 ^c. to Delout, a great Aldea, the way for the fiue last Coses theeuish, hilly, stony, the other pleasant Plaines. The eighteenth, 7 ^c. to Burrow a small Towne, but plentifull of Victuall, except flesh which is scarse all this way; the way dangerous. The nineteenth, 7 ^c. to Sukesera a small ragged Towne.* 17.122 The twentieth, to Syrange 9 ^c., a very great Towne, where are many Betele Gardens. The one and twentieth and two and twentieth, wee [ 40] make Muckom. The three and twentieth, to Cuchenary Saray 8 ^c. The foure and twen∣tieth, to Sadura 5 ^c. The fiue and twentieth, to Collebage 7 ^c. The sixe and twen∣tieth,* 17.123 12 c. to Qualeres, a pretty small Towne encompassed with Tamarind and Manga Trees. The seuen and twentieth, to Cipry seuen of Surat Couses a mile and an halfe way thee∣ui••h, stony, full of Trees, a Desart passage: a walled Towne, faire Houses couered with Slate. Two nights before some sixtie or seuentie Theeues (mistaking for a late passed Carauan) assayled in a darke night one hundred and fiftie Potan Souldiers, and fell into the pit they digged for o∣thers,* 17.124 ten being slaine and as many taken, the rest fled. The eight and twentieth, to Norwar 12 ^c. a Desart rascally way full of Theeues. In the Woods sate diuers Chuckees to pre∣uent robbing, but the Foxe is often made the Goose-heard. One pretty neat Meskite and in one [ 50] place at the foot of the gate, a few poore Inhabitants wee saw in this dayes iourney, and nine∣teene faire Saraies ruinated.

The Towne at the foot of the hill, hath a Castle on the top of a stony steep mountaine, with a narrow stone causey leading to the top some mile or better in ascent.* 17.125 In the way stand three gates very strong, with places for Corps du guard. At the t••p of all is the fourth gate, which leads into the Castle, where stands a guard, not permitting any s••rang••r to enter without order from the King. The Towne within is faire and great, with a descent thereto; being situate in a Valley on the top of a Mountaine very strangely. As it is reported, this cliffe is in circle some 5. or 6 ^c. and walled round with Towers and Flankers here and there dispersed, without treason inuincible. [ 60] This hath been the gate or border of the Kingdome of Mandow, and hath been beautifull, and s••o∣red wi••h Ordnance, but now is much gone to ruine. The twenty ninth to Palacha 7 ^c. the thir∣tieth to Antro,* 17.126 a great Towne 12 ^c. the thirty one to Gualere 6 c. a pleasant Citie with a Castle. On the East 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is on the top of a steep piked hill, a ruinous building where diuers great men haue been interred. On the West side is the Castle, which is a steep craggy cliffe of 6 c. compasse

at least (diuers say eleuen) all inclosed with a strong wall. At the going vp to the Castle adioyning to the Citie, is a faire Court enclosed with high walls, and shut in with strong gates, where keeps a strong guard, not permitting any to enter without publike order. From hence to the top, leads a stone narrow cawsey, walled on both sides; in the way are three gates to be passed, all exceeding strong, with Courts of guard to each. At the top of all at the entrance of the last gate, standeth a mightie Elephant of stone very curiously wrought. This Gate is also exceeding stately to be∣hold, with a goodly house adioyning, whose wals are all set with greene and blue stone, with di∣uers gilded Turrets on the top. This is the Gouernours lodging: where is place to keepe Nobles that offend (he is said to haue three such Noble-Prisons or Castles, this, and Rantimore 40 ^c. to which are sent such Nobles as he intends to put to death,* 17.127 which commonly is some two moneths [ 10] after their arriuall, the Gouernour then bringing them to the top of the wall, and giuing them a dish of milke, which hauing drunke, he is cast downe thence on the Rockes. The third is Rotas,* 17.128 a Castle in the Kingdome of Bengala, whither are sent those Nobles which are condemned to per∣petuall imprisonment) from whence very few returne againe. On the top of this Mountaine of Gualere, is very good ground, with three or foure faire Tankes, and many other faire buildings. On the Towne side are many houses cut out of the maine Rocke, for habitation and sale of goods. On the North-west side, at the foot of the hill is a spacious meadow, inclosed with a stone wall, within which are diuers gardens and places of pleasure, fit also to keepe horses in time of warre. This Castle was the Gate or frontier of the Kingdome of Dely, bordering on Mandow, and is neere [ 20] a mile of ascent.

The first of Aprill 1610. to Mendaker 9 ^c. the second 10 ^c. to Doulpore. Within 2 ^c. of the Towne, you passe a faire Riuer called Cambere, as broad as the Thames,* 17.129 short of which is a narrow passage, with hills on both sides, very dangerous. The Castle is strong, ditched round, and hath foure walls and gates one within an other, all very strong, with steep ascents to each, paued with stone; the Citie is inhabited most-what with Gentiles. The Castle is three q••arters of a mile through, and on the further side hath like Gates to be passed againe.* 17.130 The third to Iaiow 9 ^c. the fourth to Agra 9 ^c. In the afternoone, the Captaine carried me before the King. I here found at my comming, Captaine Thomas Boys, with three French Souldiours, a Dutch Inginer, and a Ve∣netian Merchant with his sonne, and a seruant, newly come by land out of Christendome.

[ 30] In May and part of Iune, the Towne was much vexed with fires night and day, flaming in one part or other, whereby many thousands of houses were consumed, besides Men, Women,* 17.131 Chil∣dren, and Cattell, that we feared the iudgement of Sodome and Gomorrha vpon the place. I was long dangerously sicke of a Feuer; and in Iune the heat so exceeded, that we were halfe rosted a∣liue. Iune the twenty eighth, arriued Padre Peniero, an arch-knaue (a Iesuite I should say) who brought Letters from the Vi••eroy, with many rich Presents, tending only to thwart our affaires.* 17.132 In this time, Mo. Bowcan was complained of by the Captaine to the King, who commaunded Abdel Hassan the chiefe Vizier to doe iustice; but birds of a feather will flie together, and Mo. Bowcan partly mis-reckoned, partly turned vs ouer to a Bankrupt Bannian; so that of thirty two thousand fiue hundred one M. and an halfe due, he would pay but eleuen thousand: neither would [ 40] he pay that present.

In Iuly, came newes of the ill successe of the Kings forces in Decan, who beeing within some foure dayes Iourney of Amdananager, hoping to raise the siege thereof, were forced through fa∣mine and drought, to make their retrait for Bramport, whereupon the Citie,* 17.133 after much miserie indured, was lost. This armie consisted of one hundred thousand horse at the least, with infinite numbers of Cammels and Elephants: so that with the whole baggage, there could not bee lesse then fiue or sixe hundred thousand persons, insomuch that the waters were not suff••cient for them; a Mussocke of water being sold for a Rupia and yet not enough to be had▪* 17.134 and all victualls at an ex∣cessiue rate. For the Decan army still spoyled the Countrey before them, and cut betwixt them and supplies for victualing them out of Guzerate and Bramport, daily making light skirmishes vp∣on [ 50] them, to their great disaduantage, that without retiring the whole army had been endangered. At their returne to Bramport, there were not to bee found thirty thousand horse, with infi∣nite number of Elephants, Cammels, and other Cattell dead. This Moneth also came newes of the sacking of Potana, a great Citie in Purrop,* 17.135 and surprising of the Castle where the Kings Trea∣sure lay, the Citizens flying without making resistance. But vpon this Caualero, presently came a great Ombra adioyning, and tooke him in the Castle. The Citizens returning, he sent twelue of the chiefe of them to the King, who caused them to be shauen, and in womens attire, to bee carried on Asses through all the streets of Agra,* 17.136 and on the next day (as it is said) cut off their Heads.

All this Moneth also was much stirre with the King about Christianitie, hee affirming before his Nobles, that it was the soundest faith, and that of Mahomet lies and fables.* 17.137 He commanded [ 60] also three Princes, his deceassed brothers sonnes, to be instructed by the Iesuites, and Christian apparell to be made for them, the whole City admiring. And yet at the same time, Abdel Has∣sans iudgement was, that it was not iustice to pay debts to Christians, in Mo. Bowcans case, wher∣of againe we had reference from the King to him, perhaps on like ground, as some Europaeans

thinke it lawfull to make price of the goods and ships of Ethnikes, eo nomine, therefore setting out men of warre, so to make the Christian Name, not as an ointment powred out, that the Virgin soules may be conuerted, and loue Christ, but as filthy matter running out of rotten hearts and poi∣soned lips, yea, with force and armes, to exoccupate the Kingdome of Christ in those parts: at least, let reformed Professors reforme this Man-of-warre-Profession against innocents, that the Name of God through them be not blasphemed among the Gentiles. But to returne to this dissimulati∣on (as since it hath to the world appeared) those three Princes were Christened solemnly, con∣ducted to Church by all the Christians of the Citie,* 17.138 to the number of some sixtie horse, Captaine Hawkins being in the head of them, with S. Georges colours carried before him, to the honour of the English Nation, letting them flie in the Court before Sha Selim himselfe. The eldest was na∣med [ 10] Don Philippo, the second Don Carlo, the third Don Henrico: and on the ninth of September, was christened another young Prince, the Acabars brothers sonnes sonne, by the name Don Du∣arte, the King giuing daily charge to the Fathers for their instruction, that they might become good Christians.

* 17.139October the twelfth, we were certified by Letters of M. Iourdaine from Surat, that thirtie Frigats of the Portugals were cast away on the barre of Surat, hasting before the winter was bro∣ken vp, to catch more English; many of the men escaped, and were glad to beg releefe at the En∣glish doore.

[ 20]

§. V. Descriptions of Fetipore, Byana; the way thither; of the Nill or Indico, and of diuers Mogoll affaires, Cities, and Castles.

THe first of Nouember, I was sent to buy Nill or Indico at Byana. I lodged that night at Menhapoore,* 17.140 a great Saray, 7 ^c. by which is a Garden, and Moholl or summer house of the Queene Mothers, very curiously contriued. The second at Cannowa, 11 ^c. at 4 ^c. end, is a Moholl of the Kings. And at euery cose end from Agra, is erected a stone pillar for 130 ^c. to Asmere, where lieth interred the body of a great Moorish Saint, called Hog∣hee [ 30] Mondee,* 17.141 whereto the Acabar wanting children, made a foot-pilgrimage to beg for issue, and caused a pillar at each course to be set vp; and a Moholl with lodgings for sixteene great women at euery eighth course alongst, and after his returne obtained three sonnes.

At 7 c. on this way, and 12 ^c. from Agra, is seated the famous citie of Fetipore, built by the Acu∣bar,* 17.142 and inclosed with a faire stone wall, which yet standeth fresh, hauing foure faire and strong Gates, it being some three English miles betwixt gate and gate. In the middest it is all ruinate, ly∣ing like a waste desart, and very dangerous to passe through in the night, the buildings lying wast without inhabitants;* 17.143 much of the ground beeing now conuerted to Gardens, and much sowed with Nill and other graine, that a man standing there, would little thinke he were in the middest of a citie.

To the entrance of the gate from Agra, some course in length vpon a stony ascent, lie the [ 40] ruines of the Suburbs; as also without the Southwest gate for two English miles in length, many faire buildings being fallen to the ground: and on the left hand are many faire enclosed Gardens, three miles alongst from the citie. At the entrance of the Northeast Gate, is a goodly Bazar (mar∣ket place) of stone,* 17.144 halfe a mile long, being a spacious straight-paued street, with faire buildings on either side. Close within the gate is the Kings Saray, with large stone lodgings, but much rui∣ned. At the head of this street stands the Kings house and Moholl, with much curious building: and on the further side hereof, vpon an ascent, stands the goodliest Meskite of the East. It hath some twentie foure or thirty steps of ascent to the Gate,* 17.145 which is one of the highest and fairest (I suppose) in the whole world: on the top are a number of clustering pinnacles, curiously disposed. [ 50] The top of this Gate may be plainely seene eight or tenne miles distance. Within is a goodly spa∣cious court, very curiously paued with free stone, about sixe times the largenesse of Londons Ex∣change, with faire large walkes alongst the side, more then twice as broad, and double the height of those about the Burse of London, the pillars vpholding them, beeing of one intire stone: and round about are entrances into many goodly roomes, neatly contriued. Opposite to the Gate to∣ward the further side, stands a faire and sumptuous Tombe, artificially inlaied with mother of Pearle, and inclosed with a grating of stone curiously carued. Ouer head is rich pargetting and paynting.* 17.146 Herein lyeth the body of a great Kalender, at whose cost the whole Meskite was builded. Vnder the court yard is a goodly Tanke of excellent water; none other being to be had through the citie, but brackish and fretting, by drinking whereof was caused such mortality, that [ 60] the Acubar before it was quite finished, left it, and remooued his seat to Agra, so that this good∣ly Citie was short liued, in fifty or sixty yeares space beeing built and ruinate.

It was at the first called Sykary, which signifieth, seeking or hunting; but after the Acabar was returned from his Asmere Pilgrimage, and was father of this Sha Selim, hee named it Feti∣pore,

that is, a Towne of content, or place of Hearts desire obtained.* 17.147 The North North-west side of the Citie, without the walles, is a goodly Lough for 2. or 3 ^c. in length, abounding with good fish and wilde fowle; all ouer which groweth the herbe which beareth the Hermodactyle,* 17.148 and another bearing a fruit like a Goblet, called Camolachachery, both very cooling fruits. The herbe which beareth the Hermodactyle, is a weed abounding in most Tankes neare Agra, spreading o∣uer all the water; the leafe I obserued not, but the fruit is inclosed with a three cornered shell, of a hard woodie substance, hauing at each angle a sharpe picked pricking point, and is a little in∣dented on both the flat sides like two posternes. The fruit being greene, is soft and tender, white and of a mealish taste, much eaten in India, being exceeding cold in my iudgement: for alwayes [ 10] after it, I desired Aqua-vitae. It is called by the people Singarra. The other beareth a fruit in maner of a Goblet, flat on the toppe, and of a soft greenish substance, within which a little emi∣nent, stand sixe or eight small fruits like Akornes, diuided from each other, and inclosed with a whitish filme, at the first of a russettish greene, tasting like a Nut or Akorne; in the middest is a small greene sprigge naught to be eaten.

Cannowa is a small countrey Towne, round about which is made very good Nill,* 17.149 by reason of the fastnesse of the soile, and brackishnesse of the water: it maketh yeerely some fiue hundred M. Ouchen 3 ^c. distant makes very good; besides which, no Towne but Byana it selfe, compares with this. I remained heere to the two and twentieth and three and twentieth. 6 ^c. to Candere,* 17.150 a roguish dirtie Aldea. At 2 ^c. on this way, is one of those Moholls, before mentioned. It is a square [ 20] stone building: within the first gate is a small court, with a place for the King to keepe his Dar∣sany, and two or three other retiring roomes, but none of note. Within the second court is the Moholl, being a foure-square thing, about twice as bigge, or better, then the Exchange; hauing at each corner a faire open Deuoncan, and in the middest of each side another,* 17.151 which are to bee spread with rich carpets, and to sit in to passe the time: And betwixt each corner and this middle-most, are two faire large chambers for his women (so that each Moholl receiueth six∣teene) in seuerall lodgings, without doores to any of them, all keeping open house to the Kings pleasure. Round by the side goeth a faire paued walke, some eight foot broad: and in the mid∣dest of all the court stands the Kings chamber, where he like a Cocke of the game may crow o∣uer all. At Candere I remained till the eight and twentieth, and returned to Bachuna, 4 ^c. backe [ 30] in the way.

The twentieth of December, I went to Byana 8 ^c. a backe way thorow the fields.* 17.152 This citie hath beene great and faire, but is now ruinate, saue two Sarayes and a long Bazar, with a few stragling houses, many faire ones being fallen,* 17.153 and many others not inhabited (except by rogues or theeues) so that many streets are quite desolate. On the North-west some three or foure cose off, are the ruines of a Kings house, with many other faire buildings: the like ruines are to bee seene on the South-west side, ouer against a Towne called Scanderbade, in like distance vpon the height of the rocky mountaines: the way leading vp is a narrow steepe stony cawsey, not to be passed on horse-backe, some quarter of a mile the ascent: the entrance is thorow a small wicket, passing the lips of the mountaines in a narrow gutte. On the right hand, vpon the very edge, [ 40] stands a pleasant building, where are diuers Tombes: from each side, the way may be made good with stones against millions of men. Passing a mile hence on a faire cawsey, you come to the Kings house, sometimes faire, now ruinate, where a few poore Googers remaine in the ruines. Many Tombes and Monuments yet remaine. At the foote of the hill toward Scanderbade,* 17.154 is a pleasant Valley inclosed with a wall, and therein many gardens of pleasure. This City hath been in ancient times the seate of a great Potane King, and hath had the walles extending on the cliffes 8 ^c. in length, in those places where is any possibilitie of getting vp, the rockes other-where ouer-hanging: the fortifications on the other side I saw not. It hath beene a goodly city, inhabited now only with Googers, which are keepers of cattell, and makers of Butter and Cheese. From hence notwithstanding all this strength, did the Acabar force Sha Selim the Tyrant, and [ 50] then laid it waste, as he hath done Mandow, and most of the strong holds which he tooke. The countrey which affordeth that rich Nill which takes name of Byana, is not aboue twenty or thir∣tie cose long.

The herbe Nill, groweth in forme not much vnlike Ciues or Cich-pease,* 17.155 hauing a small leafe like that of Sena, but shorter and broader, and set on a very short foot-stalke, the branches hard and of a woodie substance like vnto broome. It vsually groweth not aboue a yard high, and with a stalke at the biggest (which is at the third yeare) not much exceeding a mans thumbe.* 17.156 The feed is included in a small round codde about an inch long, resembling Foenigraecum, saue that it is more blunt at both ends, as if it had been cut off with a knife. It carryeth a small flower like that of Hearts-ease: the seed is ripe in Nouember, and then gathered. The herbe once sowne dureth [ 60] three yeeres, being cut euery yeere in August and September after the raines. That of one yeere is tender, and thereof is made notee, which is a weighty Reddish nill sinking in water, not come to his perfection: that of the second yeere is rich, and called Cyeree, very light and of a perfect Violet colour, swimming on the water: in the third yeere the herbe is declining, and this Nill is called Catteld, being a weightie blackish Nill, the worst of the three. This herbe being cut the

moneth aforesaid, is cast into a long cisterne, where it is pressed downe with many stones, and then filled with water ti••l it be couered,* 17.157 which so remaineth for certaine dayes, till the substance of the herbe be gone into the water. Then they let the water forth into another round cisterne, in the middest of which is another small cisterne or center: this water being thus drawne forth, they labour with great staues, like batter or white starch, and then let it settle, scumming off the cleare water on the toppe: then labouring it afre••h, and let it settle againe, drawing forth the cleare water, doing this oft, till nothing but a thicke substance remaine; which they take foorth and spread on cloth, to dry in the Sunne: and beeing a little hardened, they take it in their hands, and making small balls, lay them on the sand to dry (for any other thing would drinke vp the colour) this is the cause of the sandy foot. So if raine fall, it looseth his colour and glosse, and is called Aliad. Some deceitfully will take of the herbe of all three crops, and steepe them altoge∣ther,* 17.158 hard to be discerned, very knauishly. Fowre things are required in Nill: a pure graine, a vi∣olet [ 10] colour, his glosse in the Sunne, and that it be dry and light, so that swimming in the water, or burning in the fire, it cast forth a pure light violet vapour, leauing a few ashes.

About the sixt of Ianuary, the King being on hunting, was assailed by a Lyon which hee had wounded with his Peece,* 17.159 with such fiercenesse, that had not a Captaine of his, a Resboot, Tutor of the late baptized Princes interposed himselfe, thr••sting his arme into the Lions mouth as hee ramped against his Maiestie, he had in all likelihood been destroyed. In this strugling, Sultan Co∣rom, Raiaw Ranidas, and others came in, and amongst them slew the Lyon, that Captaine hauing first receiued thirty two wounds: whom therfore the King tooke vp into his owne Palanke, with his owne hands also wiped and bound vp his wounds, and made him a Captaine of fiue thousand [ 20] horse,* 17.160 in recompence of that his valourous loyaltie.

The Kings manner of hunting is this: about the beginning of Nouember, accompanied with many thousands, he goeth forth of his Castle of Agra, and hunteth some thirty or forty Course round about the Citie;* 17.161 so continuing till the ende of March, when the heat driues him home a∣gaine. He causeth, with choise men, a certaine wood or desart place to bee incircled, so contra∣cting themselues to a neerer compasse, till they meet againe; and whatsoeuer is taken in this in∣closure, is called the Kings Sikar or game, whether men or beasts; and whosoeuer lets ought e∣scape, without the Kings mercy, must loose his life. The beasts taken, if mans meat, are sold, and the money giuen to the poore: if men, they remaine the Kings slaues, which he yearely sends to Cabull, to barter for horse and dogs; these beeing p••ore miserable theeuish people that liue in woods and desarts, lit••le differing from beasts. [ 30]

This Moneth, the King was prouiding more forces for Decan, notwithstanding the Decan••es required his peace, offering to restore what they had taken▪ Caun Asom was sent Generall, and with him twentie thousand horse, accompanied with Matrobet Caun another Great Captaine, together with infinite treasure. With these forces went Iohn Frenchman, and Charles Charke, en∣tertained in his seruice for the warres.* 17.162

Ianuary the ninth, I departed from Agra for Lahor to recouer debts, and carried twelue carts la∣den with Nil in hope of a good price. The places I passed were Rownocta twelue courses, Badeg Sara 10. Acabarpore 12 ^c. formerly a great city, still famous for the Antiquities of Indian Gobins or Saints. A little ••hort of this place, is a faire Deury inclosed with a stone wall, in which is a De∣voncan, and round about a little distance in vaults (or cloisters) are to be seen many Pagods, which [ 40] are stone images of monstrous men feareful to behold, but adored by the Indians with flowers and offerings. Houdle 13 ^c. At the entrance of the Saray is a faire fountaine three stories, and one hun∣dred steps. Pulwooll 12 ^c. Ferreedabade 12 ^c. Dely 10 ^c. On the left hand is seene the carkasse of old Dely, * 17.163 called the nine castles, and fiftie two gates, now inhabited onely by Googers. A little short is a stone bridge of eleuen arches, ouer a branch of Gemini: from hence a broad way shaded with great trees, leading to the sepulchre of Hamaron this Kings Grandfather, in a large roome spread with rich carpets, the Tombe it selfe couered with a pure white sheet, a rich Semiane o∣uer head, and a front, certaine bookes on small tressels, by which stand his Sword, Tucke, and shooes: at the entrance are other Tombes of his Wiues and Daughters. Beyond this, vnder like shaded way you come to the Kings house and Moholl, now ruinous. The City is 2^c. betweene [ 50] Gate and Gate, begirt with a strong wall, but much ruinate, as are many goodly houses: within and about this Citie are the Tombes of twenty Potan Kings, all very faire and stately. The Kings of India are here to be crowned, or else they are held Vsurpers. It is seated in a goodly plaine, en∣vironed with goodly pleasant Gardens and Monuments.

Nalero is hence 14^c. about 2 ^c. without Dely, is the remainder of an auncient Mole or hunting house, b••lt by Sultan Berusa a great Indian Monarch, with much curiositie of stone-worke: with and aboue the rest, is to be seen a stone * 17.164 Pillar, which passing through three stories, is higher then all twenty foure foot, hauing at the top a Globe, and a halfe Moone ouer it. This stone they say, stands as much vnder the earth, and is placed in the water, being all one entire stone, (some say [ 60]

Nasordengady a Potan King would haue taken it vp, and was prohibited by multitude of Scorpi∣ons, and that it hath inscriptions.) In diuers parts of India the like are to be seene, and of late was found buried in the ground about Fettipore a stone piller of an hundred cubits length, which the King commanded to bring to Agra, but was broken in the way, to his great griefe.* 17.165 It is re∣markeable, that the Q••••rries of India, specially neere Fettipore (whence they are carryed farre) are of such nature, that they may be cleft like logges, and sawne like plancks to ••eele chambers, and couer houses of a great length and breadth. From this Monument is said to bee a way vnder ground to Dely Castle. Now here remaine onely Googers, and there are store of Deere. We saw in the way the raines of diuers places, and neere the same, the raines of a wall 20^c. in c••rcuit, be∣ing a Parke for game. Some part of this way was theeuish, and some report being giuen out of the Kings death, many R••g••es with that false alarme were abroad: we met the Fosder of Dely with [ 10] some 2. thousand horse and foot in their pursuit, who burnt their Townes, & tooke thē and theirs whatsoeuer he could get: and the next day at breakfast we were like to be surprized by theeues.

G••nowre 14 c. Panneput 14 ^c. at the entry whereof was placed a Manora, with the heads of some hundred theeues newly taken; their bodies set on stakes a mile in length. Carmall 14 ^c. the way theeuish, where but for our peece language we had b••en assaulted. On the North-west ex∣tend Mountaines neere to Lahor from hence, with snow on the tops. Tanassar 14 ^c. here is a Ca∣stle, a goodly Tanke, and by it Pagods, much reuerenced by all the Gentiles throughout India.* 17.166 Neere it also are the Sal-armoniake pits.* 17.167 Shabad or Goobade 10 ^c. Amballa 12 ^c. H••llowa Saray 14 ^c. Syrinam 7 ^c. it hath a faire Tanke with a Summer-house in the middest, to which leads a Bridge of fifteene stone arches very pleasant. From hence is a small Riuer cut to the Kings Gar∣den [ 20] a corse distant, with a cawsey of forty foot bread, planted with trees on both sides to it. The Garden is fowre square, each square a cose in length, or better, inclosed with a Bricke-w••ll,* 17.168 richly planted with all sorts of fruits and flowers, rented yeerely (as I was told) for f••fty thou∣sand Rupias: crossed with two maine walkes forty foot broad, and eight high, with ••a••er run∣ning alongst stone channells in the middest, and planted on both sides thicke with faire Cy∣presses: one of these cawseys is also paued with pe••••e curiously inter-wrought. At the crossing stands an eight square Mohol with eight chambers for women, in the midst thereof a faire Tank; ouer these eight other roomes, with faire Galleries round about: on the top of all a faire ••oun∣ter; the whole building curiously wrought in stone, with faire painting, rich caruing, and pa••∣getting: [ 30] and on two sides two faire Tankes in the midst of a faire stone chounter, plan••ed round with Cypresse trees: a little distant is another Mohol, but not so curious.

From hence we passed to Dorapy 15 ^c. Pulloceque Saray 13^c. Nicoder 12^c. Sultanpoore 11 ^c. Fe∣tipore 7 ^c. a Saray built (if it were finished) by Sha Selim, in memoriall of the ouerthrow giuen Sultan Cusseroom his eldest sonne: the occasion whereof was this. Sha Selim vpon some disgust tooke armes in his fathers life time, and fled into P••••rop,* 17.169 where he kept the strong Castle of A∣lobasse (but came in some three moneths before his fathers deceasse) whereupon Acabar gaue the Crowne to Sultan Cusseroom his sonne. But after Acabars death, Selim by his friends, seized on the Castle and treasure, and his sonne fled for Lahor, where hee gathered some twelue thousand horse all good souldiours and Mogols, possessing the Suburbs twelue daies, and proclaimed King in the Kasse, and his Father in the Castle. In this place he gaue battell to Strek Fereed, and dis••rac∣••ed [ 40] his three hundred horse, and put them to the sword: to the second of him came Melec Ale Cutwall (the King b••ing some 20 ^c. behind) with some two hundred horse, beating vp the Kings dr••mmes, and g••uing a braue assault, shout••ng God saue King Sel••••, vpon which the Princes soul∣diours fa••rted and fled, the Prince himselfe fleeing only with fiue horse, and got 30 ^c. beyond La∣hor for Cabull, which if he had gotten, he would ha••e put his father to further trouble: but bee∣ing to passe a Riuer where hee gaue Mohors of Gold, the Boate-man grew in distrust, and in the middest of the Channell leapt ouer-boord, and swamme to the shoare, where hee gaue notice to the Gouernour of the Towne adioyning, who presently with fiftie horse came downe to the Riuer, where the Boat was still floting, imbarq••ed himselfe in ano••her, and saluted him by the name of King, dissembli••gly offering his aide, and inviting him to his house:* 17.170 which [ 50] the Prince accepting, was locked vp with his Company and guarded, till hee had sent the King word, who sent G••rmaunabeg to fetch him fettered on an Elephant. From hence his Father pro∣ceeded to Cabul, punishi••g such as he found tar••••e in this reuolt, carrying his sonne with him pri∣soner, and returning by this place where the battell was fought (as some say) caused his eyes to be burned out with a glas••e; others say, on••ly blind-folded him with a napkin tying it b••hind,* 17.171 and sealing it with his owne seale, which yet remaineth, and himselfe prisoner in the Castle of Agra. All alongst on both sides the way from Cabul to Agra, a reasonable distance, the King cau••ed trees to be planted to shade the way, in remembrance of this exploit, and called this place ••••ti∣poore, that is, hearts content, as ye before heard of the Citie, which for his birth was named so by his Father Accubar: these as any decay, must by the peoples toyle be supplied.

[ 60] From hence to Hughe M••h••ed•• 10 ^c. Cancan••a Saray 12 ^c. Lahor 7 ^c. where I arriued February the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. On the twentie eighth, arriued here a Persian Embassadour allied to Sha Abash,* 17.172 with a grea•• Carauan accompanying him. I by them learned, that the way to Ca••d••har was now 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the wa••r••s being ended, which the Tink•••• Gelole had caused, who the former yeare had

fled to the Persian with some ten thousand Turkes, and had obtained some Iaggere neere thereto, whereof he purposing to make him selfe King, was ouerthrowne, and being sent for by the Per∣sian, refused to come, till deluded by promise of a mariage, he was got to the Court, and there lost h••s head. We heard also of the Persians taking from the Turke, the strong Castle of Curdes, after a yeeres siege, with other Asian and Europaean newes.

§. VI. Description of Lahor, and of the Kings house there: how the Mogolls entred India: Of diuers strong holds, strange Beasts, and Plants; f••nd Supersti∣tions: [ 10] Of the Wayes, Theeues, Outlawes, Cities, Buildings, adioy∣ned and intermixed: Princes not subiect: Agra and Echebars Sepulchre described.

LAhor is one of the greatest Cities of the East, containing some 24 ^c. in circuit by the ditch which is now casting vp about it, and by the Kings command, now to be inclosed with a strong wall. In the time of the Potans it was but a Village, Multan then flou∣rishing, till Hamawn enlarged this. The Towne and Suburb is some 6 ^c. thorow. The castle or Towne is inclosed with a strong bricke wall, hauing thereto twelue faire gates, nine by [ 20] land, and three openings to the Riuer: the streets faire and well paued, the inhabitants most Ba∣neans and handicrafts men;* 17.173 all white men of note lying in the Suburbs. The bu••ldings are faire and high, with bricke and much curiositie of carued windowes and doores: most of the Gentiles doores of sixe or seuen steps ascent, and very troublesome to get vp, so built for more securitie, and that passengers should not see into their houses.* 17.174 The castle is seated on Rauee, a goodly Riuer which falleth into Indus, downe which go many Boats, of sixtie tunne or vpwards, for Tatta in Sind, after the fall of the raine, being a iourney of some fortie dayes alongst by Multan, Seetpore, Buchur, Rauree, &c.

This Riuer commeth from the East, and runneth Westerly by the North side of the Citie: vp∣on which within the Castle is the Kings house,* 17.175 passing in at the middle gate to the Riuer-ward. [ 30] Within the Citie on the left-hand, you enter thorow a strong gate; and a Musket shot further another smaller, into a faire great square court, with Atescanna for the Kings guard to watch in. On the left-hand, thorow another gate you enter into an inner court, where the King keepes his Darbar, and round about which court are Atescanna's also for great men to watch in. In the middest there stands a high pole to hang a light on. From hence you go vp to a faire stone Ioun∣ter or small court, in the middest whereof stands a faire De••oncan, with two or three other reti∣ring rooms, wherein the King sits out all the first part of the night, commonly from eight to ele∣uen. On the w••lles is the Kings Picture sitting crosse-legged on a chaire of State: on his right-hand Sultan Peruése,* 17.176 Sultan Caroone, and Sultan Timoret, his sonnes: next these, Sha Morat, and Don Sha, two of his ••rothers (the three baptized before spoken, were sonnes of this later) [ 40] next them Emersee Sheriff, eldest brother to Caun Asom (of whom it is reported his estate to be such, tha•• of one hundred chiefe women which he kept, he neuer suffred any of their clothing af∣ter their first wearing to be euer touched by any s••ranger, but caused them to bee buried in the ground there to rot: as also that he alway had in service fiue hundred Massalgees, in so much that whensoeuer he went from court to his house in Agra, which was at least a corse, no man remoued foote with his torch, but stood all alongst to his house) next this man, Emersee Rostene, late King of Candhar,* 17.177 then Can Canna (which sig••ifie••h Prince of Cannes) then Cut••ùp Caun, Raiaw Manisengo, Caun Asom, Asoph Caun, Sheck Fereed, Kelish Caun, and Raiaw Iuggonat (who at his death has seuen of his friends that burned th••mselues with him, besides one of his sisters, and a brothers childe.) On the left hand of the King stands Raiaw Bowsing, who beats away flyes, then [ 50] Raiaw Ramdas, who holds his sword, Cleriff Caun, Caun Iohn, Iemana Lege or Mawbet Caun, Mocrow Bowcan, Raiaw Bossow, Raiaw Ransing, Maio Kesso, and Lala Bersing. Note also that in this Galle••y, as you enter, on the right-hand of the King, ouer the doore is the Picture of our Sa∣uiour; opposite on this left-hand of the Virgin Mary. This Deuoncan is very pleasantly seated, ouer-looking the Rauee.

From hence passing thorow a small entire to the West, you enter another small court, where is another open Chounter of stone to sit in, couered with rich Semianes. From hence you enter in∣to a small Gallery, at the end of which, next the Riuer, thorow a small window, the King looks forth at his Dersanee, to behold the fights of wilde beasts on the medow by the Riuer. On the wall of ••his Gallery is drawne the Picture of the Acabar sitting in his S••ate, and before him [ 60] Sha Selim his sonne, standing with a Hawke on his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and by him Sultan Cusseroom, Sultan Per∣uis, Sultan Coroome, his three sonnes: at the end is a small Deuoncan, where the King vseth to fit▪ behind which is his lodging chamber, and before it all open into a paued court, alongst the right-hand whereof runneth a small Moholl of two stories,* 17.178 each containing eig••t faire lodgings for

seuerall women, with Galleries and windowes looking to the Riuer, and to the court. All the doores of these chambers are to bee fastened on the out-side, and none within. In the Gallery where the King vseth to sit, are drawne ouer-head many P••ctures of Angels,* 17.179 with Pictures of Banian Dews, or rather Diuels, intermixt in most vgly shape, with long hornes, staring eyes, shagge haire, great fangs, vgly pawes, long tailes, with such horrible difformity and deformity, that I wonder the poore women are not frighted therewith. Within this court is a pleasant De∣uoncan and lodgings, and the way to another Moholl for the King to passe, but none other.

Now to returne to the former court, where the Adees or Guard keepe their watch, there is also on the left hand the new Derbar, beyond it another small court with Atescanna, and passing [ 10] thorow another gate, a faire large square Moholl, called the new Moholl,* 17.180 of that largenesse that it may lodge two hundred women in state all seuerall. Likewise returning to the great court, passing right on, you enter another small paued court on the left hand, and into another Moholl, the stateliest of the three, contriued into sixteene seuerall great lodgings, each hauing faire lod∣gings, a Deuoncan (or Hall) a small paued court, each her Tanke, and enioying a little world of pleasure and state to her selfe; all seated very pleasantly vpon the Riuer. Before the Moholl of Sultan Casserooms mother, is placed an high pole to hang a light on, as before the King, for that shee brought forth his first sonne and heire. In the midst stands a goodly Gallery for the King to sit in, with such vgly Pictures ouer-head as before. At the end are drawne many portraitures of the King in state sitting amongst his women, one holding a flaske of wine, another a napkin,* 17.181 a [ 20] third presenting the Peally, behind one pankawing, another holding his sword, another his bow, and two or three arrowes, &c.

Before this Gallery is a faire paued court, with stone gratings, and windowes alongst the wa∣ters side; at the end a faire marble Iounter, conuexed ouer-head, looking ouer the Riuer, beneath it a Garden of pleasure; behind, the Kings lodgings very sumptuous, the walles and seelings all ouer-laid with pure gold; and round alongst the sides, about a mans height, some three foote di∣stant are placed faire Venice Looking-glasses, three and three each aboue other: and below the these alongst the walles, are drawne many pictures of this mans Ancestors, as of Acabar his Father, Hamowne his Grand-father, Babur his great Grand-father, who first set foote into India, with thirtie of his Nobles, all clad like Kalendars or Fookeers,* 17.182 which so came to Dely to Secanders Court [ 30] then raigning, where by his very countenance he was discouered, yet found mercy, and returned vpon his oath not to attempt any thing during the said Secanders raigne; which he performed: but after this death, he sent his sonne Hamawne vpon his Successor Abram, from whom he tooke the whole Kingdome. Yet at length rose vp a great Captaine of the Blood-Royall in Bengala, who fought a great battel with Hamawne neare Ganges, put him to flight, and so closely followed him, that he draue him forth of the Kingdome to the Persian Shaw; of whom hee obtained new Forces (with whom came Byram, Caun Canna his father, for Generall) and reconquered all li∣uing after that in security. This King dying, left Acabar very yong, appointed Byram Caun Pro∣tector, whom the Acabar, comming to yeares, cast off, and on a Roomery or Pilgrimage to Mec∣ca, as is said, made away with him. His sonne Can Canna or Caun, of the Caunees, doth also much [ 40] curbe Sha Selim the King, with his friends and Allyes, being able to make better then an hundred thousand horse. Sha Selim affirmeth himselfe to be the ninth lawfully descended from the loynes of Tamerlane the Great, being the Great-grand-child of Babur, King of Cabull.* 17.183

But to returne to the entrance of this Moholl, passing forth of that court thorow a strong gate, you enter into the City againe; this house and appurtenances of Mohols being at the least two English miles in circuit. On the East-side of the Castle hard without the wall, is the Garden of Asoph Caun, small, neat,* 17.184 with walkes (planted with Cypresse-trees) diuers Tankes and Ioun∣ters: as you enter, a faire Deuoncan supported with stone pillars, with a faire Tanke in the midst, and in the midst of that, on foure stone pillars, a Iounter for coolenesse. Beyond are other Galle∣ries and walkes, diuers lodgings for his women neatly contriued; and behind, a small Garden, [ 50] and Garden-house. In the midst of the Garden is a very stately Iounter with faire buildings o∣uer-head, and a Tanke in the center with large and goodly Galleries alongst the foure sides there∣of, supported with high stone pillars. Adioyning to this is a Garden of the Kings, in which are very good Apples, but small, Toot white and red, Almonds, Peaches, Figges, Grapes, Quinces,* 17.185 Orenges, Limmons, Pomgranats, Roses, Stock-gellow-flowers, Marigolds, Wall-flowers, Ireos, Pinkes white and red, with diuers sorts of Indian Flowers.

On the West-side of the Castle is the Ferry to passe ouer to Cabul (and so to Tartary or Cas∣car,) a very great road-way, and the further side of the Riuer is a goodly Countrey. Infinit num∣bers of Gardens full of rarity exceeds, two or 3 ^c. in length. Passing the Sugar Gonge is a faire M••skite b••ilt by Shecke Fereed▪ beyond it (without the Towne, in the way to the Gardens) is [ 60] a faire monument for Don Sha his mother, one of the Acabar his wiues, with whom it is said Sha Selim ••ad to do (her name was Immacque Kelle, or Pomgranate kernell) vpon notice of which the King ca••led her to be inclosed quicke within a wall in his Moholl, where shee dyed: and the King in toke•• of his loue, commands a sumptuous Tombe to be built of stone in the midst of a foure-square Garden richly walled, with a gate, and diuers roomes ouer it: the conuexity of the Tombe he hath willed to be wrought in workes of gold, with a large faire Iounter with roomes ouer-head. Note that most of these monumēts which I mention, are of such largenesse, that if they

were otherwise contriued, would haue roome to entertaine a very good man, with his whole houshold. Without the Dely Droware, where the Nolat or great Drum beats, is a goodly streight street, about three quarters of a mile long, all paued; at the end of which is the Bazar, by it the great Saray, besides which are diuers others, both in the City and Suburbs, wherein diuers neate lodgings are to be let, with doores, lockes and keyes to each. Hence to the North-east lyeth Am∣bere, the place of hospitality: from hence to the South-east the habitation of diuers louing, &c.

The seuenteenth of May, came news of the sacking of Cabul by the Potan theeues, which kept in the Mountains,* 17.186 being eleuen thousand foot, and one thousand horse, the Gouernour thereof be∣ing at Gelalabade about other affaires, & the Garrison so weak, that they were able only to main∣taine the Castle. In six houres they spoiled the City and retired with great booty. The King for better awing of these rebels, hath placed twenty three Ombraes betwixt Lahor and Cabul, and [ 10] yet all will not serue, they often sallying from the mountains, robbing Carauans and ransacking townes. The eighteenth of August, arriued a great Carauan from Persia, by whom we had newes from an Armenian, which had serued M. Boys, of the French Kings death, and of affaires betwixt the Turk and Persian; he hauing destroyed the country about Tauris, raced the Citie, and filled vp the wells to hinder the Turks armie:* 17.187 the Merchants by this means (to our griefe) not daring to aduenture beyond Candhar.

Of diuers wayes in the Mogols Kingdome, to and from Lahor and Agra, and places of note in them.

* 17.188FROM Lahor to Cabull passing the Rauee at 10 ^c. stands Googes Seray: beyond which 8 ^c. Emenbade, a faire City: thence to Chumaguckur 12 ^c. a great towne: to Guzurat 14 ^c. a [ 20] faire Citie of great trade: at 7 ^c. of this way you passe the Riuer Chantrow, neare a corse ouer: to Howaspore 12 ^c. to Loure Rotas 15 ^c. a Citie with a strong Castle on a Moun∣taine, the Frontier of the Potan kingdome to Hattea 15 ^c. to Puckow 4 ^c. to Raulepende 14 ^c. to Collapanne 15 ^c. to Hassanabdall 4 ^c. a pleasant Towne with a small Riuer, and many faire Tanks, in which are many fishes with gold rings in their noses hung by Acabar, the water so cleare, that you may see a penny in the bottome: to Attock 15 ^c. a Citie with a strong Castle, by which In∣dus passeth in great beautie: to Pishore 36 ^c. to Alleek Meskite 10 ^c. the way dangerous for rebels, which are able to make ten or twelue thousand men: to Ducka 12 ^c. to Beshoule 6 ^c. to Abareek 6 ^c. to Aleboga 9 ^c. by which runneth Cow, a great Riuer, which comes from Cabul: (way still theeuish) to Gelalabade 4 ^c. to Loure-charebage 4 ^c. to Budde-charbag 6 ^c. to N. mla 8 ^c. to Gondo∣ma [ 30] 4 ^c. to Surcrood 4 ^c. a Saray, with a small Riuer which lookes red, and makes to haue a good stomack: to Zagdelee 8 ^c. to Abereek 8 ^c. to Dowaba 8 ^c. a great mountain in the way 4 ^c. ascent: to Butta Cauke 8 ^c. to Camree 3 ^c. to Cabul 3 ^c.* 17.189 It is a great and faire Citie, the first seate of this Kings great Grand-father, with two Castles and many Sarayes. 20 ^c. beyond is Chare-cullow, a pleasant faire Citie, and 20 ^c. beyond Gorebond, a great Citie bordering vpon Vsbeke. 150 ^c. be∣yond Cabul is Taul Caun, a Citie in Buddocsha.

* 17.190From Cabull to Cascar, with the Carauan, is some two or three moneths iourney. It is a great kingdome, and vnder the Tartar. A chiefe Citie of trade in his Territorie is Yar Chaun, whence comes much Silke, Pur••lane, Muske, and Rheubarb, with other Merchandize: all which come from China,* 17.191 the gate or entrance whereof is some two or three moneths iourney from hence. [ 40] When they come to this entrance, they are forced to remaine vnder their Tents, and by license send some ten or fifteene Merchants at once to doe their businesse, which being returned, they may send as many more. But by no meanes can the whole Carauan enter at once.

* 17.192From Lahor to Cassimere the way is as in Cabull way to Guzerat: from thence North, or some∣what Easterly withall 16 ^c. to Bimbar; to Ioagek Hately 14 ^c. to Chinges{que} Hately 10 ^c. to Peckly 10 ^c. to Conowa 12 ^c. thence 8 ^c. you ascend a mountaine called Hast Caunk Gate, on the top of which is a goodly plaine, from whence to Cassimer is 12 ^c. thorew a goodly Countrey. The City is strong, seated on the Riuer Bahat, the Countrie is a goodly Plaine, lying on the mountaines, some 150 ^c. in length, and 50 ^c. in breadth, abounding with fruits, graine, Saffron, faire and white women. Heere are made the rich Pomberies which serue all the Indians. This Countrey is [ 50] cold, subiect to frosts and great snowes, neare to Cascar, but seperated with such mountaines, that there is no passage for Carauans:* 17.193 yet there commeth oft-times Musk, with Silke and other mer∣chandize this way by men, and goods are faine to be triced vp, and let downe often by engines and deuices. Vpon these mountaines keepes a small King called Tibbot, who of late send one of his daughters to Sha Selim to make affinitie.

Nicholas Vphet made another way from Agra to Surat, by Fetipore, Scanderbade, Hindoine, Che∣ningom,* 17.194 Mogoll Saray, Nonnigong at the foot o•• a Mountaine, which with others adioyning, are held by two Raiaws of no note. Opposite to these on the left hand, beginne the mountaines of Marwa, which extend neare Amadauer. Vpon these mountaines stands an impregnable Castle, called Gur Chitto,* 17.195 the cheefe seat of Rana, a very powerfull Raiaw, whom neither Potan, or the [ 60] Acabar himselfe could euer subdue: which comes to passe by reason that all India hath been Gen∣tiles, and this Prince hath bin, and still is esteemed in like reuerence by them, as the Pope of Rome by the Papists. And for this cause the Raiaws, which haue been sent against him, frame some ex∣cuses that they may not indamage much his Territories, which extend hence alongst Amadauer way an hundred and fifty great corses, and in breadth toward Ougen 200 ^c. inclosed for the most

part with inaccessible mountaines, and fortified well by art in places accessible. He is able to make twelue thousand good horse vpon any occasion, and holds many faire Townes and goodly Cities. The way followeth by Gamgra,* 17.196 Charsoot (chiefe seat of Raiaw Manisengo his Prigonies) Lada∣ney, Mousalde, Banderamde.

Asmere, seated vpon the top of an inaccessible Mountaine of 3 ^c. ascent,* 17.197 being a Fort inuin∣cible: the Citie at the foot not great, inclosed with a stone wall, ditched round, the buildings reasonable faire; without the wals are many Antiquities, amongst which some 2 ^c. toward A∣gra is a very faire Tanke. This place is only famous for the Sepulchre of Hoghee Mundee, a Saint much respected by the Mogols, to whom (as is said before) the Acabar made a Romery on foot [ 10] from Agra to obtayne a Sonne. Before you come to this Tombe, you passe three faire Courts, of which the first contayneth neere an acre of ground, paued all with blacke and white Marble, wherein are interred many of Mahomets cursed Kindred: on the left hand is a faire Tanke in∣closed with stone. The second Court is paued like the former, but richer,* 17.198 twice as bigge as the Exchange in London; in the middest whereof hangs a curious Candlesticke with many lights. Into the third you passe by a Brazen gate curiously wrought; it is the fairest of the three, especi∣ally, neere the doore of the Sepulchre, where the pauement is curiously interlayed: the doore is large and inlayed with Mother of Pearle, & the pauement about the Tombe of interlaid Marble; the Sepulchre very curiously wrought in worke of Mother of Pearle, and Gold, with an Epitaph in the Persian Tongue. A little distant stands his seate in a darke obscure place, where he sat to [ 20] fore-tell of matters, and is much reuerenced. On the East-side stand three other Courts, in each a faire Tanke; on the North and West stand diuers faire houses, wherein keepe their Sides or Church-men. Note, that you may not enter any of these places but bare-foot.

From hence the way lyeth to Cairo,* 17.199 Mearta (which hath a stone Castle with many faire Tur∣rets, a faire Tanke, and three faire Pagodes richly wrought with inlayd Workes, adorned richly with Iewels, and maintayned with rich Offerings) Pipera, Iouges gong Settrange, Canderupe, Ie∣loure, (this last is a Castle, seated on the height of a steepe Mountaine, 3 ^c. in ascent, by a faire stone cawsey, broad enough for two men to passe a-brest. At the first Cose end is a gate and place of Armes: there the cawsey is inclosed with wals on both sides, and at the 2 ^c. end is a double gate: at the 3 ^c. stands the Castle where you must enter three seuerall gates, the first very [ 30] strongly plated with Iron, the second not so strong, with places ouer it to throw downe scal∣ding Lead or Oyle: the third strongly plated with Pikes, sticking forth l••ke harping Irons. Be∣twixt each of these gates are spacious Courts for Armes, and within the further gate is a faire Portcullis. Being entred on the right hand stands a faire Meskite, with diuers Deuoncans ad∣ioyning, both to doe Iustice, and to take the Aire. On the left hand stands the Gouernours house on the height of the hils ouer-looking all.

A flight-shot within the Castle is a faire Pagode built by the Founders of the Castle, Ance∣stors of Gidney Caun which were Indians. He turned Moore, and bereaued his elder Brother of this hold by this stratageme. He inuited him and his women to a Banket, which his brother re∣quiting with like inuitation of him and his,* 17.200 in steed of women he sends choice Souldiers well [ 40] appointed and close couered, two and two in a Dowle; who beeing entred after this manner, possest themselues of the Ports, and held it for the Great Mogoll, to whom it now appertay∣neth, being one of the strongest seated Forts in the world. Some halfe Cose within the gate is a goodly Tanke foure square, cut directly downe into the Rocke, affirmed to bee fiftie fathome deepe, of cleere and good water. A little further is a faire Plaine shaded with many goodly trees, beyond which on the top of a little piqued Mountayne, is the Sepulchre of King Hassward, while he liued a great Souldier, since his death a great Saint, honoured in these parts. Here lye also interred two sonnes of Gillould a Potan King of Dely: neere to which is a wall which di∣uides the Castle neere a Cose in circuit,* 17.201 (the whole Castle beeing about 8 ^c. in compasse) nigh whereto is said to keepe a huge Snake of fiue and twentie foot long, and as bigge as a man in the [ 50] waste, which the people will by no meanes hurt, holding it a good fortune; for it hurts no man, but keepes amongst the bushes and bryars of this piqued Mountaine. This Castle is called the Gate or Frontire of Guzurate. From hence you come to Mudre,* 17.202 Billmall (the foundations of whose ancient wall, are yet seene) they haue beene 24 ^c. in circuit, many goodly Tankes also go∣ing to ruine, by one of which is the Founders Sepulchre, whither the Indians resort to worship: From hence to Amadabade, is a deepe sandy Desart Countrey. Rodeapore in this way hath ma∣ny Sepulchres, (I let passe it and the rest.)

Amadabade or Amadauar is a goodly City, and scituate on a faire Riuer,* 17.203 inclosed with strong wals and faire gates, with many beautifull Turrets. The Castle is large and strong, where resideth C••un Asom his Sonne, the Vice-Roy in these parts. The buildings comparable to any Citie in [ 60] Asia or Africa, the streets large and well paued, the Trade great (for almost euery ten dayes goe from hence two hundred Coaches richly laden with Merchandise for Cambaya) the Merchants rich, the Artificers excellent for Caruings, Paintings, Inlayd Workes, imbroydery with Gold and Siluer: at an houres warning it hath in readinesse sixe thousand Horse; the gates perpetually strong guarded, none suffered without license to enter, nor to depart without Certificate.* 17.204 The cause of this is Badurs Neighbour-hood in his strong hold, within 50 ^c. of this Citie to the East, where Nature with some helpe of Art and Industry hath fortified him against all the Mogolls

power; and whence some foure yeeres since (proclaiming Liberty and Lawes of good fellow∣ship) hee sacked Cambaya with a sudden power, combined by hope of spoile, of one hundred thousand men, which for fourteene dayes continued possessors there and sharkers. There is also betwixt this and Trage a certaine Raiaw on the Mountaines able to make seuenteene thousand Horse and Foot,* 17.205 the people called Collees or Quullees, keeping in a Desart Wildernesse which se∣cures him from Conquest: and on the right hand is another able to make tenne thousand Horse, holding in a Desart Plaine a Castle impregnable; whose Land is subiect t•• Gidney Cauns gouern∣ment, but these seuen yeeres hee hath denyed him Tribute, and stands on his defence. This Raiaw is said to haue a Race of Horses not equalled in all the East, each valued at fifteene thou∣sand R. reported to bee much swifter then the Arabian, and able to continue with reasonable [ 10] speed a whole day without once drawing bitte; of which he is said to haue one hundred Mares. From Geloure to this Citie is all a sandy, woody Countrey, full of theeuish beastly men, and of Mankind, Sauage Beasts, Lions, Tygres, &c. 30 c. about this City is made Nill called Cickell, of a Towne 4 c. from Amadauar, not so good as that of Biana.

Cambaya is hence 38 ^c. sandy, wooddie, theeuish way: it stands by the Sea, encompassed with a strong bricke wall,* 17.206 the houses high, and faire, the streets paued in a direct Line with strong gates at the end of each,* 17.207 the Bazar large: about the Citie are such infinite nu••bers of Munkeyes, leaping from house to house, that they doe much mischiefe, and vntyling the houses, are readie to braine men as they passe in the streets with the stones that fall. On the South is a goodly Gar∣den with a Watch-tower of an exceeding height; on the North are many faire Tankes. It is [ 20] the Mart of Guzurat, and so haunted by the Portugals, that you shall often finde two hundred Frigats at once riding there.* 17.208 It aboundeth with all sorts of cloth and rich Drugges. The Bay is 8 c. ouer, dang••rous to passe by reason of the great Bore which drownes many, and therefore requires Guides skilfull ••f the tydes: in the neape tydes is least perill. Theeues also, when you are ouer the Channell▪ are not a little dangerous, forcing you (if not the better prouided) to quit your goods, or in long bickerings, betraying you to the tydes fury, which comes so swift that ten to one you escape not. Foure Coses beyond this Bay is Ioumbeser, now much ruined, and from thence eighteene to Boroche,* 17.209 a woodie, dangerous passage, in which are many wilde Peacockes. Within 4 c. of Boroche is a great Mine of Agats. It is a faire Castle seated on a Riuer twice as broad as the Thames, to the mouth of which is hence 12 c. Here are made the rich Baffatas, in [ 30] finenesse surpassing Holland Cloth, for fiftie Rupias a Booke, which contayneth fourteene Eng∣lish yards, and are not three quarters broad.

Hence to Variaw 20 ^c. a goodly Countrey and fertile, full of Villages, abounding with wild Date Trees,* 17.210 which gen••rally are plentifull by the Sea-side in most places, whence they draw a l••quor called Tarrie or Sure, as also from another wild Coco-tree called Tarrie, 3 c. hence is Surat.

In a Towne betweene Boroche and Amadauar, lyeth a Great Saint of the Moores called Polle-Medomy much resorted to out of all places of India, for wealth, children, or what else they de∣sire. Diuers in the way goe with great chaines on their legges, and with their hands chained together, and their mouthes locked vp, (only opening them for food) and when they come be∣fore him in this manner of their humble deuotion, they affirme that presently their chaines and [ 40] lockes flye open, not one returning in vaine; if themselues bee not vaine in their hopes, and in these and other like affections, which wayting on lying Vanities, forsake their owne Iudge.

From Agra to Cannowes is 130 ^c. East, the Citie great and vnwalled, seated on an ascent, and the Castle on the height well fortified:* 17.211 at the foot whereof anciently Ganges tooke his course, but hath now broken a passage thorow the Valley some 4 ^c. distant, notwithstanding as yet a small branch remayneth there. Ganges is within his bounds three quarters of a mile broad, but with great raines sw••ls ouer his barkes, couering the whole Vale neere 10 ^c. It hath thirtie Ri∣uers of note which fall into it, as doth he himselfe into the Gulfe of Bengala. In it are innume∣rable Alagaters or Crocodiles, there called Murgurmach. It hath eighteene faire branches. Thence to Lacanowes is 30 ^c. a Towne of great traffique for Linnen and other Merchandize. To Oude [ 50] from thence are 50 ^c. a Citie of ancient note, and seate of a Potan King, now much ruined: the Castle built foure hundred yeeres agoe. Heere are also the ruines of Ranichand Castle and Hou∣ses whi••h the Indians acknowlede for the great God, saying, that he tooke flesh vpon him to see the T••masha of the World.* 17.212 In these ruines remayne certaine Bramenes, who record the names of all such Indians as wash themselues in the Riuer running thereby; which custome they say, hath continued foure lackes of yeeres (which is three hundred ninetie foure thousand, and fiue hundred yeeres before the Worlds Creation.) Some two miles on the further side of the Riuer is a Caue of his, with a narrow entrance, but so spacious and full of turnings within, that a man may well loose himselfe there, if he take not better heed; where it is thought his ashes were bu∣ried. Hither resort many from all parts of India, which carry from hence in remembrance cer∣taine [ 60] graines of Rice as blacke as Gun-powder, which they say haue beene reserued euer since. Out of the ruines of this Castle is yet much Gold tryed: here is great Trade, and such abundance of Indian Asse-horne,* 17.213 that they make hereof Bucklers, and diuers sorts of Drinking Cups. There are of these Hornes, all the Indians affirme, some rare of great price, no Iewell comparable, some esteeming them the right Vnicornes Horne.

From Oudee to Acabarpore 30 ^c. some 30 ^c. from whence lyeth Bonarce the principall Mart of Bengala goods. From Acab, to Iounpore 30 ^c. seated on a small Riuer, ouer which is a bridge with Houses like London Bridge, but nothing so good. The Castle hath beene a seat of the Potan Kings, there yet remayning two faire Meskites, with many other ancient Monuments: the hou∣ses are like those of Amadauar, the circuit some 8. or 10 ^c. Hence come excellent sweete Oyles, Carpets, Hangings embrodered with Silke, all sorts of fine Linnen, &c.

Thus much from Agra to Iounpore this way: from thence (returning that way to Agra) to Alabasse is 110 ^c. 30 ^c. all which are thorow a continuall Forrest.* 17.214 The Towne and Castle stand on the further side of Ganges pleasantly seated, called anciently Praye, and is held one of [ 10] the Wonders of the East. Diuers Potan King haue sought to build here a Castle, but none could doe it, till Acabar layd the foundation and proceeded with the Worke. It stands on a Point or Angle hauing the Riuer Gemini on the South-side falling into Ganges. It hath beene fortie yeeres a building, and is not yet finished, neither is like to bee in a long time. The Acabar for many yeeres had attending this worke by report twentie thousand persons, and as yet there continue working thereon some fiue thousand of all sorts. It will be one of the most famous buildings of the World. In this Castle Sha Selim kept when he rebelled against his Father. The outward wals are of an admirable height, of a red square stone, like Agra Castle, within which are two other wals nothing so high. You enter thorow two faire gates into a faire Court, in which stands a Piller of stone fiftie Cubits aboue ground (so deeply placed within ground that no end can be found) which by circumstances of the Indians, seemeth to haue beene placed by Alexander or [ 20] some other great Conquerour, who could not passe further for Ganges.* 17.215 Passing this Court you enter a lesse, beyond that a larger, where the King sits on high at his Dersane to behold Elephants and other Beasts to fight. Right vnder him within a Vault are many Pagodes, being Monuments of Baba Adam, and Mama Hauah, (as they call them) and of their Progenie, with Pictures of Noah and his Descent.

The Indians suppose that Man was heere created, or kept heere at least for many yeeres,* 17.216 affir∣ming themselues to be of that Religion, whereof these Fathers were. To this place resort ma∣ny thousands from all parts to worship: but before they approch these Reliques, they wash their bodies in Ganges, shauing their heads and beards, thereby deeming themselues clensed from [ 30] all their former sins. Out of this Court is another richly paued where the King keepes his Der∣bar; beyond it another whence you enter into the Moholl, large, diuided into sixteene seuerall Lodgings for sixteene great Women with their Slaues and Attendants: in the middest of all, the Kings Lodgings of three Stories each contayning sixteene roomes, in all eight and fortie Lodgings, all wrought ouer-head with rich Pargetting and curious Painting in all kind of Co∣lours. In the midst of the lowest storie is a curious Tanke.

In this Moholl is a Tree which the Indians call the Tree of Life (beeing a wilde Indian figge Tree) for that it could neuer bee destroyed by the Potan Kings and this mans Ancestors,* 17.217 which haue sought to doe it by all meanes, stocking it vp and sifting the very earth vnder it to gather forth the sprigs, it still springing againe, insomuch that this King lets it alone seeking to cherish [ 40] it. This Tree is of no small esteeme with the Indians. In the waters side within the Moholl are diuers large Deuoncans, where the King with his Women often passe their times in beholding Gemini, paying his Tribute to Ganges. Betweene them and the waters side at the foote of the wall is a pleasant Garden shaded with Cypresse Trees, and abounding with excellent fruits and flowres, hauing in the midst a faire Banquetting House, with priuie staires to take Boate. From hence in October or Nouember when the great Frost is past, you may passe by Boats for Benga∣la; but the passage is dangerous: 4 ^c. downe are two Castles opposite on the Bankes, Harrayle and Gussee, seated on two hils raysed by industry, built by the Potans.

From Alabasse to Menepore is 20 ^c. alongst the Riuer Ganges.* 17.218 At 2 ^c. on this way is a sump∣tuous Tombe for this Kings first Wife, Mother to Sulian Cusseroon, and Sister to Raia Manisen∣go, who vpon the newes of her Sonnes reuolt poysoned her selfe. From hence passing Ganges [ 50] is a more direct way to Iounpore.

To Chappergat is 12 ^c. here is one of the fairest Sara••es in India,* 17.219 liker a goodly Castle then a Inne to lodge strangers, the lodgings very faire of stone with Lockes and Keyes able to lodge a thousand men: a man can scarse shoote from side to side with an Arrow; neere to it is a faire br••dge both built by one man: the way perillous for Theeues.* 17.220 Itay is thence 12 ^c. anciently the seate of a Potan King but now ruined. On the height of the hill cut steep downe, is seated a strong Castle double walled, hauing at the entrance the figure of a mans face which the Indians much worship powring abundance of Oyle vpon it. To Amedipore is 43 ^c. a plentifull Coun∣trey full of good Sara••es for Carauans. Much Indico called Cole of a grosse sort is made in th••s way, which is spent in India, or transported for Samercand, Cascat, and those parts, none pas∣sing [ 60] into Christendome, except mixed with that of Biana. Hence to Agra is 7 ^c. passing Gemi∣ni close to the Citie.

Lands lying Easterly from Lahor with their Lords.

ALongst the Rauee Easterly, lyeth the Land of Raiaw Bossow, whose chiefe seate is Tem-mery,* 17.221 50 ^c. frō Lahor. He a is mighty Prince now subiect to the Mogol, a great Minion of Sha Selim.

Out of this, and the adioyning Regions, come most of the Indian Drugges, growing on the Mountaines, Spikenard, Turbith, Miras, Kebals, Gunlack, Turpentine, Costus, &c. This Raia confines the Kings Land Easterly. Bordering to him is another great Raiaw, called Tulluck-Chand, whose chiefe City is Negercoat, 80 ^c. from Lahor, and as much from Syrinan, in which City is a famous Pagod,* 17.222 called Ie or Durga, vnto which worlds of people resort out of all parts of India. It is a small short Idoll of stone,* 17.223 cut in forme of a man; much is consumed in offerings to him, in which some also are reported to cut off a piece of their tongue, and throwing it at the Idols feet, haue found it whole the next day (able to lye I am afraid; to serue the father of lyes and lyers, how euer) yea some out of impious piety heere sacrifice themselues, cutting their throats, and presently recouering: the holyer the man, the sooner forsooth he is healed, some (more grieuous [ 10] sinners) remaining halfe a day in paine, before the Diuell will attend their cure. Hither they re∣sort to craue children, to enquire of money hidden by their parents, or lost by themselues, which hauing made their offerings, by dreames in the night receiue answere, not one departing discon∣tented. They report this Pagan Diety to haue beene a woman (if a holy Virgin may haue that name) yea that shee still liues (the Diuell shee doth) but will not shew her selfe. Diuers Moores also resort to this Peer. This Raia is powerfull, by his Mountaines situation secure, not once vouchsafing to visite Sha Selim.

On this Raiaw Easterly confineth another, called Deccampergas, a mightie Prince, his chiefe seat Calsery about an 150 ^c. from Agra, his Country held 500 ^c. long, North and South 300 ^c. broad,* 17.224 populous, able to raise vpon occasion fiue hundred thousand foot, but few or no horse; the [ 20] Land plentifull in it selfe, but sends forth little.

To the Eastward of this Raiaw, betwixt Iemini and Ganges lyeth the Land of Raiaw Mansa, a mighty Prince and very rich, reported to be serued, all in vessels of massie gold: his Countrey 300 ^c. long, and one hundred and fifty broad, his chiefe seat Serenegar: the Mountaines called Dow Lager,* 17.225 vpon which in time of Winter falls such extreame Snowes, that the Inhabitants are forced to remooue into the Valleyes. Yet doe I not thinke that any of these Lands extend Nor∣therly aboue forty degrees, but the height of the Mountaines causeth this extremity of cold. This Raias Land extendeth within some 200 ^c. of Agra,* 17.226 part within 50 ^c. of Syrinan, very plentifull.

On the further side of Ganges lyeth a very mighty Prince, called Raiaw Rodorow, holding a [ 30] mountainous Countrey, his chiefe seat Camow; his territories extend 400 ^c. long, and not much lesse in breadth,* 17.227 abounding with graine, haue many goodly Cities: thence commeth much Muske, and heere is the great breed of a small kind of Horse, called Gunts, a true trauelling scalecliffe beast.* 17.228 This Prince is puissant in foot, but hath few Horse or Elephants, the mountaines not re∣quiring the one, and the cold excluding the other: his Lands thought to reach neare China.

To the South of this Raia, thwart the streames of Ganges, is seated another, Raia Mugg. very powerfull in horse, foote, and Elephants. In his Land is the old rocke of naturall Dia∣monds,* 17.229 which yeelds him no small benefit. His Lands extend East, somewhat South 700 ^c. from Agra. Beneath him amongst the streames of Ganges, keepeth a Potan Prince of the Dely-Kings race, whom the King cannot subdue, by reason of the streames and Ilands of Ganges. He con∣fineth [ 40] vpon Purrop, and makes often inroades vpon the Kings lands, enforcing Sha Selim to main∣taine a frontire army. Hence to the mouth of Ganges, all is the Kings land: only in the mouth, the Portugall Out-lawes hold a small Fort, and doe much mischiefe, liuing in no forme of sub∣iection to God or man.* 17.230

On the further side of Ganges, is the mightie King of Arracan, enioying a large territory, and infinite numbers of small Barkes. Eastward from him is the Kingdome of Siam; behind it Oua and Iangoma. Between Tanassar and Arracan is the Kingdome of Pegu; the Land now ly∣eth waste.* 17.231 To the South is the Kingdome of Queda, Malacca, &c. On the Sea-coast of Beu∣gala, this King hath two chiefe Ports, Ougolee (tyrannized by the Portugals) and Pipilee,passing which, and the Land of Orixa, you enter into the Lands of Goloconda, on whom Sha Selim ma∣keth [ 50] warres, and hath forcibly taken much of his Land. His chiefe Port is Masulipatan, and his Royall seat Braganadar and Goloconda, that late builded. Alongst the sea side toward the Cape, is the mightie King of Bezeneger, vnder whom the Portugals hold Saint Thome and Negapatan, but are not suffered to build a Castle. But I let passe these neighbouring Indies, and returne to Agra, the Mogols royall residence.

Agra hath not been in fame aboue fiftie yeeres, being before Acabars time a Village, who re∣moued (as you haue heard) from Fetipore for want of good water.* 17.232 It is spacious, large, populous beyond measure, that you can hardly passe in the streets, which are for the most part dirty and narrow, saue only the great Bazar and some few others, which are large and faire. The Citie ly∣eth in manner of a halfe-moone, bellying to the land-ward some 5 ^c. in length, and as much by [ 60] the Riuers side▪ vpon the bankes, whereof are many goodly houses of the Nobility, pleasantly ouer-looking Gemini, which runneth with a swift current from the North to the South, some∣what Easterly into Ganges.* 17.233 Vpon the banke of this Riuer stands the Castle, one of the fairest and admirablest buildings of the East, some three or foure miles in compasse, inclosed with a faire and strong wall of squared stone; about which is cast a faire ditch, ouer it draw-bridges. The

walles are built with bulwarkes somewhat defensible, regalled with a counter-scarfe or front without, some fifteene yards broad. Within this are two other strong walls and gates. To the Castle are foure gates, one to the North, by which you passe to a Rampire with great peeces, an∣other West to the Bazar, called the Cichery gate, within which, ouer against the great gate,* 17.234 is the Casi his seat of Chiefe-Iustice in matters of law, and by it two or three murtherers very great (one three foot in the bore, and fifteene long) of cast brasse. Ouer-against this seat is the Cichery or Court of Rolls, where the Kings Viseer sits euery morning some three houres, by whose hands passe all matters of Rents, Grants, Lands, Firmans, Debts, &c.

Beyond these two gates you passe a second gate, ouer which are two Raiaws in stone * 17.235, who [ 10] were slaine in the Kings Derbar before the Kings eyes, for being ouer-bold in speech, they selling their liues brauely, in remembrance of which they are heere placed. Passing this gate, you enter into a faire streete, with houses and munition all alongst on both sides. At the end of this street being a quarter of a mile, you come to the third gate, which leads to the Kings Derbar, alwayes chained, all men, but the King and his children, there alighting. This gate is to the South called Acabar Drowage, close within which is the Whores child, many hundreds of which attend there day and night, according as their seuerall turnes come euery seuenth day, that they may bee ready when the King or his women shall please to call any of them to sing or dance in his Mo∣holl, he giuing to euery one of them stipends according to their vnworthy worth.

The fourth Gate is to the Riuer called the Dersane, leading into a faire Court extending alongst [ 20] the Riuer, in which the King lookes forth euery morning at Sun-rising, which hee salutes, and then his Nobles resort to their Tessillam. Right vnder the place where he lookes out, is a kind of scaffold whereon his Nobles stand, but the Add••es with others awayt below in the Court. Here also euery noone he looketh forth to behold Tamashan, or fighting of Elephants, Lyons, Buffles, killing of Deare with Leopards; which is a custome on euery day of the weeke, Sunday excepted, on which is no fighting; but Tuesday on the contrary is a day of blood, both of fighting beasts, and iusticed men, the King iudging and seeing execution. To returne to the third Gate, with∣in it you enter into a spacious court with Ates••anna's round about like shops or open stalls, wherein his Captaines according to their degrees, keep their seuenth day Chockees. A little further you enter within a rayle into a more inward Court, with in which none but the Kings [ 30] Addees, and men of sort are admitted, vnder paine of swacking by the Porters cudgells, which lay on load without respect of persons.

Being entred, you approach the Kings Derbar or Seat, before which is also a small Court in∣closed with railes, couered ouer head with rich Semianes to keepe away the Sunne; where aloft in a Gallery, the King sits in his chaire of State, accompanied with his Children and chiefe Vi∣zier (who goeth vp by a short ladder forth of the Court) no other without calling daring to goe vp to him, saue onely two Punkaw's to gather wind. And right before him below on a scaffold is a third, who with a horse taile makes hauocke of poore flies. On the right hand of the King, on the wall behind him, is the picture of our Sauiour; on the left, of the Virgin. Within these railes none vnder the degree of foure hundred horse are permitted to enter. On the further side of this [ 40] Court of presence, are hanged golden bels, that if any be oppressed and can get no iustice by the Kings Officers, by ringing these bells when the King sits, he is called, and the matter discussed be∣fore the King. But let them be sure their cause be good, least he be punished for presumption to trouble the King. Here euery day betweene three and foure a clocke, the King comes forth (and many thousands resort to doe their duties, each taking place according to his degree) where hee remaines hearing of matters, receiuing of newes by letters read by his Vizier, graunting of suites, &c. till shutting in of the Euening, the drumme meane while beating,* 17.236 and Instruments playing from a high Gallery on the next building opposite: his Elephants and Horses passing by in braue fashion, doing their Tessillam, and being perused by Officers to see if they prosper. In the Castle are two high turrets, ouer-laid with pure massie gold, which may be seen from farre, one ouer his [ 50] Mohol, the other ouer his Treasury. After his going in from the Derbar in the Euening, some two houres after he comes out againe, sitting forth in a small more inward Court, behind the o∣ther, close to his Moholl, into which none but the Grandes, and they also with tickets to be re∣newed with euery Moone, are permitted to enter, where he drinkes by number and measure, sometimes one and thirtie, and running ouer, mixing also among, seuere iudicatures. From this Court is his priuy passage into a curious Garden, and to his Barge, by which he often passeth the Riuer to an other Garden opposite. It is remarkeable, that both in Court, and here in these Gardens, no Courtiers or Gardeners are tied to attendance, but by their seuenth dayes turne.

Some adde, * 17.237 that the Citie hath no walls, but a ditch round about, not broad, and dry also: ad∣ioyning to the ditch without the Citie are very large suburbs. The City and suburbs are one way [ 60] seuen mile in length, three in breadth. The Noble mens houses and Merchants built with bricke and stone, flat roofed, the common sort of mudde walls, couered with thatch, which cause often and terrible fires. The Citie hath sixe Gates, the adioyning Riuer Gemini being broader then the Thames at London, on which are many Boats, some of one hundred Tunnes, but these cannot re∣turne

against the streame. Most of the Noble mens houses are by the Riuers side. From Agra to Lahor sixe hundred miles, the way is set on both sides with Mulbery-trees.

* 17.238King Acabars Sepulchre is 3 ^c. distant from Agra in the way to Lahor, nothing neere finished as yet, after tenne yeares worke. It is placed in the midst of a faire and large Garden, inclosed with bricke walls, neere two miles in circuit; is to haue foure Gates (but one of which is yet in hand) each, if answerable to this foundation, able to receiue a great Prince with a reasonable traine) alongst the way side is a spacious Moholl for his fathers women (as is said) to remayne and end their dayes in deploring their deceassed Lord, each enioying the lands they before had in the Kings time, by the pay or rents of fiue thousand horse the principall, so that this should be to them a perpetuall Nunnery, neuer to marry againe.

In the Center of this Garden stands the Tombe foure square, about three quarters of a mile in [ 10] compasse. The first inclosure is with a curious rayle, to which you ascend some sixe steps into a small square Garden quartered in curious Tankes, planted with variety of sweets: adioyning to which is the Tombe, rounded with this gardenet, being also foure square, all of hewne stone, with faire spacious Galleries on each side, hauing at each corner a small beautifull Turret, arched ouer head, and couered with various Marble. Betwixt corner and corner are foure other Turrets at like distance. Here within a faire round coffin of Gold, lieth the body of this Monarch, who sometimes thought the World too little for him. This Tombe is much worshipped both by the Moores and Gentiles, holding him for a great Saint. Some tenne or twelue foot higher, you a∣scend by staires to another Gallery, (like, but narrower, to the former, as are also the rest that follow) containing onely three of those Turrets between corner and corner. Here in the midst is [ 20] his Wardrobe for a memoriall. The third story hath but two of those middle Turrets on a side: the fourth one: the fifth hath only the corner Turret, and a small square Gallery. The Tombe was not finished at my departure, but lay in manner of a coffin, couered with a white sheet, interwrought with Gold flowers. By his head stands his Sword and Target, and on a small pillow his Tur∣bant, and thereby two or three faire gilded bookes. At his feet stand his shooes, and a rich Bason and Ewre. Euery one approaching neere makes his reuerence, and puts off his shooes, bringing in his hand some sweete smelling flowers to bestrew the Carpets, or to adorne the Tombe.

At my last sight thereof, there was onely ouer head a rich Tent, with a Semiane ouer the Tombe. But it is to be inarched ouer with the most curious white and speckled Marble, and to be seeled all within, with pure sheet-Gold richly inwrought. These foure last Turrets also inclo∣sing [ 30] the Sepulchre, are of most rich curious Marble, & the ground vnderfoot paued with the like. There are in continuall worke about this and other buildings about it, the Moholl and Gate, not so few as three thousand. The stone is brought from a rich Quarrey neere Fetipore, which (wee haue said) may be cut in length and forme, as Timber with ••awes, and Plankes and seelings are made thereof.

CHAP. V. [ 40] The ninth Voyage of the Indian Companie to the East Indies, in the Iames, whereof was Captaine M. EDMVND MARLOWE of Bristoll, and the Master IOHN DAVY, which wrote this Iournall.

* 17.239THe tenth of February, 1611. we departed from the Downes vpon our Voyage. The thirteenth at night we anchored within the Ile of Wight, where we stayed till the one and twentieth of the same Moneth, and then set saile and turned out at S. He∣lens point. The same day at noone we had Dunnose North from vs three leagues off, the Dragon before vs, and the Hos••ander and the Salomon put in the Needles. [ 50]

* 17.240The eleuenth day of Aprill, 1612. by obseruation wee were vnder the Equi∣noctiall line: and in longitude from the Meridian of the Lizard, sixe degrees twenty minutes West. This night the variation was fiue degrees thirty seuen minutes from North to the East. The twenty seuenth, the variation of the Needle was foureteene degrees seuen minutes. This day at noone we were in latitude by obseruation, nineteene degrees fortie minutes: the longitude from the meridian of the Lizard, eleuen degrees twenty foure minutes West. These twenty foure houres we sailed two leagues South by East. Here we saw an Iland South-east from vs fourteene leagues. This Iland I saw when I was with Sir Edward Michelborne. This Iland is like Coruo. The latitude is twenty degrees thirty minutes: the longitude eleuen degrees thirty minutes West from the Lizard.* 17.241 The variation of the Needle foureteene degrees thirty minutes. This Iland ri∣seth [ 60] ragged▪ vpon the Easter end standeth a little pike, but the Iland is round like Coruo. East North-east from this Iland is another Iland or two in sight, seuen or eight leagues off.

The seuen and twentieth of Iune, at nine of the clocke at night, wee saw the Land of Saint Laurence, in latitude by iudgement foure and twentie degrees eight minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, fiue and twentie degrees no minutes. The variation was fifteen de∣grees, and ten minutes.

The eight and twentieth, in the morning the variation of the needle was fifteene degrees, no minutes, in foure leagues off the shoare, betweene the headland of the Bay, and the Ilands before the Bay, is no ground in seuentie or eightie fathomes.

This night wee anchored in the Bay of Saint Augustine, in fiue fathomes by the South-land.* 17.242 [ 10] This day wee weighed and came in by the Riuer with the shippe. The one of our anchors lay in fiue and thirtie fathomes, and the other in ten fathomes. You may ride in shoalder water off each side, if you will: for this channell of deepe water is but narrow. Here no Sea can come to hurt you, because the Shoalds and Land breake it off. It may well be called an harbour, for the goodnesse of the place. Wee spent twentie dayes in this Bay.

The eighteenth of Iulie, in the morning we set saile for Bantam,* 17.243 and wee steered off West by north from the riuer to go to the northward of the Ilands. An•• in this course you haue no g••ound with the lead; for it is all steepe home to the shoare of the other side; for when you haue twen∣tie fathomes within the Ilands, you are hard by the stones: but by the Ilands and shoalds is faire shoalding from seuen to thirtie fathoms, and no ground, the gut betweene the hills being East by South from you, you goe right into the rode, or East.

[ 20] The eighteenth, at noone wee were in latitude three and twentie degrees, fiue and fortie mi∣nutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, two and twentie degrees, eight and fiftie mi∣nutes East, and two leagues off the next land. Heere the land is all white by the waters side.

The nineteenth,* 17.244 in the morning the variation was fifteene degrees no minutes and then the ship was from the neerest land twelue leagues: and the latitude by iudgement three and twentie deg. fiue and fiftie minutes. At noone, the latitude by obseruation foure and twentie degrees, one and thirtie minutes: and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope two and twentie degrees, two and twentie minutes East. These foure and twentie houres we sailed vpon a right line South-west by South, twentie leagues. This night the variation was fourteene degrees thirtie minutes.

The foure and twentieth of September, in the morning wee saw the Iles of Nintam, which [ 30] are in latitude, one degree, thirtie minutes.* 17.245 The Sound betweene the two great Ilands is eigh∣teene leagues from Priaman, and eleuen leagues from the Shoalds before Tecou. Beware you come not neere these Shoalds by night, but rather he short three or foure leagues till day-light. And then when you see three hommockes, that will rise vp like three Ilands, haue a speciall care, that you haue one at your bolt-spreet end, to giue warning of any spots in your way: for there are Corral••ods that you may easily perceiue. Your course from this Sound of the two great Ilands of Nintam to goe for Tecou or Priaman, is East North-east to the ••hoalds aforesaid. But when you come thorow the Sound, keepe your lead going: and come no neerer the South great Iland then sixteene fathome: for towards the Eastside are Shoalds: and a breach off the Norther-Iland also, as you shall see vpon your Larboord-side going in.

[ 40] For your better knowing when you draw neere the Shoalds of Tecou, set the three hommocks which are like three Ilands, but are vpon the Maine, for it is low land by them: and when you haue them North-east and by East, you shall begin to meet with them: and when the said land is North North-east you are past them. But bee very carefull euery where: for it is all bad ground hereabout before you passe the high land of Manancabo, which is in latitude foure de∣grees, thirtie minutes, or thereabout.

The sixe and twentieth, wee anchored in the rode of Priaman; where wee found the Thomas: and wee stayed there to recouer sicke men fourteene dayes.* 17.246 And then the Hector and wee did set saile for Bantam. The latitude of Priaman is in fiftie minutes Southerly. The variation foure degrees ten minutes. The Rode is behind the second Iland in sixe fathomes: vpon which Iland [ 50] you haue fresh water and wood. The Barre of Priaman is fast by.

The eight of October, the ship came downe by the Hector, where wee stayed for her to goe for Bantam, and in the morning set saile.* 17.247

The three and twentieth, wee came into the rode of Bantam with the Iames and the Hector.

The fourth of Nouember 1612. wee weighed from the rode of Bantam,* 17.248 to goe for Coroman∣del, by the straight of Sunda: but the wind and streames were so much against vs, that we were forced into the Straight of Sunda againe, to fit our ship being much weather-beaten.

The eleuenth of December, wee anchored againe by Pulo Panian,* 17.249 and went to worke to ro∣mage our ship to take in ballast.

The tenth of Ianuarie, being ballasted, watered, and fitted,* 17.250 wee set saile for the Straight of [ 60] Mallaca: but being late in the monson, streames and winds both against vs, with much toyle to ship and men wee plied seuentie leagues from Bantam, and could get no farther from the tenth of this moment to the first of March: whereupon our hope was then past for that. And taking aduise amongst ourselues, wee concluded to water and wood, and so to returne for Bantam, and to proceed without Sumatra.

The eleuenth, being fitted with wood and water, we bare vp for Bantam the second time.

* 17.251The fifth of Iune 1613 at noone, in latitude 12. degr. no minutes, and longitude from the salt hills, 23. degrees no minutes West. Heere you shall see plainly, that we haue been carryed with the streame foure degrees, thirty minutes, which is ninty leagues. For whosoeuer he be, that shall saile downe from Bantam,* 17.252 or vp, he shall find such vncertaine sailing, if he looke not well to the variation of the needle, that he may well misse his expectation for the arriuall at his Port. For there is neither English nor Hollander, that can find any way how to deale with those streames, but only by the variation:* 17.253 for that will helpe much in ten or fifteene leagues, if it be carefully obserued. Heere we saw the land, it is so low, that you cannot see it before you see the Pagods or Pagan Churches: and we were when we saw the land foure leagues off. You may be bold with [ 10] your lead in fifteene fathomes by night vpon the Coast, and by day in ten fathomes: but take heed you haue a sure man at the lead, for it will shoald suddenly; for after you come to haue thir∣ty fathoms, you will come presently to shoald water, for it is like a well, and the ground Ozie. Your course along the shoare is North and by East to Paleacate, and so vp to Masulipatan. This land was about Negapatan.* 17.254 Heere we steered North North-east all night, in three and twenty and seuenteene fathoms, three or foure leagues: the variation thirteene degrees, ten minutes, you shall in twelue degrees of latitude surely see the land.

The sixth at noone, we anchored in the Road of Paleacate in eight fathoms sand. There is a mid∣dle ground,* 17.255 where you haue but fiue fathoms, and sixe, seuen, eight, within that againe. The markes for the Roade are the round Hill by the other hill West Northerly, and the Hollanders [ 20] Fort South-west and by West, as wee road. The variation is thirteene degrees, ten minutes. The latitude thirteene degrees, thirty minutes.

The eight at noone, we were in latitude fourteene degrees, forty minutes: we sailed since we weighed the last night twenty three leagues, the depths fiue and twenty and three and twen∣ty fathoms: the course North and by East; but the lead is our guid vnder God.

The ninth at noone, in latitude fifteene degrees, thirty minutes. Heere you haue the land in sight, but not the high land of Petepoli. These foure and twenty houres wee sailed seuenteene leagues North in fifteene and sixteene fathoms. And this high land is a Pagodie or Pagan Church. You may, if you will, hale in with it into fiue fathoms, when the hill is North North-west, but you must goe off East for it, for we did so. But beware in going off for a lownesse of sand, and [ 30] come no nearer it then twelue or thirteene fathoms,* 17.256 till you be surely past it. This high land is from the high land of Petepoli sixe leagues.

* 17.257The tenth, we anchored in the Road of Petepoli, in fiue fathoms sand. This new high Iland North North-west from vs, and the platforme of Palme-trees vpon the Island East North-east, Easterly, and the Barre North-west and by North from vs. All the Sea-cost is low land. The la∣titude fifteene degrees, two and fiftie minutes. The variation thirteene degrees, fifty minutes, perfect and full.

The nineteenth, in the after-noone we set saile, when the Factory was fitted. The Merchants which wee left there,* 17.258 were Master George Chausey, and our Purser, with seuen men more to keep our house and goods. [ 40]

The twentieth calme, you goe East South-east nine leagues, in seuen or eight fathomes, and then North North-west: feare not in fiue fathoms or lesse, after you are about the point, for it is low land.* 17.259 There is but one great tree bigger then any of the rest to know the Road by, that must you bring West and by North from you, and you shal haue three fathoms and a quarter soft Ozie, and ride three miles off the land.

The one and twentieth, we anchored in the Roade of Masulipatan, where we found a ship of Holland:* 17.260 heere we were well entertained. Heere we did stay about sixe moneths, to wit, vntill the sixteenth of Ianuary: and then we weighed and went for Petipoli, where wee arriued the nineteenth of the same, and stayed there to take in the goods and Merchants, till the seuenth of February.* 17.261 And then wee set saile for Bantam, and kept the same courses which wee did before [ 50] downe, all the way vp. We arriued at Bantam the twentieth of Aprill 1614. where we stayed till the tenth of Iune 1614. and then set saile for Patane.

The tenth of Iune 1614. at noone, we had sight of the Islands nine leagues from Bantam, our going is from fiue, sixe, seuen, eight, twelue, fourteene, and so to foure and twentie fathomes: at this time our course was North North-east, after you are cleare off the Road, the wind from the East South-east: the latitude Southerly fiue degrees, foure and forty minutes.

The eleuenth, at sixe of the clocke in the morning, we were by the two Ilands that lye North from Bantam, in fiue degrees of latitude by Sumatra, in twentie fathomes, which is the surest course out and home. Heere you must be carefull to looke well out for two sands, that lye euen with the water. From six in the morning we sailed seuen leagues North North-east, in sixteen, [ 60] fifteene, fourteene and thirteene fathoms, and are now from Bantam seuen and twentie leagues North and by East nearest, the wind from the East to the South South-east. From twelue in the night we sailed eleuen leagues North, in ten and eleuen fathoms Ozie: but when you passe the Riffe, you haue hard sand: the latitude foure degrees, twelue minutes Southerly. Beware by

night, goe not without ten fathomes, nor within to the Maine to lesse then sixe or seuen. And so be bold with a sure man at the Lead: for that must be the best Pilot.

The twelfth, in the morning from eight degrees Easterly, wee sailed seuen leagues North North-east in eight, seuen, sixe and fiue fathomes, and are with the second Riffe.

From the second in the morning to eleuen in the morning, wee sailed seuen leagues North North-east by iudgement: but the streame did set so fast in, that wee forced to anchor in foure fathome and a quarter lesse: the riffe land in sight, but not Lucapara. Heere must especiall care bee had, when you come with the land off the Riffe, that is,* 17.262 twelue leagues short of Luca∣para, and fortie eight leagues from Bantam, that you come not within sixe fathomes till you see [ 10] Lucapara, for it is very vncertaine ground, full of pits. And for a warning to auoid it, beware you bring not the Riffe land last mentioned South-west and by South, but keepe off in seuen fa∣thomes, till you see Lucapara, and then you need not feare, for the Iland is bold two leagues off, but remember you must leaue it to the Eastward of you, and when you see it, feare not fiue or foure fathomes, for that is the depth you may be bold in with the Maine of Sumatra, but in the best toward the Iland is fiue and an halfe, and sixe fathomes. The streame setteth North North-west, and South South-east, it hath sixe foot water. The floud commeth from the South-ward, and the ebbe from the North-ward. The thirteenth, we rid still with very vncertaine weather.

The fourteenth, we came with the Iland and Maine, and put through betweene them in fiue fathomes and an halfe. And at noone we had Iland East North-east a league from vs, for so neere is the deepest water: then steere North till the point bee North-west and by West in fiue [ 20] or sixe fathomes. The distance is foure leagues, keepe the Iland South South-east from you, for about it is very vncertaine ground.

Then the next reach lyeth North North-west neerest: but keepe Sumatra side, and not Ban∣ca, although you haue deeper water: for Banca side is Rockes, and sounding depths, Sumatra is Ozie. And you may bee bold in this first reach: and you shall haue nine, ten, eleuen, twelue, eighteene or twentie fathomes, till you come with the high land of Banca, which at Lucapara wil shew like Ilands, then shal you see Ilands,* 17.263 besides the great Iland of Banca three leagues before you, and Sumatra side fall in with a bite, and all flat ground: wherefore come no neerer then se∣uen, and no farther off then nine fathomes, but rather for aduantage hale neere vnto the flats of [ 30] Sumatra in sixe or fiue fathomes. Here is the Channell and narrowest: here goes tydes strongly one way, aswell as the other. The fifteenth, the next reach lyeth North-west by North eight leagues, and wee were with it sixe degrees East.

The sixteenth, the next reach lyeth North-west and by West, and West North-west downe to Palimbam point: but keepe neere Sumatra in sixe or seuen fathomes: for Banca side is not good:* 17.264 although it bee deeper water, yet there are many Rockes toward the end of the great Iland of Banca. This reach is seuenteene leagues long to the Towne of Palimbam,* 17.265 and the hill Monpin is North from you, which standeth vpon the Norther end of Banca. Then is the Road of Palim∣bam South South-west from you: your depth ten fathomes off Sumatra side. The distance be∣tweene the Iland and Sumatra at this end is sixe leagues in my iudgement.

[ 40] Keepe Sumatra side by night or day in seuen fathomes, till you haue the Norther end of Banca East South-east for a Riffe that lyeth off the Norther end two leagues: and then will your latitude bee one degree, one and twentie minutes Southerly, and foure leagues off Banca. But you must alter courses to bring it thus. For when Banca is North-east and by East. Then you must steere North North-east, and North, as Lead and discretion shall guide: but goe not with lesse then ten fathomes by night.

The seuenteenth, at noone one degree ten minutes Southerly:* 17.266 Here you saile North in eight or nine fathomes Ozie: and here you see that Ile of Pulo Tuio without you. Here by reason we had it calme, we anchored in nine fathomes. Heere the streame did set West South-west and East North-east.

The eighteenth, heere your course is North North-east, seuen, eight, nine and ten fathomes. [ 50] And when you haue the two Northermost Ilands in the Offing South-east from you, then is Pulo Sio North-west and by North. And being thus it hath two hils with a Valley in the midst, and two little Ilands by it. And when it is South-west, it sheweth round like the Mew-stone.

The nineteenth, this Iland hath water and wood, but none Inhabitants. The latitude of this Iland is fortie minutes South.

The twentieth, now your depths must bee from fifteene to twentie in and off, and your course North to Linga, the land is faire in sight, goe not off by any meanes, rather anchor. Heere is hard ground.* 17.267

Now your course to Bintam is North & by West neerest,* 17.268 but go not without foure and twen∣tie, nor within twentie. And that will bring you in sight of the round hill of Bintam, which hath [ 60] in latitude one deg. ten min. and is the fairest way. The hill standeth in the middle of the Iland.

The one and twentieth, now your course for Pulo Timon is North North-west,* 17.269 and North by West hauing alwayes sight of land, I meane Ilands; and your depths are twentie, nineteene, and eigh••eene fathomes, Ozie. The latitude of Pulo Timon is two degrees fortie seuen minutes Northerly, or much thereupon.

The two and twentieth, from Pulo Timon to Pulo Capas is thirtie sixe leagues North by West neerest in eighteene,* 17.270 nineteene, twentie, and twentie two fathomes. And when you haue the Ilands West off you, then haue you thirtie sixe fathomes close by the Iland. If occasion serue you may goe betweene the Ilands and the Maine in a faire Channell. These Ilands are in the lati∣tude of foure degrees fiftie two minutes Northerly.

The foure and twentieth, from Pulo Capas to the other Ilands, which are so many that you can∣not tell them, the course is North-west by North fourteene leagues: and then the Norther end of the Iles is distant from the Souther end nine leagues. The depths are twentie two and twentie foure fathomes.

The fiue and twentieth, now your course to Patane is West North-west fortie eight leagues: [ 10] goe no further off the land then twentie leagues, nor no neerer, then twelue or thirteene leagues, vnlesse you haue occasion to anchor. The Land is bold and high. After you passe sixteene leagues West North-west, there are no more Ilands till you come to Patane, but only one Rocke: and you may if you will, goe betweene the Maine and it. This Rocke is fourteene leagues short of Patane.

The thirtieth, we anchored in the Roade of Patane in three fathomes and an halfe, where we did ride til the first of August:* 17.271 and then set saile for Sangora to trimme our ship. This Sangora is a very good place vnder two Ilands, fast by the Maine, and from Patane fourteene or fifteene leagues.

The third of August 1614. we came to an Anchor in the Road of Sangora vnder the Easter-most [ 20] Iland of the two,* 17.272 and there we trimmed our ship well, and came away the ninth of Sep∣tember, arriued at Patane the next day following, where we stayed till the sixt of October, to take in the goods of the Globe, to carrie them for Bantam.

The ninth of October we set saile from Patane, being bound for Bantam; holding the same course backe, that we came forth: and the ninth of Nouember we arriued safe at Bantam. Wee rid there till the seuen and twentieth of Ianuary, to lade our ships, and to fit all things for our Voyage home for England.

The nine and twentieth, wee set saile from thence: And within some hundred leagues from Bantam home-ward bound dyed our Captaine Master Edmund Marlow,* 17.273 an excellent man in the Art of Nauigation, and all the Mathematicks. The first place at which we anchored was the Bay [ 30] of Saldanha, where we stayed for our Consort the Globe: which arriued there the next day following.

The nine and twentieth of Aprill 1615. wee came to an anchor in the Roade, where wee stayed till the seuenteenth of May. And then being well fitted in both our ships, wee did set saile for Santa Helena, where wee safely arriued the third of Iune, and rode there till the seuenth in the morning. Then wee set saile together for England, where, God bee praysed, we safely ar∣riued the third of August 1615.

[ 40]

CHAP. VI. A Ruter, or briefe direction for readie sayling into the East-India, digested into a plaine method by Master IOHN DAVIS of Lime-house, vpon experience of his fiue Voyages thither, and home againe.

[ 50]

§. I. Nauticall Obseruation of places betwixt the Lizard and Saint Augustine in the Ile of Saint Laurence.

FIrst, the Lizard hath in latitude fiftie degrees ten minutes. The Cape Finisterre in Galicia hath in latitude forty three degrees twentie minutes, and longitude from the Meridian of the Lizard, two degrees thirtie sixe minutes West. The Iland of Lancerota hath in latitude twentie eight degrees,* 17.274 forty minutes, and longitude from the Lizard fiue degrees twentie foure degrees West. The variation of the Compasse sixe degrees sixe minutes from North to East. And when you are in [ 60] the latitude of thirtie three degrees thirtie minutes, and chance to haue fiue degrees twentie minutes of variation, you may assure your selfe to be North North-east from the said Iland, and your course is South South-west to goe with it.

* 17.275The Grand Canaria hath in latitude twenty seuen degrees fortie minutes, and longitude from

the Lizard sixe degrees thirtie minutes West. The variation is sixe degrees from North to East. Likewise in the latitude thirty degrees thirty minutes: when you haue fiue degrees and fiftie mi∣nutes variation, you haue the said Iland South and by West from you.

The Iland of Saint Marie, being the Eastermost of the Azores, hath in latitude thirtie seuen degrees; and longitude from the Lizard fourteene degrees West. The variation of the Com∣passe one degree fortie minutes from North to East. But when you are in the latitude of thirtie degrees thirtie minutes comming home-ward, and finde fiue degrees variation, and would see the Ilands in your course, goe North-east for Saint Marie: but it is better to goe more Nor∣therly, and so you shall bee sure to see some of them: for the variation is much vpon that rate in [ 10] the North-east course, till you come in with the Ilands.

The latitude of Sal, which is one of the Ilands of Cape Verde, is ten degrees thirtie minutes,* 17.276 and longitude from the Lizard twelue degrees twelue minutes. The variation three degrees, thir∣tie minutes from North to East.

Bonauista is from Sal sixe leagues.* 17.277 The mid-way betweene the Meridian of Cape Verde and these Ilands in the latitude of nine degrees, you haue two degrees fifteene minutes of variation to the East-ward: and the ne••rer you are to the Maine land, the lesse variation. But when you come in fiue degrees of latitude, if the Ternados doe not meete with you before, there you shall beginne to haue them, which are winds blowing euery-where.

But if you will passe the Equinoctiall, vse what diligence you may,* 17.278 in plying to get from [ 20] these vnhealthfull and troublesome windes: but keepe your selfe so, that you may bee but South and by East, or South South-east from Mai••, because it may bee in your minde, that your much going to the East-ward will bee a helpe when you stand ouer with the generall wind. But you may there spend much time, and get little aduantage. Now assoone as you haue the wind at South South-east, and are in two or three degrees off the Line, stand away with it. For if you may passe the Line in ten degrees of longitude from the Lizard, your variation will be sixe degrees ten minutes from North to East, and you shall feele neither the East South-east streame to hurt you, nor the North-west and by West streame, that setteth ouer to the West-Indies.

But if the wind doe hinder you much, feare not to passe the Line in fourteene degrees of [ 30] longitude from the Lizard,your variation will bee in that place sixe degrees fortie fiue mi∣nutes. And beeing past, make your way to the South-ward as speedily as you may: but if the wind be at East North-east or East, as many times it will bee, doe not goe to the East-ward of the South-east and by East, although in your minde it were the best course: for if you doe, you shall find the wind at South-east and South South-east, and it will bring you downe to your South course againe, although you haue spent so much time as in your South course would haue carried you without the Tropicke into the variable winds way, which is in twentie sixe or twentie eight degrees.

For it is great oddes, when a man may saile thirtie sixe leagues in foure and twentie houres, and will sayle but foure and twentie close vpon a wind. For when you haue brought your selfe [ 40] into the variable winds way, it cannot be long before you haue a slent to get vp to the Cape of Good Hope, where you shall note, that your variation will increase in running South from the Line. For when you come in twentie degrees to the South-ward, you shall haue fifteene degrees of variation, and more to the West-ward fourteene. Whereby if you note it well,* 17.279 you shall perceiue, that in these parts, betweene the Tropickes I meane, it keepeth no method in Easting or Westing, as it doth without them: as you may see at the Ile De Fernando de Lo∣ronha, the latitude whereof is foure degrees South, and longitude from the Lizard nineteene degrees twentie minutes West. The variation is there eight degrees ten minutes, from North to East: if you come there to ride, the Roade is vpon the North-east side, but it is ••ll ground in some place. The depth, nine, eight and seuen fathomes water, sandie grounds, with a stone or [ 50] Rocke heere and there.

This land riseth like Paules steeple, and that land like the steeple will bee when you are in the Roade South South-west from you. There is much broken ground and Ilands by the Ile it selfe. Heere is good refreshing and good water, but dangerous landing for the Sea to sinke your Boats and drowne your men.

The Portugals of Fernamburo haue some few Slaues heere that make Cotton and keepe their Cattell. They haue Guiney Wheate there growing.

The Iland of Santa Helena hath in South latitude sixteen degrees,* 17.280 & longitude from the Lizard foure degrees thirtie minutes East: and from the Cape of Good Hope twentie three degrees thirtie minutes West. The variation is seuen degrees thirtie minutes from North to East. This Iland [ 60] is one of the best for the bignesse thereof for the refreshing of men, that I know in the Sea: it standeth so healthy, and hath so good a Roade for Shippes, as a man can 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The Roade is open to the North-west side: right before the Chappell you may ride in twel••e, tenne, nine, eight, or seuen fathomes water, good ground and no danger, but what you see a long the shoare.

The Iland is little, but very high land, a man may see it eighteene leagues off. Vpon it are all things fitting for a mans comfort, comming with it in distresse. If you will see this Iland, you haue the wind alway at South-east or thereabouts. Therefore keepe your selfe in the latitude of sixteene degrees tenne minutes, or fifteene degrees, and runne West vpon that height, and you cannot misse it: whether it bee day or night you need not feare, but this you may assure your selfe, that in your course from the Cape of Good Hope, there is nothing that will wrong you. I meane no streame nor Current. For I haue seene that my selfe three times comming from the Cape the South-east wind will tak•• you in thirtie degrees, and sometimes before, and will carrie you to the North-ward of the Equi∣noctiall Line.

* 17.281Saldanha, which is the Bay where we doe commonly anchor out-ward bound, hath in lati∣tude [ 10] thirtie foure degrees twentie fiue minutes, and longitude from the Lizard twentie eight degrees East. The variation thirtie minutes from North to East. For the knowing of the land hereabout Saldanha, it is all high land. But commonly when you come from the West-ward it is foggie and darke vpon it, so that you shall see the breach of the shoare, before you can come to make it, or know it. If you see the land when you are in the Offing rise like a Table, and other round hils by it, one like a Sugar-loafe; bring this Table East by South, and then stirre so see, till you come close vnder the land, for this course will bring you in with the point of the Souther land going into the Roade. Now when you see the point it selfe, which is low land, you shall see the Ile of Penguin: but keepe your selfe neerer the point then to Pen∣guin [ 20] Iland, because there are sunken Rockes all toward the Iland: keepe your Lead going, for toward the point you shall haue ground at fifteene fathomes, and then you may bee bold to goe by it in ten fathomes water. Then the Roade is South-east by East from this point in sixe fa∣thomes, or fiue if you list. The Table will bee South South-west the middle of it, and the Sugar-loafe South-west halfe Westerly. The worst winds for that Roade are from the North-west to the North-east. Heere is good watering and fresh victuals, when the people come downe with it.

There is fresh-fish in the Riuer to bee had at sometime of the tyde with a seine: it doth high sometimes fiue foote water, and sometimes sixe, sometimes more, and some∣times lesse. [ 30]

Betweene the Coast of Brasil and this Roade the Compasse hath twentie degrees varia∣tion, and more or lesse as you are to the North-ward or South. For the more you are to the South-ward, the more you haue, and to the North-ward the lesse. But in thirtie three degrees thirty minutes,* 17.282 you haue the highest variation twenty one degrees from North to East, & longi∣tude from the Lizard seuen deg. thirtie minutes, or from the Cape of Good Hope, thirtie fiue deg. thirtie minutes West: Now when you come in eleuen degrees no minutes of variation, you may assure your selfe, if your variation bee good, you are three hundred and thirtie leagues short: and it will keepe a good method in decreasing after the rate of thirtie or eight and twentie leagues to a degree: for when you are in two degrees of variation, you shall bee eight and fortie or fiftie leagues short: and when you haue fortie minutes, and cannot see the land, you are but [ 40] ten leagues off.

Now if you can see the Land close by the waters side, before you can see the other high land, the fogge hanging vpon the shoare, and are in thirtie foure degrees of latitude, you may see white sandie wayes close by the waters side, your course is to the point, if they beare East South-east from you, and beeing neere the shoare is North-east. For these white san∣die wayes are almost three leagues short of that point going into the Roade, and fast by the point to the South-west from the said point going for the Roade, the two points doe lye North-east and South-west. And then the land toward the Cape lyeth South-east and by East, and South South-east. So likewise the land lyeth to the North-ward off the Bay North North-west, and South South-west. [ 50]

Penguin Iland and this Point lye North and by West, and South and by East.

* 17.283To the Northward of this Iland is an Iland called Connie Iland, and it lyeth in latitude thirtie three degrees twentie seuen minutes, and North North-west from Penguine Ile. This Connie Ile hath bad ground about it: but you may goe betweene the Maine and that Iland. If you will anchor, this Ile vpon the Wester-side hath a dangerous ledge of Rockes lying off it to the Seawar••. The Maine all along the shoare is bold, but what you may see.

* 17.284Chapmans Chance hath in latitude thirtie foure degrees tenne minutues, and is an Harbour, which lyeth within the South-west point vnder a little Hill like Charing Crosse, close hanging by the Sea-side of the South South-west-side of the land like a Table, standing in the very bottome of the Bay. [ 60]

This is a very good Harbour for the ships: for the maine land of the Cape will be shut in vpon the Wester-side of the land: and there is good ground, and a good depth to ride in, as ten, nine, eight, seuen, sixe, or fiue fathomes.

This Harbor is not past ten miles ouer land to Soldanha from it: and a man may come away

with that wind that you cannot come forth withall from Soldanha. Wherefore when any shall haue beene there with a ship, they shall better know it. Wee went not in with our ship, because we were all fit to goe about, before wee did know it to bee a Harbor. For wee did suspect it by chance standing in with a scant wind, and being toward night our Captaine Master Edmund Marlow sent one of the Masters Mates in the Pinnasse to see whether it were a Harbor or not, hauing little wind, and by that time hee came in with it, the Sunne was downe, so that he could not see and take that notice he would, for quick returning to the ship.

Cape Falso hath in latitude thirty foure degrees thirty minutes, and is distant from the Cape of Good Hope, nine leagues East South-east.* 17.285

[ 10] Betweene these two Capes there is a deepe Bay, and before it there is a Rocke euen with the water; but it lyeth neere the Cape of Good Hope. In this Bay is the great Riuer called Rio Dolce, that runneth farre vp in the Land. There is good refreshing, as the Hollanders report,* 17.286 for they haue beene there with their sh••ps.

Heere at Cape Falso is no variation that I can find by obseruing South from it.* 17.287 The Land lyeth to the Cape das Aguilhas East South-east from the Cape of Good Hope, and is distant sixe and twentie leagues: no danger is to be seene, but a bould shoare along the coast. And so it is bould sixtie leagues to the Eastward: for so farre I haue sailed to the East-ward of Cape Das Aguilhas the land lyeth East Northerly for one hundred leagues.

The very Cape Das Aguilhas hath in latitude thirtie foure degrees, fiftie minutes [ 20] South, and is very low land. But there is high land to the East-ward of the last named Cape. You may haue ground with your Lead in seuen or eight leagues off the land, for one hundred leagues East, at seuentie, sixtie, sixtie fiue, fiftie fiue, fiftie, fortie fathomes, sandie blacke ground vpon your Leade, which will helpe you much in comming home if you cannot obserue the variation nor latitude. The variation of Cape Das Aguilhas is no degrees thirtie minutes from North to West. And at the Cape of Good Hope the Compasse is varied from North to East fiue and twentie minutes. Assoone as you are to the West-ward of Cape Das A∣guilhas, you shall haue Ozie and deepe water; whereby you may see that this will helpe you well in darke weather to know how the lands are from you, and how to hale in with the Cape of Good Hope.

[ 30] When you saile into the East-India from the Cape of Good Hope, you must bee very care∣full in your course: for till you come vp to haue seuen or eight degrees of variation, you shall find it sometimes very vncertaine, shouts of streames that will set a man sometimes one way, sometimes another as I haue often found it to bee so, and haue had none other meanes to helpe my selfe, but by the variation, which is very sure, if you bee carefull in obseruing.* 17.288 But after you passe eight degrees of variation, you shall not need to seare the streames, if you bee bound to the East-ward, for the streames or tydes doe set betweene the variation afore-said, and the Cape Das Aguilhas.

Now if you find betweene the Cape and this variation of seuen or eight degrees that you doe not alter it to your ship running East; for this is your fittest course, if you bee bound for Bantam, or within for any place of the Ile of Saint Laurence, till you come vp to the va∣riation [ 40] aforesaid, as you may chance at fiue or sixe degrees, assure your selfe you are wrong with it. For the variation will increase by the rate of nine and twentie or thirtie leagues, to the Ile of Saint Laurence. I meane these leagues in Easting from the Meridians, and not the course you saile by, for if you saile North-east and by East, and you shall haue thirtie sixe leagues for one degree and halfe Easting, or longitude, which will alter one degree of variation.

And the more North-ward your course is, the lesse variation you haue,* 17.289 as you shall plainly vnderstand: for in fiue and twentie of latitude in sight of Saint Laurence, you haue sixteene degrees no minutes. And running North by the land to the Riuer of Saint Augustine, you shall haue but fifteene degrees in the latitude of twentie three degrees and thirtie minutes, which is plaine that it is lesse to the North-ward, then to the South-ward. So likewise vp to [ 50] the East-ward in the latitude of eleuen degrees no minutes, the highest variation is twentie three degrees forty minutes. And in the latitude of thirtie three degrees no minutes, the highest varia∣tion is twentie seuen degrees ten minutes, as I haue seene and obserued my self, and in my iudge∣ment in ten leagues Easting and Westing of the same Meridian, as hereafter shall more plainely appeare in their due places.

[ 60]

§. II. A note for finding out of the Riuer of Saint Augustine in Saint Laurence; of diuers small Iles in the way thence to Achen, and of many Ports and passages in and about Sumatra.

THis Riuer of S. Augustine hath in latitude, twenty three degrees thirtie fiue minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, twenty three degrees twenty minutes East. The variation is fourteene degrees fifty minutes from North to West. But when you goe [ 10] for it, seeke the land in the latitude of twenty foure degrees twenty minutes, because in the latitude of twenty fiue degrees tenne minutes, there is dangerous falling for Rockes and shoalds, which I haue seene. And in this latitude twenty foure degrees twenty minutes, you haue the variation fifteene degrees forty minutes. The shoare bold, but what you see before you. And the coast lieth South and North by a meridian Compasse, without counting the variation, or medling in this place with it, but steere North and North and by East, as discretion will guide you by the land: then comming along the shoare in twenty foure degrees tenne minutes, you shall see a head-land, which hath vpon it a round hill of white sand, and is like a Castle, with some few trees by it. This head-land is short of the Bay thirteene leagues, and your course is North and by East and North still, no danger till you see the Iles and shoalds before the Bay: and in the [ 20] Countrey you shall see a land rise like vnto Westminster Hall, and a gut betweene two high lands, like Dartmouth. The Riuer is between these two hils: when you come with the Iles and shoalds, and will goe into the North-ward of them,* 17.290 you may be bold of the shoalds in seuen fathomes, if you will loofe in by them, but anchor not by them: for it is bad ground, with Corrall that will cut your Cable in sunder, if you ride but little time there; but rather hale East, vp for the Chan∣nell comming from the Riuer, where you haue Ozie by the Maine, in twelue, foureteen, or twen∣ty fathomes water: and you shall find deepe water in along to the Riuer, till you come fast by the two hills, and Westminster Hall within the point on the West North-west side. There you may choose your roade from twenty fathomes to twelue, eleuen, tenne, nine, eight, seuen, sixe, or fiue fathomes. But it is Ozie ground without the two headlands, and sand within. This Riuer lieth [ 30] from the Iles without shoalds East, and is distant fiue leagues. Here is good filling of water, and wooding, very good victuals; buy you pay siluer: for that they desire most. The people are of a reasonable disposition; but you need not to trust them, nor none else where you come, but stand alwayes vpon your Guard, while your Boat goe into the Riuer to fill water. You shall haue a ve∣ry good Oxe for foure shillings, and a Goat for one shilling English, and as good as you haue in England. The men of this place are tall and well made.

* 17.291The Cape of S. Sebastian hath in latitude twentie fiue degrees fortie fiue minutes, and longi∣tude from the Cape of Good Hope, twentie fiue degrees no minutes. The variation of the Com∣passe sixteene degrees fortie minutes from North to West. Here vpon the South-east side is a ve∣ry good place for refreshing, as the Hollanders report, much vpon the latitude of twenty foure [ 40] degrees no minutes. It is named Santa Lucia; for as they haue reported to mee, there is a race of the Portugalls left there.* 17.292 They say the ships ride verie secure, and haue aboue nine or eight fa∣thomes water, sandie ground, and an Iland or two before it. And this must bee much better for shipping bound vp or downe, then the Riuer of S. Augustine, because it is vpon the head of the Iland.

* 17.293The Ile of S. Marie, vpon the East side of S. Laurence, hath in latitude sixteene degrees thirtie minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope thirty one degrees no minutes. The variati∣on nineteene degrees fiftie minutes from North to West. This Iland is inhabited; and there we had Hennes, Limons, and other refreshing, good water; but neuer a Harbour, all Roads: you may ride off the West side, before a Towne of twelue or sixteene houses. The depth of water is twen∣ty [ 50] fathomes, more or lesse. The distance from this Island, ouer to the Maine is tenne leagues. To the North North-west, from this Iland is a great Bay, that lieth sixteene leagues deepe West North West in from the Souther-side of the Bay, there is good riding vnder a little Iland, and in from that vpon the Maine, there is a Riuer of fresh water. And there is likewise water and wood vpon the Ile by the Roade, you may ride in twelue, tenne, nine, or eight fathomes: but you had need to shue your anchors: for it is so soft Ozie, that your anchors will come home. Here you haue Rice in abundance, hens, and some cattell. The people haue warre, one side of the Bay with the other. Trust these people not too farre for treachery. It is a place of very vncertaine and conta∣gious weather, for raine, thunder and lightning, as euer I came in, and very vnholsome▪ for we [ 60] lost many men here. But if distresse vrge a man to it, you may vnlade a ship, or doe any businesse by the Iland, with standing vpon your guard, and vsing the people friendly, as the Hollanders haue been driuen vnto. The latitude of this Bay is, fifteene degrees fortie minutes. But if you go with S. Marie first, you cannot misse it: for it is the next Bay vpon the Maine vnto the Iland. The

name of this Bay is Antongill.* 17.294 We did ride here in the first East Indian Voyage for the Merchants of London, in the yeere 1601. from December to March, and then we went for the East Indies.

The latitude of the Ile de Roque Piz is eleuen degrees no minutes,* 17.295 and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, forty one degrees no minutes of the great Circle East. Here in the sight of these two Ilands, we had the highest variation of the Compasse, which was twenty three degrees thir∣ty minutes. Now South from this place, as neere as I can iudge by sundry times going vp and downe, we haue likewise the most variation, that is: if you be in the latitude of twentie seuen or twenty eight degrees, then you haue twenty sixe degrees no minutes: if you bee in thir∣ty three degrees no minutes of latitude, you haue twenty seuen degrees twenty minutes of vari∣ation. [ 10] And this you may see in my Voyage in the Iames, begun in February, 1611. and ended the third of August, 1615.

The Shoalds, called Baixos das Chagas▪ haue in latitude sixe degrees no minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, fiftie three degrees thirty six minutes East.* 17.296 The variation is nineteen degr. fiftie min. from North to West. These shoalds are very dangerous. There are three or foure Ilands and other dry sands: we were twenty foure houres vpon and among these Shoalds. There is in some places corall, in other some sand; sometimes tenne fathomes, and by and by sixe fa∣thomes: the best water the ships had, was foure fathomes: but God be thanked, we had no hurt to any one of the ships. We were cleere by keeping the Iles South South-west from vs: for vpon the North North-east side it is, that we found the way out. If they had been well laid in our [ 20] Charts, we had missed them.

In the Channel of Maldina, the Compasse varieth 17. degrees. And at the Cape de Comori six∣teene degrees. The Ilands of Nicubar, lying off the North end of Sumatra,* 17.297 haue in North latitude seuen degrees tenne minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, seuentie three degrees no minutes East. The variation is seuen degrees fiue minutes from North to West. If you goe with these Iles of Nicubar, as you come from the West-ward, when you come within fiftie or fortie leagues, you shall meete with ouerfals, or the running of some tydes, which will make you mistrust shoald water: but we found none with o••r Lead when we sounded. Many such you shall passe. I thinke they be the streames comming from the Bay of Bengala. Among these Ilands there is no danger, but what you see: you may bee bold to water and fit your sel••es here. The [ 30] people will not come aboord your ship, but will buy and sell in their Canoes. Farther into the North-ward are more Ilands; as in eight degrees lieth an Iland called Ilha de Sombrero,* 17.298 because vpon the Souther-side the land is like a hat. Vnder this Iland is good riding; and the people will come to your shippe from the other Ilands to the East-ward, for there are many Ilands.

Achen, which is a Citie vpon the West North-west side of Sumatra,* 17.299 hath in latitude fiue de∣grees forty minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope seuentie foure degrees fortie mi∣nutes East. And the variation is sixe degrees twentie fiue minutes from North to West. You may ride in seuen or eight fathomes, or at low water in fiue or sixe; it hyeth fiue foot vpon the Barre. Your roade is to the East ward of the Castle, and a round hil in the Countrey South-east from you. The ground is Ozie where you ride. There is h••gh land vpon the Wester-side of the Towne. The [ 40] hill, which is South-east of you, is called the hil of Pedir, because there is a Towne of that name vnder it, twenty fiue leagues from Achen. Before the Road in the Offing are fiue or sixe Ilands. The Pepper of this place is better then the Pepper of Bantam. At Pedir Pepper is to be had, but little else. The land lieth from the Road of Achen forty or fifty leagues East and West.

And if you will goe for the straight of Malacca, there is no danger till you come to the East-ward of the Iles das Iarras, but a faire depth, at twenty fiue or thirtie fathomes water.* 17.300 The tydes set as much one way as the other. At these Iles das Iarras, you may see the high land of Malacca: but here about Sumatra, is all low land. And your variation here about the Equinoctial is all one, as I said before, when I spake of the highest, that there is within lesse variation then without, in the latitude of foureteene or fifteene degrees. For when you haue seuen degrees fiftie minutes [ 50] in the Offing, you are much vpon seuen degrees thirtie minutes longitude from Bantam. And that distance you are in for longitude from Bantam, when you are vnder the Equinoctiall line, and haue sixe degrees thirty fiue minutes of variation. So that much vpon that rate of thirtie one leagues in the Offing of Easting or Westing, will alter one degree of variation, or one degree and an halfe of longitude; and within you runne fortie leagues, or two degrees. This I haue found by experi∣ence both within and without going home from Bantam.

If you were at Achen, and would saile for Priaman, which is a Towne vpon the West side of Sumatra, and hath in latitude no degrees fiftie minutes South, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope seuentie seuen degrees forty minutes East: The variation foure degrees forty minutes from North to West: The surest way is this. To the East-ward of Priaman there are Ilands, in [ 60] the South latitude of one degree and thirty minutes, which are called the Iles of Nimtam.* 17.301 Your course is to goe with these Ilands, and come not betweene the maine, but keepe the Sea, till you see those Ilands: keepe in one degree twenty minutes of South latitude, and you shall surely fall with the North end of the biggest. Now this great Iland being the biggest of the two, is twen∣ty leagues long very neere: and there are many little Ilands neere it. And when you are with this

Iland, go vp by it, for it is the bolder of the two, but haue your Lead going now and then to pre∣uent dangers, yet I haue found the least to be tenne fathomes water. When you are shut within these Ilands, your course is East by North eighteene leagues: but saile not by night, but holl ra∣ther, and saile by day. Now although Priaman and this Iland doe lie East by North, and West by South, yet your best way is, to direct your course East North-east, and North-east by East, a∣mong; and then you shall see three hummocks in the maine, before you can see the low land; and then hauing sight of them, you may goe in till you see the low land of the Maine: but looke well about you:* 17.302 for when these hills come to the North-east from you, there is shoald water, and bankes of stone: but you may borrow of them with your Lead in seuen fathomes: then are you six leagues from the roade of Priaman, and your course East South-east, or South-east by East with [ 10] your Lead going now and then. For the knowing of the road of Priaman, when you haue the hils North and West from you, you shall see many Ilands to the South-ward; but the first will shew white, and none of the rest. So that Iland lieth West South-west from the roade three leagues. And the land in the Countrey aboue Priaman is high, and like a Saddle in the middest. This high land beareth from the road North-east and by East. I set it downe with this notice, because there are foure Ilands before the roade within which you ride, and may mistrust to goe within these Ilands, when you come from the West North-west, because they will not be open, but shew like a paire of breeches till you haue brought them East North-east from you; then will they beginne to open, for there is good going in betweene them, leauing two on the one side, and two on the other. But come not neere that little vttermost Ile by the maine; for there is all flat ground. But [ 20] keepe in nine or eight fathomes, till you come with the other three Iles that lie in a row, and then goe into the South-ward of the Norther of these three Ilands, and vnder that Iland is the road.* 17.303 Wherefore be bold of it in fiue or sixe fathomes, because it is but narrow between that Ile, and the Riuer running from the Towne, to wit, much vpon the breath of the Thames at Blacke∣wall. Vpon this Ile, vnder which you ride, is a Well made artificially by those that haue vsed to water there. It is a good road when you are in, but moore your ship sure. The people here are co∣uetous, and still begging for one thing or other; yet they vsed vs very well, and brought vs hens and such vict••alls as the place affoardeth. Here is good trade from Iaua with Iunkes, for their Pep∣p••r they bring them salt, which is verie ••cant vpon this side of the Iland. And about September and October there commeth euery yeare a Guserate with Cotton cloth to serue this side of the [ 30] Iland,* 17.304 and ladeth away Pepper, and carrieth away some Gold: for Gold is more plentie there, then Siluer, as we might plainely see by the Countrie-people: for they are very desirous of Rials of eight. Here is some Beniamin to be had, and verie good Storax, with other Commodities.

* 17.305Tecou is seuen leagues from this road, but it is shoaldie water, and ill for ships, because they must ride farre off. But Prawes and such small vessels as the Countrey people vse, are fittest, and will bring all their Commodities vnto you into Priaman road, after they know a shippe to bee there, tenne leagues.

* 17.306To the Northward of Priaman there are no Ilands three or foure leagues off: but to the South-ward coast is full of Ilands along till you come into two degrees and an halfe or latitude. The coast lieth from Priaman two degrees twenty minutes of latitude South. Your course is South▪ [ 40] when you set saile from Priaman, you may goe within those Ilands by the road: because by the Souther Iland lieth a shoald close by the off side: your depth is fiue and sixe fathomes. In going downe to the Southward, keepe the maine still, and goe not without among those Ilands: for it is all ground and shoalds. But saile not by night, till you come into the latitude of two degrees thirtie minutes. For as you passe by the high land, that is distant from the road of Priaman thir∣teene leagues, it is very dangerous: keep your selfe in twenty or thirty fathomes water off the maine, and looke well about you when this high land commeth toward the East. Between that gut of high land as you passe like Dartmouth, is the Towne of Celledai. I haue had by going neere those Ilands here, about thirteene leagues from the aforesaid road, but foure fathomes water, and haue seen the stones, vnder the ship, and haue gone but little in againe toward the maine, and haue [ 50] had sixteene fathomes, and twelue fathomes water: wherefore there is no feare by the maine land, keeping your Lead going: then being cleare off these Ilands, your course is South and by East by the maine, till you come to two degrees thirty minutes: and then the land lieth to three de∣grees tenne minutes South-east, and then South-east and by South to foure degrees, and so to fiue degrees no minutes by the same course.

The land is very high and bold heere in fiue degrees, no minutes. In fiue degrees and thirtie minutes lyeth the Isle of Engano,* 17.307 but there is no anchoring by it; for I haue sought to anchor, but it is rockes and deepe water. But if you haue any occasion, you shall find in the latitude of foure degrees,* 17.308 ten minutes, a very good roade vnder an Island fast by the maine, where you may ride in seuen fathoms, and no danger but what you see, but may boldly turne into the Roade, if [ 60] the wind ••e at South-east, Ozie ground. Heere you may haue wood and water, if you haue need: But beware, two leagues West South-west from this Island, it is very dangerous shoald in the sea, the water breaketh much vpon it; wherefore keepe in by the Island, and giue the point a birth: but you cannot go betweene the maine and this Isle with a ship, because it is narrow and shoaldy

water. This Road or Harbour is named by the Countrie people, Celebar:* 17.309 we did ride heere with Sir Edward Michelborne thirteene daies, to doe some businesse. You shall neuer with a South-east wind misse some Iunckes of Iaua, or of some other place riding there. The land to the North-ward in the countrie is high, but by the sea-side reasonable, not very low neither. This high land in fiue degrees, twentie minutes, is called Manancabo, and is extraordinary high.* 17.310 The course alongst the shoare is South South-east, Easterly, till you come to see a little Island fast by the maine, that lieth in sixe degrees, no minutes, or much thereupon. Heere you shall see a round hill in the countrie East from you, which will be North, when you come with the three Isles by [ 10] the point of Sumatra, that lye East one from the other.* 17.311 Then shall you haue the Salt-hills East and by South from you, when this hill is North, and the distance from the three Islands lying East and West, to the three salt hills, which are three Islands, that lye South and North one from another, to be ten leagues. The Land of Sumatra, from the little Island to the other three Islands, lyeth East South-east, and is distant foure leagues. This land is not very high, but in the countrie it is high land. The dep••h by this land is foure and fiftie fathomes; and by the three East and West Islands, there is sixteene fathoms water; and further vp, you haue thirthie fathomes, when the round hill is North from you. Now you must vnderstand, that ••eere as you goe vpon the Coast of Sumatra, are more Islands then a man can number. But if you will go into t••e Road of Marrough, you may boldly beare in among those Islands that lye North-east and by East,* 17.312 till you come to the maine land of Sumatra, where you shall haue twentie or thirtie fathomes, and [ 20] no danger, but what you see. Now when you come in with the maine foure leagues West South-west from this Head-land, which is called Marrough, you shall haue all to the Northward off you low land, and many Islands; but you must go East South-east vnto the Head-land of Sumatra: for this Roade of Marrough is along the shoare from the three little Islands fast by the maine, till you come almost to the point that maketh the Straight of Sunda, you may anchor in twentie or twelue fathomes water, Ozie ground, a faire birth off: There is good refreshing, and Riuers all along the shoare. The land is very high heere in from the Roade. But if you come with the three Salt hills or Islands, that lye South and North one from the other, which are distant, as I said be∣fore, from the three East and West Islands by Sumatra ten leagues, and would go for this place of Marrough, steere in with the high land North, when you are to the Eastward of the South Salt [ 30] hill, and you go right with it; for the land aboue it is like a barne, and none there-about like it: you may be bold euery way hereabout, for there is no danger, but what you see with your eyes, no where without the Straights mouth. In the very straight or narrow betweene Sumatra and Iaua side, which you will, if you go to the Westward of the three South and North Islands, you need not feare, although you see three rockes stand three miles West from the Salt hill; for you may come fast by them, or put betweene any of those Islands,* 17.313 the depth will bee much about twentie or thirtie fathoms. The course from the Head-lan•• of Sumatra, w••ere the three East and West Islands are, is East North-east with the Point or Head-land of Sumatra, that maketh the Straights entrie. The Coast of Iaua l••eth from the Point of Talimbam downe to seuen de∣grees almost of Southerly latitude; where are many Islands on this side,* 17.314 South-west and North-east, [ 40] and you haue ground with the lead at thirtie or fortie fathomes, in some place: But a little without the Point of Palimbam you may anchor in twelue fathomes, Ozie ground. The latitude of the South-east salt hill, is sixe degrees, ten minutes: The longitude from Cape of Good Hope eightie one East, the variation three degrees, twentie minutes. These salt hills stand nearer Iaua then Sumatra by two leagues, you may see both Maines at one time, if it be cleare, and you be in the mid-way. The land of Iaua is high within the countrie, and low by the water-side. The streame in the Straight setteth twelue houres one way, and twelue houres the other, but most strongly; for you cannot beare a head with a hard gale at some times: wherefore go off on one side, and anchor, it maketh no matter on which. But if you chance to go in by Sumatra side, keep nearer Sumatra by a good deale, then to the Islands, till the Islands bee East and by South from [ 50] you, for there is a rock vnder water, which breaketh at low water,* 17.315 that lyeth West and by North from the Island. Sumatra is bold, to you can keepe off the land; and so is Iaua side also. The way to Bantam, when you are about the Point of Palimbam, is by the land East South-est, and South-east and by East, with your lead going till you see a flat Island c••lled Pulo Panian,* 17.316 which is di∣stant from the Point of Palimbam nine or ten leagues. When you come to this Island, you may go without it, or within it at your pleasure: but keepe your lead going, and come not nearer then fiue or sixe fathomes off that Island. Then if you looke in vpon the maine, you shall see a round hill in the countrie bearing South, or betweene that and South South-west. This hill stan∣deth right ouer the Towne of Bantam: if you haue it South South-west from you, goe in with that course, till you come to see fiue Islands together, right from Pulo Panian. Your Road [ 60] is by these fiue Islands called Pulo Lima,* 17.317 where you may ride in what depth you will vnder foure fathoms, Ozie ground. It higheth fiue foote water in the Roade. Wherefore when you chuse to ride, remember the Tide, for otherwise you may bee on ground at low water.* 17.318 The variation in the Road is three degrees from North to West. Heere are many Islands in this Road round about you.

§. III. The way from Bantam to the Straight of Palimbon, vpon the East-side of Su∣matra, of Banca, Bintam, Straights of Sincapura, and Sunda, with other places.

WHen you weigh from Bantam Roade, you goe North-east by East foure or fiue fa∣thoms, till you come with the point of the maine, where it commeth to beare South-east by South, you haue very shoald water vpon that spit of hard ground. Wherefore [ 10] keepe off betime: before you come neare in foure or fiue fathoms, there is a good bigge, Island on your North North-west, as you go from Bantam, which you may leaue on your larbord side in going from the aforesaid Towne, and your depthes are fiue or sixe fathoms. Heere will the land toward the Straight make like an Island, because, you haue lost sight of the low land. Heere in your North North-east course,* 17.319 you haue a long bed of small Islands in your way, and low with∣all, but bold: for there is eighteene or twentie fathomes water among them, Bantam bearing South-west by South Westerly from these Islands. Their latitude is from fiue degrees, to fiue de∣grees, thirtie minutes.

When you are at the Norther end of these Islands, go North North-east and North ouer for the Coast of Sumatra: and in your course your depthes will be thirteene, twelue, ten, nine, eight, [ 20] seuen,* 17.320 sixe, fiue, foure and a halfe fathomes; and then you shall see the low land of Sumatra, the trees I meane, and your ground vnder your lead will be Ozie. The latitude about three degrees, thirtie minutes South. Now when you come in with a riffe of hard sand here-about, and haue in your North and by West course foure fathoms and an halfe:* 17.321 Note it well, and hale off againe East North-east into your old depthes, which are from ten to seuen fathoms or fiue off Sumatra, your course North by West, and North North-west, to hold the coast from fiue to ten fathoms. But go not without ten fathoms neither by night nor day; for the Coast is bold in sixe fathoms. But if you go from Bantam North,* 17.322 you must looke very carefully about for a shoald, that lyeth in that course from the aforesaid Towne off the Roade, till you haue sight of the two Islands vp∣on the Coast of Sumatra, that lye three leagues from that maine land; and then you haue no more Islands by Sumatra, till you come in three degrees of South latitude; and there shall you fall [ 30] with Lusapara-falsa,* 17.323 which is the first of those foure Ilands, at the South South-west end of Banca. And looke out very well for them, in going your North by West course, as the depths wil guide you from fiue or sixe, to nine or ten fathoms, Ozie ground. When you haue sight of these foure Islands, you shall see much broken ground by them, and among them very shoald water. Heere likewise you shall see two round homockes of a good height: and though they seeme to you to stand vpon the maine of Sumatra,* 17.324 yet they doe not so, but vpon the Island of Banca. The afore∣said foure Islands haue three degrees, no minutes South latitude. When you come to haue these Islands East from you, your shoalding will be fiue and foure fathomes, and your course North, and North by West, till you haue the Southermost Isle South-east by East from you. Then you goe [ 40] North North-east by Banca, in eight and seuen fathomes, for the Island of Banca is steepe. When you come with these Islands, keepe Sumatra side for the bolder side: the channell is in breath three miles. Now in edging to the other side, you shall go from eight fathoms into three fathoms. Then haue you hard ground on that side, and Ozie ground on Sumatra side. This course of North North-east, is but one reach or three miles, before you go North againe. Heere at the narrow the Tide setteth North and South, and runneth twelue houres one way, and twelue houres the other. When you are past the bankes or shoalds by these Islands, your depthes are ten and nine fathoms: then you saile three leagues North by the land. The next reach lieth North by West, and the depth in the best is fifteene fathoms. And when you draw neare to the high land vpon the North side of the Island of Banca, your course is North North-west, and the best depthes twentie fa∣thomes. [ 50] It is very flat and shoald heere vpon Sumatra side. This course of North North-west, and North-west by North, continueth nine leagues. Then you saile twentie leagues North-west by West, the depth will be foure and twentie fathoms. The latitude in this course, is one de∣gree, eight and thirtie minutes South. When you haue the North-end these Islands South-east by South from you, it will shew like broken Islands. But as you go, keepe off the maine, be∣cause it is shoald still. Your next course is North ten leagues, in ten, nine, eight and seuen fathoms. Heere you haue sight of three or foure Islands, to the Northwards of the great Island, but no sight of the maine land. The latitude heere is one degree, fiue minutes South. Then your course is North-east by North, with a round Island, and other little Islands by it. This round Island is like the Monston of Dartmouth, the depthes ten, nine, eight, and seuen fathoms, and latitude a∣bout [ 60] fortie minutes South.* 17.325 This Isle is called by the Countrie people Pulo Sio, but Linscot calleth it Pulo Powe. Heere you may haue water and wood, if you need. Then your course is to go with∣out Linga from hence North North-west,* 17.326 and the depth is fifteene or sixteene fathoms: and the distance from Pulo Sio to Linga, is thirteene leagues. At the Souther end of Linga are many

Islands; and there are at the Norther end also many.* 17.327 This Island of Linga lyeth vnder the Equi∣noctiall line, as wee found by obseruation, where the Charts make it to lye almost a degree in South latitude. It is full of Islands and suncken grounds hereabout. Heere we found the tide to runne South South-east, and North North-west. The depth in the offing is twentie fathomes, Ozie ground: your course is North by West fifteene or sixteen leagues, where you shall see eight other Islands. But in your going beware of the tide,* 17.328 and keepe in fifteene or sixteene fathoms water, and Ozie ground: the latitude of these eight Islands is fiftie minutes North. Heere you may likewise haue wood and water among these Islands. These Islands and s••ncken grounds con∣tinue to one degree, ten minutes of North latitude: the Tide runneth twelue houres, the flood [ 10] from the Northward, and ebbe from the Southward, the depth twentie fathomes. Heere along by these Islands is fourteene fathomes, till you come vp to the Isle of Bintam,* 17.329 which hath in la∣titude one degree, ten minutes North, vpon the South-east side of this Island is bold shoalding from fourteene to nine fathomes, yet hath a round hill in the middest of it, and it is a grea∣ter Island, then any that is neare it: vpon the Easter point I came ouer in seuen fathomes: the Tide of the Norther side setteth West by North. And when you are past this Easter point, you are open of the Straight of Sincapura.* 17.330 Heere the Tide setteth East from the Straight of Sinca∣pura. Thence you go North-east and by North seuen leagues, with a strong streame against you, for an Island called Pulo Tinge, vpon the Coast of Ior, in latitude two degrees, twentie minutes North, you may see the round hill of Bintam euen with the water,* 17.331 for their distance twentie [ 20] leagues, and the course is North by West. Heere wee saw an Island called Pulo Timon:* 17.332 and the o∣ther Islands by it are called Pulo Lore, leauing two round hilles vpon it. And Pulo Tinge, where we roade, hath a piked hill vpon it. Their latitudes are two degrees, thirtie minutes, and two de∣grees fortie minutes.

The Coast of Ior is bold from Pulo Tinge. When you haue made the Straight of Sincapura,* 17.333 and would goe for Ior, your course is North-west by West. But beware of the Current, you may bee bold in sixteene, eighteene, twentie, or fiue and twentie fathomes, and good ground to anchor.

From Pulo Sio steere South-east for an Iland called Pulo Paccadoure,* 17.334 distant from Pulo Sio e∣leuen leagues, in latitude one degree no minutes South. It is a ragged Iland, and hath by it two [ 30] little Ilands. The depth is fifteene fathomes. Be sure to keep in that depth, and you shall goe without danger. From this ragged Iland your course is South-east by East nine leagues, to an o∣ther Iland called Pulo Pagadure, and your depths are fifteene or sixteene fathomes.* 17.335 In that course be very carefull: for Banca vpon this side is all Rockes and breaches, in some places eight or nine leagues off, and so it is without you againe all bad ground. Then from this Iland your course is South-east by East, to an Iland called Pulo Calasai, or the Mariners Iland: and their distance is fortie leagues: when you see this Iland of Mariners, lie short off it,* 17.336 because you cannot anchor by it for fowle ground. Your depth from this Iland to the other is fifteene fathomes. From this Mari∣ners Iland, you may see the high land vpon Banca beare West by North from it, and is distant fif∣teene leagues.* 17.337

[ 40] The head of Banca lieth from this Ile South-west by West nine leagues. Saile not by night by any meanes when you see this Iland: for if you goe neuer so well by your Compasse, the streames will deceiue you, and put you to the East-ward of an Iland called Chinabata.* 17.338 Your course is to goe betweene Banca and these Ilands; because it is all Rockes to the East-ward like steeples. This Ile of Chinabata and Pulo Calasai, lie South and North one from the other, and are distant thirteene leagues. Your course betweene Banca and Chinabata is South South-west: looke to the streame, and borrow of Banca in this place in twentie or twentie fiue fathomes. The distance betweene them is tenne leagues. The Rockes in the Offing are called Pulo Pelican. From which straight to the coast of Sumatra, the course is South-west by South, till you haue shoalding off the maine. And goe as you did outward from Bantam, keeping the shoalding of Sumatra in seuen [ 50] or eight fathomes, till you draw neere the straight of Sunda.

I haue hereunto added like Nauticall obseruations, I suppose, written by Thomas Clayborne, lea∣uing the censure and vse to the more skilfull. He intituleth them,

Certaine principall Notes, gathered by mine owne experience, in my three Voyages into these parts: wherein the true course, and distances, with shoalds and rockes is shewed: and on which side you may leaue them: as hereafter followeth.

* 17.339

[ 60] THe Souther-most Salt hill lyeth in sixe degrees no minutes of South latitude; and if you bee bound for Bantam, you may goe betwixt the Salt hils, or on either side of them, if neede be: but most men goe to the South of them. If you bee South from the Southermost Salt hill, about two leagues, or lesse, your best course to Palimbam point, is betweene the North-East by East,

and the East North-east. The distance betwixt the Salt hills and that point twenty leagues. In that course you shall leaue the Iland that maketh the straights of Sunda on the Lar-boord side, and that Iland is fiue leagues short of Palimbam point. From Palimbam point your course is East South-east about three or foure leagues with Pulo Pangam: then leauing that Iland on your Lar-boord side, and being cleare of it, you must steere East South-east, about two leagues more: then South South-west, and South by West about one league, and that will bring you into Bantam roade, where you may come to an anchor in three fathomes, soft Oze.

Certaine Notes from Bantam Roade to the Ilands of the Maluccaes, with the course and distances: as hereafter followeth. [ 10]

FRom Bantam roade North-east by North two leagues, then East by North, and East North-east two leagues, and that will bring the low point to the Eastward of Bantam Bay, South from you about one league: but come no neerer that point then three fathome; then East, and East by North foure leagues, and then you shall haue foureteene fathome, and shall be neere fiue Ilands, with white sand without them, and a Ledge of Rockes East from them about halfe a mile; these you must leaue to the North-wards of you. From these Ilands your course is East South-East, with the Eastermost Iland of Iacatra. From the Eastermost Iland of Iacatra, which is the Norther-most from this Iland, your course is North-east by East foure or fiue leagues, then East thirtie leagues; then looke out for a sand that lieth about three leagues from the Maine, and if it be [ 20] cleare weather, you shall see a low Iland to the North of you, but you may goe either betweene the Iland and the sand, or betweene the sand and the Maine: but the best way is to goe three leagues to the Southward of the Iland. Then East by South and East seuenty leagues, and that wil bring you in sight of Madura. Note, if you be foure or fiue leagues from the West end of Ma∣dura, you shall haue thirtie three fathome; and being fiue leagues off the Easter end, you shall haue fortie one or fortie two fathomes. All alongst this coast, you shall haue Ozie ground. From the West ende of Madura, your best course is to steere East by North, while you haue brought your selfe in the latitude of sixe degrees: and then keepe your selfe in that latitude if it be possible, and so (by Gods helpe) you shall goe cleare betweene the shoales of Celebes, and another shoale that lieth South South-west from the shoales of Celebes. The Southermost point of the shoales of Ce∣lebes [ 30] lieth in six degrees. From the South point of the shoales of Celebes, your course is East North-East with the straights of Celebes: the distance betweene them is thirty leagues. From the straights of Celebes to Ternata, the principall Iland of the Maluccas, vpon a straight line, the course is North-east, distant about two hundred leagues.

If you be minded to goe for the Moluccas, then from the straights of Celebes, your course is North-east by East, and North-east thirty leagues, and that will bring you into a straight between two lands, namely, Celebes and Cambyna: the distance betweene these two lands is fiue leagues: in the middle between them,* 17.340 you shall haue thirtie eight fathomes, sandy ground. But this is to be noted, when you come betweene these two Ilands, you cannot saile by night: for it is dange∣rous,* 17.341 while you be cleare of the straights of S. Thomas, distant from this place aforenamed twen∣ty [ 40] leagues: so that you must goe vpon seuerall courses, as hereafter followeth.

First, North-east by North sixe leagues, then North North-east eight leagues, then East and East by North tenne leagues, and this will bring you into the straights of S. Thomas, which straights you shall hardly perceiue, vntill you come very neere them: for they are narrowe, and one land shooteth in an other. The going through is East about one league, and the least water you shall haue in running of that league, is eleuen or twelue fathomes. In running of those twen∣tie leagues afore-named, you shall be land-locked, and shall see sixe or seuen sands dry with the rimme of the water, most of them will be on your Lar-boord side: but this course aforenamed (by Gods helpe) will carry you cleare of them all. From the straights of S. Thomas, your course is North-east by East, and East North-east foureteene leagues, and that will carry you into the Sea, [ 50] but not out of the sight of land: then North North-east thirty eight leagues; and then looke out for a small Iland, and a shoale that lieth North North-west from that small Iland. You must bring that small Iland East from you about two leagues, or seuen miles: then steere North by East, and North North-east fiue leagues, then West North-west, and North-west by North two or three leagues, then North-east by North foure or fiue leagues, and that North-east by North course, will carry you betweene two shoales, that lie in two degrees no minutes South latitude. The distance between them is not one mile, and they are dry at low water: you shall haue foure∣teene fathome betweene them. When you are cleare of these shoales, and are within one league of that land,* 17.342 which that North-East by North course doth carry you vnto, then you must steere East South-east about two leagues, then North-east by East with the straights of Bengaia, which [ 60] lie in one degree twenty minutes to the South of the Equinoctial: this straight lyeth. North-east by North,* 17.343 and so you must goe through.

* 17.344From the straights of Bangaia to Machian, the course is North-east by East distant seuentie

two leagues. Bachian lieth in no degrees thirty minutes to the North of the Equinoctiall, and be∣ing neere this Iland, if it bee cleare weather, you shall see all the Cloue Ilands, which shew like high piked hills in the middest of them. You may steere with any of them at your pleasure, if wind and weather serue: for there is no danger lying neere them.

Notes of Botun.

BOtun is a great Iland, and an high land, the longest part of it lieth North North-east, and [ 10] South South-west. Vpon the North North-West part or ende of the Iland, there is a Riuer of fresh water. If a man be at the Norther ende of Botun, and bee minded to saile to the Kings Towne, his course is betweene the South by West, and South South-West, and so shall sayle a∣long the land twenty leagues, as it were vp a Riuer, betwixt two lands, Botun to the East-ward, and Cambyna to the West, distance betweene them foure leagues, in some places but three, in some places but two leagues, and in some very narrow.

In this course afore-named, nine leagues short of the Kings Towne, there is a shoale,* 17.345 not very bigge, yet dangerous, and dry at a low water. Now to know when you are neere it, you shall see a round hill vpon Buttoone, neere the water side: that hill and the shoale lie East by North, and West by South one from the other; you must leaue that shoale on your Lar-boord side. From this shoale, your course is still betweene the South by West, and South South-West, to [ 20] goe with the narrow straights, foure miles short of the Kings Towne: this Straight is one league through, and about halfe a mile broad, the course is South South-West through, and it is no great matter for the course in that place, so you keepe the shippe in the middle, which is best: for there is no riding in the narrow, by reason of the swift Tydes that runne there. Hee that goeth through, must take his Tyde with him to driue him through, for (lightly) there is neuer any wind there, the land is so high ouer the Masts on both sides. But you may anchor two leagues short of this narrowe, and ride well (by Gods helpe) in thirty fathome sand. So, when you be through this straight, you must steere South South-west one league, to goe cleare of a point of land that you must leaue on your Lar-boord side; and beeing cleare of that point, you must hale vp South South-East about foure miles, if the wind will giue you leaue, and then you may come [ 30] to an anchor in eight and twentie fathome, hard sand, neere a flat Iland.

Then you shall see the Towne of Botun, vpon the side of an hill, from you about one league. The Roade of Botun lieth in fiue degrees fifteene minutes of South latitude.* 17.346 From Botun road West South-West foure leagues, then South-West, and South-West by South fiue leagues, then West by South and West thirtie leagues, and that will bring you to the Straights of Celebes.

From the Straights of Celebes to the Iland of Banda vpon seuerall courses, as followeth: First, East seuen and thirtie leagues, then East by South fifteene leagues, the North-east halfe a point to the North-ward, about seuenteene leagues, and that will bring you into the latitude of fiue degrees tenne minutes, and then your best course is East North-east, with Buro, distance [ 40] betweene that and Buro sixtie three leagues.* 17.347 From the South part of Buro to the South part of Amboyno, are eight and twenty leagues. From the South part of Amboyno to Banda, the course is East South East distance about thirty leagues. Banda lieth in foure degrees fortie minutes. Your going in is betweene the high Mountaine called Gunappi, and the great Iland of Ban∣da, the hill beeing on your Lar-boord side, and the great Iland on your Star-boord side.

[ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. VII. A Iournall of the tenth Voyage to the East-India, with two shippes, the Dra∣gon, and the Hosiander (accompanied with the Iames and Salomon, but those for other Voyages) and in them three hundred and eightie persons, or there-about: Written by Master THOMAS BEST, chiefe Comman∣der thereof. [ 10]

§. I. Obseruations in their way to Surat.

* 17.348THe first of February, 1611. we set saile from Grauesend, and anchored in Tilbury Hope.

* 17.349The two and twentieth of March, at noone latitude obserued fifteene degrees, [ 20] twentie minutes, At two of the clocke in the after-noone faire aboord Maio. Bonauista and Maio lye South-west by South,* 17.350 distant some twelue leagues. Note that the North North-west, and the North part of Maio is all foule ground; and due North from the high homockes,* 17.351 there lyeth a great ledge of rockes from the land, some fiue or sixe miles off: and a mile without the rockes you shall haue twentie fathomes water. On the West-side of the Iland you may borrow in twelue or fifteene fathomes, till you come into the Roade, where we anchored in foure and twentie fathomes.

The eight and twentieth in the morning, we came close by an Iland, the latitude of it is twen∣tie degrees, thirtie minutes, and longitude from the Meridian of Maio, one degree, fiftie minutes East. We did not land vpon it, but came within two or three miles of it. I take it there is hard∣ly anchoring to be found: there may be some refreshing in it; wood there is, and there may bee [ 30] water: for on the Souther part of it there is a faire plaine plot, and it was very greene: wee could not finde ground comming within two or three miles of it. From this Iland East North-east,* 17.352 some seuen or eight leagues lyeth another Iland: and from the first Iland East by South, or East South-east, lye two or three high white rockes, some foure or fiue leagues off.

The eight and twentieth of Iune, we all set to sea: we stayed in Saldanha Road one and twen∣tie dayes, and bought for the three shippes nine and thirtie Beeues, and an hundred and fifteene sheepe, with a little brasse, which we cut out of two or three old kettles: The sheepe we bought for small pieces of thinne brasse, worth some peny or three halfe pence a piece: the Beeues with the brasse ••ut off kettles, to the value of twelue pence for a Beefe. It is a place of great refreshing: [ 40] for besides the Beefe and Mutton, there is great plentie of good fish, and fowles of many sorts, great store of fat Deere, but wee could kill none, very excellent Riuers of fresh water, and an healthfull and good ayre. I landed eightie or ninetie sicke men, and lodged them in Tents eigh∣teene dayes, and they all recouered their healthes, saue one that dyed. From the seuenth of Iune, till the day of our departure from Saldanha, being the eight and twentieth of Iune, we had no∣thing but faire weather; the Sunne very warme, and the ayre very sweet and healthfull. Wee were an hundred leagues East from Cabo das Aguilhas,* 17.353 before wee found any current, and then found it strong.

* 17.354The one and thirtieth of Iuly, Latitude obserued seuenteene degrees, eight minutes, and lon∣gitude twentie degrees, seuen and fortie minutes, the wind at South, faire weather. At foure in [ 50] the after-noone, we saw the Iland de Iuan da Noua from vs East South-east, distant foure leagues, in bignesse, so much as we saw, (and I thinke wee saw all of it) for length some three or foure miles, very low, and riseth like rockes; off the West-end, a mile or two from it, we saw a breach, but we could not get ground with an hundred and thirtie fathomes, sounding with our Pinnasse or skiffe: the latitude of it is seuenteene degrees, no minutes, very certainly obserued, and in our iudgements well laid in our plats, both for latitude and longitude: it is a most sure signe of be∣ing neare this Iland de Iuan da Noua,* 17.355 if you find or see great store of fowle; from hauing the I∣land North-east to South-east, we saw much fowle, some white, their wings topped or painted only with blacke, and some blacke fowle.

* 17.356The first of August, North North-east thirtie leagues, latitude fifteene degrees, one and fortie [ 60] minutes, longitude one and twentie degrees, two and twentie minutes.

The second, North-east by North one quarter North, sixe and twentie leagues, latitude fourteene degrees, fiue and thirtie minutes, longitude one and twentie degrees, eight and fif∣tie minutes.

The third, North-east by North, one quarter North two and twenty leagues latitude obserued thirteene degrees, fiue and thirtie minutes, and longitude from the Cape twenty two degr. thirty minutes, the wind at South South-east, partly calme.* 17.357 Note that comming this course from the Isle Iuan da Noua, we haue not met with any Currents: whereby it is euident that the Current which runneth to the South-west, very strongly aboord the Maine, from the latitude of fourteen degr. South, doth not runne in the offing twenty leagues from land. At foure in the after-noone we saw land East North-east, and North-east by East from vs, some twelue leagues off; hauing on the Easter-part of it a very faire Sugar-loafe hill. This Ile is called Mal-Ilha,* 17.358 and is one of the [ 10] Iles of Comoro. Also at the same time we saw the Iland Comoro bearing off vs North North-west and North by West high-land.

The fourth, at six in the morning, we were faire aboord the South South-east end of Mal-Ilha, and haling in with the hand to haue found some place to anchor in, when we were some eight or nine miles from the shoare, we saw the ground vnder the ship;* 17.359 but not lesse then eight or ten fa∣thoms water: the Hosiander being two miles within vs, shee finding not lesse then foure or fiue fathoms, but her Boat was in three fathoms. Then we sent off both our Pinnasses, which kept shoalding on a Banke of eight, ten, and twelue fathomes, being from the Banke halfe a Cables length, no ground in an hundred fathomes. At the North-end of this Mal-Ilha there is a faire big Iland high land, and may be some fiue or sixe miles about; and from this little Iland to the maine land of Mal-Ilha, may be some eight or nine miles, full of rockes, two of them of good height.* 17.360 [ 20] Now the Banke or ledge of Rockes, for so it is, lyeth all along the West-side of Mal-Ilha: and continueth vntill the little high Iland (before mentioned) beare South-east of you, and then it endeth. Heere I had sixteene fathom, faire white sand, fishing ground. And thus being at the North-end of this Ledge, and the little Iland bearing South-east, you may steere in with land, keeping the Iland faire aboord: and within the rockes or broken ground and Mal-Ilha, you shall see a Bay, wherein there is good anchoring. The Dutch shipping hath been there sixe or eight saile of them together: That yeare they were heere, when they assaulted Mozambique,* 17.361 two of my men now in my ship, were then in the shippes. Now to the Eastward of you, as you come in from the Banke or Ledge of Rockes, you haue likewise a great shoald, and the offermost end of it lyeth from the little Iland North-east, or North-east by East, but from the Iland at least fiue [ 30] or sixe miles, and no ground betweene, that we could find, in forty or fifty fathomes. In fine, all the North-side of Mal-Ilha is very dangerous: but the channell mentioned, without danger: for we stood in as farre as the little Iland: but the wind being faire Southerly, we could not lead it in. For I would haue anchored in the Bay if I could haue got in; for a mile to the West-ward of the Bay is a Towne, the people good, and great refreshing; as Beeues, Goats, Hennes, Limons, Coco Nuts, of each great store; and good water. The aforesaid Fleet of Hollanders, in this place, reco∣uered the healthes of foure or fiue hundred men in fiue weekes. In those parts there is no place of greater refreshing then this. Now the best way to come to this place, is to come by the South-east side of the Iland. Mal-Ilha hath latitude twelue degrees, thirty minutes, and longitude three and twenty degree, two minutes; Variation fifteene degrees, twenty minutes. This Iland is well [ 40] named Mal-Ilha, for it is the most dangerous of any place that euer I saw:* 17.362 it is the next to Co∣moro, on the South-east side of Comoro, and is distant some twelue or fourteene leagues.

The first of September, at the breaking of the dawning▪ we saw the land East from vs, some three or foure leagues off. When we saw the land,* 17.363 I was short of my reckoning eightie or nine∣tie leagues: which I iudge to proceed of some Current from the Coast of Melinde, setting to the East: neither from the latitude of Socatora to Daman could we see the Sunne, to know that va∣riation.

The third, at seuen in the morning, we commanded two Boats of the countrey, by shooting foure peeces to them, to come aboord of vs: and they told vs that the Church, and Castle, and Towne which we saw, and now did beare off vs South-east by South, was the Towne of Daman. [ 50] Out of these two Boats I tooke two men, which vndertooke to carry the Dragon to the Barre of Surat, with promise that they would not bring me into lesse then seuen fathoms water.

The fifth, a Boat of Surat came aboord of vs with Iaddow the Broker, which had serued Cap∣taine William Hawkins three yeeres, and Sir Henry Middleton the time of his being heere; and the Customers brother, and three or foure others. All which continued with vs till the seuenth day. And then at foure in the after-noone we came to an anchor at the Barre of Surat:* 17.364 the Barre hath latitude one and twenty degrees, ten minutes. Variation sixteene degrees, twenty minutes, or sixteene degr. seuen and twenty min. Heere I came to an anchor in eight fathomes and a quarter at high water, and at low water sixe fathoms and an halfe nepe tides: but in the spring tides it would rise heere in the offi••g, for so haue I found, three fathoms, and three fathoms and a halfe.

[ 60] The eleuenth, Thomas Kerridge came aboord, and signified their kind intreaty, and much wel∣come to the people, and brought with him from the Iustice and Gouernour of Surat, a Certificate vnder their Seale for our quiet and peaceable trade and entercourse with them, and also a Letter of relation written by Sir Henry Middleton, which hee left with the Mocadan of Swally. The same day we returned him againe with Hugh Gittins.

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§. II. Their Acts with the Mogols Subiects, and fights against the Portugals: setling a Factorie, and departure to Achen.

THE thirteenth of September, sixteene Sailes of Portugall Frigats put into the Riuer.

The two and twentieth it was determined by counsell, that wee should send a Post to Agra to the King, so signifie our arriual, and to require his answere certaine, Whe∣ther hee would permit vs trade, and to settle a Factorie. Otherwise to depart his Countrey. [ 10]

The thirtieth, this morning I heard of the taking of Master Canning the Purser, and William Chambers: whereupon I caused the Guzurat ship to anchor fast by me, thereby to stay her, till I might see and heare how all stood on land. Also wee stayed a Barke of Rice, being informed that it belonged to the Portugals of Bassare: and from Bassare she came. In fine, I tooke out of her twelue or fourteene Quintals of Rice, and gaue them thirteene pence a Quintall for it. After I had the ship, I wrote to the chiefe on land, that they should send me all my men, with the va∣lue of all the goods which I had landed; which being performed, I would then deliuer their ship wi••h all their people, and gaue time till the fift of October to returne mee answere: by which time if they did not, then I would dispose of ship and goods at my pleasure. Some tenne of the chiefe men of the ship I tooke into my ship: in the ship there being some foure hundred [ 20] men, or foure hundred and fiftie·

The sixth, Medi Ioffer came aboord accompanied with foure chiefe men, and many others. Hee brought me a great Present. He came to intreate of Trade, and release of the ship which I held.

The tenth, I left the Barre of Surat, and came to the Roade of Swally, and anchored in eight fathomes at high-water. It is from the Barre of Surat some ten or twelue miles North. The se∣uenteenth; the Gouernour of Amadauar came to the water-side. The nineteenth, I landed ha∣uing aboord of my ship foure men for pledges.* 17.365 The one and twentieth, I concluded with the Go∣uernours and Merchants for trading with them, and setling a Factorie in any part of their Countrey. [ 30]

The Articles agreed vpon, and sealed by the Gouernour of Amadauar, and the Gouernour of Surat, and foure principall Merchants, and to be confirmed by the Seale and Firme of the Great Mogoll within fortie dayes after the former sealing, or else to be void; for the setling of Trade and Factories in the Cities of Surat, Cambaya, Amada∣uar, Goga, or in any other part or parts of this Countrey within the Great Mogols Dominions. Witnessed vnder our hands [ 40] and Seales, the one and twentieth of October, 1612.

1 INprimis, that all which concerneth Sir Henrie Middleton be remitted, acquited and cleered to vs: that they shall neuer make seisure, stoppage, nor stay of our Goods, Wares and Mer∣chandizes to satisfie for the same.

2 That they shall procure from their King the great Mogoll at their proper cost his grant and con∣firmation of all the Articles of agreement vnder the great Seale of his Land, and shall deliuer the same vnto vs for our securitie and certaintie of perpetuall amitie, commerce and dealing with them with∣in [ 50] fortie dayes after the sealing hereof.

3 That it shall bee lawfull for the King of England to keepe and continue his Embassadour at the Court of the Great Mogoll during the time of the said peace and commerce, there to compound and end all such great and weightie Questions, as may any way tend to the breach of the said peace.

4 That at all times vpon the arriuall of our ships in the Roade of Swally there shall bee Procla∣mation in the Citie of Surat three seuerall dayes together, that it shall bee free for the Countrey people of all sorts to come downe to the water side, there to haue free trade, dealing and commerce with vs.

5 That all English Commodities shall pay custome, according to the value or price that it beareth at the time that it is put into the Custome-house, after the rate of three and an halfe the hundred.

6 That all pettie and Pedlerly ware be free of Custome, prouided that it exceed not in value tenne [ 60] Rials of eight.

7 That we shall haue ten Manu for our Manuda carryed from the waters side to Surat: and af∣ter the same rate backe againe: and for Carts we are to repaire to the Moccadam of Swally to send for Surat, and at Surat to repaire to the Broker for Carts downe againe.

8 That if any of our men dye in those parts, that then neither the King, nor Gouernour, nor vnder Officer shall make title or challenge to any thing that to the dead belonged, nor demand fees, nor any kind of Taxes, nor Customes.

9 That if all our men dye heere in these parts, betweene the times of the comming of our shippes, that then by some Office thereto appointed iust and true Inuentorie, notice, and knowledge be taken, of all such Monies, Goods, Iewels, Prouisions, Apparell, and what else to our Nation belongeth: and the same shall safely preserue and keepe, and deliuer to the Generall, Captaine, or Merchants of the first ships that shall after heere arriue: and to receiue a discharge from the Generall, Captaine, or Merchants, to whom such Goods and Monies shall be deliuered.

10 That they secure our men and goods vpon the Land, redeeming all such both goods and men as shall [ 10] happen to be taken vpon the Land by the Portugals: and shall deliuer both men and goods againe to vs free of all charges, or the value of our goods and men instantly.

11 That as in all Kingdomes there are some Rebels and disobedient Subiects; so in our Nation there may be some Pirats, and Sea-Rouers, which may happen to come into these parts, and heere may rob and steale: if any such shall happen, then will not we by our Trade and Factorie heere bee lyable or answerable for such goods so taken, but will ayde them with our best meanes that are so grieued, by Iustice to our King, for redresse and restitution vnto them.

11 That all such prouisions of victuals as shall bee spent during the time that our ships shall remayne heere in the Roades of Surat and Swally, shalbe free of Custome: prouided, it doe not amount vnto aboue [ 20] a thousand Dollers in Money.

13 That in all Questions of wrongs and iniuries that shall be offered vnto vs, and to our Nation, that we doe receiue from the Iudges and those that be in authoritie, present and speedie Iustice according to the qualitie of our complaints and wrongs be done vs, and that by delayes we be not put off, and wearied either by time or charges.

The fourteenth, I landed the Present for the Great Mogol, and brought it to the Tent of the Gouernour of Amadauar, who tooke notice of the particulars: also of our Kings Letter to their King to aduertise their King thereof. Which done, I returned the Present to my shippe a∣gaine, according to agreement with the said Gouernour. For I had told him, that vnlesse their [ 30] King would confirme the Articles concluded on, and likewise write our King a Letter, I would not deliuer the Present, nor our Kings Letter: for if he refused so to do, then was he not a friend, but an enemie, and to the enemie of my King, I neither had Letter nor Present. Also the same day, the former finished, I deliuered our Present to the Gouernour of Amadauar, and another to his sonne.

The fourteenth of Nouember, 1612. the Cafila of Frigats came in sight of vs, some two hundred and fortie saile. I had thought they had come to fight with vs: but they were the Fleet of the Merchant men bound for Cambaya. And euery yeare there commeth the like Fleet, all Portugals from the South Coast, to wit, from Goa, Chaul, &c. to goe to Cambaya: and from thence they bring the greatest part of the lading, which the Caracks and Gallions carrie for Por∣tugall. [ 40] By which may appeare the great Trade that the Portugals haue in these parts.* 18.1

The seuen and twentieth, I receiued Letters from Master Canning and Edward Christian: both signified of the comming of foure Gallions to fight with vs, and that they were readie, riding at the Barre of Goa, the fourteenth of Nouember.

The nine and twentieth, Master Canning came aboord: and the Portugall Fleet comming in sight of vs yesterday, drew neere vp with the floud: and at two in the after-noone I did set saile, and at foure I was about two Cables lengths from the Vice-Admirall, fearing to goe neerer for want of depth, and then I began to play vpon him both with great and small shot, that by an houre we had well peppered him with some fiftie sixe great shot. From him wee receiued one small shot, Saker or Minion into our Maine Mast, and with another he sunke our long Boate: [ 50] now being night we anchored, and saued our Boate, but lost many things out of it.

The thirtieth, assoone as they day gaue light, I set saile and steered betweene them, bestir∣ring our selues with our best endeuours, putting three of their foure shippes on ground on the sands thwart of the Barre of Surat.

At nine I anchored. This morning the Hosiander did good seruice, and came through also be∣tweene the ships, and anchored by me, vpon the floud the three ships on ground came off: we set saile, they at anchor, and came to them, and spent vpon three of them, one hundred and fiftie great shot: and in the morning some fiftie shot: and at night we giuing the Admirall our foure Peeces out of the sterne for a fare-well, he gaue vs one of his Prow Peeces, either a whole or Demi-culuering, which came euen with the top of our Fore-castle, shot thorow our [ 60] Dauie, killed one man, to wit, William Burrell, and shot the arme of another.

This day the Hosiander spent wholly vpon one of the ships, which was on ground, and from the enemie receiued many shot, 〈…〉〈…〉 which killed the Boat-swayne Richard Barker. Night being come wee birthed our selues 〈…〉〈…〉 miles from them, and anchored: and at nine of the clocke they sent a Frigat to vs, which being come neere, came driuing right on the halfe of the

Hosiander:* 18.2 and being discouered by their good watch, they made to shoote at it; the first, caused it to set saile; the second went thorow their sailes, and so they tooke their leaue. Their purpose, doubtlesse, was to haue fired vs, if they had found vs without good watch.

The first of December, 1612. we rode, they not comming to vs, nor we to them: they might without danger of the sands haue come to vs, not we to them. This day I called a Counsell, and concluded to go downe to haue a broader channell, hoping also that the Gallions would fol∣low vs. The second, we went downe some sixe or seuen leagues, but they followed vs not. The third, at flood we plyed vp againe, and anchored faire in sight of them.

The fourth in the morning, we weighed, and stood away before them. In the after-noone they gaue vs ouer, and stood in with the land againe: and at night we directed our course for Diu. [ 10]

The fifth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 night, we anchored some foure or fiue leagues to the Eastward of Diu in fourteene fathoms, faire aboord the shoare.

The ninth, we came to Madafeldebar, and anchored in eight fathomes. It is from Diu some ten or eleuen leagues, and lyeth nearest East and by North, a faire Coast, no danger but that you see: your depth, if neare Diu, fifteene, sixteene, when halfe-way, twelue fathoms, then ten and nine, not lesse: it is a faire sandy Bay; and on the West-side of the Bay is a Riuer that goeth farre into the Countrey: and this place is some fiue or sixe miles short to the Westward of the Isles of Mortie. The fifteenth in the morning, we departed from Madafeldebar, to go to Mohar, only to discouer the Bay: because some that were there in the Ascension, reported it to be a good place to winter in. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, we anchored in the Bay of Moha; which is [ 20] from Madafeldebar nine or ten leagues,* 18.3 East North-east. Hauing found the Coast and channell ve∣ry good, depth ten fathomes; no danger, but what you see. I sent our Pinnasse on land, where presently we had twenty good sheepe, at three shillings a sheepe, the best we had this Voyage.

The sixteenth in the morning, I sent our Pinnasse on land, where we found few people, but the ruines of a great Towne.

The seuenteenth in the morning, the Generall of the Campe sent to me foure men, to intreat me to send vnto him one of my men, that he might talke with mee.

The one and twentieth Ilanded, and had much conference with the Generall of the Campe: he much desired that I would land two peeces of Ordnance, making many and great promises of fauour to our Nation; but I refused him. He presented me with a horse and furniture, and two [ 30] Agra Girdles: And I presented him a Vest of Stammell, two Peeces, two Bottels of Aquaui∣tae, and a Knife. The two and twentieth, we saw the foure Gallions comming toward vs, and at nine at night they anchored within shot of vs.

The three and twentieth in the morning, by Sunne, we weighed, and began with them, and continued fight till ten or eleuen. Then they all foure weighed, and stood away before the wind, and so went from vs: for they sailed large, much better then wee: wee followed them two or three houres, and then anchored. This day I spent vpon them an hundred thirtie three great shot, and some seuen hundred small shot. In this fight Iohn Hackwel was killed with a great shot. The foure Gallions anchored from me some two leagues.

The foure and twentieth, by Sunne rising, I weighed and went to the foure Gallions, and by [ 40] eight began our fight, and continued it till twelue. And this day shot two hundred and fiftie great shot, and one thousand small shot. By this time both sides were weary, and we all stood in∣to the sea, and steered away South by East. The foure ships following of vs, at two or three of clocke they laid it about and anchored. Now I began take knowledge of our powder and shot, and found more then halfe of our shot spent, and of the Hosianders, hauing now spent on the foure shippes sixe hundred, fiue and twenty great shot, and three thousand small shot. Being from the land some foure or fiue leagues,* 18.4 we met with a sand, whereon there was some two or two fathoms and an halfe, and it lyeth from Moso South-east, or thereabout, the end of the said sand. I went ouer it in nine fathoms: and then were the two high hills, which are ouer Goga nearest North of vs. Vpon this sand was the Ascension cast away. The shoalding is some∣thing [ 50] fast. Betweene the land and this sand is nine and ten fathoms. Wee continued steering South, with an ebbe. At low water we anchored in eight fathoms, the tide setting at East North-east, and West South-west, by the Compasse. At twelue at mid-night I weighed, wind at North North-west, and steered South South-east, depths twelue and fourteene fathoms. At foure stee∣red East South-east. At sixe steered East still twelue fathoms, halfe a fathome more or l••sse. At nine we met with a banke, seuen fathomes, fiue or sixe casts, then presently ten, twelue, four∣teene. Then the wind shortned on vs: we lay South-east. And about twelue saw the land of Da∣man East South-east. The high land to the Southward of Daman South-east by East. And being ouer this sand, we had presently fourteene, fifteene, seuenteene, twenty fathoms. At two, being high water, we anchored in seuenteene fathoms, faire in sight of land, Daman East Sou••h••east. [ 60] The highest land to the Southward, South-east by South. At eight at night, wee set saile halfe tide, calme, still fifteene and sixteene fathoms, anchored all the ebbe.

The sixe and twentieth, at nine of the clocke in the morning, we set saile, in the afternoone anchored off the Barre of Surat.

The seuen and twentieth in the morning, we were three or foure miles short of Swally, and a∣bout twelue of the clocke we anchored in the Road of Swally. In the after-noon Thomas Kerridge and Edward Christian came aboord.

The sixt of February, the Firma came to Swally, as a priuate Letter:* 18.5 therefore I refused to re∣ceiue it, being iealous it was a counterfeit; requiring the chiefe men of Surat to come downe and deliuer it to me, with those rights that to it belonged.

The eleuenth, the Sabandar, his father in law Medigoffer, and diuers others came to Swally,* 18.6 and deliuered it to me, with profession of their Kings loue to our Nation.

[ 10] The fourteenth, we landed all our cloath, three hundred and ten Elephants teeth, and all our Quick-siluer. The Gallions came within some three or foure miles of vs.

The sixteenth, I landed Anthony Starkey, to trauerse home ouer-land for England, with Let∣ters and aduertisement of our good successe.

The seuenteenth, I receiued all my goods from Surat: at night I set saile, taking my leaue of these coasts: it fell calme, and I anchored. Note that in the Land of Cambaya it floweth South∣west and North-east.

The eighteenth, I set saile againe, came faire by the Gallions. They all weighed and followed me some two or three houres, and then we departed without shooting a shot on either side..

The nineteenth, thwart of Basaim we tooke three Malabars, which had nothing in them: we tooke a Boat from one of them.

[ 20] The twentieth, still we were faire aboord some fiue leagues off, and came along the shoare in fourteene, eighteene, twentie fathomes water. At night we were faire ouer-against Chaul, see∣ing both Towne and Castle.

The one and twentieth in the after-noone, wee were faire aboord Dabull, and heere were a∣boord three Iunckes, all of Calicut, laden with Cokers.

The two and twentieth, the Hosiander in the morning sent her Boat vnto two Iunckes. At twelue of the clocke we were at the rockes, which lye at the Northward of Goa,* 18.7 ten or eleuen leagues, and lye from the Maine sixe or eight miles. Two or three of these rocks are higher then the hull of any ship. At sixe we were thwart of Goa, which is easily knowne by the Iland, which lyeth at the mouth of the Riuer, and vpon the Iland a Castle. From Daman till you come to [ 30] Goa, the shoare is very faire, no danger, and faire shoalding, not without sixteene or seuenteene, nor within ten fathoms: good anchoring all the Coast. And all this Coast from Daman to Goa, lyeth nearest South and North, we steered along the Land.

The foure and twentieth, we saw a Fleet of Frigats, some sixtie or eightie saile▪* 18.8 bound to the Southward: heere Norther latitude thirteene degrees, halfe a minute. The high land by the wa∣ters side left vs; and the land began to be very low, and faire shoalding sixteene or seuenteene fathomes, some three or foure leagues off. In the after-noone we came into a Bay,* 18.9 where all the Frigats, and three or foure Gallyes were, and fetched out a ship laden with Rice: all the Portu∣galls fled in their two Boates; and also there were two Frigats aboord of her, so that all good things they carryed away with them.

[ 40] The fiue and twentieth, we romaged our prize, finding nothing but Rice and course Sugar, of which we stored our selues, and tooke out both high masts, and what firing we could, and at night suncke her, taking out of her all the people, twentie or fiue and twentie, all Moores.

The sixe and twentieth, wee met with a little Boate of Maldina, laden with Cokers, bound for Cananor, into which I put all the people of the prize; onely eight I kept for labour,* 18.10 one of them a Pilot for this Coast. At twelue we were thwart of Cananor, latitude eleuen degrees.

The seuen and twentieth, we were shot a little past Calicut, and were thwart of Pannaire,* 18.11 at noone latitude ten degrees, thirtie minutes.

The eight and twentieth in the morning, we saw Cochin,* 18.12 which maketh it selfe by the Towers and Castle: and in latitude nine degrees, fortie minutes, or there-about. Note that from Goa to [ 50] Cochin, we neuer had aboue twentie fathomes, being sometime foure or fiue leagues from land: and being three, foure and sixe miles off ten or twelue fathomes, from latitude eleuen degrees,* 18.13 thirtie minutes to Cochin, very low land by the waters side; but vp in the Countrie all along high land. Note that short of Cochin foure or fiue leagues,* 18.14 you shall see a high land in the Coun∣trie, somewhat like a table, but rounding aloft. And to the Northward of this round hill, high long hills or mountaines. All this day we ran within six or eight miles of the land, in nine, ten, twelue fathomes.

The nine and twentieth, calme, latitude eight degrees, some sixe leagues off,* 18.15 no ground in for∣tie or fiftie fathomes.

The thirtieth, we anchored in fifteene fathomes, some sixe and twentie leagues short of Cape [ 60] Comori, against a little Village: and presently sixe or eight Canoes came aboord, and brought vs all prouisions, water, Hennes, Cocos, &c. The name of this place is * 18.16 Beringar: the Kings name Trauancar.

The one and thirtieth, all the day the people came to vs with Hennes, and other victuals.

The first of February, the people came with prouisions, and the King sent a messenger to me,

to know whether I would trade with him: which if I would, he offered to lade my shippe with Pepper and Cinamom.

The fourth, the people still came to vs with prouisions. At two of the clocke in the after∣noone, we set saile from Beringar: all the night I anchored.

The fifth in the morning we set saile, being faire aboord Cape Comorin: and heere met with a fresh gale of wind at East by North, which split our fore-top-saile and maine bonnet, yet a Ca∣noa with eight men came aboord me, three or foure leagues from land: in the after-noone came another Canoa. Heere we were troubled with calmes and great heate, many of our men taken sicke, my selfe one of them. The eight, we came againe into the Roade of Beringar.

The Thirteenth, we set saile from Beringar. Note that this place giueth good refreshing, with plentie of water, and the people harmelesse, and not friends with the Portugals. From this place [ 10] to the Cape, all the people that dwell by the waters side are Christians, and haue a Portugall Frier or Priest that dwelleth among them. All the night we anchored some foure of fiue miles from the two rockes, which lye off the Cape in eighteene fathomes. The two rockes lye fiue or sixe miles from land.

The fourteenth in the morning, I set saile, wind at East, and plyed to windward: wee haue a little current to the Southward. Note that the Coast of Malabar, euen from Daman to Cape Comorin is free of danger,* 18.17 and faire shoalding on all the Coast from Cochin to the Cape: more neale sixteene, eighteene, twentie fathoms faire by the land: and fiue or six leagues off no ground after you come within fiue and twentie or thirtie leagues of the Cape. The variation at Daman is sixteene degrees, thirtie minutes. And halfe way to the Cape, it is fifteene or thereabout: and [ 20] heere at the Cape it is fourteene. And the Cape hath latitude North seuen degrees, thirtie mi∣nutes. In the after-noone, we ran off open of the Cape, and found much wind at East South-east, which gaue no small hope of going to the Eastward, till the end of the Monson, which will bee the fifth of Aprill, or thereabout, as the Indians report. So I bore vp and anchored foure or fiue leagues within the Cape, in twentie fathomes, faire by the two rockes. Right off from these two rockes, lyeth a suncken rocke, which is very dangerous, and is some two miles without the fore∣said two Rockes. If you come within twentie fathomes, you shall be in danger of them: but safe and free of danger, is not to come within foure and twentie or fiue and twentie fathomes. Heere we stayed nine dayes.

* 18.18The eight and twentieth in the morning, at sixe of the clocke, we saw the Isle of Ceylon, East [ 30] South-east, off some eight or nine leagues: little wind at South, latitude obserued seuen degrees North. At foure of the clocke, we were faire aboord the land, depths thirteene, fifteene, sixteene fathomes. At eight stood off till day: little wind at South, being from the land fiue or six leagues, no ground in sixtie or seuentie fathomes.

* 18.19The first of March, all the morning becalmed: in the after-noone a Sea-turne at North-west and West. At sixe of the clocke, we were faire aboord Columbo, the latitude whereof is six de∣grees, thirtie minutes, or neare there-about, dephts foure and twenty, fiue and twenty fathoms, three leagues off.

The twelf••h, we stood in with the land, and anchored in foure and twentie fathomes, wind at South-east and South. I sent my Boat on land, foure leagues to the North of Punta de Galle: [ 40] and after some stay, a woman came to talke with an Indian, that went out of our Boat: shee told him that we should haue there no prouisions: but said shee would go and tell the men; which we desired. Afterward two men came to my Indian, and told him, that we should not haue anything there, for that our Nation had sometimes taken a Boat of theirs: but it was the Hollanders, and not our Nation.

The fourteenth in the morning, at sixe of the clocke, the Southermost point of Ceylon, called Tenadare, whose latitude is fiue degrees, thirtie minutes, and lyeth from Punta de Galle, East South-east, some ten or twelue leagues, bare East North-east some fiue leagues off.

* 18.20The seuenteenth, we were neare to one of the sands that Linscot writeth of: it lieth from the land two leagues. We had fiue and twenty fathomes when we staid: vpon the land right against [ 50] this sand is a high Rocke like a great Tower. The land lieth here East North-east.

Captaine Best his entertainement at Achen.

THe twelfth of Aprill at noone, we came to an anchor in the Road of Achen, in twelue fa∣thomes;* 18.21 but you may ride in tenne or eight fathomes. Your best road is, to the East-ward of the Castle, and Riuers mouth. The thirteenth, I landed the Merchants, the King not beeing in Towne. The fifteenth, the King came, and sent his Chap to me for my landing, brought by an Eunuch, and sixe or eight more, and also the Xabandar. To whom we gaue an hundred and twen∣ty [ 60] M••m. With them the same day I landed: and two houres after my landing, the King sent mee Present in victuals: I hauing presently vpon my landing sent the King two peeces: for the custome is, at landing to present the King with some small thing, and he requiteth it by seuerall dishes of meate.

The seuenteenth, the King hauing sent an Elephant with a bason of Gold for our Kings let∣ters, I rode to the Court accompanied with fortie of our men, all admitted into the Kings pre∣sence▪ and after many complements, the King returned the Letter vnto me, for to read it:* 18.22 and so the substance of it was deliuered vnto him in his owne language. The contents pleased him very well. The day wel spent, the King told me, he would now shew me some of his pleasures; and caused his Elephants to fight before vs: and after sixe of them had fought, then he caused foure Buffles to fight before him, which made a very excellent and fierce fight. Their fiercenesse was such, that hardly sixtie or eightie men could part them, fastening ropes to their hinder legges, to draw them asunder. And after them some tenne or twelue Rams, which likewise made a very [ 10] great fight, and so continued till it was so darke that we could not see any longer. The King pre∣sented me with a banket of at least foure hundred dishes, with such plentie of hot drinkes, as might haue sufficed a drunken army. Betweene nine and tenne at night, he gaue me leaue to de∣part, sending me two Elephants to carry me home; but I rode not on them, they hauing no coue∣rings on them.

The eighteenth, I went to the Court againe, the King so appointing; where we beganne to treat of the Articles formerly made by his Grand-father, and M. Iames Lancaster. And comming to the matter of hauing all goods both brought in, and carried out free of custome, wee ended, without concluding any thing.

The nineteenth, the Embassadour of Siam came to visit me,* 18.23 telling me of the three Englishmen that came to the King of Siam, and of their great entertainment, and ioy of their King to receiue [ 20] a Letter from the King of England: and that it was some thirty Moneths since. They also told me how ioyfull their King would be, if our shipping came to his coasts; telling me what great quantities of cloath of Portugall, which is English cloth, would sell in their Countreys. The co∣lours most in request, stammel and reds, with some others, as yellowes, and other pleasing light colours, as at Surat. They also told me that their King had made a Conquest ouer the whole Countrey of Pegu, and so is now the greatest King of this Orientall part, except the King of China, and hath vnder him twentie sixe petty Kings; and in the warres is able to make sixe thou∣sand Elephants. Their coyne is all Siluer. Their Gold is lesse esteemed then the valew thereof. In their Countrey is great store of Pepper, and rawe Silke. He saith, that the Hollanders haue [ 30] their Factories, whom they call English, at Patane, which is an excellent Port: the entrance twelue and foureteene fathomes. Likewise Siam is a good Port, and is neerer vnto the Kings Court then Patane. Those that doe goe to the Citie of the King, alwaies come to this Port of Si∣am. And from this Port of Siam to the Kings Court, is some twenty dayes iourney by land. I mooued the Embassadour for his Letter to the King, which he promised me, and also for his Let∣ter to the Gouernours of Ports, in fauour of our Nation, when we should come vpon those coasts. And lastly, changed coynes with him, giuing of our English coyne, and receiuing the Kings coine of Siam. I had after this, often entercourse with these Embassadours.

The twentieth, I went to the Court, but spake not with the King: whereupon I sent to the Kings Deputie, and complained of my dishonour, and of some abuse by the Xabandar offered vnto [ 40] me. He promised that I should haue present redresse▪ and that he would enforme the King there∣of: which accordingly he performed the same day. The twentie one, the King sent two Officers vnto me, to signifie that at all times I might repaire vnto his Court, with free accesse, and passe all the Gates without stoppe, or attending for his Crest, and likewise remooued the Xabandar, and appointed me the Gentleman, whom the King sent Vice-Embassadour into Holland, to attend, and accompany me at all times to the Court, and elsewhere at my pleasure.

The foure and twentieth, I wrote vnto the Court, and had accesse vnto the King, who gaue me all content, and promised the ratifying of all the Articles, formerly agreed vpon by his Prede∣cessour, and M. Iames Lancaster. So after diuers complements, he tooke leaue, and sent me home presently after my returne an Elephant to attend me,* 18.24 and to carrie me whither soeuer it pleased me to trauell. And this is a signe of the honourablest esteeme that they hold of the parties to [ 50] whom they send their Elephants: for none may haue an Elephant, nor ride on them, but those whom the King doth honour.

The second of May, the King inuited me to his fountaine to swimme, and I was with him; it being some fiue or sixe miles from the Citie,* 18.25 and he sent me two Elephants to carrie me and my prouision; and hauing washed and bathed our selues in the water, the King presented me with an exceeding great banquet, with too much Racke, all to be eaten and drunken as we sate in the wa∣ter; all his Nobles and great Captaines being present. Our banquet continued from one of the clocke till towards fiue: at which time the King released me; and halfe an houre after all strangers, and presently after followed himselfe.

[ 60] The foureteenth, certaine Portugalls came into Achen, which came from Malacca with an Embassage from the Gouernour to this King. The wind short, they landed three leagues to the Eastward of the Road of Achen.* 18.26 This day I sent the Hosiander to seeke the Barke which came from Malacca, making Edward Christian Captaine in her. The seuenteenth in the morning, the Portugall Barke was brought vnto me aboord the Dragon. But before she came aboord, the King

sent two Messengers to me, to desire me to release both her, and that which might bee in her: which I refused to doe: answering, that I would not release her, vntill I had seen both the Barke and that which was in her: but willed them to tell the King, that in honour of him, whatsoeuer he required, I would doe for him. Afterward the Barke came, and by Edward Christian I was in∣formed, that there were some foure or fiue fardels in her, and that nothing was medled withall, that was in her. Wherein being certified, I came on land, and found my Merchants to be at the Court, who by and by after came in, informing me of the Kings great displeasure, for taking the Portugall Barke in his Port, protesting by his god, That he would make them all prisoners, if the Barke were not released. The King hauing intelligence of my comming on land, presently sent for me. And on the way to the Court, as I was going, I met a Gentleman that came from the [ 10] King, to desire me to release the Barke. But I told him, I would first speake with the King. In fine, I came to the Court, and presently was brought before the King: where after much discourse, at the Kings request, I gaue him the Barke, and all that was in her, with which hee was much pleased,* 18.27 and gaue me an honourable title, to wit, Arancaia Puto: which signifieth, The honourable White man, requiring his Nobles to call me by the same name. And further, to acknowledge his thankefulnesse to me, he sold me his Beniamin at mine owne price; namely, at twenty Tayls the Bahar, it being worth thirty foure and thirty fiue, professing by generall tearmes his loue, and much esteeme of mee, willing me to aske whatsoeuer I would of him. I required onely his Let∣ters of fauour vnto Priaman, which he most willingly promised. Of his Mangoes, whereof him∣selfe did eate, he gaue me to eate, and likewise to carry to my lodging, and so I tooke leaue and [ 20] departed.

The seuen and twentieth, Malim Gauy came to Achen, by whom I receiued Letters from our Merchants at Surat,* 18.28 and also a Copie of the Kings Firma, sent them from Agra, bearing date the twenty fifth of Ianuary, and the seuenth yeare of the Great Mogols raigne, confirming all that was passed betweene the Gouernour of Amadauar and me.

The seuenteenth of Iune, 1613. came there a Merchant of the Hollanders into Achen from Masulipatan, and had been eight moneths on his iourney. He told vs of the death of Captaine Anthonie Hippon, who died in Patane, and of M. Browne Master of the Globe, who died in Ma∣sulipatan, and that they had been euill dealt with at Masulipatan.

The foure and twentieth, I receiued of the King his Present for the King of England; namely, [ 30] his Letter, a Cryse or Dagger, an Hasega, foure pieces of fine Callicut lawne, and eight Camphire dishes.

See this Letter transcribed, as a raritie for the Reader, out of M. Copelands Iournall, which was Minister in that Voyage, and followeth in the next Chapter.

* 18.29The third of Iuly, the Kings Armada arriued, and had been but twenty dayes from the coast of Ior to Achen. In Ior they tooke the Factorie of the Hollanders, and made a prey of all their goods, and brought hither prisoners of the Hollanders some twenty or twenty foure. The seuenth, I receiued the Kings Letter for Priaman, and the Chap for my departure. The twelfth, I tooke my leaue in Achen, and came aboord.

The thirteenth in the morning, I set saile, and comming neere the great Westermost Iland, open [ 40] of the Northermost gut; in the same Ile we found faire shoalding twenty fathomes, cleane ground, sand, a good birth from the land. This depth with cleare ground continued almost to the end of the Iland: so that on the East side of this Iland, there is very good anchoring, and on the Iland great store of wood. But beeing neere the great Iland, to the East-ward of this, wee could get no ground: betweene these two great Ilands is the best and safest course, going on or out to the road of Achen. Likewise, to the Eastward of the Eastermost Iland, but that is out of the way. Note, that from the twelfth of Aprill to the middest of Iune, we had much raine, seldome two dayes without raine, with gusts and much wind. From the fifteenth of Iune, to the twelfth of Iuly, very much wind, very sore stresses, alwayes at South-West, and West South-West, and West.

[ 50]

§. III. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman: their going to Bantam, and thence home.

THe third of August, we were in sight of Priaman, nine or tenne leagues off, it bearing from vs North-east by East,* 18.30 it shewing with two great high hils, making a faire swamp or saddle betweene them both. We sawe also Tecoo the high land on it: it is not more then halfe so high as Priaman land,* 18.31 and riseth something flat. Then we saw also the high [ 60] land of Passaman, which lieth some seuen or eight leagues to the North-ward of Tecoo, euen mid¦way betweene Passaman and Priaman,* 18.32 which Mountaine is very high, and riseth like Monte Gi∣bello in Sicilie.

* 18.33The seuenth in the afternoone we came to Tecoo, and anchored on the East side of the three

Ilands in seuen fathomes. The Souther-most Ile bore West South-west. The middlemost West North-West. The Northermost North, and halfe East a mile from the Ilands.

The ninth, I landed my Merchants; and in the afternoone I landed with the King of Achens Letter. The eleuenth, I called a Counsell for sending the Hosiander for Priaman with the Kings Letter, which departed the next day, and returned the eighteenth, and was sent to Bantam.

The fiue and twentieth, there came in a Iuncke of Bantam, the Owners Chineses. They con∣firmed vnto me the death of Sir Henrie Middleton,* 18.34 with the losse of most of the men of the Trades Increase, and Maine Mast which brake with forcing her downe to carine her, and that now she was gone from Pulo Panian to Bantam: that three hundred Chineses dyed in working [ 10] on her.

The eight and twentieth, my Boat and men returned from Passaman, hauing beene well in∣treated, and brought with them the Scriuane of the place to deale with me: with whom I dealt and went through.

The fourteenth, the Gouernour called me on Land, being set with all the chiefe: I came to him, and after much talke agreed for the price of Pepper: Money, eighteene Dollers the Barre. Lastage, eight pence the Barre. Canikins, thirtie the Barre. Seilars, thirtie fiue the Barre. They indented for Presents to sixteene great men.

The thirtieth, Henrie Long came from Passaman, and gaue mee knowledge of the sicknesse of Master Oliuer and diuers others dead, whereupon I sent my Shalop to fetch both him and all o∣ther [ 20] of my men away, and to surcease my Factorie there.

The one & twentieth of October, the Hosiander returned. The Merchants from Bantam wrote to me that they had readie seuenteen thousand bags of Pepper: all which, if it pleased me to come thither, I should haue, or as much thereof, as should seeme good vnto me, at thirteene Dollers the Timbane. Out of these and many other considerations, I presently called a Counsell: wherein we concluded that the Dragon should goe for Bantam; and the Hosiander should stay in the Road of Teco, vpon the sale of Surat goods: all which being put aboord of her, I departed from the Roade of Teco the thirtieth of October.

In this Roade I had stayed eleuen weekes, and bought one hundred and fifteene or one hun∣dred and twentie tunnes of Pepper, and buried of our men fiue and twentie. All which either [ 30] dyed, or contracted their deaths at Passaman, and not at Teco. And certainly,* 18.35 had wee not at∣tempted trading at Passaman, they had been either all, or the greatest part of them now liuing. Therefore I doe with all our Nation neuer to attempt the sending of our men to Passaman. For the Ayre is so contagious there, and the water so euill, that it is impossible for our people to liue there.

The thirtieth, in the after-noone I set saile from Teco:* 18.36 at sixe at night wee were thwart of the offermost of the three Ilands; all night we steered South South-west.

The eleuenth of Nouember,* 18.37 we arriued in the Roade of Bantam in foure fathomes one quarter lesse. The twelfth, I called the Merchants aboord, and concluded on the price of Pepper at thir∣teene Dollers the Bahar: which is sixe hundred pound of our weight.

[ 40] The fourth of March at eight at night I set saile from Saldanha, hauing bought heere with a little Copper, which at ten pence the pound might be worth some three pound tenne shillings, foure hundred ninetie foure Sheepe, foure Beeues, nine Calues. On the day of our comming to Sea the people brought vs more then we could buy, or knew what to doe withall. We brought to Sea eightie Sheepe, two Beeues, and one Calfe.

The foure & twentieth North North-west halfe West till nine, ten leagues & an halfe. Then West till sixe in the morning twelue leagues.* 18.38 Then we saw Sancta Helena from vs West North-west some eight or nine leagues off. I find the latitude of it to be sixteene Southerly. Also we ob∣serued at noone: and it hath longitude from the Meridian of the Cape of Good Hope, twentie two degrees. At three of the clocke we anchored in the Roade right against the Chappell.

[ 50] While I was at Saint Helena,* 18.39 I sent my Boates to the West-ward to find a shorter way to the Limon Trees, and to bring downe Goates and Hogges with more ease. For from the Chappell to the Limon Trees is a most wicked way: and euen a dayes worke to goe and come. In fine, in seeking they found some three or foure miles to the South-west a faire Valley, which leadeth directly vp to the Limon Trees. It is the greatest and fairest Valley from the Chappell; and ei∣ther the next or the next saue one from the South-west point from the Chappell:* 18.40 Heere in this Valley is better water, and more cleere, then at the Chappell, the Roade all one for ground and depth. Heere at this Valley it is much better being then at the Chappell, both for getting of all prouisions, and for watering. It is from the Chappell some three or foure miles, and is from it the fourth Valley or Swampe: and from the Point to the West-ward of it, the second. So that [ 60] you cannot misse of it. It is heere much better riding then at any other place on the Iland. From this place you may goe vp to the Limon Trees, and downe againe in three houres. Heere we got some thirtie Hogges and Pigges, and some twelue or fourteene hundred Limons. In eight or ten dayes a man may heere get two hundred Hogges, and many Goates, lying on land of pur∣pose to kill them. The variation is here seuen degrees thirtie minutes.

The fourth of Iune 1614. we saw the Lizard North from vs, some foure or fiue leagues off. And now our longitude from the Cape of Good Hope was twentie seuen degrees twentie mi∣nutes,* 18.41 and two degrees carryed by the Current. So tha•• the difference of longitude betweene the Cape of Good Hope and the Lizard is twentie nine degrees twentie minutes, or very neere thereabout.

Note, that this day three moneths at night I did set saile in the roade of Saldanha: yet not∣withstanding our short passage, hauing beene from Santa Helena but two monethes and nine dayes, the one halfe or more of our Company are laid vp of the Scuruie: and two dead of it. Yet had we plentie of victuals, as Beefe, Bread, Wine, Rice, Oyle, Vinegar, Sugar; and all these without allowance.* 18.42 Note, that all our men that are sicke, haue taken their sicknesse since [ 10] wee fell with Flores and Coruo. For since that time wee haue had it very cold, especially in two great stormes, the one with the wind a•• North and North North-east: The other with the wind at South-west. From the Cape of Good Hope to the Ilands of Flores and Coruo, I had not one man sicke. The variation foure or fiue leagues off, the Start is nine degrees thirtie minutes, little more or lesse.

* 18.43The fifteenth, wee came into the Riuer of Thames, it being that day sixe moneths since wee came from Bantam in Iaua.

Blessed bee God.

[ 20]

CHAP. VIII. Certaine Obseruations written by others employed in the same Voyage, Master COPLAND Minister, ROBERT BONER Master, NICHOLAS WITHING∣TON Merchant.

[ 30]

§. I. Remembrances taken out of a Tractate written by Master PATRIKE COPLAND Minister in the former Voyage.

IN the Tropickes are seldome or no stormes, but a smooth Sea with soft gales: fly∣ing fishes are frequent as bigge as a small Whiting: they flye twice the length of a ship. Turnados (gusts within two degrees of the Line) cause all things, spe∣cially cloaths, to smell. They had ninetie or a hundred sicke, the rest weake, be∣fore they came to Soldania. [ 40]

The Bay of Soldania and all about the Cape is so healthfull and fruitfull, as might grow a Paradise of the World; it well agrees with English bodies, for all but one in twen∣tie dayes recouered,* 18.44 as at the first day they set forth. They had then in Iune, Snow vpon the hils, the weather warmish. The Countrey is mixed, Mountaines, Plaines, Medowes, Streames, the Woods as if they were artificially planted for order. There is free stone to build with, plen∣tie of fish and fowle, wilde Geese, Partriches and Duckes, Antilopes, Deere, Riuers. They had thirtie nine Beeues, one hundred and fifteene sheepe for a little Brasse cut out of two or three old Kettles. For the sheepe worth one penny, or one penny halfe penny the piece; the Beeues twelue pence. The people are louing, afraid at first by reason of the vnkindnesse of Dutch (which came there to make traine Oyle, who killed and stole their Cattell) and at our returne more [ 50] kind:* 18.45 of middle size, well limmed, very nimble and actiue. They dance in true measure all na∣ked, only weare a short Cloke of sheepe or Seale skinnes to their middle, the hairie side inward, a Cap of the same, and a kind of Rats skinne about their priuities; some had a Sole on their feet tyed about; their neckes were adorned with greasie Tripes, which sometimes they would pull off and eat raw. When we threw away their beasts entrailes, they would eate them halfe raw, the bloud lothsomely slauering: Bracelets about their armes they had of Copper or Iuorie, with many Ostrich feathers and shels.

The Womens habit is as the Mens. They were shame-fac't at first; but at our returne home∣wards they would lift vp their Rat-skinnes and shew their priuities. Their Breasts hang to the middle, their haire curled. Copper with them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gold; Iron, Siluer; their Houses little Tents in [ 60] the field, of Skins, moueable at pleasure, their Language with doubling the tongue in their throat. There is a high hill, called the Table, ouer-couering all the adioyning Territories one hundred miles.* 18.46 Some went and discouered many Bayes and Riuers. The Negroes behaued themselues peaceably at Sinon, yet seeme of little or no Religion, they cut their skinnes like Baals Priests, one seemed (by making price) to be Commander.

The Guzerates, tooke sea-coale to carry for a wonder to the Mogol. The Portugall Fleete was two hundred fortie sayle of Frigats, Merchants bound for Cambaya, which furnish the Carracks, foure Gallions, with twenty fiue or twenty sixe Frigats. The Admirall was Numo de Ancuna. When the Sabandar perswaded him to keep between vs and shoare; he answered proudly,* 18.47 that he scorned to spend a weekes prouision on his men in hindering vs, being able to force vs to yeeld in an houre. They had all red colours displayed. After three fights, they manned a Frigat,* 18.48 with sixe or seuen score best men to fire vs, which were all sunke.

Medhaphrabads is now ruined by the Mogols warres, which sometime hath beene a faire Ci∣tie, and walled. Here was a Castle kept by the Ratspuches,* 18.49 in which at that time a strong Rebell [ 10] to the Mogoll, was besieged by the Nabob, with fiftie or sixtie thousand people in his Campe. The Nabob had a stately and spacious Tent, couered aboue with Cloth of Gold, beneath spread with Turkie Carpets. The Generall would not stirre till he had taken the Castle. He sent a horse, and two Vests wrought with Silke and Gold to our Generall, and foure Vests for foure other. They haue store of good Grapes, yet none but Rasin wine.

The three and twentieth and foure and twentieth of December, in view of the whole Army we had a second fight, and forced them first to cut their Cables, and then flee from vs,* 18.50 being better of saile then we.

I rode to Surat in a Coach drawne with Oxen (which is most ordinary,* 18.51 though they haue store of goodly horses) here in the way was the goodliest Spring and Haruest together that euer I saw; the Fields ioyning, one greene as a Meadow, the other yellow as Gold, ready to bee cut: their [ 20] graine Wheat and Rice; they haue excellent bread. All along were goodly Villages, full of Trees yeelding Taddy, like new sweet wine, much strengthening and fatting. Surat hath stone and bricke houses faire, square, flat-roofed, goodly Gardens, with Pomegranats, Pomecitrons,* 18.52 Li∣mons, Melons, Figs, continuing all the yeere, with curious springs of fresh water: the people are graue, iudicious, neat, tall, goodly cloathed in long white Callico or Silke robes.

The Sabandar assured vs, that we had killed of the Portugals aboue three hundred and fiftie: we heard after that there were spoyled and killed aboue fiue hundred. The Generall sent Letters by land, and the Messenger with his Indian were poysoned by two Friers homewards: but a second Letter was deliuered to a Mariner, which came to their hands.

[ 30] The twelfth of Aprill, they anchored in the road of Achen, where the King welcomed our men. The Arancaia came riding in a Tent on an Elephants backe,* 18.53 with two or three of the Kings boyes (for he is attended with Boyes abroad, Women within) holding a Bason of Gold, to re∣ceiue the Kings letter. Our Generall followed with fortie or fiftie men. After the Letter and Present deliuered, the King told vs we should see some of his Pastime, and called for his Cockes, which after they haue fought about once or twice, they take them vp, bath them, picke their fea∣thers, and sow vp their wounds. After an houre thus spent in Cock-fighting: his Rammes fought very fiercely; then his tame Elephants more cruelly: then his Buffles most stomackfully. Finally, our Antilopes wherewith our Generall had presented him, whose fight best pleased him. Hee all this while drinkes Tobacco in a Siluer Pipe; giuen by his Women which are in close roome be∣hind [ 40] him. After this Supper was serued in by young Boyes of foureteene or fifteene yeeres in Swasse (a mettall halfe Copper halfe Gold.) This Supper continued from seuen till almost twelue, in which we had foure hundred dishes with hot drinkes. The next day the Kings sent the Gene∣rall an Elephant to ride on, and appointed one of his chiefe Arancaias to attend him alwayes. They had continuall free accesse granted, without the Kings Creese (which is vsed as a Scepter) and promise to ratifie the Articles agreed vpon by his Predecessors, and Sir Iames Lancaster.

The second of May, all Srangers were invited to a banquet sixe miles off, for which purpose two Elephants were sent for our Generall. Here were all the dishes brought by water, the boyes holding the dish with one hand, and swimming with the other: so did they carrie the strong drinke also, whereof when they had tasted (which they must of all) they threw the rest into the Riuer. It continued from one till fiue. In it were fiue hundred dishes well dressed. Our General [ 50] (weary with sitting by the King thus long in the water) was dismissed an houre before the rest. The Captaine of the Dutch house, taking there his bane, either with hot drinke, or cold sitting so long in the water, soone after died.

The Second of Iune, they were entertained with a fight of foure Elephants, with a wild Ty∣gre tied at a stake, which yet fastening on their Trunks and legges, made them to roare and bleed extreamely. This day we were told, that one eye of a Noble man was plucked out, for looking on one of the Kings women washing in a Riuer. Another Gentleman wearing a Shash, had his head round cut so farre as that was too large. Some he is said to boyle in scalding oyle, some are sawne a peices, others their legges cut off, or spitted aliue, or empaled on stakes.

The twentie fifth, was before the King a fight of wild Elephants,* 18.54 which would quickly kill [ 60] each other, but that some tame are made fast to them, which draw them backe, sometime eighty or an hundred men helping. They se•• one wild betweene two tame to tame them. He sent the King a Letter, for painting and writing most stately, a Creese, &c. for a Present.

The Letter is thus Englished.

PEDVCKA SIRIE SVLTAN King of Kings, renowmed for his Warres, and sole King of Sumatra, and a King more famous then his Predecessors, feared in his Kingdome, and honoured of all bordering Nations: in Whom there is the true Image of a King, in whome raignes the true methode of Gouernment, formed as it were of the most pure Mettall, and adorned with the most fi∣nest colours; Whose Seat is high, and most compleat, like to a Christall Riuer, pure and cleare as the Chri∣stall Glasse: From whom floweth the pure streame of Bountie and Iustice: whose Presence is as the finest Gold, King of Priaman, and of the Mountaine of Gold, viz. Solida, and Lord of nine sorts of Stones, King of two Sombrieroes of beaten Gold, hauing for his Seats mats of Gold, his furniture for his Hor∣ses and Armour for himselfe, being likewise of pure Gold. His Elephant with teeth of Gold, and all Pro∣uisions [ 10] thereunto belonging: his Lances halfe Gold, halfe Siluer, his small shot of the same; a Saddle also for an other Elephant of the same Mettall: a Tent of Siluer, and all his Scales halfe Gold halfe Siluer. His Vessels for bathing of pure Gold, his Sepulchre of Gold (whereas his Predecessours had all these halfe Gold halfe Siluer) his seruices compleat of Gold and Siluer. A King, vnder whom there are many Kings, ha∣uing taken the King of Arrow: All the Countrey of Priaman, Tecoo, Barouse, beeing subdued by him, is now vnder his Command: Seuentie Elephants, and much Prouisions carried by sea, to make his Warres at Arrow, where God gaue me more Victory, then any of my Predecessors.

This Great King sendeth this Letter of Salutation to IAMES, King of Great Britaine, viz. Eng∣land, Scotland, France, and Ireland, To signifie the great content he hath receiued by his Highnesse Let∣ter, deliuered by the hands of Arancaia Pulo, Thomas Best his Maiesties Embassadour, at the receipt [ 20] whereof, his eyes were surprized with a Celestiall brightnesse, and his spirits rauished with a Diuine ioy: the opening thereof rendred a sauour more fragrant then the most odoriferous Flowers, or sweetest perfumes in the World. For which cause, I the great King of Sumatra, doe professe my Selfe to bee of one heart, of one mind, and of one flesh with the most Potent Prince IAMES K. of England, and do earnestly desire that the League begun, may be continued to all Posterities. And herein I take my greatest Felicitie, there being nothing in the World more pleasant or ioyfull to me. And for a Testimony of my desire, that the League and Amitie begun may be continued betwixt Vs, I have returned this Letter vnto your Maiestie, making also my Prayers vnto the Great GOD for the continuance of the same. And it shall be my greatest Ho∣nour, to receiue Memoriall from so Great a Potentate, and so remote a Nation. And for a Pledge of my [ 30] Loue, and Honour, and continuance of Our League, I send your Maiestie a Creese wrought with Gold, the Hilt thereof being beaten Gold, with a Ring of Stones, an Assagaya of Swasse, halfe Copper halfe Gold, eight Purs••an Dishes small and great, of Camsire one piece of sowring stuffe, three pieces of Calico Lawne: Which your Maiestie accepting as from a Brother, I shall rest satisfied, and much honoured. And so with my Prayers to the Great GOD, Creator of Heauen and Earth for your Maiesties long life, with Vi∣ctory ouer your enemies, and Prosperitie in your Land.

Giuen at our Pallace of Achen, the 1022. yeere of Mahomet, by the accompt of the Moores.

This King of Achen is a proper Gallant man of Warre, of thirty two yeares, of middle size, fall of spirit,* 19.1 strong by sea and land, his Countrey populous; his Elephants many, whereof wee saw one hundred sixtie, or one hundred eightie at a time, his Gallies and Frigats carry in them ve∣ry [ 40] good Brasse Ordnance, Demicanon, Culuerin, Sakar, Minion, &c. his building stately and spa∣cious, though not strong; his Court at Achen pleasant, hauing a goodly branch of the Maine Ri∣uer about and through his Pallace, which branch he cut and brought sixe or eight miles off, in twenty dayes, while we continued at Achen. Sumatra is very Mountainous and Woodie: the people courteous: wept at our departure, leauing little without his chop. Strangers may neither come at him, nor depart from him. He desired the Generall to commend him to the King of England, and to entreat him to send him two white women. For (said hee) if I beget one of them with child, and it prooue a Sonne, I will make him King of Priaman, Passaman, and of the Coast from whence you fetch your Pepper: so that yee shall not need to come any more to mee, [ 50] but to your owne English King for these Commodities. Iuly the twelfth we tooke leaue of A∣chen.

The ninth of August they went on shoare at Tecoo: here they stayed eleuen weekes, bought one hundred twenty Tunne of Pepper,* 19.2 buried twenty fiue men, which got their death at Passa∣man, for Tecoo is healthfull. Pepper growes most at Passaman, and the Countrey about.

I haue thought good also here to adde a word or two taken out of the Iournall of Nathaniel S••l∣mon, Master of the Salomon.

The Sabandar counselled the Admirall Nunha del Cunha, to cause his Frigats to ride betwixt the shoare and vs, so to keepe vs from watering, which he refused: yea, M. Canning (which had [ 60] been taken by them) was deliuered at our house in scorne, they professing this their only feare and care, least we should run away. The three that were driuen a ground had there perished, but for their Frigats.* 20.1 Out of the fire-Frigat were taken vp eightie foure men drowned. The Dragon in these fights hath spent sixe hundred thirtie nine great shot, and we three hundred eightie seuen.

§. II. Notes taken out of M. Robert Boners Iournall, who was then Master in the Dragon.

THe first of February, hauing receiued in all prouisions for so long a Voyage, we set saile from Grauesend, and the same day at ten of the clocke we anchored in the Hope.* 20.2

Aprill the thirteenth, wee had the generall wind. Note that you shall seldome meete with the generall wind, till you come in two or three degrees to the South-ward of the Line, and then, when you come to meete with the Ternadoes, (as you shall be [ 10] sure to meete them in two or three, and sometimes in foure degrees to the North-ward of the Line: you must be very diligent to ply to the South-ward) for therein lyeth the mayne of your good or bad passage, and likewise for the health of your men, or they are very vnhealthfull, and for passing the Line, order it so by your course from Maio, that you may passe the Line be∣twixt seuen and ten degrees of longitude from the Lizard. But couet not to come within sixe degrees, for feare of the calmes vpon the Coast of Guinea,* 20.3 and not without ten degrees of lon∣gitude from the Lizard, if it be possible, for feare of meeting with the West North-west streame, that sets alongst the Coast of Brasil, and so into the West-Indies. And so passing the Line in se∣uen, eight, or nine degrees to the West-ward of the Meridian of the Lizard, you shall not feare the flats of Brasil. For the generall wind will blow at the East South-east, and at South-east; so [ 20] that you shall make a South South-west way commonly, and so keepe the ship good full, that she may goe through, for there is losse of time, in hawking of the ship crosse by the wind, there∣fore giue her a fathome of the sheete.

Note, he that comes out of the Sea, bound in for the of Bay of Soldania, let him keep himselfe betweene thirtie three degrees fiftie minutes, and thirtie foure degrees twentie minutes of lati∣tude, so shall you be sure not to come much wide of the Bay. If seeing the land you find it high, then you are to the South-west-ward of the Bay; if low sand hils, then know that you are to the North-ward of the Bay of Soldania.* 20.4 But falling with the high land to the South-ward of the Bay, which is betwixt the Cape and the Bay, the land lyeth North North-west, and South South-east from the Cape seuen leagues, and then it trents away North-east and South-west, [ 30] towards the point of the Sugar-loafe, some foure leagues: and from this point of the Sugar-loafe lyeth Penguin Iland, but keepe faire by the point: for two miles from Penguin Iland lyes a shoales: it is from the point to the Iland some seuen or eight miles North and South, and so borrowing on the said point, at eight or nine fathome, your course South-east, and East South-east, vntill you bring the Table South South west, and the Sugar-loafe hill South-west and by West, and so you may anchor in sixe and an halfe or sixe fathome, as you will, and then will the point of the land by the Sugar-loafe beare from you West North-west, and Penguin Iland North North-west some three leagues off, and the point some two miles off. The latitude of the Bay of Soldania, I meane of the point going in, is thirtie foure degrees fiue minutes, the variation of the Needle is fortie minutes Easterly: when you come in with the [ 40] land heereabouts (although it be thicke) feare not: for the land is bold within a Cables length.

I am of opinion that the Current neere Cape Das Aguilhas sets Southerly not past fiftie or sixtie leagues off the land,* 20.5 and therefore being bound to the East-ward haule off the land sixtie leagues, after you are to the East-ward of Cape Das Aguilhas, so shall you find no Current. The land lyes from the Cape Das Aguilhas, ninetie or one hundred leagues East Northerly, and not as in the Cards East North-east.

Ino de Noua, is a low ragged Iland, about foure miles in length, lying South South-east, and North North-west. This Iland hath latitude seuenteene degrees thirtie minutes,* 20.6 and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, nineteene degrees fortie minutes, &c. Wee had no ground at one hundred fathome: we can perceiue no danger from it, only at the South South-east end of it lies [ 50] a small breach about a mile off: therefore feare not to haule in sight of it, being bound this waies, for if you shall haule ouer for the Maine, you shall be mightily troubled with a strong Current setting to the South-ward, and there are likewise many dangerous bankes, whereon many Por∣tugals haue lost their ships, wherefore before you haule not much to the West-ward of this Ile Ino de Noua, for you may very boldly haule in sight of it without danger, and so shall you not meete with the Current.

The eight & twentieth day of Nouember, we receiued a Letter from M. Canning,* 20.7 & our Purser cōcerning foure Gallions of War, with thirty saile of Frigats, which were comming to fight with vs. And this day we saw them some two leagues to the South-ward of the Barre of Surat. This day the Sabandar of Surat came aboord to veiw vs as wee iudge being a friend to the Portugals,* 20.8 [ 60] but the more he looked the worse he liked, we hauing all things readie, &c.

The nine and twentieth day, at two in the after-noone wee set saile, and stood with the foure Gallions and Frigats which were come within some two leagues of vs.* 20.9 The first which we met withall was the Vice-Admirall: wee gaue her such a welcome, as that she was glad to haste vnto the rest with all speed: night being neere and our long Boat sunke, at our sterne with an vnluc∣key shot, we anchored.

* 20.10The thirtieth day, early in the moorning wee set saile, and stood with them, and after some houres sight put three of the Gallions ashoare on the offermost sand, and then wee stood into deeper water, and anchored: their Frigats were straight aboord the ships aground, and shoared them vp with their yards, or els I thinke they had neuer come off. Assoone as the Floud came wee weighed, but they were afloate ere wee could get to them: wee fought with them till it was darke, and had one man kild, and another hurt.

The first day of December, 1612. we roade within a league one of the other, alwayes we had thought they would haue come to vs, we hauing gone to them three seuerall times, but they are not so hastie, I thinke they haue more minde to goe for Goa againe.

The nineteenth day, there came a second Messenger from a great Lord of the great Mogols [ 10] from a place called the Castellet, which place this great man lyes in Campe against, sending our Generall word that if he will but come thwart that place with his ships to grace him, hee will be a sworne friend vnto the English for euer. The Generall hearing that hee was a great man in fauour with the King, resolued to goe spend a day or two with him, to see what his desire was.

The twentieth day, we anchored thwart of the Campe beeing close by the Sea-side, for the Castle besieged butted vpon the Sea, they in the Castle being a companie of Rebels and Rouers on the Sea.

The one and twentieth day, vpon the receit of good caution for his person, our Generall lan∣ded, and at three returned to ship.

The two and twentieth day, we saw the foure Gallions and Frigats againe in sight, hauing [ 20] beene at Diu for more fresh Souldiers, to haue a bout more with vs. At night they anchored within a mile of vs.

The three and twentieth day by day light, we were vnder-saile, and stood with the Admirall, and so fought till two of the clocke, at which time they cut their Cable, and began to runne, the Admirall hauing receiued a shot vnder water: but the helpe of the Frigats brought her vpon the Carine presently, and stopped it, and so for this time fled, all the Campe standing by the Sea-side looking on vs, within a league or two miles of vs. For a great Commander did there iust by vs besiege a Castle holden by Rebels and Pirats, and were willing Spectators of this Sea-fight.

* 20.11The foure and twentieth day, we stood with them againe, and fought with them till two or three of the clocke in the after-noone. They fled, and being light ships and cleane, went from vs: one man kild, and no more hurt, praysed be God for all his mercies. Note, that wee haue spent [ 30] sixe hundred eightie great shot,* 20.12 and three thousand small shot out of the Dragon, and some sixtie Barrels of Powder: their Admirall had thirtie eight Peeces, and the rest thirtie by ship, very good Ordnance. This night we steered for Surat South-east, to haule without the sands. South from Mea some sixe leagues off lyes the first spit, on which sand the Ascension was lost.

The fo••rth day of February 1612. wee set saile and stood to the South-ward, wind at North North-west.

The fifth day, being some eight leagues short of Cape Comorin, wee met with the wind at East very much wind, so that we plaine see there is no going to the East-wards, the Easterly Monson not being done. Heere we anchored at a point of the land, from which point the land [ 40] trents away East South-east with the Cape of Comorin, and distant eight leagues: but beware how you come neere this point,* 20.13 for thwa••t of it foure miles off lyes two sunken Rockes close by the edge of the water, and lyes in the streame of twentie or twentie two fathomes: wherefore keepe off in twentie eight or thirtie fathome, and feare them not. But bee sure that you keepe within thirtie fiue or fortie fathome, for the Current sets off South with the Maldines, and being calme some Portugall ships haue beene driuen to the Maldines, and beene in great danger. You shall know this point from the which these two sunken Rockes lye, by this. Thwart of the point lye two bigge Rockes a good heighth aboue the water: a league right off from the Easter∣most of the dry Rockes lye the two sunken Rockes, where we reade, the two dry rockes did beare from vs South-east and by East foure miles of the Northermost: here the people will come [ 50] aboord of your ship euery day with prouisions as Hens, and Hogges with linnesse in their little Canoes.

The fiue and twentieth day at foure a clocke, the Cape of Comorin did beare North North-west some foure leagues off.* 20.14 Note, that the Cape it sel••e is very low land with two craggie Rockes lying a little from it, but vp in the Countrey, high ragged land; the Cape of Comorin hath latitude seuen degrees fiftie minutes and longitude from the Meridian of the Cape of Good Hope, fiftie seuen degrees twentie minutes East. The variation is fourteene degrees thirtie mi∣nutes Westerly: we haue very faire shoalding off from it twentie foure fathomes, foure leagues of sand, from the Cape the land trents away East North-east.

I doe thinke that the Gulfe of Cambaya is the worst place in all the Indies for W••rmes, and [ 60] therefore the ships which goe for Surat,* 20.15 must haue good prouision. The Barre of Surat hath la∣titude twentie one degrees ten minutes, and l••ngitude from the Cape of Good Hope fiftie three degrees thirtie minutes Easterly. Variation sixteene degrees fiftie minutes Westerly. Latitude of Swally is twentie one degrees twentie minutes. Variation seuenteene degrees no minutes.

The Road of Achen hath latitude fiue degrees fortie minutes South, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope of seuentie three deg. thirtie foure min. East.* 20.16 And from the Cape of Comorin about sixteene degrees twentie minutes East. The variation is sixe degrees thirtie minutes We∣sterly. As you ride in the Road one high great Iland will beare North of you, distant some sixe leagues, and the two other bigge Ilands will beare from the West South-west to the North-west and by West, anchor hold good: in the Westerly Monson, you shall haue many times very much wind, with g••sts of raine, but you shall ride very well: there goes a small Current to the East-ward, and West-ward in manner of a tyde, but not so certaine, and heights and fals some fiue [ 10] or sixe foot water.

The King loueth our Generall exceeding well, in so much that hee maketh no sport, but hee commands some one of his Nobles to goe for the Arrankaia Putee, for so hath hee named him: so that all the Citie through is he called by that name, and all our men by the common people very kindly entertayned, more then euer any strangers heretofore haue beene.

In steering North North-west from the little Iland, which lyes South-west and by West se∣uen leagues from Priaman Iland, wee saw a shoald bearing from the said little Iland South-east and by South fiue miles off. We sent our Boat to it, who found it but three fathome Rockes. From this shoald the Homockes of Tecu beare North and by West: wherefore beeing bound for Tecu, keepe off, so that the Homockes may beare North, or North and by East, and feare not.* 20.17 The Homockes are two round 〈◊〉〈◊〉 standing vpon the low-land close by the Sea-side. At two a [ 20] clocke we saw the three little round Ilands of Tecu, which Ilands you must ride vnder, they beare of vs, North and by East some foure leagues off, wee steere North, keeping the Ilands open on our starboord bow.

Note, that by good looking out you shall perceiue any danger by this: it will shew it selfe in white spots. For otherwise the Sea is of his perfect colour, as in the maine Ocean. At night wee anchored within two leagues of the two outermost Ilands of Tecu in thirtie fathomes, the Ilands bearing North and by East, and the Homocks North Easterly.

Note, the Homockes doe stand some three leagues to the Northward of the Ilands of Tecu,* 20.18 there being in all three of them, but the Northermost of the three Homockes doth not shew it selfe so perfectly, as the other doe.

[ 30] The seuenth of August in the morning, weighed and plyed in, the wind at the North North-east of the land we see a shoale, bearing from the two offermost Ilands of Tecu South-west & by South foure or fiue miles off, right in the faire way. We sent our Boat to it and found it but two fathome & a halfe, being a Rocke of two Cables length long. This is the vnluckey Rocke where∣on the Princely Trade receiued her destruction, as we vnderstand by those people.* 20.19 About eleuen of the clocke we anchored on the Easter-side of the vttermost Iland in nine fathome, soft, Ozie, praysed be God. Riding vnder this outward Iland of the three we saw a breach, bearing South halfe Easterly, and another South and by East some three or foure leagues off, which breach as you come for this place, you must leaue betwixt you and the shoare: wherefore keepe this outer Iland North and by East, or North North-east, and feare nothing. But beware when you come [ 40] within two leagues of this Iland. For South-west and by South two leagues or fiue miles off lyes the Rocke whereon the vnhappie Trade grounded. Wherefore keepe this Iland North and by East, and vpon life feare not, your depth as you come neere the Iland will bee from thirtie to ten, nine and eight fathomes soft, Ozie, you shall haue nine fathomes within your ships length of either side of the Iland.

The ninth day, some people came aboord: we find them very base and subtile.

The eleuenth day, the Hoziander departed for Priaman, to shew them likewise that wee haue brought the Kings Letter of Achen, without the which you cannot trade. Note, that as wee ride here vpon the Poope, we see the foure Ilands of Priaman bearing South-east and by South some seuen leagues off.

[ 50] This day at nine of the clocke wee sailed into the inner Roade, which is betwixt the Mayne and the innermost Iland, halfe a mile from the Mayne, and a Cables length from the Iland, your depth foure fathome soft, Ozie, our depth in was twentie two foot being halfe tyde, it highes and fals some fiue or sixe foot water, the tyde, as I perceiue, runnes twelue houres North North-west, and twelue houres contrarie. To the North-ward of all the Ilands in comming in you shall haue foure fathomes and an halfe: but keepe neere the inner Iland, for from the Mayne on that side lyes a shoald. The Ilands are all of one bignesse, being halfe a mile a piece in circuit, they will beare from the South-west and by South to the North-west: your best water is on the Ilan••: digge a Well, and presently water comes. Thus much out of Master Boner; the rest you haue be∣fore in Captaine Best.

[ 60]

§. III. Extracts of a Tractate, written by NICHOLAS WHITHINGTON, which was left in the Mogols Countrey by Captaine BEST, a Factor, his Aduentures and Trauels therein.

THe eleuenth of Aprill, 1612. we crossed the Eq••inoctiall: foule weather eight daies together, wind and raine. Soldania sheep are hairy: the B••e••es large, and most leane; the people Negros, woolly pates, flat nosed, very straight o•• body▪ the men haue but * 20.20 one stone a peece; the other is cut out when they are yong: apparelled with a skin [ 10] about their shoulders, which reacheth downe to the waste, the skin of a Rat••e before their mem∣bers, another on their bumme, else naked: some cappes of leather close to their pates, and shoo-soles to their feet, much broader and longer then their feet: their armes very small: Lances with heads artificially made: Bowes and Arrowes of little or no force: they are very expert in throw∣ing their Darts, wherewith they kill many fish in the Sea: they weare about their neckes guts of sheepe and oxen, smelling, which being hungry they eate; and would scramble for our gar∣bage like dogges, and eate it raw and foule.

The six and twentieth of Iuly, they had sight of Saint Laurence. The thirteenth of August, crossed the Equinoctiall, temperate weather: on the thirtieth, they saw Snakes in the Sea in [ 20] eighteene degrees and a halfe, one and thirtie min. white water at nineteene fathoms. The first of September, they saw land. The second, anchor against Daman Towne, inhabited and conquered by Portugalls. The Fluxe infested them all that remained on land at Surat. Master Aldworth was sicke forty dayes. Strangers heere present any Inhabitants of fashion whom he visits; and they returne presents. Notwithstanding Sir Henry Middleton taking their ships in the Red-sea, yet they promised vs good dealing, considering else they must burne their ships (said Mill Ieffed, one of the chiefe Merchants of Surat) and giue ouer their trade by Sea. Imposs••ble it was to haue any trade at Surat, by reason of Portugall Frigats in the Riuers mouth. Therefore the Generall repai∣red with his ships to Swally, whence he might by land go and come without danger.

The third of October, Sheke Shuffe, Gouernour of Amadauar, chiefe Citie of Guzerat, came to Surat,* 20.21 and so to Swally, and agreed vpon Articles. Master Canning had been taken by the Por∣tugals, [ 30] but the Vice-Roy commanded to set him ashoare at Surat, saying, Let him goe helpe his Country-men to fight, and then we will take their ship, and the rest of them altogether. But the P••rser made and escape, and so came to vs on land: Master Canning was set on shoare at Surat, ac∣cording to promise, and so went aboord. And the same day, being the twentieth ninth of Octo∣ber,* 20.22 the foure Portugall Gallions, with a whole Fleet of Frigats, came in sight. The Generall, after words of encouragement, met them, and neuer shot one shot, till hee came betweene their Admirall and Vice-Admirall, gaue each a broad side, and a volly of small shot, which made them come no more neare for that day. The other two ships were not as yet come vp; and the Hosi∣ander could not get cleare of her anchors,* 20.23 and shot not one shot that day. In the euening all came to an anchor in sight of other; and the next morning renued their fight: the Hosiander brauely [ 40] redeemed the former dayes doing nothing: the Dragon droue three of them on ground, and the Hosiander daunced the Hay about them, so that they durst not shew a man vpon the Hatches. In the after-noone they got aflote with the flood,* 20.24 and fought till night; then anchored, and lay still the next day.

The next day after, the Dragon drawing much water, and the Bay shallow, remooued to the other side of the Bay, rode at Mendafrobay, where all that time Sarder Cham, a great Noble-man of the Mogolls, with two thousand Horse, was besieging a Castle of the Razbooches (which were before the Mogolls Conquest, the Nobles of that countrey now liuing by robbery). He pre∣sented our Generall with a horse and furniture, which he againe gaue to the Gouernour of Goga, a Port Towne to the West of Surat.* 20.25 After ten dayes stay heere, the Portugalls hauing refreshed, [ 50] came thither to our ships. Sarder Cham councelled to flee: but the Generall chased the Portugals in foure houres, driuing them out of sigh••, before thousands of the countrey people, Sarder Cham relating this to the King (after the Castle razed) to his admira••ion, w••ich thought none like the Portugalls at sea. The seuen and twentieth of December, they returned to Swally, hauing lost three Saylers, and one mans arme shot off: Portugals confesse of theirs an hundred and sixtie, some report three hundred and odde.

* 20.26The thirteenth of Ianuary, I was entertained Factor, and bound to the Company in foure hundred pound. The ship departed the eighteenth of Ianuary, the Gallions neu••r offering one shot. Anthony Starkey was sent for England. Master Canning was seuentie dayes on the way be∣tweene [ 60] Surat and Agra, with many troubles, set on by the enemie, who shot him into the b••lly with an Arrow, and another English man thorow the arme, and killed and hurt many of his Pi∣ons. He was cured before his arriuall at Agra. Two of his English ••ell ••ut with him and retur∣ned, leauing two Musicians onely to attend him. The ninth of Aprill he arriued: the tenth pre∣sented

the King with our Kings Letter, and a Present of little value. He asked if our King sent that present: who answered, it was sent by the Merchants. The King graced him with a cup of wine from his owne hands, and referred him to Moracke Chan. One of the Musicians dyed, and was buried in the Portugalls Church-yard, whom they tooke vp, and buried in the high-way: but vpon complaint, were compelled by the King to bury him there againe, threatning to turne them all out of his Countrey, and their buryed bodies out of their Church-yard.

After this Master Canning wrote of the feare hee was in to be poysoned by the Iesuits,* 20.27 and therefore desired that I might come vp to assist him; which amongst vs at Surat was concluded. The nine and twentieth of May, 1613. he dyed: and so Master Keridge went the two and twen∣tieth [ 10] of Iune. I should haue been sent by the way of Mocha to England, but the Master of the ship which went, said it was impossible, except I were circumcised, to come neare Mecca.

The thirteenth of October, 1613. the ship returned, and our Messenger taken, notwithstan∣ding their late passe at the Barre of Surat, by the Portugalls Armada of Frigats, worth an hun∣dred thousand pound, with seuen hundred persons going to Goa. This is like to be their ouer∣throw heere, for no Portugall might passe without a suretie, nor in, nor out. Merchants of Surat are by this meanes impouerished, and our goods left in our hands: with which we went to Ama∣dabar. Iohn Alkin which had runne from Sir Henry Middleton to the Portugalls, came now to vs,* 20.28 told vs of diuers their Townes besieged by the Decanes, and other neighbouring Moores: in so much that they were faine to send away many hundreths of Banians, and many others that [ 20] dwelt amongst them, for want of victuals: three Barkes of which came to Surat, and diuers o∣thers to Cambaya. Their weaknesse in fight with vs caused all this. Robert Claxon of the Dragon, fled to Portugall for feare of punishment, and came to vs with an Almayne, which had been slaue in Turkie. Robert Iohnson came to the Portugals, and thence intending to vs, passing thorow the Decanes Countrey, was perswaded by another English man, which was turned Moore,* 20.29 and liued there: and was circumcised, and receiued seuen sh••llings six pence a day of the King and his diet at the Kings table: But eight dayes after his Circumcision he died. Robert Trully, the Musician in Agra, not agreeing with Master Kerridge, went to the King of Decan, and carrying with him a German for interpreter, offered both to turne Moores. Trully had in his Circumcision a new name giuen, with great allowance from the King, with whom he continues. But the German former∣ly [ 30] cut in Persia, now thought to deceiue the Decan, but was not entertained: he returned to A∣gra, and serueth a French man, and goeth to Masse againe. Robert Claxon also turned Moore, at the Decan Court had good allowance: but not content, came to Surat, and prouoked pitie with seeming penitence, but getting some fortie and odde pounds, vnder pretence of buying commons, gaue them the slip, and returned whence he came. So there are foure English with the Decan, and diuers Portugal Moores.

The seuen and twentieth of October, 1613. we receiued letters from Mesulopatan of Master Gurney, written by Captaine Marlo of the Iames, of their arri••all and trade.* 20.30 From Surat I went to Periano three Course: to Cosumbay a little Village 10 ^c. Barocho 10 ^c. a prettie Citie on a high hill, compassed with a wall, a great Riuer running by, as broad as Thames; diuers shippes of two [ 40] hundred tunnes and odde there riding: best Calicoes in the Kingdome, store of Cotton: to Sarin∣ga 10 ^c. to Carron 10 ^c. to Boldia a lesse Citie then Barocho, but faire built, a strong wall, and three thousand horse vnder Mussuff Chan: to Wassach a Riuer 10 ^c. where Mussuff was ready to fight with the Razbooches or Radgepoots, that lay on the other side the Riuer: the chiefe of these of the race of the old Kings of Surat: to Niriand 14^c. a great Towne where they make Indico. To Amadabar 10 ^c. chiefe City of Guzerat, neare as great as London, walled with a strong wall, situate in the Plain by the Riuer side, store of Merchants Moores, Christians, Heathens: Commodi∣ties are Indicoes, Cloath of gold, siluer Tissue, Veluets (not comparable to ours) Ta••fataes, Gum∣buck, coloured Baffataes, Drugges, &c. Abdalachon Gouernor, a man of fiue thousand horse pay. I went from thence to Cambaya, seuen course to Barengeo,* 20.31 where euery Tuesday the Cafily of Cam∣baya [ 50] meete, and so keepe company for feare of theeues. Hence sixteene course to Soquatera, a fine Towne well manned with souldiers. Departed at midnight, and about eight of the clocke next morning came 10 ^c. to Cambaya.

In Nouember, we rode to Serkeffe, three course from Amadabar, where are the Sepulchres of the Kings of Guzerat, a very delicate Church and faire Tombes, which are kept very comely, much resort to visite them from all parts of the Kingdome: a course off is a pleasant House, with a Garden a mile about, by the Riuers side, which Chon Chin Naw, the greatest of the Mogoll No∣bilitie, built in memoriall of the great victory which he got of the last King of Guzerat, whom he tooke prisoner, and subiected his Kingdome, the battell being fought in this place. No man dwells in this house, but a few poore men keepe the Or••••yard. We lodged one night in it, and [ 60] sent for six Fisher-men, who in halfe an houre tooke vs more fish then all our company could eat.

The eight and twentieth of Nouember, we had newes at Amadabar of three English shippes arriued at Lowribander, the Port Towne of Gutu Negar Tutta, chiefe Citie of Sinda.* 20.32 A French Iesuit at Amadabar made poore, by the Portugals imbarkement, begged of our Agent, who gaue him ten Rupias. I was sent thither, and the the thirteenh of December came to Cassumparo,

where I ouertooke a Caphilo, trauelling to Radenpare, six dayes iourney on my way, fourteene to Callitalowny, a faire Castle: thirteene 7 ^c. to Callwalla, a pretty Village, which Ecbar gaue to a company of women, and their posterity for euer, to bring vp their children in dancing, &c. they did this in our Carauan,* 20.33 euery man giuing them somewhat; and then they openly asked if any wanted a bed-fellow. The sixteenth 8 ^c. to Carrya, where is a well manned Fortresse: and the eighteenth (ti••l which, for feare of theeues, wee stayed for another Carauan) to Deccanaura, our Camell stolne, and a man slaine. The nineteenth 10^c. to Bollodo, a Fort kept by Newlock A∣bram Cabrate, for the Mogoll, who that day came with an hundred sixtie nine heads of the Coo∣lies (a robbing people.) The twentieth 13 ^c. to Sariandgo, a Fort. The one and twentieth 10 ^c. to Radempoore, a bigge Towne with a Fort. Heere we stayed to prouide vs of water and necessa∣ries [ 10] for our desert iourney: and the three and twentieth trauelled 7 ^c. and lay in the fields, met a Carauan robbed of all from Tutta. The foure and twentieth 12^c. dispeeded one of my Pions to Lowribander with a Letter, which promised to doe it in ten dayes; but I thinke was slaine. The fiue and twentieth 14^c. lodged by a well of water so salt,* 20.34 that our cattell could not drinke it. The six and twentieth 10^c. to such another well, there gaue our Camells water, not hauing drunke in three dayes.

The seuen and twentieth, 14 ^c. lodged in fields. The eight and twentieth, 10 ^c. to a Village called Negar Parkar. In this desart we saw great store of wild Asses, red Deere, Foxes, and other wild beasts. The nine and twentieth, we staid and met with an other Carauan, robbed within two dayes iourney of Tutta. The thirtieth, we departed from Parkar, which payes a yearely tri∣bute [ 20] to the Mogol:* 20.35 all hence till Inno, halfe a dayes iourney from Tutta, acknowledge no King, but rob and spare at pleasure. When any army of the Mogols comes against them, they fire their houses, and flee into the Mountaines: their houses are made of straw and morter like Bee-hiues, soone rebuilded. They take for custome what they please, and guard Passengers, being loath any but themselues should haue the robbing of them. We trauelled 6 ^c. and lay by a Tanke or Pond of fresh water. The thirty one 8 ^c. and lay in the fields by a brackish Well.

The first of Ianuary, we went 10 ^c. to Burdiano, many were sicke of this water, we prouided vs yet of it for foure dayes, and trauelled more the second 18 ^c. all night. The third in the afternoone till midnight 10 c. the fourth 12 ^c. Here I fell sicke, and vomited by reason of the water. The fifth 7 ^c. and came to three Wells, two salt, one sweetish. The sixth, to Nuraquimire a pretie Towne 10 ^c. Here our Raddingpoore company left vs. We remained, two Merchants, my selfe, [ 30] fiue of their seruants, foure of mine, with tenne Camels, fiue Camel-men. This Towne is with∣in three dayes of Tutta, and seemed to vs after our Desart a Paradise. We agreed with one of the Ragies or Gouernours kinred for twenty Laries (twenty shillings) to conduct vs, who departed with vs the eighth, and we trauelled 10 ^c. to Gundaiaw, where we had beene robbed but for our guard. The ninth, we were twice set on, and forced to giue each time fiue Laries: wee came to Sarruna,* 20.36 a great Towne of the Razbootches, with a Castle, whence it is 14 ^c. to Tutta. We visited the Gouernour Ragee Bouma, eldest sonne to Sultan Bulbul (who lately captiued by the Mogol, had his eyes pulled out, and two Moneths before this had escaped) now liuing in the Mountains, and causeth all his kinred to reuenge. This Ragee was kind to me as a stranger, asking many que∣stions [ 40] of our Countrey, made me sup with him, gaue me Wine till he was stared. A Banian here told me,* 20.37 how Sir Robert Sherly had been much abused by the Portugals, and Gouernour at Lowri∣bander, his house fired, men hurt in the night: and arriuing at Tutta thirteene daies iourny thence, Mersa Rusto vsed him vnkindly. He aduised to get this Ragee to guide vs, told of the great trade of Tutta, the chiefe that he had seene, and that a shippe of three hundred Tunne might come to Lowribander.

We hired the Ragee for fortie Laries with fifty horsemen to the gates of Tutta: and on the e∣leuenth departed from Sarruna 5 ^c. and lay by a Riuers side. At two in the morning we depar∣ted, and he lead vs a contrary way, and came about breake of day into a Thicket, where he made vs vnlode,* 20.38 then caused vs to be bound, and tooke our weapons from vs, sudainly hanged the Mer∣chants [ 50] and their fiue men, with their Camels ropes fastened about their neckes with a Trunche∣on; stripped and threw them into a hole they made in the earth. * 20.39 He tooke from me my horse, and eightie Rupias, sent me and my men 20 ^c. vp the Mountaines to his brothers, Ianuary the foure∣teenth, where I continued two and twentie dayes shut vp. February the seuenth, order came to send me to Parkar to the Gouernour of their kinred,* 20.40 to send me to Radingpoore. But I was rob∣bed by them in the way of all my clothes, and all I had. February the twenty eight, we begged for our victualls, finding the inhabitants charitable: for my horse (which not beeing worth the taking, they left me) I could get but foure Mamoodies, or foure shillings: but chancing on a Ban∣nian of Amadabar whom I had knowne, I was releeued with my men. Wee were fiue dayes be∣tween Parkar and Raddingpoore,* 20.41 whither I came March nineteenth. I came to Amadabar, April [ 60] the second, being absent one hundred and eleuen dayes. Thence I went to Brodia, Barengeo thence 16 ^c. to Soquitera,* 20.42 10. to Cambaya: then the large Riuer 7. course broad, yeerly swallowing ma∣ny hundreds to Saurau. On the other side the Riuer is a Towne and Castle of the Razbootches. The sixteenth of Aprill, I trauelled 25 ^c. to Borocho: the seuenteenth, passed that Riuer, and 10^c. to Cassimba: the eighteenth, 13 ^c. to Surat.

Concerning Sinda, no Citie is by generall report of greater trade in the Indies then Tutta, the chiefe Port Lowribander, three dayes iourney from it; a faire roade without the Riuers mouth, cleare of Wormes, which about Surat especially, and in other places of the Indies, after three or foure Moneths riding (if it were not for sheathing) would hinder returne. The Ports and Roads of Sinda are free. In two Moneths from hence by water they goe to Lahor, and returne in one downe. There are these Commodities, Baffitas, Stuffes, Lawnes, Indico course, not so good as Biana. Goods may be conueied from Agra on Camels to Bucker twenty dayes, which is on Sin∣da Riuer, thence in fifteene or sixteene dayes aboord the ships. One may goe as soone from A∣gra to Sinde as Surat, but there is more theeuing, which the Mogoll seekes to preuent.

[ 10] Inhabitants of Sinda are most Razbootches, Banians, and Boloches: in Cities and great Townes,* 20.43 the Gouernours are Mogols. The Countrey people are rude, naked from the wast vpwards, with Turbants contrary to the Mogoll fashion. Their Armes, Sword, Buckler, and Launce; their Buckler great, in fashion of a Bee-hiue, in which they will giue their Camels drinke, and Horses prouender, their horses good, swift, strong, which they ride vnshod, most desperately. They back them at twelue Moneths old. The Mogoll sayes, the Razbootch knowes as well to die as any in the world. They eate no Beefe nor Buffoll, but pray to them.

The Banians kill nothing:* 20.44 there are thirtie and odde seuerall Casts of these that differ some∣thing in Religion, and may not eat with each other; but all burne their dead. When the husband dies, the wife shaues her head, and weares her iewels no more, so continuing till death.* 20.45 When [ 20] the Rasbut dies, his wife accompanies his bodie going to be burned, in her best array, accompani∣ed with her friends and kinred, and Musique, and the fire beeing made at the place appointed, compasseth the same twice or thrice, bewailing first her husbands death, and then reioycing that she shall now liue with him againe, after which, embracing her friends, shee lastly sits downe on the top of the pile, and dry sticks, taking her husbands head in her lap, and b••ds them put fire, which done, her friends throw oile and other sweete perfumes on her, she enduring the fire with admirable patience, loose and not bound. I haue seene many, the first in Surat, the woman but teene yeeres old, and a Virgin, he a Souldiour slaine in warre, from whence his cloathes and Tur∣bant were brought home. She would needs burne with his cloathes; the Gouernour forbad her, which she tooke grieuously, bidding them put to fire presently, her husband was a great way be∣fore: [ 30] which they durst not, till her kinred intreated, with a Present giuen, the Gouernours li∣cence, to her exceeding ioy. The husbands kinred neuer force this, but the womans holding it a disgrace else to their family. They may choose, (but few doe) but then must shaue their haire, and breake their iewels, and thenceforth are not suffered to eat, drinke, sleepe, or company with any body, and so continue till death. If after purpose to burne they leape out of the fire, her father and mother will bind her, and throw her in, and burne her perforce. But this weaknesse is sel∣dome.

The Boloches are of Mahomets Religion. They deale much in Camels;* 20.46 most of them robbers by land, and on the Riuer, murthering such as they rob. When I was in Sinda, they tooke a boat with seuen Italians, one Portugall Friar, the rest slaine in fight, this was ripped by them for [ 40] Gold. There are very honest of them in Guzerate, and about Agra.

Banian marriages are made at the age of three yeares, and vnder; sometimes they make mutu∣all promise if two pregnant women prooue to haue one a male, the other a female.* 20.47 But alwayes one of their owne cast and religion, and of the same trade, as a Barbar, &c. When they be three or foure yeere old, they make a great Feast, set the two thus espoused on horsebacke (a man be∣hind each to hold them) in their best clothes, accompanied with the Bramens or Priests, and ma∣ny others according to their state, and so lead them vp and downe the Citie where they dwell, and then to the Pagod or Church: and after Ceremonies there done, come home, continue certein dayes feasting, as they are able. Being tenne yeeres old they lie together, of which they giue this reason, not to leaue them wiuelesse, if their Parents die and leaue them Parentlesse. Their Bra∣mens [ 50] keepe their Pagods, and haue Almes or Tithes, esteemed maruellous holy, married and fol∣low occupations, good workemen, apt to learne any patterne. They eate but once a day, and wash before and after meat all their bodies, as also after vrine or stoole.

Iohn Mild••all * 20.48 an Englishman had beene employed with three English young men, which hee poisoned in Persia, to make himselfe Master of the goods, but he was likewise poysoned, yet by preseruatiues liued many Moneths after, but swelled exceedingly, and so came to Agra, with the value of twenty thousand dollers: tither therefore I went, May the fourth, 1614. from Surat: came to Bramport▪ where Sultan Perues lies, situate in a plaine, the Riuer of Surat running by in a great breadth, hauing a large Castle. Hence to Agra twenty sixe dayes, betweene Surat and Agra are seuen hundred courses, 1010. English miles, which I trauelled in seuen and thirty daies [ 60] in Win••er, wherein it almost continually raineth. From Surat to Bramport is a pleasant and champion Countrey, full of Riuers, Brookes, and Springs. Betweene Bramport and Agra, very Mountainous, not passable for a Coach, hardly for Camels; by Mando is the nearest way: there are high hils and strong Castles in the way many, Townes and Cities euery dayes iourney, well inhabited, the Countrey peaceable, and cleare of theeues.

Mildnall had giuen all to a Frenchman, to marry his bastard-daughter in Persia, and bring vp an other.

* 20.49The Iesuites haue a very faire Church built by the King, and a house: the King allowes the chiefe seuen Rupias a day, and the rest three, with licence to conuert as many as they can: which they doe, but alas, it is for moneys sake. For when by the fact of the Portugalls, they were de∣barred of their pay, their new conuerts brought them their beads againe, saying, they had beene long without their pay, and therefore would be Christians no longer. The Portugals not deliue∣ring the goods taken in Surat, the King caused the Church-doores to bee locked vp, as they haue continued euer since: so the Padres make a Church of one of their Chambers, where they say Masse twice a day, and preach euery Sunday in Persian, first to the Armenians and Moores, af∣ter [ 10] in Portuguise, for themselues, the Italians and Greeks. These told me the particulars of Mildnals goods, who gaue all to a French Protestant, himselfe a Papist, which he denying, was put in pri∣son. After foure Moneths all were deliuered.

The second of March, 1614, tenne Gallions, two Gallies, sixtie Frigats fight.

Between Agminere and Agra euery tenne course (which is an ordinarie dayes iourney) a Se∣ralia, or place of lodging for man and horse, and Hostesses to dresse your victuall, if you please, pay∣ing a matter of three pence for both horse and meat dressing. Betweene these places (120 ^c.) at euery course end is a great pillar erected, and at euery tenne course a faire house built by Ecbar, when he went on Pilgrimage from Agra to Aggimere on foot,* 20.50 saying his prayers at euery course end. These houses serue the King and his women, none else. This King lies in Agimere, vpon [ 20] occasion of warres with Rabna a Razboch, who hath now done homage, and peace is betweene them.

* 20.51I rode to the Riuer Ganges, two dayes from Agra. The Banians carry the water of Ganges ma∣ny hundred miles thence, and as they affirme, it will neuer stinke, though kept neuer so long. By Agra runnes a large riuer Geminie.* 20.52 Agra is a huge Towne, the wall two course in compasse, fai∣rest and highest that euer I saw, well replenished with Ordnance: the rest (except Noble-mens houses, faire seated by the riuer) ruinous. The anncient royall seat was Fatipoore (twelue course from Agra) now decayed. Betweene these two, the Sepulchre of the Kings Father, to which is none that euer I saw to be compared. And yet the Church of Fatipoore comes neere it, builded by Geometry as is the other. [ 30]

The foure and twentieth of May, 1616. we in our returne entred the Bay of Soldania, where were diuers English ships outward bound, the Charles, Vnicorne, Iames, Globe, Swan, the Generall was Beniamin Ioseph.

the fifteenth of September, were arriued at Douer.

CHAP. IX. The eleuenth Voyage to the East-India in the Salomon, begunne in the yeere of our Lord 1611. after the account of the Church of England, and ended in the [ 40] yeere 1613. Written by RALPH WILSON, one of the Mates in the said ship.

* 20.53THe first of February 1611. we set saile from Grauesend, being foure ships, the Dra∣gon, the Iames, the Salomon, and the Hosiander; being counted as three seuerall Voyages: the Iames the ninth; the Dragon and Hosiander the tenth; and wee in the Salomon the eleuenth. The reason was, because we were directed to seue∣rall parts of the East-India.

In our course betweene the Iles of the Canaries, and the Iles of Capo Verde, we [ 50] must steere a more Westerly course, then that which the Plats lay downe, without they be Por∣tugall Plats, which lay it a quarter of a point more then the truth is.

* 20.54The seuen and twentieth of Aprill, we in Salomon descried an Iland in the South latitude of nineteene degrees, foure and thirty minutes, and it bare from vs, South-east one third part Sou∣therly, fifteene leagues off. This Ile is a place, which in my opinion yeeldeth water, and fish in great abundance: the Sea-fowle were so many, that our people in the galleries of our ship might strike them downe, they were so tame. To the Eastward of this Ile lye two Ilands more, the one about the bignesse of the first, the other a great Ile. By these Iles we found a Current, which set∣teth to the Northward.

The eight and twentieth of Iune, we departed from Soldanha. I would aduise them which go [ 60] forth of Soldanha Bay, with the wind at East, or South-east, to get off some pretie distance from the land, before they hale vp to the Southward: for if they doe otherwise, the high land will take their wind from them. And if a man should be becalmed, he should very much be troubled: for most commonly thereabout you shall meete a mightie Westerne Sea. Secondly, the streame

setteth to the shoare-ward, if the wind haue been at the North North-west, West of South-west. And thirdly, the shoare is neald to; so that a man cannot anchor.

The sixt of October, wee met a great Current setting to the Northwards,* 20.55 when wee were within one degree of the Equinoctiall.

The twelfth, wee met with a great deale of rubbish, as Canes, Sties, and many other things, which vsually are on the shoare about Sumatra.

The sixteenth, draue by our ship rubbish, as Rock-weeds, Canes, branches of trees, the huskes of Coco Nuts, and such like.

The seuenteenth at noone, draue by vs a bed of rubbish, which was at least two miles long: [ 10] it lay North North-west, and South South-east, and draue off West South-west.

The eighteenth in the morning, we discried land,* 20.56 which lyeth by Celeber in the Ile of Suma∣tra, which Towne of Celeber standeth about three degrees of Southerly latitude.

The seuen and twentieth, wee had a Current setting to the Southward. The nine and twen∣tieth, the salt hill, or Ile bare East North-east sixteene or eighteene leagues from vs.

The first of Nouember, at six of the clocke at night, we were shot within the salt Ile.* 20.57

The second at noone, comming betweene the Land of Iaua and a ragged Ile, which lyeth to the Westward of the point of Palymbam, we met a great tide running out so fast, that we could scarce stemme it with a stiffe gale of wind. And afterward the wind flaked, so we chopped to an anchor, and then I found that tide to runne three leagues and an halfe in a watch. Heere I haue noted, that the tide or streame keepeth no course, but in the day time setteth out, and in the night [ 20] time in. This day at noone, the point of Palymbam bare North-east by East three leagues off vs. From thence to the Road of Bantam is fiue leagues; South South-east one third part Easterly. So the longitude of Bantam is an hundred fortie fiue degrees, two minutes. The latitude six de∣grees, ten minutes. The variation three degrees. This longitude of an hundred fortie fiue de∣grees, and two minutes, is somewhat to Easterly for the Road of Bantam. But for the first fal∣ling with the land, for an hundred fortie foure degrees is the truest longitude for Bantam from the Island of Flores.

The eighteenth, nine sailes of Hollanders came into the Road, and the other two,* 20.58 which went out the day before, came with them to Pulo Panian: they had refreshed themselues at the Iles [ 30] Mascarenhas, which stand in one and twentie degrees and an halfe of South latitude. Of which place they gaue singular commendations for great plentie of refreshing which they found there.

The seuenth of March, at fiue of the clocke in the afternoone,* 20.59 in the latitude of twentie de∣grees, foure and thirtie minutes, we descried land, which bare North-east, halfe a point Norther∣ly, nine leagues off: the South-east part is somewhat high, but falleth downe with a low point; the Wester part is not very high, but flat and smoth towards the end of it, and falleth right downe. This Ile is very f••ll of shoalds and broken ground, the Souther and Wester parts:* 20.60 for we discouered neither of the other sides. By all likelihood it seemeth to haue good refreshing on it: the longitude of this Ile is an hundred and foure degrees from Flores, but by my compu∣tation an hundred and seuen degrees; but in these courses we rely not altogether on our recko∣nings, [ 40] vsing as much diligence for the finding out the true longitude, as possibly wee may, it be∣ing a maine point to giue vs light to other helpes.

The tenth, we had sight of the Iand of Diego Roiz. The fourteenth in the morning,* 20.61 wee di∣scried land, which was part of the Ile Do Cirne, which the Hollanders call the Ile of Mauritius. There is an Iland that lyeth from the maine Ile foure leagues off; and two other small Iles ten leagues off. We founded a league and a halfe off, but found no ground at fortie fathoms. When you are thwart of the Road, the hill with three pikes will beare South-east.

The sixteenth, at six of the clocke in the morning, we discried the Ile Do Mascarenhas.* 20.62 There is a breach which lyeth foure miles off, and lyeth three leagues long; and heere is very good re∣freshing. The Ile Mauritius hath longitude ninetie nine degrees, latitude twentie degr. fifteene minutes. The Ile Do Mascarenhas hath longitude ninetie seuen degrees, and latitude one and [ 50] twentie degrees, no minutes.

The second of Aprill, 1613. about seuen of the clocke it began to lighten,* 20.63 continuing with such mightie great flashes, as I neuer saw the like, vntill eleuen, and then it began to raine, or powre downe mightily, and on a sudden became flat and calme: and in lesse then a quarter of an houre, a har•• g••le at South-west, blowing for the time, which was not long, as much as it did before, at North-••••st. By these two contrary winds the sea grew so exceeding loftie, that our ship strucke into 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sea abaft, as if the galleries would haue flowne off. About twelue of the clock the wind vee••ed to the South, and on a sudden vp at the North-east againe. Our sailes were split, so as we h••ld till morning.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Iune, we discried the Ile of Ascension.* 20.64 This Ile hath shoalds lying on the Wester [ 60] part, at lea•••• two miles off.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and twentieth, we had a great ripling of the sea, in the seuen and twentieth degrees of North ••atitude, which came out of the Easter-boord like a fresh out of a Riuer, like many 〈…〉〈…〉 whirlewinds.

* 20.65The sixth of August wee had great riplings or ouer-fals of the Sea.

The fourteenth day, being in thirtie eight degrees fiftie nine minutes North latitude, wee had great riplings of the Sea; which made a noyse, as if water had runne out of a sluce: they came out of the North-east.

CHAP. X. A Iournall of all principall matters passed in the twelfth Voyage to the [ 10] East-India, obserued by me WALTER PAYTON, in the good ship the Expedition: the Captaine whereof was M. CHRISTOPHER NEWPORT, being set out, Anno 1612. Written by WALTER PAYTON.

[ 20]

§. I. Their comming to Saint Augustine, Mohelia, and diuers parts of Arabia.

THe seuenth of Ianuarie we set saile from Grauesend for the East-India, in the good ship, the Expedition of London, being about the burthen of two hundred and sixtie tunnes · which carryeth in her fiftie sixe persons, besides the Persian Ambassa∣dour and his followers, who aue in number fifteene, which we had order to re∣ceiue into our ship, to be transported in••o the K••ngdome of Persia, at the costs [ 30] and charges of the Wor••hipfull Company aforesaid. The names of the Am∣bassadour, and his people, are these. Sir Robert Sherley, the Ambassadour. Teresha, his Ladie, a Circasian. Sir Thomas Powell. Tomasin his Ladie. Leylye, a Persian Woman. Morgan Powell, Gentleman. Captaine Iohn Ward. Francis Bubb, Secretarie. Iohn Barbar, Apothecarie. Iohn Herriot, Musitioner. Iohn Georgson, Goldsmith and Hollander. Gabriel, an olde Armenian. Nazerbege, Scanderbege, Molhter, all Persians.

The sixe and twentieth of Aprill, 1613. in the morning, wee fell with a part of the land of Aethiopia, whereunto, close adioyning, is an Iland of small compasse, called Connie Iland, beeing a very low land,* 20.66 and inuironed about with many dangerous Rockes, to Sea-ward: and standeth in the latitude of thirtie three degrees, and thirtie minutes. The wind taking vs short, we were inforced to come to an anchor betwixt this Iland and the Maine: where wee had very good [ 40] ground in nineteen or twentie fathom water. Here we sent our Schiffe ashore to the Iland, where we found Penguins, wild Geese, and other Fowles, & Seale-fishes in great abundance, whereof we tooke for our refreshing, as much as we would. By a carued boord, wee perceiued the Hollanders had beene there, who made great store of the ••raine Oyle of the Seales, as it should seeme, for their necessary spending, outward bound. They left their Implements wherewith they wrought, and a grea•• Copper Caldron, standing vpon a Furnace, full of traine: all which wee left as wee found. Thus hauing spent two dayes at an anchor, and the wind fauouring vs to proceed, we set saile from hence for Caput Bonae Spei.

The thirtieth day, by Gods grace, we arriued at Saldanha, where wee found riding at an an∣chor [ 50] sixe ships,* 20.67 whereof two English, namely, the Hector and the Thomas, the other foure were Hollanders: all bound homeward. Here we watered and refreshed our selues very well, with reasonable store of that Countrey sheepe, and Bullockes, which we bought; and fresh fish which we caught with our Sayne.

The tenth of May, 1613. the Pepper-corne arriued heere at Saldanha, also bound homewards. Shee hauing beene long out, was not very well fitted with necessaries, which wee supplyed out of our small store, so much as we could spare: who also dispatched and was readie to set saile with the first faire wind, which was, on the fifteenth of May, from whence we set saile all to∣gether, out of the Bay, taking our leaue each of other, according to the common fashion of the Sea,* 20.68 directing our course for Saint Augustine. And in our way we had sight of Cape do Arecife, [ 60] being part of the mayne land of Aethiopia; and standeth in the latitude of thirtie three degrees twentie fiue minutes, the Compasse varying there sixe degrees and nine minutes, which was on the foure and twentieth of this present.

The fifteenth of Iune, we had sight of Saint Laurence Iland, and on the seuenteenth day, we

came to an anchor, by Port Augustine of purpose, to search the sounding and way into the Bay, before we entred; because there was none in our ship well acquainted therewith.* 20.69 Which be∣ing done, wee entred and came to an anchor, on the eighteenth day in ten fathome water: but our ship roade in fortie fathomes. Heere we had wood and water, and great abundance of fresh fish, which we tooke with our Sayne, sufficient to haue satisfied halfe a doozen ships men, if they had beene there. But for flesh, we could get none of the Countrey people, they being as it seemed, fearefull of vs, who came to vs once, and promised to bring vs Cattell, the next day in the morning: which, I thinke, was rather in policie to carrie away their Cattell, wherein they imployed themselues in the meane time, for they neuer returned to vs againe. We marched [ 10] vp into the Woods, with about fortie shot, to see if we would haue met with any of them, to buy some of their Cattell: but wee found none but emptie houses made of Canes,* 20.70 where wee perceiued that people had beene not long before, by the fires which were yet burning, and scales of fish which had beene broyled thereon. Also we perceiued the footing, and tracing of many Cattell, which had beene there not long before: so wee returned emptie as wee came. This Port Augustine, standeth in the latitude of twentie three degrees and thirtie minutes. The va∣riation of the Compasse is fifteene degrees fortie minutes.* 20.71

The entrance into this Port resembleth Dartmouth, and to goe in there, you must bring that which is called Westminster-Hall, being not vnlike, North-east by East off you, and so steere in due East, borrowing a little to the South-side of the Bay, where you shall haue sounding thir∣teene, [ 20] nine, eight, and seuen fathomes water, good ground, till you bee shut within the shoale: and then you haue deepe water, vntill you come to the Road, and then you haue seuen, eight, and ten fathomes water. But if you goe in too farre behind the hill on your larboord side (which resembleth an old Barne) then you shall haue thirtie fiue or fortie fathomes. From hence wee set saile, on the three and twentieth of this present, directing our course for the Iland of Mohelia.

The third of Iuly 1613. we had sight of an Iland called Iuan, being to the East-ward of Mohe∣lia some nine or ten leagues, and beareth from it East and by South. Also this day we came to an anchor at Mohelia, betwixt broken land (which lyeth on the Souther side) and the Iland.* 20.72 Here we had great store of refreshing and very cheape, for we bought fiue Bullockes in trucke of [ 30] one Leuant Sword: also we bought Goates, Hennes, Pines, Cocker Nuts, Plantanes, Oranges, Limons, and Limes, for Trifles or little Money. One Riall of Plate we paid for a Bullocke, or else ten pieces of foure pence halfe-penie, and so we bought about fortie one head of Cattle, be∣sides other refreshing aforesaid.

The fifth, the Inhabitants of this Iland, are chiefly Moores: but there are Arabians, Turkes and other Nations amongst them, and are in Warre with the people of Iuan, and Comora Ilands neere adioyning. They told vs that the King of Mohelia dyed the same day, that we came into the Roade: and Phanehomale his sonne succeeded in his place, being as yet but of tender yeeres, was to raigne vnder protection of his Mother Queene. His Brother-in-law came downe (as chiefe man accompanyed with diuers other men of sort) to speake with vs, who bad vs very [ 40] kindly welcome.* 20.73 Both he and many other of the same Iland do speake reasonable good Portuguse Language, by reason whereof I had great conference with them, and was resolued in any thing I demanded.

They build Barkes vpon this Iland, and trade with them, alongst the Coast of Melinde, and Arabia, with slaues and fruits, whereby they furnish themselues with Royals of Plate, and o∣ther necessaries. Also I thinke, they haue some Trade with the Portugals, but they will not bee a knowne thereof, because we should not suspect any treacherous dealings amongst them. They told vs, that we were very welcome, and that the whole Iland was at our command: but if we had beene Portugals, they told mee, that they would haue put vs all euery man to the Sword. But howsoeuer, I hold it not good to repose too much confidence in them. The Kings Brother [ 50] shewed me a Letter of commendations of the place, left there by an Hollander, which was writ∣ten in Dutch: and withall desired vs to leaue another to the same effect, thereby to specifie their honest and kind dealings towards vs, and to shew it vnto others of our Nation, which should come thither after vs: to which we consented, and I made them a Writing accordingly, which was sealed by the Captaine of our ship, expressing therein our good entertainment, and the pri∣ces of victuals. But neuerthelesse, with such a Prouiso, that our Nation should not trust them any further then in their discretions they should thinke requisite for their owne safeties. They speake a kind of Morisco Language, which is somewhat difficult to learne, and our c••ntinuance there short: so that I only tooke notice of these few words following, which are sufficient to call for victuals and fruits, when Portuguse Language is wanting; and to speake to any of the [ 60] Countrey people, who vnderstand not the Portuguse. viz.

Gumbey, a Bull••cke. Buze, a Goat. Coquo, an Henne. Tudah, Oranges. Demon, Limons. Mage, Water. Surra, a kind of Drinke. Quename, a Pine. Seiauoye, Cocker Nuts. Figo, Plan∣tans. Cartassa, Paper. Sinzano, a Needle. Arembo, Bracelets. Soutan, the King.

This Iland standeth in the latitude of twelue degrees ten minutes,* 20.74 and in the Road is good

ground in forty fathomes water. From hence we set sa••le on the tenth day (hauing watered, and refreshed our selues very sufficiently, God be thanked) directing our course for the Iland of So∣catora.

The nineteenth, we passed vnder the Equinoctiall line: and on the twentie fifth day, wee had sight of land, which we supposed to haue been Cape Guardafuy, which lieth at the entrance of the Red Sea: and so thinking to steere for Socotora, found it not. Whereupon we were inforced to bethinke our selues, where to goe that wee might shelter our selues from the cruelty of the Winter in those parts, and also to refresh vs againe. So we determined to saile for the Ilands of Curia Muria, the bodies whereof lie in the latitude of about eighteene degrees to the North∣ward of the Equinoctiall,* 20.75 ouer against the wast of Arabia Foelix. In our way, we neuer had other [ 10] weather then fogges, which were so thicke, that we could not discry halfe an English mile be∣fore vs (being a thing vsuall euery yeare in Iuly, August, and part of September.) In all this time, both the Sunne and the Starres were so obscured, that we could not helpe our selues any way by obseruation: but God being our guide, at length we groaped out the land by our lead, well per∣ceiuing the colour of the water to be changed white, and many yellow grassy weeds swimming thereon; we sounding still as we sailed, and our first ground was fortie three fathomes. So as we neered the land, our sounding lessened to twenty two fathomes, where we anchored in very good ground, but could see no land (although we heard the rut of the shoare not to be farre off) vn∣till the next day, which was somewhat cleare weather. And then we sent our Skiffe ashoare, to see if they could discouer a place of more securitie for our ship to ride in: but by reason of the [ 20] great Seas which came rowling into the Bay, there went so great a seidge that they could not come neere the shoare, and therefore returned as they went: onely they had descried a situation of faire houses, built of stone, hard by the Sea side, which prooued to be the Cit••e of Doffar in A∣rabia Foelix.* 20.76 When God had sent vs a little clea•••• weather, we perceiued an high Cape land, on the Wester side of the Bay, the which we discouered with our Skiffe (at the second time of her going) to be a very good road for all winds, except from East to the South by East (God make vs thankfull) for thither we warped in our ship, although with much toyle of our men, beeing distant sixe or seuen leagues from the place where we were.

* 20.77The third of August, we came to an anchor in the said roade, and went ashoare with our Skiffe at a little Village, called Resoit, standing close by the Sea side. The Inhabitants thereof are Ara∣bians, [ 30] and for the most part fishermen, who gaue vs very kind intertainment, and told vs all con∣cerning the Countrey, that we desired. Also the chiefe Gouernour of Doffar came downe to vs (whose name is Meir hahamud Madoffar) and bade vs very kindly welcome, and presented vs with three Bullocks, Sheepe, Goates, Sugarcanes, Hennes, Plantans, and Coco-ntus, and such like. For requitall whereof, we presented him againe, with a fine piece of Damaske double lockt, which was greatly by him esteemed: he desiring our friendship as much, as we desired his, and gaue vs licence forthwith to come ashoare when we would. Also he gaue order to haue a Market kept at this little Village of Resoit, purposely for vs to buy any kind of victualls which the Countrey did affoard. Their catt••ll are both deare and leane, and their fresh water is very scarce and bad, and very hard to come by: so that we were inforced to hire people to bring it downe to the sea [ 40] side in skinnes, paying therefore twenty foure shillings sterling, for euery fiue pipes filling. Be∣fore our departure from hence, Meir hahamud Madoffar desired vs to leaue a writing of commen∣dations in his behalfe, specifying the good and kind entertainment we had receiued there; which was graunted: and I made it in parchment, begun with great letters, the effect whereof beeing correspondent to the other writing, before left at Mohelia, also signed by the Captaine. And the Gouernour sent vs three notes, by him signed, to the end we might send them in seuerall ships, if they should happen to come vpon that coast (as we did perforce) whereby he might know our ships from others, and to giue them intertainment accordingly. This Cape Resoit standeth in the latitude of sixteene degrees,* 20.78 and thirty eight minutes, to the Northward of the Equinoctial line, and is good anchorage, in fiue and an halfe or sixe fathomes water. [ 50]

The eight and twentieth, we set saile from hence, directing our course for the coast of Persia. still coasting alongst the Arabian shoare: for there were our cheifest hopes fixed, in setting the Lord Embassadour ashoare. By reason of the * 20.79 newes, and aduises wee heard and receiued at the Cape Bona Esperanza, our expectations were frustrated, both of Surat, Dabull, and all other parts thereabouts.

The second of September, we sailed close by an Iland, lying alongst the Arabian shoare called Macyra, the body of which standeth in twentie degrees thirtie minutes, North latitude, the variation of the Needle being twenty degrees tenne minutes.

The fourth day, we passed the Eastermost part of the Arabian land, called Cape Rasalgat, standing in the latitude of twenty two degrees, and thirty foure minutes, and nineteene degrees [ 60] twenty minutes variation.

§. II. Their comming on the Persian Coast: the treacherie of the Baluches.

THe tenth of September, crossing the Gulfe, wee had sight of the Coast of Persia,* 20.80 our ship being in the latitude of twentie fiue degrees and tenne minutes: the variation of the Compasse eighteene degrees thirty minutes: and being some seuen leagues o••f from the shoare, we sent our Skiffe with Sir Thomas Powell, accompanied with two of the [ 10] Embassadors Persians, together with Albertus our Linguist, of purpose to discouer the Countrey, and to seeke some conuenient place to land his Lordship.* 20.81 Where when they came to a little Vil∣lage, called Tesseque, they spake with Camell men, and others of the Countrey people, by whom they vnderstood, that that Countrey was called Getche Macquerona, and the inhabitants Balu∣ches: all liuing vnder the gouernment of one King, named Melicke Meirza, whose chiefe residence was some fiue or sixe dayes iourney from hence, at a Port called Guader. And they further told them, that all that Countrey of Macquerona, paid yeerely Tribute vnto the King of Persia. Also they vnderstanding our intents to land the Embassadour, told vs, that by Melick Meirza his con∣ueiance, his Lordship should haue safe conduct from Guader in nine dayes to Chirman, and from thence to Spahaun in Persia, in eleuen dayes. So we sayled alongst the Coast, and sent our Skiffe [ 20] againe asho••re on the eleuenth of this present, with Sir Thomas Powell and others, accompanyed as before, both to enquire further of the Countrey, and to see if they could hire a P••lot to direct vs for Guader; because we knew not how the Coast did lie. And they lighted on a place called Pesseque, about one dayes iourney from the other place before;* 20.82 where we found the like newes and reports of these people to agree directly with the former; all commending the Port of Guader to be our best place of landing. Whereof we being very glad to heare, presently set downe our de∣terminations, with Gods leaue, to saile thither with all the speed we might, although we had no Pilot. And in our way, on the thirteenth of this present in the morning, wee espied comming from the East-ward, two great Boates called Teradas,* 20.83 sayling alongst the shoare towards Or∣mus: whereupon, to the end we might haue a Pilot out of them, we manned our Skiffe sufficient∣ly, [ 30] of purpose to bring them to our ship (if intreaty did faile) perforce; yet without any intent to haue o••fered them the least discourtesie, or to haue sent them away vngratified. But when our Skiffe came vp to them, in stead of answering our mens ha••les, they weaued our Skiffe to Lee∣ward with a naked Sword. Wherefore our men thinking to feare them, and to make them amaine their sailes, shot off a piece at randome towards them; for answer whereof, they d••scharged ano∣ther peece at our Skiffe, with halfe an hundred of arrowes to boote: which our men perceiuing, plyed all their Muskets at them againe: but our Skiffe not able to hold way with them sayling, was constrained to leaue them, and returne to our ship againe, with one man very dangerously hurt with an arrow in his breast, although after recouered. Now wee aboord perceiuing our Skiffe to be too weake, and returning againe without them, presently hoysed out our long boat, [ 40] and sent her after them; we following with our ship so neare to the shoare as conueniently wee might with safetie. For it imported vs much now to speake with them, whereby wee might a∣uoid the spread••ng of their scandalous reports of vs, in that Countrey; which might haue frustra∣ted our chiefe hopes in landing the Embassadour there, beeing the place whereon wee most de∣pended, especially considering how destitute we were of any other place, if this should fayle, by reason af••r••said. So our long Boat fetching the Teradas vp, draue them into a Bay, from whence they could not escape; which strooke such a feare into them, that they desperately sayled so farre into the Bay, that one of them was cast away vpon the shoare;* 20.84 and the other neere vpon follow∣ing, had not our men saued her from the breach thereof. All the Baluches for the most part leaped ouerboord, whereof some of them narrowly escaped drowning: and other taken in againe by our [ 50] men, were brought with the Terada aboord our ship, beeing onely nine Baluches left of about twenty sixe. Who when they came aboord, perceiuing them to be of Gu••der, wee told them,* 20.85 that we were sory for the losse of their other Terada, and that we meant them no harme; but on∣ly to speake with them, whereof they were glad to heare (for th••y thought we had been as mer∣cilesse as themsel••es) imputing their losses vnto their owne follies. Then we told them, that we were bound to Guader, to land a Persian Embassadour there, and that we would intreat the Master of the Boat, whose name was Noradim, to pilot our ship thither, and we would content him for his paines. To which (knowing himselfe not to be freed by deniall) he yeelded, conditionally that we would let the Terada and his men proceede in their Voyage for Muscat, which wee thought not 〈◊〉〈◊〉, for f••••re of clamours and newes to be spread about the Gulfe, of our beeing there [ 60] amongst the Portugals: but rather to carry the Terada with vs to Guader, thereby to make mani∣fest our good dealings towards them. The P••lot perceiuing himselfe to be vrged between feare and friendship, in the end agreed; of whom we made very much, and in our way to Guader had mu••h conference wi••h him and his men, both concerning the state of the Countrey and King▪ and touching the passage of the Embassadour into Persia, through the same. Their answer••▪ reports,

and speeches all concurring with the former, in a manner confirmed our hopefull intents, with∣out any dislike.

This Terrada was about the burden of fifteene Tunnes, her lading, for the most part, was victu∣alls of those parts; as Rice, Dates, and Wheat, and such like. They had a Portugall passe, which they shewed vs,* 20.86 thinking at the first we had beene Portugals. The Originall whereof I transla∣ted out of the Portuguise language, because it might be knowne in what subiection the Portugals doe keepe all these Countrey people: without which Passe, they are not suffered to saile to nor fro, vpon paine both of losse of life, ship, and goods: The Copie whereof followeth, viz.

* 21.1Antonio Pereira de Laserda, Captaine of the Castle of Mascat, and the Iurisdiction of the same, for his Maiestie, &c. [ 10]

* 21.2ALL those, to whom these Presents shall bee shewed: Know that I haue thought good, to giue secure licence vnto this Terrada, of the burden of fiftie Candies, the Master whereof is Norradim a Moore, and Baluche, and a dweller in Guader, of the age of fiftie yeeres, and carrieth for his defence foure Swords, three Bucklers, fiue Bowes with their Arrowes, three Caliuers, two Launces, and twelue Oares: That in this manner following declared, she may passe and sayle from this said Fort, to Soar, Dobar, Must∣macoraon, Sinde, Cache, Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going, she carrieth goods of Conga, as Rai∣sons, Dates, and such like: but not without dispatch first out of the Custome house of this said Fort, which shall appeare by a Certificate, written on the Back-side hereof. And to performe well the said Voyage, she shall neither carry nor bring any prohibited goods, viz. Steele, Iron, Lead, Tobacco, Ginger, Cinamon of [ 20] Seilon, and all other things whatsoeuer prohibited, and not tollerated by the Regiment of his Maiestie. And in this manner shall the said Terrada make her Voyage, without let or hinderance of any Generalls, Captaines, or other of the said Signories Fleete, or Ships whatsoeuer, which she shall happen to meet with∣all. And this shall be of force and sufficiency for one whole yeere, in going and comming. If it be expired, then to serue other so long time, as the making hereof.

Giuen from the said Castle of Mascat, this sixteenth of Nouember, Ann. Dom. 1611. I Anthonio de Peitas, Notarie of this said Factorie, haue written this, &c.

Sealed and Signed, ANTHONIO PEREIRA.

[ 30]

The Certificate written on the backe side hereof is this: viz. Registred in the booke of Certificates, in Folio xxxij. and so forwards.

Signed, ANTH. PEITAS.

The seuenteenth of September, we sayled by high ragged Cliffes, whereto close adioyning, is a good watering place,* 21.3 at a Village called Iuane, (as Norradim told vs) beeing about fifteene leagues distant from the Port of Guader,* 21.4 to the Westerside thereof, which beareth North of you.

Also, vpon this day in the euening, wee arriued at Guader, and anchored at the Ports mouth vntill the next day in the morning;* 21.5 where, about thirty Boates came out of Guader to fish. Some of them came to speake with the Baluches, which wee had aboord; but what they [ 40] said was spoken in Baluche language, and therefore not by vs vnderstood. So betimes this mor∣ning, we cleared our Balucha Pilot, with his Boat and men; and told him, that when he would come aboord againe, hee should be satisfied for his paines: and so hee departed, being very well contented therewith.

And presently after, the Ambassadour sent one of his Persians, named Nazerbeg, ashoare in our Skiffe, with a message to the chiefe Gouernour concerning his landing, and passing thorow that Countrey into Persia: who by the way was met with the Gouernours Boat, comming aboord our ship, into which Nazerbeg was taken out of our Skiffe, and went with them ashoare to per∣forme his message, according to direction, being accompanied with many people vnto the Go∣uernours Tent. Where, he hauing deliuered his message to the said Gouernour in the Persian lan∣guage [ 50] (which is as well vnderstood there, as their owne) was very much made of, and kindly entertained. The answere of which message by the Gouernour, was, that although that Coun∣trey of Macquerona was not the King of Persias;* 21.6 yet they did acknowledge a kind of dutifull loue vnto his Maiesty, and that they had been Tributaries vnto him and his Predecessors for ma∣ny yeeres past, as they were now at present. Also, he further said, that the King of Macquerona was the King of Persias Slaue, with such like fained and trapping complements; and the Ambas∣sadour should be as welcome, as if he were in the Persian Land; only tending by treachery to al∣lure his Lordship ashoare, as by the euent it appeared.

This answere being returned by Nazerbeg, hee had to accompany him aboord (and to con∣firme [ 60] the same with addition) about a dozen of the ancientest men there of Baluches: who, when they came aboord our ship, saluted the Ambassadour with great submission, both in their Gouer∣nours behalfe, and in their owne: some of them offering to kisse his feete, telling his Lordship, that he was the happiest man aliue in comming thither to that place. For, but one day past, the

Vice-roy was come downe with a troope of men, to visite a Saint; and therefore his Lordship should bee conducted with more safetie thorow his Countrey (from the danger of Rebels and Theeues, which were beeweene Guader and Persia) either to Chirman or Sistan, and so to Spa∣haun. Also that the Vice-roy would furnish his Lordship with Camels and Horses, and other ne∣cessaries requisite: and that he would accommodate him with all the meanes he had in his power. And moreouer said, that they much reioyced to haue such fit opportunitie, to shew their vnfai∣ned loue towards the King of Persia: and withall, he should be dispatched from Guader (if hee would) in two dayes at the furthest: and told vs, for our ship, we should haue both water, and other necessaries whatsoeuer we needed:* 21.7 they bringing then with them three bagges of bruised [ 10] Dates, being about three hundred pound weight, with two Goats, and sent aboord the said fish-boats, that euery one of them should send two fishes (vpon the Gouernours account) aboord our ship, who did accordingly. So that, what with their exterior shew of vnfained loue and kind∣nesse towards vs, together with all mens speeches (of whom enquiry was made, as aforesaid) a∣greeing so iumpe one with another, wee were throughly perswaded, without any kinde of distrust, that they meant vs as well as they said: Especially, the Lord Ambassadour was exceedingly well conceited of them, being ioyfull to arriue in Persia in twentie dayes; and wee not sory, in bringing to perfection our long desired hopes. But God, from whose Di∣uine knowledge the secrets of no hearts can bee hidden, knew their contrary meanings towards vs: for had not his Mercy exceeded his Iustice, we had been consumed, and it neuer could haue [ 20] been knowne what had been become of vs, ship nor goods.

For, hereupon the Ambassadour resolued, and fitted all things in a readinesse, and on the nine∣teenth of this present, which was the morning following, sent both his money, treasure, and all his carriage ashoare, with the Baluches Boates, that came aboord for that purpose. Very early also they brought a message from the Vice-Roy and Gouernour, that they had prouided a Tent for his Lordship, and all his followers, neere adioyning vnto their Tent: and therefore he might come ashoare so soone as he pleased. All things were ready; into which Tent all the Ambassa∣dours goods were carryed, and by his order, some of his followers were appointed to remaine with them, vntill his Lordship should come ashoare himselfe. Intending to haue followed the same day in the afternoone, at foure of the clocke, he sent the Vice-Roy word, that hee would [ 30] then come. And in the meane time our Skiffe went ashoare with emptie caske, to bring fresh water aboord: wherein went the Ambassadours Persians, and three or foure others of his fol∣lowers, to see the landing of the goods, and carefull carrying of them into the Tents. And at the landing thereof, the countrey people demanded if the Ambassadour had no more goods then those to bring ashoare? To which answere was made, that there was all, except Iewels, and such like things, which should be brought when himselfe did come. Other Baluches standing by,* 21.8 replyed to each other amongst themselues, that it was no matter; for there was enough for the souldiers: which Nazerbeg ouer-heard, and vnderstood, yet concealed it for that time, although it possessed him with a iealous conceit; and as hee said afterward, that neuerthelesse he had no power to cōtinue in the same, by reason of such equal correspondencie of all matters passed before; [ 40] but was somewhat more attentiue vnto what should be said afterwards amongst them, and could heare nothing contrary vnto honest dealing:* 21.9 vntill at length meeting with one Hoge Comal (whom God had made an instrument to disclose their deuillish proiect vnto vs) hee vnderstood the particulars of their bloody intents, by him reuealed. At which Nazerbeg was somewhat amazed, and angry with the man, that he did not tell him of it before the goods were brought ashoare. Also, the houre appointed of the Ambassadours comming ashoare drew neare, which made him feare, lest he should haue come ashoare before he should get to our shippe, to forewarne him: but as God would haue it, our Skiffe was yet a filling of water by the sea side; where, when he came, he told our men, that there was treachery plotted against vs ashoare: and withall wished them to row him aboord our ship with all the speed they could; and so was brought a∣boord [ 50] immediatly, although not one eighth part of an houre too soone: for both the Ambassa∣dour, and all his followers, together with the Captaine of our shippe, and all the chiefest of vs (who were willing to grace his Lordship all we might, for the honour of our Countrey) stood in the ships waste, ready to go ashoare. But Nazerbeg bringing these newes,* 21.10 wee were not halfe so hasty in our proceedings, he telling vs what had passed; the chiefe effect whereof was this,* 21.11 That the Vice-Roy, and Gouernour, did entice so many of vs as they could ashoare, of purpose to cut our throats: Which being done, they meant to haue set vpon our ship, and to haue made spoile of all. And further, that they were all Rebels to the King of Persia, being present death for any once to name the King of Persia in that place. Also, that they had made enquiry of euery par∣ticular man in our ship, both of our places, profession and estates: for they had consulted and [ 60] concluded vpon the Massacre of vs all (except the Chirurgions, Musitians, Women and Boyes) with determination to haue put all the rest to death without mercy. Now, God be thanked, al∣though we vnderstood of their intended plots so sufficiently, whereby we were forewarned to preuention thereof, by arming our selues, (we knew, vnder Gods protection, wee wer•• abl•• to defend vs from receiuing any iniury aboord, notwithstanding their great store of Boats and m••n▪

they hauing at that instant about fifteene hundred shot,* 21.12 besides others) yet we were to seeke how we might procure againe his Lordships goods, and his three men, which were ashoare in their custodies. For performance whereof, God, that had thus miraculously deliuered vs from their tyranny, likewise opened our vnderstandings, in so much that wee obtained all, according to our owne desires, in this manner following, viz. Whereas they expected the comming ashoare of the Ambassadour, his followers, and our Captaine, and vs, accompanyed together: we presently sent Nazerbeg ashoare againe, with directions what he was to doe, and to tell the Vice-Roy, that the Ambassadour was not very well, and therefore deferred his comming till the next morning, which was Munday,* 21.13 the twentieth day of September. Also, to request the Vice-Roy and Go∣uernour, that they would send two or three of their Boats very early for him, the women, and [ 10] the rest of his company, because the ship-boats were too small. And withall, that the Ambas∣sadour did expect to bee receiued by some men of sort from the Vice-Roy, to come in the said Boats, in regard of the King of Persias Honor, whose person he did represent. This message be∣ing well deliuered tooke effect, and wi••ling grant was made for performance thereof. Which bu∣sinesse Nazerbeg hauing fini••hed, he was to go to the Tent, where the goods were, and to bring out of one of the Trunckes two bagges of money, containing two hundred pound sterling, with some other things of worth, if conueniently hee could without being spied; because they should not suspect that we had discouered any of their villanies. Also, wee gaue him order to returne instantly, and to wish the three men to stay still in the Tent, till the next morning, and they should be freed. All which was done accordingly; and not only the said money brought away, [ 20] but also a Trunck, wherein was the Lady Sherleyes apparell (notwithstanding the Baluches de∣manded why that Trancke was brought aboord againe) answere being made, that therein was the Ladyes night-cloathing▪ and that it should bee bro••ght againe the next day: and s•• pas∣sed on for currant. Now the Ambassadour made account, that if he could but get one great Trunck more (wherein were things of moment and charge, with his said three men) to lose the rest with∣out care. And for the better bringing to passe hereof without suspition, we fitted ouer-night a great Chest, and a close-stoole bo••nd and maled vp together with cords▪ very fast and handsome∣ly: which were filled with billets, rubbish and stones, to make them heauie, to bee left in the place of that Truncke which should be brought aboord: and the three men should come forth of the Tent, with each of them their instruments of musicke in their hands. And for excuse, if [ 30] the Baluches should demand why they brought that Truncke aboord againe, answere should bee made it was one of the Merchants, and it was mistaken. Likewise, if they demanded why the men came aboord againe, answere should be made, that his Lordship did send for them, to ac∣company him ashoare with their musicke. So all being ready, the next morning very early, wee percei••ing the three Boats comming aboord to fetch his Lordship, according to promise, pre∣sently manned our Skiffe, and sent her ashoare, to put our plot in execution: whereby wee ho∣ped to catch them in the same snare that they had laid for vs. And in the meane time we recei∣ued the three Boats of men into our shippe, with entertainment req••isite: wherein came about fortie or fiftie persons; but not aboue seuen or eight of any reckoning, whereof our friend Hoge Comal was one, the rest Slaues and Fisher-men. We kept them in talke, and much conference of [ 40] b••-matters, to passe away the time, because our Skiffe might returne before we did meddle with them. Amongst which talke, one of them earnestly requested vs, as from the Vice-Roy, that we woul•• carry our Slurbow ashoare with vs, ••e being very desirous to see it. So we smoothed them in their desires. And not long after, we espied our Skiffe returning, with her successe, which, God be thanked, fell out prosperously: For they did not only bring the three men, and the Truncke, but also one chiefe man of the Baluches, whom Nazerbeg inticed aboord. And so soone as hee was entred into the ship, hee, with the rest, desired to see our Gun-roome, wherein, hee knew (by intelligence) we had all our fire-workes, they standing in much feare thereof, especially of our Slurbow, with the fiery Arrowes; which fell out fit for our purpose. For wee had meant to haue sent them downe thither, to take away their kniues which they wore by their sides. So all [ 50] the chiefest of them being gone downe into the Gun-roome,* 21.14 and our ship fitted, with euery one of vs our weapons in our hands, we diuided our selues, some aboue the Deckes, some betwixt, and others, as was needful, in the Gun-roome, to lay hold of the Traytors (so soone as the word should be giuen) to take away from them their long kniues: all which was done in an instant, without any disquietnesse or resistance. Then we began to parle with them vpon plaine termes, laying open to them their bloodie intents:* 21.15 also telling them, that their liues lay in our hands, and they were now themselues caught in the same snare, which they had plotted for vs: and that if wee serued them rightly, wee should cut them in pieces, as they had determined to serue vs. All which, they, like stony-faced Mahumetans denyed. So we kept sixe of them, which were the chiefest,* 21.16 with two of their Boats, the rest of the crew we sent ashoare, being all, for the most [ 60] part, naked Rascalls▪ except one, to whom we deliuered a message in particular, to tell the Vice-Roy an•• Gouernour, That vnlesse he would send vs aboord all our goods, and things wee had a∣shoare, without one peny-worth diminished, wee would carry away those men we had aboord for satisfaction. This message being deliuered to the Vice-Roy and Gouernour, they presently

sent answere backe againe, by the same messenger we sent: that if wee would release the Balu∣ches, then they would send vs all our goods againe; and with many lame excuses, would make vs beleeue they meant vs no hurt. Whereupon, presently in the sight of the messengers, we clap∣ped them all in Irons, and writ one letter to the Vice-Roy, and the Prisoners wrote another (both tending to one effect) in the Persian Language: threatning the liues of those Priso∣ners, if they did not send vs all our goods, as aforesaid, and that without delay, within the space of two houres at the most: to which purpose we set vp the running glasse, before the messenger departed out of the shippe, because he should make the more speed backe againe. By these sharpe meanes, we vrged them forthwith to returne all our goods againe, in very ample man∣ner, [ 10] as we desired. Which being receiued into the ship, wee freed both the men and Boats, and sent them away according to promise: only one named Malin-Simsadin, who, by Hodge Comal, was discouered to be a good Pilot for Sinde and Cambaya; we kept with vs for the same purpose,* 21.17 conditionally to reward him according to his deserts.

Thus with Gods assistance (to whom bee alwayes endlesse praise for our happie deliuerance) we had dispatched all this intricate businesse, by six of the clocke in the euening, being the twen∣tieth day of September: and set saile from hence the same night, with our new Pilot and Hodge Comal (who came aboord from amongst the cursed crew, to saue his life) for Sinde: because wee would be sure to auoyd all insuing inconueniences there, which they might attempt by their future circumuentions. And in our way to Sinde, we had much conference with Hodge Comal, our good friend, of whose company we did much esteeme. He was borne at Dabul, but his Father [ 20] was a Persian by his profession, he was a Church-man of that Sect, and had some skill in Chi∣rurgerie and Physicke, for which vse he was resident in the Gouernours Tent: and by this meanes he ouer-heard all that passed. And excusing his comming aboord for certaine Oyntments, which our Surgeons had promised him, hee told vs that when hee heard of their intents, his heart was full of bemoning compassion, to thinke that we should come like innocent sheepe, to the slaugh∣ter of such butcherly Bloud-suckers: and therefore he perceiued well, that God would haue him reueale it. And he further told vs, that to his knowledge, they had betrayed three ships before in the like manner; and that they were all rebels to the King of Persia, denying to pay the Tri∣bute, which both they and their Ancestors had formerly done. Wherefore, the King of Persia had leuyed a great Armie of Souldiers, not farre from Guader of purpose, to come vpon that [ 30] Countrey the next Winter.

This Countrey Macquerona, is bordering close vpon the Persian Land, beeing part of the Maine Continent of Asia:* 21.18 and Guader Port standeth in about twentie fiue degrees of North latitude, and the variation seuenteene degrees fifteene minutes; good anchorage betweene foure and fiue fathomes.

The one and twentieth of September at night, our Baluche Pilot brought our ship in dan∣ger of a shoale: where we were inforced to chop to an anchor, till the next morning.

The foure and twentieth at night, as we lay a hull (because we were not farre from Cape Camelo) there passed close by vs a Portugall Frigat bound for Sinde: which at the first wee sup∣posed [ 40] to haue beene a Galley, and therefore armed our selues for defence.

§. III. Their comming to Divulginde landing the Embassadour, seeking Trade, and crossed by the slanderous Portugals, going to Sumatra and Ban∣tam; and returne.

THe six and twentieth, we came to an anchor right before the mouth of the Riuer Sinde, [ 50] with directions of a Pilot,* 21.19 which we had out of one of the Fisher-boats which were fi∣shing there. We road in a foot lesse then fiue fathome water (the Riuers mouth bearing East & by North) in very good ground: and is in the latitude of twentie foure degrees and thirtie eight minutes, to the Northward of the Equinoctiall Line, the variation is sixteene degrees fortie fiue minutes.

Hereupon the same day the Ambassadour sent two of his people ashoare, to speake with the Gouernour concerning his Lordships comming ashoare: and to tell him his intent, to haue pas∣sage through that Countrey into Persia. Which Gouernour, named Arah Manewardus beeing of Diul, was very willing to welcome the Ambassadour, and to shew him all the kindnesse hee could (for the loue he professed to the King of Persia) both in his Royall entertainment, and pas∣sage through his Countrey, or Iurisdiction: and sent a principall man aboord vs, accompanyed [ 60] with fiue or sixe more to welcome his Lordship, with many Complements, assuring him of kind entertainment.

So presently, there were Boates sent for from Diul, to carrie him, his people,* 21.20 and his goods ashoare, which came on the nine and twentieth of this instant: vpon which day, we were clee∣red

both of him and his (both in number and health) as when they first entred into our ship: and for his farewell, eleuen Peeces of Ordnance were shot off from our ship. Also Simsadin, our treacherous Baluche Pilot, wee set ashoare at the same time (beeing intreated of the Gusurats) notwithstanding his desert to haue beene set in the Sea, in that hee would haue cast vs away twice: whereof, once by himselfe, and another time by his Deuillish counsell giuen to another Pilot, which we had of the Fisher-boates here. At the Ambassadours departing out of the ship the Captaine deliuered him a fine piece double locked, to present the Gouernour of Tata, a great Citie one dayes iourney from Diul,* 21.21 both Cities standing in the Great Mogols Dominions. Also we intreated his Lordship, that hee would send vs word how he found the Countrey, and whe∣ther we might haue trade there or not: and withall deliuered his Lordship a note in writing, [ 10] what we chiefly desired. They Copie whereof doth follow.

Inprimis, that our comming hither to this Port, as it is purposely to land your Lordship, so withall we haue brought certaine Commodities and Money, to the end if we obtaine safe pro∣tection for quiet and peaceable Trade, we may make sale of such and so much of our Commodi∣ties as shalbe fitting: otherwise we desire but leaue to refresh, and so depart. Likewise, if the Gouernour please, that we may settle a Factorie heere, we also desire it: and although now wee are but slenderly prouided, yet, hereafter we will bring such store, and sorts of Commodities, as shalbe most required and conueniently vented in this Port.

The Commodities we now haue brought are these, viz. [ 20]

ELephants Teeth. Fine Peeces. Lead in Barres. Morses Teeth. Tinne in Barres. Some Rials of Plate.

The thirtieth of September, the Ambassadour had audience with the Gouernour of Diul con∣cerning all his businesse, vnto whom he shewed the King of Persians Firma, as also the King of Spaines Passe,* 21.22 thinking thereby to satisfie and resolue the iealous doubts of the Portugals Lied∣ger there, (who reported, vpon intelligence from Ormus, that Don Roberto Sherley was come forth of England with three shippes into the Indies of purpose to steale) but they peremptorily denyed credence to any Writing hee shewed them, saying, it was neither their Kings hand, nor Seale. For if it were, they could not be ignorant thereof, considering they knew it so well: and [ 30] further said, it was counterfeit. Whereat the Ambassadour was much moued to impatience, and replyed againe vnto them, saying, that it was meere folly to shew them any Kings hand or Seale: for they had no King, and therefore could not know it. And that they were a waste Nation on∣ly subdued, and brought vnder subiection perforce by the King of Spaine, and were seruile both to him and his subiects. Notwithstanding the Portugals were not danted, but stood stiffely in their former opinions: and said, that he had two ships more in the Indies. Then Arah Manewar∣dus spake in the Ambassadours behalfe, rebuking them sharply for such vnseemely contradicti∣ons of the Persian Ambassadour: and so concluded, absenting the Portugals out of the roome. Af∣terward the Ambassadour made a speech vnto the said Gouernour and assembly, concerning the admittance of vs into his Port, to trade (according to directions, giuen his Lordship from vs, [ 40] as aforesaid) which was very kindly imbraced of the Gouernour: with willingnesse to do there∣in what he might, all inconueniences vnderstood. For which purpose he willed the Ambassa∣dor to send for one or two Merchants from aboord, to conferre with him vpon the same. Where∣upon the Ambassadour wrote a Letter vnto vs, by two of his people, who came aboord our ship on the second of October 1613. in the morning: by which Letter we perceiued his Lord∣ships proceedings in our desired businesse with the Gouernour, with assurance for our safe going and returne: being in such good sort and fashion, that our hopes were great in establishing a trade there, if not a Factorie: especially to make sale of the small quantitie of goods which wee now brought.* 21.23 Wherefore Master Ioseph Salbancke, and my selfe, fitted our selues with the aduice of the Captaine and others in our ship, and went ashoare in one of the Countrey Boates the same [ 50] morning about eight of the clocke, our ship riding about foure or fiue miles from the riuers mouth, from whence we had fifteene miles to the Citie Diul, where the Ambassadour was, so that it was late in the euening the same day before we landed.

And in our way we met with a Portugall Frigat bound for Ormus, which I saw went to carrie newes of our ships being there: because none of their ships (which were daily expected) should come till we were gone. This Frigat came close by our shippe, and tooke view of her, and so de∣parted. Now when we were landed, there came three or foure Portugals vnto vs, demanding if we had brought any goods ashoare, and such like questions: to whom wee made no reply, ma∣king shew that we vnderstood them not, because we might vnderstand them for our aduantage, if occasion serued.* 21.24 Then there came another Portugall (who spake the Dutch Tongue very per∣fectly) [ 60] telling me many things concerning the people and Countrey, all tending to disgrace, in an idle and friuolous manner▪ thinking thereby to disswade vs from desiring Trade there. Not long after, the Officers of the Custome-house came and conducted vs vp to the Castle, where the Gouernour dwelt, who we thought would haue spoken with vs that night, but did not, because

it was so late: yet the Officers (being for the most part Banians, and spake good Portuguse) sear∣ched euery part about vs for money, not leauing so much as our shooes vnsearched. Which being done, and peceiuing vs to take it strangely, they prayed vs to be contented, for it was the order of that place. To which I answered, that although the Portugals might giue them cause to ordaine so ••ad a fashion, yet English Merchants did not, Meazle like, hide money in their shooes: but notwithstanding, we were therewith contented. Then the Gouernours Seruants came to vs, excusing it likewise, saying, that he was displeased thereat. And so they brought a great light, and directed vs from the Castle, vnto the house where Sir Robert Sh••rley, the Persian Ambassa∣dour did lodge: to whom wee found our selues very welcome, and lodged there all the time of [ 10] our abode in Diul, expence free. The Portugals seeing vs landed, and hearing that wee were to treate with the Gouernour about the setling of Trade there,* 21.25 did nothing all this time but (like enuious and lying Malignants) spread clamorous and scandalous speeches, in disgrace of our King, Nation, and Countrey: reporting that we were theeues, and not Merchandizers, but liued chief∣ly by robbing of other Nations on the Seas.

The third of October in the morning, the Gouernour sent the Ambassador word,* 21.26 that in the afternoone he would haue speach with vs. In the meane while, wee had intelligence that the Portugalls were labouring all they could with him, and others, to preuent our intertainement: both by offering him gratifications if he would refuse vs, and by threatning to be gone, if he did receiue vs, alledging as before, that they would not trade where theeues did trade. Neuerthelesse, [ 20] according to our expectations, the Gouernour sent for vs; and withall commanded foure great horses gallantly trapped, to be brought vnto the Embassadours house, for his Lordship, Sir Thomas Powell Master Salbancke, and my selfe; also a certaine company of his seruants,* 21.27 to conduct vs to the Castle: also all the Embassadours followers went with him, each of them carrying an Halbert on their shoulders.

Thus we rode through some part of the Citie, wherein the people in euery street came flock∣ing to see vs, they hauing of long time heard talke of Englishmen, but neuer had seene any before now: for we were the first that euer came into that part of the Countrey.* 21.28 When we came to the Castle, we were receiued very orderly, and directed through some spacious roomes, (where soul∣diours were standing on each side as we went in rankes, cloathed all in white linnen from head [ 30] to foot) vp to an high Turret, wherein the Gouernour, and some other were set: who at our en∣trance arose, and saluted vs, bidding vs kindly welcome. Then we all sate downe together round vpon the Carpets, which were spread vpon the floare according to their fashion. Then the Go∣uernour againe said, we were very welcome, and that he was glad to see Englishmen in those parts; and proceeded to further talke concerning our businesse, and told vs (whereas wee desired trade) the Portugals would not consent that we should driue any trade, or haue to doe where they were, threatning to be gone if he did entertaine vs. Notwithstanding, if he could be assured of a greater benefit to arise by our trade then by theirs, he would not care if they did forsake him: for hee did well affect our Nation. But in the meane time, he hauing farmed the customes of that Port from the King,* 21.29 vnto whom he stood bound for the payment of certaine summes of money yeer∣ly [ 40] for the same, whether it came in or not: it behooued him carefully, to be circumspect in orde∣ring those businesses, whereby to auoid the Kings Highnesse displeasure; which vnhappily might fall out to his vtter ouerthrow and vndoing.

And then he began to tell vs further, that the custome of the Portugalls trade, together with their meanes in letting out their ships to Guzerates and Banians, amounted vnto a Leck of Rupias yeerely, which is tenne thousand pound sterling. Then he demaunded of vs,* 21.30 what sorts of Com∣modities we had now brought, and the quantities of each; also what store of money? All which we answered him, a little more or lesse, and withall told him, that although now we brought but small quantities, yet wee could furnish that Port at our next returne, with any Commodities whatsoeuer the Portugalls did bring; and such a quantitie of each, as we should perceiue requisite [ 50] and fitting to be vented there. Of this he liked well, and asked in what time we could returne from our Countrey thither againe? We answered him, in about twenty two moneths. So hee concluded, saying, That in regard of our small stocke, the Portugals would both laugh at him, and vs, if we should be entertained now. Wherefore, he wished vs to deferre it vntill our next com∣ming, and in the meane time he would giue vs a writing vnder his hand and seale, thereby to as∣sure vs of entertainement at our next comming, conditionally, that we come prouided as afore∣said, and we to leaue him another writing, to assure him that our ship should not molest any of the King of Mogors ships, goods, nor subiects; which we agreed vnto: withall requesting him, that although hee would not receiue vs whereby to establish a trade now; yet that he would per∣mit vs to make sale of those goods we now had: which in no wise he would grant, for feare of [ 60] offending the Portugalls, alleadging as before. Then we desired him that wee might haue water, and other refre••hing for our money, and we would depart so soone as we could. For this he said, that so soone as we did send him our writing aforesaid, he would both send vs another, and giue order to his Officers for the same: but he would not haue the Portugalls to know thereof. So we seeing no remedie, demanded of him what sorts of commodties he would haue vs bring thither;

also what Commodities that countrey did affoord: who answered these, viz.

Broad cloath of diuers prices, and light colours, as Stammels, Reds, Greenes, and Sky-colours, and Aniles, Blewes, and Azures, &c. Elephants teeth, Iron, Tinne, Lead, Steele, Spices, Mony. These Commodities are to be carried for Sinde.

Commodities to be had there.

INdigo of Lahor. Indigo of Cherques. Callicoes all sorts. Pintadoes of all sorts. Guserat and Cambaya. Commodities of all sorts, with many sorts of Drugges.

Then wee tooke our leaues of him and parted, returning to the Embassadours house againe, where I framed a Letter, and sent him according to our promise, signed by M. Salbancke, and my selfe; and receiued another from him likewise, which was in the Persian language, much like the Hebrewe Letter backward: the English whereof was interpreted to vs by the Ambassadour; as [ 10] followeth, viz.

WHereas here arriued at this Port of Diul, in the Kingdome of Mugore, one English ship cal∣led the Expedition, whereof is Captaine Christopher Newport, and Merchants, Ioseph Sal∣bancke and Walter Peyton, to land Don Robert Sherley, the King of Persians Embassadour, who de∣sired grant of trade in this Port (being vnder my gouernment) which willingly I would haue graunted, but onely for preiudiciall inconueniences insuing: for they brought not merchandize, sitting in quantitie to begin such trade: neither the Portugals by whose trade at present I reape benefit, would consent thereto, threat∣ning to bee gone if I did receiue the English Nation. So that thereby, I should haue beene left destitute of all trade, whereof those Summes of Money doe arise yeerly, which I am bound to pay vnto the Kings [ 20] Maiestie: and in default therein, I should put in hazard his Highnesse displeasure, to my vtter ouer∣throw and vndoing. Yet notwithstanding, for the loue I owe vnto the King of Persia, by whose Embassa∣dour I am requested, and the affection I beare vnto the English Nation; together with the faithfull perfor∣mance of their writings▪ left with me vnder their hands and seales, of the two Merchants aforesaid, (which is not to molest or meddle with any of the said Kings shippes, goods nor subiects, in the time of this their Voyage, in the shippe aforesaid) I haue giuen them this writing vnder mine owne hand and seale: hereby promising the English Nation (that if they will come like themselues, so fitted that I may aduantage my selfe more by them, then by the Portugals) infallible assurance of intertainement to trade, with such reaso∣nable grant of Priuiledges as we shall agree vpon. Dated in Diul the third day of October, Anno 1613.

[ 30]

Signed, Arah Manewardus. Sealed with Incke.

The fourth of October, we receiued the writing from the Gouernour, together with order to his Officers for our watering and refreshing: and then wee hastened to returne aboord our ship againe. And a little before our departure, the Ambassadour fell into discourse with vs, about the procuring of a Firma from the King of Magore: and withall, wished Master Salbanck to go along with him for Agra (which is the chiefe place where the great Mogoll keepeth his Court) and he would warrant vs, that he would procure the same in very short time: especially now, at this so fit an opportunitie offered, both in regard of his businesse with the Mogoll, as also the willingnesse of Arah Manewardus, to entertaine vs at this Port: which opportunitie being let [ 40] slip, we should neuer obtaine the like; his Lordship protesting and vowing to doe his best endea∣uour therein, and shew himselfe a true hearted English man towards his Countrey, howsoeuer the Company of Merchants (he said) did conceit him. And further, that Master Salbanck should be an eye-witnesse of his constant and faithfull proceeding therein, to doe the Merchants good, in obtaining the said Firma: not only for Diul, but also for any other part in the Mogolls Domini∣ons: an•• also should bring it for England ouer-land himselfe. All which being grounded vpon some rea••on, and Master Salbanck hauing been in those parts before, hee was willing to vnder∣take: Prouided, he might haue the consent of the Captaine, my selfe, and others in the ship. To which purposes, the Ambassadour writ a letter to the Captaine, perswading his consent thereto, and sent it aboord by vs. [ 50]

So we parted from Diul this day in the after-noone, and when we came to the Riuers side to take Boat, there flocked about vs many of the Countrey people: also there came downe to vs a∣bout a dozen of the enuious Portugals, who began to talke with vs in Dutch, as before, deman∣ding of vs many friuolous questions: which, when I had answered, I spake in their owne lan∣guage, (because the Banians which were there present, might vnderstand) and told them that they were a shamelesse and lying people, in spreading of so many deuised scandals, and slanderous reports of our Nation; vnto whom they knew themselues much inferiour in many respects; and that they did it only in malitious policie, because they would not haue vs to trade in the Indies, as well as they. Also I told them, that if they did not containe themselues within the compasse [ 60] of better peace, reforming themselues hereafter, both in their sayings and doings, they should be all rooted out of the Indies, and a more honest and Royall Nation placed in their roomes. Then one of the chiefest of them singled out himselfe, and answered thus: That they had enemies too many already, and therefore they desired no more. And as for scandalous speeches they did not

deny, being vrged thereunto: for not long past, off from Surat, they had a ship taken by English men, as they supposed: to which I answered them, that it might bee rather the Hollanders. So they concluded, in the end very plyant and sociable, wishing that we might trade in all parts of the Indies with them, and they with vs, like neighbours and friends; and that there were some agreement made betwixt our King and theirs, for the bringing to passe thereof. Thus they taking their leaues of vs in very kind manner, we parted.

The sixt, we arriued aboord our ship againe, where it was agreed vpon, that Master Salbanck should goe, as aforesaid, with the Ambassadour for Agra. Wherefore he fitted himselfe, thinking to haue gone ashoare the next day; and in the meane time, the Captaine sent the Purser and his [ 10] man to buy fresh victualls, and prouision for the Sea: who, when they came to the Citie, were by the Gouernour presently turned backe againe as they went; and expresse command by Pro∣clamation, vpon paine of death, the Country people should bring no more English men ashoare. These sudden and strange alterations made vs much to maruell; for wee could neuer know the certaintie whereupon it grew, or what should be the cause.

All the time of our being heere at Sinde,* 22.1 we could neuer vnderstand of any trade se••led at Su∣rat: for if we had, we might haue taken other courses. The Ambassador had aboue seuen moneths iourney, (from Sinde to Spahaun in Persia) by Carauan; or if he procured to trauell otherwise, then it is one moneth lesse.

The ninth, we set saile from hence, directing our course, with Gods leaue, for Sumatra.

[ 20] The twentieth of Nouember, we came to an anchor in the Roade of Priaman, where we went in betwixt the two Northermost little Ilands,* 22.2 and anchored close by the Northermost of them both in fiue fathome water. And in the meane time wee beat the price of Pepper at Priaman, and brought it from two and twentie Rialls, to seuenteene Rialls a Bahar, first peny: at which price we bought two Bahars, which were brought aboord our ship. But the Gouernour, although we had presented him with a piece, would not suffer vs to take an house, nor to buy any Pepper ashoare, vnlesse wee would bestow some twentie Presents vpon the Officers and Merchants there.

The two and twentieth, we receiued a letter from Captaine Christen, out of the Hosiander at Tecoo, earnestly wishing vs to come to Tecoo with our ship, so soone as we could, and wee should [ 30] not faile to lade so much Pepper as we determined, and that in short time. And because we were not well acquainted with this place; Captaine Christen sent one of his Masters Mates, named Richard Hall, to Pilot vs into the Roade, by reason of many dangerous shoalds that lye a∣bout Tecoo.

The eight and twentieth, we came to an anchor in Tecoo Road, in foure fathom water,* 22.3 where Richard Hall returned aboord the Hosiander, and being troubled with the Fluxe, dyed the same night. Now we being come to Tecoo, found all things contrary to our expectation. For, whereas before our comming hither, the Countrey people offered their Pepper to Captaine Christen after twelue and thirteene Rialls a Bahar, in trucke of Surat commodities; they now demanded two and twentie Rials rea••y money, refusing to trucke with him at all for commodities. Also, heere [ 40] they demanded as many presents, as they of Priaman; besides seuentie two Rials of plate for anchorage. So that we were now worse to passe then before and time not permitting vs to make delay, we grew into short termes with them: and told them, that although wee did not buy a Cattee of Pepper there, wee would not agree, nor yeeld vnto their vnreasonable demands. And withall, I framed a letter, as from the Captaine, by him firmed and con••••gned to the chiefe Go∣uernour, shewing him that they did not vse our Nation so well, as we did expect at their hands, both in regard of their vniust demanding of presents; (which we did not vsually giue by com∣pulsion, but either for affection or deseruing) and also their vnreasonable delaying the perfor∣mance of their promises, falling out to be so vncertaine, that wee could not account them to bee Merchant-like dealings. For our ships haue stayed there diuers times, three, foure or fiue moneths, [ 50] only depending vpon their posting promises, to haue their full lading; which might haue beene as well dispatched in one moneth, with that small quantitie of Pepper which they had. This letter was Englished by the Hosianders Linguist (named Iohn, an Indian,* 22.4 who spake the language very well) vnto the chiefe Gouernour: who hereupon gaue present order, that wee might buy Pepper of any man that would sell. And withall sent a messenger aboord our ship, to wish one of vs to come ashoare, and it should be weighed there. But we doubting their delayes, accepted not thereof; and therefore sent him word againe, that wee could not stay so long, as to weigh it ashoare: if they would bring it aboord and weigh it, we would giue them eighteene Rials a Ba∣har for their Pepper, and two Rials vpon each Bahar, for the custome and Gouernour, being iust twentie Rials, conditionally they would bring it aboord; otherwise we would not stay. So they [ 60] lingring somewhat long before they came, we set saile, making shew to depart: which the Go∣uernour perceiuing, forthwith sent another messenger (who spake the Portuguise language indif∣ferently well) to entreate vs to come to an anchor againe, and wee should haue as much Pepper brought aboord immediatly as we would lade: which we did, and they came as fast with Prawes lading of Pepper, as conueniently we could weigh it: and so continued for the space of three or

foure dayes, till they had brought about some two hundred Bahars, and then began to slack their bringing. Which we perceiuing, and fearing to spend ouer-much time heere (lest we should lose the seasons of the Monsons) we departed for Bantam.

* 22.5The eight of December, we set saile from Tecoo, where we left three of our men in the Hosi∣ander, their necessitie so requiring. In our course to Bantam, for the most part, we sailed within sight of Sumatra.

The sixteenth, at our entrance into the Straights of Sunda, being the sixteenth of this pre∣sent, we met with the Dragon bound homeward, by whom we writ home.

* 22.6The seuenteenth, wee brought our ship to an anchor in Bantam Road: where wee presently went ashoare, to prouide her lading. On the nine and twentieth, we made an end of lading our [ 10] whole complement.

* 22.7The second of Ianuary, we set saile from Bantam for England, not hauing lost one man by sick∣nesse in all our Voyage hitherto; for which, God make vs thankfull. Also this day, as we were going out by Pulo Pan Ian,* 22.8 wee met with Generall Saris in the Cloaue, come from Iapan: for whose letters, and the deliuery of foure chests, the Captaine cast anchor againe. Also we spared him two of our men, namely, Mortimer Prittie Yonker, and Thomas Valens, one of our Car∣penters Mates whereof they stood much in need; for they had not one Carpenter left aliue. Thus hauing also dispatched these businesses with the Cloaue, we set saile once againe for England, on the fourth of this present.

* 22.9The one and twentieth, we came to an anchor in Saldanha Bay: where wee had sheepe and [ 20] Bullocks reasonable store, besides great abundance of fresh fish, which we caught with our Sayne in the Riuer.

* 22.10On the ninth of Aprill, we departed, and then we had prosperous winds, which continued vntill we came in the latitude of about three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall Line,* 22.11 which we passed vnder on the eleuenth of May, finding our ship then to be in two and twentie minutes North latitude. Hereabouts many of our men began to fall sicke, some of the Scuruie and swelling in their legges. The tenth of Iuly, we came to an anchor in the Downes in safetie, God be euer praised.

After this twelfth Voyage, the order of that reckoning is altered, because the Voyages en∣suing were set forth by a ioynt stocke, and not by particular and proper ships, stockes, Factories, (as before) but promiscuous and generally accountable to the whole societie. Of which, all are [ 30] not come to our hands: such as I haue (that which thence is meete for the publike view) giue I thee.

CHAP. XI. Extracts of the Iournall of Captaine NICHOLAS DOVVNTON, who was employed chiefe Commander in the second Voyage set forth for the ioyned [ 40] Stockes in the East-Indies, by the Gouernour, Deputie, and Com∣mittees of that Societie. Wherein is related their happie successe against the Vice-Roy, and all the Indian sea forces of the Portugalls, by force and cunning attempting their destruction.

[ 50]

§. I. Their comming to Soldania, Socatora, Swally: Disagreements betweene the Mogoll and Portugalls, and the Nabob and vs.

THe Shippes employed were the New-yeeres-gift, Admirall, of burthen sixe hun∣dred and fiftie tunnes: The Hector, Vice-Admirall, of fiue hundred tunnes: The Merchants Hope, of three hundred tunnes, and the Salomon, of two hundred tunnes. Master William Edwards was Lieutenant and Cape Merchant, and Com∣mander of the Hector: Master Nicholas Ensworth Cape Merchant and Comman∣der [ 60] of the Merchants Hope: Master Thomas Elkington Cape Merchant, and Commander of the Salomon: Master Peter Rogers Minister, Martin Pring, Arthur Spaight, Matthew Molineux and Hugh Bennet, Masters of the foure Shippes, assisted with diuers Mates.

The first of March 1613. we set saile. On Wednesday the fifteenth of Iune 1614. we anchored in the Road of Saldania, and were welcommed with a great storm. Iohn Barter by along Feuer be∣reaued of his vnderstanding, was suddenly missing, and by former speeches of his it seemed that he made himselfe away, whiles euery one was busie in mooring the ship, and none looking after him.

The sixteenth, wee got all in readinesse for erecting our Tents, which was that day effected, and a Guard placed for their reliefe.

On the seuenteenth, we landed halfe our Caske to be trimmed and seasoned. Choree the Sal∣danian presented me with a young Steere.

The eighteenth, we landed more of our Beere Caske to be washed, trimmed and seasoned, and [ 10] supplyed the wants of our men labouring about our Boates: also this day (Choree) the Saldanian departed from vs, carrying with him his Copper Armour and Iauelin, with all things belonging to him, promising to come againe to vs the third day after, but he neuer came againe.* 22.12

The nine and twentieth, I sent George Downeton on land to obserue both the latitude and varia∣tion of this place, in regard of the great difference in our variations wee had found betweene my former Voyage in the Pepper-Corne, and this present Voyage: the latitude he found was thir∣tie foure degrees, and no odde minutes, and the variation one degree and fortie fiue minutes by an Azimuth, being Westerly variation,* 22.13 whereas for the most part all formerly haue made Ea••••erly variation. This night wee dissolued our Tents and brought all our things aboord, and made readie our ship against the next day to depart, which we did accordingly.

The sixt of August, we came to an anchor in the Bay of Saint Augustine, in Saint Laurence [ 20] Iland. But on sight of our comming the Inhabitants abandoned the place, that wee could haue no speech with them: we cut straight Timber for diuers vses. And afterwards wee got some re∣freshing of them. On the twelfth, we set saile.

The ninth of September, wee anchored in the Bay of Delisa in Socotora. The next day wee went on shore to salute the King, who was readie with his troupe to giue me entertainment, and told me of the Warres at present in India, the Mogoll and Kings of Decanie ioyning to roote the Portugals out of the Countrey. The reason whereof was,* 22.14 their taking of a shippe which came from Iedda in the Red Sea, wherein was three millions of Treasure. Hee also informed mee of Captaine Bests two great fights with the Portugals, with other newes of those parts. Heere I [ 30] procured what refreshing wee could get, and bought of the King Alloes, two thousand seuen hundred twentie two pounds, and on the fourteenth departed.

The second of October, we had sight of land being on the Coast of Decany neere Dabul. Wee found great hinderance, till by obseruation we were taught to stay the ebbes and ply the flouds.

The twelfth, we againe weighed and plyed the flouds, and anchored the ebbes till the four∣teenth day in the euening, and then anchored two miles and an halfe short of the Barre, where presently came a fleet of Frigats being fourteene saile and anchored neere vs, discouering them∣selues by their lights being darke: but seeing our readinesse by the lights out of our Ports,* 22.15 durst come no neerer vnto vs, so we rid quietly all night.

The fifteenth, early in the morning we weighed with the land-turne, and approching some∣what [ 40] neere them, they also weighed and stood to the South-wards, and wee held on our course by the Barre towards South Swally,* 22.16 where soone after we arriued after much striuing against con∣trary winds. Assoone as I anchored I sent Master Molineux in his Pinnasse, and Master Spooner, and Samuell Squire in my Gellywatte to sound the depths within the sands. Master Molineux tooke a Channel in which in our former Voyage we had but fiue foot at low water, but now found three fathomes water, and Master Spooner found that where our Boats could not passe formerly by rea∣son of shoalds, he had now seuen and eight foot water. In the after-noone, I seeing people ashoare sent my Pinnasse to them, supposing some of our Merchants had beene come from Surat: but found otherwise to be some people of Cogenozan sent downe to discouer what Nation we were;* 22.17 two of which came aboord to me, by whom I vnderstood further of their Warres with the Por∣tugals; they besieged Damon and Diu, and that Mocrib Can was Generall of the Mogols for∣ces [ 50] against Damon, and also to my griefe, I vnderstood that he was Gouernour, and as Vice-roy not onely ouer Surat, but also ouer all the Countrey neere about it; I esteeming him to bee the greatest Aduersary to our Nation, and one that most fauoured the Portugals. This was my set∣led conceit by former experience. I vnderstood of the health of Master Aldworth and the rest, to whom I writ to hasten his presence, and sent it away by Baly Ball, together with the other Seruants of Cogenozan.

The sixteenth, in the morning early I sent my Purser and Pinnasse on land to buy such Com∣modities as I supposed might be brought, who about ten a clocke without buying any thing for our turne, returned with Master Aldworth our chiefe Merchant at Surat, and in his company one Richard Steele who came by land from Aleppo to Surat.* 22.18 Master Aldworth striued to perswade [ 60] me that Mocrib Can the Nabob was our friend, and that now was the best time by reason of their Warres (with the Portugals) for vs to obtaine good trade and all Priuiledges that in reason wee could demand; and for that both he and all the Countrey people did so much reioyce at our com∣ming, therefore of necessitie could not but giue vs Royall entertainment. I liking all their hope∣full

words, yet euer wishing some other in his place, and that Mocrib Can had beene further a∣way, of whom I rested still in doubt, that we should haue no free trade but according to his ac∣customed manner; and to see and to be priuie to all that euer past, and restraine all others, which then I tooke to bee an iniurie forced by him to crosse vs, and not by the direction of the King, which in time, though too late, we were better aduised. And notwithstanding the remembrance of his name giuen him by the King, Mocrib, which is as much as his owne bowels, and Chan which is as much as great Lord:* 22.19 Yet I was too much deluded by being perswaded that his state in fauor of the King stood tottering, and might easily be made subiect to any disgrace, by any complaint of things done contrary to the will or humour of the King, which made vs somewhat too bold and thereby preiudice to our businesse when we found him opposite to our w••ls, and as wee thought [ 10] contrary to reason. I inquiring of the state of our businesse, and the health of our people, Master Aldworth informed that Paul Canning and diuers others were long since dead,* 22.20 and that Thomas Kerridge had long since resided at Court in his roome, and that there was no more Factors but onely himselfe and William Bedulph at Surat.

The seuenteenth, in the morning I called a Councell to aduise of all things heere to bee effe∣cted, and who fittest to send to Agra to remayne as Liedger there, and then entring into the sixe Interrogatory Articles included in the second Article of our Commission, requiring Master Ald∣worths direct answere to euery question should be demanded.

The first, in what fauour Paul Canning was with the Emperour and his Councell, and how he carried himselfe in the businesse at Court that was committed vnto him. Hee answered, that at [ 20] his first comming to Court,* 22.21 hee was well respected by the Emperour, vntill such time as the Ie∣suites made knowne he was a Merchant, and not sent immediately from the King: but after∣wards he was neglected as himselfe complained, and for his carriage there, Master Aldworth saith that for any thing he knoweth, it was sufficient and well.

The third, then demanding whether needfull to maintaine one as Liedger at Court, his an∣swere was, not onely necessarie, but also by the King required, that one of our Nation doe reside there, and therefore fitting to be a man of good respect for preuenting and righting any wrongs that may be offered by the Iesuites our Aduersaries, as also by his direction may stand in great stead for the buying or selling of Commodities.

The sixth, concerning the charge of him that should reside at Court, hee saith to bee about [ 30] three hundred pounds per annum, by Paul Cannings estimate, but some-while after when his Wri∣tings came to be searched, his estimate is found to be fiue, sixe or seuen hundred pounds per annum.

Question being made whether it were fit Master Edwards should proceed vnder the title of a Merchant, according to the strictnesse of the Companies Commission, his opinion was by Master Cannings experience, that then he would not be respected by the King.

* 22.22The foure and twentieth in the morning, Cogenozan came downe to the water-side with a great traine as their manner is, resting himselfe in my Tent till my landing: vnto whom I repai∣red a••h••are accompanyed with all the Merchants and a good guard of Halberts, Shot, and Pike; I hauing a Coach to carrie me vp from the Boat to a place neere the Tent; and at the instant when I alighted from the Coach, he came forth of the Tent, addressing himselfe to meete mee, and af∣ter salutations returned into the Tent and sate downe. And before any other conference began [ 40] he was let to know, that there was a Present to be deliuered him for the Nabob, which was pre∣sently brought in, Viz. One Case with sixe Kniues, two paire of Kniues, sixe Sword Blades, sixe Spanish Pikes,* 22.23 one Combe-case, one Looking Glasse, one Picture of Mars and Venus, one Picture of Paris in iudgement, two Muscouie Hides, and one great gilded Case of Bottles full of rich and strong Waters. Then for himselfe I caused a Present to bee deliuered him, which was six Kniues in single sheathes, foure Sword Blades, two Pikes, one Combe-case, one Looking-glasse, one Picture of Moses, one Case of Bottles, in regard of the promise of the Nabob to our people that what Cogenozan should do, he would performe. I therefore moued for the inlarging of our Priuiledges; for the lessening of our Custom, especially at Baroch to haue a Bazar or Market by [ 50] the waterside, that we might buy Beef for the peoples eating (in regard that other flesh was not good for them) according to the Kings Firma giuen. His answere was, that if I would ••ssist them against the Portugals, the Nabob would do vs all the fauour that in his power lyeth; but for the Custome of Baroch it was out of his power, for the King had let it to another by rent, and could not be helpen. A Bazar we should haue, but for Bullocks and Kine, the King had granted his Firma to the Banians for a mightie summe yeerely to saue their liues.* 22.24 In summe, wee found nothing that he had power to grant vs: yet willing to leaue mee in content, wishing that I would send some of my Merchants along with him to the Nabob, that our businesse on both sides might bee considered on, and receiue answeres accordingly from each other. I sent along with him Master Aldworth, Master Ensworth (who desired to goe vp because he was not well) Master Dodsworth, [ 60] Master Mitford and others; which when they had accesse to the Nabob, two or three dayes af∣ter he wo••ld know againe their demand, which was as aforesaid. Then he desired to know if we would goe with our ships to fight against Damon for him, and then he would doe vs any fauour; but that was answered, that we could in no wise auouch the doing thereof, for that there was 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

betweene our King and the King of Spaine. Then he demanded if we would goe to the Barre and ride there and fight with them that should come to preiudice them. That we could neither coue∣nant to doe, for it was a breach of the peace betweene our two Kings as aforesaid. Then he an∣swered, that if we would doe nothing for him, he would doe nothing for vs. Diuers of the prin∣cipall Merchants of the Towne came to moue our Merchants that I might giue way to the Na∣bob his reasonable request, and though I did grant for satisfying his minde, yet I might doe what I list: and that they all knew the Frigats might for all my riding at the Barre come in and out on each side me. Answere was returned it was vnfit for me to halt, but whatsoeuer I promised, I must maintaine, though it were to the losse of my life, and all vnder my command: and that I [ 10] would not be hired to fight with the Portugals, which is contrary to my Kings Commission (vn∣lesse they gaue me first cause) not for the World; neither would I bee withheld from fighting with them if they prouoked me, not for his wealth, which difference it seemes he tooke small notice of; but that we refused to fulfill his desire, he was much moued, and in all things crost our proceedings all that he might: insomuch that he had almost queld all former conceiued hopes of happie Commerce in this place. Continually deuising what to doe, or what course to take, this meanes failing vs, as I see no likelihood to the contrary, I made inquision of Gengomar and Ca∣stelletta, also of Gogo, but could heare small incouragent for transportation to seeke better dea∣ling; so with doubts wee rested perplexed a long while, yet returning to our businesse at the shippes.

The seuen and twentieth, in the morning Nicholas Vfflet going ashoare found all the people of [ 20] Swally departed thence in the night: he demanding the reason, they told him that the Nabob had expresly commanded them so to doe, as also the people from the Tents. Whereupon hee in∣quiring further thereof, was certified that our Merchants were stayed at Surat, and that atemp∣ting to passe ouer the bridge, they were perforce with-held, and receiued some store of b••owes by the guard thereto appointed by the Nabob, with whom in company to attend vpon them, the Gunners Boy and his companion formerly supposed to haue beene runne away, were also well beaten and withheld as the rest.

The one and thirtieth, we began to take in fresh water, because our stay heere was so vncer∣taine, not knowing how suddenly our departure might bee. This day Thomas Smith the Masters [ 30] Boy being swimming about the ship,* 22.25 had most of the out-side of his thigh bitten away by a great Fish which pulled him vnder the water, yet he comming vp againe swamme to the shippe side, and got vp to the bend, where as soone as he was come vp, he presently sounded. Then the Chi∣rurgion brought him into the Gunners Roome to see what might be done for his recouerie: but the issue of bloud had beene so great that they could not reuiue him, but presently dyed, and to∣wards night was buried ashoare.

The second of Nouember towards night Master Aldworth and Master Elkinton came downe from Surat, where they had left Master Ensworth very sicke: they declared vnto me their procee∣dings with the Nabob as formerly, and of their reconciliation, with large promises of future good respect, with free Trade throughout all their Countries. This hard measure hitherto offe∣red [ 40] vs by the Nabob, I cannot attribute vnto any hatred or ill will borne to our Nation, but his owne doubt and feare of vs, least I should ioyne with the Portugals against him: which feare was the more increased in him, in that I would not agree to fight against Damon. And his suspition and doubt was the more increased by a Knauish deuice in the subtile and lying Iesuites▪ who tooke occasion by my denyall, voluntarily without cause,* 22.26 to fight against the Portugals at Da∣mon, or otherwise. They pretended a Letter from the Vice-Roy, to giue notice to the Nabob, that vnlesse he made peace with them, that both he and the English his friends should ioyne toge∣ther and come against Surat; which Deuilish deuice did vs much hinderance in our businesse, by the Nabobs continuall doubt, which he made of our friendship towards them. And besides vn∣fortunately by their extreame vnkind vsage Master Aldworth in the middest of his haste, and thinking to qualifie their rigorous courses, and yet altogether ignorant of the practice of the Ie∣suites, [ 50] in threatning-wise wisht them to take heed, that by their ill vsage of vs, they doe not force vs to ioyne with the Portugals against them; which proued a kind of confirming the Iesuits former report from the Vice-Roy, as altogether making against vs. Likewise, hee forbade all Trade with our people aboord, which at first wee likewise thought had proceeded out of his troublesome humour to crosse vs; but afterwards we were aduised the contrary by Thomas Ker∣ridge his Letter, who declared that he and all Sea-port Gouernours, had expresse Commande∣ment from the Mogoll, not to suffer any Trade with vs, till they had made choise of all strange things that we bring, and they to buy them for the Kings vse, and to send it vnto him.

The third, I called a Councell concerning our businesse, viz. how farre wee might proceed in their aide against the Portugals, and examined our Commission in that point; also we appoin∣ted [ 60] the Merchants for the seuerall places of imployment, aswell those that were to stay heere, as those also that were to proceed on the Voyage. The goods that were at Surat of the twelfth Voy∣age came aboord, which was of Indico sixtie Bales, and Cotton Yarne eleuen Packes.

The sixteenth, whereas my desire was to haue beene ashoare amongst our Merchants, to haue

borne some stroke in the ordering of our businesse at Surat, and the rather considering the turbu∣lent head-strong and haughtie spirit of () euer striuing to sway all things ac∣cording to his owne will, and distastfull to others which without priuate respect aymed at the common good, whose better discretion hath beene inured to more humilitie. But the estate of our businesse so vncertaine, partly by the vncertainty of the Nabob and people here, and partly in regard of the Portugals (which we daily doe heare are arming vs) besides I vnderstand the Na∣bob makes question of restitution of the goods taken by Sir Henrie Middleton in the Red Sea, at vnder rates as they say, though I know they had goods for goods to a halfe pennie: yet not knowing what might come of it, I thought best to keepe my selfe neerest my charge, and refer∣red all things ashoare to the care of such Merchants in generall as were of my Councell, and [ 10] in whom for most part I had constant affiance.

The two and twentieth, I finished my Letters for Persia, viz. one for the Company, one for Sir Robert Sherley, and another for aduice to Richard Steele.

The three and twentieth, Lacandas the Banian came downe with newes of some discontent or hard speeches that had past betweene the Nabob and the Merchants,* 22.27 but now that they were reconciled and friends; the cause was, for that Master Edwards would not let him see the Pre∣sents, which at last he was driuen to yeeld to. All the chiefe Merchants wrote vnto me seuerally that there was a certaine report that the Vice-Roy was arming against vs. It pleased God to call to his mercie Master Ensworth and Timothy Wood, both in an houre. Iohn Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But set forwards to prouide such Clothes and Cotton Yarne, as wee formerly a∣greed [ 20] on.

* 22.28The fiue and twentieth, Master Edwards wrote me of the comming of three great men with seuen Firmanes from the Mogore, in whose presence the Nabob bestowed on him eight hundred & fifty Mamudies: ten fine Bastas, thirtie Topseeles, and thirtie Allizaes: he further gaue to Master Elkington and Master Dodsworth ten Topseeles, and a Cloke to Master Aldworth, & another to Ma∣ster Elkington, Master Dodsworth hauing had one before: he promised free Trade in all places vn∣der his command, and good refreshing for our people aboord.

The seuen and twentieth, Iohn Crowther came from Surat, who aduised mee that the chiefe Merchants had chosen him to accompany Richard Steele into Persia,* 22.29 and therefore came to take his leaue of me, and to fetch his things from aboord. This day Master Edwards wrote to mee by Edmond Aspinol for fiftie Elephants teeth, and indifferently chosen in their size and bignesse, for [ 30] there was a Banian Merchant in price for them all, if they could agree, which Teeth the same day were sent vp to him.

The sixth of December, the Nabob Mocrib Chan seemed now to be ashamed, for that he had not since my arriuall heere shewed me the least taste of courtesie;* 22.30 and therefore beeing desirous to excuse himselfe, intreated Master Elkington to accompany aboord the great Banian that brought our Teeth, and Lacandas the Banian Merchant of the Iuncke of the King of Cushan, whom he made choice of, and entertayned (by reason of his former familiaritie with our peo∣ple) to buy among them such Commodities as they had to sell, viz. Sword Blades, Kniues, Loo∣king-glasses. By them he sent me a Present of two Corge of course Bastas, ten fine Bastas, tenne [ 40] Topseeles, ten Cuttonies and three Quilts, certifying mee that the Nabob was minded to come downe to see me within two or three dayes at the most. At their going ashoare I gaue them fiue great shot.* 22.31 They told me that the Nabob heard from Goa, that for certaine, the Vice-Roy was preparing to come against vs, with all the force hee could make to fight with vs: likewise that the Nabob requested me that I would waft a ship or two of his off the Coast for two or three dayes, being bound for the Red Sea. But I answered, that hauing once put off from the Coast, the wind being aduerse, I could not recouer it againe: but if he would further our dispatch that we might be readie in conuenient time, then would I doe any thing reasonable.

The ninth, the Nabobs sonne came to the water-side, but would not come aboord; whereupon I went ashoare to him, who against my landing sent a Horse to fetch mee, hee willed mee to sit [ 50] downe vpon the Mount with him, which I did. Then hee commanded part of his Horsemen to shew me some pleasure vpon the sands, by warlike chasing each other, after the manner of Deca∣nie, from whence they were: then he desired to heare some Ordnance goe off, and I gaue him e∣leuen shot.* 22.32 Hee at present would drinke no wine, but being departed, hee sent for it, and for a Fowling Peece which he found in the hands of one of our people, both which I sent him with a Bowle to drinke his wine.

[ 60]

§. II. The Portugals Forces, Acts, Attempts, Fight with the English, and disgracefull Repulse.

THe sixteenth, Master Elkington wrote me that the Nabob told him that the Portugall Frigats had burnt Gogo with many Gonges or Villages thereabouts, and tenne great [ 10] ships, one whereof was the Rehemee, and one hundred and twentie small Vessels:* 22.33 and that he was displeased at me for not shooting at them when they past by vs; which did renue his suspition of our friendship with the Portugals: to all which Master Elkington an∣swered him, yet he could not rest satisfied.

The three and twentieth came two Boates more for Lead.* 22.34 This day wee saw twentie two Frigats, who in the night came to anchor betweene vs and the Riuers mouth, where they roade most part of the next day.

The foure and twentieth, in the morning we saw foure Boates comming downe the Riuer to∣wards vs, who seeing the Frigats returned, two Frigats chasing them vp the Riuer: but seeing they could not fetch them vp, went ashoare and fired two or three poore houses, and tooke away two or three head of Cattell, and so returned backe to their Company, who in the after-noone [ 20] went vp into the Riuer together.

The fiue and twentieth, in the morning early we saw fiue or sixe Frigats vnder saile an houre or two: after, we perceiued a small Boat vnder saile standing towards vs, but was presently cha∣sed by two Frigats, the men in the small Boat runne her aground, and forsooke her, so that the Frigats could not float where she lay, the tyde ebbing so fast, therefore they departed without doing any further harme vnto her.

The sixe and twentieth, in the morning I sent the Hope to the Northwards a good way from the rest of the Fleet, to see if the Portugals would charge vpon her.

The seuen and twentieth, early in the morning,* 22.35 the Frigats came and made a brauado before our ship, and then before the Salomon, which was next vnto vs, and from her to the Hope which [ 30] roade a great way from vs, who droue directly vpon her with all their men stowed, not a man to be seene. The Master twice hailed them, but they would not speake, whereupon they let flye at them with their Bow-pieces, hauing no other to ply vpon them, which made them with some losse to depart: the Master doubting, that if hee had not shot,* 22.36 they would haue boorded him, or mischieued him by fire, they comming vpon the aduantage both of winde and tyde▪ that none of the rest of the ships could come to the rescue; and in such sort right a head, that hardly can he trauerse any piece of Ordnance at them. In the after-noone I sent the Salomon to accom∣pany the Hope, who went to the North-wards of her, and made fiue or sixe shot at the Frigats, who roade at anchor hard by the Hope. But we did not perceiue any hurt she did them: where∣fore I commanded my Gunner to shoot a Peece to warne them to giue ouer, whereupon the Sa∣lomon [ 40] stood in againe and came to anchor.

The eight and twentieth, in the morning I went in the Pinnasse aboord the Hope and Salomon, to vnderstand the occasions of their shooting: and the Portugals seeing our Boates passe to and againe, remoued in the after-noone, and roade a little without vs to cut off all intercourse.* 22.37 In the meane time, came the former Boat which was chased a hoare aboord the Gift, and brought some Letters from Master Elkington. The Master sent the Bearer with the Letters to mee in the Hope, where hauing answered Master Elkingtons Letter, I sent him backe againe to the Gift, to goe thence in the night to Surat: but as the Gelliwat returned, the Frigats chased her, which I perceiuing, caused to weaue to the Gelliwat to returne, which they not seeing held on her way. But the Frigats held her so close that they were within shot of her, and made one faire shot at [ 50] her, and had not the Gift let slip one Cable, and veered another, and plyed vpon them with her Ordnance, it would haue gone hard with them: which made them giue ouer the chase not with∣out some damage: and late in the night vpon the tyde of ebbe, I commanded the Hope and Sa∣lomon to set saile and fall neerer to the other ships, and then I went aboord the Gift.

The nine and twentieth, I perceiuing that my riding was of no auaile to keepe the Frigats out of the Riuer, because they could passe to and fro ouer the sands, where wanted water for my ships to swimme; and that no Boates durst come to vs to fetch our goods for feare of the Fri∣gats; neither could I heare from our friends ashoare how all things past; therefore I set saile for Swally: but being but little wind and calme, it was the next day before we arriued there.

The fourteenth of Ianuarie, we heard of the approach of many Frigats,* 22.38 which roade at the [ 60] Barre till next day within night, and then in the darke came from thence, and roade within shot of vs all night till the morning, when they weighed and went to the South-wards; whom I thought were the Mallabars, that the Nabob promised formerly to send mee: and therefore put forth a Flagge of Truce, and sent Master Spooner one of the Masters Mates towards them with the Gelliwat, and appointed him to haue an eye backe to our signes that wee would make, if

we mistrusted any thing. I seeing the Gelliwat so neere, and no shew of friendship from them in answer of ours, put forth my flag which before was taken in, and shot a peece of Ordnance for a signe to my Boat to come aboord, which presently vpon sight thereof shee did, who was not scarce aboord,* 22.39 when our Centinell from top-mast head, discryed another Fleete of Frigats, who afterwards met together at the Barre, and went altogether into the Riuer: whereby I perceiued they were Portugals, and was glad that our men and Boat so well escaped their hands. I thinking these Frigats were forerunners of greater forces, caused all the decks to be cleered, and the Ord∣nance freed, and all things else fitting both for the Ordnance, Shot, and Barracadoes to bee in a readinesse.

The seuenteenth in the night, the Frigats came all forth of the Riuer, they beeing in the mor∣ning [ 10] at the point of the Barre.

The eighteenth, there came to the water side Maugie, the Banian Captaine formerly named, with an other great man, the sonne of Clych Caun, to whom I went ashoare: whither not long after word was brought me from aboord,* 22.40 that they discryed a farre off a Fleete of ships looming very bigge, which ashoare we could not see by reason of the lownesse of the place. And after leaue taken on both sides,* 22.41 he departed, and I returned aboord, causing all things to be set in a rea∣dinesse, which was speedily performed. Towards night, we made them to be sixe Gallions and three lesser shippes, besides the sixtie former Frigats, the two Gallies beeing not yet come: the tide being spent, they anchored till the next day.

The nineteenth, they plyed vp to the entrance of our new Channell, where they came to an [ 20] anchor, and the two Gallies came vp to them, where one of the great ships beeing too forward, came too neare the sands, and touched, but soone got off againe. The Nabob sent the Sabandar, and diuers other principall men of the Towne to the Vice-roy, with a Present of great prouisions, they making some treaty of peace, but brake off, effecting nothing, great policie on both sides being vsed. On the Nabobs side, to the increase of my griefe: for he and all the Countrey in ge∣nerall despaired of my being able to withstand so great forces,* 22.42 and began to make preparatiue be∣fore-hand to claw the Vice-roy with Presents: for I once ouerthrowne, his turne had come next, to endure a great assault, or to make such peace as the enemy desired. For, peace with them was it that stood with the Vice-roys policie most to desire,* 22.43 for the setting trade a foote between them. On the other side, the Vice-roy seeing the tractablenesse of the Nabob, and his seeming desire to [ 30] make peace,* 22.44 for the Present set light of it; supposing to haue made it with great royalty and pro∣fit for his owne part, after he had ouer-throwne vs, which he made no doubt easily to accomplish; which once performed, he expected greater Presents▪ and great submission on their parts to him being the conquerour. But it pleased God, who beheld the vniustnesse of his attempt, to turne it contrary to both their expectations: for the Vice-roy failing of his purposes in attempt against me, seeing he could not recouer so much as a Boats thoule from me in all the time he spent, with losses and disgrace about it; afterward was forced to reuiue the former neglected motion of peace with the Nabob;* 22.45 which Nabob beeing strengthened with a Moneths experience, notwithstan∣ding all their bragging threats, seeing he was not able to remooue our small forces one foot out of their place, gaue answer: Since with so great an army he could not preuaile against foure Mer∣chant's [ 40] ships, I wil make no peace with you: and so was the Vice-roy frustrated of both his hopes. Yet now after some digression, returning againe to my daily businesse.

Formerly hearing of the Vice-royes forces to come, we imagined it would not bee so great as now by view it seemes, therefore high time to enter into best considerations, how by Gods help to resist the same.* 22.46 The odds and aduantages he had ouer me, put me to my shifts in casting vp all things that made against me, being ouer-topt by his forces, whom I esteemed furnished with the principall ships and meanes of India, and people of greatest ranke and valour in these parts, in likelihood too hard for vs when we should put into the deepe water; nay, I know not how to put into deepe water, but they alwayes ready to intercept, ouer-charge, or force me a ground irre∣couerable on one side or other: my disaduantages so great in putting out, and their smaller Vessels [ 50] I knew might much with fire-workes, or otherwise hazard vs within at anchor where we rode, where I had hope their great ships through the shoaldnesse of water, could not or durst not put in. The things with me to giue me hope was, my people (though much with death and sickenes shortned) all from the highest to the lowest, seeme very couragious and comfortable; though (for the most) ignorant, either of the danger, or how to preuent it, yet pleasing to me to see their wil∣lingnesse. My care is not small, how to doe my best in maintaining the Honour of my Country, nor negligent in the memory of the estates and charge of my friends, and employers in this Iour∣ney; not onely for the hazard of this at present committed to my charge, but also all hope of fu∣ture times, if I should now be ouer-throwne: by reason the enemie in getting the vpper hand of me, would make his peace with these people vpon what conditions he lust, to the expelling of [ 60] our Nation this Countrey for euer. And what my care was for the safetie of my people, I referre to the consideration of such fathers, as are tender ouer the safetie of their obedient children. All this while my whole powers so kept in action, that I found little time to conuerse, or almost shew my selfe sensible of the dangers approaching; yea, euer as I could be solitary or free from o∣thers;

very earnestly crauing aide and assistance from the Lord of hosts, and from that mightie and mercifull God, who hath manifold wayes formerly deliuered me;* 22.47 often I say desiring his Maiestie so to guide and direct me, that I might omit nothing which might tend to the safety of my owne charge, nor the danger of the enemy: and that God would grant my request, I had a strong confidence; and the same againe often queld by the assembly of my manifold and grieuous offences, and but for Gods mercie sufficient to drowne the world; whereby forced afresh by pray∣er to pierce the heauens, and flie vnto God for aide against both inward and outward assaults. I so resolued by Gods assistance what to doe, if my assistants the Masters of the Ships would yeeld thereunto; knowing if we should receiue a foile riding at our anchor, our disgrace will be greater, [ 10] and our enemies little abashed: but in moouing, I might mooue the Vice-roy in greedinesse and pride, to doe himselfe wrong against the sands; hoping that that might bee an occasion whereby God might draw him to shorten his owne forces, and so might open the way for our getting out amongst the rest: which would rather haue been for a necessitie, then any way hopefull: for at present our goods on the way, and daily by some and some expected to come hither, and if once gotten out, vnlesse it had pleased God to make vs conquerours, and driue the Vice-roy cleane a∣way, I could not returne into my place, where onely (and no where else) I could take in my la∣ding: I esteeming the Vice-roy to hold his honour in so high regard, that he must haue been dead before he would haue giuen way. I also, though helplesse, remembred two great aduantages the enemie had of me in this warre. Euer before my people came to fight, they are first tired, or halfe spent with the labour of the ship, as heauing at Capstaine, and getting vp our anchors, set∣ting [ 20] of sailes, and other labours, which greatly quells their courages, making them in hot Coun∣treys both weary and faint; and then of necessitie must become souldiours: whereas the Vice-roy his souldiours come fresh to fight, beeing troubled with no labour, which is done by slaues and in∣feriour sea-people, which are neuer accompted companions of Souldiours. Secondly, if the Vice-roy loose many men in his ships, he may be supplyed againe out of his fresh supplyes, to be fetcht from their neerest townes by their Frigats, whereas we could not haue one man supplyed, how many soeuer we should haue slaine or disabled.

This present Thursday at night, I hauing no Merchants at all aboord, but all employed in the Countrey (besides those with Master Elkington at the house at Surat) I sent for all my Masters [ 30] to supper, with some mates, where (as the time serued) I began speech of our present businesse,* 22.48 desiring euery man to speake freely, how he thought best for vs to worke, considering to the pre∣sent straight we seemed to be in; alleadging my confidence to be (for all the bragging of these Portugals abounding in force) that God would not suffer their iniurious attempts vpon vs, that haue been tender not to wrong them in the East. I haue had also a iealous conceit carried ouer mee by the Nabob, and principals of the Countrey, as though I had been confederate with the Portugals, for that I did not shoot at the saucy-gouerned bragging Frigats. I found all the Ma∣sters to my hearts desire, willing and tractable to whatsoeuer I should wish; and had some fewe speeches about our prouident mooring, as also of the remoouing somewhat lower downe. But ere long, I let them know my conceit, desiring their free opinion therein: which was, that now our [ 40] ships were as fit for fight as we could make them, and our danger by night if we rode still (worke neuer so prouidently) to preuent is not small; therefore I thought fittest in the morning at low water, to send downe one ship to ride, as we might haue water enough at low water for all our ships: for then none can come to annoy her, which may prepare the Vice-royes mind to some at∣tempt at high water, and as the Flood comes, the other three should beare downe against the streame (the spring now neere the highest) to prooue what attempt the Vice-roy would giue, to attend it, and worke accordingly as we shall see reason, in hope that God will put designes into the mind of the Vice-roy, that he may commit some error, to the weakning of his owne for∣ces; which if he doe, then will be fittest time in the darke of the night following, to put out when it shall be vnfit for them to come to saile to hinder vs. Or if we see reason, we may with the wind worke euery day to and againe with our sailes on the Flood, to be alwaies ready in acti∣on, [ 50] when the tide is aloft, which may somewhat the courage of the people quell and dismay, though the Gallants seeme to thinke otherwise. This no sooner propounded, but liked for the best way, and so we agreed to proceed, and for that I found M. Molineux willing at low water in the morning to fall downe with the Hope, which was accordingly performed.

The twentieth in the morning, at low water I sent downe M. Molineux with the Hope, to prepare the Enemie to some attempt, when the tide shall be vp; which beeing done, vpon the flood we also with the other three ships stood after her. The Vice-roy and all the worthy Knights about him, supposed I had been flying, hastened also as the streame would permit them, towards the entrance to stop my comming forth; but contrariwise we all anchored short of the Hope, not altogether of purpose to leaue her destitute of our helpe, but rather doubting of depth for our [ 60] ships (so farre downe) to ride at low water. I was no sooner at anchor, and gone downe to my Cabbin, and set downe to write, to giue my friends and Merchants ashoare notice of my purpo∣ses and resolution, howsoeuer it might please God to dispose of me, and that they might know it to be no rashnesse, but in good discretion to tend vpon my best aduantages to preiudice my ene∣mies;

but presently I had notice, that three ships with most of the Frigats were before the wind, running stem-long aboord the Hope,* 22.49 and the Gallions after them, so farre as the sands gaue leaue. We assayed to weigh our anchor, but time not permitting, wee cut Cable, and set saile for the Hopes rescue, but the Enemies ships were aboord her, and entred their men before we came suffi∣ciently neere them; their men being entred with great shew of resolution, but had no quiet abode there, neither could rest in their owne ships, nor make them loose from the Hope, for our great and small shot;* 22.50 so that when the principall were kild, the rest in great number, for quietnesse sake, leapt into the Sea, where their Frigats tooke many of them vp. But first of purpose to haue burnt the Hope with them, they made preparation to fire their owne ships, which was well performed without harme to the Hope, (praised be the Lord of heauen) for so soone as the fire was wel kin∣led, [ 10] the ships of fire were let loose, and droue a ground on the sands, where they burnt till the flowing water came and quencht them; whiles day light lasted, we continued changing of shot in all our ships with the Gallions, they being on the out-side of a spit of sand, and we on the in∣side; by which they did little harme to our Hulles, but to our ropes and sailes ouer head. In this conflict besides them which were wounded,* 22.51 we lost fiue men, by great mischance the Hopes main top, top-saile, top-mast, and shrouds came a fire, and burnt away, with a great part of the maine mast, by the fire-works that were in the said top, the man being slaine that had the charge there∣of. This mishap kept vs from going forth into deepe water to try our fortunes with the Vice-roy, but were put to our shifts, not knowing how, or by what meanes to get the said Mast cured. [ 20]

The one and twentieth, I sent to weigh the anchor we had cut the day before. The two and twentieth, I vnderstood that many great men, with fiue or sixe hundred horse, and a Portugall Father came downe to Swalley, to send on the morrow the Father with three or foure principall Moores, to conclude a peace betwixt them: and the Nabob sent me word that he sought no such thing, and was resolued to make none, but wherein we should be included. He also granted me what Timber we should want, which we made vse of. Likewise we were promised prouisions. The Portugals continued quiet.

The fiue and twentieth, the Muccadam of Swally came to me, and told me that the former Fa∣ther had sent to intice him to poison the former Well, where hence we had our water, which he would not yeeld vnto,* 22.52 and therefore had put into the Well some liue Tortoises, who would by their death demonstrate the poysoning thereof, if it should by them be performed. At night came [ 30] part of the hundred and seuentie bales of Indico to the water side, which was presently fetcht a∣boord. Isaac Beg sent me a Present of the fruits of his owne garden. This day came downe the rest of the Timber for the Hopes Mast.

The seuen and twentieth, I sent all our Boats to sound the Swach at low water; chiefly to keep the Enemie alwayes ignorant of what I intended▪ whither was sent by the Enemy to preuent them, one Gally and fiue Frigats, thinking to cut off our Boats, whereof they failed, as of all o∣ther things they attempted.

The eight and twentieth, the Nabob sent to the Vice-roy great store of prouision, Goats, Bread, Plantans, &c. with a banquet of sweet meates. Cogenozan sent me a Present of fiue Bullocks. [ 40] Diuers of our men died here of Fluxe and diseases.

The one and thirtieth in the morning, we receiued aboord from Cambaya fiftie bales Indico. In the afternoone came Cogearson Allee aboord, who presented me with diuers things, viz. Goats, great store of Bread, Rost-meat, Plantans, and Sugar, &c. With him came an old acquaintance of mine, a Persian, he reported vnto me that there is newes come from Damon, that the Portugals carried thither three hundred and fiftie men to be buried,* 22.53 and that this newes is most certain: and by our estimate, there cannot be lesse then an hundred more kild and burnt in their ships, besides those drowned, which the tide did cast vp ashoare. They also related to me, that not onely here in India they found opposition, but also the Persians against Ormus, and the Malays at Malacca, are in armes against the Portugals: and whereas there had been speech of a peace to bee conclu∣ded [ 50] betweene the Viceroy and Mocrib Can, he wisht me to assure my selfe it was broken off, and would none be. I found his loue, and tooke great content in his long staying with mee, whose presence I thirsted to see, and till now he could neuer get leaue of the Nabob to come to see mee (which without no man dare, or will be so bold) who proceeds by the great charge he hath from the King, that all things of worth, should be procured by the Nabob for the Kings vse; which holds him in such doubt and iealousie, least any thing should passe by any other meanes to his dis∣grace, whereby he is inforced to vse strange and seuere courses to restraine the same. The day be∣ing farre spent, I returned him with a Present, gaue money to all his people, let him see the cast of the Bullets of some of our Great Ordnance; they tooke their leaue and departed.

[ 60]

§. III. Portugall supplyes, Fire-boates frustrated, seeke peace and refused, their departure: Enterview of the Nabob and Generall: de∣parture of the English.

HHe third of Februarie, there came to the water side twentie foure Bales Indico,* 22.54 seuen packs white Bastas, seuen packs blacke Bastas, sixe packs Cotton-yarne, foure packs [ 10] blue Bastas, three packs Caudikens, one pack Crecany, al which were presently fetcht aboord: this day also the Vice-royes supplyes came in sight,* 22.55 which were two ships of burthen, two Iunkes, and eight or tenne of the Countrey Boates. The Nabob sent Lacandas to informe me, that these supplyes were not for warre, but fild full of combustible matter to fire, and so to be let driue with the tyde vpon our ships in the night; which aduise I was glad to vnder∣stand, and addressed my selfe also to preuent that, and all other their attempts with smaller ships. The Spring now neere the highest, and fittest for their assaults, which euery tide I expected: and to shew that I was in a readinesse to intertaine them, as also how little I cared for them (hauing all the time formerly ridden without the like) I purposed and performed the setting and cleering our watch, Morning and Euening, with a Volley of shot from euery ship, and the best Peece in [ 20] my shippe directed to the Prow of the Vice-roy, which I did to daunt the courage of them hee must employ, and to try his temper, whether it would make him angry or no:* 22.56 and I still thinke it prooued to good end. It pleased God this day at night, when I had least leasure to mourne, to call to his mercie my onely Son George Downton, who early the next morning was buried ashoare, and the Volleyes aforesaid, appointed to try the temper of the Vice-roy,* 22.57 serued also to honour his buriall.

This morning also came to me on Mousa Attale a Malabar Captaine, (with his troope atten∣ding to visit me, expecting some businesse this day by the Portugals to be attempted; whom I in∣tertained with all kind respect, and by conference made the best vse of his company that I might; by drawing from him the description of the principall Ports and Harbours in his Countrey, and [ 30] manifesting the desire I had to be acquainted with him, and to intertaine loue, league, and fami∣liaritie between the English and them, with a mutuall trade and traffique one with another: the which with great desire he seemed to imbrace, willing me to giue him some Letters of my hand, for their ships to carry to shew to my Country-men, wheresoeuer they should meet them: which I deliuered, as also a Letter for him to mooue their King for the kind vsage of our Nation, when∣soeuer any of our ships should arriue in any of his Harbours, and so after leaue taken, he departed, I presenting him with a Sword blade, and three or foure kniues. The Master of the Hope com∣plained, that besides those presently kild, he had many hurt, bruised, and disabled for seruice: wherefore I sent him for supply, three men from the Gift, foure from the Hector, and foure from the Solomon.

[ 40] The fifth, I receiued letters from M. Aldworth from Baroch, who writes of their arriuall there,* 22.58 and that the day before, nine Courses from Baroch, they were set vpon by two hundred theeues, Rashpooses, with Pikes, small shot, and Bowes and Arrowes: and skirmishing a little while with them, they fled, three of them being killed, and more wounded; they hauing shot Humfrey El∣kington thorow the thigh, and killed one of the horses that Surder Canne sent to guard our men; and Master Aldworthes horse likewise receiued a shot. The Nabob sent me word that the Vice-Roy would assault this day, and therefore sent Gogenozan to guard the Land; who came to the water-side and sent his sonne Mamod Iehad aboord to see mee, with a Caueleer, called Kemagee, the sonne of Leckdarsee, Raspooso of Guigomar, or Castelletto (who maintained warre with the Mogore and Portugall together a long time) they entreated leaue to see and partake in the fight: [ 50] who seeing no attempt that day giuen, stayed aboord all night; and the Raspoose seeing the back∣wardnesse of the enemy, went the next day ashoare: but the other desiro••s to see the issue there∣of, stayed two or three dayes longer aboord; and then seeing nothing would bee done by the enemie, he departed.

The eight in the fore-noone, we receiued more Indico aboord. In the after-noone all the Fri∣gats, with the two Iunckes and two Gallyes, came driuing vp with the flood,* 22.59 making shew of some attempt at the instant, either by fire, (which I most doubted) or otherwise: whereupon we all weighed to goe nearer to them, who no sooner perceiued it, but they altogether made a∣way as fast as they might, and we came to an anchor not farre from our former place. This de∣uice was nothing but to make vs think that those Fire-boats should come from the Northwards, [ 60] that we might not mistrust their comming from the Northwards: and therefore the next day against night, they assembled both Iunckes, Frigats, and Gallyes all together, a little without the sands, to take away all suspition of the North from vs: which I well perceiued, and did alwayes resolue, that that way was the place of most danger for vs: And therefore gaue a speciall charge of good looking out both wayes, but chiefely that way: which accordingly fell out; for that a

little within night we did discerne them (betweene vs and a great light to the Westward, vpon the Iland of Gogo) creeping to the Northwards vpon the flood, and then vpon the last quarter ebbe,* 22.60 about ten of the clock in the dark of the night, before the rising of the Moone, there came driuing downe two Fire-boats, being towed by Frigats, whom we discouered before they came neare vs, and p••yed at them both with our Ordnance and small shot, whereby wee beat off the Frigats that towed them, who durst aduenture no further with them, but turned them off, who came driuing with the tide a prettie distance from the other. The first droue cleere of the Gift, Hector and Salomon, and came thwart the Hopes Hause, and presently blew vp, and with the blow much of their vngratious stuffe: but (blessed be God) to no harme to the Hope, for that by cutting her Cable, shee cleared her selfe. The latter came likewise vpon the quarter of the Hope, and then flamed vp, but did no harme, driuing downe the ebbe, and came foule of vs againe on the [ 10] flood, the abundance of fewell continually burning, which our people in our Boats towed a∣shoare, and the former suncke downe neare vs by day-light. This day I receiued a letter from Master Aldworth, who writes of the receit of a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Ni∣cholas Whittington is distracted, and out of his right sences, and that he writeth somewhat doubt∣fully of Richard Steele.

The tenth at night, neare about the same time as before, there came two Fire-boats together, towed by foure or fiue Frigats,* 22.61 which bore directly vpon the Hector: but as soone as we disco∣uered them, the Gift and the Hector let driue at them, both with great and small shot, that the Frigats which towed them, forsooke them, and forced the actors thereof to giue fire sooner then they would, and so turned them adrift: who comming burning directly towards her (but the [ 20] wind being stiffe, droue them to leeward of her) within halfe an houre after wee perceiued a great many Boats driuing right with the Hector, at whom they and we discharged, which againe made the Frigats forsake them,* 22.62 and also those appointed for to act it, sooner then they expe∣cted, whereby they gaue fire only vnto two of them, being foure of them chained together: but the Hector edging to windward (and it pleased God to send a stiffe gale of wind at present, which droue them to Leeward off her) our Gunner made a shot at one of the Boats vnfired, and struck her, whereupon shee tooke fire, and the vehemencie of the flames reached vnto the fourth, and set her a fire also, and so they droue ashoare hard by our landing place. My Pinnasse took three of the actors in a small Cannow, wherein they thought, the exploit being done, to haue escaped. Two of them were brought aboord me, and the third was left aboord the Hector: and the Gelli∣wat [ 30] returning aboord, found another which shee brought with her; one of them had his shoul∣der shot thorow. Thus it pleased God to disappoint all the malitious practises of our enemies against vs.

The eleuenth, the Vice-Roy seeing God crossing him in all his iniurious attempts, set saile and fell downe into the Barre, where he anchored. The cause of his anchoring there, I was desirous to vnderstand; I doubting it was for no other purpose, then to attempt the spoile of Surat: but I resolued, if he should so doe, to put out with my ships, and so to set vpon his Fleet (which would make his enterprise against Surat to bee giuen ouer) being desirous to assist the place where wee had so great a stocke,* 22.63 and so many of our Merchants. But the Vice-Roy would not trust mee so much, as to vnman his ships, lest I should come against him; and therefore sent all the Frigats at [ 40] night into the Riuer, with some to capitulate about a peace, whereof he had flat answere to the contrary, as aforesaid.

The twelfth, Lacandas came downe, informing me from the Nabob (he being so assured by the Iesuits,* 22.64 with whom he alwayes kept faire weather for his better securitie, if wee should be put to the worse) that there were sixe or eight Frigats gone to the Northwards, with foure or fiue Fire-boats to be let driue among vs in the night: and therefore wished carefully to looke out, for that it should be when we should least suspect. I allowed of his kindnesse, was glad of his carefull regard, although needing no such admonition, suspecting such practises as well when they were out of sight,* 22.65 and furthest from vs, as when they rode hard by vs.

The thirteenth, for as much as Frigats or other vessels in the offing could not so well discerne [ 50] the place of our ships, in the darke night, for the shadow of the shoare, though very low; there∣fore in the times of their hellish Gun-powder practises, they had lights for ayme giuen them a∣shoare, where fittest to come in. Now night by night we saw the like, in the like place as be∣fore; therefore esteeming some of their creatures againe to giue ayme for their comming to like practises, though no vessels seene by day-light. And being formerly warned, as aforesaid, to looke out for like attempts, in hope to take hold of this Fire-man, at night I sent William Gurdin a∣shoare with twentie men,* 22.66 shot and pike, to incompasse and take the blaser of the said fire, suppo∣sing it to be some traytor inhabiting these nearest parts: who in his passage comming neare it, it would seeme presently out, and againe at an instant at another place contrary to their pursuit, [ 60] and so playing in and out with them so long, that in the end they gaue it ouer, esteeming it some delusion of the Deuill, not knowing otherwise how to coniecture thereof. This present night the Vice-Roy set saile from the Barre,* 22.67 leauing in the Riuer some twentie of his Frigats, which con∣tinued the place, shifting to relieue each other sometimes more, and sometimes lesse, and kept in

the Mallabars Frigats, which were there in seruice for the defence of the Towne.

The fourteenth, the Nabob sent me a great man and a Souldier (whom in amitie hee named his brother) to visit me, who declared his opinion, that the Vice-Roy and all his Fleet were gone for Goa, but some Frigats to attend this Riuer, and some to returne to Diu and Ormus: which o∣pinion of his I see no reason for it, could not allow of; esteeming him rather gone some-whither to refresh his people, to strengthen them against our putting forth to sea, when no sands should hinder his greatest ships to encounter me. He also told me that the King had sent downe forces, both to take Damon, and all the Country along the Sea-side; in which I gaue him courteous hea∣ring, beleeuing as I saw reason: and that they were more willing to giue our Nation entertain∣ment [ 10] and trade, then euer they did the Portugals; the which I thought he might with very good reason speake, because the Portugall hath beene iniurious alwayes, and hath exercised many vile things vpon them. And yet vnlesse we continue able to mate and withstand the Portugals forces, they will vnsay that speech againe for their owne ease. After he had seene the ship, and viewed our Ordnance, and all our defencible preparations, hee desired leaue to depart with his traine, which with all courtesie and our Boats, in best fashion was performed.

Now our daily endeauour is, and long since hath beene to the clearing and beginning to lade the Hope for England; which by the ouer-topping and threatning forces of the Vice-Roy for∣merly, with reason I could not resolue to doe, though time and libertie would for present haue allowed the same: but by hastie snatches, as it came, euer we put it in confusedly (some into one [ 20] ship, and some into another) not thinking fit in so casuall a time, to hazard all our Cargason in one ship. Besides, it was long before the Hopes burnt Mast was newly cured: and that I resol∣ued to send home the Hope, it was not altogether for that I esteemed her fittest of burthen for the stowing of our goods presently prouided; but withall, by the many impediments and disabilitie in the ship, in and by the Master and Carpenter daily complained of, as that the poste within the Rudder was vnsheathed (a strange and dangerous neglect, and ouer-sight) and therefore fittest soonest to be returned, and the losse of our Quick-siluer in her, which lyeth vpon her Keele and Billages, another important cause.

The eighteenth, the Nabob sent Cogearson Allee, the Sabandar, and other Merchants of Su∣rat, to intreat my stay for fifteene dayes, which in no sort I would grant: then they importuned [ 30] me for ten dayes, which yet by no meanes would I yeeld vnto, shewing how great preiudice to my Voyage my stay heere so long might be. The cause of their request, was their feare left the Vice-Roy after my departure should come against Surat with all his forces.* 22.68 Wherefore I consi∣dering the weight of this businesse, and the preiudice it might be to our selues, and also being vn∣willing to send them backe with deniall, seeing them much discontented thereat as a disgrace vnto them, and being loath at my departure to giue the Nabob any distast therein, that haue done to my vnttermost hitherto to giue him all content possible; and knowing what future hindrance it might be to our businesse ashoare: and last of all, seeing there was six dayes worke of the ten to be done in the Hope, before we could be possibly ready; I at length (when they were altogether out of hope thereof, and vpon departure) condescended to their request, whereat they were [ 40] exceeding ioyfull, and departed.

The two and twentieth at night, I receiued a Letter from Surat, informing me of the Nabobs comming to see me the next day.

The three and twentieth, in the morning, came downe two Elephants and six Camels, bring∣ing his Tents and other prouisions.

The foure and twentieth, Master Aldworth came downe with the rest of the Merchants to fi∣nish all businesse with me.

The fiue and twentieth in the morning, the Nabob came downe with a very great traine, and sixe Elephants more, and had beene two houres ashoare before I knew thereof: which when it was told me, being sory for my neglect of him, I sent Master Aldworth, Master Elkington, and [ 50] M. Dodsworth ashoare vnto him, to hold him in discourse vntill I came vnto him, which was not long after; I purposed to go vnto him (as a sonne vnto his father) in my doubl••t and hose,* 22.69 with∣out any armes or great traines, according to custome, thereby to shew my trust and confidence that I reposed in him: but my friends perswaded me to the contrary, that I should rather goe well appointed and attended on with a sufficient guard, to continue the custome. Whereunto I consented (though in conclusion, it repented me that I had not taken mine own course) and went ashoare with about one hundred and forty men, of pike and shot, who at my entrance into the Nabobs Tent gaue me a Volly of shot. The Nabob entertained me very kindly, seeming very ioy∣full of my comming ashoare to him: we sitting a while vnder a very faire Tent, open on all sides round about, enuironed with many people, as well of mine, as of his attendants. At length hee [ 60] brought me into a more priuate roome neare adioyning, hauing on his side onely Alle Canne, a great Persian Captaine, and the Banian Henie for his Interpreter; and on my side, Master Ald∣worth, Master Elkington, and Master Dodsworth▪ where hee conferred both of the estate of this Countrey at present, and also of our affaires. At length I demanded of him if he would go aboord with me to see the shippe; whereunto he very willingly consented. Then he presented me with

his owne sword (accompanyed with many good words, telling mee that it was the custome of their Countrey,* 22.70 to honour Captaines with armes, that had deserued well) which as he told mee was made in his owne house, the hilts thereof being of massie gold, and in liew thereof I retur∣ned him my sute, being Sword, Dagger, Girdle and Hangers, by mee much esteemed of, and which made a great deale better shew, though of lesse value. We came both forth of the priuate Tent, and I walked downe to the water-side, there staying his comming; whither he sent mee a present of ten Cuttonee quilts, and twentie Topseells; and not long after came the Nabob himselfe,* 22.71 and then we tooke boat together and went aboord, where hauing shewed him the ly∣ing of our Ordnance, and all our war-like preparation for defence, I presented him with a very faire standing guilt cup with a couer, and certaine very faire kniues, and a Rundlet of Muskadine, [ 10] with some other toyes. Then he desired to see our Ordnance shoote off, and how farre they would carry their shot vpon the water, and I gaue him three. Then he would haue taken leaue, but I accompanied him to the shoare, and gaue him at his departure eleuen great shot. At our par∣ting at the water-side, the Nabob gaue me foure baskets of Grapes; he likewise gaue the Gunners and Trumpeters between them two hundred Mamudies, and among the ships company fiue hun∣dred Mamudies, and one hundred books of white Bastas, of two Mamudies a peece: and then af∣ter some complements we tooke leaue one of the other, and departed. I rowed along the shoare for my better getting aboord, the tide running so swiftly, and saw Lacandas the Banian come run∣ning towards the Boat, being sent of the Nabob to know of me, if he should erect a Tombe ouer my sonne: I returned him many thanks, and willed Lacandas to tell him that I had alreadie begun [ 20] it: then I returned aboord, and he went to Surat; and not long after his Tents were taken downe, and went after him with the rest of his carriages.

The six and twentieth, the Nabobs sonne and sonne in law (a very ingenious yong man) came aboord to take their leaues of me: vpon whom I bestowed some kniues, and other things which I had left, which could not be much, hauing still had one great man or other to visite me, who sel∣dome or neuer went away without some one present or other: so they viewed the shippe and departed.

The seuenteenth, there came aboord vnto me the three sonnes of Allee Canne, the two yongest first, and after them came the eldest, called Guger Canne, who as yet had neuer been aboord: He presented me with two Antelops, male and female, whereat I was glad, since I had sent to en∣quire [ 30] for some to send home to Sir Thomas Smith,* 22.72 but could not procure any. I presented him with foure Spanish pikes with heads, and some other things of my owne, and shewed him all the ship, with our warlike preparation for defence, as also all our Ordnance; and a little while after he tooke his leaue, and at his departure I gaue him eleuen shot.

* 22.73The third of March in the after-noone, vpon the tide of ebbe, and a small gale came vp Nor∣therly, to giue steering way to our ships, we seeing our friends the Mallabars (which had desired to go with vs) not attempting to come forth, we hastened to get vp our anchors, and to set saile to proceed on our iourney: yet seeing comming in from the Westward another Fleet of Portu∣gall Frigats, I was willing to shew my best, in the view of the Countrey people, to hinder their comming into the riuer of Surat;* 22.74 which was nothing, for that there was roome enough for them to passe by vs euery way out of the reach of our shot; yet we shot at the nearest of them, with∣out [ 40] hope to shoote neare them, but only to shew our good willes, and for encouragement to our friends on land; as also for those which went alongst the Coast (as I esteemed) to giue know∣ledge to the Gallions of our comming, that they might report also that we shot at their fellowes going to Surat: that they might also expect that wee cared the lesse for their greater strength. In our passage this night, we had diuers flawes of vnconstant winds, for which we came to an∣chor for a while. Afterwards seeing it blew steadie, though faint, wee set saile, continuing our course South by East alongst the shoare.* 22.75 At that time the day-light began to discouer to vs all things neare vs; we descried betweene vs and the shoare our enemies forces of Gallions, and two Gallyes, all comming to saile presently after they saw vs, and stood after vs with a faint gale, we [ 50] standing somwhat without our course with all our sailes, partly to gaine time to make our selues in perfect readinesse to fight, partly to refresh my people that had taken much paines the night past; as also the further I draw them off the Coast, the further they will be from fresh supplyes to be sent them. But ere long, the tide of flood being come, and little wind to hold our owne, we came to an anchor, while the enemie resting his hopes in the wind, kept longer vnder saile to his greater disaduantage. But I not taking it for an error in them, but of purpose to doe vs more harme, it brought mee into a new and great doubt, which drew all my powers to deuise how to preuent. This was, that now we were at sea, they meant to return to Surat with al their strength, and there to worke their wills on our friends and goods, which I had no meanes to preuent, but by following them; knowing they durst not vnarme, nor vnfurnish their shippes while I was in [ 60] sight of them. But the time now grew so late, that I doubted by the most hast that I could make, I should hardly get off the Coast before the foule weather came; which put me into some hope, that the Vice-Roy being so great a Souldier, and so discreet a Gentleman, would not expose himself, his people and ships to such great perils as the hastning winter did threaten. While these

th••ngs floted in my mind, the tide of flood was spent, and time to worke if we make vse of the ebbe, we (to my great content) saw the Vice-Roy his Fleete standing towards vs with a fresh gale of wind. Wee likewise set saile, and stood away our owne course before him all that tide, and so spent the night to the best aduantage, partly by sailing, and partly by stopping.

The fifth in the morning, wee saw the enemie had gotten but little ground of vs: This day also we spent, as before, in riding and sailing, as time serued to our best aduantage: and for that the Hector went best, and the Hope (logloaden) worst, I sent to the Hector to take in her Boat, and to prepare for the Hope. I sent to the Hope to giue directions to hasten to the Hector, to be towed, and to the end she should haue nothing to hinder her, I had her Boat to tow at my sterne, [ 10] and so spent the night working for the best, the wind fresh wee had no cause to anchor. This night the Vice-royes ships got much ground of vs: by this I was gotten well off from the shoare, and also an ende to the Southwards, and by his working I recouered some assurance to my conceit, that these forces would not this yeare annoy Surat: and for my businesse for encountring the e∣nemie, I had by good leasure well considered how to contriue it, and withall I had considered of the cases of either, and the difference betweene the Vice-roy and me, I meane in our seuerall sa∣tisfactions and contents: My comming hither was by the authoritie of my King, and to follow the designes of my Imployers, which was in Merchants ships fitted for defence,* 22.76 and to endea∣uour by honest commerce, without striuing to iniury any, which God hath of his tender mer∣cie and bountif••ll blessing so assisted me, that we haue performed beyond my former conceit, and [ 20] in most things hitherto God hath graunted me my hearts desire: and am now in a good way vp∣on my way with the same: with which without further tempting of God, or presuming of Gods continuing mercies in further deliuerances, if I by pride swarue from what is iust, and before him to be allowed, whose mercies haue been free, and without any cause in mee for his owne Name sake: therefore I hold it fit to proceede soberly, and attend vpon the Enemies attempt, yet not in base manner, but in a warlike sort.

On the other side, the vnhappy Vice-roy a famous valiant man, therefore now sent by his Master the King of Spaine with Ships (the principall of India) with men (all the Gallants and principall Braggards of those neerer parts of India) what to doe?* 22.77 Not onely to disturbe or in∣tercept the peaceable and quiet trade of the English with the subiects of the Mogol, a great King [ 30] in his owne Countrey, but to take or burne them: so little regard is had to the effusion of Chri∣stian blood; neuer looking towards the iudgements of God, nor remembring that as men doe to others, they must expect to be done to. This Captaine was furnished with abundance of all things the Countrey might yeeld, and wanted nothing but an vpright cause, fit for God to fa∣uour. He came to the place where he found what he sought, foure poore Merchants ships, a fewe men, and many of them sicke and dead; and those Braggards measured our minds by their owne, thought we would neuer stand out against so powerfull a force, as they esteemed they had; and the conceit of that, set those Coxcombs a madding to be doing mischiefe, to encrease their pride, which they intitle honour. I seeing the difference, and the cause I had to pray to God my onely refuge, whom it pleased to grant the request of me his poore and vnworthy seruant: in conside∣ration [ 40] whereof, I put forward the businesse, and as it were, baited my hooke, and the Fish pre∣sently ranne thereat as aforesaid.

They came three Ships, and thirtie or fortie Frigats, as I imagined; with a veaze laid the Hope aboord with the flowre of all their Gallants, where by the hand of God in their amazed carri∣age, they receiued such a blow, as few (and they by their extraordinary chance) escaped with safetie, and the three ships burnt. Thus it pleased God to crosse their first attempt, and ne∣uer after, though they beleaguered vs round about by sea, with all their sorts of shippes for many dayes together, our people still in action, and halfe tired with continuall labour, some receiuing in goods; yet. Blessed be God, they could neuer get the aduantage to winne from vs the vallewe of a louse, vnlesse our Bullets which we lent them, his fire-boats failing, and nothing prospering; [ 50] and once in foure and twentie houres, I sent him a defiance for many dayes together, to try his temper; all which must needs lie heauie on the stomacke of a Gentleman of so great courage. I e∣steeme now he will hazard much to recouer some of his honour formerly lost (but crauing par∣don for this my digre••••••on, I will now returne and proceed with my former businesse.)

Wherefore the sixt in the morning betimes, I sent for my Master, and let him know that my purpose was, that when the Vice-roy should come vp neere with vs, that we would all at once cast about with him, and charge him first on the sudden, to strike an vnexpected terror in the hearts of his people, who now are bragge, seeing vs going away before them. And to that end I now went aboord euery ship, to giue them all directions; and more, that I would cause the He∣ctor, with her Pinnasse and mine, to take in an hundred fardels of the Hopes goods to lighten her, [ 60] and mend her going: which businesse (by reason of my Pinnasse to helpe) I stayed to see it done; so that it grew to be mid-day, neere which time, my ship which I left farre asterne for my better comming aboord, strooke saile, whereat (as wee imagined) the Vice-roy seeing the Admirall strike her sailes to fall a sterne, might take it of purpose to stay for him in contempt, he with his Consorts bore vp with the shoare, and gaue ouer the hope of their fortunes by further following

of vs: which course I like very well, since he is so patient; for there is nothing vnder his foot that can make amends for the losse of the worst mans finger I haue. Besides, I wish no occasion to fight;* 22.78 for that which I haue alreadie paid for, I am already possest on, and I am so farre from the humour to fight for honour, vnlesse for the Honour of my King or Countrey, that I had rather saue the life or liues of one of my poorest people, then kill a thousand Enemies. Hauing now fi∣nished with the Vice-roy, I set my selfe to write Letters for the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to haue haled into the Bar of Goa, to prooue if I could haue left some Commendations there for the Vice-roy at his returne: this was my great desire that I long promised, yet so long trifled in dispatch of the Hope, that wee were shot farre past it before wee had finished the same.

[ 10]

The rest of this Iournall is * 22.79 wanting; for hee is also wanting which should haue perfected it. But alas, this is the imperfection of Mans best perfections, Death lying in ambush to intrap, whom by open force (you see) he could not deuoure. He dying in this Voyage, and following his sonne, hath left this glorious act, Memoriae Sacrum, the Memorable Epitaph of his worth, sauouring of a true Heroike disposition; Pietie and Valour being in him seasoned with Grauitie and Modestie. We will not with heathen Poets cry out of cruell immature Fates: for Death hath preuented vnto him possibilitie of disastrous euents (which as shadowes follow the bodies in greatest light) and leauing his liuing Memory here, hath lifted his liuely part, and vertuous Spi∣rit, to receiue the applause, and praise, and reward of God and with God, to whom be glory for euer. Amen. [ 20]

CHAP. XII. Relations of Master ELKINGTON and Master DODSWORTH, touching the former Voyage.

[ 30]

§. I. Collections taken out of the Iournall of Captaine THOMAS ELKINGTON, Successour to Captaine NICHOLAS DOWNTON in the Voyage aforesaid, written by himselfe.

THe first of Ianuary 1613. the new ship built at Detford, was lanched and called the New-Yeares-Gift.* 22.80 The third of March, we came to an anchor in the Downes. The thirtieth of Iune, we set saile from the Bay of Soldania. Heere at this time which is their dead of Winter, it was temperate, rather inclining to cold then heate. We had little refreshing but water and fish. The people are wretched, [ 40] neither sow nor plant, dwell in small Cottages made of Hides, and so ioyne ma∣ny of them in a round Circle, hauing their Cattle in the middest. They are browne, but by grea∣sing themselues become almost blacke, and in the wind vnsauourie a doozen yards off, filching, trecherous, vnworthy so good a Land, which in likelihood with culture would be very fertile.

The sixth of August wee had sight of Saint Laurence. This night Robert Waters departed, a man long diseased in bodie,* 22.81 disturbed in minde by torment of conscience, for a man by him kil∣led in Virginia, (cowardly comming behind him, and knocking him on the head) for which hee obtayned his pardon in the Court of men, but in the inward and spirituall was thus pursued to his death.* 22.82 Here in the Bay of Saint Augustine we wooded and watered: Some went vp the ri∣uer and came to their houses or sheads, which were small things set vp with Canes, and couered [ 50] with a thing like a hurdle, made of the leaues of the Palme Tree. The people fled and left all, that is, nothing but a little Cotton spunne, or on the Distaues, with a few necessaries. The ele∣leuenth and twelfth, we bought Cattell in exchange of Siluer Chaines, they taking the value of twentie pence, or two shillings in a Chaine for an Oxe, which in money would cost fiue or sixe shillings. They are very good, fed (it seemes) within the land, for we saw nothing but sand and wood without any grasse at all.

The ninth of September, we had sight of Socatora, and passing by Tamarind Bay, came to an∣chor in Delisha.

The one and twentieth of October, we came into the Road of * 22.83 Swally. After the fight on [ 60] the twentieth of Ianuary, in which three Portugall ships were burnt, and two Frigats sunke, and Timber procured for the Hopes maine Mast, which the Nabob caused to be done so warily, that it seemed he was afraid lest the Portugals might know it. On the foure and twentieth, came a Iesuite with another fellow from the Vice-roy to intreate of peace with Magrib••can, who on

the seuen and twentieth, sent the Vice-Roy one hundred and fiftie Maunds Meale, one hundred sheepe, twentie fiue Maunds Conserues with Hens, &c. In the after-noone the Sabandar re∣quested me to read a Letter from the Vice-Roy, which signified that whereas by the Padre hee was informed that the Nabob desired to make peace in his Masters name, and had appointed for treatie thereof the Sabandar, Isaac Beg, and Abduram, hee also had hearkened thereto and ap∣pointed three others to that businesse binding himselfe to performe their agreements.

On the one and thirtieth. The Sabandar came vnto mee and told mee, that no peace could bee with the Portugals, they refusing to make any restitution for damages or goods taken, but rather [ 10] required money of them: and that the Vice-roy had sent to all parts thereabouts for more forces. After their fire deuices frustrated, they all set saile, both Ships, Iunckes, Gallies and Frigats, and roade at the Barre of Surat. The Hector had taken one of their Frigats which was imployed to tow the fire-boats and in her seuen men; three slaine, foure liuing. Soone after they departed: and we also weighed the second of March.

On the fourth, we descryed the Portugall Fleet, which presently gaue vs chase, and the next day also. On the sixth, the Generall came aboord vs, to wish vs to make readie, he purposing to turne and giue the on-set on them: but about noone the Portugals bore vp the Helme, and stood in for the shoare, and within three houres after we lost sight of them. The tenth, at night the Hope departed from vs. The fifteenth, we saw three Spouts of water not farre from vs, one whereof very bigge continuing halfe an houre. The nineteenth, we doubled Cape Comorine.* 22.84

[ 20] The tenth of May, the wind and current against vs, the Generall went to a greene Iland to the North of the Salt-hill, and there came to an anchor in twentie fathome good ground sandie. Wee sought fresh-water but found none: wee saw Pigges and Hogs on the Iland, and gathered good store of Coco Nuts. About this Iland is good riding, beeing twelue fathomes within a stones throw of the shoare. The Pinnasse fetched water at an Iland foure leagues off, which was brackish. We found water in the Iland beyond the burning one. The second of Iune, wee came to an anchor in Bantam Road.

The third of Iuly, we weighed Mace and receiued Silke for the furnishing of the Salomon, for Masulipatan, wherein we concluded to send for Merchants, George Chancie, Ralph Preston,* 22.85 Hum∣phery Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Sauage, and Robert Sauage.

[ 30] The eighth of Iuly, we laded Porcelane in her: and then came newes by a Iuncke from the Moluccas, of the Thomasine being there, and of twelue saile of Hollanders at Ternate, which hin∣dered all men they could from Trade. The eleuenth, our old house escaped great danger of a fire neere it.

On the twentieth, Master Iordan receiued Letters from Master Ball at Macassar, of the vio∣lent courses which the Flemmings vsed with him, beating him from thence,* 22.86 as also that they purposed with their whole force to come to take Bantam, and to place the King of Motran in the Gouernment.

The one and twentieth, Master Bennet set saile in the Salomon. The fiue and twentieth, the Aduice and Attendance came into the Road, hauing beene out of England eight moneths. At the [ 40] Cape they met with the Globe and Iames, to whom they spared eighteene men. They departed towards England, Iuly the seuenteenth, and they hither, the eighteenth, meeting with a shippe neere the Cape, which we iudge to be the Samaritan or Hope from England.

The fifth of August, I was aboord with the Generall then very ill, and the next day had word of his departure; whom followed on the eighth. Master Euans the Preacher,* 22.87 and Master Hamb∣den, as was supposed, by taking Lodanum, they both being well a little before. On the eleuenth, the Aduice was dispeeded for Iapan, with twentie two persons brought out of England, fiue Blackes and Fernando the Spaniard.

The fourteenth, returned the Concord from Socodanna, and Macassar. That night was much Raine, Thunder and Lightning, the Church or Meskit of Bantam split in two with a Thunder∣bolt, [ 50] and the chiefe Priest almost slaine, which the King and people tooke as an ill presage, and therefore determined to make peace with Iacatra.

The sixteenth, the Thomasines Boat came into Bantam, with twentie two English, and f••ue Blackes, which told of the casting away of the Thomasine on certaine flats,* 22.88 twentie two leagues from Macassar the night before, Wilson the Master being carelesse, and all the company asleepe, sa∣uing he which was at the Helme. The money they saued and brought with them. Master Baily signified also that the wracked company there enforced him to pay them their wages, which we caused them to restore.

The nineteenth, the Flemmings put into the Bilbowes three Blackes, that Master Baily brought with him from Celoar, pretending they tooke them climbing ouer their pales,* 22.89 also that they were [ 60] taken form a place which they protected, and therefore would keepe them. We are many wayes most vily abused by them, nor is any way to right vs except wee should goe together by the eares, this as we conceiue being wrought of purpose, and the Blackes intised by them and willing to it, as being taken by force: which after that I knew, I was offended with Master Baily,* 22.90 being a meanes that whereas heretofore wee haue beene in all places well intreated, that wee should

be hated as Men-robbers, which the Flemmings to disgrace vs will not let to blaze abroad.

The thirteenth of September, the watch espyed a fire in the thatch ouer Master Iordans lodg∣ing, which was soone quenched: it was throwne there purposely; we found the Cane wherein it was done, for which we s••spected Francisco the Spaniard turned Iauan. The same night the like happened in two or three places of the Towne, but all preuented.

* 22.91The second of October, Sophonee Cossock, Merchant, came in a small Pinnasse from Puloway, one of the Ilands of Banda, with an Orancaya, to conferre of trade.

The two and twentieth, I with Master Pring and Master Boile, went ashoare to conferre with the Flemmish Generall, touching certaine idle complaints made by them of our Mariners: whom and the President I found very impatient, calling vs insolent * 22.92 English, and with threats, telling [ 10] vs our pride would haue a fall, with many other disgracefull words; this being the entertainment of that borish Generall, Garrat Reynes, in his owne house; shewing the like or worse to Master Ball, comming aboord him at Banda, and foure of our men entreating passage with him thence to Cambello, vpon no cause he carried them thither in the Bilbowes.

The third of Nouember, I went ashoare: Captaine Iordan called together the Merchants, and sent for the Orancaya of Banda, hauing had his Letter translated, the effect whereof was, that in regard of the ancient friendship betweene the English and them, and especially with Captaine Keel••ng, withall being prouoked by the cruelty of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the Spices of Puloway, Pulerons and Nera: conditionally that the Eng∣lish would furnish them with Victuals, Munition and Ordnance, and helpe them to recouer the [ 20] Castle of Nera, and that some might bee sent to Banda, to conferre hereof with the Orancayas. To which was answered, that for helpe to recouer Nera, we could not doe it without order from England; for Ordnance at present we were vnprouided: what we could, we would, which was to furnish them with Victuals, and what other prouisions we could, till further order out of Eng∣land, and to trade with them for Spices, purposing to send a ship, and some to conferre with the Orancayas, how we should be secured, and whether they would permit vs a Fort on shoare.

The two and twentieth, were fiue Hollanders riding without: foure of which came from Mauritius Iland (hauing come out of Holland nineteene moneths past) where they found Ge∣nerall Butt cast away with three ships, two vtterly lost, the third men and goods saued, the fourth went home with a Iury Mast, in company of a small Pinnasse that came thither by chance. One [ 30] of these shippes that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, whom they found driuing to and againe before the Straights mouth, hauing lost one hundred and sixty men, and left in her but eight.

The fiue and twentieth, by a letter from Priaman, we had newes of the death of Master Oxe∣wike and Samuel Negus.

§. II. [ 40] A Briefe of Memorialls obserued and written by M. EDVVARD DODSVVORTH, Merchant in the former Voyage, which returned in the Hope.

THe sixteenth of October, in the Bay of Surat, came aboord vs Master Aldworth and Master Steele: and the next day in consultation it was demanded of Master Ald∣worth according to the Companies * 22.93 Commission, concerning Paul Canning, of his cariage and respect with the King: to which he answered, That was well, and this good, till the Iesuits had made knowne that he was a Merchant, and not immediatly sent from our King; after that, neglected, since which he * 22.94 dyed. Also he thought fit that some one of our Nation, of good respect, should remaine at Court, to right vs in those wrongs which might bee [ 50] offered. To this function Master Edwards was chosen as a man most answerable to the Compa∣nies Commission to go for Agra, some question being made whether he should proceed in name and profession of a Merchant (according to the strictnesse of the Commission) which Master Ald∣worth conceited would procure him disrespect with the K••ng. After much contesting, some way was giuen to Master Edwards, lest they should seeme contrary to each other in their proceedings, it being before by some giuen out, that he was the Kings Messenger.

All this while wee heard not from the Cheefe at Surat, nor had any encouragement, or so much as refreshing, whereupon I was sent with a letter to the Nabob, and doubting to get into the Citie, was forced to stay by the way, and lye in a poore Gonge, and the next day was cour∣teously entertained: but hauing Nicholas Vphlet with me for Interpreter, a man knowne and ha∣ted [ 60] by the Nabob, for employment in Captaine Hawkins debts and affaires; he departed discon∣tent▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Co••anozan with others, to receiue my letter: I refused to deliuer it to them; in the afternoone I was admitted, and he seemed much discontent at our want of refreshments, as not knowing it, promising reformation; and the next day went to talke with the Generall at Swal∣ly,

who had come into that Road on the one and twentieth. Neuerthelesse, we had found nothing but delayes: and the nine and twentieth, hee sent the Sabander to acq••aint vs, that wee should looke for no trade or kindnesse, except wee would assist them against the Portugall: Which the Generall refusing, further then his Commission gaue leaue, he also desired leaue by his letter, that his Merchants might come aboord with their goods, so to depart to some other place, where with safetie he might deliuer his Maiesties Letters and Present to the Mogoll. Master Elkington and Master Aldworth went with this Letter. * 22.95 But Magro Can would not so much as looke on vs, but tooke it very scornefully, and went his way, and sent the Sabandar with answere as before.

[ 10] The second of Nouember, we had sowre entertainment of him, telling vs, if we would stay, we might; if we would go, we might go, either in Gods, or the Deuills name; for our other de∣mands referring vs to Isaak Beg and the Sabandar, who would yeeld vs nothing. The common people seemed well affected to vs, the greater to desire our roome rather then our company, but so that we thought none of them durst gaine-stand the Kings Firma: whereupon it was conclu∣ded that the goods should bee landed, which accordingly was done. But in the Alfandica wee could find no reasonable ratements on the goods, nor ••aue to carry away any thing, till the Na∣••ob had seene them, and taken what he pleased (as hee had done in opening mens che••••s, nei••her Mariner nor Merchant escaping without trifles taken from them,* 22.96 no reason after giuen for it) searching to the very pillowes and pockets, not sparing Master Edwards himselfe: Customing the Cases, Bottels, Apparell, or what we brought for necessary vse, as if they sought by foule vsage [ 20] to weary vs.

The fifteenth, Magro Can himselfe came to the Alphandica, and sealed vp the Kings Presents, which he was desirous to see, although he had promised that they should passe without opening. He desired to haue all the Pictures and Combe-cases, which we said were to go for Agra, that the King might haue his choise. Whereupon (notwithstanding he was offered part of them) he fell into great choler, and obiected Sir Henry Middleton his proceedings in the Red-sea, wishing Ma∣ster Aldworth to write to the King for satisfaction: which was answered to haue beene already ended by Captaine Best, as the Arti••les manifest. He concluded yet with faire promises, but the effect was (defect and) delay, wee b••ing not permitted to carry away the Kings Presents. The [ 30] Pictures by lying in the Sunne, were broken and warped in vile manner, wee also in danger to lose the Monson, and the Kings Present, with Muskets and Fowling-peeces taken from our men, were carried to his house: and nothing permitted vs, except he might first see the Kings Present, which we at last yeelded vnto, and Magro Can as much as he could disgraced, boasting of his re∣spect with the King. And thus had we leaue to remoue them.

The foure and twentieth, came a Firma from the Mogoll, which the Nabob (according to their custome) met in state two miles out of the Citie, with sixe hundred horse. And the next day we were kindly entertained, and he gaue Master Edwards eight hundred and fiftie Mamudies, thirty peeces of Topseell, ten of fine Calicoes, &c. the money to cary vp the Presents, (the King not willing to charge them that bring them) the Stuffes and Calicoes for such as should accom∣pany [ 40] them. To the Merchants also he gaue fifteene peeces of Topseels (fiue to each) wi••h his chop for our departure, and kind promises; all in the s••ght of him which brought the Firma. The thirtieth, Master Edwards and we set forwards towards Amadauar.

The second of December, we came to Baroche: from whence the Gouernour sent a guard of Souldiers with vs to Demylode, and there had a new conuoy of fiftie horse and foot to Charmondo: whence we departed on the seuenth, with fiue and twentie souldiers, all notorious theeues (as we after found) With these we went 10 ^c. and pitched in a plaine, where wee baracadoed our selues, as formerly we vsed, with our carts; at supper time wee had beene assaulted with fiftie horse-men, which came close vpon vs, had they not found vs well prouided, the charge wee car∣ried being certainly knowne thorow all the Countrey as we trauelled.

The eight, we came to Brodera, and gaue the Gouernour a Present, which he accepted kindly, [ 50] but requested a further kindnesse to see our Mastifle dogge.* 22.97 This Citie stands in a plaine which seemed fertile, and is well watered, a thing not so common in those parts. Wee departed hence with one hundred horse and foot, which voluntarily offered that seruice (in regard especially of the Kings Present, employed by the Gouernour) not without charge to vs, and came to Arras,* 22.98 a Towne inhabited for the most part with Banians, where their superstition of not killing any thing, caused vs bad entertainment.

On the thirteenth, we came to Amadauas. Hence we gaue commission to Richard Steele, and Iohn Crowther for their Persian iourney. And hence the second of Ianuary, Master Edwards depar∣ted from vs for Agra.

All this while finding the Merchants heere, in hope of Peace with the Portugals, to inhaunce [ 60] the prices of their Indico, we resolued to go to Sarques to make triall with the Countrie people,* 22.99 who are the makers of it: which on the seuenth we did, and found good employment, in foure dayes packing vp foure hundred fardles; and Master Aldworth returning to Amadauas, found them now more tractable. Sarques is thence 3 ^c. distant, the Towne not bigge, but counted the best

soile for Indico in those parts, the triall thereof chiefly by water, as at Amadauas Iambrozerch by fire, all of them ready to put trickes on vs by mingling or otherwise. At Sarques are two of the most auncient Monuments in those parts;* 22.100 one of a chie••e Prophet there intombed, to which ma∣ny Pilgrims resort from farre; the other of their ancient Kings. To the North of the Towne is the place, where Can Canna first put the Guzerates (the auncient inhabitants) to flight, the rest of the Kingdome being shortly after conquered by Ecbar this Kings Father. This place of the victory is strongly walled with bricke, some mile and halfe in circuit, planted with fruits and watered pleasantly, and a costly house called Victory erected, in which he resided for a time, but now in Bramport.

The foure and twentieth, we went to the Gouernour for his leaue to depart, which he gran∣ted; [ 10] but hearing of diuers robbed and murthered that night close by the Citie, order was giuen that we should stay till a sufficient guard were made readie for vs. The next morning we had Let∣ters from M. Elkington of the arriuall of the Portugal Vice-roy, with a strong force to driue vs out of the Countrey.

* 22.101The Generall to procure some weakening of their strength, caused the Hope to fall downe to the Southermost sand, thinking in eager pursuit some of them would be driuen aground. Present∣ly three of the smallest ships, and thirtie sixe Frigats were sent to boord her, hoping to towe her away. Thrice the enemie entred, and was thrice repulsed, and forced at last to leape ouer-boord, thinking in their Frigats to saue themselues, who receiued such hot discourse from the other ships, that they could not releeue them, so that many were swallowed by the Sea, others slaine a∣boord, [ 20] to the number, as is reported, of three hundred at least. The Shippes which had boorded the Hope, were now (in despaire, and out of all hope) cut from her, and seized instantly by the two desperate, hopelesse, mercilesse Elements, Fire and the Sea, recommending some bones or a∣shes of their burnt Carkasses to the ground and shoare.

The sixe and twentieth, we departed with fortie cart-loads of Indico and other goods, and came the seuen and twentieth to Mundeuas, where the Gates were shut vpon vs by Sarder Cans command, which putting vs in much doubt, we procured one to speake with the Gouer∣nour, who told him of Letters that he had receiued from Mocrib Can, of our Generalls procee∣dings at Swally, and the safetie of Surat by the English, wishing him by no meanes to suffer vs to returne without a sufficient guard, which the next day should be ready for our safe departure. The twentie ninth, we departed. At Brodera, Sarder Cans men took vp more souldiours to assist them, [ 30] many robberies and murthers beeing daily committed, and diuers companies of Rashbootes lying in the way to intercept.

The second of February, aboue three hundred Rashboots assaulted vs in a narrow lane, inclosed on both sides with thicke hedges, where we could not hurt them, as they did our Caffila, with their arrowes and Shot. We therefore made what haste we could for the Plaine: meane while, they cut off two of our Coaches. But hauing gotten the Plaine, we made a stand, where they betooke them to their hedges againe, and left vs to looke to their prey, least one thiefe might rob another. Many of our company were hurt, whereof Humphrey Elkinton for one. The next day we got to Baroche, and on the fifth to Surat, and thanked Mocrib Can for his care; and hearing of [ 40] an assault the Portugals would next day giue vs, with his professed loue and leaue went the next day to Swally, and came aboord: but the Portugals deceiued our expectation.

The ninth, the poore inhabitants of Swally brought vs word of two fire-boats, to bee sent with the next Ebbe to fire our ships, which endangered more then endamaged the Hope. The night following, they attempted the like with foure other chained together, which with the ad∣vantage of the Tyde, and attendance of smaller boats came, but frustrate in their successe saue to themselues, foure of their Companie taken, and their Boats burned to the Keele. The Captiues confessed this the last of the Vice-royes designes for this yeare, hee beeing enforced for want of water and victualls to returne for Goa.

[ 50]

The Examination of Domingo Francisco, taken in Swally Roade, aboord the Gift. February 20. 1614.

HE saith, That he was borne in Lisboa, beeing the sonne of a Marriner, and serued Nuna d' Acuna in the fight against Captaine Best, in one of the foure Gallions, and afterwards went for Macao vpon the borders of China, and returned againe to Goa, where hee hath remained ten Moneths, and was two Moneths since commanded to come in a Gallion called the S. Antho∣nie, in this Expedition for the Port of Swally, where the eighth of this Moneth hee was taken. The Vice-roy Don Ieronimo de Sauedo,* 22.102 came (as this Examinate further saith) to the destruction of the English at Surat with these forces. His owne ship called the All-Saints, of eight hundred [ 60] Tunnes burthen, had three hundred men, and twenty eight pieces of Ordnance. Michael de Soozo Captaine of the S. Bennet of seuen hundred Tunnes, had one hundred and fiftie men, and twenty Peeces. Iohn Cayatho, Captaine of the S. Laurence of sixe hundred Tunnes, had one hun∣dred and sixtie men, eighteene Peeces. Francisco Henriques Captaine of the S. Christopher, so

much burthen, had one hundred and fiftie nine men, and Ordnance as the former. Francisco de Mirande, Captaine of the S. Ieronymo of fiue hundred Tunnes, had one hundred and eightie men, sixteene Peeces. Gaspar de Meall Captaine of the S. Anthonio of foure hundred Tunnes, had an hundred and fortie men, foureteene Peeces.

The ships were the S. Peter of two hundred Tunnes,* 22.103 Captaine Francisco Cauaco, men one hun∣dred and fiftie, Peeces eight. The S. Paul of two hundred Tunnes, Captaine Don Iohn de Mes∣carena, one hundred fiftie men, eight Peeces. The Pinnasse one hundred twenty Tunnes, Cap∣taine Andrea de Quellio, eightie men, foure Peeces. Lewes de Bruto, Captaine of one Gally,* 22.104 Di∣ego [ 10] de Suro, of the other, in each fiftie men. Of the Frigats there were sixtie, hauing twentie souldiours a piece, and eighteene oares on a side. The supply which came after,* 22.105 was two ships of two hundred Tunnes a piece, two India Iunkes, and eight small Boates imployed to fire vs. The Admirals Ordnance were all of Brasse; of the other fiue Gallions, halfe of Brasse, halfe of Yron; against all which, the Almightie (blessed be his Name) protected vs.

The fiue and twentieth, the Nabob visited the Generall both ashoare and aboord. And the Generall thought fit with consent of the rest, that I should returne with the Hope for England. The third of March, we weighed from Swally road, the next day had sight of the Portugall fleete. The sixth, we expected they would haue fought, and prepared our fights; but at noone they bare vp for Goa. On the eleuenth, we parted from the Generall, they bound for Achen and Bantam, we for England. On the twelfth, we held our course by the North end of the Maldiuas, where [ 20] by experience we found many shoalds and Ilands, laid in the plats most falsly,* 22.106 as may seeme of purpose, that these Seas might seeme more dangerous then they are.

The seuenteenth of Iune, 1615. we arriued at Saldania Bay, where wee found a fleet of foure saile English bound for Surat, vnder the command of Captaine Keeling, which after consultation holden, and newes of the state there, departed. On the twentieth,* 22.107 I met with Crosse and his Companie, there left to make a discouery, and intreated some of them to acquaint Coree with my comming, which by the way were set vpon by the Sauages and wounded, and thereupon foure Muskets deliuered Crosse at his request, who procured Corce to come downe with his whole family, and ••fter that some Cattell. He told of the discords amongst the Sauages, whereby the Mountainers sometimes robbed them. The sixe and twentieth wee departed, leauing our long [ 30] Boat to Crosse, with powder, shot, and prouision.

In twenty nine degrees North, we met with a Holland ship come from the Mauritius, set forth thither to cut wood, which seemed a Bastard Ebony; where contrary to their expectation, they found the lamentable wracke of foure ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, broken on the rockes, the goods and men of two of them lost; of the third most of the goods saued, and with part thereof this ship laden; the fourth driuen to sea by a storme, returned with a iury maine mast. The Master promised vs company, but finding vs a hinderance, after tenne dayes left vs, without so much kindnesse as a farewell, or carriage of a letter, which I imputed to their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much weakened, yet I thank God with∣out the losse of any, till my arriuall in Ireland, thwart of the Riuer of Limerike. The seuen and [ 40] twentieth of October, 1615. there also entertained with a storme, till a Scottish Barke crossed with contrary winds, was hired to pilot vs into Harbour: where also a remainder of Captaine M. his vngodly crue, which lately had obtained their pardon, put mee in feare, till Sir Henrie Foliot secured vs with a supply of men; and I dispeeded Letters to London.

CHAP. XIII. [ 50] A Iournall of the Iourney of RICHARD STEEL and IOHN CROVVTHER, from Azmere in India, the place of the Great Mogols residence, to Spahan the Royall Seat of the King of Persia, in the affaires of the East-Indian Society. Ann. 1615. 1616.

THe seuenteenth of March,* 23.1 1614. after we had been detained in Azmere from Fe∣bruary, M. Edwards hauing receiued a Letter from the Mogol vnto our King, de∣li••ered a Copy thereof together with his Letters vnto Richard Steele, and tooke leaue, promising to procure the Kings Firman for our safetie and speed, and to send it after vs to Agra, where he willed vs to stay for it. Wee went that night two [ 60] courses to Mandill; we had foure seruants, two horses, and a Camel. The eigh∣teenth, to Bandersandree a small Aldea twelue course. The nineteenth, ten course to Mosobade.* 23.2 The twentieth, to Pipelo 13 c. The one and twentieth, to Chadfoole a Towne 7 ^c. The two & twen∣tieth, to Lalscotte, 13 ^c. The three and twentieth, to Mogol Serac, 12 ^c. The foure and twentieth, to Hendowne, 14 ^c. The fiue and twentieth, to Bramobad, 12 ^c. The sixe and twentieth, to Fetipore,

12 ^c. This hath beene a faire Citie, built by Echabar, and hath within it a goodly house belon∣ging to the King. It is walled round with a faire wall, and both within and round about, hath many spacious Gardens and places of pleasure. Now it goes to ruine, and much ground within the walls is sowne with corne, the King carrying much of the fairest stone to Agra his new Citie.

The seuen and twentieth, to Agra, 12 ^c. In the English house at Agra, we found one Richard Barber an Apothecary, which came ouer with Sir Robert Sherley. Hee was sent by M. Kerridge, to looke to Nicholas Withington.

* 23.3Within two dayes iourney of Agra, we passed by the Country and Citie of Biana, where the finest Indico is made. The best was then worth sixe and thirtie Rupias the Maun at Agra; but in [ 10] the Countrey much cheaper. The third of Aprill, perceiuing the Firman came not, and the heat of the yeare comming on, we departed, leauing order with Richard Barber to send it after vs. We came that night to a Serae called Boutta,* 23.4 6 ^c. The fourth, to a Towne called Multra, 14 ^c. and lay in a faire Serae: there we receiued the Firman. The fifth, to a Serae called Chatta, 12 ^c. The sixth to a Serae built by Chan Azam, 9 ^c. The seuenth to a Sera built by Shec Ferreede called Purwell, 11 ^c. The eighth, to another goodly Sera by the same Founder, 10 ^c. The ninth, to Dillee a Citie, 9 ^c. which is great and ancient, in times past the Seat of the Kings, where many of them lie bu∣ried. At this time many great men haue their Gardens, and houses of pleasure there, and there are buried, whereby it is beautified with goodly buildings; the inhabitants (for the most part Banians) poore and beggerly, by reason of the Kings long absence. The tenth, to Bunira, 10 ^c. The [ 20] eleuenth to Culluower 12 ^c.* 23.5 The twelfth, to Pampette, 12 ^c. a prety small Citie, where are made diuers sorts of Girdles, Shashes, and great store of linnen cloth, and they haue store of handi∣crafts. The thirteenth, to Carnall, 12 ^c. The foureteenth, to Tanisera, 14 ^c. The fifteenth, to Sha∣uade, 10 ^c. The sixteenth, to Mogoll Sera, or Gaugur, 15 ^c. The seuenteenth, to Sinan an auncient Citie, where is made store of linnen, 14 ^c. The eighteenth, to Duratia, 15 ^c. The nineteenth, to Pullower, 11 ^c. We passed this day a great Riuer by Boat, called Sietmege, very broad, but full of shoalds, and runneth West into Sinda. The twentieth to Nicouder a small Towne, 11 ^c. The one and twentieth, to Sultanpoare an old Towne, hauing a Riuer running to the North, and a bridge with sixe arches: here is store of linnen cloath made: foure course from it we passed another small Riuer. The two and twentieth, to Chiurmul, 11 ^c. This day by Boat we passed a Riuer as broad [ 30] as the Thames at Grauesend, called Vian, running Westward into Sinda: vpon the bankes whereof was pitched Chan Allom, the Kings Embassadour into Persia, whose Campe seemed a little Citie. The three and twentieth, to Chan Channa Sera, 17 ^c. The foure and twentieth, to Lahoare, 7. ^c.

* 23.6All the Countrey betwixt Agra and Lahore, is exceeding well tilled and manured, being the best of India, and plentifull of all things. It yeelds great store of poudred Sugar, the best being worth betwixt two Rupias three quarters, and two and an halfe, the great Maund of fortie. Here all the way is set on both sides with trees, the most of them bearing a kind of Mul∣bery. It is dangerous in the night for Theeues, but in the day secure. Euery fiue or sixe Course, there are Seraes bu••lt by the King or some great men, very faire for the beautifying of the way, memory of their names,* 23.7 and entertainment of Trauellers. In these you shall haue a Chamber [ 40] and place to tye your Horses, also store of Horsemeat. But in many of them but little good to be had for men, by reason of the Banians. When a man hath taken vp his lodging, no other may dispossesse him.

In the morning about day breake, all men make readie to depart together, and then are the gates opened. Before, no man is suffered to depart for feare of Theeues. This was a tedious trauaile: for within two houres after the Sunne-rising, wee were scarcely able to endure the heate.

* 23.8Lahore is a goodly great Citie, and one of the fairest and ancientest of India. It stands on the Riuer Indus or Sinda; and from this place came the Treasure of the Portugals Trade when they had peace, as being the Centre of all Indian Traffique. And here they embarqued the same downe [ 50] the Riuer for Tatta,* 23.9 whence they were transported for Ormus and Persia. The Merchants also pa••••••ng that way betwixt Persia and India, payd them fraight. They did likewise driue a great Trade vp this Riuer for Pepper and Spices, furnishing these parts of India therewith. At this present the Merchants of India assemble at Lahore, and inuest a great part of their monies in Commodities, and ioyne themselues in Carauans to passe the Mountaines of Candahar into Per∣sia, by which way is generally reported to passe twelue or fourteene thousand Camels lading, whereas heretofore scarsly passed three thousand, the rest going by the way of Ormus. These M••rchants are put to great charges betwixt Lahore and Spahan, (besides great cold in Winter and ••••ate in Summer, and the badnesse of the way, spending six or seuen moneths betwixt those two places) they are said to reckon euery Camels lading to stand them in one hundred and twen∣tie, [ 60] or one hundred and thirtie Rupias. Persia is that way furnished with Pepper and Spices from Masulipata•• ouer land. In Lahore wee stayed from the foure and twentieth of Aprill, vn∣till the th••••teenth of May, to refresh our selues and our tyred beasts, and to prouide Seruants and n••c••ssaries for the way. Wee also here procured Letters from an Embassadour of the Per∣sian King.

The thirteenth of May, we departed with intent to ouertake a Carauan which was gone two moneths before, and went that day to Chacksunder a small Towne 11 ^c. The fourteenth, to Non∣serae, 15 ^c. The fifteenth, to Mutteray, 8 ^c. The sixteenth, to Quemal Chan, 19 ^c. The seuen∣teenth, to Herpae, 16 ^c. The eighteenth, to Alicasaua, 12 ^c. The nineteenth, to Trumba, 12 ^c. This day we ouertooke a small Carauan which went from Lahor eight dayes before vs. The twentieth, to Sedouschall, 14 ^c. The one and twentieth, to Callixeckebauds, 15 ^c. The two and twentieth, to Multan, 12 ^c. This is a great and ancient Citie. Within three Course of it In∣dus runneth. It yeeldeth white Linnen and Diaper. All Carauans are constrayned to stay at this Riuer eight, ten, or twelue dayes before they can get leaue of the Gouernour to passe, to the [ 10] end that the Citie being poore may get some-what. We were stayed fiue dayes, and then were faine to make way with a Present.

The eight and twentieth, we passed the Riuer and went to Pettoallee a small Village 20 ^c. The nine and twentieth, we passed another great Riuer by Boate, and the same night came to a small Riuer called Lacca, where we found the Carauan aforesaid: we presented the Carauan Basha with a Looking-glasse and Knife, who wished vs to pitch our Tent neere to his, that wee might haue no wrong offered vs. The Carauan had beene heere ten dayes, and stayed till the second of Iune, to procure a Conuoy of Horsemen to conduct them to Chatcza a small Fort in the Mountaines, hauing heard of the Mountainers iniury to a former Carauan.

The second of Iune, we dislodged and entred that night into the Mountaines 12 ^c. where wee [ 20] were distressed for want of fresh water, the water being brackish. The third and fourth, we tra∣uelled all night climbing high Mountaines, and following water Courses with diuers windings twelue Course, but in direct Line not aboue sixe. The fift, we followed the Course of a Riuer ful of great Pebles 8 ^c. The sixth we rested. The seuenth, we went 4 ^c. still crossing the said Riuer. The eight, 8 ^c. The ninth, twelue. The tenth, three, and came to Chatcza, which is a little Fort,* 23.10 the wals built of mud, enclosed with a Ditch, where the Mogoll maintayneth eightie, or one hundred Horsemen to secure the way from Theeues. But they themselues are as very Theeues as any, where they find opportunitie.

The Captain of the Castle exacted vpon euery Camel of the Carauan two Abacees, although no∣thing be due by reason, he & his haue wages of the King. In all this way betwixt Lacca & Chat∣cza, [ 30] we found not any sustenance for man or beast, except in some places a little grasse: & therfore we were constrained at Lacca to make prouision, hyring an Oxe for that purpose to carrie Barley for our Horses. The Agwans (so they call the Mountaine-people) came downe to vs euery day where we lodged, rather to espy what they could steale, then to buy, as they pretended.

The twelth, in the euening hauing made prouision for three dayes, we went thence 14 ^c. that night. The thirteenth, 10 ^c. The fourteenth, 10 ^c. This day the people came downe to vs and brought sheepe, Goates, Meale, Butter and Barley in great abun••ance, sufficient for our selues and our Cattle, at reasonable prices. And from this place forwards the people daily did the like, sometimes also bringing Felts and course Carpets striped. The fifteenth, we went 6 ^c. The six∣teenth, 4 ^c. The seuenteenth, tenne. The eighteenth, 9 ^c. The nineteenth, 9 ^c. to a little [ 40] Towne of the Agwans, called Duckee, where the Mogore maintayneth a Garrison, with a little square Fort, the wals built of mud a good height, distant a mile from the Towne. Heere wee stayed three dayes, because the Carauan could not agree with the Captaine of the Castle, who pretended a dutie on euery Camell: which at last they payd, one Abacee and a halfe on each. The three and twentieth, we went 6 ^c. The foure and twentieth, wee past by a place called Secota, or three Castles, because of three Villages triangle-wise scituate on the side of a hill neere together. Wee went 8 ^c. The fiue and twentieth, wee rested by reason of foule weather. The sixe and twentieth, 10 ^c. The seuen and twentieth, 14 ^c. This day wee passed the Durues, or Gates of the Mountaines, being narrow straits, hauing Rockes on both sides very high,* 23.11 whence with stones a few may stop the passage of a multitude▪ and diuers Carauans haue beene in these pla∣ces [ 50] cut off. This night where we lodged we suffered diuers insolencies from the Agwans, and on the morrow they exacted of vs as wee passed by a small Village called Coasta, two A••acees and a halfe on each Camell. The eight and twentieth, 5 ^c. The nine and twentieth, by Abdun a Village 8 ^c. The thirtieth, 6 ^c.

The first of Iuly, 7 ^c. to a place called Pesinga, a small Fort much like vnto Duckee, where are store of Souldiers for securing the way. The Captaine exacted halfe an Abacee vpon a Camell.* 23.12 The third we left the Carauan and went forwards 6 ^c. The fourth, wee past a mightie Moun∣taine, and descended into the Plaines 14 ^c. The fifth, 20 ^c. we were distressed for want of graine for our Cattell. The sixth, in the like distresse for them and our selues, 12 ^c. The seuenth, to Candahar, 8 ^c.

[ 60] These Mountaines of Candahar, are inhabited by a fierce people called Agwans or Potans,* 23.13 very strong of bodie, somewhat whiter then the Indians, great Robbers, accustomed to cut off whole Carauans. But at present partly for feare of the Mogoll, and partly through sweet found by com∣merce (in venting their graine, sheepe and Goats, of which they haue great store, and buying of course Linnen and other necessaries) they are become more ciuill. Yet if they can take any strag∣ling

by themselues or staying behind, they will sell them aboue in the Mountaines, and hoxe them to preuent running away, and put them to grind graine with Hand-mils, and other seruile drudgerie.

* 23.14The Citie of Candahar is ancient, the Inhabitants anciently Banians: there now resideth the Gouernour of the Countrey, and a Garrison maintayned by the Mogoll, of twelue or fifteene thousand Horsemen, in regard of the Persians neighborhood to the North. And West-ward it is enuironed with a mightie, steepe, craggie Rocke; and to the South and to the East with a strong wall. By reason of frequent passage of Carauans it is much enlarged lately, that the Suburbs are bigger then the Citie. For within this two yeare, that the way of Ormus is stopped vp by the wars betwixt the Persians and Portugals, all Carauans which passe betwixt India and Persia, must [ 10] of necess••tie goe by this place. And here they doe hire Camels to go into India, and at their returne for Persia. They cannot returne also without the Gouernours leaue, which causeth them to stay a moneth, and when least, sixteene or twentie dayes: whereby it is much inhabited with lewd people, as all such places of resort commonly are. Prouision of victuals is there in great abun∣dance for man and beast, yet deare by so great concourse. Trade it yeelds not of it selfe, but acci∣dentally by the meeting of Indian, Persian and Turkie Merchants, which are not willing to tra∣uell further at twentie per Cento profit. At this place the Carauans which goe to India, do ioyne for greater strength in passing the Mountaines of Candahar: and those which come from thence heere breake into smaller Companies: for in many places greater would not find prouision.

* 23.15For all Persia, especially betwixt this and Spahan, is barren, where sometime in two or three [ 20] dayes trauell, there is no greene thing to be seene; only some water, and that also often brackish, stinking and naught. Wee stayed here foureteene dayes, partly to refresh our bodies weakened with heate and trauaile (Iohn Crowther being so weake that hee feared hee should not bee able to trauell further) and partly for company.

The three and twentieth of Iuly, wee departed Candahar in company of three Armenians, and a doozen Persian Merchants, and went 10 ^c. to a Village called Seriabe. The foure and twen∣tieth, 12 ^c. to Deabage a small Dea or Village. The fiue and twentieth, 8 ^c. to Cushecunna a small Castle, where the Mogor hath a Garison in the vtmost confines of his Dominions.

* 23.16The sixe and twentieth, 17 ^c. and lay by a Riuers side in the open fields. The seuen and twen∣tieth, 4 ^c. to a Castle called Greece the first of the King of Persias. Here we deliuered the Embassa∣dours [ 30] Letter receiued at Lahore, to the Gouernour, and presented him with a Looking-glasse and three Kniues. He would take nothing of vs for our Camels, whereas others paid fiue Aba∣cees vpon a Camell. He promised to safe-conduct vs, and to send a company of Horse to carrie vs to the next Gouernment. But we saw none, neither were we sorrie for it: for that hee is little better then a Rebell,* 23.17 and all his people Theeues. The eight and twentieth, at night wee depar∣ted and lodged neere vnto a Dea called Malgee; two farsings. Euery farsing is two Indian Cour∣ses and a halfe. The nine and twentieth, ten farsings, and lodged in the open fields, where was nothing to be had but water. The thirtieth, fiue farsings to Gazichan a small Castle. The one and thirtieth, fiue farsings to an olde ruined Fort, where was nothing to bee had but water, and that stinking.

The first of August, fiue farsings to an old Fort called De Laram, where wee paid an Abacee [ 40] and halfe on a Camell, and stayed one day to refresh our cattell, which is called making of Mo∣choane. The third, to Bacon, an old Castle, seuen farsings. The fourth, in the open fields, nothing but water,* 23.18 foure farsings. The fifth, foure farsings. The sixth to Farra fiue farsings: This is a little Towne walled with a high wall of brickes about, dried in the Sunne (as are all the Castles, and most of the buildings of those parts) foure square, a mile about; hauing a pretty Bazar vaulted ouer-head to keepe from raine, wherein all necessaries are sold. It stands in a good soile, and hath plenty of water, without which in this Countrey nothing is to be had: and it is strange to see, where there is any good spot of ground (which is heere but little) with what labour and indu∣stry they bring water to it,* 23.19 in some places three or foure miles together by trenches vnderground. [ 50] At this Towne all Merchants which go into Persia, are forced to stay seuen, or eight, or ten daies together, where the Kings Treasurer seeth the weight of all their packes, and esteemes them at so much the Maune, as he thinkes fit, and takes three per cento custome.

At their comming into Persia, they are vsed with great fauour: for they feare lest complaints should be made to the King, which will haue Merchants kindly entreated.

But at their goi••g into India they vse all extremitie, searching them to the skinne for gold, which to transport, or any coyne of siluer out of Persia, but the Kings, is death.

Likewise they looke narrowly for horses and slaues, which the King will not haue transpor∣ted. Heere we stayed two dayes for certaine Armenians, with whom we went, leauing our for∣mer company. The ninth, one farsing to a Riu••r. The tenth, in the open fields, seuen farsings. The [ 60] eleuenth▪ foure farsings to a small Village, where we had store of prouision. The twelfth, foure far∣sings, where we digged for water. The thirteenth, eight farsings. The fourteenth, to Draw, a Village, fiue farsings, where we stayed a day, which is the custome once in foure dayes, for such as trauell with laden Camels, to rest. The sixteenth, three farsings. The seuenteenth, foure far∣sings.

The eighteenth, to Zaidebasha, fiue farsings, where are good store of Carpets to be bought. The nineteenth, to Mude a Village, where are also Carpets. The twentieth, to Birchen, fiue far∣sings, where are store of fine Felt, Carpets of Camels haire, made, from two to fiue Abacees the Maune, heere we stayed a day. The two and twentieth, to Deazaide, where they pretend all to be religious, and haue store of Carpets to sell at cheape rates. The three and twentieth, three far∣sings. The foure and twentieth, fiue farsings to Choore, an old ruined towne. The fiue and twen∣tieth, three farsings. The six and twentieth, seuen farsings, the water brackish and stinking. The seuen and twentieth, to Dehuge, where is a prettie streame of hot water, which being put into any vessell, becomes coole and health-some. The eight and twentieth, seuen farsings to Dea Cur∣ma. The nine and twentieth, to Tobaz fiue farsings, we payed halfe an Abacee a Camell.* 23.20 At To∣baz [ 10] all Carauans doe rest at least foure or fiue dayes, the better to be able to passe the salt Desert adioyning, being foure long dayes iourney, wherein many miscary. We found there a small Ca∣rauan of one hundred Camels, which went the next day. Heere, and in the former Village, are store of Dates, and three thousand Maune yearely of the finest Silke in Persia, which is carried to Yades, a faire Citie, where they haue the like, and is made into Taffatas, Sattens and Damaskes.* 23.21 The King will not suffer it to be transported, especially into Turkie, but the Portugalls carried it into Portugall. Yades is about twelue dayes iourney from Spahan, and twelue farsings out of the way of India. The thirtieth, we went nine farsings ouer the Desert, lay in the fields, and sent our beasts three miles out of the way for water, it being exceeding salt. The one and thirtieth, ten [ 20] farsings, where the water was not all so brackish.

The first of September, fiue farsings, where we went two miles for water. The second, to a small Castle nine farsings, little prouision. The third, fiue farsings, lay in the fields, sent farre for water. The fourth, to Seagan ten farsings. The fifth, foure farsings. The sixt, to Irabad, a Castle, ten farsings, where we payed halfe an Abacee on a Camell. The seuenth, six farsings. The eight, to Ardecan eight farsings, where we stayed till the tenth. Then went to Sellef foure farsings. The eleuenth, to Agea Gaurume, a small Castle, three farsings. The twelfth, nine farsings to a spring in the fields. The thirteenth, to Beauas three farsings. The fourteenth, to Goolabad foure farsings, from whence Richard Steele rode before to Spahan. The fifteenth, to Morea Shauade fiue farsings. The sixteenth, to Coopa fiue farsings. The seuenteenth, to Dea Sabs fiue farsings. The eighteenth, [ 30] foure farsings, and lay in the fields. The nineteenth, three farsings, and came to Spahan. Richard Steele reached thither the fifteenth at noone, and found Sir Robert Sherley dispatched from the Persian King, in Embassage to the King of Spaine, with him his Lady, and for his Chaplaine, a Frier of the Bare-foot Order, with fiue and fiftie Portugall prisoners, and his owne followers, both Persians and Armenians, speeding for Ormus, to imbarke for Lisbon. The purpose is, that see∣ing the Portugalls are not able to stand, the Spaniards may be brought in, six Friers remaining in hostage till his returne, at Spahan, whom otherwise the King hath vowed to cut in pieces; which he is likely enough to doe, who hath done to death his owne sonne, and committed a thousand other seuerities. Richard Steele deliuered his Letters to Sir Robert, who durst scarsely reade them, but now and then by stealth, fearing the Portugalls should know of them.* 23.22 Hee after said it was [ 40] too late to look after that businesse for our Nation, and seemed discontent with the company, and the Master and Merchants which landed him. But at last said he was an Englishman, and promi∣sed to effect our desires, and (the Friers being absent) caried both on the nineteeth to the Master of the Ceremonies or Maimondare, and took vs with him to the Great Vizier, Sarek▪ Hogea, who presently called his Scriuans, & made draughts of what we desired: viz. three Firmans, one which Iohn Crowther hath for Surat, one for Richard Steele, to carry into England; the third sent to Ias∣ques, to the Gouernour. All are sealed with the Kings great Seale, and to this effect, That all Gouernours of Sea-ports within his Maiesties Dominions, shall kindly entertaine the English shipping, &c. The same day that these Firmans were ended, departed Sir Robert Sherley, being the last of September, towards Siras, with great pompe and much honour, &c.

[ 50]

Your Worships at Command, RICHARD STEELE.

Your Worships seruant euer to be Commended IOHN CROWTHER.

The chiefe Commodities of Persia are Raw-silke, of which it yeelds,* 24.1 according to the Kings [ 60] bookes, yearely seuen thousand and seuen hundred Batmans. Rubarb growes in Corasan, where Worme-seed growes also: Carpets of all sorts, Silke and Gold, Silke and Siluer, halfe Silke halfe Cotton, &c. Their moneyes in Persia of Siluer, are the Abacee, the Mahomedee, Shahee and Biftee: the rest of Copper, like the Tangas and Pisos of India.* 24.2 The Abacee weigheth two Met••icalls; the Mahomedee is halfe an Abacee; the Shahee halfe a Mahomedee: in the Riall of

eight are thirteene Shahees. In a Shahee are two Biftees and a halfe, or ten Casbegs. One Bif∣tee is foure Casbegs or two Tangs.* 24.3 The weights differ in diuers places: two Mahans of Tauris make one of Spahan, and likewise the Batman. The measure of Silkes, &c. is the same with the Pike of Aleppo, which we iudge seuen and twenty inches.

Iohn Crowther returned into India. Richard Steele to England by the way of Turkie. From Spahan the second of December,* 24.4 fiue farsings to a Sarail. The third, eight farsings to another Sa∣rail. The fourth, to a Village sixe farsings. The fifth, to Dreag seuen farsings. The sixt, to a Sa∣rail seuen farsings. The seuenth, to Golpigan eight farsings. The eight, to Curouon seuen farsings. The ninth, to Showgot seuen farsings. The tenth, to Saro six farsings. The eleuenth, to Dissabod eight farsings. The twelfth, two Manfields to a faire Towne Tossarkhan, twelue farsings, and re∣sted that day, because of the deepe Snow. The fifteenth, to Kindanor six f••rsings. The sixteenth, [ 10] to Sano eight farsings. The seuenteenth, to Shar Nuoue, where I was stayed by the Daiga, but shewing Letters from the Vizier, hee bade me depart in the name of God and Alle. The eigh∣teenth, passed by a bridge, where all men are to giue account what they are, and pay two Sha∣hees a Camell. The nineteenth, to Kassamkhan, the last of the Persian Gouernments, and gaue a Present to the Gouernour for a guard against the Turke-men: which hee not onely did, but gaue mee licence to feed on his Villages without paying, which yet I would not. The one and twentieth, I began my iourney ouer the high mounta••nes, which part the two Countries, being dangerous, and the two and twentieth arriued at a Village, eight far••••ngs. The three and twentieth, seuen farsings, lay vnder a rocke. The foure and twentieth, to Mando, a Towne vnder the Turkes, eight farsings. The fiue and twentieth, to Emomester eight farsings. The [ 20] sixe and twentieth, to Boroh, passed ouer a Riuer by Boat, and that night arriued at Bagdat, eight farsings, where I was searched and examined for letters, which I had hid vnder my saddle, whi∣ther one also was prying, but by a signe which I made, gaue ouer, and followed mee to my lod∣ging for his expected reward. I escaped better then an old Spaniard, which a fortnight before was imprisoned and chained in the Castle, his letters read by a Malteza Renegado. I met with a Portugall which arriued heere (from Goa and Ormus) two daies before mee. The Basha made vs stay heere twenty dayes, to stay for a Sabandar of his.

The sixteenth of Ianuary, we passed Tygris, and lay on the Desert side. The seuenteenth, we went fiue Agatza (leagues or farsings) the eighteenth, met with Euphrates at Tlulquy, where Mer∣chants disembarcke for Bagdat, or (after fiue per Cento custome paid) passe the Tigris for the [ 30] Persian Gulfe. And after a tedious passage, partly by the Riuer, partly by Deserts, partly by Sea, the fifteenth of Aprill 1616. he arriued at Marsiles, and the tenth of May at Douer, &c.

Your Worships to command in all obedience, RICHARD STEELE

The Copie of the King of Persias Firman, Translated out of the Persian. [ 40]

* 25.1FORMAN or Command giuen vnto all our Subiects, from the greatest, vnto what degree soeuer, vn∣to the Souf-basha or Constable of our Country, to kindly receiue and entertaine the English Frankes or Nation, at what time any of their ships or shipping shall arriue at Iasques, or any other of the Ports in our Kingdome: to conduct them and their Merchandize to what place or places they themselues desire: and that you shall see them safely defended about our Coasts, from any other Frank or Franks whatsoeuer.

Thus I will and command you so to doe, as you shall answere to the contrary. Giuen at our Royall Citie, the twelfth of this Mon Ramassan (October) in the yeare of Our Tareag 1024. A.D. 1615.

[ 50]

CHAP. XIIII. Memorials of a Voyage, wherein were employed three shippes, the Samaritan, Thomas and Thomasine 1614. written by * 25.2 IOHN MILWARD Merchant, who went in the Thomas.

THe tenth of May 1614. we anchored at Gore-end. The third of October in the Bay of Soldania, where we bought one hundred and fortie sheep, and ten Oxen, and more might haue done. These people are most miserable, destitute of Reli∣gion [ 60] in any kind, so farre as we can perceiue, and of all ciuility; their speech a chattering rather then language; naked, saue a short cloake of skinne on their shoulders, and a Fox-skinne before their priuities: haue but one stone, natural∣ly or ceremoniously I know not; eate that which dogges would hardly digest. They demanded

vnreasonably for their Cattell, which we thought proceeded from Cories, who had been in Eng∣land, and (as we suppose) acquainted them with our little esteeme of Yron and Copper, asking peices as big as their cloakes, and had for their Cattell Skillets, Basons, and Scummers. One see∣med to be chiefe, whom the Generall kindly entertained in his Tent, and wee after that bought more freely. Their Sheep like our Goats, with small hornes, their Oxen larger then ours, the flesh white like our Muttons, the fat yellow as the yoalke of an egge, wilde, and of one stone most of them like themselues. October is with them, as Aprill with vs, the weather tempe∣rate, but hot and parching at noone, the aire wholesome, our men presently recouering, some de∣sperately sicke, they of the Scuruy vsing a red Berry as big as a Goose-berry.

[ 10] The twentieth of December, the Generall caused the Masters and Masters-mates to come a∣boord,* 25.3 supposing that we were shot one hundred and fiftie leagues more then reckoning to the East, in eighteene degrees fortie minutes. The nine and twentieth, we discryed land, but knew not well in what height we were, resolued that it was Iaua, but knew not what part of it, sup∣posed it the South-side, and that we were fallen on it by keeping too Easterly a course. And though the plats make it to lie betwixt eleuen and twelue degrees, and our latitude, at that time, was but eight degrees forty minutes; yet it is questionable whether it hath been discouered. But howsoeuer, or wheresoeuer we were, it is certaine that we were fallen to Lee-ward of the straits of Sunda, by two or three degrees, and into the North-west Monsons, which blow thereabouts from September to the last of March. All the Masters were of opinion, to goe backe into thir∣teene [ 20] or foureteene degrees South-ward, to fetch the South-east wind, which is a trade wind be∣tweene twentie eight and eleuen degrees, and so to shape our course more Northerly. Others were of opinion, to goe round about the Iland, and to fetch Bantam, as certaine Dutch-men had done heretofore on like occasion, and accomplished it in sixe weekes space. But the first opinion tooke place. The land hereabouts is very high, and neere the sea full of great Trees, the aire noy∣some by stinke from the shoare, subiect to much lightning, thunder, and raine, with sudden gusts. The next day noone, we had a good obseruation in the latitude of eight degrees thirty fiue mi∣nutes. The Generall was resolued to beat vp and downe, to see if we could get any thing to the West: he charged M. Wilson for author of the error; betwixt whom also and the Captaine,* 25.4 pas∣sed both words and blowes, which the Generall reduced into amitie the eleuenth of Ianuary. On [ 30] the eighteenth, we had land in seuen degrees tenne minutes, being by likelihood not farre West from our first land, notwithstanding that we had runne from it by our course neere one hundred leagues to the West, by reason of a violent current to the East.

The Land to the sea is low and leuell, within high mountaines: wee anchored at the entry of the Bay, where we found calmes, the Current setting strong East South-east, that in a calme it would carry a ship foure leagues a watch. There is store of Wood, and Water from the Rocks, but brackish. We found neere to the shoare continuall calme, (the wind still blowing two or three leagues off at Sea) be it neuer so great a storme. In this place,* 25.5 which I may well call In∣forced Bay, we saw no people, the shoare very thicke of Wood, Cocos, Palmes, and a hundred o∣her kinds of trees, some growing in a number of rootes, * 25.6 which descend from the toppe of the [ 40] branches, which are fortie or fiftie foot high, and take root againe, so that the Tree sheweth like a Woodstacke. I suppose that neuer Christian had been there, nor will againe, if he can auoide it: yet the Generall in one of the trees set vp his name and armes. We were not past two leagues from our anchoring place, from whence we had scant wind enough to bring vs, but there rose so great a gust of wind and raine, that we were forced to take in all our top-sailes, and strike our maine saile.

On the three and twentieth, after much consultation and subscription for the Generalls dis∣charge, we bore in with the land, and anchored in a Bay which I may terme Voluntary,* 25.7 where we found a Dutch-man at anchor, whom we had formerly met at Sestos. The next day we went ashoare, and found a Towne and people, not blacke, but tawney, their houses built of Canes, [ 50] cloathed some from the Waste, other wholly; they respected nothing that wee had, nor affear∣ded vs any thing to speake of; their weapons pikes and cryses. The Dutch-man named this place Middleton Bay: it is a good Harbour, hath a Riuer and an Iland,* 25.8 and lieth some fiftie leagues to the East of the North end of Iaua, as the Dutch-man informed vs, who coasted it all along. It is in seuen degrees thirtie fiue minutes.

The second of February, we were in tenne degrees twelue minutes. We saw the next day a small Iland, fortie leagues to the South of Iaua maior, in tenne degrees, about fiue leagues broad,* 25.9 eight long. The fourth at Sun-setting, we had three degrees tenne minutes to the West vari∣ation. It is an infallible rule, that from the Cape of Good Hope to Iaua,* 25.10 the variation increaseth to the West, the further East we runne, till it come to about seuenteene degrees, and then as we [ 60] runne to the East decreaseth, till we come to the straights of Sunda, where it is three degrees and a halfe variation, and is holden the best guide for Easting and Westing, though not obseruing ex∣act proportion. On the fifth, we had nine degrees sixteen minutes, and three degrees forty eight minutes variation West. The declination of the Crosiers is twenty eight degrees and a halfe. On the thirteenth, we were in the straights of Sunda, hauing on our Larboord Sumatra, and Iaua

on our Starboord.* 25.11 The foureteenth at night, we anchored within three leagues of Bantam Road. The next morning came to vs, M. Baily Merchant, and M. Samon Master of the Globe, who told vs that the Globe was then laden for England, and that the Trades-increase beeing brought on ground on Pulo peniohn,* 25.12 all her men died in the careening of her; and afterwards it stood them in fi••e hundred ryalls of eight a day to hire Iauans, of whom fiue hundred died in the worke, before they could sheath one side; so that they could hire no more men, and therefore were inforced to leaue her imperfect, where shee was sunke in the Sea, and after set on fire by the Iauans. The Chi∣neses also reported, that the Deuill appeared on Pulo peniohn Iland, signifying his offence, that the Chineses would vndertake such a businesse on his ground, and giue him nothing (for they were the workemen) whereupon one of the chiefe Chinese Carpenters came to Sir Henry Middleton, and [ 10] reported it, desiring to haue a Buffolo for sacrifice, who denyed, yea forbad him when hee would haue done it at his owne charge, esteming the want thereof cause of their euills.

The Globe departed from Bantam the one and twentieth of February. The foure and twenti∣eth, the Thomasine departed for the Molluccas, M. Baily Cape Merchant, and M. Wilson Master. Our Generall sent word to the King of Bantam, that the Spaniards would inuade him, and take away his Towne; who answered, that if all the Caffars (so they call all not Mahumetans) in the world should come against him, he had a god * 25.13 that would defend him.

The foureteenth of March, we departed in the Thomas for the Coast of Sumatra. The twelfth of May, we arriued at Priaman, but were denied trade. The next day, we rode to Tecoo, along by the Sea-side,* 25.14 which I thinke in this place, hath the greatest source of any in the world, occa∣sioned [ 20] by the many shoales and breaches on this coast, whereby the dangers of sailing are vn∣knowne. On the seuenteenth, we weighed for Achen, where the twentieth of Iune we arriued. On all ••his coast when there is no raine, although it bee calme, the Sea goeth very high; and in raine though the wind blow much, the Sea is smooth. The King sent vs his Chop. On the eight and twentieth, he sent an Elephant to carry the Kings Letter in State. We carried for a Pre∣sent, a great piece of Ordnance, with the carriages, twenty Bullets, a Ladle, Skowrer, and two barrels of Powder, twelue fowling peeces, tenne Swords, sixe fine Baftas, all wrapped in the Kings colours. He sate in great Sate with the King of Ior, and gaue to my selfe, M. Nicols, and M. Yate three Vests (contrary to his custome) and was very merry.

The second of Iuly, he came by the waters side vpon an Elephant in great state, with diuers [ 30] Elephants before him,* 25.15 and twelue other Elephants hauing Castles (as they tearme them) on their backs, full of his Women, hauing multitudes of Women and Eunuches attending, all other people being beaten out of the way, and not daring to be seen; our selues hauing our house neere the Wa∣ters side, were commanded to shut our doores and windowes. The Sabandar by a Parable taught vs to know him, telling vs, That if a man will sow a piece of Cloth, let the Needle go through, and the thred will follow of it selfe; insinuating that a Bribe must vsher our designes. The King of∣fered vs to settle a Factory here, paying custome as other Nations did, which was seuen in the hundred,* 25.16 and we accepted it, whereat the Dutch were angry.

The sixth, the Hector set saile for Teco, hauing lost at Achen twenty sixe men, principally oc∣casioned by distemper in Aracke houses. The eleuenth, the Captaine of the Dutch house prote∣sted he had not a Mase to buy victualls,* 25.17 and besides was indebted; whereupon I lent him seuenty [ 40] taile of Gold, to be paid at Bantam. Perceiuing the Gold of this place base, I refused to sell but for Siluer. On the sixteenth, we went to the Court (without a Present, presence is not tolera∣ted there) to see a Cock-fighting, but the King spake nothing of any businesse, and except he be∣ginne, no man else may. They next day, I attended all day in vaine, whiles he was solacing him∣selfe with his Women. On the eighteenth, his Gallies came from Malacca. On the nineteenth, he sent them for Pedir, and so for Malacca. Twelue of them were very faire, with twenty eight and thirtie oares on a side.* 25.18 The Admirall had a Turret built in the Poope, couered with Ma••••••ie plate of Gold, and curiously wrought. It is reported, that in each of his great Gallies he would carry one thousand men, and in his fleet (beeing three hundred great and little) one hundred thou∣sand. [ 50] He forced a Guzerate Iunke of foure hundred T••nnes, with the Commander, to goe with him: yet tt was thought he meant not to goe himselfe, but gaue it out to further his businesse; and that Orencay Maraga should be Generall, a man whom he most feareth, as of auncient No∣bilitie, a good Souldiour, and popular, yet circumspect. The King beeing going, word was brought that for the rest of his debt, I must take pepper at eight tayle the Bahar, which I refused; yet was it weighed, choose whether I would take it, or nothing. Orencay Laxaman demanded for better conditions, a Cable, Anchor, great piece, barrell of powder, twentie shot; and for him∣selfe sixty tayles of Gold, for other Officers thirtie: so should we settle at Teco, and Priaman for two ye••res. At length, for so much Gold, and twentie taile more, he vndertooke to procure our dispatch, but at last the other also were demaunded. [ 60]

On the thirtieth, came in two Dutch ships from Masulipatan, the Admirall the White Lyon, wherein was the Visador and the Ragusa.* 25.19 The Visador sent the King a great peece, with other things for a Present, which were reiected as of too little value. They demanded S^r. Isaac, Captaine of the Dutch house at Achen, as indebted to the Company, whom the King had ap∣pointed

for Malacca, and held as his slaue, and said, That if the Dutch tooke him, they should haue no trade in his Countrey. He demanded one of their ships with him to Malacca, allead∣ging an ancient promise of such a kindnesse by a former Embassadour some twentie yeares agoe, but they excused, and he said, They were an vniust Nation, and denied them his Chop, that they might not goe on shoare for seuen or eight dayes, so much as to fill water: and three or foure daies after, they turned their Admirall ashoare, and gaue her to the King, willing to giue him content, and withall to auoid that desperate Voyage.

The seuenteenth of August, the Thomas set saile from Achen. The twentie ninth of September, we had a Spout. At our first comming from Achen, we stood o••t to the West,* 25.20 for auoiding of rocks [ 10] and shoales about sixtie leagues, wherein being deceiued in the Current; we were off one hundred and fiftie leagues, whereby we brought our selues open to the Bay of Bengala, and so into a strong Current, which kept vs very long from our Port. The seuen and twentieth of October, we an∣chored in Teco road;* 25.21 and the next day presented the King of Achens letters for two yeeres Facto∣ry. The thirteenth of Nouember, the Thomas departed for Bantam, I, George Piborne, Iohn Perce, and my man Peter staying. We had much adoe with these rude people, but bare our selues stiffe∣ly on the King of Achens Letters. The ninth of May, 1616. a man of Achen being reuiled by a Woman, did beat her, and thereupon grew a great vproare;* 25.22 for the Tecoans hauing fined him at foure Tailes, he denyed to pay any, and the next day an hundred men came to take him, but all the Acheners ioyning, they were repulsed, one slaine, and sixe hurt: and they beeing two hun∣dred, [ 20] fortified the neather Towne, intending to stand it out to the vtmost, affirming that if they should suffer themselues to be ouer-borne by the Country people, the King of Achen would cut off their legs. The King by this policie (his Officers being all Acheners which will suffer no a∣abuse) holding them in awe. But the matter was ended, Lose Gee the Achener paying a summe of Money. Three moneths before this time the small pockes were rife here, whereof many died. This moneth also was very vnholesome and faint, many dying with a swelling:* 25.23 our selues were sicke round about the house.

The eleuenth of Iune, arriued the Expedition at Priaman. The second of Iuly, there was a Ma∣lem that lost both his hands for stealing, who in the execution was not seene once to stirre. The thirteenth, Captaine Payton sent me word, that he feared his men would mutiny,* 25.24 and runne a∣way [ 30] with the ship, as they had formerly attempted at Bantam, and therefore desired me to re∣ceiue some of them ashoare, so to disperse their knot. The sixe and twentieth, the Dragon and Peppercorne anchored at the Offing, Captaine Will. Keeling Generall in the Dragon, and Captaine Harris in the other. They had been with the King, who had graunted them trade at Teco for two yeares, after which time he would haue no Nation to trade but at Achen. Hee left M. Ni∣chols principall at Achen.

The eight and twentieth of August, arriued Addicke Raia Pongola Corcon from Achen, who had the Kings goods to sell, and power to receiue all the Kings customes past and to come. Hee came in nature of an Informer, and therefore all men stood in feare of him. The first of September be∣gan their Ramdam, at the first of sight of the new Moone: all tht Moneth following, they eate [ 40] nothing but in the night, and that temperately. The fifteenth, wee begunne to buy Pepper,* 25.25 but were forced to promise Addicke Raia one hundred Royals, before we could haue any trade. The next day I excepted against the waight, whereupon Raia tooke it away to examine it, whereat the Polimo was much afraid, hauing in that kind much abused our Nation.* 25.26 The Pongelo came to the English house to reforme the weights, but beeing presently to weigh, gaue vs a weight lesse then that we had. The next day, I sent him fiftie Ryals for a Present, which he returned, saying, He scorned to be fed like a Boy. The one and twentieth, Captaine Harris being ashoare, seemed to take so much vpon him, that Raia Addick sent to him to borrow three hundred Rialls of eight to buy him a Wench, and prest the matter so instantly, that I was forced afterward to send him an hundred.

[ 50] The third of October, I spoke at his instance also vnto Captaine Harris, to spare his Car∣penters two or three daies to mend his Prow, which he refused to doe. The sixth, came the Speed∣well sent by the Generall from Bantam, in the charge of Iohn Clare, Boteswaine of the Hector, sunke at Bantam in the Carining. Newes of fiue ships from England, foure for Surat,* 25.27 & the Swan for Bantam. The Thomas gone for Iapan, the Concord for Socodania, the Attendant for Iamb••: from Maccassar also, that the Spaniards are there bound for the Moluccas,* 25.28 twenty seuen saile of Ships, Gallies, and Frigats, that we doubted much their comming to Bantam. On the foure∣teenth, arriued a Iaua Iunke with fiue Hollanders, which had been cast away in the Aeolus, fiue degrees South, and desired our releefe. We graunted them the Speedwell to goe to the Iland Enga∣no, where they had laid their goods and money ashoare,* 25.29 whether they set saile on the three and [ 60] twentieth.

The people complaine, that when they sell their Pepper to the King, they loose a fo••rth part, by reason they take so much more then when they dealt with the English. Reliqua defiderantur.

CHAP. XV. The second Voyage of Captaine WALTER PEYTON into the East-Indies, in the Expedition, which was set forth by the East-India Company, together with the Dragon, Lyon, and Pepper-Corne, in Ianuary 1614. gathered out of his large Iournall.

[ 10]

§. I. Occurents at Soldania, Mohelia, Socotora, Surat, with diuers other Intelligences.

IAnuary the foure and twentieth, 1614. wee set saile from Grauesend. The second of February,* 25.30 Sir Thomas Roe Embassadour from his Maiestie to the Great Mo∣goll, repayred aboord the Lyon with fifteene followers. And Master Humpherey [ 20] Boughton aboord the Pepper-corne, (recommended to the Company by his Maie∣stie) to passe into India. Wee carryed with vs in the Fleete eleuen Iaponezas brought into England by the Cloue, diuided proportionably amongst the shippes: likewise fourteene Guzerats brought by the Dragon: also nineteene condemned persons out of Newgate,* 25.31 to be left for discouerie of vnknowne places, the Company hauing obtayned the Kings Pardon for them to this purpose.

On the twentieth, some of the Dragons men, the Newgate-Birds amongst, attempted to run away with their Pinnasse, which then was preuented. But one of those condemned with two of the Pepper-cornes company carryed away her Pinnasse next night; two of my ships company [ 30] hauing conspired to carrie away the Boate, but were discouered. The three and twentieth, wee set saile out of the Downes.

On the sixt of March, lost sight of the Lizard. And on the sixe and twentieth, had sight of land which we supposed the Westermost part of Forteuentura,* 25.32 and proued part of Barbarie, one of the land points entering the Riuer Marpequena, beeing misgraduated one whole degree more Northerly then it should be. Likewise Cape Boyadore is misgraded one degree as we then found by experience, escaping great danger caused by that errour in our plats. The sixe and twentieth, the Generall wind began.

The tenth of May, being by reckoning distant from the Cape of Good Hope, bearing East a quarter South, sixe hundred and twentie leagues, wee saw many Pintados, Mangareludas and o∣ther fowles; whereof I haue not heard the like. [ 40]

The fift of ••une, we anchored in the Bay of Soldania, hauing not buried aboue three or foure in the whole Fleete,* 25.33 about thirtie being now sicke. Wee built fiue Tents. Corey came downe and welcommed vs after his manner, by whose meanes the people were nothing so feare∣full as at other times, nor so theeuish. They brought vs cattell in great abundance, which wee bought for Copper shreds. Corey shewed some of our people his house, wife and children, at a Towne thence distant fiue English miles, contayning about one hundred houses. Most of them can say Sir Thomas Smith, English ships, which they often with great glorie repeat. Their wiues and children came often downe to vs, to whom we gaue great content with Bugles and the like. And two or three desired to goe for England, seeing Corey had sped so well, and returned so rich [ 50] with his Copper Sute, which he yet keepeth in his house very charily. Corey also determined to returne, and to carry one of his sonnes when our ships are thence bound home-wards. On the East-side of the Table is another Cottage of ten small houses, built round like Bee-hiues, couered with Mats made of Bents wouen together.

The sixteenth, we set on shoare by consultation tenne condemned persons, to remayne at the Cape,* 25.34 viz. Iohn Crosse, Henry Cocket, Clerke, Brand, Bouth, Hunnyard, Brigs, Pets, Metcalfe, Skil∣ligall. We gaue each man something for his owne defence against wild beasts and men, weapons and victuals. They consented Crosse should be their head; The people desire Brasse, and se•• not so much by Copper; they desire pieces of a foot or more square. Iron hoops they care little for. We caught seuen or eight hundred fishes in the Riuer with Saynes.* 25.35 [ 60]

The Countrey people brought vs downe of the Root Ningin, whereof wee bought one hand∣full for a piece of Copper an inch and halfe broad, and two inches and halfe in length. Our men got some, but not so full, nor ripe, this being not the season, which in the full perfection is as tender and sweet as Annis-seeds. On the twentieth, wee set saile. On the fiue and twentieth,

we had sight of land in thirtie foure degrees twentie eight minutes. It is the land to the West of Cape de Arecife misgraduated twentie seuen minutes in Daniels Plats more Northerly then it should be.

Likewise, on the sixt of Iuly, we should haue seene land of Saint Laurence,* 25.36 by most of our reckonings according to the Plats of Daniel, (of Mercators proiection) which prooued false a∣bout seuentie leagues in distance of longitude betwixt the land of Aethiopia, Cape Bona Speran∣za, and the Ile of Saint Laurence, as the same protracted into Plano of Tottens making doe ma∣nifest.

The two and twentieth, all foure ships anchored at Mohelia.* 25.37 Wee had water out of Wels we digged a little aboue the high water, marke close by the rootes of Trees, eight or nine foote [ 10] deepe. Doman is the chiefe Towne where the Sultan abides, to whom we gaue a double locked piece and a Sword. Wee had plentifull prouision for little Money, Hennes, Goates, Bullockes, Limons, Oranges, Limes, Tamera, Coco-nuts, Pines, Sugar-Canes, with other fruits. There are amongst them Arabians, Turkes, Moores, many of which speake reasonable Porteguse. These told me of a strange course of the Current which ranne fifteene dayes Westerly,* 25.38 fifteene dayes Easterly, and fifteene dayes no way: of which somewhat I obserued.

For at our first comming the Current set Westerly: and on the eight and twentieth, it set Easterly, and so continued while we stayed (sixe dayes) but we went away before perfect triall could be made. I learned of them that the King of Iuanni was here King, and gaue the Gouern∣ment to this Sultan.

[ 20] The nine and twentieth, a ship arriued at Doman from Gangamora, in Saint Laurence,* 25.39 and I was wished by the Generall to see their Commodities, which were Rice and a kind of cloth made of Barkes of Trees whence they make coole garments. I enquired of the Pilot who spake Portuguse well, touching Captaine Rowles and the Englishmen betrayed in that Iland,* 25.40 of whom they could say nothing, but that two or three yeares past, an English Boy was at Gangamora in the custodie of Portugals, whom they thought now to be dead, neither knew how he came thi∣ther. This Towne of Damon hath in it one hundred houses of lime and stone strong built, the Inhabitants orderly and ciuill. They haue traffique on the Coast of Melinde, Magadoxo, Mom∣bassa, Arabia and Saint Laurence: they carrie Slaues taken in warres, which they sell for nine or ten Rials of eight, and are sold againe in Portugall for one hundred. At Momboza and Magadoxo [ 30] I vnderstood of great Trade for Elephants Teeth and Drugges, and it was concluded to aduise the Honourable Companie thereof touching sending a Pinnasse yearely thither. Wee bought in Mohelia two or three Bullockes for a Barre of Iron weighing betwixt twentie and fiue and twentie pound. Wee bought there two hundred head of cattell, fortie Goates, Hennes, Fruits, &c.

The second of August, wee set saile from Mohelia: The seuenteenth, wee had sight of Cape Guardafui, where the Countrey people were fearefull of vs. The twentieth, wee anchored in the Road of Galencia in Socotora, where the fiercenesse of the wind made the Sea in a breach round about vs, and with the Sprie of the Sea, which the winde blew about vs like raine,* 25.41 our [ 40] ship and tackling were all ouer white like a hoarie Frost or white Salt.

The three and twentieth, we anchored at Tamarine the Kings Towne, and the foure and twentieth at Delisha. Here,* 25.42 we were demanded thirtie Rials of eight the Kintall of Aloes So∣catrina, which made vs buy the lesse: (for Captaine Downton, the Faiking said, had bought one hundred Kintals) it was liquid by reason of the newnesse or heat of the Sunne, and readie to run out of the skinnes. Each Kintall contayned by our Beame one hundred, three pounds and a halfe. It is made of the leaues of Semperuiue, the tops and roots cut away, and the iuice of the rest pressed out and boiled to a certain height, after put vp in earthen Pots, stopped closed, so stan∣ding eight monethes, and lastly, put in small skinnes to sell.

The North part of Socotora or Socatra, lyeth in twelue degrees thirtie minutes, and the bodie in one hundred and twentie degrees, twentie fiue minutes. It is fourteene leagues thence to A∣badelcuria, [ 50] and as much from thence to Cape Guardafui.* 25.43 And I should wish those that saile to So∣catra to touch at the Cape, thence to saile the next morning a little before breake of day, to lose no day-light, which is precious there by reason of the thicke and obscure night, with boyste∣rous winds (and fogges) this moneth and a part of September: from thence to Abadelcuria, and anchor on the West side thereof in seuen or eight fathome water vnder the low land, or if they get no anchorage, to keepe close by a winde to the Southward in the night, lest the windes and Northerly current put them too much to lee-ward before day-light. The winds blow not sted∣die, notwithstanding the Monson, sometimes South by West, and South South-west, but seldome to the East of the South. On the one and thirtieth, we set saile from Socatra.

The tenth of September, we had Quailes, Hernes and other Land-fowles blowne from land, [ 60] vnable to returne.

On the fourteenth, we had sight of Diu, and on the sixteenth of Damon, inhabited with Por∣tugals, and strongly fortified.

On the eighteenth, we passed by the Barre of Surat, and anchored against Swally Barre.* 25.44 The

next day we sent a messenger ashoare, and our Boat returned the same night with M. William Bid∣dulph. He told vs of affaires in the Countrey, and that Zulpher Car Chan was Gouernour at Surat. Here we had sheepe for halfe a Riall of eight a pi••ce, and twentie Hennes for a Riall of eight.

* 25.45The two and twentieth day, Master Barber and other Merchants were sent to Surat, to pro∣uide furniture for Sir Thomas Roe the Lord Embassadours house, who were there narrowly sear∣ched, their pockets and other parts according to the base manner of the Countrey, where a man must pay custome for a Riall of eight in his Purse, or a good Knife in his pocket: and if any raritie appeare, the Gouernour vnder pretence of buying, takes it away.

The fiue and twentieth, the Lord Embassadour landed, accompanied with the Generall, Cap∣taine and Merchants, and eightie men in Armes with shot and Pike in order, fortie eight Pieces [ 10] of Ordnance discharged from the Fleet, the shippes also fitted in their holy-day Sutes of waste clothes, Streamers, Ensignes, Flagges, Pendants. The chiefe men of Surat attended in their Tent,* 25.46 and there welcommed him. Much adoe there was about the barbarous search, which they would haue executed on his followers, which the Embassador wholly disclaymed, till at the last he and three or foure of his chiefe Followers were exempted, the rest they would onely imbrace for fashions sake. Much passed also betwixt the Gouernour and Him about like barbarous exa∣ctions, he iustly challenging the honour and immunitie of an Embassadour from a free King: they willing to make no difference betwixt him and others of that ranke in those parts, and of our owne also which had assumed that name. Once their barbarous vsage not only then perplexed him, and detayned him long till from the Court he had order, but all his time (as hereafter out [ 20] of his owne Iournall shall follow) held him busie more then enough. Neither did they easily ac∣knowledge difference betwixt this Embassadour and Master Edwards, who was so stiled amongst them.

* 25.47The first of October, Master Barwickes man (which beeing inueigled by a Fugitiue from Captaine Best, and since turned Moore, had runne away) was brought backe from Surat. Others after did the like, and wrote from Damon to perswade others. The second, came aboord two Hollanders which had come thither by land from Petapoli. The tenth, the Gouernours brother came boord with faire words and had a Present giuen him: also we had newes of Master Ald∣worths death. The Gouernour impudently vrgeth Presents, hauing had three alreadie, but findeth fault with them, and nominates what he would, begger and chooser both. [ 30]

The fifth of Nouember, we had newes from Brampore of the Lord Embassadors falling sicke there, and of Master Boughtons death.

* 25.48The current Coine at Surat is Rials of eight, whereof the old with the plaine crosse is estee∣med best, worth fiue Mamudies a piece, the new with Flower-delices at the ends of the crosse at foure Mamudies three quarters, if they be not light. The Mamudie is a siluer Coyne, course, con∣tayning thirtie Pice, which is a Copper Coyne; twelue drammes make one Pice. The English shilli••g, if weight, will yeeld thirtie three Pice and halfe. Larines are much about the worth of Mamudies. Rupies are of sundry sorts; some worth halfe a Riall of eight, other lesse, by which a man may easily be deceiued.

Their trading is by Banian Brokers, who are subtile and deceitfull both to the buyer and seller, [ 40] if not preuented. In their Weights each Citie differeth from other. The Commodities are infi∣nite: the chiefe, Indicoes of two sorts, Checques the courser, and Lahor the finer; Cloth made of Cotton-wooll, as Callicoes white and coloured, contayning fourteene yards the Booke, from two to one hundred Mamudies the piece, Pintados, Chints and Chadors, Shashes and Girdles, Cannakens, Treckanees, Serrabaffs, Aleiaes, Patollas, Sellas, Quilts, Carpets; Greene Ginger, Suckets, Lignum Aloes, Opium, Sadarmoniacke and abundance of other Drugs. Commodities vendi••le are Kniues, Glasses, Pictures and such like toyes; English cloth; China wares, Silke and Porcelane; all manner of Spices. The Guzerats lade their great ships of nine, twelue or fifteene hundred tunnes at Goga, and steale out vnknowne to the Portugals.

Chiefe Cities for Trade on the Riuer Sinde or Indus, are Tatta, (on a Riuer which fals into it) [ 50] Duilsinde,* 25.49 Multan, Lahore. At Duilsinde the Expedition in her former Voyage had deliuered Sir Robert Sherley the Persian Embassadour, of whom I thought good to adde this (which I learned by inquiry of some of his Followers to Agra) as an appendix to that re••ation in my former Iour∣nall. Being weary of Duilsinde by the Gouernours euill intreatie and suffering the Portugals to molest him,* 25.50 seeking also to cut him off, for which purpose twelue Portugals came from Ormus; He sought libertie to goe to Tatta, but the Gouernour not permitting (as was thought of euill purpose) he went without leaue, and was by the way to passe a Riuer, where none durst carrie him or his,* 25.51 being prohibited on paine of death by the said Gouernour. They therefore made rafts of boords and Timbers, on which the Embassadour shipped himselfe with Nazerbeg one of his [ 60] Followers to helpe him ouer: and were no sooner put off, but twentie or thirtie Horsemen came from the Gouernour in great haste to stay them. Thus were they brought backe, men swimming to the raft, which Nazerbeg was not able to guide against the tyde, and they narrowly escaped drowning.* 25.52 His Followers disdaining this rude dealing, one Master Iohn Ward shot off his Pistoll

in their faces, and was instantly slaine by another shot, and the rest carryed away Prisoners to Duilsinde, being pillaged by the way of the Souldiers. After some time of imprisonment, the Gouernour permitted their departure to Tatta, where they were friendly entertained of the Gouernour being a Persian. Sir Thomas Powell, and Master Francis Bub,* 25.53 were then dead before in Duilsinde. He remayned at Tatta till fit opportunitie for Agra, the way long and in danger of Theeues: whither he went in company of a great man which had a strong Conuoy, for whom he waited also two moneths.

The Ladie Powell in this space was deliuered of a Sonne, but shee and it together with Master Michael Powell, Brother to Sir Thomas, lost their liues in this tedious expectation, in Boats, for [ 10] that great man aforesaid. At his comming to Agra the Mogoll gaue him fauourable entertain∣ment, and vpon his complaint sent for the Banian Gouernour of Duilsinde, to answere at the Court, promising him his owne reuenge, if he would stay, But hee hasting to the Persian, after many Presents from the Mogoll, with a Conuoy and necessaries for his iourney, departed for Persia, not hauing one Englishman with him. Master Richard Barber his Apothecarie returned to Surat, and Iohn Heriot dyed at Agra. There remayned with him of his old Followers only his Ladie, and her Woman, two Persians, the old Armenian and the Chircassian: His Dutch Ieweller came from Agra to Surat, with Master Edwards.

[ 20]

§. II. Prizes taken, Factorie at Callicut, Obseruations of diuers places of Suma∣tra: the English shippes miscarrie. Dutch Abuses, Factories in India.

THe nine and twentieth of February, we tooke a Portugall prize. The third of March, we riding at an anchor in the Road of Callicut.* 25.54 The Great Samorines Deputie came a∣boord many Boats attending him, signifying his Masters ioy of our comming, and his earnest desire to haue conference with our Nation, and therefore earnestly per∣swaded [ 30] vs to stay a day or two, till he might send to the Samorine, then at Crangalor, besieging a Castle of the Portugals. We had here store of prouision brought aboord at reasonable rates. Callicut hath latitude eleuen degrees ten minutes, variation fifteene degrees fortie minutes. The same eue∣ning came a Pilot by order from the Samorine to intreate vs to ride two or three dayes before Crangalor.

The fifth, we anchored all foure ships before Crangalor, two leagues from the shoare. About noone the Samorine sent to the Generall to request his company ashoare,* 25.55 which was not thought fit without a pledge, and Master George Barkley went. But the Samorine refused to reueale his minde to any but the Generall, and seemed discontent at his stay.

The eight, he went and spake with the Samorine,* 25.56 whose businesse was to stablish a Factorie in [ 40] his Dominion, profering a faire house rent-free, freedome from Customes or any other Taxati∣ons, for whatsoeuer goods brought thither or carryed thence, with protestation of his affecti∣on to our Nation. Answere was made of our present disabilitie, hauing left most of our goods at Surat, and now going to Bantam. He replyed, that for present leauing goods it was no matter, on∣ly that we would leaue two or three English there which should want nothing, and the next yeere we might make supply of men, and goods, hereby he being assured of our returne: other∣wise his care and hopes should be frustrated. He told also of a shippes lading of Pepper there to be had yearely, and of the vent of our Commodities. Whereupon it was concluded to leaue a Factorie there, which with Merchandise were sent ashoare on the ninth.* 25.57 The men were George Woolman chiefe, Peter Needham and Roger Hares vnder-factors, Edward Peake a Boy, and Richard [ 50] Stamford. The B••y was to learne the Language. The Kings name is Pendre Quone Samorine. A Mi∣nion and a Ba••rell of Powder was giuen him for a Present. He promised that if hee recouered the Fort of Crangalor from the Portugals, the English should possesse it.

The tenth, the King sent his Letter of agreement touching the said Priuiledges with many protestations of loue. This day we set saile.* 25.58 We came before Cochin and might behold the forme of it. The next day we had sight of Coulan Castle, and Towne, and a ship riding at anchor vn∣der the Castle which we boorded and brought foorth, the people being fled without hurt of shot from the Castle. It was a Portugall ship of foure or fiue hundred Tunnes lately arriued from Ben∣gala and Pegu, laden with Rice, Graine, Bengala clothing, Butter, Sugar, Gummelacke, hard Waxe, Drugges and other prouisions.

[ 60] The twel••th, we espyed another ship which by mid-night we fetched vp;* 25.59 shee yeelded at the first shot. I sent for her chiefe men aboord my ship (the rest being three or foure miles off, and set some of mine aboord charging them to hurt no person. There were eighteene of twentie Portugals, and about eightie slaues, men, women and children: her chiefe lading Rice, Butter, Sugar, Gummelacke, Drugges, Bengala Stuffe. Wee offered these our first price with victuals to

carrie them ashoare, which they refused fearing to become a prey to the Malabars, a Fleete of whom consisting of fourteene saile they lately had with difficultie escaped. The next day wee landed them where they desired and suffered them to depart vnsearched for Plate, Iewels, Mo∣ney and the like. We had three English ships, and three prices.

The fourteenth, we arriued at Brinion where we took out of the first prize what we pleased and set her a drift.* 25.60 Brinion is in latitude eight degrees thirtie minutes, variation fifteen. It hath a small Town in a little round Bay, is to be known by a long white beach to the North, and to the South is all high land: and two leagues to the South, a red Cliffe neere the Sea. From thence to Cape Comorine is sixteene leagues: the course South-east by South bold and free Coast. The Inhabitants of Brinion are no way subiect to the Portugals.

The first of Aprill, the bodie of Zeilon did beare East by South seuen leagues off. [ 10]

* 25.61The tenth, the Pike Adam bare North. I tooke my leaue of the Generall, the Dragon and Pepper-Corne they being bound for Achen, and I in the Expedition for Priaman, Tecoo, and Ban∣tam. It is good to ride till the end of March in Brinion, and not to double the Cape by reason of calmes, the Southerly Current setting off to the Maldiuae: but then the Easterly Monson ends.

I would wish all that come from the West to Priaman or Tecoo, to dispose that they may haue day-light enough for the comming in betwixt Nimptan and the other Ilands adiacent. The best is on the North-side. On the thirtieth, I met the Aduice going for Tecoo, but at my request shee returned to Bantam whence she was sent for Iapon.* 25.62

The first of May, I arriued at Bantam, where I found the Hosiander newly returned from Ia∣pon, [ 20] and the Attendance from Iambe, most of the men sicke or dead. Here I heard of the death of Captaine Downton, and of the arriuall of Captaine Samuel Castleton with the Cloue and Defence, which with the Thomas and Concord were gone for the Moluccas: The Thomas appointed to proceed from thence to Iapon.

The nineteenth, I set saile for Tecoo. The tenth of Iune, I put into Priaman, and the eigh∣teenth arriued at Tecoo. The third of Iuly, I brought my ship on Careene to sheath her. The dou∣ble sheathing of ships which goe for Surat is of great purpose: for though the outermost shea∣thing be eaten like a Honey-combe with wormes, yet the inner is nothing perished. It were al∣so requisite that the Rudders were sheathed with thinne Copper,* 25.63 to preuent the Wormes ea∣ting off the edges thereof; which causeth great defect in the steering, not easily to bee remedied being so deepe vnder water. The Inhabitants here are barbarous, deceitfull, expecting bribes, [ 30] and sometimes I haue beene in danger to be murthered, one hundred of them drawing their Cri∣ses vpon vs, because they might not haue their will to take our goods vpon trust or otherwise at their pleasures. The twentieth, Thomas Bonner Master of the Expedition dyed, Iohn Row succee∣ded, the third Master in this ship this Voyage.

The sixe and twentieth, arriued the Dragon and Pepper-Corne from Achen. They had bought there Pepper carryed thither from Tecoo in great Iunckes and Prawes which saile to and fro, but neuer out of sight of land.

The King of Achen commands those of Tecoo to bring thither their Pepper, which none may buy but he,* 25.64 who puts off his Surat Commodities in trucke at what rates he pleaseth. Oft times [ 40] he sends his Commodities to Priaman and Tecoo, enforcing them to buy them at his rates, none being suffered to buy or sell with other till his bee vented. This makes our Trade with them the better.

Iambe is on the East-side of Sumatra. It yeeldeth like great-grained Pepper as Priaman, but is not subiect to the King of Achen, as are Baruse, Passaman, Tecoo, Priaman, Cottatinga, and other places on the West-side.* 25.65 Baruse is to the North of Passaman, and yeelds store of Beniamin, Cot∣tatinga Gold, the other places Pepper. The Generall brought the King of Achens Letter to them which the great men receiued with great submission, each kissing and laying it on his head, promising vs to performe the contents, but failed. And it were fit in these Letters of the King, to procure him to expresse the manner and particulars of our Trade. The eleuenth of Sep∣tember, I set saile from Tecoo for Bantam. [ 50]

The best Gold and most plenty is had at the great high hill of Passaman, where also is greatest quantitie of Pepper, the fairest and best cheape: but the euill constitution of the aire is so pesti∣lent and infectious,* 25.66 that there is no going thither for our Nation without mortalitie of men: nei∣ther needs for the Pepper, Surat Commodities at Tecoo being sufficient attractiue. Many of the Natiues I haue obserued full of contagious diseases, the limbes of some ready to droppe off with rottennesse, others hauing huge swellings (Wennes) vnder the throat as bigge as a two peny loafe, which they impute to the bad water. They are very ignorant to cure their diseases. The people of Tecoo are base, theeuish, subtill, embracing gaine at any price by fraud, or (as farre as they dare) by force, mis-reckoning, false weights, yea attempting to poison our meates and [ 60] drinkes as they are dressing, creesing also our horses. Better order may be hoped by the King of Achens procurement. There were but fiue left in the Factory. Our two Portugall prizes wee made away at Achen, sharing (according to the custome of the sea) one sixt part to the shippes companies, the rest for our employers, &c.

Betwixt Priaman and Tecoo there lyeth a dangerous shoald North-west by West,* 25.67 from the South-west Ile of Priaman, a mile and quarter in length, and in breadth a quarter, of which care is to be had, lest the Current setting Southerly put you on it. This and other shoalds hereabouts being white Corall, are easily discerned. When the South-west Ile doth beare South South-east from you, then are you past danger, prouided the Northermost Ile of the foure by Priaman shoare beare East by North, so may you steere in for the Road, East, and East by South, and East South-east, leauing two Ilands on the Sta••boord, and two on the Larboord side. Latitude of Tecoo is South thirtie minutes, variation West foure degrees, thirty minutes: Latitude of Priaman is also South betwixt eight and forty degrees, fifty minutes.

Many of our men were sicke, whereof the cause seemeth their immoderate drinking of Arack [ 10] and strong drinkes. At Bantam were at my last being there (October 1616.) foure English ships there and at Iackatra, and fiue Flemmish ships, which raised the price of Pepper, and the rather by the Hollanders boasts of bringing this yeare sixteene hundred thousand Rialls of eight,* 25.68 readie money, which it is likely they reported to out-braue our Nation. The last Fleet of theirs, sixe in number, tooke two or three Portugall ships, whereof they made great brauado's. They secke by all abuses to depresse our Nation, in vnchristian manner through the Indies: euen in Bantam (where they acknowledge our equall right) they threaten to pull our people out of the Factory by the eares; sometime quarrell with them in the streets, other times imprison them; and when themselues haue caused an vproare, they complaine to the King of Bantam of our vnquietnesse, and bribe him to command vs to be quiet, who receiueth their money, and tells vs of their dea∣ling, [ 20] himselfe taking aduantage to pole both parts, by this disagreement.

Also at Puloway, an Iland freely giuen His Maiestie, they abused our people,* 25.69 putting halters a∣bout their neckes, and leading them thorow the Towne with an houre-glasse before them, pub∣lishing that they should be hanged so soone as the glasse was runne: and although they did not effect that honorable designe, yet did they imprison them, and keepe them three or foure dayes in irons, afterwards sending them aboord the Concord and Thomasine vpon a counterfeit compo∣sition neuer to returne (these things are reported to bee very true.) Likewise at the returne of the Hosiander from Iapan, shee brought thirtie tunnes of wood, free of fraight and charges, for the Hollanders; who notwithstanding reported that shee had returned empty but for their wood: which they might haue said as well of my bringing one and thirtie Churles of Indico, and a [ 30] Chist of Pistolls fraight-free for them from Surat to Bantam.

Captaine Castleton went to the Moluccas with foure ships, the Cloaue, Defence,* 25.70 Thomas and Concord, to be better able to defend themselues against the Hollanders: but being threatned by eleuen saile of theirs, they returned without doing any great matter, onely a few Cloaues laded in the Cloaue; the Captaine himselfe dying there of the fluxe, to whom the fault is imputed with other things laid to him.

The Trades-Increase was fired twice by the Iauans, and by our people quenched: but the third,* 25.71 time fired in so many places at once, that industry could not saue her.

The Darling (that I may adde such ships as were lost and laid vp at my departure from Ban∣tam) was laid vp at Patania, in Iune 1615. by Master Larkine and the Factory, and could not be [ 40] repaired: Herrold the Master was reported to haue intended to runne away with her to the Por∣tugals, which being preuented, he yet went himselfe.

The Thomasine was cast away, comming from the Moluccas, vpon a shoald in the night,* 25.72 in Sep∣tember 1615. they lost their goods, which were not much, but saued their money, two thousand Rialls of eight, with their prouisions, liuing fourteene dayes in a desolate Iland, where they fit∣ted their Boat, which brought them and their money to Bantam, leauing the rest behind; the King of Macasser seizing on them, who would not make restitution. This shoald lyeth eigh∣teene leagues West from Macasser.

The Hector failed at Iacatra in careening, the vpper workes not fitted (as is reported) and the seames opening, and receiuing so much water, that shee suncke in three fathom,* 25.73 the keele excee∣dingly [ 50] worme-eaten.

The Concord is there also laid vp, rotten and leake,* 25.74 that they were forced to take out her pro∣uisions, and let her sinke close to the shoare.

The Hosiander was appointed to set saile for the Coast of Coromandel, the fifteenth of Octo∣ber, 1616.

The Factories which I could heare of setled for the Company in the East-Indies are these: Bantam (wherein were George Barkley Chiefe, Iohn Iordan, George Ball, Ralph Copendale,* 25.75 with diuers others both Factors and Attendants) Iacatra, Surat, Amadauas, Agra and Azmiro, Bram∣pore, Calecut, M••sulipa••an, Petapoli, Patania, Siam, Beniarmasse, Socodania, Macasser, Achen, Iambe, Tecoo, Fe••ando in Iapan, Iapar, Banda.

[ 60] The commodity which ariseth from the Factory at Achen is to sollicite for our our better proceeding at Priaman and Tecoo, the place is vnholesome,* 25.76 especially for such as stuffe themselues with hot and fiery drinkes, as Aracke and Aracape, which bring many vnto vntimely ends; whence ariseth an imputation to the Voyage. How vnruly the common sort are abroad, cannot

be imagined at home, many neuer thinking themselues well, longer then whiles their braines are a crowing with drinke.* 25.77 The King of Achen is ••aid to haue a strange straine of drinking drunke, when the English resort to him, thereby to shew his loue; to whom it seemeth dishonor, not to conforme in sitting in the water with him, and other his rites. He is very cruell to his subiects, daily cutting off their hands, armes or legges, vpon small or no occasions; causing them to bee throwne before El••phants, himselfe commanding the (vnderstanding) Elephant to tosse the par∣tie so oft and so high, either to bruise or kill him, as he fancieth. He hath prohibited any, which arriue at his Port, without his Chop to come on shoare, which a Dutch Merchant neglecting, caused a Dutch General there arriuing to come on land professing his great sauour with the King: who comming to the Court-gate, where they must demand another Ch••p: the King finding the [ 10] chieefe Leeger cause of that presumption, sent for him, and laid him before the Elephant, which tossed him three times (without much bruising) to teach him how to neglect the commands of Kings another time; the Dutch Generall standing by, and fearing his owne share, whom yet the King cleared as ignorant of his Law.* 25.78 The King after sent for the Merchant to prie into his pati∣ence, who for feare of worse, soothed him, and acknowledged it a fatherly chastisement, yet closely fled at the departure of the ships; the rest following were brought backe, and the King hath placed vs in their house.

[ 20]

§. III. A briefe Declaration of the Ports, Cities and Townes, inhabited and traded vnto by the Portugall, betwixt the Cape of Good Hope and Iapan, as I could learne by diligent enquiry.

THe Riuer Quame in South latitude one and twenty degrees, fifty minutes, heere is reported to be Gold,* 25.79 Elephants-teeth, Ambergreese and Slaues, for which they trade year••ly.

Mosambique is an Iland where they trade for Gold, Ambergreese and Slaues. [ 30]

Mombassa in Sou••h latitude three degrees, thirty minutes, where they yearely trade for Gold, Ambergreese, Elephants-teeth, and Slaues, in trucke of Iron, Lead, Tinne, and Cambaya Com∣modities.

* 25.80Magadoxo hath two degrees, fiue and twenty minutes, store of Elephants-teeth, some Am∣bergreese, and diuers sorts of Drugges. From these places they driue their annuall trade into Cam∣baya, the Red-sea, and other places, obseruing the Monsons, which blow West in Aprill, May, Iune,* 25.81 Iuly, August, and part of September, and the East Monson the rest of the yeare, the space betwixt both, being various or calme, but in few dayes hold course, except to the East of Suma∣tra, where they keepe fiue moneths East, and fiue West, two variable.

* 25.82Ormus in the Gulfe of Persia, whence they trade into Persia, Arabia, Diulsinde, &c. they fetch [ 40] much Pearle from Balsora, and with Persian Commodities lade a shippe or two for Diulsinde, where in the end of Augu••••, or middle of September they arriue; they bring with them also great store of Rialls of eight. O••mus is their best place, but Goa, which they haue in the Indies.

* 25.83Muskat: they haue small trade heere, and a Fort, where they awe the Natiues by land and sea, not suffering them to trade but by their licence, what, and how much, vnder paine of con∣fiscation, which they practise thorow all the Indies, where they are strong.

* 25.84Sinde or Diulsinde, in the Mogolls Dominion, in foure and twenty degrees, eight and thirty minutes: variation West, sixe degrees, fiue and forty minutes. Diu, where they haue a strong Castle. [ 50]

* 25.85Damon is a Citie inhabited by them, where they haue a Castle, and by report one hundred Villages.

* 25.86Serra de Bazien, is a little South from Damon, and bordereth vpon the Decans Countrey, be∣twixt which and Chaul they haue three Ports, Gazien, Banda and Maia. Chaul is a great Citie with a Castle.* 25.87 Dobul hath a Factory▪ but no Fort.

* 25.88Goa is their Metropolitan Citie of India, built on a small Iland, the anchoring place of their Carickes, the Seat of their Vic••-Roy.

* 25.89Onor hath a small Fort. Barcolor hath a Castle and Towne, it yeeldeth Pepper, Ginger, and many sorts of Drugges.

* 25.90Mangalor hath a ••owne and Castle. Cananor is a Citie, and hath a Castle, Merchandize as [ 60] before. From Calicut they are thrust out by the Samorine, as he seeketh also at Crangalor, where they haue a Fort.

Cochin hath a strong City and Castle, pleasantly situated by the Sea side in a good ayre, with a faire Riuer for ships to ride.* 25.91

Cowlan, heere they haue a Towne and strong Castle. Saint Laurence is a small Village,* 25.92 in∣habited by Friers and Iesuits.

Quilaon, is a small Citie with a Castle. Tuckatra, a Towne with a Castle, the people most part Christians.* 25.93

Maner, is on the Iland Zelon, betwixt Cape Comorine and Punto de Galle, a Towne inhabited by Portugals. There also they haue Columbo, and many other small habitations, hauing almost conquered the Iland: it yeelds Sinamom and Drugges.

Negapatan, is a City of great trade: heere they haue only a Factory. Saint Thomas,* 25.94 alias Ma∣liapor, is a walled City, inhabited with Portugalls, in thirteene degrees, twenty minutes. Vp the [ 10] Riuer Ganges, they haue many small habitations, some Factories, and a Towne at Bengala.* 25.95

In Pegu, they haue a Factory, and likewise in Aracon, and in the Riuer of Martaban.* 25.96

At Iunsalao, they haue a great Factory, from whence they lade much Tinne for the Coast of Malabar.

Malacca, is a strong city and castle, the Centre of a great trade in those parts,* 25.97 whence the King of Achen seekes to roote them out, hauing burnt and spoiled some of their ships this yeare.

At Macao, an Iland vpon the Coast of China, they haue a Citie with a Castle, reported to be of great trade with the Chineses.

In Iapan, they haue a Factory, but neither Towne nor Fort.* 25.98 They trade also on the Coast of China, in the time of fitting Monson to and from Iapan and other parts: whereof the Hollan∣ders are said to make good pillage, and of all Heathen Nations, Chineses and others, being all fish [ 20] that comes to net.

The first of Nouember, we set saile. The fifth of Ianuary, I was not able to weigh the anchor (the wind ouer-blowing) to follow the Dragon to Pengwin Iland. My aduise for ships comming about the Cape at this time of the yeare, is, not to anchor short of Soldania Road, but rather to put romer for Pengwin Iland, and there to anchor with two at once till the wind serue.

In December, Ianuary and February, the South South-east winds are there very furious, from the new Moone to the ful.* 25.99 I hold it dangerous neuerthelesse to neglect this place in hope of Saint Helena (a certainty for vncertainty) the Sunnes and Moones often obscuritie and thicke mists at this time of the yeare, may frustrate the best Artists to the losse of shippe and men. Cory came [ 30] downe with three sheepe, and promised more: but hasted away to his wife and children, which he said now dwelt further. It seemeth that the Hollanders haue frighted them, by their going vp into the Countrey with one hundred men at a time. Our best refreshing heere was fresh-fish.

The ninth of Aprill 1617. wee passed much weeds, called the Seragasso,* 25.100 which lye in long ridges or rankes a pretty distance one from another alongst with the wind, with which they al∣ter and shift. It hath a leafe like Samper, but not so thicke, and a yellow berry very small. It reacheth from two and twenty degrees, three minutes North latitude, vnto two and thirty de∣grees North latitude. The nine and twentieth of May we anchored in the Downes.

[ 40]

CHAP. XVI. Obseruations collected out of the Iournall of Sir THOMAS ROE, Knight, Lord Embassadour from His MAIESTIE of Great Britaine, to the Great Mogol: Of matters occurring worthy memory in the way, and in the Mogols Court. His Customes, Cities, Countryes, Subiects, and other Indian Affaires.

[ 50]

§. I. Occurrents and obseruations, in, and touching the Voyage to Surat.

THe fifth of Iune, we anchored in the roade of Soldania.* 25.101 Though the Variation be an excellent euidence in the whole course of veering land, yet it deliuereth no o∣ther certaintie, but warning to look out; for it lessens not in the same proportion neere land, but by a much slower: for which I could giue a perspicuous reason, but too large for this place, nor can any iudgement at all be made to twenty leagues thereby (that shall be infallible) the magneticall amplitude beeing so difficult to [ 60] obserue truely by the Ships motion, and the Needles quicknesse, that a degree is scarce an error. This consideration made me confident, that we should see no land vntill the fifth day early in the morning.

Soldania, is as I suppose, an Iland in the South end whereof is the Cape of Good Hope,* 25.102 diuided

from the maine by a deepe Bay on the South-East side, and due East by a Riuer, which wee di∣scerne vpon the table. The land is fruitfull, bearing short thicke grasse, the maine is diuided with most high and steepe rocky Mountaines couered with snow, and vnaccessible, except it be sear∣ched by the Riuer of Dulce, which doubtlesse is very great, falling into the Bay on the East side: there is on the Iland fiue or sixe hundred people, the most barbarous in the world, eating Carrion, wearing the guts of sheepe about their necks for health, and rubbing their heads (curled like Ne∣groes) with dung of beasts and durt: they haue no other clothing then beasts skinnes wrapt on their shoulders, the skin next the body in heat, in cold the hairy side; their houses are but one mat, concaued like an Ouen, into which they creepe, and turne them about as the wind changes: for they haue no doores to keepe it out. They haue left their stealing by trading with vs, and by [ 10] signes make shew their heart is good: they know no kind of God or Religion. The aire, and wa∣ter is very good and wholesome, and both of them subtile and searching. There is on the Iland, Buls, Cowes, Antelops, Baboones, Moules of great bignesse, Feasants, Patridges, Larks, Wild∣geese, Ducks, Passerflannugos, and many others. On Pengwyn there is a fowle so called, that goes vpright,* 25.103 his wings without feathers, hanging downe like sleeues faced with white: they fly not, but walke in pathes and keep their diuisions and quarters orderly; they are a strange fowle, or ra∣ther a miscellaneous creature, of Beast, Bird, and Fish, but most of Bird, confuting that definition of man to be Animal bipes implume, which is nearer to a description of this creature. The commo∣dities here are, first reasonable refreshing with Cattell (so that a season be chosen when they are not leane, a Moneth after the Sunne is departed from them Northward) Maugin rootes, Arras, [ 20] if our Merchants be not deceiued; and I doe strongly suppose, that I found out a Rocke yeelding Quick-siluer and Vermillion, the stone being spotted all without, with a most pure red colour, e∣quall to any painting, and that will come off vpon Paper, or other fit matter: by the description of Iohn Acosta it cannot faile to be the same; it is also very heauy, full of Marquisat and minerall appearances.* 25.104 The Table, or high Rocke so called, by a straight line from the water side, is 11853 foot high; the Bay is full of Whales and Seales. The Dutch haue fished on Pengwin for them: the latitude is, thirtie three degrees fortie fiue minutes: the longitude twentie eight degrees thirtie minutes from the Lisard, the variation doubtfull, whether to the East or West; but my opinion is, that the variation is West thirty minutes: the cause of variation beeing in the maine, as ap∣peares euidently by the many lines, and changes towards the Cape F. and after Westerly: if a∣ny shipping, hauing time enough, fall but one hundred leagues more to the North with the [ 30] maine, which may be done with safety, no winds forbidding it, I assure my selfe they shall haue good trade for Cattell, and other Commodities, and may by leauing some men, discouer the land, and perhaps get knowledge of the people that trade with the Spaniards on the East side in one and twenty degrees for Gold, after the manner of the Moores in Barbary to Gago. These left at the Cape will goe no further, but attend opportunity of passage, and there can doe no great good being among the basest banished people, that know nothing sauouring of man, nor are no other way men, but as they speake and walke like men.

* 25.105Molalia is one of the foure Ilands of Comory, Angazesia, Iuanny, and Mayotta beeing the other three. They lie East and West neere in a parallel one off another, except Angazesia, which lieth [ 40] somewhat more North. Molalia is in twelue degrees twentie minutes South latitude, in the same Meridian with Cape Augustine, the variation being sixteene degrees fortie minutes.

* 25.106Angazesia beares from it by the Compasse North by West, seuen leagues off, the further-most end in eleuen degrees fiftie fiue minutes, extending it selfe North eleuen degrees sixe minutes, as I obserued within fiue leagues thereof, bearing South from me; it is the highest land I euer saw, inhabited by Moores trading with the Maine, and the other three Easterne Ilands with their Cattel and fruits, for Callicoes, or other linnen to couer them. It is gouerned by tenne petty Kings, and is sufficiently fruitfull of Kine, faire Goates, Cocos, Orenges and Limons: they made vs fires as we passed by, being desirous of trade at the first hand which now they fetch by Canoes at Molalia where our ships ride. They are held a false and an vnfaithfull people, hauing betraied some of S. Iames Lancasters men long since; but now hauing experience of vs at other Ilands, I [ 50] doubt not they would regaine their credits.

Iuanny lies from Molalia East, and Mayotta in the same course, the coast betweene them is e∣uery way bold.* 25.107 These three Islands are very full of very good refreshings, but principally May∣otta, as I was informed by the Arabs trading in Molalia, and the Dutch stop there. The next in goodnesse is Iuanny, where liues an old Woman Sultannesse of them all, to whom they repaire for Iustice, both in Ciuill and Criminall causes.

* 25.108Molalia hath in it three Sub-Sultans, children of the old woman, two men one daughter, who gouerne seuerall parts of the Iland. The Sultan in whose quarter we anchored hath such au∣thoritie, that his subiects dare not sell a Nut vntill leaue obtained: to which end, Captaine Kee∣ling [ 60] sent foure boats to his Towne desiring libertie to trade, where they were receiued by a Go∣uernour, or rather an Admirall or Commander of the port, lying some foure leagues to the East∣ward of our Road, where hauing obtained leaue to come ashoare, we landed some fortie men with Captaine Newport: the Gouernour they found sitting vpon a Mat of straw, vnder the side of a

Iunke which was a building, accompanied with about fiftie men, his apparrell was a Mantle of blue and red linnen, wrapt about him to his knees, his legges and feet bare, on his head a close Cap of checker worke, the Interpreters were certaine Magadoxians, that spake Arabique and broken Portuguise. Captain Newport presenting him with a Peece and a Sword blade from Capt. Keeling, receiued a welcome, and commanded foure Bullocks to be returned in requitall, and with grauitie enough intertained them, giuing free libertie to buy and sell, and signifying so much by a Messenger to the Inhabitants round about, and promised to send downe his owne Cattell, but professed he had no power to compell or make price for others, but left the trade open to euery [ 10] mans will. He sent for Coco Nuts to giue the Company, himselfe chewing Bittle, and lime of Burnt Oyster-shels with a kernell of a Nut called Arracca, like an akorne, it bites in the mouth, auoids rheume, cooles the head, strengthens the teeth, and is all their Phisick: it makes one vnused to it giddie, and makes a mans spittle red, and in time colours the teeth, which is esteemed a beau∣tie: this is vsed by all men hourely. From the Gouernour they were led to a Carpenters house, a chiefe man of that towne; the house built of lime and stone, plaistered with mortar or white lime, low and little Rooft, with Rafters of wood couered with leaues, the out-sides walled with Canes: they are kept cleanely, and their poore houshold-stuffe still neate, their Gardens paled with Canes, inclosing some Tobacco, and Plantan trees. For Dinner, a boord was set vpon Tres∣sels couered with a fine new Mat, benches of stone about it likewise couered, on which they sat: first water was brought to euery man in a Coco-shell poured out into a wooden platter, and in∣stead [ 20] of a Towell, the rinds of Cocos. Then was set boyld Rice, and roasted Plantans vpon the Rice, quarters of Hennes, and pieces of Goat broild. After grace said, they fell to their meat, with bread made of Cuscus beaten, and mingled with honey, and so fryed, and Palmet wine, and Coco milke for drinke. I sent a Gentleman and my Chaplin to see the Sultan himselfe, who liues three miles vp in the land from Fambone the towne of the Gouernour, but they found him by chance there: he vsed them courteously, and made them dine with him, differing little from the former intertainement, onely the Gouernour and all other gaue him much respect, kissing his hand, his name is Sultan Amar-Adel, a kinne to Mahomet, not vnlike to be descended of such an imposterous race, his clothes not vnlike the Gouernour, but somewhat better stuffe, his manners differing much, beeing with lesse grauitie and State, somewhat a light foole, and very hastie to [ 30] be dranke with wine carried by the English. The other Vice-Sultan his brother, in whose quar∣ter we were not, I saw beeing come downe to our Road with three slaues to trade: he brought a Certificate from Captaine Sayers, that he had vsed the English well in his Dominions, he is as well Xeriffe as Sultan, which is high Priest: he kept a kind of State in place, but otherwise a poore bare-footed roague: he offered to trade for Quick-siluer, and beeing asked what quantitie hee would buy, replyed to foure or fiue Rialls of eight; when this merchandize failed him, hee fell to begging of shooes. Then I left him.

All the people are strict Mahometans, obseruing much of the old law, and at this time being the preparation to their Ramdam or Lent, vnwilling to drinke wine: they are very iealous to let the Women or Moschees to be seene, of which we had experience by an alarme of one of their [ 40] Priests, who espied one of ours comming to a Village, who shut vp all the Women, and cryed out if we came neere them or their Church, they would kill vs; but by the authoritie of the Xeriffe, the Priest was appeased, and suffered it with more patience. Many of them speake and write the Arabique in a faire Character, and some few Portiguise, trading to Mosambique in Iunkes of for∣tie Tunnes made of Cocos sowed, in stead of Pinnes caucked, tackled, and wholly fitted, vi∣ctualed, and fraughted with that vniuersall tree.

Here our fleet refreshed with Oxen and Cowes, small as two yeereling, but good flesh, with Goats very fat and large, Arabian sheepe, Hennes, Cocos, Orenges, Limons, Limes in great a∣bundance, which we bought for Call••coes, Hollands, or other linnens, Sword-blades, and Rialls of eight, and their fruits for Glasses, Kniues and trifles: whatsoeuer is bought for money is bought [ 50] dearest.

Here was in trade a Iunke of Madagascar with slaues: the Pilote of the Iunke called Malim Abrinme spake Portuguise, and told me on the South-side of S. Laurence, there was store of Am∣ber-greece, and Cocos of the Sea; hee was skilfull in the coast, and in the lying and bearing of lands, both in course and distance. He had a great parchment Card, lined and graduated orderly, which I sent to see: he found fault with many things in my Card at sight, which I mended by his direction, and with reason, as the distance from Socatra from the Maine, and rasing quite out certaine Ilands to the Southward of Mslalia, affirming there are none such: his countrey lyes from one degree fiftie minutes, to foure degrees, the Port in two degrees tenne minutes North latitude, gouerned by one King: he assured me of trade enough at his port to load one ship with [ 60] Marfill, Amber, and Tinta Roxa: he promised to bring me his Plot and soundings, and a sample of Tinta Roxa, but some other cause diuerted him, that he would come no more at me, notwith∣standing I dealt liberally with him in present and in promises. To the South of Magadoxa, all the Ports are gouerned by Moorish petty Kings, euen to Mosambique: he perswaded me that wee might in many places trade for Gold and Siluer; that in Magadoxa the houses roofes were gilt,

that they had gold in sand, and mingled with earth, which they esteeme not: of the Inland hee knew little, onely naming some places or Regions betweene Magadoxa and Prester Iohn, as Odo∣la Mahesa, Rehamy and Gala, of which Odela and Gala, are Chaphares which signifieth mis-be∣leeuers; I know not whether he meanes Gentiles or Christians, vsing the same promiscuously aswel to Prester Iohn as to other Gentiles. Of Prester Iohn, he knoweth no more, then that hee is a great Prince and a Caphar: from Magadoxo to Cambaya, hee was expert, his brother who came with him to me, was in fight against the Hope in a Portugall ship, pressed from Damon, in which for∣tie fiue were slaine, more he knew not, but that three ships were burned, and the rest run away; he said the King of Dabul tooke courage on this victorie and surprised Chaul,* 25.109 Damon, & other the Portugals Port Townes, was marching to Goa, that the Portugall was in great distresse of victuals. [ 10] I hoped to haue stored my selfe with more discourse from him, but I was, I know not how, pre∣uented: it were time well bestowed to see this Coast, and I spake to some of it, but it fared the worse for the Father.

The Road of Molalia lyes in twelue degrees ten minutes, and for the first sixe dayes the Cur∣rent sets two leagues a watch South-west, the Moone increasing at the ful, we woond vp North-east the other way but very easily, for the most part riding vpon the Current. The Magadoxians made some absurdly beleeue, that the Current set fifteene dayes one way, and fifteene another, and fifteene dayes still: which because of the first sixe dayes it set South-west, and after wee woond vp North-east, it begot the opinion of a wonder, but the Current sets constantly South-west, and before the full of the Moone, it had such power on the ebbe and floud that wee neuer [ 20] woond, but at the full Moone and Spring-tydes we roade vpon the floud against the Current it running vnder, and the tyde aboue, highing sixteene foote water, and the ebbe winding backe with the Current, so that the supposed chance of the Current, was on the strong tydes, at the full Moone ouercomming it aboue: for at Sea when the spring was past, I found the same Cur∣rent, and though we were set to the Eastward the first day we weighed, vnto the Westward the next, the cause was the Eddies of Iuanny one day, and Angazesia the other, but being cleere of them it set his due course, that I raised little, and did West-ward much.

* 25.110The fourteenth of August, in the morning we saw the Coast of Magadoxia in foure degrees of North latitude foure leagues off sounding, had eighteene fathome of low land, white sandie bankes. Then wee stood off East North-east, the difference of longitude betweene the Maine [ 30] and Molalia in Mercators proiection, agreeing with our account. And also by course hauing found the longitude of Cape Saint Augustine and Molalia to be one: I conclude that Saint Lau∣rence ought to be laid to the East thirtie nine or fortie leagues according to my first opinion, and all the Coast of the Maine being broader then it is land in the Card, must be also set in proporti∣on to the East-ward, because the distance of longitude is right from one to the other, though all their longitude false in themselues: from Malalia, to fall with Cape de Bussos, North North-east one quarter East way is the best course, it being necessary to see the Mayne about the latitude in this course since we lost the Westerly Current at Angazesia, I found none or very little contrary to all Iournals, our Mariners in this course are of as many opinions as points in the Compasse, both for Currents, distances and bearings according to Compasse or Variation: but I obserued the [ 40] truth in the latter end of this South-west Monson, which, I confesse, may alter in the heart of a contrary Monson, the setlednesse of the wind causing much change in the Currents, of which no rule can be giuen.

* 25.111The two and twentieth, at Abdalacora and the high lands of Socatra, the windes powred downe with such impetuousnesse, and the ground so roekie, that I aduise all to forbeare to anchor vnder them, for if they be put from their anchors in the night, they shall fall so farre to leeward, that they cannot recouer the Iland, but must lose company: but if night or weather force them to anchor, let them chuse to ride where some lower land breakes the violence of the wind from the hils. Wee rode in the second quarter of the increasing Moone, which rose then aboue the Hori∣zon about twelue at noone, and set at midnight, at which time these winds begun to rage so long [ 50] as she is vnder the earth, and rising againe it becomes temperate, the Moone is a great Ladie of weather in these parts and requires much obseruation.

* 25.112The three and twentieth, we weighed together and came to anchor afore Tamara, the Kings Towne, bringing the low point to the East of the high sandie hill without it East by North in ten fathome water a mile from the Towne: here the Sultan sent vs word, the winds were from the hils so forcible that we should hardly ride,* 25.113 but aduised vs to goe to Baia Delicia, two leagues to the East where he would meete vs: it is a very good Road deseruing the name of delightfull for the peaceablenesse thereof in respect of others: it is a Valley of much lower hils; betweene the water and the raggie Mountaines of Tamera, you may bring the two little Homocks that lye on the low point without the high land to the East-ward South-east, and the low land that [ 60] was East by North in Tamera Road North-west by West, and ride in ten fathome within three quarters of a mile of the shoare, latitude is thirteene degrees fiue minutes, the variation eigh∣teene degrees twentie minutes, the ground is white sand, but rockie so that you must coat••h or boy your Cables.

Socatra is an Iland in the mouth of the Red Sea, called anciently Dioscuria or Dioscorida,* 25.114 stan∣ding in twelue degrees fiftie fiue minutes, gouerned by a Sultan called Amar-Ben-Seid borne in the Iland, the Sonne of the King Farteque in Arabia Foelix called Sultan-Seid-Ben-Seid, who was Sultan of Socatra, in the time of his Grand-father, as this shall be King after his Father of Far∣taque, and his sonne left at Socatra (the Kingdome of Fartaque lyes from fifteene degrees to eighteene degrees along the Coast of Arabia, and to the North to the Mountaines, he is at peace with the Turke, (who holds all Arabia in Tribute, except this Countrey) on this condition to send fiue thousand men in ayd of the Turke, if he require it to bee paid by the Turke, without o∣ther acknowledgement. There lyes neere the Sea a pettie King about Dosar, with whom he dares not meddle, being in the Grand Seigniors protection. This is the relation of Amar-Ben-Seid of [ 10] Socatra. The Sultan of Socatra met our Fleet with three hundred or thereabouts, hauing set vp a Tent at Baia Delecia: he rode vpon a Horse, and three of his chiefe Seruants on two Horses and one Camell, the people marching before and behind him, shouting after the Turkish manner, with two Guards, one of Souldiers, which are his Countreymen, and twelue of priuate Guard, hired Guzerats, some with Turkish Bowes, some with Pistols, some with Muskets, all with good Swords, he had a few Kettle Drummes, and one Trumpet. When the Generall went ashoare, he receiued him with state and courtesie: he is a subtile man of good vnderstanding, as appeares by his Gouernment and diuers Answeres; hee raignes so absolutely that no man can sell any thing but himselfe, his people sit about him with great respect, his Officers standing by, who take ac∣count of Trade, and receiue and pay: his clothes are of Surat Stuffes, after the Arabs manner [ 20] with a Cassock of wrought Veluet red and white, and another the ground Gold, a very good Turbant, but bare-footed, euery night at Sun-set they stand or kneele all towards the Sunne and pray, the Xeriff throwing water on their heads: their Religion is Mahometan: the Kings Towne of Tamara, is built of lime and stone whited ouer, battelled and pinnacled, the houses being flat at the top it shewes faire in the Road, but when one is there is but poore; Master Boughton bor∣rowed the Kings horse, and obtayned leaue to see his house, the King sending a Sheck with him, he found it not answerable to the appearances, yet such as an ordinary Gentleman might make a shift with in England, his lower roomes were vsed as Ware-houses, one as a Wardrope, where hung a long the wals some changes of Robes, and twentie fiue Bookes of their Law, Religion, Storie, and Saints liues, of which I could obtayne none, but aboue no man may come to see his [ 30] Wiues which are three, nor other women, but the ordinary are seene in the Townes, with their eares full of siluer Rings; in the Church the Priest was at seruice, but seeing Master Boughton take out his Watch, hee soone finished and came and wondred. There was prouided three Hennes for their dinner with Rice, and for drinke water and Cohu,* 25.115 blacke liquor taken as hot as may be en∣dured: at his returne, the King in complement said, hee had seene a poore place, but desired him to accept it.

There is a Castle foure square on a hill, a mile from Tamara, but he could not get licence to see it. The people are of foure sorts, Arabs his Countrymen, who it seemes are his strength, and such as are not the ancient Inhabitants, but come in with the Conquest of his Ancestors, and [ 40] those obey him, and dare not speake without licence, as appeared, when one seemed of qualitie to speake, he asked him how hee durst open his mouth in his presence, but approching kisse his hand. A second sort are of Slaues, who when they come to him kisse his foot, and these doe all his worke and make his Aloes. A third sort, as I suppose, the olde Inhabitants of the Countrey, but not the eldest, called Bedwines, the same which other Historians haue called Iacobits Chri∣stians, that haue long dwelt there, with these he hath had a warre, as the Arabs report,* 25.116 and dwell in the Mountaines very populous but are now at peace, on condition to liue quietly, and to breed their children Mahometans, which I perceiue they doe not, hauing no manner of conuer∣sation with the Arabs. The reason why I take them to be the old Iacobite Christians, mentioned by Maginas, Purchas and others, is, because Master Boughton saw an old Church of theirs in the way to Tamara, left desolate, the doore shut, but onely tyed, being desirous to enter it, the Sheck [ 50] his guide told him it was full of Spirits, yet he aduentured in and found an Altar with Images, and a crosse vpon it, which he brought out, then the Shecke told him they were a people of a∣nother Religion, but very loth to haue them much enquired after, as I suspect, knowing them to be a kind of Christians, doubting we would either wish them better, or not suffer them to bee op∣pressed. The fourth sort are a sauage people, poore, leane, naked, with long haire, eating nothing but Roots, hiding in bushes, conuersing with none, afraid of all, without houses, and almost as sauage as beasts, and by coniecture, the true ancient Naturals of this Iland.

The Iland is very mountainous and barren: hauing some Beeues, Goates and Sheepe, a few Dates and Oranges, a little Rice and nothing else for sustenance, of commoditie they haue Aloes, which is the iuyce of a leafe like Semperuina, they make a poore cloth of their Wooll for their [ 60] slaues.

The King had Sanguis Draconis, and Indico of Lahor, but held it deare: many small Ciuit Cats and Ciuit: all is either the Kings, or passes his hands and price. He hath a handsome Galley and Iuncke of Surat, with Mariners, that serue him to transport his goods for wages by the

yeare. The King hath some knowledge of Prester Iohn; confessing him the greatest Prince in the World, aboue the Turke and Persian, giuing faire reasons for his opinion: he hath among his slaues diuers Abbassines. Hearing our hoy-boyes in the Generals boat, hee asked if they were the Psalmes of Dauid? and being answered yes: hee replyed, it was the inuention of the Deuill, who did inuent it▪ for King Dauid, who before praysed God with his lips and heart in deuotion, but after it was left to sencelesse Instruments. They bury their dead all in Tombes, and haue in great reuerence the Monuments of their Saints, whereof there haue been many: But of most account Serdy Hachim, buried at Tamara, who being slaine one hundred yeares since by the Portugalls once inhabiting heere, appeares to them, and warnes them of dangers to ensue. They impute the violence of winds to his walking, and haue him in wonderfull reuerence. I neuer went ashoare, not knowing what entertainment I should find, in respect of the quality I beare, but gleane vp [ 10] the most probable reports. If I had gone my selfe, and conferred with the King, or could haue spoken with: any of his people of vnderstanding, I had enquired further to satisfie the curious: But all the Interpreters followed the Generall, that I had no oportunity.

I giue my aduice that the Fleet stop not at all outwards, bound at Socatra: But from Molalia, hauing made Cape Guardafui,* 25.117 and there rested a conuenient time for refreshing, or attending the latter end of the Monson, if it be soone in the yeare, shape their course right for Surat. If it be obiected, that they shall want their vsuall refreshings: I answere, at Socatra the victualls is both carrion, and as deare as in England, goodnesse considered, the water farre to fetch and dangerous, so that euery Fleet hath lost some men in rowling it downe a streame full of deepe holes. At Cape Guarda-fui you shall ride at ease, and without doubt trade plentifully and cheape, and fish [ 20] at pleasure: and though we made no experience of trade, yet wee saw people in Turbants and cloathed, who assuredly, if we had stayed, might haue been drawne to bring downe cattell: for not farre to the West of that place, Sir Henry Middleton, and some other ships had excellent Goats and sheepe for trifles, as both his Iournall, and Master Barret of his owne experience haue enformed mee.

§. II. His iourney to the Court, and entertainment there, and Customes thereof. [ 30]

* 25.118THe six and twentieth of September, I landed, accompanied with the Generall and principall Merchants: Captaine Harris was sent to make me a Court of guard, with one hundred shot, and the ships in their best equipage, giuing mee their Ordnance as I passed. (The passages betwixt the Embassador and those of Surat I omit; their barba∣rous customes and actions holding so ill correspondence with his honorable condition, and ciuill conditions, that euen heere also it would be harsh to the Reader: we will therefore find him remouing from them in his way toward the Court.)

The fifteenth of Nouember, I arriued at Brampore, being by my coniecture two hundred twenty three miles from Surat, and the course wholly East, a miserable and barren Countrey, [ 40] the Townes and Villages all built of mudde, so that there is not a house for a man to rest in. This day at Batherport, a Village two mile short of Brampore is their Store-house of Ordnance. I saw diuers of brasse, but generally too short, and too wide bored. Betweene that and Brampore I was met by the Cutwall, well accompanied, and sixteene Colours caried before them: he brought mee to the Saralia, where I was appointed to lodge, where at the gate hee tooke his leaue, being a handsome front of stone: but when I entered, I had foure chambers allotted me, like Ouens, no bigger, round at the top, made of bricke in a wall-side; this troubled mee, but my Ttnts were my refuge, and I sent the Cutwall word I would depart the Towne, scorning so meane vsage: hee desired me to be content vntill morning. Heere liues Sultan Peruies, the Kings second sonne, hol∣ding the State and custome of his Father; and the Channa Channa being the greatest subiect of [ 50] the Mogoll, Generall of his Armies, whereof fortie thousand horse are with him: The Prince hath the name and state, but the Chan gouernes all.

The eighteenth, for many considerations, as well to see the fashions of the Court, as to con∣tent the Prince, who desired it, and I was loath to distaste him, because there was some purpose of erecting a Factory in the Towne; and I found by experience Sword-blades were well sold in the Armie; I went to visite the Prince, and carryed him a Present. I was brought in by the Cutwall: at the outward Court were about one hundred horsemen armed, being Gentlemen that attend the Princes setting out to salute him, making a lane of each side: in the inner Court hee sate high in a Gallery that went round, with a Canopy ouer him, and a Carpet before him, in [ 60] great, but barbarous State. Comming toward him thorow a lane of people, an Off••cer came and brought me word I must touch the ground with my head, and my hat off: I answered, I came in honour to see the Prince, and was free from the custome of Seruants. So I passed on, till I came to a place railed in, right vnder him, with an ascent of three steps, where I made him reuerence,

and he bowed his body; and so went within it, where stood round by the sides all the great m••n of the Towne, with their hands before them like Slaues; the place was couered ouer-••ead with a rich Canopie, and vnderneath, all Carpets. To describe it rightly, it was like a great Stage, and the Prince sate aboue as the Mock-Kings doe there. When I was entered, I knew not where to be placed, but went right, and stood before him, where there is an ascent of three steppes, vp∣on which stands his Secretary, to deliuer what is said or giuen briefely. I told him, being an Em∣bassador from the King of England to his father, and passing by, I could not but in honour visite him: he replyed I was very welcome, and asked me many questions of the King, to which I re∣plyed as I thought fit: but standing in that manner below, I demanded licence to come vp and [ 10] stand by him. He answered, If the King of Persia or the Great Turke were there, it might not be admitted. I replyed that I must bee excused, for I doubted not hee would come downe and meete them at his gate; but I desired no more priuiledge, then the Embassadors of such Princes had, to whom I held my selfe equall: he protested I had that, and should in all things. Then I demanded a Chaire, but I was answered no man euer sate in that place: but I was desired, as a courtesie, to ease my selfe against a pillar, couered aboue with siluer, that held vp his Canopie, Then I moued him for his fauour for an English Factory to be resident in the Towne, which hee willingly granted, and gaue present order to the Buxy, to draw a Firma both for their comming vp, and for their residence. I also desired his authoritie for cariages for the Kings Presents, which he gaue in charge to the Cutwall. Then I gaue him my Presents, which hee tooke in good part, [ 20] and after some other questions, he said to giue me content, although I might not come vp where he sate, he would go into another place, where I should come vnto him; but one of my Presents was a Case of Bottells, which tooke him vp by the way, and after I had stayed a while, I heard he was drunke, and one of his Officers came to mee in his name, with an excuse, desiring mee to goe home, and to take some other time to returne to visite him: this night I tooke my feauer.

The sixt of December, we lodged in a wood, not farre from the Kings famous Castle of Man∣doa which stands on a steepe hill, walled round in circuit fourteene Course: the Castle is faire, and of wonderfull greatnesse.

The two and twentieth, Master Edwards met me, accompanied with Thomas Coryat,* 25.119 who had passed into India on foote fiue Course to Cytor an ancient Citie ruined on a hill, but so that it ap∣peares [ 30] a Tombe of wonderfull magnificence: there stands aboue one hundred Churches, all of carued stone, many faire Towers and Lanthornes cut thorow many pillars, and innumerable hou∣ses, but no one Inhabitant: there is but one ascent to the hill, it being precipitious, sloaping vp, cut out of the Rocke, hauing foure gates in the ascent, before one arriue at the City gate, which is magnificent: the hill is incompassed at the top about eight Course, and at the South-west end a goodly old castle: I lodged by a poore Village at the foot of the hill. This Citie stands in the coun∣trey of one Ranna, a Prince newly subdued by this King, or rather bought to confesse Tribute.* 25.120 The Citie was wonne by Ecbarsha, father to this Mogoll. Ranna is rightly descended from Porus, that valiant Indian, ouercome by Alexander: so that I take this Citie to haue been one of the an∣cient Seats of Porus, though Dely much further North be reported to haue been the chiefest, fa∣mous [ 40] now only in ruines. Neare that stands a pillar, erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a great inscription. The present Mogoll and his Ancestors, descendants of Tamberlane, haue brought all the ancient Cities to ruine, hauing dispeopled them, and forbidden reparation, I know not out of what reason, vnlesse they would haue nothing remembred of greatnesse beyond their begin∣nings, as if their Family and the world were equalls.

The three and twentieth, I arriued at Adsmeere, two hundred and nine Courses from Bram∣pore, foure hundred and eighteene English miles, the Courses being longer then toward the Sea. I kept my bed.

The tenth of Ianuary, I went to Court at foure in the euening to the Durbar,* 25.121 which is the place where the Mogoll si••s out daily, to entertaine strangers, to receiue Petitions and Pre∣sents, to giue commands, to see and to be seene. To digresse a little from my reception, and declare [ 50] the customes of the Court, will enlighten my future discourse.* 25.122 The King hath no man but Eu∣nuches that comes within the lodgings or retyring roomes of his house: his women watch with∣in, and guard him with manly weapons, they doe iustice one vpon another for offences. Hee comes euery morning to a window called the Iarrneo, looking into a Plaine before his gate, and shewes himselfe to the common people. At noone he returnes thither, and sits some houres to see the fight of Elephants and wilde beasts. Vnder him within a raile attend the men of rancke: from whence he retyres to sleep among his women. At after-noone he returnes to the Durbar be∣fore mentioned. At eight after supper he comes downe to the Guzelcan, a faire Court, whrein in the middest is a Throne erected of free-stone, wherein 〈…〉〈…〉 sometimes below in a chaire, to which are none admitted but of great quality, and few or these without leaue, where hee [ 60] discourses of all matters with much affabilitie. There is no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 done with him concerning the State, Gouernment, disposition of War or peace, but at one of there two last places where it is publikely propounded and resolued, and so registred, which if i•• were worth the curiositie, might be seene for two shillings: but the common base people knew as much as the Councell,

and the newes euery day, is the Kings new resolutions, tossed and censured by euery rascall. This course is vnchangeable,* 25.123 except sicknesse or drinke preuent it, which must be knowne: for as all his Subiects are slaues, so is hee in a kind of reciprocall bondage, for hee is tyed to obserue these houres and customs so precisely, that if he were vnseene one day, and no sufficient reason rendred, the people would mutinie; two dayes no reason can excuse, but that he must consent to open his doores, and be seene by some, to satisfie others. On Tuesday at the Iarrneo he sits in Iudgement, neuer refusing the poorest mans complaint: where he heares with patience both parts, and some∣times sees, with too much delight in blood, the execution done by his Elephants. Illi meruere, sed quid tu vt adesses?

At the Durbar I was led right before him: at the entrance of an outward raile, where met [ 10] mee two principall Noble Slaues to conduct me nearer.* 25.124 I had required before my going, leaue to vse the customes of my Countrey, which was freely granted, so that I would performe them pun∣ctually. When I entered within the first raile, I made a reuerence; entring in the inward raile, another; and when I came vnder the King, a third. The place is a great Court, whither resort all sorts of people. The King sits in a little Gallery ouer-head; Ambassadors, the great men and stran∣gers of quality within the inner-most raile vnder him, raised from the ground, couered with Canopies of Veluet and Silke; vnder-foote laid with good Carpets: the meaner men represen∣ting Gentry, within the first raile: the people without, in a base Court, but so that all may see the King. This sitting out hath so much affinity with a Theatre, the manner of the King in his Gallery;* 25.125 the great men lifted on a Stage, as Actors; the Vulgar below gazing on, that an easie [ 20] description will enforme of the place and fashion. The King preuented my dull Interpreter, bid∣ding me welcome, as to the Brother of my Master. I deliuered his Maiesties Letter translated; and after, my Commission, whereon he looked curiously; after, my Presents, which were well re∣ceiued. He asked some questions; and with a seeming care of my health, offered me his Physi∣tions, and aduising me to keepe my house till I had recouered strength, and if in the interim I nee∣ded any thing, I should freely send to him, and obtaine my desires. He dismissed me with more fauour and outward grace, if by the Christians I were not flattered, then euer was showen to any Ambassador either of the Turke or Persian, or other whatsoeuer.

The fourteenth, I sent to the Prince Sultan Coronne, his third sonne by birth, but first in fa∣uour,* 25.126 that I determined to visite him, not doubting he would vse me with due respect: for I was [ 30] enformed he was enemie to all Christians, and therefore feared some affront. Hee answered I should be welcome, and receiue the same content I had from his father. He is Lord of Surat our chiefe residence, and his fauour important for vs.

The two and twentieth, I visited the Prince, who at nine in the morning sits out in the same manner (as his Father) to dispatch his businesse,* 25.127 and to be seene of his followers. He is proud na∣turally, and I feared my entertainment. But on some occasion he not resoluing to come out, when he heard of my arriuall, sent a principall Officer to meete me, who conducted mee into a good roome (neuer before done to any) and entertaine mee with discourse of our owne businesse halfe an houre, vntill the Prince was ready, who came abroad on purpose, and vsed mee better then his promise. I deliuered him a Present, such as I had, but not in the name of his Maiestie, it be∣ing too meane; but excused it, that the King could not take knowledge of his being Lord of [ 40] Surat so lately conferred on him, but hereafter I doubted not his Maiesty would send to him according to his worth. This was the respect of the Merchants, who humbly commended them∣selues to his fauour and protection. He receiued all in very good part: and after opening of some grieuances and iniuries suffered at Surat by vs from his Gouernours, of which for respect to him I had forborne to complaine to the King, hee promised mee speedie and effectuall Iustice, and to confirme our securitie by any propositions I should offer, professing to be ignorant of any thing past, but what he had receiued by Asaph Chan, deliuered by mee; especially of any com∣mand to dismisse vs, which the Gouernour had falsely coyned, and for which hee should dearely answere. So he dismissed me, full of hope to rectifie the decayed estate of our reputation, with [ 50] promise of a Firman for Surat effectually.

The foure and twentieth, I went to the Durbar to visite the King, who seeing me a farre off, beckned with his hand, giuing signe I should not stay the ceremony of asking leaue, but come vp to him, where he appointed me a place aboue all other men, which I after thought fit to main∣taine: I gaue him a small Present; it being the custome, when any body hath businesse, to giue somewhat,* 25.128 and those that cannot come neare to speake, send in, or hold vp their gift; which he excepts, be it but a Rupie, and demands their businesse. The same course he held with mee, ha∣uing looked curiously, and asked many questions of my Present, he demanded what I required of him: I answered Iustice; that on the assurance of his Maiesties Firman sent into England, the King my Master had not only giuen leaue to many of his Subiects to come a dangerous Voyage [ 60] with their goods, but had sent me to congratulate the amity so happily begun betweene two so mighty Nations, and to confirme the same: but that I found the English, seated at Amadauas, iniured by the Gouernour in their persons and goods, fined, exacted vpon, and kept as prisoners, that at euery Towne new Customes were taken of our goods, passing to the Port, contrary to all

Iustice and the former Articles of Trade. To which he answered he was sory, it should be amen∣ded, and presently gaue order for two Firmans, very effectually,* 25.129 according to my desire to be sig∣ned, one to the Gouernour of Amadauas, to restore money exacted from Master Kerridge, and to vse the English with all fauour: the other to release all customes required on any pretence on the way; or if any had been taken, to repay it of his owne accord: wishing mee, that if these gaue not speedy remedy, I should renue my complaint against the disobeye••, and he should be sent for to answere there: and so he dismissed me.

The first of March, I rode to see a house of pleasure of the Kings, giuen him by Asaph Chan,* 25.130 two miles from Adsmeere, but betweene two mightie Rockes, so defended from the Sunne, that [ 10] it scarce any way sees it; the foundation cut out of them, and some roomes, the rest of free-stone, a handsome little Garden with fine fountaines, two great Tankes, one thirty steps aboue another; the way to it is inaccessable, but for one or two in front, and that very steepe and stony, a place of much melancholy delight and securitie, onely beeing accompanied with wild Peacocks, Tur∣tles, fowle, and Munkeyes, that inhabite the Rockes hanging euery way ouer it.

The second, the Norose began in the Euening. It is a custome of solemnizing the new yeare, yet the Ceremonie begins the first new Moone after it, which this yeare fell together:* 25.131 it is kept in imitation of the Persians feast, and signifies in that language Nine dayes, for that anciently it endured no longer, but now it is doubled. The manner is, there is erected a throne foure foote from the ground, in the Durbar Court, from the backe whereof, to the place where the King comes out a square of fiftie sixe paces long, and fortie three broad was rayled in, and couered ouer [ 20] with faire Semianes or Canopies of Cloth of Gold, Silke, or Veluet ioyned together, and sustained with Canes so couered: at the vpper end West, were set out the Pictures of the King of England, the Queene, the Lady Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a Citizens wife of London; below them an other of Sir Thomas Smith, Gouernour of the East-India Companie: vnder foot it is laid with good Persian Carpets of great largeness••, into which place come all the men of qualitie to attend the King, except some few that are within a little ra••le right before the Throne, to receiue his Commands, within this square there were set out for shew many little houses, one of Siluer, and some other curiosities of price. The Prince, Sultan Coronne had at the left side a Pauilion, the supporters whereof were couered with Siluer, as were some of those also [ 30] neere the Kings Throne: the former thereof was square, the matter wood, inlayed with mother of Pearle, borne vp with foure pill••••s, and couered with cloth of Gold: about the edge ouer-head like a valence, was a net fringe of good Pearle, vpon which hung downe Pomgranats, Apples, Peares, and such fruits of Gold, but hollow; within that the King sate on Cushions, very rich in Pearles, in Iewels round about the Court; before the Throne the Principall men had erected Tents, which encompassed the Court, and lined them with Veluet, Damaske, and Taffatae ordi∣narily, some few with cloth of Gold, wherein they retired, and set to shew all their wealth: for anciently the Kings were vsed to goe to euery Tent, and there take what pleased them; but now it is changed, the King sitting to receiue what New-yeeres gifts are brought to him. Hee comes abroad at the vsuall houre of the Durbar, and retires with the same: here are offered to him by all [ 40] sorts great gifts, though not equall to report, yet incredible enough: and at the end of this Feast the King in recompence of the Presents receiued, aduanceth some, and addeth to their entertain∣ment some horse at his pleasure.

The twelfth, I went to visit the King, and was brought right before him, expecting a present which I deliuered to his extraordinary content; so he appointed I should be directed within the raile to stand by him, but I beeing not suffered to step vp vpon the rising, on which the Throne stood, could see little, the rayle beeing high, and doubled with Carpets, but I had leisure to view the inward roome, and the beauty thereof, which I confesse was rich, but of so diuers pieces, and so vnsutable, that it was rather patched then glorious, as if it seemed to striue to shewe all, like a Lady that with her Plate, set on a Cupboord her imbroydered Slippers. This Euening was the sonne of Ranna his new Tributory brought before him with much ceremonie, kneeling three [ 50] times, and knocking his head on the ground: he was sent by his Father with a Present, and was brought within the little raile, the King embracing him by the head; his gift was an Indian voy∣der full of Siluer, vpon that a carued Siluer dish full of Gold; so he was lead toward the Prince. Some Elephants were shewed, and some Whoores did sing and dance: Sic transit gloria Mundi.

The thirteenth at night, I went to the Gussell Chan, where is best opportunitie to doe busi∣nesse, and tooke with me the Italian, determining to walke no longer in darknesse, but to prooue the King, being in all other wayes delayed and refused; I was sent for in with my old Broaker,* 25.132 but my Interpreter was kept out: Asaph Chan mistrusting I would vtter more then he was wil∣ling to heare. When I came to the King, he appointed me a place to stand iust before him, and sent to aske mee many questions about the King of England, and of the Present I gaue the day [ 60] before▪ to some of which I answered; but at last I said, my Interpretor was kept out, I could speake no Portugall, and so wanted meanes to satisfie his Maiestie, whereat (much against Asaph Chans desire) he was a••mitted. I bad him tell the King, I desired to speake to him; he answered, willingly: whereat Asaph Chans sonne in law, pulled him by force away, and that faction hedged

the King so, that I could scarce see him, nor the other approach him. So I commanded the Italian to speake aloud, that I craued audience of the King, whereat the King called me, and they made me way. Asaph Chan stood on one side of my Interpreter, and I on the other: I to enforme him in mine owne cause, he to awe him with winking and iogging. I bad him say, that I now had been here two Moneths, whereof more then one was passed in sickenesse, the other in Comple∣ments, and nothing effected toward the ende for which my Master had employed mee, which was to conclude a firme and constant loue and peace betweene their Maiesties, and to establish a faire and secure Trade and residence for my Countrey-men. He answered, that was already gran∣ted. I replyed it was true, but it depended yet on so light a thred, on so weake conditions, that being of such importance, it required an agreement cleare in all points, and a more formall and authentique confirmation, then it had by ordinary Firmans, which were temporary commands, [ 10] and respected accordingly. He asked me what Presents we would bring him. I answered, the League was yet new, and very weake: that many Curiosities were to bee found in our Countrey of rare price and estimation, which the King would send, and the Merchants seeke out in all parts of the world, if they were once made secure of a quiet trade and protection on honourable Con∣ditions, hauing been heretofore many wayes wronged.

He asked what kind of curiosities those were I mentioned, whether I meant Iewels and rich stones. I answered, No: that we did not thinke them fit Presents to send backe, which were brought first from these parts, whereof he was chiefe Lord; that we esteemed them common here, and of much more price with vs: but that we sought to finde such things for his Maiestie, as were rare here, and vnseene, as excellent artifices in painting, caruing, cutting, enamelling, figures in [ 20] Brasse, Copper, or Stone, rich embroyderies, stuffes of Gold and Siluer. He said it was very well: but that hee desired an English horse:* 25.133 I answered, it was impossible by Sea, and by Land the Turke would not suffer passage. He replyed, that hee thought it not impossible by Sea. I told him, the dangers of stormes, and varietie of weather would prooue it. Hee answered, if sixe were put into a ship, one might liue; and though it came leane, he would fat it. I replied, I was confi∣dent it could not be in so long a Voyage, but that for his Maiesties satisfaction, I would write to aduise of his request. So he asked, what was it then I demanded? I said, that hee would bee pleased to signe certaine reasonable conditions, which I had conceiued for the confirmation of the League, and for the securitie of our Nation, and their quiet trade, for that they had beene often wronged, and could not continue on such tearmes, which I forbeare to complaine of, hoping by [ 30] faire meanes to procure amendment. At this word, Asaph Chan offered to pull my Interpreter; but I held him, suffering him onely to winke and make vnprofitable signes.

The King hereat grew suddenly into choller, pressing to know who had wronged vs, with such shew of fury, that I was loath to follow it, and speaking in broken Spanish to my Interpre∣ter, to answer, That with what was past I would not trouble his Maiestie, but would seeke Iu∣stice of his Sonne,* 25.134 the Prince, of whose fauour I doubted not. The King not attending my Inter∣preter, but hearing his Sonnes name, conceiued I had accused him, saying, Mio Filio, Mio Filio, and called for him; who came in great feare, humbling himselfe: Asaph Chan trembled, and all of them were amazed. The King chid the Prince roundly, and he excused himselfe, but I percei∣uing the Kings error, made him (by meanes of a Persian Prince, offering himselfe to interpret, be∣cause [ 40] my Italian spake better Turkish then Persian) and the Prince both vnderstand the mistaking, and so appeased him, saying, I did no way accuse the Prince, but would in causes past in his Go∣uernement, appeale to him for Iustice, which the King commanded hee should doe effectually. The Prince for his iustification, told the King he had offered me a Firman, and that I had refused it: demanding the reason: I answered, I humbly thanked him, but he knew it contained a condi∣tion which I would not accept of; and that further I did desire to propound our owne demands, wherein I would containe all the desires of my Master at once, that I might not daily trouble them with complaints, and wherein I would reciprocally bind my Soueraigne to mutuall offices of friendship; and his Subiects to any such conditions, as his Maiesty would reasonably propound, whereof I would make an offer, which beeing drawne Tripartite, his Maiesty (I hoped) would [ 50] signe the one, the Prince the other, and in my Masters behalfe I would firme the third. The King pressed to know the Conditions I refused in the Princes Firman, which I recited, and so we fell into earnest dispute,* 25.135 and some heate. Mocrib Chan enterposing, said, he was the Portugals ad∣uocate; speaking slightly of vs, that the King should neuer signe any Article against them. I an∣swered, I propound none against them, but in our owne iust defence; and I did not take him for such a friend to them: the Iesuite and all the Portugals side fell in, in so much that I explained my selfe fully concerning them; and as I offered a conditionall peace, so I set their friendship at a mean rate, and their hatred or force at lesse. The King answered, my demands were iust, resolution noble, and bad me propound. Asaph Chan that stood mute all this discourse, and desired to end it, [ 60] least it breake out againe (for we were very warme) enterposed, that if wee talked all night it would come to this issue, that I should draw my demands in writing, and present them, and if they were found reasonable, the King would firme them; to which the King replyed, yes; and I desired his Sonne would doe the like, who answered he would: so the King rose. But I calling

to him, he turned about, and I bad my Interpreter say, That I came the day before to see his Ma∣iestie, and his greatnesse, and the Ceremonies of this Feast, that I was placed behind him, I con∣fessed with honour, but I could not see abroad; and that therefore I desired his Maiestie to licence me to stand vp by his Throne; whereat he commanded Asaph Chan to let mee choose my owne place.

The foureteenth in the morning, I sent a Messenger to Asaph Chan, least hee or the Prince might mistake me by the Kings mistakings, that I had complained against them, which as I did not, so it was not yet in my purpose: onely I was willing to let them see, I did not so depend on Asaph Chan, by whose mouth I vsed to doe my businesse; but that if he continued his manner of neuer deliuering what I said, but what he pleased; I would find another way. My message was [ 10] to cleare any such doubt, if it remained; or if not, to entreat him that he would soften the Prince in my demands concerning Surat. He answered, Neither the Prince nor hee had any reason to suspect, my purpose was to complaine of them: that the error was euident enough, for his part he had euer had the loue of the English, and would endeauour to continue it.

The sixe and twentieth of Aprill, I receiued intelligence, that the Prince caused one of his Seruants at the Durbar, to aske the King why he vsed so good countenance to the English, that for their cause the Portugals were barred the Port of Surat, who brought more profit to the King, as many Ballaces, Pearles, and Iewels, whereas the English came onely to seeke profit, with Cloth, Swords, and Kniues of little estimation. The King answered onely, it was true, but who could mend it. Hereby the Princes good affection was manifest, and I had faire warning to bee [ 20] watchfull, and to study to preserue our selues in the Kings grace, in which onely wee were safe: but I resolued to take notice of this, and to make proofe if I could settle a better opinion in the Prince of our Nation.

The two and twentieth of May, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, and to desire his au∣thoritie to haue one Iones a youth, that was runne away from mee to an Italian, and protected himselfe vnder the name of the King to the infamy of our Nation. The King gaue order for his deliuerie, but the Prince who euer waited opportunitie to disgrace our Nation for the cause of his Fauorite Zulpheckarcon with whom I was newly broken off from conference, and had sent the Prince word I would no longer forbeare opening my cause to the King, mooued the King in pri∣uate to send for the youth first, which at the Gusel Chan hee did: and the Prince giuing him [ 30] countenance, he railed to my face with most virulent malice, desiring the King to saue his life, so the King resolued not to deliuer him to me, but to send him Prisoner to Surat, but the Prince to braue me, begged him for his seruant, the fellow hauing quite renounced his Countrey, the King gaue him to the Prince, notwithstanding any reasons I could alledge: so the Prince presently gaue him one hundred and fiftie Rupias, and the pay of two Horse, and forbade mee to meddle with him.

The three and twentieth, at night my man came and fell at my feet, asking pardon for his ly∣ing and madnesse, and offered to submit himselfe in any kind. I told him I would not now keepe him Prisoner he was the Princes seruant, but that before I could giue him any answere he should make me publike satisfaction as farre as he was able.

[ 40] The foure and twentieth, Iones made meanes to come to the Gusel Chan, and there asked pardon of the King for his lyes, denying euery word hee had spoken, and to haue been done to protect himselfe from me, whom he had offended, desiring the King to send for me that he might there aske my pardon: the King was well pleased. But the Prince fell into a great rage.

The fiue and twentieth, I went to the Guzelcan, where after many protestations of the King, that he neuer beleeued him, that he was a Villaine, yet that hee could doe no lesse but protect him, hauing cast himselfe into his mercy: the youth was sent for, who on his knees asked mee forgiuenesse, and on his oath swore to the King, that he had in euery particular belyed me, which he professed to doe voluntarie, for that he durst neuer returne to his countrey. The King chid him a little, and told me, he nor any good man euer beleeued him: but the Prince grew so angry that [ 50] mouing him with many questions to stand to his first word, which he refusing was bid be gone: and the Prince publikely calling for him againe, bad him most basely returne him the one hun∣dred and fiftie Rupias, deliuered him for that he gaue it to maintayne him against me, which see∣ing he went from, he would haue his money: which the fellow promised but he should haue it presently, and so sent an vnder Treasurer with him to the house, where hee was lodged, for into mine, I would not suffer him to come.

The seuen and twentieth, thus I was enforced to seeme content, because I had no way to seeke remedie, for Presents I had none, and the King neuer takes any request to heart, except it come accompanied, and will in plaine tearmes demand it, which aduantage the Prince takes, vrging the Portugals bringing of Iewels, Ballests and Pearles with much disgrace to our English com∣moditie.

[ 60]

The nine and twentieth, the Portugals went before the King with a Present, and a Ballas Ru∣bie, to sell as was reported, weighing thirteene Tole, two Tole and a halfe being an ounce: they demanded fiue Leckes of Rupies, but the King offered but one. Asaph Chan is also their Sollici∣tor,

to whom they gaue a Present of Stones, they had diuers Rubies Ballaces, Emeralds and Iewels set to sell, which so much contented the King and his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed.

The Prince and the Iesuite fell out about presenting them, which the Prince desired; but it was promised to Asaph Chan before concerning the Portugals credit, here I euer made my iudgement by report, but now experience shewes me the difference made betweene vs and them, for they were sought after by euery bodie, whereas they seeme to buy our commodities for almes, besides their Neigbour-hood and aduantage to hinder that Trade into the Red Sea, is euer more readier then ours to doe harme, because they are setled, so that onely for a little feare wee were entertai∣ned, but for our trade or any thing we being not at all respected.

[ 10]

§. III. Occurrents happening in Iune, Iuly, August 1616. and diuers passages of speech and action, whence the Nature, Arts, and disposition of the King and his Subiects may bee obserued.

* 25.136THe twelfth of Iune, there is a resolution taken that Sultan Coroone shall goe to the De∣can warres, and the day prefixed hauing consulted all the Bramans. Prince Paruis is [ 20] called home, whom (it is reported) wrote to his father, that if hee would send his el∣der brother, he would obey, but to dishonour him by imploying this, hee would first fall on him, and after finish the warre. All the Captaines, as Channa Chana, Mahobet Chan, Chan Iohn, refuse to stay if this Tyrant come to command, so well is he beloued: it is true, all men awe him more then the King, now that hee is to receiue the Armie; the King cannot bee remooued from his resolution, so that his sudden departure two and twentie dayes from this present, must hasten me to finish this businesse, and to know a resolution: for after his departure with his Mi∣nion Zulpheckcarcon, there is no hope to recouer a penny, nor any Iustice against him.

The eighteenth, the King commanded one of his brothers sonnes (who was made a Christian in policie,* 25.137 to bring him into hatred with the people) to go strike a Lyon on the head, which was [ 30] brought before the King; but he being afraid, refused it: so the King bade his yongest sonne to go touch the Lyon, who did so without any harme, whereat the King tooke occasion to send his Nephew away to a prison, where hee is neuer like to see day-light.

The foure and twentieth, the Prince had a sonne borne, and now being preparing for this warre, all mens eyes were on him, either for flattery, gaine, or enuy, none for loue. He receiued twenty Lecks of Rupies towards his charges, (two hundred thousand pound sterling) and be∣gan to deale money liberally: but notwithstanding his show of his Fathers affection and great∣nesse, a Chan perswaded the King that the Voyage would bee dangerous, in respect of the Prince Paruis, whose honour was so wounded, that he would not returne without reuenge. The King replyed, let them fight, I am well contented, and he that proues himselfe the better Cap∣taine [ 40] shall pursue the warre.

Abdala Hassan is Captaine of all the souldiers, entertained at Court, and Treasurer to all the Armies:* 25.138 he entertained me courteously, with few complements, but much ciuility, wee sate to see his souldiers shoote in bowes and peeces, most of them with single bullet did hit the marke, being a hand-breath in a butt,* 25.139 wee had some discourse of our vse of weapons, and so I de∣parted.

The thirteenth of Iuly in the morning, I sent Sultan Carronne three bottles of Alligant, and a Letter concerning the Portugalls,* 25.140 the differences betweene our Trade and theirs, and to pro∣cure all the customs in and out to farme for the Companies vse (the copy is registred.) The Prince caused (as is his barbarous custome in all businesse passing in publike) the Letter to be twice read [ 50] by his Secretary, and often interrupted it with speech to him: in the end sent word, that at night when he came downe, he would reade it himselfe, and consider it, and that I should receiue an∣swere from Merze Sorocalla.

At night I went to the Durbar to visite the King: So soone as I came in, he sent Asaph Chan to me,* 25.141 that he heard I had in my house an excellent Painter, and desired me he might see some of his worke: I replyed, according to truth, that there was none, but a yong man, a Merchant, that for his exercise did with a pen draw some figures, but very meanely, farre from the arte of Painting. The King replyed, that I should not feare that hee would take any man from mee by force, that he would neither doe mee iniury, nor suffer any other; and prayed that he might see [ 60] that man and his worke, howsoeuer it was. I replyed, I had no such doubt of his Maiesty, and for his satisfaction I would bring him to the Guzell Chan with such toyes as he had, which per∣haps was an Elephant, or a Deare, or such like in paper. At this answere the King bowed him∣selfe, and returned, that if I desired an Elephant, or the figure, or any other thing in his Coun∣trey,

I should not buy it, nor seeke any other way but to him, that whatsoeuer I had a mind to, he would giue me, and that I should freely speake to him, for he was my friend. I made a Reue∣rence, and answered that I humbly thanked his Maiesty, Elephants were of no such vse to mee, neither was it the custome of my Nation, especially of my place, to aske any thing, if his Maie∣stie gaue me but the worth of a Rupie, I would receiue it, and esteeme it as a marke of his fauour. He replyed, he knew not what I desired, that there were some things in his Countrey, rare in mine, and that I should not make dainty to speake to him, for he would giue mee such things as should be most welcome, and that I should bee cheerefull, for that he was a friend to our Nation [ 10] and to mee, and would protect vs from any iniury, but desired that I would that night come to the Guzell Chan, with the youth that painted, with his Pictures. So Asaph Chan wished me to send home to fetch him to his house; whither if I would go and stay with him vntill the King came abroad, I should be very welcome; which I promised. I neuer receiued so much grace and fauour from the King, as at this time, which all men tooke notice of, and accordingly altered their fashions towards mee; specially it happened well that the Iesuit was made Interpreter of all this by the Kings appointment.

This day a Gentle-woman of Normalls was taken in the Kings house in some action with an Eunuch; another Capon that loued her, killed him:* 25.142 the poore woman was set vp to the arme-pits in the earth, hard rammed, her feet tied to a stake, to abide three dayes and two nights with∣out any sustenance, her head and armes exposed to the Sunnes violence: if shee dyed not in that [ 20] time, shee should be pardoned: the Eunuch was condemned to the Elephants. This Damsell yeelded in Pearle, Iewels, and ready money, sixteene hundred thousand Rupies.

The two and twentieth, I receiued Letters from Bramport: in answere of those to Mahobet Chan, who at first granted my desire, making his Firman to Barooch most effectuall,* 25.143 to receiue our Nation, and to giue them a house neare the Gouernour, strictly commanding no man to molest them by sea or land, or to take any custome of them, or any way trouble them vnder colour ther∣of. Finally, that they might buy, sell, and transport any commoditie at their pleasures, without any molestation, concluding, that they should expect to heare no other from him, and therefore they should be carefull in execution. I receiued with it a Letter from himselfe (which was more ciuility then all the Indies yeelded me) full of courtesie and humanity, and great respect,* 25.144 prote∣sting [ 30] his desire to giue me content, and that what I had demanded, I should make no doubt of per∣formance: and if I had any other occasion to vse him, hee desired mee to write, and it should be performed. The Copies are worthy the seeing for the rarenesse of the phrase. The Firman I cau∣sed to be sent to Surat: so that Borooch is prouided for a good retrait from the Princes iniuries, and the custome giuen, whereby fifteene hundred pound, per annum, will bee saued, besides all manner of searches and extortions. For the performance of this no man maketh any doubt, for that all men confesse, that he neither careth for the Prince, and so feareth not, nor needeth any man, being the only beloued man of the King, and second person in his Dominions; and in all his life so liberall of his purse, and honorable of his word, that he hath ingrossed good reports from all others: and concerning Custome, the King takes none, the Gouernours make it their [ 40] profit, which he professeth to scorne that he should abuse the liberty of the Kings Ports.

The sixt of August, I was sent for to the Durbar;* 25.145 the businesse was about a Picture I had late∣ly giuen to the King, and was confident that no man in India could equall it. So soone as I came, he asked mee what I would giue the Painter that had made a copy so like it, that I should not know my owne: I answered, a Painters reward, fifty Rupies. The King replyed, his Painter was a Caueleer, and that too small a gift; to which I answered, I gaue my Picture with a good heart, esteeming it rare, and meant not to make comparison or wagers: if his seruant had done as well, and would not accept of my gift, his Maiesty was most fit to reward him. So with many passages of iests, mirth, and bragges concerning the Arts of his Countrey, hee fell to aske mee questions, how often I dranke a day, and how much, and what? what in England? what Beere was? how [ 50] made? and whether I could make it heere? In all which I satisfied his great demands of State. He concluded that I should come to the Guzel Chan, and then I should see my Pictures. At night he sent for me, being hasty to triumph in his work-man, and shewed me sixe Pictures, fiue made by his man, all pasted in one table so like, that I was by candle-light troubled to discerne which was which, I confesse, beyond all expectation: yet I shewed mine owne, and the differences, which were in arte apparant, but not to be iudged by a common eye. But for that at first sight I knew it not, he was very merry and ioyfull, and craked like a Northerne man: I gaue him way and content, praising his mans art. Now, saith he, what say you? I replyed, I saw his Maiestie needed no Picture from our Countrey; but saith he, what will you giue the Painter? I answered, seeing he had so farre excelled in my opinion of him, I would double my liberality, and that if [ 60] he came to my house, I would giue him one hundred Rupies to buy a Nagge, which the King tooke kindly, but answered, he should accept no money, but some other gift: which I promised: the King asked what? I said it was referrable to my discretion: so he answered it was true, yet desired I would name it. I replyed, a good Sword, a Pistall, a Picture; whereat the King answe∣red. You confesse hee is a good work-man: send for him home, and shew him such toyes as you

haue, and let him choose one, in requitall whereof you shall choose any of these Copies to shew in England. We are not so vnskilfull, as you esteeme vs: so hee pressed me to choose one, which I did; the King wrapping it vp in a paper, and putting it vp in a little booke of mine, de∣liuered it, with much ioy and exultation of his mans supposed victory, whereat I shewed him a Picture I had of his Maiesties, farre inferiour to the worke I now saw, which caused me to iudge of all other by that which he deliuered me as the best. He asked me where I had it; I told him. Why, said he, doe you buy any such things? haue not I the best? and haue not I told you, I would giue you whatsoeuer you desired? I thanked his Maiesty, but that I held it not ciuility to trouble him in such trifles, especially as a begger: he replyed, it was no shame to aske of him, and bad me speake at all times freely, pressing me to aske somewhat: I answered, I would not choose my [ 10] gift,* 25.146 whatsoeuer came from his Maiesties hands I would receiue as a marke of honour: hee re∣plyed, if you desire my Picture, I will giue you one for your selfe, or for your King. I answered, if his Maiestie would send the King one, I would gladly cary it, and knew his Maiestie would take it friendly, and esteeme it much. But that since his Maiestie had emboldened mee, I would desire one for my selfe, which I would keepe and leaue to my Posteritie, as an ensigne of his Ma∣iesties fauour. He replyed, your King doth not desire one, but you doe, therefore you shall haue it, and so he gaue present order for the making: then he turned to rest, and wee were blind-fold dismissed.

* 25.147The twelfth of August, Gemal-din-vssin, a man of seuentie yeares, Vice-roy of Patan, and Lord of foure Cities in Bengala, one that hath beene often Embassadour, and of more vnderstanding [ 20] and courtesie then all his Countrimen, and to be esteemed hospitable, and a receiuer of strangers, not secretly ambitious, he often made meanes that I would come to his house, which at last I did, and was receiued with extraordinary familiaritie and kindnesse, offering me a Lecke of Ru∣pias, and such other curtesies so great, that they bespake their owne refusall. His fauour with the King, his credit, his counsell, all was offered that could fulfill complements. And this I must confesse, that from a person reuerent in yeares it seemed more cordiall, and for in some Discourse speaking so plainly of his fellowes in Court, truthes in mine owne experience, I resolued hee was a good natured and right hearted old man. He told me much of the Customes of this Coun∣trey, of their seruitude, of their want of Lawes, of the increase of this Empire, wherein hee had serued three Princes in grace and fauour, of which times hee shewed me a Booke or Annall of all [ 30] memorable Actions which he had daily commited to record,* 25.148 and had composed them into a Hi∣storie, the Copie whereof he offered me if I could procure it translated. Concerning the Kings reuenue and the manner of raising it, besides confiscations, gifts, and cuttings vpon great men; that the Gouernment of euery Prouince did yearely pay a Rent: as for his Gouernment of Pa∣tan onely, he gaue the King eleuen Leckes of Rupias, (the Rupias sterling is two shillings two pence) all other profits were his, wherein he had Regall authoritie to take what he list, which was esteemed at fiue thousand horse, the pay of euery one at two hundred Rupias by the yeare, whereof he kept fifteene hundred, and was allowed the Surplusse as dead pay: besides the King gaue him a Pention of one thousand Rupias a day, and some smaller gouernments. Yet he assured me there were diuers had double his entertainment, and aboue twentie equall.

* 25.149He praysed the good Prophet Iesus and his Lawes, and was full of very delightfull and fruit∣full [ 40] Discourse. This Visit was past some few dayes, and I thought that his courtesie had beene at an end: but this day he had borrowed of the King his house and Garden of pleasure: Hauar Ge∣m••ll, a mile out of Towne to feast me in; and ouernight earnestly inuiting me, I promised to come. At midnight he went himselfe and carryed his Tents and all furniture,* 25.150 and fitted vp a place by the Tanke side very handsomely. In the morning I went. At my comming he came to meet mee and with extraordinary ciuilitie carryed me into his roome prepared where hee had some compa∣ny and one hundred seruants attending, two of his sonnes, being a father to thirtie. He entertay∣ned me with shewing me the Kings little closets and retyring roomes which were painted with Antiques, and in some panes Copies of the French Kings and other Christian Princes; wanting [ 50] no Court-ship. That he was a poore man, slaue to the King, that he desired I should receiue some content, and that therefore he had drawne me to a slight Banquet to eate bread and salt together, to seale a friendship which he desired me to accept:* 25.151 that there were many great men able to shew me more courtesie, but they were proud & false wishing me to trust to none, for that if I had busines to the King of any weight, either cōcerning the Portugals or any other, they would neuer deliuer truth who were my Interpreters, but only what either please themselues or would con∣tent in the relation. That therefore I should neuer be rightly vnderstood, nor effect my businesse without abuse, nor neuer cleerely know my estate vntill I had an Englishman that could speake Persian, and that might deliuer my minde without passing the tongue of another, which the King would grant me if I could find any: for that hee had conceiued a good opinion of me, and [ 60] the last night at the Gussel Chan,* 25.152 hauing brought before him the Iewels of Sheck Ferid, Gouer∣nour of Lahor lately dead, he remmbred me of himselfe, and seeing a Picture of his owne that pleased him, he deliuered it to Asaph Chan, commanding him to send it me to weare for his sake, with many words of fauour towards me, which would make all the great men respect me.

In this time came in Dinner. So fitting on Carpetting, a cloth was layd and diuers banquetting set before vs, and the like a little a part for the Gentlemen that companied him,* 25.153 to whom hee went to eat, they holding it a kind of vncleanenesse to mingle with vs. Whereat I told him, hee promised we should eate bread and salt together, that without his company I had little appetite so he rose and sate by me, and we fell roundly to our victuals.* 25.154 The substance was made dishes of diuers sorts, Raisons, Almonds, Pistachees and Fruit. Dinner ended, he played at Chesse, and I walked, returning after some discourse I offered to take my leaue, he answered he had intreated me to come to eate, that what was passed was but a collation, that I must not depart till I had sup∣ped, which I easily granted to.

About an houre after came to visit him the Ambassadour of one of the Decan Kings whom [ 10] he presented to me, vsing him with ciuilitie, but in a much inferiour manner, in respect of his fashion toward me:* 25.155 he asked me if his Maiestie my Master would not take in scorne the offer of seruice from from so poore a man, and if hee would vouchsafe, to accept of a Present from a stranger, for that he would send a Gentleman with me to kisse his Maiesties hands, and to see our Countrey. I answered him as became ciuilitie and good manners; so hee sent for one presently, and questioned him if he would venture the iourney, who seeming willing hee presented to mee, and said he would prouide some Toyes of the Countrey for his Maiestie, and send 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in my companie. By the manner, this seemed to me to be earnest.

While we thus spent time, our Supper came, two clothes being spread,* 25.156 as in the morning and [ 20] before me and my Chaplaine, and one Merchant were set diuers dishes of Sallets and meate rost, fryed, boyled, and diuers Rices: he desired to be excused, that it was their manner to eate among themselues, his Countrimen would take it ill, if he eate not with them; so hee and his guests, I and my Company solaced our selues with a good refreshing. Thmeate was not amisse, but the attendance and order much better, his seruants being very diligent and respectfull.* 25.157 He gaue mee for a present, as is the manner, when one is inuited, fiue cases of Sugar Candie dressed with Muske, and one Loafe of most fine Sugar white as Snow, about fiftie pound weight, desiring me to accept of one hundred such against my going, which said he, you refuse of me thinking I am poore, but it costs me nothing, it is made in my Gouernment, and comes gratis to me. I answered, hee had too farre alreadie obliged me, that I would not refuse his courtesie when I was readie to depart. [ 30] He replyed, he might bee then vnfurnished, and therefore desired I would now speake, that hee might not lose his offer and labour too. Thus professing himselfe my father and I his sonne, with complements I tooke my leaue.

The sixteenth, I went to visit the King, who assoone as I came in,* 25.158 call••d to his women and reached out a Picture of himselfe set in Gold, hanging at a Wire Gold Chaine with one pendant foule Pearle, which he deliuered to Asaph Chan, warning him not to demand any reuerence of me, other then such as I would willingly giue; it being the custome whensoeuer hee bestowes any thing, the receiuer kneeles downe and puts his head to the ground, which hath beene exacted of the Ambassadors of Persia. So Asaph Chan came to mee, and I offered to take it in my hand, but he made signe to put off my hat, and then put it about my necke, leading me right before the [ 40] King. I vnderstood not his purpose, but doubted he would require the custome of the Countrey, called Sizeda. But I was resolued rather to deliuer vp my Present: Hee made signe to giue the King thankes, which I did after my owne custome, whereat some Officers called mee to Sizeda: but the King answered no, no, in Persian; so with many gracious words sent me, I returned to my place, you may now iudge the Kings liberalitie; this gift was not worth in all thirtie pound, yet it was fiue times as good as any he giues in that kind, and held for an especiall fauour, for that all the great men that weare the Kings Image, which none may doe but to whom it is giuen, re∣ceiue no other then a meddall of Gold as bigge as sixe pence, with a little Chaine of foure inches to fasten it on their heads, which at their owne proper charge, some set with stones, or garnish with pendant Pearles.

[ 50] The nineteenth, Gemal-din-vssin, who inuited me to Hauaz Gemall, being newly made Go∣uernour of Sindu, came to me to dinner with two sonnes and two other Gentlemen, and about one hundred seruants: hee ate some Banqueting stuffe made in my house by a Moore Cooke, but would not touch such meate as I had prouided of my owne fashion,* 25.159 though his appetite was very good, a kind of superstition forbidding him. But hee desired me that foure or fiue dishes might be sent to his house, such as he would choose, being all baked meates which hee had neuer seene, and that he would dine on them in priuate, which was accordingly done, and so offering vs the Towne of Sindu, and all other courtesies in his power, he made haste to fill his belly. I gaue him a small Present according to custome. This day suddenly dyed to my great griefe, and discom∣fort my Minister Master Hall, a man of most gentle and milde nature, religious, and of vn∣spotted [ 60] life.

The twentieth day, and the night past f••ll a storme of raine called the Oliphant,* 25.160 vsuall at go∣ing out of the raines, but for the greatnesse very extraordinary, whereby there ran such streames into the Tanke whose head is made of stone, in shew extremely strong, but the water was so growne that it brake ouer in one place, and there came an alarme and sudden feare, that it would

giue way and drowne all that part of the Towne where I dwelt, insomuch that the Prince and all his women forsooke their house; my next Neighbour carryed away his goods and his wife on his Elephants and Camels to flye to the hils side. All men had their Horses ready at their doores to saue their liues, so that we were much frighted and sat vp till mid-night for that we had no help, but to flye our selues and loose all our goods, for it was reported that it would run higher then the top of my house by three foot, and carry all away being poore muddy buildings, foure∣teene yeeres past, a terrible experience hauing shewed the violence, the foot of the Tanke being leuell with our dwelling, and the water extreame great and deepe, so that the top was much higher then my house which stood in the bottome in the course of the water, euery ordinary rain making such a Current at my doore, that it runne not swifter in the Arches of London Bridge, and is for some houres impassible by Horse or man. But God otherwise disposed it in his mercy, [ 10] the King caused a sluce to be cut in the night to ease the water another way, yet the very raine had washed downe a great part of the wals of my house, and so weakened it by diuers breaches, in that I feared the fall more then the floud: and was so moyled with dirt and water, that I could scarce lye dry or safe, for that I must be enforced to bee at new charge in reparation. Thus were we euery way afflicted; fires, smokes, flouds, stormes, heats, dust, flyes, and no temperate or quiet season.

The nine and twentieth, the King went to Hauaz Iemal and so to hunting, there was taken a resolution to remooue to Mandoe,* 25.161 a Castle neere Bramport where is no Towne, for that Sultan Paruis being come from the warre in disgrace, and being with his traine neere Asmere, the King commanded him to Bengala, excusing himselfe to be seene, and so hauing dispatched him without [ 20] such incommoditie as was feared would arise if the two brothers met, hee intended himselfe to settle Sultan Caronne in the warres of Decan, to which all the chiefest were so contrary, that the King feared to send him downe as was the resolution some monethes past, and therefore dissem∣bled it, vntil the other Prince were withdrawne & he established by his owne countenance, com∣ming so neere as Mandoa, which remoue if it proceed will put vs to extreame trouble and cost, for that we must build a new house both for our selues and goods, the Castle standing on a hill without any other buildings neere it.

The thirtieth, the King returned in the night, and about eleuen a clocke sent mee a very fat wild Boare,* 25.162 and so great, that he desired the Tusks backe, with this message, that he kild it with his owne hand, and that therefore I should eat it merrily, and make good cheare. This occasion [ 30] Iaddowe that was sent for to the King to bring it, tooke to tell Asaph Chan, that I desired to visit him on the morrow, and hoped to receiue from his hands the Priuiledges granted by the King. He answered, hee could not dispatch them so soone, but that they should on Sunday bee sealed, and that he was loth to see me, vntill he had giuen me content.

§. IIII. The Kings birth day, and manner of the obseruation, with other [ 40] accidents in September.

* 25.163THe second of September, was the birth day of the King, and solemnized as a great Feast, wherein the King is weighed against some Iewels, Gold, Siluer, stuffes of Gold, Siluer, Silke, Butter, Rice, Fruit, and many other things of euery sort a little, which is giuen to the Bramini. To this solemnitie the King commanded Asaph Chan to send for me, who so doing, appointed me to come to the place where the King sits out at Durbar, and there I should be sent for in; but the Messenger mistaking, I went not vntill Durbar time, and so missed the fight, but being there before the King came out, as soone as he espyed me, hee sent to know the reason why I came not in, he hauing giuen order? I answered according to the error; but he was extreame angry,* 25.164 and chid Asaph Chan publiquely. He was so rich in Iewels, that I [ 50] must confesse I neuer saw together so vnuallewable wealth. The time was spent in bringing of his greatest Elephants before him, some of which being lord-El••phants, had their chaines, bels, and furniture of Gold and Siluer, attended with many gilt banners and flags, and eight or tenne Elephants waiting on him, clothed in Gold, Silke, and Siluer. Thus passed about twelue Com∣panies most richly furnished, the first hauing all the Plates on his head and breast set with Rubies and Emeraulds, being a beast of a wonderfull stature ••nd beautie. They all bowed downe before the King, making a reuerence very handsomely, and was a shew as worthy as euer I saw any of beasts onely. The Keepers of euery chiefe Elephant gaue a Present. So with some gracious com∣plements to me, he rose and went in. [ 60]

* 25.165At night about tenne of the clocke, he sent for me, I was a bed. The Message was, hee heard I had a picture which I had not shewed him, desiring me to come to him and bring it, & if I would not giue it him, yet that he might see it, and take copies for his Wiues. I rose and carryed it with me: when I came in, I found him sitting crosse-legd on a little Throne, all clad in Diamonds,

Pearles, and Rubies, before him a table of Gold, in it about fiftie pieces of Gold plate, set all with stones, some very great and extreamely rich, some of lesse value, but all of them almost couered with small stones, his Nobilitie about him in their best equipage, whom he commanded to drinke froliquely, seuerall wines standing by in great flagons. When I came neere him, he asked for the Picture: I shewed him two; he seemed astonished at one of them, and demanded whose it was? I answered, a friends of mine that was dead. He asked me if I would giue it him. I replyed, that I esteemed it more then any thing I possessed, because it was the image of one that I loued deare∣ly, and could neuer recouer; but that if his Maiestie would pardon me my fancie, and accept of the other, which was a French Picture, but excellent worke, I would most willingly giue it him. [ 10] He sent me thankes, but that it was that onely Picture he desired, and loued as well as I, and that if I would giue it him, he would better esteeme of it, then the richest Iewell in his house. I answered, I was not so in loue with any thing, that I would refuse to content his Maiestie; I was extreame glad to doe him seruice, and if I could giue him a better demonstration of my affection, which was my heart to doe him seruice, I was ready to present it to him. At which he bowed to me, and replyed, it was sufficient that I had giuen it, that hee confessed hee neuer saw so much Art, so much Beauty; and coniured me to tell him truely, whether euer such a woman liued? I an∣swered, there did one liue that this did resemble in all things but perfection, and was now dead. He returned me, that he tooke my willingnesse very kindly; but seeing I had so freely giuen him that that I esteemed so much, he would not rob me of it, onely he would shew it his Ladies, and [ 20] cause his Workemen to make him fiue Copies, and if I knew my owne I should haue it. I answe∣red, I had freely and willingly giuen it, and was extreamely glad of his Maiesties acceptance. He replyed, that he would not take it, that he loued me the better for louing the remembrance of my friend, and knew what an iniury it was to take it from me, by no meanes hee would not keep it, but onely take Copies, and with his owne hand he would returne it, and his Wiues should weare them: for indeed in that art of limming his Painters worke miracles, the other bee-in in oyle he liked not.

Then he sent me word, it was his birth day, and that all men did make merry, and to aske if I would drinke with them. I answered, whatsoeuer his Maiestie commanded; I wished him many prosperous dayes, and that this Ceremonie might be renewed an hundred yeeres: he asked mee [ 30] what wine, whether of the Grape, or made; whether strong or small? I replied, what he com∣manded, hoping he would not command too much, nor too strong: so hee called for a Cuppe of Gold of mingled Wine, halfe of the Grape, halfe artificiall, and dranke, causing it to bee filled, and sent by one of his Nobles to me with this Message, That I should drinke it, twice, thrice,* 25.166 foure or fiue times off for his sake, and accept of the Cup and appurtenances as a Present. I dranke a lit∣tle, but it was more strong then euer I tasted, so that it made me sneeze, whereat he laughed, and called for Raisons, Almonds, and sliced Limons, which were brought mee on a Plate of Gold, and he bad me eat and drinke what I would, and no more. So then I made reuerence for my Pre∣sent after mine owne manner, though Asaph Chan would haue caused me to kneele, and knocke my head against the ground, but his Maiestie best accepted what I did. The cup was of Gold, set [ 40] all ouer with small Turkies and Rubyes, the Couer of the same set with great Turkies, Rubies, and Emeralds in workes; and a dish sutable to set the Cup vpon: the value I know not, because the stones are many of them small, and the greater (which are also many, are not all cleane, but they are in number about two thousand, and in gold about twenty Ounces. Thus hee made fro∣licke, and sent me word, he more esteemed me then euer any Franke;* 25.167 and demanded if I were merry at eating the wild Boare sent me a few daies before; how I drest it, what I dranke, and such complements; That I should want nothing in his land: which his publique, and many graces I found presently in the fashion of all his Nobilitie.

Then he threw about to those that stood below, two Chardgers of new Rubies, and among vs two Chardgers of hollow Almonds of Gold and Siluer mingled;* 25.168 but I could not scramble as [ 50] did his great men: for I saw his sonne take vp none; then he gaue Shashes of Gold, and Girdles to all the Musitians and Wayters, and to many others. So drinking, and commanding others, his Maiestie; and all his Lords became the finest men I euer saw, of a thousand humors; but his sonne Asaph Chan, and two old men, and the late King of Candahar, and my selfe forbare. When hee could not hold vp his head, he lay downe to sleepe, and we all departed. At going out, I mooued Asaph Chan for disp••tch of my priuiledges; assuring him his Maiesty could giue me no Present so acceptable; if he pleased not to dispatch me, which I doubted not, if it lay in his power, but that some other hinderance was in my way, I would on the morrow mooue the King, he desired mee not to doe so: for the King loued mee, and had giuen order for it, that the preparation of this Feast had hindered him, but that now hee would send it me, and doe me all seruice.

[ 60] The fourth of September, I found it easie to iudge what vexation it is to traffique with those faithlesse people. Seuen moneths I had promise from weeke to weeke, from day to day, and no exception, but finding I had so drawne them, that I should not much need the Prince, and if we disliked, we might refuse his gouernement. He vtterly renounced his word in choller and rage.* 25.169 I durst not yet leaue him, nor take notice of his falshood. He that first tooke him for our Solicitor,

engaged vs into this miserie, knowing him to bee the Protector of our enemies, and a Slaue to bribes, which they multiply vpon him. But now I had a Wolfe by the eares: I seemed onely to apprehend his dislike of the length and phrase, and sent him a Letter to interpret me, and a Briefe of the substance of all required on their parts, contained in generall words, touching onely such particulars as he liked, and left out quite all the Conditions demanded formerly by him of mee, desiring him to put it in forme, and procure the Seale, or to giue me leaue to receiue mine owne deniall from the King, and so to depart the Countrey. These I finished in Persian the same day, and sent them to him, they are recorded in their order.

The eighth, Asaph Chan sent to me that answer, That absolutely, he would procure nothing sealed, that any way concerned the Princes gouernement; that I should onely expect from him what we desired, whose Firmans were sufficient. And so reuealed that purpose which he had long [ 10] in practise, to make vs wholly depend on the Prince. Now I had iust cause to looke out, and was blamelesse if I sought new friends when he had forsaken me. I resolued to trie the Prince, and to seeme to depend wholly on him, hauing sent formerly to his Secretary foure clauses, to which I demaunded his Firman for our present vse at Surat, for the Fleete expected, which his Highness•• had agreed to.

The tenth, I went to the Prince, who cast downe to the Secretary his Firman by mee desired and promised, so that I hoped I had been at rest. The eleuenth, I receiued it, but when I read it, it was in two of the foure clauses demanded and promised, much different, and one whole branch left out; so I returned it with a round answer, I would not accept it, nor suffer any goods to come ashoare. Neuer any man had to doe with so much Pride, Couetousnesse, and falshood. At night, [ 20] I rode to Merze Socorolla, the Princes Secretary, to expostulate the businesse, and to declare my resolution of departure, but I found the Firman not such as I was enformed, but containing all the clauses required by me, though in phrase, to my iudgement, somewhat restrained, which he ex∣pounded in the best sence, declaring that it was the Princes intent to satisfie my desire fully, and that it was sufficient. I vrged the obscurity of some points; desiring him as he had cleared his High∣nesse meaning to me, so he would by his Letter to the Gouernour of Surat, which hee graunted, principally commanding that the Customer should pay for fiftie clothes, which hee had many moneths bought, and now would returne them vnto the Factors, to their extreame losse. In the ende, he opened the old point of the Princes desire, that I should rely on him, and not crosse him in businesses of his Gouernment with the King, and I should find him a better friend then I ex∣pected: [ 30] and finally gaue me such satisfaction in all points, that I was both pleased, and in some hope of good successe, the rather because he is no briber, reputed honest, and did vndertake on his credit, to whom the Prince had referred all businesses, that we should not sustaine the losse of one piece, nor any the least iniury: so I accepted the Firman, which vpon translating I found verie effectuall.

The sixteenth, I visited the Prince, purposing yet to runne on in a way of seeming dependance on him, vntill I heard from our ships, and what entertainment they were like to receiue this yeare. I found him sad, fearing the comming of Sultan Paruis to Court, being within eight course, and importuned to kisse his Fathers hands; who had graunted him, but by the power of Normall was after diswaded, and a command sent, that the Prince should take his iourney right to Benga, [ 40] yea although the King had fallen downe, and taken his Mother by the feet to obtaine her leaue to see his Sonne. The Kings remooue continued, but whether, no man could certainely resolue.

§. V. The broiles about Abdala Chan, and Chan Channa; Sultan Caroones ambi∣tion, his policies to subuert his elder Brother: fight with a Portugall Car∣ricke: distast about the Prince: Persian Embassage, Presents [ 50] and entertainement.

THe tenth of October, Abdala Chan the great Gouernour of Amadauas, beeing sent for to Court in disgrace for many insolencies and neglects of the Kings authority,* 25.170 and thought he would stand on his guard, and refuse; yet the Prince Sultan Coronne (whose ambition wrought on euery aduantage) desirous to oblige so great a man (beeing one of the chiefe Captaines in these Kingdomes) preuailed with him on his word to submit; so that comming in Pilgrims Clothes with fortie seruants on foote, about sixtie mile in counterfeit hu∣miliation,* 25.171 finished the rest in his Palankee, vntill he arriued neere the Court, but one dayes iour∣ney behind he had two thousand horse attending. This day he was brought to the Iarruco (the [ 60] publike sitting of the King to see Games, and to heare complaints) chained by the feete, bare∣foot between two Noble men, he puld his Turbant in his eyes, before hee had the happinesse to behold the Kings face. After reuerence made, and some fewe questions, the King forgaue him, caused his yrons to be loosed, and clothed in a new Vest of Cloth of Gold. Turbant and Girdle

according to the custome. The Prince who intended to build his honour on the warres of Decan, which his elder brother had left with disgrace, and the great Commander Chan Channa did not prosper in (which doubtlesse was a practiser with the Decans, from whom he receiued pension) caused his Father to recall Chan Channa, who refusing to come, desired the King not to send Sul∣tan Caronne to that warre, but one of his yongest sonnes about fifteene yeares of age.* 25.172 This Co∣ronne tooke to heart, but prosecuting his purpose of the warre, promised to Abdela Chan the Command of the armie vnder him, by displacing Chan Channa.

The King fearing troubles, and knowing all the ambitions and factions of this sonne, the dis∣content of his two elder, the power of Chan Channa, was desirous to accommodate all by accep∣ting a peace, and confirming Chan Channa in the Gouernment hee held, and closely to that end [ 10] wrote a letter of fauour, and purposed to send a Vest, according to the Ceremony of reconcilia∣tion, to Chan Channa; but before he dispatched it, he acquainted a kinswoman of his liuing in the Zereglia, of his purpose. Shee, whether false to her friend (wrought by Sultan Caronne) or ou•• of greatnesse of heart, to see the top of her family so dealt with, after so many meri••s;* 25.173 answered plainly, that shee did not beleeue Chan Channa would weare any thing sent from the King, know∣ing his Maiesty hated him, and had once or twice offered him poyson, which hee putting in his bosome (in stead of his mouth) had made triall of. Therefore shee was confident hee would not dare to put on his body any thing that came from his Maiesty. The King offered to weare it him∣selfe before her an houre▪ and that shee should write to testifie it: shee replyed, hee would trust neither of them both with his life, but if he might liue quietly in his command, would doe his [ 20] Maiesty true seruice. Whereupon the King altered his purpose, and resolued to proceed in the sending of Sultan Caronne, and to countenance his reception, would follow after with another armie.

Chan Channa that discouered the storme, practised with the Decans, who were at his seruice, to offer termes of peace for a season, finding no other way to dissolue this cloud that hung ouer them both, vntill the King and Prince were departed and setled further off. To this end came two Ambassadors this day from the Princes of Decan. They brought horses bar'd,* 25.174 richly furnished for Presents. At first the King refused to heare them and their gift, but turned them ouer to his sonne with this answere; If he would haue peace or warre, it was in his brest. The Prince ad∣uanced by this fauour, and swelling with pride, resolued (though I was informed the conditions [ 30] were very honorable, and such as the King would haue accepted) to goe on the iourney, answe∣ring he would treat of no peace, vntill he were in the field with his Armie; Chan Channa should not so beguile him of the honor of finishing that warre.

The ambitions of this yong Prince are open, the common talke of the people, yet his Father suffers all, but intends him not the Kingdome. For Sultan Corsoronne, the eldest brother, is both extreamely beloued▪ and honored of all men (almost adored) and very iustly for his Noble parts, and this the King knowes and loues, but thinkes his liberty would diminish his owne glory, and sees not that this she youth doth more darken him by ambitious practises, then the other could by vertuous actions.

[ 40] Thus he nourisheth diuision and emulation betweene the brethren,* 25.175 and putteth such power in the hand of the yonger (supposing hee can vndoe it at his pleasure) that the wisest foresee a rending and tearing of these Kingdomes by diuision, when the King shall pay the debt to Nature, and that all parts will be torne and destroyed by a ciuill warre.

The history of this Countrey, for the variety of subiect, and the many practises in the time of Echarsha, Father of this King, by him then Prince; and these later troubles, were not vn∣worthy committing to writing; but because they are of so remote parts, many will despise them: and because the people are esteemed barbarous, few will beleeue them. Therefore I con∣tent my selfe with the contemplation, but I could deliuer as many rare and cunning passages of State, subtill euasions, policies, answeres, and adages, as I beleeue, for one age would not be easi∣ly equalled.

[ 50] Only one that passed lately I cannot omit, to shew wisdome and patience in a father, faith in a seruant, falshood in a brother, impudent boldnesse in a faction that dare attempt any thing, when the highest Maiesty giues them liberty, either beyond the law of their owne condition, or the limits of policie and reason.

The Prince Sultan Carronne, Narmahel the deare Queene, Aunt to his wife, Asaph Chan his father in law, brother to the Queene, and Etiman Dowlet,* 25.176 father to them both (being they that now gouerne all, and dare attempt any thing) resolued it was not possible for them to stand, if the Prince Sultan Corseronne liued, whom the Nobility loued, and whose deliuery or life would punish their ambitions in time; therefore practised how to bring him into their power, that poy∣son might end him.* 25.177 Narmahel attempts the King with the false teares of womens bewitching [ 60] flattery, that Sultan Corseronne was not safe, nor his aspiring thoughts deposed: the King heares her say it, but would not vnderstand more then shee deliuered plainly.

This failing, they tooke opportunity of the Kings being drunke, the Prince, Etiman Dowlet and Asaph Chan, moued the King, that for the safety of Sultan Corseronne, and for his honour, it

were fitter he were in the company of his brother, whose companies would be pleasing one to the other, and his safetie more regarded, then in the hands of a Rashboote Gentile, to whom the King had committed him. Therefore they humbly desired his Maiesty, that he might be deliuered in∣to the hands of his deare brother, which the King granted, and so fell asleepe.

They thought their owne greatnesse such, as bringing the Kings authority no man durst refuse, and being once in their possession, they would dispute the redeliuery: so the same night Asaph Chan in the name of the King, sent by the Prince, came with a guard to demand and receiue Sul∣tan Corseronne, at the hand of Anna Rah, a * 25.178 Ra••ah Rashboote, to whom the King had intru∣sted him. He refused to deliuer his charge, with this answere, That he was Sultan Caronnes hum∣ble seruant, but that he had receiued the Prince his brother from the hands of the King, and to no other would deliuer him, but he should haue patience till the morning, when he would discharge [ 10] himselfe to his Maiesty, and leaue it to his pleasure to dispose. This answere cooled all. In the morning Anna Rah came to the King, and acquainted him with the demand of the Prince, his refusall and answere,* 25.179 and added his Maiesty had giuen him the charge of his sonne, and made him the Commander of foure thousand horse, with all which hee would dye at the gate, rather then deliuer his Prince into the hands of his enemes: If his Maiesty required him, hee was ready to obey his will,* 25.180 but he would prouide for his owne innocency. The King replyed, You haue done honestly, faithfully, you haue answered discreetly: continue your purpose, and take no know∣ledge of any commands: I will not seeme to know this, neither do you stirre further; hold your faith, and let vs see how farre they will prosecute it.

The Prince and the Faction, the next day finding the King silent, hoping hee might forget [ 20] what passed in wine, tooke no notice of the grant, nor of the refusall, but it fell (not without sus∣pition) on both parts. This I insert to this end, that you may beware scattering your goods in diuers parts, and engaging your stocke and seruants farre into the Countrey: for the time will come, when all in these Kingdomes will be in combustion, and a few yeares warre will not de∣cide the inueterate malice laid vp on all parts against a day of vengeance, wherein if Sultan Corseronne preuaile in his right,* 25.181 this Kingdome will be a Sanctuary for Christians, whom he loues and honours, fauouring learning, valour, the discipline of warre, and abhorring all couetousnesse, and discerning the base customes of taking, vsed by his Ancestors and the Nobility. If the other winne, we shall be losers: for he is most earnest in his Superstition, a hater of all Christians, proud, subtill, false, and barbarously tyrannous. There is daily expected an Ambassadour from the Sha∣bas [ 30] King of Persia.

* 25.182The thirteenth of October at night, the King returned and sent me a wilde Pigge. I recei∣ued aduice of the arriuall of foure shippes safe at the Port of Swally, with Letters from Eng∣land, that they departed the Coast the ninth of March 1615. with sixe ships, losing company of the Rose about the North Cape by foule weather.

The twelfth of Iune 1616. the other fiue came safely to the Bay of Soldania, where the Lyon homeward bound, was ready for a wind; her Commanders and people in health, staying dayes at the Road, without newes of the small ship. They dispeeded the Swan to Bantam, for effecting the businesse, and set saile for Surat the nine and twentieth with foure shippes, and came to anchor to their Port, the foure and twentieth of September 1616. In their passage the [ 40] sixt of August, neare the Ilands of Comora, about twelue degrees, fiftie minutes, they had sight of a Carrick burthen fifteene hundred tunne, manned with sixe hundred, being Admirall of the Fleet sent for Goa,* 25.183 bearing the Flagge: the Globe fetcht her vp to wind-ward, and after salutati∣ons of the Sea, the Carricke commanded her to Lee-ward, and seconded it with fiue shot tho∣row her Hull, which shee requited with eighteene, and so fell off. The Admirall and English Fleet comming vp, demanded satisfaction for the iniury; which was replied to with scorne: so began a fresh fight in few shot, the Commander Beniamin Ioseph was slaine, and the new establi∣shed continued it: at the euening shee ranne her selfe ashoare among the rockes of Angazesia. The Fleet anchored short of her, to attend the issue, and sent a Boat to offer faire warres: but a∣bout midnight shee fired her selfe,* 25.184 and burned all the next morning. The English sending their [ 50] Boats could not approach, but beleeue that not one man was saued, by circumstances very pro∣bable: the new Vice-Roy for Goa was in this shippe, whose resolution was the death of all the others.

The next day, I imparted the King, with his Maiesties remembred salutations, which were with much courtesie receiued: but he began with the Presents. I first mentioned our late fight and victory, which he seemed to reioyce in, and to applaud the valour of our Nation: but fell off to What hath the King sent me?* 25.185 I answered, Many tokens of his loue and affection: That my Master knew he was Lord of the best part of Asia, the richest Prince of the East. That to send his Maiest••e rich Presents, were to cast Pearles into the Sea, the mother and store-house of them, [ 60] that therefore his Maiesty thought it vnnecessary; but had presented him with his loue, with many curious toyes, which I hoped would giue him content. He vrged mee to some particulars, which I named: he asked me for French Muffe or Veluet. I answered, my letters were not arri∣ued: some other was come, which he desired. He enquired for Dogges: I told him, some had

their fortune in the fight, some dyed, two were preserued for him, at which hee reioyced, and continued if I could procure him a Horse of our great size, such as I described, being a Rone or Dutch Horse, he would accept it better then a Crowne. I replyed,* 25.186 I would doe my endeauour for his Maiesties satisfaction, but I feared it could not be effected: he answered, if I would pro∣cure one, he would giue me a Leck of Rupias. I desired his Maiesties Letter for the comming of these Presents without search, and for the good vsage of our people: he replyed,* 25.187 the Port was his Sonnes, but sent for him and publikely gaue expresse order for what I would require, and take on me, that it should not be searched, nor pay custome, but be dispeeded with expedition safe to my hands, that I might distribute it at my discretion, that he should command the good recep∣tion of our people, and finally, that he should giue me content in all my desires. This generally [ 10] extended not to the grant of a Fort, for that clause Asaph Chan refused to deliuer. This charge was very round and hearty in the King, and a grace to me. The Prince called Asaph Chan to me, and there professed and promised before his Father and all the Court, to giue mee all reasonable con∣tent. This is the strength of new Presents.

The fifteenth, I receiued from Masulipatan, that Captaine Keeling had taken two Portugall Barkes and a ship, one on the Coast of Cochin, laden with Tinne, the other fraighted from Ben∣gala, which he carried to Bantam: that Sir Robert Sherley was dismist with disgrace from Goa, and that he was on his way ouer land to Masulipatan to seeke passage; vnprobable, and I beleeue vntrue.

[ 20] The seuenteenth, the Prince pursuing his purpose of finishing the Decan Warres by his owne person, and vndertaking to giue answere to the Ambassadors, giues none; but detaines them vntill his approach. But being to depart, he and his partie thought not themselues secure if Sultan Corseronne remained in the hands of Annarah, that in his absence the King might bee reconciled, and by his libertie all the glory and hopes of their faction would vanish, and the in∣iurie and ambition hardly be pardoned. They newly assaile the Kings constancie to deliuer vp his sonne into the hands of Asaph Chan, as his Guard vnder Sultan Coronne. They pretend that it will fright Chan Channa, and the Decans, when they shal heare that this Prince is so fauoured, who now comes to make warre vpon them, that the King hath deliuered vp his eldest sonne; in that as it were his whole Kingdome, and hope of succession, and the present power thereof.

[ 30] This day he was deliuered vp, the Souldiers of Anna Rah discharged, and the Souldiers of A∣saph Chan planted about him with assistance of two hundred of the Princes Horse.* 25.188 His Sister and diuers women in the Seraglia mourne, refuse their meate, cry out of the Kings dotage and crueltie, and professe, that if he dye, there will an hundred of his Kindred burne for him in me∣morie of the Kings bloudinesse to his worthiest sonne. The King giues faire words, protesteth no intent of ill towards the Prince, and promiseth his deliuery, and sends Normahell to appease these enraged Ladies: but they curse, threaten, and refuse to see her. The common people all murmure, they say the King hath not deliuered his sonnes, but his owne life into the hands of an ambitious Prince, and a treacherous faction, that Corsoronne cannot perish without scandall to the Father, or reuenge from him; therefore he must goe first, and after him his Sonne, and so [ 40] through their blouds this youth must mount the Royall seat. New hopes are spread of his rede∣liuerie, and soone allaid, euery man tels newes according to his feares or desires. But the poore Prince remaynes in the Tygres power, refuseth meate, and requires his Father to take his life, and not to let it be the triumph and delight of his Enemies. The whole Court is in a whisper, the Nobility sad, the multitude like it selfe, full of tumour and noyse, without head or foot; one∣ly it rages, but bends it selfe vpon no direct ends. The issue is very dangerous, principally for vs: for among them it matters not who winnes. Though one haue right and much more honour, yet he is still a Moore, and cannot be a better Prince then his Father, who is of so good disposition that he suffers all men to gouerne, which is worse then to be ill:* 25.189 for wee were better beare iniu∣ries of Princes, then of their Ministers.

[ 50] The nineteenth, the Persian Ambassadour Mahomet Rosa Beag about noone came into the Towne with a great troupe, which were partly sent out by the King to meete him with one hundred Elephants and Musique, but no man of greater qualitie then the ordinary receiuers of all strangers: his owne traine were about fiftie Horse well fitted in Coats of cloth of Gold,* 25.190 their Bowes, Quiuers and Targets richly garnished, fortie shot, and some two hundred ordinary Peons, and attenders on baggage; he was carried to rest in a roome within the Kings outward Court till euening. When he came to the Durbar before the King (to which Ceremony I sent my Secre∣tary to obserue the fashion) when hee approched,* 25.191 hee made at the first raile three Tessilims and one Sizeda, which is prostrating himselfe and knocking his head against the ground: at the en∣trance in the like, and so presented the Shabas his Letter: which the King tooke with a little motion of his bodie, asking onely, How doth my Brother? without any title of Maiesty. And [ 60] after some few words, he was placed in the seuenth ranke, against the raie by the doore, below so many of the Kings Seruants, on both sides; which in my iudgement was amost inferiour place for his Masters Ambassador, but that he well deserued it for doing that reuerence which his Pre∣decessors refused to the dishonour of his Prince, and the murmure of many of his Nation. It is

said he had order from the Sophie to giue content, and thereby it is gathered, his Message is for some aide in money against the Turke,* 25.192 in which kind he often finds liberall succour, though it bee pretended he comes onely to treat a peace for the Decans, whose protection the Shabas taketh to heart, enuying the increase of this Empire. The King according to custome gaue him a hand∣some Turbant, a Vest of Gold and a Girdle, for which againe hee made three Tessilims, and one Sizeda or ground courtesie: he brought for Presents, three times, nine Horses of Persia and A∣rabia, this being a ceremonious number among them. Nine Mules very faire and large, seuen Ca∣mels laden with Veluet, two Sutes of Europe Arras, which I suppose was Venetian, Hangings of Veluet with Gold, and not Arras, two Chests of Persian Hangings, one Cabinet rich, foure Muskets, fiue Clockes, one Camell laden with Persian cloth of Gold, eight Carpets of Silke, two Rubies balast, one and twentie Camels of Wine of the Grape, fourteene Camels of distil∣led [ 10] Sweet Waters, seuen of Rose Waters, seuen Daggers set with stones, fiue Swords set with stones, seuen Venetian Looking Glasses, but those so faire, so rich, that I was ashamed of the relation. These Presents were not deliuered now; onely a Bill of them. His owne Furniture was rich, leading nine spare Horses, trapped in Gold and Siluer; about his Turbant was wreathed a chaine of Pearles, Rubies, and Turquesses, and three Pipes of Gold, answerable for three spridges of Feathers. Yet I caused diligent obseruance to be made of his reception, and compa∣red it with mine owne, and find he had in nothing more grace, in many things not so much, in ranke farre inferiour to that allowed me, except onely his meeting without the Towne; which by reason of my sicknesse was omitted to be demanded; neither did the King receiue the Shabas his Letter with such respect as my Masters, whom he called the King of England his Brother, [ 20] the Persian barely Brother without any addition, which was an obseruation of the Iesuite, that vnderstood the Language.

§. VI. The Princes brauerie; the Persian Ambassadours behauiour, the manner and effects of Drinking, of the King and his Nobles; the Kings remoue, his super-exceeding pompe, wealth, magnificence therein: Portu∣gall [ 30] fray: relations of Sultan Corsoroone: Persian newes.

THe one and twentieth of October, I went to the Prince and opened my desire, to haue a certaine * 25.193 clause in his Letter expounded, at which his highnesse stucke a little, and I perceiued his Highnesse to be as hollow as I imagined. Hee demanded then how hee should haue his Presents, or see such toyes as came vp, and moued mee to goe with him. I replyed, I could not doe so vntill I had deliuered my Masters Message, and Tokens to the King, but that finished, I would my selfe attend his Highnesse with his Presents, and all such ra∣ritie as came to my hands, should be sent after him: he prest me to passe my word, and so I obtay∣ned [ 40] order for the Firman to my content.* 25.194 His Highnesse looking on a white Feather in my Hat, demanded if I would giue it him, I replyed, I would not offer that I had worne, but if he please to command it, that or any thing in my power was to serue him. He asked if I had any more, I answered three or foure of other colours; hee replyed, if I would giue them all, for that hee was to shew his Horses and Seruants to the King within two dayes, and that he wanted some, being very rare in those parts. I promised to bring all I had on the morrow that his Highnesse might take his pleasure.

Abdala Chan in a gallant Equipage both of his person and Attendants, in apparell, strange and antike,* 25.195 but in these parts Alla Soldado presented the Prince a white Horse, the Saddle and [ 50] Furniture of Gold enamelled, a Beast of delicate shape, life and courage, who returnd him a Sword plaine with a belt of Leather. There were brought before him many others, the Hilts of Siluer, Chapes set with small Stones, and Targets couered with Gold Veluets, some painted and bossed with Gold and Siluer, which he gaue to his Seruants. Against this Muster many Saddles and Furniture of Gold, rich set with stones, of his owne, were shewed for spare Horses, his Boots imbrothered, and all other ingredients of brauery. I confesse, the expence is wonderfull, and the riches daily seene inualuable.* 25.196

This night past, it is reported sixe of the Princes Seruants came to murther Sultan Corsoronne, but were refused the Key by the Porter; that the Queene Mother is gone to the King with an ouerture of all the practice, the truth is vncertaine, and it is dangerous to aske. [ 60]

At euening, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, where I met the Persian Ambassador with the first Muster of his Presents, he appeared, rather a Iester or Iugler, then a person of any graui∣t••,* 25.197 running vp and downe and acting all his words like a Mimicke Player (now indeed the Ata∣chikanne, was become a right Stagge) hee deliuered the Presents with his owne hands; which

the King with smiles and cheerefull countenance, and many words of contentment receiued; his tongue was a great aduantage to deliuer his owne businesse, which he did with so much flatte∣ry and obsequiousnesse, that it pleased as much as his gift, euer calling his Maiesty King and Com∣mander of the World (forgetting his owne Master had a share in it) and on euery little occasion of good acceptation hee made his Tessilims. When all was deliuered for that day, hee prostrated himselfe on the ground, and knocked with his head, as if hee would enter in. The gifts were a faire Q••iuer for Bow and Arrowes delicately imbroydered, all sorts of Europaean Fruits artifici∣all in dishes, many other folding Purses and Knackes of Leather wrought with Needle-worke [ 10] in coloured Silkes, Shooes imbroydered and sticht, great Glasses in-layed in frames, one square piece of Veluet, imbroydered high with Gold in paynes, betweene which were Italian Pictures wrought in the stuffe, which he said was the King and Queene of Venice, (which, as I suppose, was the Hangings called Arras) of these sixe were giuen, one onely shewed; many other Trica∣nados of small value. After, the three Nines of Horses and Mules, which were faire ones, the Horses either had lost their flesh or beauty,* 25.198 for except one or two I iudged them vnfit for to bee sent or taken by Princes. So he returned with many antike trickes to his place farre inferiour to that allowed me, which was alone and aboue all Subiects which at first Asaph Chan would haue put me by, but I maintayned it as my due. This is but the first act of his presenting, the Play will not be finished in ten dayes. At night I sent to the Princes Secretary for my promised wri∣ting: but his Highnesse was loth to let the Presents passe without ransacking, and had changed [ 20] his mind refusing to seale the Letter.

The two and twentieth, at my comming, I deliuered him two Pluriaes, and two Birds of Pa∣radice; he accepted them easily, and my businesse being moued, and my resolution made knowne not to consent to open, nor to send them vp, but by the hands of my Seruants, at last he yeelded and gaue command to the Secretary to dispatch me.

At night I went to the Durbar to obserue the Ambassadour of Persia, I found him standing in his ranke, and often remoued and set lower as great men came in. The King once spake to him, and he danced to the tune thereof, but gaue no present: onely the King commanded that hee should be feasted by the Nobles; The time was spent in seeing Saddles and Furniture for the re∣moue, of which his Maiestie gaue some to his Followers, it beeing daily expected to rise: the [ 30] Kings Tents were out foure dayes since. I sent to the Secretary for my Firma, but hee delayed it with excuses.

The foure and twentieth, the King remoued to Hauaz Gemall, and called the Persian Ambas∣sadour, where at night hee ate and dranke before the King with the Nobilities, in the same fa∣shion that I did the Birth-day; the difference onely was,* 25.199 the King gaue him for expence twen∣ty thousand Rupias, for which he made innumerable Tessilims and Sizedaes, not rising from the ground a good space, which extreamely pleased the King, and was base, but profitable Idolatry. The Prince attending his Father, I could get no dispatch in my businesse.

The fiue and twentieth, the King returned at Euening, hauing been ouer-night farre gone in Wine: some by chance or malice spake of the merry night past, and that many of the Nobilitie [ 40] dranke wine, which none may doe but by leaue. The King forgetting his order, demaunded who gaue it? It was answered the Buxie (for no man dares say it was the King, when he would onely doubt it.) The Custome is, that when the King drinkes (which is alone) sometime hee will command, that the Nobilitie shall drinke after, which if they doe not, it is an offence too, and so euery man that takes the Cup of wine of the Officer, his name is written, and he makes Teselem,* 25.200 though perhaps the Kings eies are mystie. The King not remembring his owne command, called the Buxie; and demanded if he gaue the order? He replyed, No, (falsly: for he receiued it, and by name called such as did drinke with the Embassadour) whereat the King called for the list, and the Persons, and fined some one, some two, some three thousand Rupias, some lesse, and some that were neerer his person, he caused to be whipped before him, receiuing one hundred and thir∣tie [ 50] stripes with a most terrible instrument, hauing at each end of foure cords,* 25.201 irons like Spur∣rowels, so that euery stroke made foure wounds. When they lay for dead on the ground, he com∣manded the standers by to foot them, and after the Porters to breake their staues vpon them. Thus most cruelly mangled and bruised, they were carryed out, of which one dyed in the place. Some would haue excused it on the Embassadour; but the King replyed, hee onely bad giue him a Cup or two. Though drunkennesse be a common and a glorious vice, and an exercise of the Kings, yet it is so strictly forbidden, that no man can enter into the Gusel-Chan,* 25.202 where the King sits, but the Porters smell his breath: and if hee haue but tasted wine, is not suffered to come in; and if the reason be knowne of his absence, he shall with difficultie escape the whip: for if the King once take offence, the Father will not speake for the Sonne.* 25.203 So the King made the Com∣pany [ 60] pay the Persian Embassadours reward.

The sixe and twentieth, I sent to Sorocolla for the Firman. He sent me a copy as ambiguous and fraudulent as the former, which I refused, and drew the misliked clause my selfe, which I sent backe, and was promised that on the morrow it should be sealed.

The eight and twentieth, the Kings day of remooue at hand, I sent to Asaph Chan for a war∣rant

for carriages: the Merchants hauing sought all the Towne to remooue their goods to Agra, could find none, so I receiued order being enrolled by his Maiesty vpon my offer for twenty Ca∣mels, foure Carts, and two Coaches at the Kings price: whereof I disposed as many as the Factors needed to their vse. But it were an extreame errour to omit a passage, either of wonderfull base∣nesse in this great Monarch, or a tryall of me. The King had condemned diuers Theeues, among which were some boyes: there was no way to saue their liues, but to sell them for slaues: his Ma∣iesty commanded Asaph Chan to offer two of them for money, which hee appointed the Cut∣wall (that is the Marshall) to doe. My Interpreter made answere without my knowledge, that Christians keepe no slaues, that those the King had giuen I had freed, and that it was in vaine to propound it to me. But after I suspected it might be a tryall of me, whether I would giue a little money to saue the liues of two children: or else I supposed, if it were in earnest, it were no great [ 10] losse to do a good deed. And to try the basenesse or scope of this offer, I commanded my Interpre∣ter to returne to Asaph Chan, to tell him that he had acquainted me with the motion and his an∣swere: that I reprehended him for presuming in any case to giue my resolution, that my owne reply was, if there were any money to saue the life of two Children, to those whom they had robbed, or to redeeme them from the Law; both for respect of the Kings command, and for cha∣ritie I was ready to giue it, but I would not buy them as slaues, onely pay their ransome and free them; that if he pleased to know the Kings pleasure that I might giue them libertie without of∣fence, I was very willing to doe it. Asaph Chan replyed, I might at my owne will dispose them, that it was an extraordinary goodnesse; with many prayses accepted the money, desiring mee [ 20] to send it to the Cuttwall, and to vse my discretion to the boyes, not once offering to informe the King, which was one end of my liberality. I was loth to be coozened, and knew not whether this might be the profit of Officers or no, resolued to pay the money, but so as the King should not be ignorant I had more mercy then he, and that a Christian esteemed the life of a Moore a∣boue money. So I sent a Factor and my Interpreter to the Cuttwall, to acquaint him with the communication with Asaph Chan, and to let him know, if at night he would enforme the King, that I had offered to redeeme the Prisoners for charities sake, if after his Maiesty would consent to their liberty, I was ready to send him money; but to buy them as slaues, though for an houre, I would not, they should neuer come nor be manumised by mee, but that I desired his Maiesty to pardon them vpon my redemption, so I put them to the test of their base offer. This money ex∣ceeded not ten pound, a poore summe to impose on a stranger, or to bee gained by a King. The [ 30] Cuttwall returned answere, hee would know the Kings pleasure, and accordingly aduise mee. Some would perswade me this is one of the Mogols signall fauours to choose out such great men, as he will giue occasion to doe good and honourable workes,* 25.204 to redeeme Prisoners, and that the money giues satisfaction to the Plaintiffe robbed, and that those so appointed by the King to ransome others, make Sizeda as for some benefit receiued. Yet I find not any honour in a Prince to impose it on a stranger, to whom hee giues neither maintenance nor liberality; I went to the Durbar to see if his Maiesty would of himselfe speake to me, that I might deliuer my owne of∣fer. The Cuttwall made many motions, brought in the Executioner who receiued some com∣mand, but I vnderstood it not, but expected my answere. [ 40]

The first of Nouember, Sultan Corronne tooke his leaue and went to his Tents. The King at noone sat out at the Durbar, where the Prince brought his Elephants about sixe hundred richly trapped and furnished,* 25.205 and his fellowes by estimation ten thousand Horse, many in cloth of gold, with Hearne top-feathers in their Turbants, all in gallantry; Himselfe in cloth of Siluer im∣broydered with great Pearle and shining in Diamonds like a Firmament. The King imbraced him and kissed him, and shewed much affection: at his depature he gaue him a Sword, the Scab∣berd all of Gold set with stones, valued at an hundred thousand Rupias: a Dagger at forty thousand, an Elephant and two Horses with all the Furniture of Gold set with stones, and for a close one of the new Caroches (made in imitation, of that sent by his Maiesty my Master) and commanded the English Coachman to driue him to his Tents, into which he ascended and sate in the middle, the sides open, his chiefest Nobles a foot walking by him to his Tents about foure [ 50] mile. All the way he threw quarters of Rupias being followed with a multitude of people, he reached his hand to the Coachman, and put into his Hat about one hundred Rupias.

* 25.206The second, the King remoued to his Tents with his women, and all the Court about three mile. I went to attend him comming to the Pallace, I found him at the Farraco window, and went vp on the Scaffold vnder him; which place not hauing seene before, I was glad of the oc∣casion. On two Tressels stood two Eunuches with long Poles headed with Feathers, fanning him; hee gaue many fauours and receiued many Presents, what hee bestowed hee let downe by a Silke, rould on a turning Instrument; what was giuen him, a venerable fatte defor∣med olde Matrone hung with Gymbals like an Image pluckt vp at a hole with such another [ 60] Clue; at one side in a window were his two principall Wiues, whose curiositie made them breake little holes in a grate of Reed that hung before it, to gaze on me. I saw first their fingers, and after laying their faces close, now one eye now another sometime I could discerne the full propor∣tion, they were indifferently white, blacke haire smooth vp, but if I had had no other light,

their Diamonds and Pearles had sufficed to shew them: when I looked vp they retyred and were so merry, that I supposed they laughed at me. Suddenly the King rose, and wee retyred to the Durbar, and sate on the Carpets attending his comming out: not long after he came and sate a∣bout halfe an houre, vntill his Ladies at their doore were ascended their Elephants, which were about fifty, all most richly furnished, principally three with Turrets of Gold, grates of Gold∣wyre euery way to looke out, and Canopies ouer of cloath of Siluer. Then the King descended the staires with such an acclamation of Health to the King, as would haue out-cryed Cannons. At the staires foote, where I met him, and shuffled to be next, one brought a mighty Carpe, ano∣ther a dish of white stuffe like Starch, into which he put his finger, and touched the fish,* 25.207 and so [ 10] rubbed it on his fore-head; a ceremony vsed presaging good fortune. Then another came and buckled on his sword and buckler, set all ouer with great Diamonds and Rubies, the belts of gold sutable: another hung on his quiuer with thirty arrowes, and his bow in a case (the same that was presented by the Persian Ambassadour) on his head he wore a rich Turbant, with a Plumbe of horne tops, not many, but long: on one side hung a Rubie vnset, as bigge as a Walnut;* 25.208 on the other side a Diamond as great; in the middle an Emerald like a heart, much bigger. His Shash was wreathed about with a chaine of great Pearle, Rubies and Diamonds drild: about his necke he caryed a chaine of most excellent Pearle thrice double, so great as I neuer saw: at his elbowes armelets set with Diamonds; and on his wrists three rowes of Diamonds of seuerall sorts: his hands bare, but almost on euery finger a Ring; his gloues were English, stucke vnder his [ 20] girdle; his coat of cloath of Gold, without sleeues, vpon a fine Semian as thinne as Lawne: on his feet a paire of embroydered buskins with Pearle, the toes sharpe and turning vp. Thus armed and accommodated he went to the Coach, which attended him with his new English seruant, who was cloathed as rich as any Player, and more gaudy, and ha•• trained foure horses, which were trapped and harnished in Gold Veluets. This was the first he euer sate in, and was made by that sent from England, so like, that I knew it not but by the couer, which was a Gold Persian Veluet. He got into the end, on each side went two Eunuches, that caried small Maces of Gold, set all ouer with Rubies, with a long bunch of white-horse-taile to driue away flyes: before him went Drummes, ill Trumpets, and loud musicke, and many Canopies, Quittusols and other strange ensignes of Maiesty of cloath of Gold set in many places with great Rubies: nine spare horses, [ 30] the furniture some garnished with Rubies, some with Pearles and Emeralds, some onely with studs enamelled.

The Persian Ambassadour presented him a horse; next behind him came three Palankees, the carriages, and feet of one plated with Gold, set at the ends with Pearle, and a fringe of great Pearle hanging in ropes a foot deepe: a border about, set with Rubies and Emeralds. A foot∣man caryed a foot-stoole of Gold, set with stones, the other two were couered and lined with cloath of Gold. Next followed the English Coach, new couered and trimmed rich, which hee had giuen the Queene Normahell, who rode in it: after them a third of this Countrey fashion, which me thought was out of countenance: in it sate his yonger sonnes: after followed about twenty Elephants Royall, spare, for his owne ascendings, so rich, that in stones and furniture [ 40] they braued the Sunne. Euery Elephant had diuers flagges of cloath of Siluer, gilt Satin and taf∣fata. His Noble-men hee suffered to walke a foote, which I did to the gate, and left him. His wiues on their Elephants were caryed like Parakitoes halfe a mile behind him. When he came be∣fore the doore where his eldest sonne is prisoner, hee stayed the Coach, and called for him: hee came and made reuerence with a sword and buckler in his hand, his beard growne to his middle, a signe of dis-fauour. The King commanded him to ascend one of the spare Elephants, and so rode next to him, to the extreame applause and ioy of all men,* 25.209 who now are filled with new hopes. The King gaue him one thousand Rupias to cast to the people, his Gaoler Asaph Chan and all the Monsters yet a foot.

I tooke horse to auoyd presse and other inconuenience, and crossed out of the Leskar before him, and attended vntill he came neare his Tents. He passed all the way betweene a guard of Ele∣phants, [ 50] hauing euery one a Tur••et on his backe; on the foure corners foure banners of yellow Taffaty; right before a sling mounted, that carried a bullet as big as a great tennis ball, the G••n∣ner behind it; in number about three hundred: other Elephants of honor that went before and after about sixe hundred, all which were couered with Veluet or cloath of Gold,* 25.210 and had two or three gilded banners carried: in the way ranne diuers foot-men with skinnes of water that made a continuall showre before him: no horse nor man might be suffered to approach the Coach by two furlong, except those that walked a foot by, so that I hasted to his Tents, to attend his alighting.

They were walled halfe a mile in compasse, in forme of a fort,* 25.211 with diuers Coynes and Bul∣warkes, with high Cannats of a course stuffe made like Arras, red on the out-side, within which [ 60] figures in panes with a handsome gate-house. Euery post that bare vp these, was headed with a top of brasse. The throng was great: I desired to go in, but no man was suffered, the greatest of the Land sate at the doore; but I made an offer, and they admitted me, but refused the Persian Embassador and all the Noble men. Heere first the Persian Embassador saluted mee with a silent

complement only. In the middest of this Court was a throne of mother of Pearle, borne on two pillars raised on earth, couered ouer with an high Tent, the pole headed with a knob of gold, vnder it Canopies of Cloath of gold, vnder-foot Carpets. When the King came neare the doore, some Noble-men came in, and the Persian Embassador: we stood one of the one side, the other of the other, making a little lane: the King entring cast his eye on me, and I made a reuerence he laid his hand on his brest and bowed, and turning to the other side, nodded to the Persian. I fol∣lowed at his heeles till he ascended, and euery man cryed good, ioy, and fortune, and so tooke our places. He called for water, washed his hands and departed. His women entred some other Port to their q••arter: and his sonne I saw not. Within this whole raile was about thirty diuisi∣ons with Tents. All the Noble-men retired to theirs, which were in excellent formes, some all [ 10] white, some greene, some mingled, all incompassed as orderly as any house, one of the greatest rarities and magnificences I euer saw. The whole vale shewed like a beautifull Citie, for that the ragges nor baggage were not mingled. I was vnfitted with carriage, and ashamed of my prouision, but fiue yeeres allowance could not haue furnished me with one indifferent sute sortable to o∣thers; and which addes to the greatnesse, euery man hath a double, for that one goes afore to the next Remoue, and is set a day before the King riseth from these. So I returned to my poore house.

* 25.212The fift of Nouember, the Prince sate in the same magnificence, order and greatnesse that I mentioned of the King, his throne being pla••ed ouer wit•• siluer, inlaid with flowers of gold, and the Canopie ouer it square, borne on foure pillars couered with siluer; his armes, sword, buck∣ler, [ 20] bowes, arrowes, and launce on a table before him. The watch was set, for it was euening when he came abroad. I obserued now he was absolute and curious in his fashion and actions: he receiued two letters, read them standing, before he ascended his Throne. I neuer saw so setled a countenance, nor any man keepe so constant a gra••itie, neuer smiling, nor in face shewing any respect or difference of men; but mingled with extreame pride and contempt of all, yet I found some inward trouble now and then assaile him, and a kind of brokennesse and distraction in his thoughts, vnprouidedly and amazedly answering sutors, or not hearing: If I can iudge any thing, he hath left h••s heart among his Fathers women, with whom hee hath liberty of conuersation. Normahell in the English Coach the day before visited him and tooke leaue, shee gaue him a cloak all imbroydered with Pearle, Diamonds and Rubies, and carried away, if I erre not, his attenti∣on [ 30] to all other businesse.

The sixt, I receiued a letter from Master Browne, from Amadauas, who certified me of a fray begun by the Portugalls:* 25.213 fiue of them setting on an English B••y in Cambaya, and disarming him, vpon rumours whereof Iohn Browne and Iames Bickeford went to his rescue, and were assailed by seuen of them. One shooting a Pistoll, h••rt Iohn Browne in the hand, but his heart lay not there: they defended themselues honestly, brauely▪ like Englishmen, killed one, hurt some others, and chased them vp and downe the Towne like beast••, to the great shame of such villaines, and repu∣tation of our Nation. To reuenge this, the Portugalls being arriuen in their Frigats, diu••rs came ashoare, no more English in Towne but the three mentioned. The Gouernour vnderstood the occa∣sion, and sent the Cutwall with a guard to our house, and shut the water ports, expelling the Por∣tugalls, by commanding vpon paine of chastisement not to meddle with the English: and so de∣liuered [ 40] them safe out of Towne, who are returned to Amadauas.

The ninth, I found the Prince earnest at Cards, but he excused himselfe of forgetfulnesse, and blamed the Off••cers formally;* 25.214 but in shew vsed me with more courtesie then ordinary, call••ng me to see his Cards, and asking many questions. I expected he would speake of my going with him; but finding no such discourse, I told him I was come only to obey him and to take my leaue, that I desired his pardon, that I hasted away, for that I was to returne to Adsmere, being vnprouided to stay all night. He answered, he sent for me to see me b••fore his going, that I should presently be dispatched. Then he sent in an Eunuch, and diuers of his Captaines came smiling, s••ying the Prince would giue me a great Present, and if I feared to ride late, I should haue ten horse to guard me, and made such a businesse, as if I should haue rece••ued his b••st chaine of Pearle. By and [ 50] by came a Cloath of gold Cloake of his owne, once or twice worne, which hee caused to be put on my backe, and I made reuerence very vnwillingly. When his Ancestor Tamerlane was repre∣sented at the Theater, the garment would well haue become: but it is heere reputed the highest fauour to giue a garment worne by a Prince, or being new, once laid on his shoulder.

* 25.215The sixteenth, the King gaue order to fire all the Leskar at Adsmere to compell the p••ople to follow, which was daily executed. I was left almost desolate, and the Persian E••bassadour (who had fought, chid, brauld, complained, but could not get remedy) in the same estate▪ wee se••t to bemone one another, and by his example I began to resolue to buy (for many wo••ld s••ll, which at the Kings price could not hire) and I cast it at the best hand I could, almost to saue the hire, [ 60] though the carts were deare, for in three moneths the price was ea••en; nece••sity inforced me, for the Towne was burnt and desolate. I was in danger of theeues, that from the armie came and robbed in the night. I could not find bread to eate, yet I sent anew to Court, and resolued to a∣bide all the inconueniences of a hard siege.

The seuenteenth, I receiued from Goa for truth, that Don Emanuell de Menesses,* 25.216 with about three hundred of those saued ashoare from out the Admirall, were arriued poore, robd and rifled by the Inhabitants of Angazesia, who had slaine many, and forced some to Circumcision. On the foure and twentieth of October, not one of the Fleet sent out from Lisbon arriued, to their great wonder. The Gallion of Mosambique was fought with by the Hollander that lately de∣parted from Surat, who lay off and on before Goa as shee came in to meet the Ships expected; she was rich in Gold and other Commodities, but she escaped by meanes of the Port. Obserue the boldnesse of the Hollanders, to attempt with one ship, and to braue the head of the Indies. I re∣ceiued [ 10] a promise for Camels to remoue.

The eighteenth, I could not procure carriages, but was so daily delaied, that I feared to stay. Two Carts I was inforced to buy, and Camels I was constantly promised. M. Biddolph remai∣ned in the Princes Leskar to get mony, the King was yet but twelue course from Adsmere. The Iesuite tooke his leaue of me, being forced to buy carriage, notwithstanding his order for it out of the Kings store, but scarcitie punished all men.* 25.217 This emptie time offering no discourse of my owne affaires, I shall digresse conueniently to mention the state of Sultan Corsoroone, of whose new deliuery into the hands of his enemies, euery mans heart and mouth was full. The King notwithstanding he had so farre agreed to satisfie his proud sonne at his departure, yet it seemes meant not to winke at an iniurie offered to the Elder, and partly to secure him in the hands of A∣saph Chan, partly to satisfie the people that murmured, and feared the practise of some treachery [ 20] against him, he tooke occasion to declare himselfe publiquely. Asaph Chan had visited his newe Prisoner, and in his fashion did not acknowledge him as his Prince, but rudely prest vpon him a∣gainst his will, and with no reuerence. Some are of opinion, he pickt a quarrell, and knowing the braue nature of the Prince, that would not beare indignitie, tempted him to draw his Sword, or to vse some violence, which the guard should suddenly reuenge; or else it should bee declared to the King, as an attempt to kill his Keeper, and to escape: but the Prince was patienter; onely he got a friend to acquaint the King with the manners of his Iaylor. The King called Asaph Chan at the Durbar, and asked when he saw his charge; he answered two dayes past: his Maiestie re∣plyed, what did you with him? he sayes, onely visit him: but the King pressed to knowe what reuerence and fashion he carried towards him? Asaph Chan found his Maiestie knew what had [ 30] passed, and confessed he went to see him in affection, and offer his seruice; but that the Prince re∣fused him admittance into his Chamber; which because he had charge of his safetie, hee thought it both necessary for him to doe, and discourtesie for the other to deny, therefore he prest in. The King returnes quicke, When you were in, what said you, and what did you? what duty shewed you toward my Sonne? He stands blancke, and confesseth he did not any reuerence: whereat the King told him, he would make his proud heart know him to bee his eldest and beloued Heire, his Prince and Lord, and if he once heare of any the least want of reuerence, or dutie toward him, he would command his sonne to set his feet on his necke, and trample on him: that he loued Sul∣tan Coronne well, but he would make the world know, he did not intrust his Sonne among them for his ruine.

[ 40] The three and twentieth, and foure and twentieth, I stayed for the Merchants, and receiued an answer from Spahan that my Letters were dispeeded for Aleppo, that our comming into Persia,* 25.218 was expected, but on conditions to fit the Shabas, so that it might aduance his designe of diuer∣ting his Silkes from the way of Turkie: that the Generall of the Grand-signior lay with a mighty army at Argerone sixe dayes march short of Tauris, vncertaine, whether to assaile the Citie, or to enter Gorgeston and Gilan (the Countreys of Silks) to win that by conquest which he was pro∣hibited by commerce. To meet both attempts, the Shabas was incamped at Salmas, a Village indifferently seated in the way; but if in two moneths the armies incounter not, winter approaching, and the wants which attend such multitudes, will dissolue them both, without a∣ny honourable action: or if they meete, the Persian though by report one hundred and eightie [ 50] thousand, will not aduenture battell, but beeing light and able to march easily, without Cannon and Baggage, will fall on and off on euery side so on the Turkes armie, as he will breake, and wast him without hazard.

§. VII. Sir Thomas Roes following the Court in this Progresse, description of the Kings Leskar, and some places which they passed: the Kings Superstition, drinke, and dealing about the Present.

[ 60] THe first of December, I remooued foure course to Ramfor where the King had left the bodies of an hundred naked men, slaine in the fields for robbery,* 25.219 and the Carauan at midnight departed Adsmere.

The fourth fiue course, I ouertooke in the way a Camell laden with three hundred

mens heads, sent from Candahar, by the Gouernour in Present to the King, that were out in re∣bellion.

* 25.220The sixth, foure course, where I ouertooke the King at a walled Towne called Godah, in the best Countrey I saw since my landing being a faire Champion, ar euery course a Village, the soyle fruitfull in Corne, Cotton, and Cattell.

The seuenth, the King passed onely from one side of the Towne to the other, which was one of the best built I euer saw in India, for that there were some houses two stories high, and most such as a Pedler might not scorne to keepe shop in, all couered with tyle. It had beene the seat of a Raza Rashboote, before the Conquest of Ecbarsha, and stood at the foot of a great Rocke very strong, had many excellent workes of hewed stone about it, excellently cut, many Tankes ar∣ched, [ 10] vaulted, and descents made large, and of great depths. By it stood a delicate Groue of two mile large, a quarter broad, planted by industry, with Manges, Tamerins, and other fruits, diui∣ded with walkes, and full of little Temples and Altars of Pagods, and Gentilitiall Idolatry, ma∣ny Fountaines,* 25.221 Wels, Tankes, and Summer-houses of carued stone curiously arched, so that I must confesse, a banished Englishman might haue been content to dwell there, but this obseruati∣on is generall, that ruine and destruction eates vp all: for since the proprietie of all is come to the King, no man takes care for particulars; so that in euery place appeares the vastations and spoiles of warre, without reparation.

The ninth, returning, I viewed the Lescar, which is one of the wonders of my little experi∣ence, that I had seene it finished, and set vp in foure houres, except some of great men that haue [ 20] a double prouision, the circuit being little lesse then twenty English miles, the length some waies three course, comprehending the skirts, and the middle, wherein the streets are orderly, and Tents ioyned; there are all sorts of shops, distinguished so by rule, that euery man knowes readily where to seeke his wants, euery man of qualitie, and euery trade being limited how farre from the Kings Tents he shall pitch, what ground he shall vse, and on what side without alteration, which as it lies together, may equall almost any Towne in Europe for greatnesse; onely a Musket shot euery way no man approacheth the Atasykanha royall, which is now kept so strict, that none are admitted but by name, and the time of the Durbar in the Euening is omitted and spent in hunting or hawking on Tanks by Boat, in which the King takes wonderfull delight, and his Barges are remooued on Carts with him, and he sits not but on the side of one, which are many times a mile or two ouer. At the Iarruco in the morning he is seene, but businesse or speech pro∣hibited: [ 30] all is concluded at night at the Guzelchan, when often the time is preuented by a drow∣sinesse which possesseth the King from the fumes of Bacchus. There is now a gre••t whisper in Court, about a new affinitie of Sultan Corsoroone and Asaph Chan, and great hope of his libertie. I will finde occasion to discourse it, for that the passages are very worthy, and the wisdome and goodnesse of the K••ng appeares, aboue the malice of others, and Noomahel fulfill the obseruation, that in all actions of consequence in Court, a woman is not onely alwaies an ingredient, but commonly a principall drug of most vertue, and she shewes that they are not incapable of condu∣cting businesse, nor her selfe void of wit and subtiltie. It will discouer a Noble Prince, an excel∣lent W••fe, a faithfull Counsellour, a craftie Step-mother, an ambitious Sonne, a cunning Fauou∣rite, [ 40] all reconciled by a patient King, whose heart was not vnderstood by any of all these. But this will require a place alone, and not to be mingled among businesse.

The sixteenth, I visited the King, who hauing been at his sports, and his quarry of fowle and fish lying before him, he desired me to take my choice, and so distributed the remainder to his Nobilitie. I found him sitting on his Throne, and a Begger at his feet, a poore silly old man all asht,* 25.222 ragd, and patcht, with a young roague attending on him. With these kind of professed poore holy men, the Countrey abounds, and are held in great reuerence, but for workes of cha∣sticement of their bodies, and voluntary sufferings, they exceed the brags of all heretiques or I∣dolaters. This miserable wretch cloathed in rags, crowned with feathers, couered with ashes, his Maiestie talked with about an houre, with such familiaritie and shew of kindnesse, that it must needs argue an humilitie not found easily among Kings. The Begger sate, which his sonne dares [ 50] not doe: he gaue the King a Present, a Cake, asht, burnt on the coales, made by himselfe of course graine, which the King accepted most willingly, and brake one bit and eate it, which a daintie mouth could scarce haue done. After he tooke the clout, and wrapt it vp, and put in the poore mans bosome, and sent for one hundred Rupias, and with his owne hands powred them into the poore mans lap, and what fell besides, gathered vp for him; when his collation of banquetting and drinke came, whatsoeuer he tooke to eate, he brake and gaue the Begger halfe, and after ma∣ny strange humiliations and charities, rising, the old Wretch not being nimble, he tooke him vp in his armes, which no cleanly body durst haue touched, imbracing him, and three times laying his hand on his heart, calling him father, he left him, and all vs and me in admiration of such a [ 60] vertue in a heathen Prince.

The sixe and twentieth, we passed through Woods, and ouer Mountaines, torne with bushes, tired with the incommodiousnesse of an impass••ble way, where many Camels perished, many departed for Agra, and all complained. I lost my Tents and Carts, but by midnight we met, the

King rested two dayes, for that the Leskar could not in lesse time recouer their order, many of the Kings women, and thousands of Coaches, Carts, and Camels, lying in the woody mountaines, without meat and water, himselfe got by on a small Elephant, which beast will climbe vp rockes and passe such straits, as no horse nor beast that I know can follow him.

The twenty fourth of Ianuary, newes arriued at Court,* 25.223 that the Decans would not be frighted out of their Dominion, which Asaph Chan and Normahal had pretended, to procure this Voyage, but that they had sent their impediments into the heart, and attended in the borders, with fifty thousand horse, resolued to fight, and that Sultan Caronne was yet aduanced no further then Man∣doa, afraid both of the enemie and Chan Channa. These Counsellers changed their aduice, and [ 10] declaring to the King that they conceiued the Decan, before his passage ouer the last hills, would haue yeelded by the terrour of his approach, but finding the contrary, perswaded him to conuert it to a hunting iourney, and to turne his face toward Agra, for that the other was not an enemie worthy his person. He replyed this consideration came too late, his honour was ingaged seeing he had so farre past, hee would prosecute their first counsells and his purpose, and aduenture the hazard of both. But hee daily dispeeded fresh troopes towards his sonne, partly from his owne, the rest commanded from gouernments, according to reports, thirty thousand horse, but not by muster.

The third of February, departing out out of the Roade of the Leskar for ease and shade,* 25.224 and re∣sting vnder a tree for the same commodities, came vpon me Sultan Corsoroone, the Kings eldest restrained sonne, riding vpon an Elephant, with no great guard nor attendance: his people de∣sired [ 20] me to giue him roome, which I did, but attended to see him, who called for mee, and with some gentle and familiar questions, full of courtesie and affabilitie hee departed: his person is good, and countenance chearefull, his beard growne to his girdle; this only I noted, that his que∣stions shewed ignorance of all passages in Court, in so much hee neuer heard of any Ambassadour nor English.

The sixt at night, we came to a little Tower newly repaired, where the King pitched in a pleasant place vpon the Riuer of Sepra, short of Vgen, the chiefe City of Mulwa, one Course.* 25.225 This place called Calleada, was anciently a Seat of the Gentile Kings of Mandoa, one whereof was there drowned in his drinke, hauing once before fallen into the Riuer, and was taken vp by the haire [ 30] of the head, by a slaue that diued; and being come to himselfe it was related to him to procure a reward: he called for the instrument of his safety, and demanding how he durst put his hands on his Soueraignes head, caused them to be strucke off. Not long after, sitting alone with his wife in drunkennesse, hee had the same mischance to slip into the water, but so that shee might easily haue saued him, which shee did not: and being demanded why, shee replyed, shee knew not whe∣ther he would also cut off her hands for her recompence.

The eleuenth, the King rode to Vgen to speake with a Deruis or Saint, liuing on a hill,* 25.226 who is reported to be three hundred yeares old: I thought this miracle not worth my examination. At noone by a foot-post I receiued a letter, that the Prince, notwithstanding all Firmans and Commands of his Father, had intercepted the Presents and goods sent vp,* 25.227 to fulfill his base and [ 40] greedie desire, and that notwithstanding any gift nor entreaty, or perswasions of Master Terry, to whose charge they were committed, would not part with them, but by force compelled them to returne with him toward Brampore: yet did he forbeare to breake any thing open, but pressed the English to consent, which they refusing by my order, he thought to winne them by vexati∣ons; such is the custome to see all Merchants goods euen before the King, that he may first choose, but I resolued to breake that in our behalfe.

The Prince to satisfie his desire, before I could haue knowledge, he sent a Post to the King to certifie him, that such goods he had stayed without mention of Presents, and prayed leaue to o∣pen them, and to buy what he fancied. So soone as I heard of this faithlesse vnciuill vsage, I re∣solued I was iustifiable before all the world, if I vsed the extremitie of complaints, that I had practised all meanes to win and purchase fauour, and had suffered beyond the patience of a free∣man, [ 50] my former courses will witnesse, and leaue me without blame in ill successes, though I found it in a rougher way, seeing I could find no better in the smoothest. Briefely I resolued to appeale to Iustice by complaint, but as calmely and warily as I could, to expresse my whole griefe, ex∣treame iniuries, and long patience. To go to Asaph Chan (though to neglect him would displease him) ••et to trie him I feared would preuent my purpose: to send to him that I desired to visite the King at the Glutel-chand, I doubted what I intended might be suspected, if hee had heard of the iniury: so I practised first to preuent, and auoid preuention.

The Prop••et▪ whom the King vnited, offered me occasion, and my new Linguist was readie. I rode and met his Maiestie on his Elephant, and alighted making signe to speake: he turned his monster to mee, and preuented mee. My sonne hath taken your goods and my Presents: bee not [ 60] sad, he shall not touch nor open a seale, nor locke; at night I will send him a command to free them, with other very gracious speeches, that he knew I came full of complaint, to ease mee he beg••nne first. Vpon the way I could doe no more, but at night, without further seeking to A∣saph Chan, I went to the Guzel Chan, resolued to prosecute the complaint of forcing backe our

goods, in respect of the charge and trouble, of the abuses of Surat, and all our other grieuances. So soone as I came in, the King called my Interpreter, and deliuered by his, that he had written and sent his command very effectually, that not a haire should be diminished: I replyed, the in∣iury was such, and the charge and abuses of our liberty by the Princes officers, that I desired re∣dresse, for that we could not longer suffer. It was answered, what was past I must remit to his sonne, but by Asaph Chans mediation I could procure nothing but very good words, for he smoo∣thed on both sides; so that I was forced to seeme content, and to seeke an opportunitie in the absence of my false friend and procurator. The good King fell to dispute of the Lawes of Mo∣ses, Iesus and Mahomet, and in drinke was so kind, that he turned to me, and said: I am a King, you shall be welcome Christians, Moores, Iewes, he medled not with their faith; they came all [ 10] in loue,* 25.228 and he would protect them from wrong, they liued vnder his safety, and none should op∣presse them; and this often repeated, but in extreame drunkennesse he fell to weeping, and to di∣uers passions, and so kept vs till midnight.

Iudge all men what trauell I endured, by reason the Factors kept my Presents foure moneths, and sent them euen in the mouth of the Prince, arriued within two dayes of Brampore, and here∣by euery way our charge doubled, that I rested not satisfied; but seeing I had begun, and that the Prince was, as I feared, enough exasperated with a little, I thought as good lose him to some pur∣pose, as to none, at least to trie the King what hee would doe. So I waited aduantage, but sent backe the messenger to Master Terry, to stand out and attend the Kings answere, which I would speedily send him. And so resolued to dissemble that I hope to repay, when I came, with base [ 20] flattery worse then the theft, or at least to giue me some satisfaction, because trouble was in my face, for otherwise it is no iniury heere to bee so vsed: he beganne to tell me he had taken diuers things, that please him extreamely well, naming two Cushions embroydered, a folding Glasse, and the Dogges, and desired mee not to bee discontent, for whatsoeuer I would not giue him, I should receiue backe: I answered, there were few things that I entended not to present him, but that I tooke it a great discourtesie to my Soueraigne, which I could not answere, to haue that was freely giuen seazed, and not deliuered by my hands to whom they were directed: and that some of them were entended for the Prince and Normahall, some to lye by me, on occasions, to prepare his Maiesties fauour to protect vs from iniuries that strangers were daily offered, and some for my friends or priuate vse, and some that were the Merchants, which I had not to doe withall: he [ 30] answered, that I should not be sad nor grieued, that hee had his choyce, for that hee had not pati∣ence to forbeare seeing them, hee did mee no wrong in it, for hee thought I wished him first serued, and to my Lord the King of England hee would make satisfaction, and my excuse: the Prince, Normahall and he were all one; and for any to bring with me to procure his fauour, it was a ceremony, and vnnecessary, for he would at all times heare me; that I should be welcome emp∣tie handed, for that was not my fault, and I should receiue right from him; and to go to his sonne, he would returne me somewhat for him, and for the Merchants goods pay to their content: con∣cluding I should not be angry for this freedome; he entended well: I made no reply. Then hee pressed me whether I was pleased or no. I answered his Maiesties content pleased me: so seeing Master Terry,* 25.229 whom I brought in with me, he called to him, Padre you are very welcome, and [ 40] this house is yours, esteeme it so, whensoeuer you desire to come to me, it shall bee free for you, and whatsoeuer you will require of mee, I will grant you.

Then he conuerted himselfe with this cunning vnto me, naming all particulars in order: The Dogges, Cushions, Barbers case, you will not desire to haue backe, for that I am delighted in them: I answered no. Then said he there were two Glasse chestes, for they were very meane and ordi∣nary, for whom came they? I replyed, I entended one for his Maiestie, the other to Normahall. Why then, said hee, you will not aske that I haue, being contented with one? I was forced to yeeld. Next he demanded whose the Hats were, for that his women liked them. I answered, three were sent to his Maiesty, the fourth was mine to weare. Then said he, you will not take them from me, for I like them, and yours I will returne if you need it, and will not bestow that [ 50] on me, which I could not refuse. Then next he demanded whose the Pictures were. I answered, sent to me to vse on occasions, and dispose as my businesse required: so hee called for them, and caused them to be opened, examined me of the women, and other little questions, requiring ma∣ny iudgements of them, of the third Picture of Venus and a Satyre: he commanded my Inter∣preter not to tell me what he said:* 25.230 But asked his Lords what they conceiued should be the in∣terpretation or morall of that, he shewed the Satyres hornes, his skinne which was swart, and pointed to many particulars: euery man replyed according to his fancie; but in the end hee concluded they were all deceiued: and seeing they could iudge no better, hee would keepe his conceit to himselfe, iterating his command to conceale this passage from me: But bade him aske me what it meant: I answered, an Inuention of the Painter to shew his arte, which was Poeti∣call, [ 60] but the interpretation was New to mee that had not seene it. Then he called Master Terry, to giue his iudgement, who replying, hee knew not. The King demanded why hee brought vp to him an inuention wherein hee was ignorant; at which I enterposed that he was a Preacher, and medled not with such matters, nor had charge of them, onely com∣ming

in their company, hee was more noted, and so named as their conductor.

This I repeate for instruction, to warne the company and him that shall succeed me to be very wary what they send, may be subiect to ill Interpretation: for in that point this King and peo∣ple are very pregnant and scrupulous, full of iealousie and trickes, for that notwithstanding the King conceited himselfe, yet by the passages I will deliuer my opinion of this conceit, which (knowing, I had neuer seene the Picture, and by Ignorance was guiltlesse) hee would not presse hard vpon me. But, I suppose, he vnderstood the Morall to be a scorne of Asiatiques whom the naked Satyre represented, and was of the same complexion and not vnlike; who being held by Venus a white woman by the Nose, it seemed that shee led him Captiue. Yet he reuealed no dis∣content, [ 10] but rould them vp, and told me he would accept him also as a Present. For the Saddle and some other small Toyes, he would fit me with a gift to his Sonne, to whom he would write according to promise, so effectually that I should need no Sollicitor, in many businesses with as ma∣ny complements, excuses, professions & protestations as could come from any very Noble, or very base minde in either extreame. Yet he left not, but enquired what meant the figures of the beasts, and whether they were sent me to giue to him: I had vnderstood they were very ridiculous and ill shaped ordinary creatures, the varnish off, and no beauty other then a lumpe of wood; I was really ashamed and answered, it was not my fault, those that seized them must beare the affront, but that they were not entended to him, bu•• sent to shew the formes of certaine beasts with vs. He replyed quickly, did you thinke in England that a Horse and a Bull was strange to mee? I re∣plyed, [ 20] I thought not of so meane a matter, The sender was an ordinary man in good will to mee for Toyes, and what he thought, I knew not: well said the King, I will keepe them, and onely desire you to helpe me to a horse of the greatest size. It is all I will expect, and a Male and Fe∣male of Mastiffes, and the tall Irish Grey-hounds, and such other Dogges as hunt in your lands,* 25.231 and if you will promise me this, I will giue you the word of a King, I will fully recompence you, and grant you all your desires.

I answered, I would promise to prouide them, but could not warrant their liues, and if they dyed by the way, onely for my discharge, their skinnes and bones should bee preserued, hee gaue extraordinary Bowes, layd his hand on his heart, and such kind of gestures as all men will witnesse, he neuer vsed to any man, nor such familiarity, nor freedome, nor profession of loue. [ 30] This was all my recompence, that he often desired my content to be merry, that the wrong he had done me, he would royally requite, and send me home to my Countrey with grace and re∣ward like a Gentleman. But seeing nothing returned of what was seized, but words, I desired his Maiesty to deliuer backe the Veluets and Silkes being Merchants goods, that they were sent vp among mine by his Maiesties command, for that by that pretence, they escaped the rauine of the Princes Officers: so hee gaue order to call Master Biddolph to agree with him, and to pay for them to content. Then I deliuered a Letter I had ready written contayning my desire for Pri∣uiledges and Iustice otherwise I should returne as a Fayzneane and disgraced to my Soueraigne, and desired some Iustice for Sulpheckarkons Debt lately dead: he replyed he would take such order with his Sonne for Surat, as I should haue no cause to complaine, and that he should cleere it for [ 40] which he gaue instant order. For other places, he would giue me his commands, and euery way shew how much he loued me, and to the end I might returne to my Master with honour, Hee would send by me a rich and worthy Present with his Letter of my behauiour filled with ma∣ny prayses, and commanded me to name what I thought would be most acceptable, I answered, I durst not craue, it was not our custome, nor stood with my Masters honour, but whatsoeuer he sent, I doubted not, would be acceptable from so potent a King, and so much loued of my Lord. He replyed, that I thought he asked in iest, to please mee, and that he saw I was yet discontent, but he coniured me to beleeue he was my friend, and would at conclusion proue so, and vowed by his head hee spake heartily concerning Presents, but I must not refuse for his instruction to name somewhat. This earnestnesse enforced mee to say, if his Maiesty pleased, I thought large [ 50] Persian Carpets, would be fittest; for gifts of cost and value, my Master expected not.

He answered, he would prouide of all sorts and sizes, and added to them what hee thought was fit, that your King may know I respect him: next, hauing Venison of diuers sorts before him, he gaue me halfe a Stagge, with these words, hee killed it himselfe, and the other halfe I should see bestowed on his wiues, which was presently cut out, in small pieces of foure pound and sent in by his third sonne, and two women that were called out to diuers such Mammockes, as if it had beene a dole to the poore, and carryed by the Prince bare in his hands. Now I had as much satisfaction, and so abundant grace as might haue flattered me into content, but the iniury was aboue words, though I were glad of these and of colour to dissemble, for hee sent as a conclu∣sion to know if I were pleased, and did not depart discontent. I answered his Maiesties fauour was sufficient to make mee any amends. Then, said he, I haue onely one question to aske you; [ 60] which is, I wonder much now I haue seene your Presents two yeares, what was the reason why your King sent a Merchant, a meane man before you with fiue times as many, and more curious Toyes that contented all, and after to send you his Ambassadour with a Commiss••on and his Let∣ter mentioning Presents, and yet what you brought was little, meane and inferiour to the other.

I acknowledge you an Ambassadour, I haue found you a Gentleman in your vsage, and I am a∣mazed why you were so slightly set out.

I would haue replyed, but he cut me off, I know it is not the Kings fault, nor yours, but I will let you see I esteeme you better then they employed you. At your returne, I will send you home with honour, with reward, and according to your qualitie; and not respecting what you brought me, will like a King present your Lord and Master: onely this I will require from you, and not expect it from the Merchants, to take with you a patterne of a Quiuer, and Case for my Bow, a Coat to weare, a Cushion to sleepe on of my fashion, which was at his head, and a paire of Boots, which you shall cause to bee embroydered in England, of the richest manner, and I will expect and receiue them from you, for I know in your Countrey they can worke bettet then [ 10] any I haue seene, and if you send them mee, I am a King, you shall not lose by it, which I most thankfully vndertooke, and he commanded Asaph Chan to send me the patternes. Then he de∣manded if I had any Grape Wine. I could not denie it; he desired a taste next night, and if hee li∣ked it he would be bold, if not, he desired me to make merrie with it. So spending this night one∣ly on me, he rose.

The third of March, wee came to Mandoa, into which the King entred in state, but no man was suffered to goe in before hee was set, by the aduice of his Astrologers, so that wee all sate without, attending a good houre.

* 25.232The sixth, I came into Mandoa, hauing sent before, and found a faire Court well walled, and in that a good Church, one great Tombe: it was taken vp by one of the Kings Seruants, but I [ 20] got possession and kept it, being the best within all the wall, but two mile from the Kings house, yet so sufficient that a little charge would make it defensible against raines, and saue one thousand Rupias, and for Aire very pleasant vpon the edge of the hill.

* 25.233The eleuenth, at night I went toward the Court, but the King vpon newes of a Lion that had killed some Horses, was gone to hunt, so that I had leisure to seeke some water: for we were brought to a hill with a multitude of people (so great is the foresight, and so good the Policie) where was no water, that men and Castle were like to perish, that little that was in Pooles some great men possessed, and kept by force, I could get none, the poore forsooke the Citie, and by Proclamation many were commanded away, all Horses and Cattel forbid, and so those who were now in hope to rest, were forced to seeke new Dwellings, who departed some two, three and [ 30] foure Course off, to the extreame trouble of all men, and the terrible rising of prouisions. I knew not what to doe: my Roome and House was good, and though I were farre from Markets, yet it was a lesse inconuenience then to sit in the fields without house or shelter, onely I wanted water, so I rode my selfe to seeke some, and found a great Poole possessed by Chan, which was giuen by the King. I sent to desire him leaue to draw, who granted me foure load a day, which satisfied me in such sort, that with selling away some of those Iades that were put vpon me from Surat, and putting off my Cattell, I had hope to liue, to which purpose I sent two with them to lye out of Towne. There was not a misery, nor punishment, which either the want of Gouernment, or the naturall disposition of the Clime gaue vs not.

[ 40]

§. VIII The New-yeares Feast: Suspicions of the English: Trade of Dabul, distaste of the Persian, English-men of Warre in the Indian Seas.

THe twelfth, I went to the King, and carried a New-yeares gift, a paire of very faire Kniues of my owne, and sixe Glasses of yours; the excuse I made was well receiued, [ 50] and the King vsed mee with all grace, this onely was my comfort. He said whatsoe∣uer came from my hands was present sufficient, he accepted my loue, and it was his part now to giue me. I found a gainer by him, who had so farre performed his promise that I perceiued the King instructed in my desire, and gaue present order to an Officer to send for Ma∣ster Bidolph to pay him to his content for such things as he claymed, and all the others were ac∣knowledged to be receiued by name, and that when I went to the Prince, the King would write; but was loth to part with any thing, of which the best sweet bagge lay before him. I replyed, I was as loth to goe emptie handed: so it rested, the King commanded I should come vp and stand within, on the degrees of his Throne by him, where I found on one side the Persian Ambassa∣dour, on the other the old King Candahar with whom I ranked, and he presently fell to begge a [ 60] Knife which next day I sent. The King called for the Persian to come downe, to whom he gaue a Iewell, and a young Elephant, for which he kneeled and saluted the ground with his head. The Throne was the same vsed the last yeare,* 25.234 and all the other furniture: at the vpper end was set the King my Soueraignes Picture, the Queenes, my Lady Elizabeths, Sir Thomas Smiths and some

others, two pieces of good and fine Tapistrie below them, that came from Persia, a Throne of Gold set all ouer with Rubies, Emeralds and Turqueis, and the old Musicke of singing Whores. This day I dispatched to Surat my aduice of the Persian businesse and the new Ambassadour, and some remembrance to Abram Chan the Gouernour from whom I receiued a Letter, that in his absence our Nation had beene wronged against his knowledge, but that his power being aug∣mented by the Prince, he desired me to be confident in him, that while he liued in authoritie we should neuer suffer any such abuses, but we should liue in all freedome.

The thirteenth, I sent a Complement to Asaph Chan, a faire wrought Night-cap of mine owne, and a rich paire of Gloues which he returned as vselesse in this Countrey; the Cap he re∣ceiued [ 10] and desired some Alegant Wine, which I sent the next day at night. Aganor (whose di∣ligence now gaue me great hope and ease) sent a Banman his Secretary to tell mee hee had order for the dispatch of the Merchants goods, and that his man should attend Master Biddolph to fi∣nish it, that the patternes should be sent me home, and that the King would giue me a Coat and money to beare my charges to the Prince. I returned answere, that I had no vse of a Babylonish Garment, nor needed money; if his Maiestie were pleased to consider the iniuries offered, of which the Paper testified remayned in his hands, and to giue me his Letter to the Prince with some Presents or else to write in my excuse, it was all I would desire, but for his gifts I expected none but Iustice.

The one and twentieth: I yet could not at instant presse it further, only I discouered the Kings doubts, for he suspected my stealing out of his Countrey,* 25.235 and breach with our Nation for [ 20] the Prince, either out of guiltinesse or feare, or perhaps cunning to make vs the pretence of his owne dessignes, had newly enformed the King, that next yeare, the English purposed the taking of Surat, and keeping it, of which our owne folly gaue some colour; for lately vpon one of their ordinary brabbles they caused two hundred Musketers to land and march toward Surat, and being met by diuers the ioyfull Mariners gaue out, they went to take it. This absurde brauado for a a handful of men to passe twelue mile to a walled Towne, able to put out a thousand horse armed, and as many shot, a Riuer to passe which a few men would defend against a good Armie, gaue iust occasion of scorne and offence: and which the Prince apprehended for some other his owne ends, to refortifie the Castle and Towne, and to send downe Ordnance for the defence: a good [ 30] prouision to keepe a doore open to flie out, if his Brother liue to correct his ambition. But this information occurring with my discontents heere, and some free language, my pressure to goe to Brampore, and flying newes that we had taken Goa, and were preparing a great Fleet in England, did cause some suspition in the King, which though he concealed it, yet hee thought to discouer by the former Discourse, with which hee rested fully satisfied, but I did not: I had beene long fed with words, and knew as well as the heart that trembled, that feare of vs only preserued our residence.

The nine and twentieth of March: this complaining of Officers is a tune so new, so odious in Court, that it troubleth all great men, it beeing their owne case,* 25.236 who liuing vpon farming Go∣uernments in which they vse all tyrannie to the Naturals, are loth to suffer a way open to the [ 40] Kings vnderstanding of their practice, who ordinarily hang men by the heeles, to confesse mo∣ney, or to ransome themselues from no fault: this made all men enuie my imployment, and auoid me as an Informer.

The fiue and twentieth of April, I receiued from Dabull road from Cap. Pepwell,* 25.237 that according to aduise he had stayed the Iuncke bound for Mocha, but weighing the caution giuen by mee to consider well what correspondence were betweene that Prince and Mozolapatan, in whose Ter∣ritorie the Solomon was and could not get to Sea, finding both alliance and friendship, he freed her without spoile, alleaging the refusall of Trade to Middleton, which courtesie procured him, so good entertainment as the Indies affoords seldome, free Trade and promise to take three hundred Clothes yearely: a good quantitie of Lead sold for money, and some Ordnance (which I like not to arme the Indians, and the Portugals friends, enemies to the Mogoll) and all other courte∣sies, [ 50] which if this kindnesse proceeded not, for that the Iuncke was yet vnder command, giues me good hope of some Trade in sale yearely at the Port, howeuer the freeing of the Iuncke assures me the Commander will doe nothing by catching, preiudiciall to the Company, and deliuer himselfe honestly from the iealousies cast vpon him from Dabul, hee signifies his intent to pro∣ceed to Callicute, and if that Factorie be not worth supplyes to transmit it to Dabul.

The seuen and twentieth, by the Foot-post I receiued from Mesolapatan, that the Salomon was got to Sea, and the Hosiander from Bantam arriued, who brought the ill newes of the losse of the Hector and Concord, careening in the Roade of Iacatra, on Iaua, in recompence that the Dragon, Cloue and Defence, were homeward laden from Bantam. I tooke this occasion to conuey a letter to the Gouernour of Dabul ouer-land, to apprehend the ouerture newly made by him of the [ 60] trade: though I had little opinion of the place, yet I would not neglect that,* 25.238 nor encourage the next Fleet to proceed, but vpon better assurance then a forced friendship, and offers made while their Iuncke was in our power. The effect was to signifie the causes of our staying their goods for refusing trade to Sir Henry Middleton, but now finding in him a better inclination and a

desire to receiue vs, & to establish a friendship and league, a promise to take cloth in good quanti∣tie. I required if these motions were hearty, and such as befitted a man of honour, that he would write to the King his Master, to procure his Firman with such priuiledges as were fit for Mer∣chants, and his promise to buy our goods, and to fulfill all the friendly offers made by him, his Officer, vnder his Seale, and with expedition to send it mee to the Court of the great Mogoll: whereby I might receiue assurance and encouragement that they entended faith, and on such re∣ception I did vndertake on the behalfe of the King of England, a good and firme Peace toward his Master, his subiects free passage in the seas, from any oppression by our Fleets: and that yeare∣ly I would either send a ship to his Port for trade, or if it so required, leaue & establish a residence in his Gouernment. I doubt not, but yearely for feare or loue, some good trade by sales may bee made, but for enuestments, it will not be worth it: only I proceeded as I would haue wished all [ 10] men, not with too seeming eager a desire, nor to swallow any offers and conditions hungerly, for strict care in the first setling is the best aduantage: and for misery of ensuing times, it being a ge∣nerall rule neuer to mend your first estate, often to empaire it, euery mans best houre is when he is new, a stranger, and at first seene: after, the naturall lenitie of these Barbarians, finds all that brings not change, fastidious. This dispatch I committed to Master Bangham, and desired him to make diligent enquiry of the commodities, aduantages, inconueniences, humours and affecti∣ons of these Decannies towards vs.

* 25.239The thirtieth, the time that he brought me the excuses of the Persian Ambassadour, for failing in taking his leaue of me, which he would not send by a seruant, but vttered the truth that the Ambassadour was not sicke, as he pretended, but receiuing no content from the King in his busi∣nesse [ 20] he suddenly tooke leaue, and hauing giuen thirty faire horses at his departure: the King gaue in recompence three thousand Rupias which he tooke in great scorne; whereupon the King prized all that the Ambassadour had giuen him at meane rates, and likewise all that the King had returned since his arriuall, euen to slaues, Drinke, Mellons, Pines, Plantanes, Hawkes, Plumes, the Eliphant and whatsoeuer at extreme high rates, and sending both Bils made it vp in money. This base vsage and scorne caused him to excuse his not seeing Asaph Chan and Etimon Dowlet on a Feuer, which hauing done hee could not come through the Towne to mee without discouerie, but desired him to acquaint me with the truth, and to make all excuse and profession that hee would recompence this discourtesie by double friendship to my Countrimen in Persia: with some bitternesse against the King, which Aganor as freely deliuered, and I seemed as vnwilling [ 30] to heare. I presented them with some Aligant and Kniues, and we parted.

The twelfth of May, I receiued newes of a great blow giuen the Persian by the Turkes Army, so that Tanris was rased, and the Shabas not able to keepe the field.

The fiue and twentieth, a Lion and a Woolfe vsed my house, and nightly put vs in alarume, fetching away Sheepe and Goats out of my Court, and leaping a high wall with them. I sent to aske leaue to kill it, for that no man may meddle with Lions but the King, and it was granted: I ranne out into the Court vpon the noyse, and the beast missing his prey, seized on a little Island Dogge before me, that I had long kept, but the Woolfe one of my Seruants killed, and I sent it the King.

The fourteenth of Iune, certaine goods of the Iesuites were sent from Cambaya in a Cabinet, [ 40] Phisicke and necessaries, and a Letter, which were betrayed by the bringer, and deliuered the King: which he opened and sent for the Padre to reade the Letter, and to see all in the Boxes, of which nothing liking him, he returned all; which I obserue as a warning to all that deale in this Kingdome, to bee wary of what they write or send, for such is the custome and humour of the King, that he will seize and see all, lest any Toy should escape his appetite.

The eighteenth, I receiued Letters from Amadauar of the Hope of the fall of Indico, by the failing of the Goa Caffila, and that there was plentie to be bought but deare. That the Vnicornes Horne was returned as without vertue, concerning which I gaue him new aduice; many com∣plaints against Surat and others, which I meddle not with. I receiued from Brampoore two Let∣ters, how doubtfull the Debt of Ralph stood, and newes of the returne of Spragge from the Les∣kar [ 50] of Decan. The Generall Melickamber with much shew of honour, gaue instant order for priuie search in all his Campe, for the Persian fled, and by me remanded; but finding him departed to Vizeapoore, by testimony that businesse was pursued no further, but by a Letter to a Dutch there resident. The Generall desired Spragge to be a meanes to bring him English cloth and swords to his Campe for the supply of his Souldiers which lye within sixe dayes of Brampoore. In my opinion, that had beene a good employment of some idle men, and a way to vent our dead com∣modities.

The thirtieth of Iuly, I receiued from Surat, of the casting away of two Dutch ships on the Coast of Damon, that hauing come from the Southward with Spices and China Silkes, were [ 60] bound for the Red Sea, but losing their season with much extremitie of weather beating many weekes about the entrance for harbour, attempted the like at Socatra, and vpon the Coast of A∣rabia, but being not able to get in any way, they resolued for Surat, hoping by the last yeares good successe to be able to ride safely: but the yeares differ, and beeing forced to anchor in extre∣mitie

their greater ship cut her Masts by boord, and after her Cables breaking, shee went ashore vpon the Coast Ozie ground within Musket shot. The ship kept vpright, but hauing lost their long Boat, and their Skiffe not able to liue by rafters, foure men got ashoare, and the Tydes hea∣uing her in vpon the Spring, they saued much goods and all their people: her Pinnasse of sixtie Tunne was beaten to pieces.

The one and twentieth of August, the King of Candahor, came to visit me, and brought wine and fruit, sate halfe an houre, and for one Iest of his begged a bottle of wine.

The Prince Sultan Corseroone had his first day of hoped libertie, and came to take ayre and pleasure at the Banquetting house by me. The Prince at Brampoore had made a Marriage without [ 10] the Kings consent, and gotten displeasure: besides some practice of his was discouered against his Brothers life; but this as a secret; he was called for to Court. Normahal and Asaph Chan by their Fathers aduice, came about to make a peace with Corsoroone and Alliance, and with infinite ioy his libertie is expected.

The two and twentieth, the King feasted at Asaph Chans. I receiued from Aleppo and Persia, passages of the Warre, the Turkes retrait, but no word of our English: only, that the Captaine of Grinins, had written to practise their disgrace.

The fiue and twentieth, I aduised to Agra my proceeding in the Armenians businesse backe to Surat, and Brampoore of all occurrents. This day Asaph Chan feasted Normahall, the Prince Sultan Corsoroone, as is reported, to make a firme alliance, and that he will bring away a Wife by his Fathers importunitie, this will beget his full libertie, and our proud Masters ruine.

[ 20] The first of September, was the Kings Birth-day, and the solemnitie of his weighing, to which I went, and was carryed into a very large and beautifull Garden, the square within all water, on the sides flowres and trees, in the midst a Pinacle, where was prepared the scales, be∣ing hung in large tressels, and a crosse beame plated on with Gold thinne: the scales of massie Gold, the borders set with small stones, Rubies and Turkey, the Chaines of Gold large and mas∣sie, but strengthened with silke Cords. Here attended the Nobilitie all sitting about it on Carpets vntill the King came; who at last appeared clothed, or rather loden with Diamonds, Rubies, Pearles, and other precious vanities, so great, so glorious! his Sword, Target, Throne to rest on correspondent; his head, necke, breast, armes, aboue the elbowes at the wrists, his fingers euery [ 30] one, with at least two or three Rings; fettered with chaines, or dyalled Diamonds; Rubies as great as Wal-nuts, some greater; and Pearles, such as mine eyes were amazed at. Suddenly hee entered into the scales, sate like a woman on his legges, and there was put in against him, many bagges to fit his weight which were changed sixe times, and they say was siluer, and that I vn∣derstood his weight to be nine thousand Rupias, which are almost one thousand pound sterling: after with Gold and Iewels, and precious stones, but I saw none, it beeing in bagges might bee Pibles; then against Cloth of Gold, Silke, Stuffes, Linnen, Spices, and all sorts of goods, but I must beleeue, for they were in fardles. Lastly, against Meale, Butter, Corne, which is said to be giuen to the Baniani, and all the rest of the Stuffe: but I saw it carefully carryed in, and none distributed. Onely the siluer is reserued for the poore, and serues the ensuing yeare, the King v∣sing [ 40] in the night to call for some before him, and with his owne hands in great familiaritie and humilitie to distribute that money. The scale he sate in by one side, he gazed on me, and turned me his stones and wealth, and smiled, but spake nothing, for my Enterpreter could not be admitted in. After he was weighed, he ascended his Throne, and had Basons of Nuts, Almonds, Fruits,* 25.240 Spices, of all sort made in thinne siluer, which he cast about, and his great men scrambled pro∣strate vpon their bellies, which seeing I did not, hee reached one Bason almost full, and powred into my Cloke, his Noblemen were so bold as to put in their hands, so thicke, that they had left me none, if I had not put a remayner vp. I heard he threw Gold till I came in, but found it sil∣uer so thinne, that all I had at first being thousands of seuerall pieces had not weighed sixtie Ru∣pias. I saued about twentie Rupias weight, yet a good dishfull, which I keepe to shew the osten∣tation, for by my proportion he could not that day cast away aboue one hundred pound sterling. [ 50] At night he drinketh with all his Nobilitie in rich Plate. I was inuited to that, but told, I must not refuse to drinke, and their waters are fire. I was sicke and in a little fluxe of bloud, and durst not stay to venture my health.

The ninth of September, the King rode to the Riuer of Darbadath, fiue course on pleasure, and comming by my house I rode out to meete him. The custome is, that all men by whom hee passeth neere their gate, make him some Present, which is taken as a good signe, and is called Mombareck, good Newes, or good Successe. I had nothing to giue, nor might fitly goe with no∣thing, nor stay at home without discourtesie, which made mee venture vpon a faire Booke well bound filleted and gilt, Mercators last Edition of the Maps of the world, which I presented with an excuse that I had nothing worthy,* 25.241 but to a great King I offered the World in which he had so [ 60] great and rich a part. The King tooke it in great courtesie, often laying his hand on his breast, and answering euery thing that came from mee was welcome. Hee asked after the ships arriuall, which I told him I daily expected: hee told me hee had some fat wild Hogges sent him from Goa, and if I would eate any at his returne he would send me some. I made him due reuerence, and an∣swered

any thing from his Maiestie was a feast to me: he rode on his Eliphant, and the way was stonie, and I offering to bring him toward the gate, hee bade God keepe mee, and returne to my house, demanding which it was, and praysing it: indeed it was one of the best in the Leskar, yet but an old Church and large Tombe inclosed: iterating his fare-well, he said the way was ill, and desired me to goe home, and with much shew of courtesie tooke leaue.

* 25.242The sixteenth, I rode to repay the visit of Marre Rustam the Prince of Candahor, who at my arriuall sent word he durst not see mee, except hee asked leaue of the King or acquainted Etimon Dowlet or Asaph Chan, which at the Durbar he would. I answered he should not need, for I ne∣uer meant to trouble my selfe with a man so vnciuill, nor to come a second time. I knew well it was a shift out of ill manners; that the King would bee no more angry for his bidding mee wel∣come [ 10] to his house, then for his comming to mine, but that I cared not to see him, but came in ci∣uilitie to requite, that I took so in him. His man desired me to stay vntill he told his Master my answere, but I would not, and returned: at night, I rode to Court to visit the King, who questio∣ned about the Booke of Maps, but I did forbeare any speech of my debts.

The fiue and twentieth, I rode to the Court very weake, to make triall of the King about our debts, for that Muckshud had also newly answered he had mist his Prigany, and knew not how to pay, but by his house. I deliuered the King the Merchants Petition, which hee caused to bee read aloud, and the names of the debtors, and sureties, and summes distinctly, by Asaph Chan: which done, he called Araddat Chan, the chiefe of his officers of Houshold, and the Cutwall, and gaue them order, but what I vnderstood not; reading the names, hee questioned their abilities [ 20] and qualities, and what goods they receiued, finding some dead, some strangers: concerning Rulph, Asaph Chan offered to speake to the Prince at his arriuall to finish it. My Interpreter was now called in, and the King conuerted to mee, giuing this answere: That the Merchants had made debts at their owne wills, and not brought a note of their goods to him, therefore if the men were insufficient, it was at their perill, for that it was no reason to expect the money from him, which, I suppose, he spake of his seruant Hergonen, who being dead, his goods were seazed for the Kings vse: but seeing it was the first time, he would now assist me, and cause our money to be payed: but if hereafter the English would deliuer their goods to his seruants without mo∣ney or acquainting him, they should stand to the hazard; but if when their commodities came to the Court, they would bring a bill to him of all, he would first serue himselfe, and after distribute [ 30] the rest to such as should buy that, and if any of them failed, he would pay the money himselfe: this is indeed the custome of Persia Merchants, to bring all to the King, which I haue often seene, who takes his choice, and deliuers the rest to his Nobilitie, his Scriuanoes writing to whom, and his Officer cutting price; a copy of which is giuen the Merchant, and hee goes to their houses for money; if they pay not, there is an expresse Officer that hath order by currant course to force them. Then was it told my Interpreter what command the King had giuen, that Arad Chan should call the debtors before him, and cause them to pay: but this pleased not our Merchants, I thought it both a iust and gratious answere, better then in such cases priuate men can get of great Princes.

The King hearing I had been sicke, and wished for wine, gaue me fiue bottles, and commanded when I had ended those, to send for fiue more, and so as I wanted; and a fat Hogge, the fattest [ 40] I euer saw, sent vp by Mochreb Chan, that came from Goa, which at midnight was brought home by a Haddy with this message; since it came to the King it had eaten nothing but Sugar and But∣ter. I tooke this as a signe of fauour, and I am sure in that Court it is a great one. Then he sent for the Map-booke,* 25.243 and told me he had shewed it his Mulaies, and no man could reade nor vn∣derstand it, therefore if I would, I should haue it againe: I answered, at his pleasure, and so it was returned.

The sixe and twentieth, there being a Raia in rebellion in the hills, not past twentie Course from the Laskar,* 25.244 the King lately sent out two Vmbras with horse to fetch him in, but he defen∣ded his quarter, slew one of them, and twelue Maancipdares, and in all of both sides about fiue [ 50] hundred, returning scornefull messages to the King to send his sonne, for he was no prey for ordi∣••nry forces.

* 25.245The second of October, the Prince entered the Towne, and all the great men in wondrous tri∣umph: the King receiued him, as if he had no other, contrary to our expectation. Brampore left almost emptie vnder Chan Channa. I had sent to Asaph Chan, to excuse my not meeting him, for I was not able to stirre, nor had no Present. All the great men, and the Kings Mother, receiued him foure Course off. I sent also some of my seruants with my iust excuse, which his pride only nodded at.

The fifth, I receiued from Surat newes of our shippes arriuall, the Admirall missing, and her Prize of Mosambique;* 25.246 the rest well, who had taken two English Rouers, set out by () [ 60] who were found in chase of the Queene Mothers ship returned from the Red-sea, which they for∣tunately rescued and brought safe in; if shee had bin taken, we had all bin in trouble: with these the Companies Letter, in voice, instructions for Persia, and diuers other notes of aduise, that by reason of the Admiralls absence: they knew not what course to take with the men of Warre. I

dispeeded to Surat orders about all businesse, as appeares in my Letters.

The sixt, I rode to visite the Prince, at his vsuall houre, to giue him welcome, and to acquaint him with our businesse, determining to make offer of all respect to him, and to that end not to come emptie handed, and bought a fine Chaine of gold, China worke. I sent in word; he retur∣ned that I should come next morning at Sunne rise, when he sate to be worshipped, or stay till his riding to Court, which I must haue done at his doore. This I tooke in extreame scorne,* 25.247 his Fa∣ther neuer denying me accesse; and his Pride is such, as may teach Lucifer: which made me an∣swere roundly, I was not his Slaue, but a free Ambassadour of a King, and that I would neuer [ 10] more visite him, nor attend him, hee had refused me Iustice; but at night I would see him with the King, to whom only I would addresse my selfe, and so departed.

At night I went to the King, who receiued me graciously. I made a reuerence to the Prince, but he would not once stirre his head. Then I acquainted the King, that according to his order, I had brought an abstract of our ladings, desiring his command: after his manner he asked what and what, and was so wonderfully satisfied, especially with Arras, that he promised mee all fa∣uour, all priuiledges, all that I would desire. He enquired for Dogges, which I could not answere, and for Iewels, which I told him they were dearer in England then in India, at which hee rested ••••tisfied. I durst not name the Pearles for many reasons; if I had, our people had beene way-laid for by the Prince, and such snatching, as I could not auoyd infinite trouble: I knew I could bring them ashoare, and to Court by stealth, that the lesser expected, the better welcome; but [ 20] my maine reason was, I would make a friend by them. Therefore when Asaph Chan pressed me to know, I desired him to make that answere of dearenesse, and that I would speake with him a∣lone; he soone vnderstood me, and made excuse.

The King being well pleased, I thought it good time to mooue againe for the debts; and ha∣uing my Petition ready, opened it, and offered it vp: the King not marking, others discouered what it was, and knew the King would bee enraged that his order was neglected: whereat one stept to me, and clapt downe my hand gently, desiring me not to doe so. I answered, Ara∣dake Chan had absolutely refused me Iustice: at which he being by, came in, in much feare, cal∣ling Asaph Chan, desiring him to hinder me from complaint. I answered, our ships were arriued, and we could not forbeare nor endure such delayes: so they consulted together, and called the [ 30] Cutwall, giuing order to execute the Kings command: who that night at midnight beset their Tents, and catched some of them, so that now we shall haue reason.

I had great thanks of all the Vmreies for protecting the Queenes ship, and our courtesie to their passengers, which they enformed the King, who tooke it kindly, and they all promised that they were obliged to loue our Nation, and would doe them all seruice: but they wondered we could not gouerne our people, but that theeues could come out, without the Kings leaue.

At the Kings rising, Asaph Chan carryed me with him to his retyring place, and there first we translated the Abstract into Persian, to shew the King an houre after: in which I inserted the money with some addition, because the King might perceiue was brought profit to his Domini∣ons; next the cloath and sorts, then the fine wares in generall: lastly the grosse commodities, [ 40] desiring his Maiestie to order what he would buy, and to giue vs liberty for the rest. This finished, Asaph Chan renewed the reason why I would speake alone, bad me be free, vowed and prote∣sted such friendship as I neuer could expect. I replyed, The reason why I desired it, was to aske his counsell: for it was true I had somewhat, but my vsage last yeare was so bad, that I durst not trust any, but that he might see how I replyed on him, I was willing on his oath to reueale it, which he presently gaue. I told him I had a rich Pearle, and some other ropes faire: I knew not whether it was fit to tell the King, lest the Prince were displeased; I told him how in the mor∣ning I had been to visite him, and his discourtesie, and my resolution: but that I knew his fauour was so necessary for vs, that I hoped I might recouer it, by this one respect that I kept the Pearle for him. This I said was my purpose and reason I concealed it; he was father in law to him, and [ 50] fauorite of the King; I was ready to please both, and desired his aduice. He embraced me, and began: I had done discreetly, but I should acquaint neither: if I did, I should neuer want trou∣ble: the King would vse me well, but keepe such a stirre to see it, and get it into his hand, ac∣cording to custome, and then I must sue for mine owne. The Prince was rauenous and tyranni∣call, and wearied all Nations. He bade mee steale all ashoare, trust none, and shewed mee many conueyances; bade me obserue the vsage of the Portugalls, how they were ransacked, and desired to buy it, which if I would grant it, I should haue money in deposito, what I should aske, and he would for this trust of him, sollicite all my desires, that without him I could doe nothing. Now was an oportunitie to make a friend. I answered, I was willing, but I feared hee would reueale it; which hauing receiued his oath, and a ceremony of couenant by crossing thumbes, we embra∣ced: [ 60] I promised to be directed by him, and he to doe all that I required for the comming vp of the rest; he would take order to giue me Firmans, no man should touch any thing, bu•• all come to me, to dispose of at pleasure. The Prince he would reconcile to me, and the next time he vi∣sited him, he would take me, and make him vse me with all grace, and for other businesse it should not be in his power to crosse me, but if he did, he would assigne vs a Syndie, which was in his

gouernment, or procure any other Port at my desire, and whatsoeuer I demanded should be per∣formed faithfully. He also aduised me to giue his sister Normahall some toy; he said he would make the King giue me money: to which I answered, I desire you to conuert it into the well vsage of my countrey-men, I asked no more.

Thus we rose, and he carryed me in to the King, with the Note translated, who gaue mee all good vsage: asked if the Arras were a Present: I answered yes, lest it should be seized, for the Prince was by. In conclusion, hee said hee would buy all the parcell of cloath, and many other things, appointing me to send for it speedily; Asaph Chan to take order for a Firman from the Prince.

Thus I had a good night, and I knew though they are all () yet in this he would deale [ 10] truely, because it was to helpe himselfe, and durst not betray me till he had the Pearle, for feare to misse it, nor after, for hauing himselfe betrayed the Prince.

§. IX. ASAPH CHAN seeketh to further vs for hope of gaine, so also NORMA••AL: Master STEELES arriuall: Danger to the publike, by priuate trade: Stirres about a Fort.

[ 20]

* 25.248THe twelfth, according to promise, Asaph Chan carryed mee to the Prince, into his pri∣uate roome, where I presented him with a small China Gold-chaine, in a China Cup, he vsed me indifferently: Asaph Chan perswaded him to alter his course towards vs, telling him hee gained yearely by vs a Lecke of Rupias at his Port: that it appeared we yearely encreased our trade, and it would in time bring profit; that if the hard measure were continued, we would quit both that and the Countrey, of which inconuenience would ensue. That we were his Subiects (such words he must vse) if for desire of toyes he gaue vs discontent, we would practise to conceale ••ll from him; but if hee gaue vs that libertie which was fit, wee would striue to bring all before him, for that I only studyed his content and fauour for my par∣ticular; that he should receiue mee, when I came to visite him with honour, and according to [ 30] my qualitie, it would encourage mee to doe him seruice, and content my Nation. Finally, hee moued him for a Firman for our present ease, and obtained it, promising all manner of content, and at instant gaue order to Asaph Chan his Secretary, to draw it in euery point according to my owne desires, and to write a Letter to the Gouernour in recommendations of it: and that I should at all times haue any other Letter, w••en I called for it. It is easily seene with how base and vnworthy men I traffique. Asaph Chan for a sordid hope only of buying some toyes, was so reconciled, as to betray his sonne, and to me obsequious, euen to flattery: for the ground of all this friendship was, that he might buy the Gold taken in the prize, and some other kna••kes: to which end he desired to send downe a seruant, which I could not deny without losing him, I had so long laboured to get: neither was it ill for vs, for his payment is good, and it will saue vs much [ 40] charge and trouble to sell aboord, especially wine and luggish that spoiles in cariage; and he ob∣tained leaue vnder false colours, and wrote to the Gouernour in our behalfes, with all manner of kindnesse. There is a necessitie of his friendship, his word is law, and therefore I durst not see his vnworthinesse, and hope by this course to winne him, at least to make present good vse of him. Vpon this occasion I moued for a Firman for Bengala, which he promised, and would neuer before hearken to: and this effect of his greatnesse I found, that hee prosecuted our debters, as if his owne: and passing by the Cutwa••••s on his Elephant, called to command dispatch, which was an vnusuall fauour; vpon which Groo was imprisoned, and Muckshu had two dayes libertie only to pay vs; and I doubt not, but to end that in ten dayes, the summe being foure and forty thousand Rupias, and the debters most shifting false knaues in India. [ 50]

The one and twentieth, at this instant, came in to me from Asaph Chan, a seruant, in the name of Normahal, that shee had moued the Prince for another Firman, that all our goods might bee in her protection, and that shee had obtained it, and was readie to send down her seruant with that, to see and take order for our good establishment, that shee would see that wee should not bee wronged. That Asaph Chan had done this for feare of the Princes violence, and because of his delayes▪ that now hee was sure that his sister had desired to bee our Protectresse, that the Prince would not meddle, that vpon his honour I should receiue all things consigned to mee; that shee had written such a command, and charged her seruant to assist our Factors, so that we should haue neuer more cause to complaine of Su••at. Therefore hee desired of mee two or three words to the [ 60] Captaine and Factors to vse him kindly, and to let him buy for her some toyes, such as I would spare. This I durst not deny, though I saw the greedinesse; and gaue him a note on condition to see the Copy of the Firman which was sealed, and I could not without leaue, and so he was di∣speeded: but you may by this iudge this place, how easie it were to raise a stock•• last yeare, wee

were not looked after. Now because I translated the Cargazon of fine wares (yet concealed the Pearle) and gaue it the King; euery one is ready to runne downe to buy: Normahall and Asaph Chan studying to doe me good offices; many great men desiring a letter to send their seruants downe, so that if you had treble this stocke, it would be bought vp aboord, and saue you custome, and carriage, and spoile: for which purpose out of this I haue ordered your Factory to sell to the seruants of Normahall and her brother, whatsoeuer may bee spared, so that I may bee fitted at Court in any proportion. Thus I shall saue trouble and you charge, the Prince preuented, and our friends confirmed, and yet I hope sufficient for to please the King and his sonne: at the deli∣uery of which Asaph Chan hath vndertaken the Firman for Bengala, or any Port, and a generall [ 10] command and grant of free Priuiledges in all his Dominions.

The foure and twentieth, the King departed Mandoa foure Course, and wandering in the hills, left vs irresolute what way to take, no man knowing his purpose. The six and twentieth, I got a warrant for ten Camels at the Kings price. The nine and twentieth, I remoued after: forced away by the desolations of the place.

The one and thirtieth, I arriued at the Kings Tents, but found him gone with few company for ten dayes a hunting, no man to follow without leaue, the Leskar diuided and scattered into many parts, ill water, deare prouisions, sicknesse and all sorts of calamitie accompanying so infi∣nite a multitude; yet nothing remooues him from following this monstrous appetite. Heere I vnderstood the Kings purpose was vncertaine, whether for Agra or Guzerat; the latter giuen [ 20] out; the former more probable, because his Councell desired to be at rest: but that how euer for the dispatch of my businesse, seeing hee would linger heere about a moneth, I was aduised, and thought it as fit to send for the goods and Presents, as to deferre it vpon vncertainties, being that dispatched, I had hope of some quiet in this course: I wore out my body, being very weake, and not like to recouer vpon daily trauell in the fields, with cold raw muddie water.

The second of Nouember, arriued Richard Steele and Master Iackson,* 25.249 with the Pearle and some other small matters stollen ashoare, according to my order,* 25.250 which I receiued and gaue quittance for: with him I had conference about his proiects, which because I would not rashly re∣iect them, as he had set them afoot, after hauing made him see his fancies, and vnderstand the qualitie of these people, how for the water-worke, if to bee effected, it must bee begunne at our [ 30] charge, and after triall, we shall not enioy the profit, but the Naturalls taught, and our people re∣iected; neither our commoditie vented by it, for that the Lead will treble his price by portage ouer-land; and cannot bee deliuered at Agra so cheape as found there: yet I was content hee should make triall for satisfaction by carrying his work-men to Amadauas, to meete mee there, where by assistance of Mocrib Chan, who only is a friend to new inuentions. I would make of∣fer to the King of their industry, and make proofe what conditions may be obtained; but in my iudgement it is all money and labour cast away. The Company must shut their eares against these proiectors, who haue their owne employments more in their ends, then their Masters pro∣fits: many things hold well in discourse, and in the theorique satisfie curious imaginations, but in practise and execution are found difficult and ayrie, especially to alter the constant receiued [ 40] customes of Kingdomes, where some drinke only raine-water, some of a holy Riuer, some none but what is fetched by their owne cost: his second of reducing the Caffilaes and Merchants of Lahor and Agra, by the Riuer Indus, that vsed to passe by Candahor into Persia, to transport by sea in our shipping for Iasques or the Gulph, is a meere dreame, some man in conference may wish it, but none euer practise it. The Riuer is indifferently nauigable downe, but the mouth is the residence of the Portugalls, returnes backe against the streame very difficult. Finally, wee must warrant their goods, which a Fleet will not doe, neither did the Portugall euer lade or noise such goods but only for those of Sindie and Tatta, that traded by their owne Iunckes, they gaue a Cartas or Passe to secure them from their Frigats, and traded with them, for which they payed a small matter, and that onely which came to the purses of the Grand of Diu, Damon and Or∣mus, [ 50] or if all other diff••culties were taken away, yet will the Lahornes neuer bee drawne downe, being that Caffila consists most of returning Persians and Armenians that knew the passage from Iasques almost as bad, as from Candahor, and for that little on the Confines of Sinde not worth mentioning. Notwithstanding for his better satisfaction, I was content hee should by experi∣ence learne his owne errours, so it were not at the Companies charge, but I suppose hee will let it fall, not knowing at which end to beginne

A third proiect for to ioyne the Trade of the Red Sea with this, I recommended to him, for that it was alreadie in vse, and the perill for the Guzurats very apparant, therefore I doubted not some Merchants might be drawne to lade in our ships at freight, whereby wee should make our selues necessary friends to these people, supply our owne defects, saue export of monies, and final∣ly, [ 60] for this yeare employ one ship of the olde account that should returne in September: and re∣ceiue the proceed of the remaynes of this ioynt stocke, which will be suff••cient to re-lade a great ship, otherwise to transport it ouer will be extreame losse. This I opened and vrged the conse∣quence shewed which way to effect it, and commended by him to the Commander, the Cape Merchant, and your Factors with all earnestnesse, as by my Letters appeares. The consequence

I will make euident in your profit, if they follow it, for were the goods and estate all my owne, if I could not procure somewhat towards charge by freight from the Guzurats, yet hauing so many emptie vessels for so small a stocke, and two fallen into your hands of men of warre, I had rather goe emptie, and for company with them, then to omit that: there are many chances in that Sea, and in the way her returne onely of our owne remaynes, shall requite all forbearance; and be readie in time, for employed she must be if we intend to send the rest vpon this acco••nt, for that here is no harbourage at his arriuall. I found him high in his conceits, hauing somewhat for∣gotten me, Master Kerridge and him at warres, which I endeauoured to temper on all parts, but for his Wife I dealt with him cleerely,* 25.251 she could not stay with our safety, nor his Masters con∣tent; that he had ruined his fortunes, if by amends hee repayred it not; that shee should no•• tra∣uell nor liue on the Companies Purse;* 25.252 I know the charge of women, that if he were content to [ 10] liue himselfe like a Merchant, as others did frugally, and to be ordered for the Companies seruice and to send home his Wife, he was welcome: otherwise, I must take a course with both, against my nature. Hauing to this perswaded him, I likewise practised the discouragement of Captaine Towerson about his Wife, (you know not the danger, the trouble, the inconuenience of granting these liberties) to effect this, I perswaded, Abraham his Father in Law, here to hold fast: I wrote to them the gripings of this Court, the small hope or reliefe from his alliance, who ex∣pected great matters from him. Finally, I perswaded his returne quietly. To further this, I wrote to your chiefe Factor, that such things as hee had brought and were vendible, should bee brought to your vse by Bill of exchange to such profit for him, as both might saue; and this in∣conuenience you bring on your selues by liberties vnreasonable. But to take tye of his trash to lye [ 20] vpon your hands, vpon any condition I did prohibit.

I find by your Letter your strict command in priuate Trade, as well for your owne Seruants as others, whereby I collect, you meane not that he shall haue that libertie hee expects, for he is furnished for aboue one thousand pound sterling,* 25.253 first penny here, and Steele at least two hundred pound, which he presumes sending home his Wife, his credit and merit is so good towards you, that you will admit in this case to be rid of such cattell, I will not buy, but order that it be marked and consigned to you, that you may measure your owne hand. You discourage all your olde Ser∣uants, some may doe all things for faire words, some nothing for good actions: I could instance some gone home two yeares since, that onely employed their owne stocke, did no other busi∣nesse, and liue now at home in pleasure, others that raise their fortune vpon your monies, from [ 30] Port to Port, and returne rich and vnquestioned. Last yeare a Mariner had sixe and twentie Churles of Indico, others many Fardles, a third seuen thousand Mamudes, first pennie in Ba∣roach,* 25.254 Bastaes, chosen apart, for hee inuested your Monies, and it is probable hee chose not the worst for himselfe: a fourth, aboue one hundred and fiftie pound first pennie. These I mention not for spight, but to moue you to equalitie, neither by their example these may escape, for they swallow you vp, but that an indifferent restraint be executed vpon all.

For the effecting of all these purposes, the sending home the woman and the prosecution of the Red Sea, I send backe Richard Steele with orders to Surat, hauing altered my purpose of the goods and Presents from the Leskar, it beeing declared that the King will for Guzurat, where I haue appointed Richard Steele, after hauing dispatched other matters, to meete with them and [ 40] his Ingeniers.* 25.255 I also sent my aduice and directions to Captaine Pring, to take an Inuentorie of all the Monies and goods in the two men of Warre, to make it ouer to your stocke and land it, to sell or dispose of the ships, as his occasion shall require, the monies, if sold, to be put to stocke, to grant passage to some of the Chiefes, to entertaine the rest and to referre it to you at home, whom you will deale with the Owners that set them out. My opinion is peremptory, that their surprize is iust and iustifiable, all their goods forfeited: if you will restore any thing, at your courtesie; but with the more rigour you deale with these, the better example you will leaue for such barbarous Piracies: for if this course be practised, take your leaue of all Trade about Surat, and the Red Sea, and let the Company of Turkie stand cleere of the Grand Signors reuenge, and we heere must expect cold Irons. [ 50]

The sixth, I went to Asaph Chans, hauing receiued his Passe, vnto whom I shewed the Pearle according to promise, though the sorts fit not the Countrey iust as I was informed hereafter, yet their performance with him gaue him such content, that I am confident, I may vse Pharaohs words, The Land is before you, dwell where you will, you and your Seruants: for the price wee talked not, but he vowed such secrecie: and for my sake, who haue shewed this confidence in him, hee will giue more then their worth,* 25.256 and not returne on••, and pay readie mony, of which hee profes∣seth not to want, and to lend mee what I want: his Sister I haue promised to visit, whom hee hath made our protectresse, and briefly whatsoeuer contentment words can bring I receiue, and some good effects. When the Presents arriue, assure you I will not be liberall to your losse, little [ 60] shall serue. Asaph Chan admonisheth mee himselfe, so they came with somewhat to induce them, as well accepted, bought as giuen: experience of others makes mee to approue of this doctrine.

Finishing these complements with him in his Bed-chamber, he rose to Dinner hauing inuited

me and my people: but he and friends dined without, appointing mee a messe with him apart, for they eate not willingly with vs: where I had good cheere and well attended; the reuersion for my seruants.

After dinner, I moued Groos debt, told him the delayes. Hee answered, I should not open my lips, he had vndertaken it, that Groo by his meanes was finishing accounts with a Ieweller; that hee had ordered, as money was paid, it should rest in the Cutwalls hand for vs; which I found true: and the Cutwall promised to finish it in three dayes, desiring mee to send no more to A∣saph Chan.

I cannot omit a basenesse or fauour, according as you will interprete it. The King when his Pri∣sons are full of condemned men, some he commands to be executed, some he sends to his Vmraes [ 10] to redeeme at a price: this he esteemes as a courtesie, to giue meanes to exercise charitie, but he takes the money, and so sels the vertue.

About a moneth before our remoue he sent to mee, to buy three Abassines (for fortie Rupias a man) whom they suppose all Christians. I answered, I could not buy men as Slaues,* 25.257 as others did, and so had profit for their money, but in charity I would giue twenty Rupias a piece to saue their liues, and giue them libertie. The King tooke my answere well, and bade them to be sent me. They expected money, and I was not hastie; hearing no more of it,* 25.258 I hoped it had beene forgotten: but his words are written Decrees. This night the Officers seeing I sent not, deli••e∣red the Prisoners into my Procuradors power, and tooke his Sc••eete for sixtie Rupias, which at [ 20] my returne I payed, and freed the Slaues.

The tenth, I visited Asaph Chan, hauing receiued aduise from Surat of a new Firman, come downe to disarriue all the English, and some other restrictions of their libertie:* 25.259 vpon a complaint made to the Prince, that we intended to build a Fort at Swally, and that our shippes were laden with Bricke and Lime for that end: which suspition arose only by bringing a few on shoare to sound the ships bell: yet the Alarum came to Court so hot, that I was called to answere; which when I made it appeare how absurd the feare was, how dishonorable for the King, how vnfit the place for vs, without water or harbourage: yet the iealousie was so strongly imprinted, because formerly I had demanded a Riuer by Goya for that end, that I could hardly perswade the Prince we intended not some surprise. By this you may iudge, how easie it were to get a Port for our selues, if you affected it, which I can, neither so profitable for you, nor a place tenable. Notwith∣standing [ 30] all remonstrances, this furnace must be demolished, and a Had••ey of horse sent downe to see it effected. The disarming of our men, being all that our peopled stomacked, though it was on∣ly to leaue their weapons in the Custome-house, and that only of the ships company, though it were quieter for vs, except they were often more ciuill: yet I told Asaph Chan wee would not endure the slauery, nor I stay in the Countrey, that one day the Prince sent a Firman for our good vsage and grant of Priuiledges, the next day countermanded it; that there was no faith nor ho∣nour in such proceedings, neither could I answere my residence longer. He replyed, at night hee would mooue the King, before the Prince, and giue me answere.

The thirteenth, I reuisited Asaph Chan: he told me wondrous matters of the Kings aff••ction [ 40] to my Souereigne, to my Nation, and to mee; that hee had ventured the Princes disfauour for our sakes, and had full promise for a new reformation: but because he feared the Princes dealing, he gaue me this assurance, that he would take the Prigany of Surat, which the Prince must leaue, being made Gouernour of Amadauas, Cambaya, and that Territorie: and to giue me satisfaction that he had not dissembled with me, he desired me to come at night to Court, and bring the King my Masters Letter and the translation, the oportunitie was faire to deliuer it: vpon the occasi∣on of which, he bade me persist in my complaints, and offer to take leaue; I should then see what he would say for vs, and so I should beleeue my selfe. At euening I went to the King, it beeing a very full Court, and presented my Letter, which (the King sitting on the ground) was layd be∣fore him; and he busie, tooke no great notice. Asaph Chan whispered his Father in the ••are, de∣siring him to reade the Letter, and to ass••st vs, for that he might b••tter begin that then himselfe. [ 50] Etimon Dowlet tooke vp both Letters, gaue the English to the King, and read the translated; to which when the King had answered many words of complaint,* 25.260 to that point of procuring our quiet Trade▪ by his authoritie among the Portugal••, he demanded if he would make peace. I an∣swered, his Maiestie knew long since, I offered to be gouerned by him, and referred it to his wis∣dome, and had expected his pleasure: he replyed▪ hee would vndertake absolutely to accord vs, and to make ••greement in his Seas, which he would by answere to my Masters Letters signifie, and therein giue him content in all other his friendly desires. Notwithstanding, I deman••ed 〈…〉〈…〉 to Amadauas to meet the Kings Presents and to p••epare for my returne. Vp∣on which mo••ion, the question grew betweene the King and the Prince, who complayned that he had no pro•••••• by vs, ••nd that he was content to be rid of vs Asaph Chan tooke the t••rne, and [ 60] very roundly told the King, that we brought both prof••t to the P••rt, to the Kingdome, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ that we wer•• 〈…〉〈…〉 by the Prin••es seruan••s, and that it was not poss••ble for vs to reside without amends▪ it were 〈…〉〈…〉 his Maiestie ••o licence vs, then to in∣treate vs so discourteously, f••r it wo••l•• be the end. Th•• P••ince replyed very choler••ckly, that ••e

had neuer done vs wrong, and had lately giuen mee a Firman at his entreatie. He replyes, It is true, you gaue a Firman to his content, and in ten dayes sent another, in effect, to contradict it, that he stood surety between both, had vndertaken from the Princes mouth our redresse, but now he had the shame and dishonor of it: that he ought me nothing, nor I him; he spake for no ends, but for the Kings Honor and Iustice, in that which he said that he did vs no wrong, he must appeale to me, who complayned that our goods were taken by force, that two yeeres past Rulph had be∣gun it, would neuer pay vs, and his Officers continued euery shipping; that if the Prince were weary of vs, he might turne vs out, but then he must expect we would doe our owne Iustice vp∣on the Seas. He demanded if the King or Prince gaue mee meanes to eate, or who did? That I was an Ambassadour and a stranger, that liued and followed the King at great charge; that if our goods were forced, and after we could get neither goods nor money, how should I liue and main∣tayne [ 10] my selfe.

This deliuered with some heate, the King catched the word, Force, Force, redoubling it to his sonne, and gaue him sharpe reprehension: the Prince promised to see me paid all; that he had ta∣ken nothing, but only caused the Presents to be sealed, because his Officers had no Custome, and desired to haue them opened before him, I absolutely refused it: also I told the King, I would only doe my dutie to my Master, in deliuering his Presents free, after I would giue the Prince all content.

Etimon Dowlet, who is alway indifferent, and now by his sonne made our friend, whispered with the King, and read a clause or two in my Masters Letter; at which the King made his son [ 20] rise and stand aside. Asaph Chan ioyned in this priuate conference (which they told me was for my good) and in conclu••••on the Prince was called, commanded to suffer all the goods to come to my hands quietly, to giue me such priu••ledges as were fit, which Asaph Chan should propound. The Prince would not yeeld the Presents, except Asaph Chan would stand surety that he should haue a share, which he did; and then we all agreed vpon that point. The King giuing mee many good words, and two pieces of his Pawne out of his dish, to eate of the same he was eating. Then I tooke leaue to goe to Amadauas, to meet the Presents, and so we parted. At night I set on my iourney, leauing my Tents, supposing the next day to reach the Citie, but I rode two nights, a day and a halfe with one baite vpon straw, and the fifteenth at noone arriued at Amadauas.

* 25.261The eight of Ianuarie, there was some question about Presents, the Prince asking for them; I answered, they were readie, if hee pleased to receiue his. Then hee demanded, why I brake his [ 30] seales? I told him, it was dishonorable for me to bring a Kings gifts in bonds, and great discourte∣sie to set seales vpon them: I expected and attended his licence twentie daies, but seeing no hope, I was enforced to doe it. Some heate began: at which appeared a Gentleman of the Kings, who was sent to obserue the passage, and to stickle, and told vs both▪ the King commanded wee should come before him at a Garden, where he sate, a Course out of Towne, vpon the Riuer. So the Prince tooke his Palankee, and I a Coach, well attended by seruants both of father and son. When I came to the gates the Women were entring, and then no man can but the Prince; who made within a bitter complaint against mee, that I had dared to cut his seales, and to take out what I list. Asaph Chan was called for, who was my suretie, and the Prince laid it on him: he, as the custome is, denyed it, excused himselfe, yet I had not accused him, but tooke it vpon me, [ 40] as knowing my selfe better able to beare it, and that he would denie it. Then I was sent for to the water-side, where the King sate priuately, where I entered, with mee the Presents; but the King was within amongst his Women. Asaph Chan chafed at mee, for breaking his word, told mee, the Prince had shamed him: I replyed by Iaddow, You know I had your consent, this man is witnesse;* 25.262 he denyed it to vs both: I replyed, Though I would not cast it vpon him, it was true, for I had witnesse; Iaddow would not returne the answere, but told me he might not tell him he lyed to his face: and this is vsuall, if any command come from the King that he for∣gets, he that brought the message will disauow it. I bore vp as high as I could; the great men told me it was a great affront, no man durst doe such a thing; others smiled: I answered, Not so great as the Prince had done me often. Thus we spent the day, and the King appeared not, but [ 50] priuately stole away, leauing vs all sitting in expectance.

At night word came the King was gone, and I offered to goe home, but was so well attended, I could not but by force: in the way new messengers came to seeke mee, and I arriued backe at the Kings Court, not hauing eaten or drunke; but the King was not come in, nor could I get loose of my attendants, but they vsed me very respectfully, we sate an houre. Suddenly newes came to put out all lights, the King was come, who entred on an open Waggon, with his Norma∣hall, drawne by Bullocks, himselfe Carter, and no man neare. When hee and his Women were housed,* 25.263 the Prince came in a horse-backe, and entring in, called for me: I found them alone with two or three * 25.264 Capons, and about mid-night the King set on it an angrie countenance, told mee [ 60] I had broken my word, that he would trust me no more, (the Prince had desired him to doe so:) I answered as roundly, I held it fit to giue freely, I had done nothing of offence in my owne iudgement; if their customes were other, it was ignorance, and I must bee pardoned; wee had many disputes: at last, the Prince interposed, offered his friendship, and wee were all reconciled

fully, and promises too large. Then I opened the Chests, gaue the King his Presents, the Prince his, and sent in that for Normahall: we were aboue two houres in viewing them. The Arras he tooke well, but said it was course, desired to haue a Sute of such, as the sweet Bagge: and wee concluded that in the morning I should come to the Prince, that he should be my Protector and Procurator, the goods except. Three things more then Presents were there returned mee: for those three the Prince told me he would pay, seeing his father tooke them.

The tenth, I went to the Prince, was receiued with all fauour, had order for a Firman for the man murthered, a declaration of his reconcilement in publike, command to all his Officers to take knowledge, and to his chiefe Raia to be my Procurator, and to draw what Firmans so euer [ 10] I desired. I presented Captaine Towerson and some English, whom hee vsed with grace, and for a signe of this peace, gaue me a Colth of siluer cloak, and promised to be the Protector of our Nati∣on in all things. I told him of Master Steele and his Work-men: hee desired me to bring a small Present to his father at night, hee would present them, which I did. Hee kept his word, and spake for vs to him, who was willing enough. I presented Captaine Towerson to the King, who called for him vp, and after a few questions rose. At the Gushel Choes, I presented Master Steele and his Work-men: the King sate in a Hat I gaue him all night, called for Master Paynter, and after much Discourse, gaue him ten pounds, and promised to entertayne the rest.

The thirteenth, the Dutch came to Court with a great Present of China ware, Sanders,* 25.265 Parrats and Cloaues; but were not suffered to come neere the third degree: at last the Prince asked me who they were: I replyed, The Hollanders, resident in Surat. Hee demanded if they were our [ 20] friends: I replyed, they were a Nation depending on the King of England, but not welcome in all places; their businesse I knew not. He said, for being our friends, I should call them vp, and so I was enforced to send for them to deliuer their Present: they were placed by our Merchants, without any speech or further conference. Finally, I had all granted I desired, I attend the per∣formance and money: and thus I conclude, that without this contestation I had neuer gotten a∣ny thing; for I told the Princes Messenger in the presence of all the English, that if he vsed force to me or my goods, he might doe his pleasure, but it should cost bloud: that I would set my Chop vpon his Masters ship, and send her for England.

The eighteenth, I receiued from Surat of the imprisonment of Spragge and Howard,* 25.266 at Bram∣poore, [ 30] their house and goods seized, their liues in question, for drinking with the Cutwall in their house, that one of the Cutwalls men dyed that night; vpon which they stand accused of Poyson: and the Cutwall to freee himselfe of comming into the house, pretended that he came to fetch a mans wife away from Thomas Spragge. What the truth is I know not: Information is come to the King against them: and I went to the Prince, who vndertooke all my causes: but could not speake with him: with the same came complaint of a force vsed to the Caffila vpon the way, notwithstanding the Firman sent by the Raia of the Countrey, in both which to night I will make petition to the King. My toyle with barbarous vniust people is beyond patience: at the Princes I found the Firman promised, drawne, but halfe the conditions agreed on left out, vpon which I refused it, and desired nothing but leaue to depart to treat with these in the Sea.

[ 40] The one and twentieth, a command to free the English, and their goods, and that if the Moore came into their house to drinke, if they killed him with a Dagger, hee had his iust reward. The second to Raia Partapshaw, to repay vs all exactions whatsoeuer, not to take hereafter any dutie vpon the way towards his Port; and in case of failing, that he would deliuer his sonne into my hands; he further ordered the deliuery of the Firman for Surat, the Articles by mee demanded, and to pay vs all our debts of Surat, and to cut it off vpon his Mancipdaries, that had taken that, without delay, he called to account his old Customers, charged the new to vse vs as his friends, shewed as much fauour publikely as I could require. I mooued expedition; he replyed, To mor∣row by nine in the morning all should be deliuered into my hands.

The two and twentieth, I went my selfe to receiue them; and carryed the Merchants, with some Pearle, that the Prince had bin instant to see, pretended to be Master Towersons: but he had [ 50] receiued some vncertaine information of Pearles, to the value of twentie or thirtie thousand pound, which he hoped to draw from vs. When his Secretarie saw the small sorts, hee replyed, the Prince had Mands of these: if we brought no better commoditie, wee might be gone, he ca∣red not for our custome: how basely false, and couetous are those of Iewels, you may iudge. I vn∣dertooke reply, that I had procured those from a Gentle woman to satisfie them; if they liked them not, they could not be made better, it was inciuility to be angry with Merchants for their good will, but told him I came for my Firmans, and expected them: I was answered, wee had deceiued their hopes, and the Prince would deceiue ours; Firman I should haue none, I had asked leaue to depart, I might come and take leaue when I pleased. I answered, nothing contented mee more, but that I would visit their vniustice in an indifferent place; that I would speake with the [ 60] King, and depend no more on them, for I saw all was couetousnesse and vnworthinesse: so I rose and parted; but he recalled me to come to the King and Prince together the next day, I should haue content.

ANd now Reader, we are at a stand: some more idle, or more busie spirits, willing either to take their rest, or to exchange their labour; and some perhaps wishing they had the whole Iournall, and not thus contracted into Extracts of those things out of it, which I concei∣ued more fit for the publike. And for the whole, my selfe could haue wished it, but neither with the Honourable Company, nor else-where could learne of it: the worthy Knight himselfe being now employed in like Honourable Embassage from his Maiestie to the Great Turke. Yet to sup∣ply the defect of the Iournall, I haue giuen thee the Chorography of the Countrey. Certaine Letters of his, written thence to his Honourable Lords and friends in England, out of all which well wrought on by an vnderstanding spirit, may bee ••ewed and framed a delightfull Commentary of the Mogoll and his Subiects. Take them therefore Reader, and vse them as a [ 10] Prospectiue Glasse, by which thou maist take easie and neere view of those remote Regions, People, Rites, Religions.

And first here followes a description of the Countrey both by Map and Writing, and after them the Letters pa••sing mutually betwixt his Maiestie and the Mogoll, and lastly, those of Sir Thomas Roe afore-said.

§. X. [ 20] The seuerall Kingdomes and Prouinces subiect to the Great Mogoll SHA SELIM GEHANGIER, with the Principall Cities and Riuers, the scituation and borders, and extent in length and breadth, as neere as by description I could gather them. The names I tooke out of the Kings Register: I begin at the North-west.

1. CAndahar, the chiefe Citie so called, lyes from the heart of all his Territorie North-west, confines with the Shabas, and was a Prouince of Persia.

2. Tata, the chiefe Citie so called, is diuided by the Riuer Indus, which fals in∣to [ 30] the Sea at Sindu, and lyes from Candahar South, from the middle of which, I suppose Agra West, some-what Southerly.

3. Buckar, the chiefe Citie so callest, Buckar Suckar, lyes vpon the Riuer Sindu or Indus, to the North-ward, some-what Easterly of Tata, and West Confines vpon the Baloaches, a kinde of rude Warlike people.

4. Multan, the chiefe Citie so called lying also vpon Indus, East from Candahar, North from Bu••kar.

5. Haagickan, the Kingdome of the Boloaches, to the West of Tata and Bachar, and con∣fines West vpon the Kingdome of Lar, subiect to the Shabas. Indus windeth it selfe into the Easter-side of it, it hath no renowmed Citie. [ 40]

6. Cabull, the Citie so called, a great Kingdome, the Northermost of this Emperours Do∣minions, and confineth with Tartaria.

7. K••shmier, the chiefe Citie is called Siriuaker, the Riuer of Bhat passeth through it, and findeth the Sea by G••••ges, or some say of it selfe in the North part of the Bay of Bengala, it bordereth Cabul to the East Southerly, it is all Mountaines.

8. Bankish, the chiefe Citie is called Beishar.

9. Atack, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth on one side the Riuer Nilab, which runneth the North-west into the Riuer Indus.

10. The Kingdome of the Kataries, lyes at the foot of the Mountaines: it hath principall Cities, Dankely and Purhola, it bordereth North-east on Kishimer, [ 50]

11. Pen-lab, which signifieth fiue waters, for that it is seated within fiue Riuers. The chiefe Citie is called Lahor, it is a great Kingdome and most fruitfull, the Citie is the Mart of India for Traff••que, it borders North-east on Multan.

12. Ianba, ••he chiefe Citie so called: it lyeth East on Pen-lab, it is very mountaynous.

13. Peitan, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth East of Ienba, and from the North-west Ben∣gala it is full of Mountaines.

14. Nakarkut, the c••iefe Citie so called, the North Eastermost confine of Mogor, it lyes to the North-east of the head of the B••y of Bengala, it is very mountaynous.

15. Siba, the chiefe Citie so called, it borders with Nakarkut Southerly, it is all Moun∣tainous. [ 60]

16. Iesuall, the chiefe Citie so called Ragepar, it bordereth with Bengala South-east North, and with Siba and Nakarkat, it is full of Mountaines.

17. Delly, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth on the North-west side of the Riuer I••muie,

[illustration]

which falleth into Ganges, and runneth through Agra: it is an ancient Citie, and the seat of the Mogols Ancestors, it is ruined: some affirme it to haue beene the seat of Porus conquered by A∣lexander, and that there stands a Pillar with a Greeke Inscription.

18. Meuat, the chiefe Citie called Narnol, it lyeth on the East of Ganges.

19. Sanball, the chiefe Citie so called: it lyeth between Ganges and Iemui to the North-west of their meeting.

20. Bakar, the chiefe Citie is called Bikaneer, it bordereth North-west on Ganges.

21. Agra, a principall and great Kingdome, the Citie so called, the heart of the Mogolls Territorie, in North latitude about twentie eight degrees and an halfe: it lyeth most on the [ 10] South-west-side of Iemui, the Citie vpon the Riuer, where one of the Emperours Treasuries are kept. From Agra to Lahor, being three hundred and twentie Course, which is not lesse then seuen hundred miles, it is all a plaine, and the high-way planted on both sides with trees like a delicate walke: it is one of the great workes and wonders of the World.

22. Ienupar, the Citie so called, vpon the Riuer of Kaul, which I suppose to bee one of the fiue Riuers inclosing Lahor, and the Countrey lyeth betweene it and Agra, North-west from one, South-east from the other.

23. Banda, the chiefe Citie so called, it confineth Agra to the West.

24. Patna, the chiefe Citie so called, it is inclosed by foure great Riuers; Ganges, Iemna, Ser∣seli, and Kanda, so that it lyeth from Agra South-east towards the Bay of Bengala, where all [ 20] these pay Tribute.

25. Gor, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth toward the head of Ganges.

26. Bengala, A mightie Kingdome inclosing the West-side of the Bay on the North, and win∣deth South-westerly, it bordereth on Cormandell, and the chiefe Cities are Ragmehhell and Dekaka, there are many hauens, as Port Grand, Port Pequina, traded by the Portugals, Philipatan, Satigam, it contayneth diuers Prouinces, as that of Purp and Patan.

27. Roch, It hath no Citie of note, and bordereth on the South-west, East of Bengala and the Bay.

28. Vdeza, the chiefe Citie Iekanat, it is the vtmost East of the Mogols Territoritie beyond the Bay, and confined with the Kingdome of Maug, a sauage people lying betweene Vdeza and [ 30] Pegu.

29. Canduana, the chiefe Citie is called Kerhakatenkah, it lyeth South-west of the South of Bengala.

30. Kualiar, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth to the South-east of Kanduana, and bordereth on Burhampur.

31. Chandes, the chiefe Citie called Burhampur, a great Kingdome, one of the ancient seats of Decan, and conquered from them, it lyth East on Guzarat, South of Chitor, West of Decan, and it is watered with the Riuer Tabeti, which falleth West into the Bay of Cambaya, it is now the seat of the Decan.

32. Malua, the chiefe Cities called Vgen, Narr, and Sering, it lyeth West of Chandes, be∣tweene [ 40] that and the Countrey of Ranna, on the East of the Riuer Sapra, which fals into the Bay of Cambaya, not farre from Surat.

33. Berar, the chiefe Citie is called Shahpur, it bordereth on Guzerat, and the hils of Ranna.

34. Guzerat, A goodly Kingdome inclosing the Bay of Cambaya, the chiefe Citie is Ama∣dauar, it containes the Citie and Gouernment of Cambaya, the beautie of India, the Territorie and Citie of Surat, and Baroach: it is watred with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya falsly supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Baroach, that of Surat, and diuers others, it trades to the Red Sea, to Achin, and many places.

35. Soret, the chiefe Citie called Ganagar, it lyeth to the North-west of Guzerat.

36. Naruar, the chiefe Citie called Ghehud, lyeth South-west from Chitor.

37. Chitor, an ancient great Kingdome, the Citie so called on a mightie hill, walled about ten [ 50] English miles. There stands yet aboue an hundred Churches, the Palace of the King, many braue Pillers of carued stone. There is but one ascent cut out of the Rocke, passing foure magnificent gates, there remayne the ruines of an hundred thousand houses of stone. It is vn-habited, it was doubtlesse one of the seats of Porus, and was wonne from Ranna, his issue by Ecbarshaw the last Mogoll. Ranna flying into the strength of his Kingdome among the Mountaines, seated himselfe at Odepoore, who was brought to acknowledge the Mogol for his Superiour Lord, by Sultan Ca∣ronne, third sonne of the present Emperour, in the yeare 1614. This Kingdome lyeth North-west from Chandes, and North-east from the North-west of Guzerat, in the way betweene A∣gra and Surat: Ranna himselfe keeps the hils to the West, neere Amadauar.

[ 60] The length * 25.267 is North-west to South-east. From Chandahar to Lahor, three hundred and fiftie Courses, about eight hundred miles.

From Lahor to Agra, three hundred and twentie Courses, about seuen hundred fiftie two miles.

From Agra to Hhagipierpatua three hundred Courses, about sixe hundred and eightie miles.

From Hhagipurpatua to Kirasunder, three hundred Courses, about sixe hundred and seuentie miles.

In all, Courses one thousand two hundred and seuentie. Miles, about two thousand, eight hundred seuentie two.

The breadth in all is North-east to South-west from Harduar to Duarsa, sixe hundred and fiftie Courses, about fifteene hundred miles.

The Kings Letters sent to Selim Shagh the Great Mogor, in the [ 10] yeare 1614. by Sir Thomas Roe.

IAMES, by the Grace of Almightie God, the Creator of Heauen and Earth, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, Defendor of the Christian Faith, &c.

To the high and mightie Monarch the Great Mogor, King of the Orientall Indies, of Chandahar, of Chismer and Corazon, &c. Greeting.

We hauing notice of your great fauour toward Vs and Our Subiects, by Your Great Firma to all Your Captaines of Riuers, and Officers of Your Customes, for the entertaynment of Our louing•• Sub∣iects the English Nation with all kind respect, at what time soeuer they shall arriue at any of the Ports within You•• Dominions, and that they may haue quiet Trade and Commerce without any kind of [ 20] hinderance or molestation, &c. As by the Articles concluded by Suc Suff Gouernour of the Guze∣rats, in Your Name, with Our louing Subiect Captaine Thomas Best appeareth: Haue thought it meete to send vnto You Our Ambassadour, which may more fully and at large handle and treate of such matters as are fit to be considered of, concerning that good and friendly correspondence, which is so lately begunne betweene Vs: and which will without doubt redound to the honour and vtilitie of both Nations. In which consideration, and for the furthering of such laudable Commerce, Wee haue made choice of Sir Thomas Roe Knight, one of the principall Gentlemen of Our Court, to whom Wee haue giuen Commission vnder Our Great Seale of England, together with directions and instructions further to treate of such matters as may be for the continuance and increase of the vtilitie and profit of each o∣thers Subiects: to whom We pray You to giue fauour and credit in whatsoeuer Hee shall mooue or pro∣pound [ 30] toward the establishing and enlarging of the same. And for confirmation of our good inclination, and wel-wishing toward You, We pray You to accept in good part the Present, which our said Ambassadour will deliuer vnto You, And so doe commit You to the mercifull protection of Almightie God.

A Copie of the Grand Moghor his Letter to the King.

VNto a King rightly descended from his Ancestors, bred in Military Affaires, and clothed with Honour and Iustice,

A Commander worthy of all command, strong and constant in Religion, which the great Prophet [ 40] Christ did teach, King IAMES, whose loue hath bred such impression in my thoughts, as shall neuer be forgotten, but as the smell of Amber, or as a Garden of fragrant flowers whose beautie and odour is still increasi••g so be assured my loue shall grow and increase with yours.

YOur Letter which you sent me in the behalfe of your Merchants, I haue receiued, whereby I rest sa∣tisfied in Your tender loue towards me; and desire You not to take it ill, for not hauing writ vnto You heretofore: for this my present Letter, I send to renew Our loues, & herewith do certifie You, that I haue sent forth my Firmaunds thorow all my Countries to this effect, that if any English Ships or Mer∣chants shall arriue in any of my Ports, my people shall permit and suffer them to doe what they will freely in their Merchandizing causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasions of iniuries that shall bee offe∣red [ 50] them, and that the least cause of discourtesie be not done vnto them, as also that they bee as free and freer then my owne people. And as now and formerly I haue receiued from You diuers Tokens of Your loue: so I desire your mindfulnesse of me by some Nouelties from Your Countrey, as an Argument of frienship betweene Vs: for such is the custome of Princes heere.

As for your Merchants, I haue giuen expresse order through all my Countrey, to suffer them to sell, buy, transport, and carry away at their pleasures, without the let or hinderance of any person whatsoeuer, all such Goods and Merchandize, or other things, as they shall desire to buy, and let this my Letter as fully satisfie You in the desired peace and loue, as if my owne sonne had beene the Messenger to ratifie the same. And if any in my Countrey not fearing God, nor obeying their King, or any other void of Reli∣gion, [ 60] should indeuour, or be an Instrument to breake this league of friendship; I would send my sonne Sultan Coronne, a Souldier approued in the Warres, to cut him off, that no Obstacle may hinder the con∣tinuance, and increasing of Our affections.

MY Lord, only for promise, which is an honest debt,* 27.1 I send your Lordship a Iournall till my arriuall at Brampore, a Citie of houses made of mudde, where one of the Kings sonnes keepeth his Court. He is called Perueys. I had need to write an Apologie for it, there being nothing of worth, nothing me∣morable; and yet not my fault: but I had rather trust your Noblenesse, then trouble you with excuses, and so descend to a more vniuersall description of the state and customes of the Land.

They haue no written Law. The King by his owne word ruleth, and his Gouernours of Prouinces by that authorit••e.

Once a weeke he sitteth in iudgement patiently, and giueth sentence for crimes Capitall and Ciuill. He is euery mans heire when he dyeth, which maketh him rich, and the Countrey so euill builded. The great men about him are not borne Noble, but Fauourites raised: to whom hee giueth (if it be true) wonderfull [ 10] meanes. They are reckoned by Horses: that is to say, Coronels of twelue thousand Horses; which is the greatest, whereof are foure, besides his sonnes and wife: so descending to twentie Horses; not that any of these are bound to keepe, or raise any at all. But the King assigneth them so much land, as is bound to maintaine so many Horses as a rent, each horse at fiue and twentie pounds sterling by the yeere, which is an incredible Reuenue giuen away: so many, (that is, almost all, but the Ploughmen, Artificers, and Trades∣men in Townes) liuing vpon it. But as they die, and must needs gather, so it returneth to the King like Riuers to the sea, both of those he gaue to, and of those that haue gained by their owne industry. But for the most part he leaueth the widowes and children their horses, stuffe, and some other stocke; and then put∣teth them into a Signiory (if the fathers were of sixe or seuen thousand horses) perhaps of a thousand or [ 20] fiue hundred: and so setteth them to begin the world anew, and aduanceth them as they deserue of him. They all rise by presenting him, which they striue to doe both richly and rarely:* 27.2 some giuing a hundred thousand pounds in iewels at a time.

He hath one beloued wife among foure, that wholly gouerneth him. He receiued lately a Present from the King of Bisa••pore, to obtaine peace, (whose Ambassadour knocked his head three times against the ground) of six and thirtie Elephants, of two whereof the chaines and all tackles were of beaten Gold, to the weight of foure hundred pounds, two of siluer, of the same fashion; the rest of Copper: fiftie Horses richly furnished, and ten Leckes of Rupias in Iewels, great Pearles, and Balasse Rubies. Euerie Lecke is an hundred thousand Rupias; euery Rupia two shillings sixe pence sterling;* 27.3 so tenne Leckes is a Million of Rupias.

[ 30] His Territorie is farre greater then the Persians, and almost equall, if not as great as the Turkes. His meanes of money▪ by reuenue, custome of Presents, and inheriting all mens goods, aboue both. His Coun∣trey lyeth West to Sinde, and so stretcheth to Candahar, and to the Mountaines of Taurus North. To the East as farre as the vtmost parts of Bengala, and the borders of Ganges: and South to Decan, it is two thousand miles square at the least, but hath many pettie Kings within, that are Tributaries.

The true descended heire of Porus, that was ouercome by Alexander, called Ranna,* 27.4 is lately conque∣red, more by composition then force: the King hauing rather bought him then wonne him, and hereby no way augmented his Reuenue, but giuen a great Pension to him. His Countrey I crossed, betweene this Towne of Asmere and Brampore. Cetor hauing beene anciently the chiefe Towne,* 27.5 and surely standing on an hill, steepe as a Rocke▪ some fifteene miles about, that is all walled: the Citie within, but with one [ 40] ascent, and fiue admirable gates in the ascent, all ruined and no person dwelling. But there stand an hun∣dred Muschees, many Lanternes, and such reuerend and braue Reliques of Imagerie and carued workes,* 27.6 that few or hardly any where can be equalled. In generall, all the old Cities are beaten downe; by what policie I vnderstand not: but the King seeketh the ruine of any thing not begunne by his Ancestors: so that all the Land hath not an house fit for a Cottager, but in such Cities as hee fauoureth. Surat is best builded of any: and in old time they in these parts made mightie workes, which euery day decay. At Su∣rat there is a Tanke for water of free-stone, in a polygon forme, of aboue an hundred sides, euery side eight and twenty yards: it hath staires on euery side for men to descend, and many stopes for horses. It is a won∣derous worke, both for the hugenesse, and for the braue building.

I haue now on the Court to touch, and mine entertainment. The King neuer vsed any Ambassadour with so much respect: without any dispute giuing mee leaue to vse mine owne customes;* 27.7 not requiring [ 50] that of me, which he vseth of the Persian. He presented me with a welcome before I spake; and said the King and he were b••others, with many other courteous words. I hauing bin sicke, he offered me Physitians. He tooke the Presents in good part, and was so fond of the Coach, that at night in his Court he got into it, and made two or three of my men draw him a little in it. He is very affable, and of a cheerefull counte∣nance, without pride. Three times a day hee sitteth out in three places:* 27.8 Once to see his Elephants and beasts fig••t▪ about noone: After, from foure to fiue or sixe, to entertaine all that visit him. At night from nine till mid-night, with all his great men, but none else, where he is below with them, in all familia∣ritie. I visited him in the second of these, where I found him in a Court, set aboue like a King in a Play, and all his Nobles and my selfe below on a stage couered with carpets; a iust Theater: with no great state, but the Canopies ouer his head, and two standing on the heads of two wooden Elephants, to beat away flies. [ 60] They weare nothing but Calicoes, but are euer attendant.

The great men ride in Traines, some two hundred, some fiue hundred Foot-men following them,* 27.9 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or fiue Banners carried before th••m; and an hundred or two hundred Horses after them. This is all their pride. They keepe their Horses most delicately, fed with Butter and Sugar: and though

they be not very great, yet they are of delicate shape, both of Persia, Arabs, and of this Land.

* 27.10I haue one Obseruation more to make of the falsenesse of our Maps, both of Mercator, and all others, and their ignorance in this Countrey. First, the famous Riuer Indus doth not emptie himselfe into the Sea at Cambaya, as his chiefe mouth, but at Sinde. My reason is, Lahor stands vpon Indus: from whence to Sinde it is nauigable; to Cambaya not so. Lahor in the Maps is also falsely set downe, it lying North from Surat aboue a thousand miles: the Citie where the Kings ordinarie residence is, Agra, not described at all;* 27.11 but it standeth North North-east from Surat on a Riuer, that fals into Ganges. But the King now resideth in a base old Citie, wherein is no house but of mudde, not so great as a Cottage on Hownslo∣heath: only himselfe hath one of stone. His Lords liue in Tents: and I haue suddenly built to my mudde wals, vpon canes, a doozen thatched roomes. This Towne is short of Agra ten daies iourney, two hundred miles, which standeth from hence North North-east. This place is from Bramport North foure hundred [ 10] and fiftie miles. Bramport from Surat East aboue two hundred miles. The latitude neere fiue and twentie degrees.

Thus, my Lord, I haue said some-what, but to little purpose, I forget not some Bookes for you: but Load-stones heere are none: They are in the farre East Countries: neither is there any correspondence with China.* 27.12 To Persia, and so to Aleppo there goe Carauans: to Cathaya none.

Heere is no newes but of Persia. The King hath taken away water and reliefe from Ormus, and ba∣nished the Portugals his Territories. He hath lately ouer-runne the poore Georgians with fire and sword: and being of an vnquiet nature intendeth the conquest of the Vsbiques, a Nation betweene Samarchand and him, which he aymes at. He lately strucke off his sonnes head with his owne hand. Hee is fauoured [ 20] and feared of the Mogoll, as being Lord of the more warlike Nation: for these are more then halfe Bra∣manes, whose Religion is not to kill a Louse byting them: and the Mogolls are an effeminate people. So that the Turke the last yeere sending on Ambassage, to entreate him not to assist the Per••ian, hee gaue him very harsh entertainment, made him Salem to the ground, and as soone as he was dismissed, sent the Persian ten Leckes of Rupias.

I shall be glad to doe your Lordship seruice in England; for this is the dullest, basest place, that euer I saw, and maketh me weary of speaking of it. Therefore if you be also weary of reading, I am glad. I shall desire your Lordship to let Master Hackwell reade the Iournall: for I promised him one, but I had not leasure to write it.

And so with all respect, and little Ceremonie, I hope to returne to doe you better seruices: in the [ 30] meane time to liue a miserable life, though with abundance and state enough, yet I want the conuersation and presence of those friends I loue and honour: in which number your Lordship hath made me presume to esteeme you, and to account my selfe

Your Lordships humble friend, to doe you seruice, THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the Court of the Mogoll, Ianuary 17. 1615.

[ 40]

A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to &c.

MAy it please your () places farre remote, hauing some-what of wonder in the distance, cause much expectation in themselues of strange matters among the Vulgar, such as I, supposing they should haue subiect of worthy and large discourse. But these are vnlike the Starres, that seeme lesse the further off: heere the remotenesse is the greatnesse, and to maintayne the ancient priuiledge of Trauel∣lers, they haue beene so farre Alchimists as multiplication; some ground, some spirit, to quicken the bodie of their monstrous Relations. [ 50]

Where I shall begin, what I shall say worthy one of your () vacancies from great Affaires, I know not: to vndertake a Cosmographicall description were a labour not vnworthy of time, but not propor∣tionall to a Letter; Ortelius, Mercator, Atlas, nor any vnderstanding any truth herein. Yet for the maynnesse of the error,* 28.1 I will obserue, that the famous Riuer Indus doth not powre himselfe into the Sea, by the Bay of Cambaya, but farre Westward at Sinde. For from Lahor standing a thousand mile North, in-the Maine vpon Indus, it is nauigable to Sinde, to Cambaya not, but certaine by-streames begotten by the seasons of Raine make mightie inundations, which haue cherished the error: all the rest is as false both in bearing, distance, longitude and latitude, as that, but the correction heere incomprehensible; the true la∣titude of this place fiue and twentie degrees and a halfe.

A description of the Land, customes and manners, which are incidents, are fitter for winter-nights; [ 60] they are either ordinarie, or mingled with much Barbarisme.

Lawes they haue none written: the Kings iudgement binds, who sits and giues audience with much pa∣tience,* 28.2 once weekely, both in capitall and criminall causes, where sometimes he sees the execution done by his Elephants, with too much delight in bloud.

His Gouernours of Prouinces rule by his Firmans, which is a briefe Letter authorizing them.* 28.3 They take life and goods at pleasure.

Many religious, and in them many Sects; Moores or Mahumetans adhering to Ally,* 28.4 such is the King; Banians or Pythagorians, for the transmigration (and therefore will not kill the Vermine that bites them) who often buy many dayes respite in charitie from killing any flesh at all, in such a Prouince or Citie. Gentiles of sundry Idolatries, their Wiues adorning the Pile, and entring the Funerall fires with great ioy and honour.

The extent of his Territorie is West to Sinde, North-west to Chandahor, North almost to Taurus, East to the borders of Ganges, and South-east all Bengala,* 28.5 the Land bordering the Gulph South to [ 10] Decan, much greater then the Persian, almost equall (if not fully) to the Turke, if his Land were crusht together into a square, as this. Agra, the ordinary residence of the King, is a thousand miles from any border, farther from some. The right issue of Porus, is heere a King in the middest of the Mogols King∣domes, neuer subdued till last yeere: and to say true, he is rather bought then conquered, wonne by gifts,* 28.6 not by Armes, to acknowledge a superior Lord.

The Pillar erected by Alexander, is yet standing at Dely,* 28.7 the ancient seat of the Ancestors of Ranna the issue of Porus.

The buildings are all base, of mudde, one story high, except in Surat, where are some stone houses,* 28.8 but I know not by what policie, the King seekes the ruine of all the ancient Cities which were brauely built, and now lye desolate and ruined. His owne houses are of stone, both in good forme and faire, but his great men build not for want of inheritance, but as farre as I haue yet seene, liue in Tents, or houses worse then a [ 20] Cottager; yet where the King affects, as at Agra, because it is a City erected by him, the buildings are (as is reported) faire and of carued stone.

In Reuenue, doubtlesse, he exceeds either Turke or Persian, or any Easterne Prince:* 28.9 the summes I dare not name, but the reason; all the Land is his, no man hath a foot. He maintaynes by rents giuen of Sig∣nories, counted by Horses, all that are not Mechanique: and the Reuenues giuen to some, are a Germane Princes estate. Secondly, all men rise to greater and greater Signiories as they rise in fauour, which is on∣ly gotten by frequent Presents, both rich and rare. Lastly, he heires all mens goods that dye,* 28.10 as well those that gained by industry, as Merchants, as those that liued by him, and takes all their money; leaues the Widow and Daughters what he pleaseth; giues the sonnes some little Signiorie, and puts them anew to [ 30] the World, whose Fathers die worth two or three Millions.

But I am fallen by my purpose, not to interrupt your () with th••se, presuming of your pardon; I will only say a little of the Court, and so passe to that is more necessarie.

The King sits out in three seuerall places, thrice euery day, except some occasion preuent him:* 28.11 an houre at noone to see his Elephants fight; at foure till fiue to entertayne all commers, to be seene and worshipped; nine till mid-night, with his principall men in more familiaritie, being below among them.

I went to present my selfe at the second of these: I came into a Court full of base people, and at a raile which shut them out right against the King, I was stayed in his sight to demand audience (onely a cere∣monie) so he sent his principall Officers to bring me vp: he sate in a place like a Theatre aboue, where the King sits in a Play, and I was conducted foure steps vp, iust vnder him, like a stage, all on Carpets; my [ 40] selfe and all his great men were Actors, the common-people below gazing on. Hee preuented mee with speech, calling the King his Brother, and that I must consequently be welcome: for the barbarous custome of kneeling and knocking the ground with the head (which he neuer pardoned, neither the Turkes nor Persian Ambassadors) he required not, but at my first motion granted me all libertie of mine owne man∣ner, and as all say, he neuer vsed such respect to a liuing man.

All the policy of his state is to keepe the greatest about him, or to pay them afarre off liberally.* 28.12 No Counsell, but euery Officer answereth to the King apart, his dutie.

He is of countenance cheerefull, and not proud in nature, but by habite and custome; for at night he is very affable, and full of gentle conuersation.

I beleue your () is weary of him, and would passe into Persia, from whence wee receiue for truth, that the Sophie hath distressed Ormus, by taking away the water and prouisions of the Maine.* 28.13 At [ 50] Ormus they are in great necessitie, so that if the Sophie had any helpe of shipping to take it, hee might be perswaded to put it into our hands, to turne his silkes from the passage of his enemie the Turke; a matter of infinite consequence. For if I were to open these Trades, I would shew important differences for the Kingdome of England, but it would require large Discourse. He hath made lately a Road with fire and sword vpon the poore Georgian Christians, and subdued them, and being of a spirit naturally vnpeace∣full, he prepares for the conquest of Samercand, as his end, but pretends the punishing of a valiant Race of Tartars, called Vsbiques, betweene him and his desire. Hee smote off his eldest sonnes head with his owne hands, returning from Georgia, and hath by sharpe Edict banished all Portugalls all his Domini∣ons.* 28.14 Neuer were such oportunities to discharge the Portugall from all these Coasts. Our Trade heere, and the Dutch Plantation below Go••, hath so shortned their returnes, that halfe their Gallions come not;* 28.15 [ 60] those that doe come bring new supplies for the Garrisons, but returne so emptie, that the charge is but de∣fraid. We haue now twice beaten a great Armado with few ships, an Armado that was appointed por castigar los hereticos Ingleses (the words of one Father to anoher) and after to punish the Mogoll for entertayning vs, so that he hath lost more in reputation (which was his strength) then in substance.* 28.16 But if

his Maiestie would condescend that we should assault them, as they doe vs, it would vtterly breake them, it being both the nobler and safer part of a Warre, to which we are subiect at their pleasures, then to defend alwayes: besides, they make this vse in reports of vs, that the King of England is so affraid of the King of Portugall,* 28.17 that he dares not warrant an assault, but only to defend: what they say of the King and our Nation is so slanderous, that perit sua mole.

Further East, the Dutch hath taken many Townes, and playes the Mole better then he, and hath bea∣ten him in many Sea-conflicts; he is declining on all sides, and a little weight on his head now laid, would sinke him. It is a matter of great consequence for future times; and though I haue no hope, I propound it to your () to make what vse seemes best to your wisdome. I haue reward enough, if I haue par∣don for my talkatiuenesse, but it is obedience to your () and not presumption, whose wisdome and sinceritie I did euer honour, to whom I shall be happy to be tyed [ 10]

In all humble seruices, THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the seuen and twentieth of Ianuary 1615.

[ 20]

Another Letter to the same Lord, dated the thirtieth of October, 1616.

MAy it please your () &c. The frailtie of passage betweene this place and England, especially of my last Letter that wandred ouer Land, and rather went vpon discouery then businesse, aduiseth me to send your () transcripts of them: not that there is contained any matter worthy your Honours leasure, but seeing you commanded mee to wri••e, the relation of one to another, will some∣what cleare the whole discourse. For broken and vndependant pieces and fragments, haue little light in them, lesse pleasure and no profit: so that he that would doe any thing in this matter should write a histo∣ry, and take it somewhat high, to shew the beginning and growth of this Empire, what fortunes and what [ 30] impediments it hath ouercome, what friendship it hath needed and effected, the ambitions and diuisions in the present state, that like impostumes lye now hid, but threaten to break out into the rending and ruine of the whole, by bloody war. The practises, subtilties and cariages of factions and Court-secrets, falsely called wisdome, wherein I assure your () they are pregnant, and excell in all that arte which the Diuell can teach them,* 29.1 and are behind none in wicked Craft, some passages whereof were not vnworthy nor vn∣pleasant to relate.

Their Religions suffered by the King, and practised without enuie or contention on any part; how the Portugals haue crept into this Kingdome,* 29.2 and by what corners they got in; the entrance of the Iesuits, their intertainment, priuiledges, practises, ends, and the growth of their Church, whereof they sing in Eu∣rope so loud praises and glorious successes. Lastly, the arriuall of our Nation on this Coast, their fortu∣nate [ 40] or blessed victories ouer their enemies, that not only sought how to possesse these quarters by themselus, and to forbid all others that which Nature had left free, as if God had created the world for them onely, but also to abuse this people, as if they alone were the sonnes of warre; they only triumph, and that all o∣ther Europeans strucke saile to their fortune and valour, which now is brought so low in value, that it is growne into a prouerbe (one Portugall to three Moores,* 29.3 one Englishman to three Portugalls) so that the best foundation of their greatnesse is absolutely mined and blowne vp. And our reception here stands on the same ground from which we haue cast them downe, which is Feare, an honorable, but vncertaine Base of so great a charge. For if either the enemie once preuaile, or other misfortune happen to vs, our welcome shall turne round with it, the profit and fitnesse of this trade for England, while it may stand, not only respecting the Company now intressed, but the state, whether the Common-wealth in generall lose or [ 50] winne. For often in trafique priuate men prosper by detriment of the Republike, as in all trades that main∣taine vanitie and sinne.

This worke or method were worthy some paines, and as would require a good iudgement and much time, both which are wanting to me; so it would not be vnprofitable to reade, nor without some pleasure to view and meditate the diuers operations and workes of God, the variable constitutions and dispositions of men, and all things vnder their gouernment: but seeing nature and conueniencie haue denyed me ability and lea∣sure, to set vpon so great a labour, I haue chosen one branch only to treat of to your () without o∣ther method, then by way of bare relation, which is the estate of the Church heere, as well Christians, as of all other diffused sects of Infidels.

But to continue, as in a Parenthesis, the aduice I gaue your Honour in my last, of our constitution [ 60] heere, and the newes of Persia: Briefely I stand on very fickle termes, though in extraordinary grace with the King, who is gentle, soft, and good of disposition, yet on points and disputes with an insolent and proud sonne of his,* 29.4 into whose hands he hath remitted all power, which hee is neither worthy nor able to manage▪ He is Lord of the Port, and by his folly giues me much trauell, so sordidly ambitious, that he

would not haue me acknowledge his father King, nor make any addresses, nor deliuer any Presents nor com∣plements of honour, but to himselfe; which I will neuer yeeld to, and so I maintaine my credit by confidence on the priuiledges of my quality, and the Kings goodnesse. Yet an Ambassadour in this Court that knowes himselfe, and will not wrong his Master, shall oftner winne enemies then friends. Their pride endures no termes of equality, especially where there is no other honour nor title, but what is measured by expence: so that to maintaine one that shall in his equipage and life hold proportion with his quality, in this Court, will cost much more then the profit of the Trade can spare; and he that liues vnder it wrongs his degree, and slides into contempt. I doe my vtmost to hold vp with little poore meanes, but my opinion is, a meaner in∣strument [ 10] would better effect businesse of traffique that might creepe, and shew, and suffer some affronts, which my ranke may not endure: And I find the King of Spaine would neuer send any Ambassadour hither out of Greatnesse, knowing they are not receiued with proportionable honour and with my small ex∣perience I could doe the Company better seruice by my returne, in aduise how to gouerne the whole.

Concerning Persia, the Turke hath only yet made a Brauado, and performed little,* 29.5 the passages are stopt, and the King drawing his armies into his Borders to defend himselfe, and finding no great worke, tooke occasion to take in by force a reuolted Nation to the East of Babylon. The people are called Coords. How by the Ancients or the true Geographicall situation of their Countrey, I am yet ignorant in.

Sir Robert Sherley by an ill passage to Goa, lost the opportunitie of the Fleete for Lisbon, and is stayed there another yeare, so that negotiation will not be so speedily aduanced, as I feared;* 29.6 we shall haue breath to worke vpon it, according as it shall be requisite in the iudgement of your Honours in England, [ 20] or at least of the Merchants whom it first regardeth.

Heere is arriued a Persian Ambassadour with little newes, it being nine moneths since his departure from Spahan. He brought many rich Presents, and d••d such obeysance, prostrating himselfe and knocking the ground with his head, that I belee••e his Master will not accept of it, except (as is supposed) hee bee commanded to vse a••l obsequiousnesse, and to flatter this Mon. of greatnesse, his errand being to procure money for ayde against the Turke: in which kind he findes often liberall supplyes and succours, which is not felt from this sea of treasure; although to mediate a peace for the Kings of Decan be the pretence, whose protection the Persian takes to heart, iealous of the encrease of this Empire: yet I doubt not he will be satisfied with siluer, and suffer his Allyes to be ouercome: he is not allowed so good ranke nor presence in Court as I, which got it by dispute, and haue kept it by contention to the displeasure of some; neither [ 30] did the King do so much honour in reception of his Masters Letter, not vouchsafing once to giue the Per∣sian any title of Maiesty, as of my Soueraigne Lords, which not a little contented me. Other aduantages he hath of language, neighbour-hood and acquaintance, which are defects, but no faults of mine. The King is now ready to march towards Decan, whose Armie is commanded by his sonne, and wee with much toyle shall hang in the skirts.

Our Fleet arriuing this yeere 1616. in the way met the Admirall Carrick of Lisbon, bound for Goa, about Mo••alia, an Iland in twelue degrees North latititude, and haling her after the courtesie of the Sea, was requited with disgracefull languages, and fiue great shot: which occasion apprehended, shee was fought with three dayes, at last put ashoare and fired her selfe: shee was of burthen fifteene hundred tunnes, and by pregnant circumstances, the expected Vice-Roy sent for Goa, perished in her: which is one of the [ 40] greatest disgraces and losses that euer happened to the Portugals in these parts: The reward of their owne insolencie in this fight. The chiefe Commander of the English was slaine, and the new declared maimed, little other losse. Thus your () hath some touch of our affaires, and I will fall vpon my purpose of the Church with your fauour and patience.

Before the inundation of Tamerlane the great, the ninth Ancestor of this King,* 29.7 these Countries were gouerned by diuers petty Gentile Princes not knowing any Religion, but worshipped according to their se∣uerall Idolatries, all sorts of creatures. The Descendants of him brought in the knowledge of Mahomet, but imposed it vpon none, by the Law of Conquest leauing consciences at libertie. So that these Naturals from the Circumcision (which came in with the Moores) called them Mogols or chiefe of the Circum∣cised. Among the Moores there are many strict Mahometants that follow Ally his Sonne-in-law,* 29.8 and [ 50] other new risen Prophets which haue their Xeriffes, Mulas and Priests, their Mosques, Religious Vota∣ries, Washings, Prayings, and Ceremonies infinite; and for Penetentiaries, no Heresie in the World can shew so strange Examples, nor bragge of such voluntarie pouerties, punishments, sufferings and chastise∣ments as these all which are esteemed holy men, but of a mingled Religion, not vpright with their great Prophet. The Gentiles are of more sorts, some valiant, good Souldiers, drinking Wine, eating Hogs-flesh, but worshipping the figure of a Beast: some that will not touch that flesh which is not holy by imputation•• others that will not eate any thing wherein euer there was any bloud, nor kill the Vermine that assaulteth them, nor d••i••ke in the Cup with those that doe; Superstitious in Washing, and most earnest in their Pro∣fession▪ but all of them ascribe a kind of Diuinitie to the Riuer of Ganges, at which at one Season of the yeare foure or fiue hundred thousand meete, and cast in Gold and Siluer for Oblation.

[ 60] In like manner, to a Pigs head in a Church neere this Citie, and to all liuing Cowes, and to some other beasts and kinds. These haue their Synagogues, and Holy Men, Prophets, Witches, South-sayers, and all others the Deuils Impostures. The Molaes of Mahomet know some-what in Philosophy, and the Mathematickes are great Astrologers, and can talke of Aristotle, Euclyde, Auerroes, and other Au••hors. The Learned Tongue is Arab.

* 29.9In this Confusion they continued vntill the time of Ecbarsha Father of this King, without any noyse of Chrictian profession, who being a Prince by nature iust and good, inquisitiue after Nouelties, curious of new Opinions, and that excelled in many vertues, especially in pietie and reuerence towards his Parents, called in three Iesuites from Goa, whose chiefe was Ieronimo Xauier a Nauarrois. After their arriuall he heard them reason and dispute with much content on his, and hope on their parts, and caused Xauier to write a Booke in defence of his owne profession against both Moores and Gentiles: which finished he read ouer nightly, causing some part to be discussed, and fina••••y, granted them his Letters Pattents, to build, to preach▪ teach, conuert, and to vse all their Rites and Ceremonies, as freely and amply as in Rome, bestow∣ing on them meanes to erect their Churches and places of Deuotion: So that in some few Cities they haue gotten rather Templum, then Ecclesiam. In this Grant he gaue grant to all sorts of people to become [ 10] Christians that would,* 29.10 euen to his Court or owne bloud, professing that it should be no cause of disfauour from him. Heere was a faire beginning to a forward Spring of a leane and barren Haruest.

Ecbar••••ha himselfe continued a Mahometan, yet he beganne to make a breach into the Law, conside∣ring that Mahomet was but a man, a King as he was, and therefore reuerenced; hee thought hee might proue as good a Prophet himselfe. This defection of the King spread not farre, a certaine outward reue∣rence detayned him, and so he dyed in the formall profession of his Sect.

Ghe-••angier-sha, his sonne, the present King, being the issue of this new fancie, and neuer circum∣cised, bred vp without any Religion at all, cont••nues so to this houre, and is an * 29.11 Atheist: sometimes he will make profession of Moore, but alwayes obserue the Holy-dayes, and doe all Ceremonies with the Gen∣tiles too. He is content with all Religion, only he loues none that changeth: But falling into his Fathers [ 20] conceit, hath dared to enter farther therein, and to prof••sse himselfe for the maine of his religion, to be a greater Prophet then Mahomet, and hath formed to himselfe a new Law, mingled of all: which many haue accepted with such superstition, that they will not eate till they haue saluted him in the morning; for which purpose he comes at the Sunnes rising to a window open to a great plaine before his house, where mul∣titudes attend him: and when the Moores about him speake of Mahomet, hee will sooth them, but is glad when any one will breake out against him. Of Christ he neuer vtters any word vnreuerently, nor a∣ny of those sects, which is a wonderfull secret working of Gods truth and worthy obseruation. Concerning the new planted Christian Church he confirmed, and enlarged all their priuiledges, euery night for one yeare spending two houres in hearing disputation, often casting out doubtfull words of his conuersion, but to wicked purpose. [ 30]

* 29.12And the rather to giue some hope, he deliuered many Youthes into the hands of Francisco Corsie, now resident heere, to teach them to reade and write Portugall, and to instruct them in humane learning, and in the Law of Christ; and to that end he kept a Schoole some yeares, to which the King sent two Princes, his brothers sonnes, who being brought vp in the knowledge of God and his sonne our blessed Sauiour, were solemnely Baptised in the Church of Agra with great pompe, being carryed first vp and downe all the Citie on Elephants in triumph, and this by the Kings expresse order, who often would examine them in their progression, and seemed much contented in them: this made many bend towards the same way, doub∣ting his Maiesties intention. Others that knew him better, supposed he suffered this in policie, to reduc•• these children into hate among the Moores for their conuersion, of whom consisted the strength of his estate, but all men failing of his purpose which was thus discouered. When these and some other children were setled, as was thought, in Christian Religion, and had learned some principles thereof, as to marry [ 40] but one wife, not to be coupled with Infidels, the King sets the boyes to demand some Portugalls wiues of the Iesuits, who thinking it only an idle motion of their owne braines, chid them, and suspected no more. But that being the end of their conuersion, to get a woman for the King and no care taken: the two Prin∣ces came to the Iesuits, and surrendred vp their crosses and all other rights, professing that they would be no longer Christians, because the King of Portugall sent them no Presents nor wiues, according as they expected. The Padre seeing this, began to doubt there was more in that then the boyes reuealed, especially seeing their confidence that had cast off the awe of Pupills, and examining the matter, had it confessed, the King commanded them. They refused to accept the crosses, answering they had been giuen by his Ma∣iesties order, and they would not take notice from boyes of any such surrender, but bade them desire the [ 50] King to send some of those, who by a kind of order are to deliuer all his Maiesties Commands, whose mouthes are by priuiledges sufficient authority, and then they would accept them▪ hoping, and knowing the Kings nature, that he would not discouer himselfe to any of his Officers in this poore plot. The boyes re∣turned with this message, which inraged the King; but hee being desirous to dissolue the Schoole, and to withdraw the youthes without noise, he bade them call the Iesuits to the womens doore, where by a Ladie he receiued the order, and without taking any notice since of any thing, his kinsmen recalled, who are now absolute Moores, without any taste of their first faith, and so the frui•• of all these h••pes are vanished. And I cannot find by good search that there is one Christian really and orderly conuerted, nor makes the profession, except some few that haue been baptised for money, and are maintained by the Iesuits; of which sort there would be more,* 29.13 but that they find the deceit, and cannot endure the burthen. This is the [ 60] truth of all their bragge and labour, and the full growth of their Church heere.

But that your () may a little more vnderstand the fashion of the King and the Iesuits pro∣ceedings, I will make you one or two merry and late relations, and either say he is the most impossible man in the world to to be conuert••d, or the most easie; for he loues to heare and hath so little religion, yet, that he can well abide to haue any decided.

Not many daies since the Iesuits house and Church being burned, the Crucifix remained safe,* 29.14 which vn∣der-hand was giuen out for a miracle, and much talked of. •• that would be content any vse might be made of an accident to enlarge the name of Christ, held my peace: but the Iesuit suspecting I would not agree to the miracle, disauowed it to me, and made it a matter of reason, why it was not burned: insinuating that the Moores had caught vp this opinion of miracle without his consent, or suggestion, though he confessed he was glad of the occasion.

But the King who neuer let slippe any opportunity of new talke or nouelty, calls the Iesuit, and que∣stioneth with him of it, he answereth ambiguously; whereupon his Maiesty demanded,* 29.15 if he did not desire to conuert him, and receiuing full answere, replyed: You speake of your great miracles, and of many done by you, in the name of your Prophet: if yee will cast the Crucifix and Pi••ture of Christ into a fire be∣fore [ 10] me, if it burne not, I will become a Christian: The Iesuit refused the triall as vniust, answering, that God was not tyed to the call of men, that it was a sinne to tempt him, that he wrought miracles accor∣ding to his owne Councell, but offered to enter the fire himselfe for proofe of his faith, which the King re∣fused. Heere arose a great dispute, begunne by the Prince, a most stiffe Mahometan, and ha••er of all Christians, that it was reasonable to trie our Religion by this offer, but withall, if the Crucifix did burne, then that the Iesuit should be obliged to render Moore: he vrged examples of miracles professed to be done for lesse purposes then the conuersion of so mighty a King, and in case of refusall of the triall, spake scorne∣fully of Christ Iesus. The King vndertooke the argument, and defended our Sauiour to be a Prophet, by comparison of his workes with those of their absurd Saints, instancing the raising of the dead, which ne∣uer any of theirs did. The Prince replyed, To giue sight to one naturally blind, was as great a miracle. [ 20] This question being pressed hotly on both sides, a third man to end the controuersie, interposed that both the father and the sonne had reason for their opinions: for that to raise a dead body to life, must needs be con∣fessed to be the greatest miracle euer done, but that to giue sight to an eye natura••••y blind, was the same worke, for that a blind eye was dead, sight being the life thereof: therefore he that gaue sight to a blind eye, did as it were raise it vp from death.

Thus this discourse ended, and so in wisdome should I: But I cannot leaue out an apish miracle which was acted before this King, which the Iesuites will not acknowledge, nor owne as their practise; onely of the truth de facto, there is no doubt.* 29.16 A Iugler of Bengala (of which craf•• there are many and rare) brought to the King a great Ape, that could, as he professed, diuine and prophesie: and to this beast by [ 30] some sects is much diuinitie ascribed: The King tooke from his finger a Ring, and caused it to be hid vn∣der the girdle of one among a dozen other boyes, and bade the Ape diuine, who went to the right child, and tooke it out. But his Maiesty (somewhat more curious) caused in twelue seuerall papers in Persian let∣ters, to be rewritten the names of twelue Lawgiuers, as Moses, Christ, Mahomet, Ally, and others: and shuffling them in a bagge, bad the beast diuine which was the true law: who putting in his foot tooke out the inscribed of Christ. This amazed the King, who suspecting that the Apes master could reade Persian, and might assist him, wrote them anew in Court Caracters * 29.17, and presented them the second time: the Ape was constant, found the right and kissed it. Whereat a principall Officer grew angry, telling the King it was some imposture, desiring he might haue leaue to make the lots anew, and offered himselfe to punishment if the Ape could beguile him; he wrote the names putting only eleuen into the bagge, and [ 40] kept the other in his hand. The beast searched, but refused all; the King commanded to bring one, the beast tore them in fury, and made signes the true Law-giuers name was not among them. The King de∣manded where it was, and he ran to the Noble-man and caught him by the hand, in which was the paper inscribed with the name of Christ Iesus. The King was troubled, and keepes the Ape yet. This was acted in publike before thousands: But where the abuse was, or whether there were any, I iudge not; only one of the Iesuits schollers ran to him with open mouth, professing the King had an Ape a good Christi∣an. Of this accident the Iesuits make great account: to me they slight it, except the truth of the fact, which is not vnlike one of their owne games.

Your () will pardon me all this folly, to interrupt you with so much and so vselesse tattle; I should be glad to remoue where I might learne and practise better matter: but I cannot repent my iourney: it hath made me learne and know my God and my selfe better then euer I should haue learned either a∣mong [ 50] the pleasures of England; he hath wonderfully shewed me his mercy, and taught me his iudgement: his goodnesse be glorified and magnified for euer. I humbly desire your () to present my name (I dare not say my seruice) before his Maiestie my Lord and Master: it is enough for me if I be not forgotten; I shall neuer merit nor aspire the employments of his fauour, but I will pay my vowes, and pray for his Ma∣iesty that he may liue a happie and glorious long life to the comfort of his Church, and enioy the Crowne of Crownes, prepared by the King of Kings for those that loue him; wherein I haue failed to your Honour, or by mine owne weaknesse, your () will measure by this rule, Exigit & postulat ami••••tia non quod cuique dabitur, sed quod quisque efficere potest, and you will pardon the assuming so high a word as friendship, with this interpretation, Seruus est humilis amicus, which as I am bold to professe, I will be ready to demonstrate by obedience to your command,

[ 60]

THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the thirtieth of October, 1616.

A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to another Right Hono∣rable Councellor.

IF my last sent your Honour, by the way of Aleppo, be miscaried, this present discourse will be vnde∣pendant and obscure, which causeth me to send a transcript that you may command from Sir Thomas Smith, how farre that designe of bringing in the Spaniard by Sherley had proceeded, and my poore opi∣nion, that will informe with the present estate of the warres there in preparation: what hath succeeded, your Honour shall receiue, that Sherley was stayed at Goa, by falling short eight dayes of his passage this last yeare, where he was entertained with honours and maintenance, which makes mee iudge his offers [ 10] and negotiation is gratious. The Shabas yet so depends on that hope, that he continues the prohibition of exportation of Silkes thorow Turkie.

Some few dayes since I receiued aduise from Spahan, that Sherley hath written to the King, that with much ioy and ready embracement he hath so farre proceeded with the Vice-Roy of Goa, in a conclusion of the league, as his commission hath power, that he is ready to embarke for Spaine to accomplish it fully. If it proceed and take effect, I can make it euident, that it wi•••• reuiue and strengthen all the ruines and de∣cayes of the Portugals in the Indies, and make all other wauering Princes accept them; only I will not presse the consequence where it will be so fully vnderstood.

The * 30.1 Shabas is in the field at Salmas, a Village indifferent to the wayes to Tauris or Gordgeston, at∣tending the Turkes Generall, who with a monstrous armie (if it be not encreased by fame) is incamped at [ 20] Argerom, irresolute which of these two attempts he shall begin, being not aboue fiue dayes from the one, and ten from the other. But these great armies will dissolue of themselues, and I am of opinion there will be no great effect of them, the winter approaching: and that they will treat a peace, which the Turke will neuer embrace, but with the opening of the trade, & liberty of ancient commerce: which though the Persian yeeld vnto, yet if the Spaniard accepts his offers, the liberty giuen the Turke will be vselesse, for that the Silkes shall come downe to Ormus; but I hope your Honour will preuent it, God hath prouided you leasure.

The King of Persia lately enquired anew after the English, for he is indifferent what Christian hath the trade, so that the Grand-Signior lose it: for his first offer to the Spaniard, will take his truce, and af∣ter we may haue the leauings.

We haue sent to Iasques a ship from our Port of Surat, with Cloath and English goods, to make the [ 30] first offer of a residence, and to get a kind of a possession: For where it was free to refuse or accept vs, it will be now an iniury to turne vs out, being come vpon assurance of his Letter receiued by me. But though I did not consent to the going of this ship because I knew both the Port vnfit, the goods vnuendible, and pre∣iudiciall to the great expectation and promises, which makes me feare the Shabas will despise vs, and iudge vs by this beginning, and so with the more roundnesse either conclude with the Spaniard, or make peace with the Turke (for his designe is either wholly to diuert the trade or nothing) yet I will mend it as well as I can, by the helpe of an Ambassador lately arriued at this Court; who, as I suppose, is come to get ayde of money, in which kind he often findeth liberall reliefes, and this King of India may better spare then any Monarch of the East.

* 30.2The aduantage to bee made of it in England, is (if I may giue my opinion) that when Sir Robert [ 40] Sherley shall arriue in Spaine and negotiate his imployment, the Ambassadour of his Maiestie resident may craue audience, and produce the Letters granted to vs, and vrge our possession of the Port; and there∣fore require in the name of his Maiesty, that in this new contract either the English may be comprehen∣ded, or at least that nothing passe on the part of the King of Spaine, preiudiciall to the subiects of his Ma∣iestie, nor contrary to the amity of the two Nations: which if the Spaniard shall enterprise, to the expul∣sion of vs, it is in my opinion (the trade being in a free Kingdome granted vs) a iust cause of such a breach, as may produce Letters of Mart and repris••ll in all the Easterne parts to right our selues. I will in the meane time amaze the Persian with as many doubts as I can infuse into him of the () and hopes of vs.

In this Court which is now in the field towards the conquest of Decan (with an effeminate armie sitter [ 50] to be a spoile, then a terror to enemies) I shall so farre effect my imployment, as to confirme our trade and people on equall conditio••s to the inhabitants and borne subiects, who suffer themselues, abuses of Gouer∣nours which can neuer be remedied, but by an whole change of the regiment and forme of dominion. For the constancy I will no farther giue my word, then our owne prosperitie, and the others feare, and the Por∣tugals feeblenesse shall confirm•• to vs.

The trade is profitable and fit for England, but no way vnderstood by the Company how to effect it at best aduantage, and yet we haue done little but discouer errors. I haue no power to meddle in that, but if I were at home ten dayes, I would doe them better seruice then heere in ten yeares. To prooue and demon∣strate euery particular and circumstance, were rather the subiect of a Booke then of a Letter▪ but I will doe [ 60] my part euery way, according to my ability, & iudgment faithfully and honestly. Besides (though they may think I speak for mine own ends) I ••ssure your honor it is not sit to keep an Ambassador in this Court. I haue shuffled better out, and escaped and auoyded affronts and slauish customes clearer then euer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did. I am allowed ranke aboue the Per••••an, but he out-strips me in rewards this Master lye•• ••eere vs, but his Ma∣iestie

commanded me to doe nothing vnworthy the honour of a Christian King, and no reward can hum∣ble me to any basenesse. I see what the Per••ian does and suffers. I know one that would creepe and sue, might effect more businesses then I, for euery little matter cannot trouble the King; and his great men are more proud, and expect that from me I cannot giue them. The King of Spaine could neuer be drawne to send any, and their experience hath taught them, that besides he should not be receiued in honour correspon∣dent to his quality, they knew an easier way to effect their ends. I shall not returne a rich man, and then many will condemne me for want of prouidence or wit to get it, but they know not the Indies, it growes heere in as rough wayes as in Europe. I will trust to the Company, and to my merit. I could write your Honour many remarkeable accidents in this gouernment and Kingdome: all the policy and wicked craft [ 10] of the Diuell is not practises alone in Europe, heere is enough to be learned or to be dispised, but you haue not leasure to entertaine so forraigne discourses; that part which may be worth knowing: as the proceeding of the Iesuits, the growth of their Church, and the commixture of this Kingdome with Europe by trade, and the allyes it embraces, if I find not leasure to put them into method, I will weary your Honour with them by a fire-side in broken pieces.

The Portugall pursues vs heere with virulent hatred, but God doth chastise him, and his pride sees it not. The Admirall Gallion bound for Goa, a vessell of fifteene hundred, armed with sixe hundred men falling among our Fleet, a small ship haled her after the custome of the Sea, which shee requited with si∣lence, except of her Ordnance: the Commander of our Fleet, Beniamin Ioseph, came vp with her,* 30.3 and de∣manded reason, but was returned scorne, so that he began a fight, in which he lost his life. A new commissi∣on being opened, Humfrey Pepwell succeeded him, to his place and resolution, with the losse of his eye [ 20] and other hurts, fought vntill the Gallion hauing her Masts shot, ran ashoare on Comara, an Iland inha∣bited by Moores, in the latitude of eleuen degrees, one and fiftie minutes, where the Generall Don E∣manuel de Meneses, with three hundred escaped, but fired the ship, shee was very rich, and the succour of India this yeere: her companions were lost at sea, and on the fourteenth of Octob. there was no newes of any of them which were three ships, this is the greatest disaster and disgrace euer befell them, for they neuer mist their Fleet in September, nor lost any Vessell as this, which was reported inuincible, and with∣out supplies they perish vtterly. The Ilanders rifled the Generall and all his followers, and they are since arriued at Goa, naked and bare in the Gallion of Mosambiques, which had likewise beene dangered by a Hollander, but the neerenesse of the Port saued her. All these considered, me thinkes, the Heauens conspire the fall of the Portugall in this quarter, if his Maiestie would be pleased to bend onely his Royall coun∣tenance. [ 30] But I shall (I hope) returne and not expect to see it effected in my time. I will intreate your Ho∣nour to preserue my name in the Kings memorie, not for any worthinesse, but an humble desire to serue him: and that you will be pleased to accept of my endeuours, and esteeme me such as I am, one that loues and honours you; and that will pray to God as the best expression of my affection, to increase you in all wor∣thy honour, and to blesse you with his holy spirit.

Your Honours humble, faithfull Seruant, THOMAS ROE.

[ 40] I humbly desire your Honor to do me the fauour to thanke Sir Thomas Smith, in my behalfe, that hee may find my gratitude to my Friends.

From the Campe of the Great Mogoll, Emperour of India, Nouember 30. 1616.

Part of a Letter to the Companie of the East-India; Dated the three and twentieth of Nouember, 1616.

[ 50]

MY Honourable Friends, I receiued your Letter on the twelfth of October, 1616. from the Charles, safely arriued with foure ships at the barre of Surat, the six and twentieth of the former moneth, of what past at Sea. I doubt not you will receiue ample Relation, onely a little difference in the report of our Fleet, and the Portugals I will mention, that we began the fight, and that no Vice-Roy being sent this yeere, an ancient Souldier, Don Emanuell de Meneses, that had twice beene Generall of their Forces,* 31.1 was in the Admirall, who being beaten ranne herselfe ashore at Mosambique, and are now arriued at Goa. This Tale hangs very ill together, for that I know they first made fiue shot, and that it is impos∣sible they could passe from Aguzesia to Mosambique in a Canoa, or that the Inhabitants hauing robbed them▪ durst carrie them into their strength, or that all this could be effected, and newes of their arriuall [ 60] came from Goa in so little time. So that my iudgement is, they make their Relation as neere ours as they can, and are loth to confesse truth, that either all perished, or the Vice-Roy, which were the greatest losse and dishonour euer happened to them in India.

I shall not need to write you any long Discourse of your Affaires, nor my opinion, for that in a continued

Iournall I haue set downe all passages, and send you the Copies of my Letters to your Factories, wherein many points are disputed and opened, from both which you may make bect your owne collection and iudge∣ment: for in them casually all your businesse is handled and discussed at full, and it may bee collected into such a method as you may sit at home, and see it at once.

But because some points in my last Letters, I followed at my first comming at others reports, which since I find vaine and friuolous, and others perhaps are vnresolued in my generall Discourse, I will runne ouer the materiall points with breuitie: for I extremely desire that you once vnderstood the constitution of this Trade, how to gouerne and settle it, that by varietie of fond opinions you bee not counselled to vn∣necessary charge, nor fall into grosse errors and damage.

Concerning the aiding the Mogoll or coasting his subiects into the Red Sea, it is now vselesse, yet I [ 10] made offer of your affections: but when they need not a courtesie, they regard it as a Dogge doth dry bread when his belly is full. The King hath peace with the Portugals, and will neuer make a constant warre, except first we displant them. Then his greatnesse will step in for ashare of the benefit, that dares not partake of the perill: when they haue peace, they scorne our assistance, and speake as loud as our Ca∣non: if Warre oppresse them, they dare not put out vnder any protection, nor will pay for it. You must re∣moue from you all thought of any other then a Trade at their Port, wherein if you can defend your selues leaue them to their fortune; you can neuer oblige them by any benefit, and they will sooner feare you then loue you. Your residence you need not doubt so long as you tame the Portugall; therefore auoyde all other charge as vnnecessary, that resists * 31.2 not him; he onely can preiudice you. For a Fort at my first arriuall, I receiued it as very necessary, but experience teacheth me, we are refused it to our aduātage, If he would offer [ 20] me ten. I would not accept one; first where the Riuer is commodious, the Countrey is barren and vn∣traded, the passages to parts better planted so full of Theeues, that the Kings authoritie auailes not, and the strength of the hils assures them in that life, if it had beene fit for Trade, the Naturals would haue chosen it; for they feele the incommoditie of a barren Hauen: and it is argument enough of some secret inconuenience, that they make not vse of it but if it were safe without the walls, yet is it not an easie worke to diuert Trades, and to draw the resort of Merchants from their accustomed Marts, especially for our commoditie which is bought by parcels, and cannot be called staple. Secondly, the charge is greater then the Trade can leaue, for to maintayne a Garrison will eate the profit; it is not an hundred men can keepe it. For the Portugall if he once see you vndertake that course, will set his rest vpon it to suppla••t you. Warre and Traffique are incompatible, by my consent, you shall no way ingage your selues but at [ 30] Sea, where you are like to gaine as often as to lose: it is the beggering of the Portugall, notwithstanding his many rich Residences and Territories, that hee keepes Souldiers that spend it; yet his Garrisons are meane. He neuer profited by the Indies, since he defended them. Obserue this well.

It hath beene also the errour of the Dutch, who seeke Plantation heere by the Sword, they turne a wonderfull stocke, they prowle in all places, they possesse some of the best, yet their dead payes consume all the gaine. Let this be receiued as a Rule, that if you will profit, seeke it at Sea, and in quiet Trade: for without Controuersie it is an errour to affect Garrisons and Land Warres in India. If you made it ouely against the Naturall, I would agree: to make it for them they are not worth it, and you should be very wary how to ingage your reputation in it. You cannot so easily make a faire retrait as a•• on-set; one disaster would either discredit you, or interresse you in a Warre of extreme charge and doubtfull euent. [ 40] Besides, an action so subiect to chance as Warre, is most vnfitly vndertaken, and with most hazard, when the remotenesse of place for supply, succours and counsels. subiect it to irrecouerable losse, for that where is most vncertaintie, remedies should be so much the neerer to occurre to all occasions. At Sea you may take and leaue, your Designes are not published; the Road of Swally, and the Port of Surat, are fittest for you in all the Mogols Territorie, I haue weighed it well and deliuer you that shall neuer bee dispro∣ued, you need no more, it is not number of Ports, Factories and Residences that will profit you, they will increase charge but not recompence it; the inconueniencie of one respectiuely to your sales, and to the commoditie of Inuestants, and the well imployment of your Seruants is all needfull, a Port to secure your ships, and a fit place to vnlade will not be found together. The Road at Swally, during the season, is as safe as a Pond; Surat, Cambaya, Baroach, and Amadauar, are better traded then all India, and [ 50] seated commodiously. The incoueniences are, the Portugals at Sea, and the landing of goods, to meet with which first you must bring to passe, that your lading bee readie by the end of September at your Port; which may be effected by a stocke before-hand, or by taking vp money for three monethes, and so you may discharge and lade in one, and depart for excellent season for England, and the Enemie shall not haue time with force to offend you, who will be newly arriued; and if the preparation be ancienter we shall know it. For the second, to land goods without danger of Frigats, and to saue the carriage ouer land, you must send a Pinnasse of threescore tunne, with ten Peeces that drawes but seuen or eight foot water, to passe vp the Riuer betweene Swally and Surat, and so your goods will be safe, and in your owne command to the Custome-house-Key; and it will a little awe the Towne; shee may proceed after according to your ap∣pointment. [ 60]

The Commodities you s••ll passe least in that quarter, the goods you seeke being principally Indico and Cloth, no one place is so fit for both, and the lesse inconueniences are to bee chosen, of this you shall gather more at large my opinion and reasons, in my Iournall and Discourses to your Factors, perhaps some of them will contradict it: but I am not deceiued, nor haue priuate ends, to keepe Factories to employ and ad∣uance

friends, the places and number of seruants I haue deliuered my iudgement in, and could manifest the past errours, but not mend them. Sindu is possessed by the Portugals, or if it were free, were no fitter then Surat, nor safer: as it is, it will be more subiect to perill. Your Factors sent me foure or fiue clau∣ses out of your Commission, that concerned Persia, a Fort, a Plantation in Bengala, all which they knew were not of vse: with no other purpose, proposition or resolution, they will acquaint me. They cannot abide I should vnderstand or direct them, if they resolue of any thing in their opinion for your profit, and send to me, I will effect the Court part, but you will find in my Letters and Iournall how they vse mee, which doubtlesse at first was sowed by some iealousie of yours which will cost you dearely.

For the setling your Traffique heere, I doubt not to effect any reasonable desire, my credit is sufficient [ 10] with the King and your force will alway bind him to constancie; it will not need so much helpe at Court, as you suppose, a little countenance with the discretion of your Factors will with easie charge returne you most profit, but you must alter your stocke, let not your seruants deceiue you, Cloth, Lead, Teeth, Quick∣siluer, are dead Commodities, and will neuer driue this Trade, you must succour it by change, and you will find my opinion discussed in Letters. I haue this yeere past many difficulties by the peruersenesse of Sultan Caronne, Lord of Surat, but by Gods direction, I haue ouercome them; Articles of treatie on e∣quall termes I cannot effect, want of Presents disgraced me: but yet by Peeces I haue gotten as much as I desired at once. I haue recouered all Bribes, Extortions, Debts made and taken before my time till this day, or ar least at honorable composition. But when I deliuer the next gifts to the Mogoll, in the Prin∣ces absence, I will set on a new for a formall * 31.3 contract, &c.

[ 20]

I Haue heard that Sir Thomas Roe at his Returne, desiring the Great M••gor or Mogoll, his Letters of Commendation to His Maiestie, easily obtayned that request, but found him very scrupulous where to set his seale; lest, if vnder, hee should disparage himselfe; if ouer, it might cause distast to the King; his resolution and preuention therefore was this, to send the Let∣ter vnsealed, and the great Seale it selfe, that so His Maiestie might according to his owne plea∣sure affixe it. The Seale is Siluer; the type and forme whereof, contayning only the Mogols Genealogie from Tamerlane, in seuerall Circles, with the English Translation, I haue [ 30] heere added.

[illustration]

The Description of the Great Mogols Seale.

[ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

[illustration]

[ 10] [ 20]

[ 30]

CHAP. XVII. A Letter of M^r. THOMAS CORYAT, which trauailed by Land from Ierusalem to the Court of the Great Mogol, written to M^r. L. WHITAKER. To which are added pieces of two other, to entertayne you with a little Indian-Odcombian mirth.

[ 40]

Most deare and beloued Friend, Master L. W. Animae dimidium meae.

From the Court of the most mightie Monarch, called the Great MOGOL, resident in the Towne of Asmere, in the Orientall INDIA. Anno 1615.

COrdiall salutations in the Authour of saluation, IESVS CHRIST. Where [ 50] I writ vnto you last, I remember well; euen from Zobah, as the Prophet SAMVEL calleth it (2. Booke, Chap. 8. vers. 3.) that is, Aleppo, the principall Emporium of all Syria, or rather of the Orient World; but when, in truth I haue forgotten, for I keepe not Copies of my Letters, as I see most of my Country-men doe, in whatsoeuer place of the World I finde them. How∣beit, if my coniecture doe not much faile mee, I may affirme that it was about fifteene moneths si••ce, about a moneth after, I returned vnto Aleppo from Ierusalem, after which time, I remayned there three moneths longer, and then departed t••••rehence in a Carauan into Persia, passing the noble Riuer Euphrates (the chiefest of all th••t irrigated Paradise, where-hence, as from their originall, the three other Riuers were deriued) about foure dayes iourney beyond Aleppo▪ on the [ 60] further side of which,* 32.1 I entered Mesopotamia, alias Chaldea, for the E••phrates in that place disterminate••h Syria and Mesopotamia. There-hence I had two daye•• iourney to Vr of the Chal∣deans,* 32.2 where Abraham was borne, a very delicate and pleasant Citie. There I remayned foure

dayes, but I could see no part of the ruines of the house, where that faithfull seruant of God was borne, though I much desired it. From thence, I had foure dayes iourney to the Riuer Tygris, which I pas∣sed also; but in the same place where I crossed it, I found it so shallow, that it reached no higher th••n the calfe of my legge: for I waded ouer it afoote. Now I well perceiue by my ocular experience, that Chal••ea is named Mesopotamia, for that it is inclosed with the foresaid Riuers. Tra••••cto Ti∣gride, I entred Armenia the greater: After that, Media the lower, and resided sixe dayes in the Metropolis thereof, heretofore called E••batana, the Summer seate of Cyrus his Court, a Citie eft soone mentioned in the Scripture, now called Tauris, more w••full ruines of a Citie (sauing that of Troy and Cyzic••m in Natolia) neuer did mine eyes behold. When I seriously contemplated those [ 10] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the dolefull testimonies of the Turkish deu••stations, I called to minde Ovi••s Verse:

Ludit in humanis diuina potentia rebus.

And that of HESIOD,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

From that, I had two dayes iourney to a Citie that in Strabos time was called Arsacia in Media the higher, now Casbin, once the Royall seate of the Tartarian Princes, foure dayes iourney from the Caspian Sea. From Casbin, I had three and twentie dayes to Spahan in Par••hia, the place of [ 20] residence of the Persian King. But at my being there, he was in the Countrey of Gurgistan, ransac∣king the poore Christians there with great hostilitie, with Fire and Sword. There I remayned two moneths, and so with a Carauan trauelled into the Easterne India, passing foure moneths and odde dayes, in my trauell betwixt that (through part of the true Persia, and a large tract of the noble and renowned India) and the goodly Citie of Lah••r in In••ia, one of the largest Cities of the whole Vniuerse, for it contayneth at the least sixteene miles in compasse, and exceedeth Constantinople it selfe in greatnesse. But a dozen dayes before I came to Lahor, I passed the famous Riuer Indus, which is as broad againe as our Thames at London, and hath his originall out of the Mountayne Caucasus, so much ennobled by the ancient both Poets and Historiographers, Greeke and La••ine; which Plato for curiositie sake, in his trauells of these parts went to see. It lyeth not farre from that [ 30] vpon the Confines of Scyth••a, now called Ta••taria: My selfe also conceiuing some hope of seeing it before my finall farewell of India. I had almost forgotten one memorable matter to impart vnto you: About the middle of the way, betwixt Spa••a•• a••d Lahor, iust about the Frontiers of Per∣sia and India, I met Sir Robert Sherley and his Lady, trauelling from the Court of the Mogol, (where they had beene very graciously receiued, and enriched with Presents of great value) to the King of Per••••a's Court; so gallantly furnished with all necessaries for their trauailes, that it was a great comfort vnto me, to see them in such a flourishing estate. There did hee shew mee, to my sin∣gular contentment, both my Bookes neatly kept; and hath promised mee to shew them, especially mine Itinerarie, to the Persian King: and to interpret vnto him some of the principall matters in the Turkish Tongue, to the end I may haue the more gracious accesse vnto him, after my returne [ 40] thither. For thorow Persia I haue determined (by Gods he••pe) to returne to Aleppo. Besides other rarities that they carr••ed with them out of India, they had two Elephants and eight Antlops, which were the first that euer I saw: but afterwards, when I came to the Mogols Court, I saw great store of them. These they meant to present to the Persian King. Both hee and his L••dy vsed mee with singular respect, especially his Lady, who bestowed fortie shillings vpon mee in Persian money, and they seem••d to exult for ioy to see mee, hauing promised mee to bring mee in good grace with the Persian King, and that they will induce him to bestow some Princely benefit vpon mee: this I hope will bee partly occasioned by my Booke, for he•• is such a iocu••d Prince▪ that hee will not bee meanly delighted with diuers of my f••cetious h••••roglyphicks, if they are truly and genuinely expounded vnto him.

[ 50] From the famous Citie of Lahor I had twentie dayes iourney to another goodly Citie called Agra, through such a delicate and euen Tract of ground, as I neuer saw before: and doubt whether the like be to be found within the whole circumference of the hab••t••ble World. Another thing also in this way, being no lesse memorable then the plainnesse of the grou••d: a row of Trees on each side of this way where people due trauell, extending it selfe from th•• Townes-end of Lahor, to the Townes-end of Agra; the most inc••mparable shew of that kind, that euer my eyes sarueyed. Likewise, whereas there is a Moun∣tayne s••me ten dayes iourney b••twixt Lahor and Agra, but very neare ten miles out of the way, on the left hand: the people that inhabite that M••untayne, obserue a custome very strange, that all the brothers of any Family, haue but one and the selfe-same wife so that one woman sometimes doth serue sixe or se∣uen men: the like whereof I remember I haue read in Strabo, concerning the Arabians that inhabited [ 60] Ara••••a felix. Agra is a very great Citie, and the place where the Mogoll did alwayes (sauing within these two yeares) keepe his Court but in euery respect much inferiour to Lahor.

From thence to the Mogols Court, I had ten dayes iourney, at a Towne called Asmere. where I found a Cape Merchant of our English-men, with nine more of my Country-men, resident there vpon termes

of Negotiations, for the right Worshipfull Company of Merchants in London, that trade for East-India.

I spent in my iourney betwixt Ierusalem and this Mogols Court, fifteene monethes and odde dayes: all which way I trauersed a foote, but with diuers paires of shooes, hauing beene such a Propateticke, (I will not call my selfe Peripateticke, because you know it signifieth one that maketh a perambulation about a place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying to walke about) that is a walker forward on foot, as I doubt whether you euer heard of the like in your life; for the totall way betwixt Ierusalem and the Mogols Court, contayneth two thousand and seuen hundred English miles. My whole perambulation of this Asia the greater, is like to be a Passage of almost six thousand miles, by that time that in my returne backe thorow Persia, afterward also by Babylon and Niniuie, I shall come to Cairo in Egypt, and from that downe the Nilus to Alex∣andria, there to be one day (by Gods helpe) imbarqued for Christendome; a very immense dimension of [ 10] ground.

Now I am at the Mogols Court, I thinke you would bee glad to receiue some narration thereof from me, though succinctly handled: for I meane to be very compendious, lest I should otherwise preoccupate that pleasure, which you may hereafter this reape by my personall relation thereof. This present Prince is a very worthy person, by name Selim, of which name I neuer read or heard of any more then one Maho∣metan King, which was Sultan Selim of Constantinople, that liued about eightie yeeres since, the same that conquered Ierusalem, Damascus, Aleppo, Cairo, &c. adding the same to the Turkish Empire. He is fiftie and three yeares of age, his natiuitie day hauing bin celebrated with wonderfull pompe since my ar∣riuall heere: for that day he weighed himselfe in a paire of golden Scales, which by great chance I saw the same day (a custome that he obserues most inuiclably euery yeere) laying so much Gold in the other Scale [ 20] as counteruaileth the weight of his bodie, and the same he afterward distributed to the poore. He is of com∣plexion neither white nor blacke, but of a middle betwixt them: I know not how to expresse it with a more expressiue and significant Epitheton then Oliue: an Oliue colour his face presenteth: hee is of a seemely composition of bodie, of a stature little vnequall (as I guesse not without grounds of probabilitie) to mine, but much more corpulent then my selfe. The extent of his Dominion is very spacious, being in circuit lit∣tle lesse then foure thousand English miles, which very neere answereth the compasse of the Turkes Terri∣tories: or if any thing be wanting in Geometricall dimension of ground, it is with a great pleonasme sup∣plyed by the f••rtilitie of his soile: and in th••se two things he exceedeth the Turkes, in the fatnesse (as I haue said) of his Land, no part of the World yeelding a more fruitfull veine of ground, then all that which lyeth in his Empire, sauing that part of Babylonia, where the terrestriall Paradise once stood: whereas a great part of the Turkes Land is extreame barren and sterrile, as I haue obserued in my peregrination thereof, [ 30] especially in Syria, Mesopotamia and Armenia; many large portions thereof being so wonderfull fruit∣lesse, that it beareth no good thing at all, or if any thing, there Infelix lolium & steriles dominantur auenae.

Secondly, in the coniunction and vnion of all his Territories, together in one and the same goodly Con∣tinent of India, no Prince hauing a foot of Land within him. But many parcels of the Turkes Countries are by a large distance of Seas, and otherwise, diuided asunder. Againe, in his Reuenue he exceedeth the Turke and the Persian his Neighbour by iust halfe:* 32.3 for his Reuenues are forty Millions of Crownes of six shillings value, by the yeere: but the Turkes are no more then fifteene Millions as I was certainly in∣formed in Constantinople; and the Persians fiue Millions, plus minus, as I heard in Spahan. It is said [ 40] that he is vncircumcised, wherein hee differeth from all the Mahometan Princes that euer were in the World.

He speaketh very reuerently of our Sauiour, calling him in the Indian Tongue, Ifazaret Eesa, that is, the great Prophet, Iesus: and all Christians, especially vs English, he vseth so beneuolently, as no Ma∣hometan Prince the like. He keepeth abundance of wilde Beasts, and that of diuers sorts, as Lyons, E∣lephants, Leopards, Beares, Antlops, Vnicornes; whereof two I haue s••ene at his Court, the strangest beasts of the World: they were brought hither out of the Countrey of Bengala, which is a Kingdome of most singular fertilitie within the compasse of his Dominion, about foure Moneths iourney from this, the mid∣land parts thereof being watered by diuers Channels of the famous Ganges, which I haue not as yet seene, but (God willing) I meane to visit it before my departure out of this Countrey, the neerest part of it be∣ing [ 50] not aboue twelue dayes iourney from this Court. The King presenteth himselfe thrice euery day without faile to his Nobles, at the rising of the Sunne, which he adoreth by the eleuation of his hands; at noone, and at fiue of the clocke in the euening: but he standeth in a roome aloft, alone by himselfe, and looketh vpon them from a window that hath an embroydered sumptuous couerture, supported with two siluer Pillasters to yeeld shadowes vnto him. Twice euery weeke, Elephants fight before him, the brauest spectacle in the World: many of them are thirteene foot and a halfe high; and they seeme to iustle toge∣ther like two little Mountaines, and were they not parted in the middest of their fighting by certaine fire-workes, they would exceedingly gore and cruentate one anch••r by their murdering teeth. Of Ele∣phants the King keepeth thirtie thousand in his whole Kingdome at an vnmeasurable charge; in feeding of whom and his Lions, and other Beasts, he spendeth an incredible masse of Money, at the least tenne thousand pounds sterling a day. I haue rid vpon an Elephant since I came to this Court, determining one [ 60] day (by Gods leaue) to haue my Picture expressed in my next Booke, sitting vpon an Elephant. The King keepeth a thousand Women for his owne body, whereof the chiefest (which is his Queene) is called Normal. You may remember to relate this vnto your Friends, that I will now mention as a matter

very memorable; I spent in my tenne Monethes trauell betwixt Aleppo and the Mogolls Court, but three pounds sterling, yet fared reasonable well euery day; victuals being so cheape in some Countries where I trauelled, that I oftentimes liued competently for a penny sterling a day: yet of that three pound I was coozened of no lesse then tenne shillings sterling, by certaine lewd Christians of the Ar∣menian Nation: so that indeed I spent but fiftie shillings in my tenne Monethes Trauailes. I haue bin in a Citie in this Countrey, called Detee, where Alexander the Great ioyned Battell with Porus King of India, and conquered him; and in token of his victorie, erected a Brasse Pillar, which remay∣neth there to this day. At this time I haue many Irons in the fire; for I learne the Persian, Turkish, and Arabian Tongues, hauing alreadie gotten the Italian (I thanke God) I haue beene at the Mogolls Court three Monethes alreadie, and am to tarrie heere (by Gods holy permission) fiue Monethes longer, [ 10] till I haue gotten the foresaid three Tongues, and then depart here-hence to the Ganges, and after that, directly to the Persian Court.

Your assured louing Friend till death, THOMAS CORYATE.

[ 20] From the Court of the Great Mogoll, resident at the Towne of Asmere in the Easterne India, on Michaelmas day. Anno 1615.

I Doe enioy at this time as pancraticall and athleticall a health, as euer I did in my life: and so haue done euer since I came out of England, sauing for three dayes in Constantinople, where I had an Ague, which with a little letting bloud was cleane banished, the Lord bee humbly thanked for his gracious blessing of health that he hath giuen vnto mee. I was robbed of my money, both gold and siluer (but not all, by reason of certaine clandestine corners where it was placed) in a Citie called Diarbeck in [ 30] Mesopotamia, the Turkes Countrey, by a Spaheê, as they call him, that is, one of the Horse-men of the Great Turke; but the occasion and circumstance of that misfortune, would bee too tedious to re∣late. Notwithstanding that losse, I am not destitute of money I thanke God. Since my arriuall heere, there was sent vnto this King one of the richest Presents that I haue heard to bee sent to any Prince in all my life time: it consisted of diuers parcels; one being Elphants, whereof there were one and thirtie, and of those, two so gloriously adorned, as I neuer saw the like, nor shall see the like againe while I liue. For they wore foure chaines about their bodies all of beaten gold: two chaines about their legges of the same; Furniture for their buttockes of pure gold: two Lions vpon their heads of the like gold: the ornaments of each, amounting to the value of almost eight thousand pound sterling: and the whole Present was worth ten of their Leakes, as they call them; a Leake being ten thousand pound sterling: the whole, a hundred [ 40] thousand pounds sterling.

To the High Seneschall of the Right Worshipfull Fraternitie of Sireniacall Gen∣tlemen, that meete the first Friday of euery moneth, at the signe of the Mere∣maid in Bread-street in London, giue these: From the Court of the Great Mogoll, resident at the Towne of Asmere, in the Easterne-India.

[ 50]

RIght Generous, Iouiall, and Mercuriall Sirenaickes; I haue often read this Greeke Prouerbe, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, one hand washeth another, and the Latine, Mulus Mulum scabit,* 34.1 one Mule scratcheth another; by which the Ancients signified, that courtesies done vnto Friends, ought to bee re∣quited with reciprocall offices of friendship. The serious consideration hereof, doth make me to call to minde that incomparable elegant safe-conduct, which a little before my departure from England, your Frater∣nitie with a generall suffrage gaue me for the securitie of my future Peregrination, concinuated by the pleasant wit of that inimitable Artizan of sweet Elegancie, the moytie of my heart, and the quondam Seneschall of the Noblest Societie, Master L. W.

Therefore since it is requisite that I should repay some-what for the same, according to the Lawes of humanitie: Such a poore retribution as I sent vnto you from Aleppo, the Metrpolitan Citie of Syria, [ 60] by one Master Henry Allare of Kent, my Fellow-pilgrime there-hence to Ierusalem; I meane a plaine Epistle, which I hope long since came vnto your hands: I haue sent vnto you by a man no lesse deare vnto mee then the former, one Master Peter Rogers, a Kentish man also, from the most famigerated Region

of all the East, the ample and large India: assuring my selfe, that because I am not able to requite your loue with any essentiall gratulations, other then verball and scriptall, you will as louingly entertaine my poore Letters, being the certaine manifestation of an ingenuous minde, as if I should send vnto you the minerall riches or Drugges of the Noble Countrey.

Thinke it no wonder I pray you, that I haue made no vse in all this space since I left my natiue Coun∣try, of the superexcellent Commeate; for I haue spent all my time hitherto in the Mahometan Countries, and am like to spend three yeeres more in these Musselman (as they call them) Regions of Asia, after of Europe, before I shall arriue in Christendome. For this cause I left it in Aleppo, with my Countrimen, there to receiue it from them againe, after that I shall haue ended my Indian and Persian perambulation: and there-hence to carrie it once more to Constantinople, and that by the way at Iconium, Nicaea, Nicomedia, and in the Countrey of Natolia, a iourney of fortie dayes. From that finally thorow the [ 10] heart of Greece, by the Cities of Athens, Thebes, Corinth, Lacedaemon, Thessalonica, and to the Citie of Ragouze, heretofore Epidaurus, so sacred for the Image of Aesculapius in the Country of Scla∣uonia, once called Illyricum; from thence I haue three dayes iourney to the inestimable Diamond set in the Ring of the Adriatique Gulfe, (as once I said in the first Harangue that euer I made to Prince Henrie of blessed memorie, translated since my departure from London, from the Terrestriall Ta∣bernacles, to the Coelestiall Habitations) venerous Venice, the Soueraigne Queene of the Mare su∣perum: if the great Iehouah shall be so propitious vnto me, as to grant me a prosperous arriuall in that Noble Citie, I will there beginne to shew your safe conduct, and to decantate, yea and to blazon your prayses for the same: and after in euery other place of note, vntill I shall arriue in glorious London, communicate it to the most polite, with that the Cities will yeeld, thorough which my laborious feet•• [ 20] shall carrie me, it would bee superuacaneous to commemorate vnto you the almost incredible extent of Land, I trauersed from Ierusalem to the Court of the Great Mogoll in India, where I now reside; with the variable Regions and Prouinces inter-iacent betwixt them, and the manifold occurrences and obseruations of speciall worke in this vaste Tract; for it would bee such a fastidious Discourse, that it could not be well comprehended in a large sheete of Paper: but Master Whitaker, I hope, I will not faile to import vnto you in a few compendious Relations, which I haue acquainted him with, in a particu∣lar Letter to himselfe: of which, if I should haue written againe to you, it would haue proued Crambe bis cocta.

The Gentleman that bringeth this Letter vnto you, was Pracher to the English Merchants, conuersant at the Court of the aforesaid mightie Monarch, in the Towne of Asmere in this [ 30] Easterne-India: and in diuers louing offices hath beene so kind vnto me, that I intreat your Generosities to entertaine him friendly for my sake, to exhilarate him with the purest quintessence of the Spanish, French and Rheni••h Grape, which the Mermaid yeeldeth; and either one in the name of you all, or else the totall vniuersalitie of the one after another, to thanke him heartily, according to the qualitie of his merits. Farewell, Noble Sirenaickes.

Your Generosities most obliged Country-man, euer to be com∣manded by you, the Hierosolymitan-Syrian-Mesopotamian-Armenian-Median-Parthian-Persian-Indian Legge-stret∣cher [ 40] of Odcomb in Somerset, THOMAS CORYATE.

PRay remember the recommendations of my dutifull respect; to all those whose names I haue heere expressed, being the louers of Vertue, and Literature; and so consequently the wel-willers (I hope) of a prosperous issue of my designements, in my laborious pedestriall perambulations of Asia, Africa, and Europe. [ 50]

Written with mine owne hand, at the Court of the Great Mogoll, Shaugh Selim, resident in the Towne of Asmere, in the vmbilicke of the Orientall India, the eight day of Nouember, being Wednes∣day, Anno Dom. 1615.

INprimis, to the two Ladies Varney, the Mother and the Daughter, at Boswell House without Temple-barre,

2 Item, to that famous Antiquarie, Sir Robert Cotten, at his House in the Black-Friers. Pray tell him that I haue a very curious white Marble head of an ancient Heros or Gyant-like Champion, found out very casually by my diligent peruestigation amongst the ruines of the once renowmed Citie of [ 60] Cyzicum, mentioned by Cicero in his second Oration (if my memory doth not faile me) against Verres, situate in an Peninsula of Bythinia, in the goodly Countrey of Natolia, neere the Sea Propontis: to this head will his best Antiquities whatsoeuer veile bonnet.

3 Item, to that courteous, sweet, and elegant-natured and nurtured Gentleman, Master William Ford, Preacher to our Nation at Constantinople, if you happen to meet him in any part of England; one that deserueth better of me, then any man in all this Catalogue: for of him haue I learned whatso∣euer superficiall skill I haue gotten in the Italian Tongue: pray reduplicate my commendations vn∣to him.

4 Item, to Master George Speake, my generous and ingenuous Countrey-man, the Sonne and heire apparant of Sir George Speake, in Somerset-shire; him you are like to find in any Terme, either at the Middle-Temple, or in some Barbers house neere the Temple.

5 Item, to Master Iohn Donne, the Author of two most elegant Latine Bookes, Pseudo-martyr, [ 10] and Ignatij Conclaue: of his abode either in the Strand, or else-where in London, I thinke you shall be easily informed by the meanes of my friend, Master L. W.

6 Item, to Master Richard Martin, Counseller, at his Chamber in the Middle-Temple, but in the Terme-time, scarce else.

7 Item, to Master Christopher Brooke of the Citie of Yorke, Counseller, at his Chamber in Lin∣colnes Inne, or neere it.

8 Item, to Master Iohn Hoskins, alias Aequinoctiall Pasticrast, of the Citie of Hereford, Coun∣seller, at his Chamber in the Middle-Temple.

9 Item, to Master George Garrat; of whose beeing you shall vnderstand by Master Donne a∣foresaid.

10 Item, to Master William Hackwell, at his Chamber in Lincolnes Inne.

[ 20] 11 Item, to Master Beniamin Iohnson the Poet, at his Chamber at the Black-Friers.

12 Item, to Master Iohn Bond my Countrey-man, chiefe Secretarie vnto my Lord Chan∣cellour.

13 Item, to Master Doctor Mocket, resident perhaps in my Lord of Canterburies house at Lam∣beth, where I left him.

14 Item, to Master Samuel Purchas, the great Collector of the Lucubrations of sundry Classicall Authors, for description of Asia, Africa, and America. Pray commend me vnto him and his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Master Cooke, by the same token, that he gaue me a description of Constantinople, and the Thracius Bosphorus, written in Latine by a French-man, called Petrus Gillius: which Booke, when I carried [ 30] once in an after-noone vnder mine arme, in walking betwixt our English Ambassadors House in P••ra, on the opposite side to Constantinople, and the Flemish Ambassadors house, I lost it very vnfortunately to my great griefe, and neuer found it againe, &c.

THere is another and later Letter of his to his Mother, written the last of October 1616. part of which for the Odcombian stile and Coryaticall straine, I haue hither transcribed. Great pitie it is that his voluminous Obseruations of his foot Pilgrimage, longer then perhaps of any man euer hath bin in that kind, are either lost, or at least not come to some discreet hand, which might, no doubt, distill good instructions thence for the publike, as sweet fresh water out of the huge salt Ocean.

[ 40] Some written Notes of his, it pleased Sir Thomas Roe to giue me, whence (omitting such things as before you haue had in Sir Thomas Roes owne Obseruations) I haue inserted a few, following this Letter.

From Agra, the Capitall Citie of the Dominion of the Great Mogoll in the Easterne India, the last of October 1616.

MOst deare and wel-beloued Mother, though I haue superscribed my Letter from Asmere, the Court of the greatest Monarch of the East, called the Great Mogoll in the Easterne India, which [ 50] I did to this end, that those that haue the charge of conueyance thereof, perceiuing such a title, may bee the more carefull and diligent to conuey it safe to your hands: yet in truth the place from which I wrote this Letter, is Agra, a Citie in the said Easterne India, which is the Metropolitan of the whole Dominion of the fore-said King Mogoll, and ten dayes iourney from his Court at the said Asmere. From the same As∣mere I departed the twelfth day of September An. 1616. after my abode there twelue moneths and sixtie dayes: which though I confesse it were a too long time to remaine in one and the selfe-same place, yet for two princip••ll causes it was very requisite for me to remaine there some reasonable time: first, to learne the Languages ••f those Countries, through which I am to passe betwixt the bounds of the Territories of this Prince and Christendome, namely these three, the Persian, Turkish, and Arab: which I haue in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 comp••••ent measure attayned vnto by my labour and industry at the said Kings Court, matters as 〈…〉〈…〉 [ 60] vnto me a•• money in my Purse, as being the chiefest, or rather only meane to get me money, if I 〈…〉〈…〉 d••stitute, a matter very inc••dentall to a poore Foot-man Pilgrim, as my selfe, in these 〈…〉〈…〉 Cou••tries, thorow which I trauell. Secondly, that by the helpe of one of those 〈…〉〈…〉 the Persian, I might both procure vnto my selfe accesse vnto the King and be able to

expresse my mind vnto him about the matter for the which I should haue occasion to discourse with him. These were the reasons that moued me so long to tarry at the Mogols Court, during which time, I abode in the house of the English Merchants, my deare Countrimen, not spending one little piece of money either for dyet, washing, lodging, or any other thing. And as for the Persian tongue, which I studyed very ear∣nestly, I attayned to that reasonable skill, and that in a few moneths, that I made an Oration vnto the King before many of his Nobles, in that language, and after I had ended the same, discoursed with his Maiestie also in that tongue very readily and familiarly; the Copy of which speech, though the tongue it selfe will seeme to an English-man very strange and vncouth, as hauing no kind of affinitie with any of our Christian languages, I haue for noueltie sake written out in this Letter, together with the transla∣tion thereof in English, that you may shew it to some of my learned friends of the Clergie, and also of the [ 10] Temporaltie, in Euill, and elsewhere, who belike, will take some pleasure in reading so rare and vnvsuall a tongue as this is. The Persian is this that followeth.

The Copie of an Oration that I made in the Persian tongue to the Great Mogol, before diuers of his Nobles.

HAzaret Aallum pennah salamet, fooker Daruces ve tehaungesh ta hastam kemia emadam az wellagets door, ganne az mulk Inglizan: kekessanaion petheen mushacas cardand ke wel∣lagets, mazcoor der akers magrub bood, ke mader hamma nezzaerts dunmast. Sabebbe amadane mari mia boosti char cheez ast auval be dedane mobarreckdeedars. Hazaret ke seete caramat ba [ 20] hamma Trankestan reeseedast ooba tamam mulk Musulmanan der sheenedan awsaffe. Hazaret daueeda amadam be deedane astawne akdas musharaf geshtam duum bray deedane feelhay Haza∣ret, kin chunm ianooar der heech mulk ne dedam seu in bray deedane namwer daryaee shumma Gauga, ke Serdare hamma daryaha dumiest. Chaharum een ast, keyee fermawne alishaion amayet fermoyand, ke betwanam der wellayetts Vzbeck raftan ba shahre San arcand, bray Zeerat car∣dan cabb••e mobarreche Saheb crawncah awsaffe tang oo mosachere oo der tamam aallum me∣shoor ast belk der wellagette Vz bec eencader meshoor neest chunan che der mulc Inglisan ast digr, bishare eshteeac daram be deedanc mobarrec mesare Saheb crawnca bray een sabeb, che awne saman che focheer de shabr Stambol boodam, ye aiaeb cohua amarat deedam dermean yecush bawg nasdec shaht mascoor coia che padshaw Eezawiawn che namesh Manuel bood che Saheb [ 30] crawnca cush mehmannec aseem carda bood, baad as gristane Sulten Batasetra as iange aseem che shuda bood nas dec shahre Bursa, coima che Saheb crawn Sultan Baiasetra de Zenicera tellaio be∣stand, oo der cafes nahadond een char chees meera as mulche man ium baneed ta mia, as mulc. Room oo Arrac peeada geshta, as door der een mulc reseedam, che char hasar pharsang raw darad, beshare derd oo mohuet casheedam che heech ches der een dunnia een cader mohuet ne cashee∣dast bray deedune mobarrec dedare Haseretet awn roos che be tactte shaugh ne shaughee musha∣raf fermoodand.

The English of it is this.

LOrd * 38.1 Protector of the World, all haile to you: I am a poore Traueller and World-seer, which am [ 40] come hither from a farre countrie, namely England, which ancient Historians thought to haue beene situated in the farthest bounds of the West, and which is the Queene of all the Ilands in the World. The cause of my comming hither is for foure respects. First, to see the blessed face of your Maiestie, whose wonderfull fame hath resounded ouer all Europe, and the Mahometan Countries. When I heard of the fame of your Maiestie, I hastened hither with speed, and trauelled very cheerfully to see your glorious Court. Secondly, to see your Maiesties Elephants, which kind of beasts I haue not seene in any other Countrey. Thirdly, to see your famous Riuer Ganges, which is the Captayne of all the Riuers of the World. The fourth is this, to entreate your Maiestie that you would vouchsafe to grant me your gracious Passe, that I may trauell into the Countrey of Tartaria to the Citie of Samarcand, to visit the blessed Se∣pulchre [ 50] of the Lord of the Corners (this is a title that is giuen to Tamberlaine in this Countrie, in that Persian language: and whereas they call him the Lord of the Corners, by that they meane, that he was Lord of the corners of the World, that is, the highest and supreme Monarch of the Vniuerse:) whose fame, by reason of his Warres and Victories, is published ouer the whole World: perhaps hee is not altoge∣ther so famous in his owne countrey of Tartaria, as in England. Moreouer, I haue a great desire to see the blessed Tombe of the Lord of the Corners for this cause; for that when I was at Constantino∣ple, I saw a notable old building in a pleasant Garden neare the said Citie, where the Christian Emperor that was called Emanuel, made a sumptuous great Banquet to the Lord of the Corners, after he had taken Sultan Bajazet, in a great battell that was fought neere the Citie of Brusia, where the Lord of the Corners bound Sultan Bajazet in fetters of gold, and put him in a Cage of yron. These foure causes mo∣ued [ 60] me to come out of my natiue Countrey thus farre, hauing trauelled afoote thorow Turkie and Persia, so farre haue I traced the World into this Countrey, that my Pilgrimage hath accomplished three thousand miles, wherein I haue sustayned much labour and toyle, the like whereof no mortall man in this World did euer performe, to see the blessed face of your Maiestie, since the first day that you were inaugurated in your glorious Monarchall Throne.

After I had ended my Speech, I had some short discourse with him in the Persian Tongue, who amongst other things told me, that concerning my trauell to the Citie of Samarcand, he was not able to doe me any good, because there was no great amity betwixt the Tartarian Princes and himselfe, so that his commen∣datory Letters would doe me no good. Also he added, that the Tartars did so deadly hate all Christians, that they would certainly kill them when they came into their Counntry. So that he earnestly disswaded me from the iourney, if I loued my life and well fare; at last, he concluded his discourse with me, by a summe of money, that he threw downe from a window, thorow which he looked out, into a sheet tied vp by the foure corners, and hanging very neere the ground, an hundred pieces of siluer, each worth two shillings sterling, [ 10] which counteruailed ten pounds of our English Money: this businesse I carried so secretly by the helpe of my Persian, that neither our English Ambassadour, nor any other of my Countrimen (sauing one spe∣ciall, priuate, and intrinsicall friend) had the leact inckling of it, till I had throughly accomplished my de∣signe: for I well knew that our Ambassador would haue stopped and barracadoed all my proceeding there∣in, if he might haue had any notice thereof, as indeed hee signified vnto me, after I had effected my pro∣iect, alleag••ng this, forsooth, for his reason, why hee would haue hindred me, because it would redound somewhat to the dishonour of our Nation, that one of our Coutrey should present himselfe in that begger∣ly and poore fashion to the King, out of an insinuating humour, to craue Money of him: But I answered, our Ambassadour in that stout and resolute manner, after I had ended my businesse, that he was conten∣ted to cease nibling at me, neuer had I more need of Money in all my life, then at that time▪ for in truth I had but twentie shillings sterling left in my Purse, by reason of a mischance I had in one of the Turkes [ 20] Cities called Emert, in the Countrey of Mesopotamia, where a Miscreant Turke stripped me of almost all my Monies, according as I wrote vnto you in a very large Letter the last yeare, which I sent from the Court of this mightie Monarch, by one of my Countrimen that went home by Sea in an English ship, laden with the Commodities of this India, which Letter, I hope, came to your hands long since. After I had beene with the King, I went to a certaine Noble and Generous Christian of the Armenian Race, two dayes iourney from the Mogolls Court, to the end to obserue certaine remarkeable matters in the same place, to whom, by meanes of my Persian Tongue, I was so welcome, that he entertayned me with very ci∣uill and courteous complement; and at my departure gaue mee very bountifully twenty pieces of such kind of Money as the King had done before, counteruailing fortie shillings sterling. About tenne dayes after that, I departed from Asmere, the Court of the Mogoll Prince, to the end to begin my Pilgrimage, after [ 30] my long rest of fourteene Moneths, backe againe into Persia, at what time our Ambassadour gaue mee a piece of Gold of this Kings Coyne worth foure and twentie shillings, which I will saue (if it bee possible) till my arriuall in England: so that I haue receiued for beneuolences, since I came into this Countrey, twentie markes sterling, sauing two shillings eight pence, and by the way, vpon the confines of Persia, a little before I came into this Countrey, three and thirtie shillings foure pence in Persian Money, of my Ladie Sherley: at this present I haue in the Citie of Agra, where-hence I wrote this Letter, about twelue pounds sterling, which according to my manner of liuing vpon the way, at two pence sterling a day, (for with that proportion I can liue pretty well, such is the cheapnesse of all eatable things in Asia, drinkable things costing nothing, for seldome doe I drinke in my Pilgrimage any other liquour then pure water) will maintaine me very competently three yeeres in my trauell, with meate, drinke and cloathes. In this Citie [ 40] of Agra, where I am now, I am to remaine about sixe weekes longer, to the end to expect an excellent opportunity, which then will offer it selfe vnto me, to go to the famous Riuer Ganges, about fiue dayes iour∣ney from this, to see a memorable meeting of the gentle people of this Countrey, called Banians, whereof about foure hundred thousand people go thither of purpose to bathe and shaue themselues in the Riuer, and to sacrifice a world of Gold to the same Riuer, partly in stamped Money, and partly in massie great lumpes and wedges, throwing it into the Riuer as a Sacrifice, and doing other strange Ceremonies most worthy the obseruation. Such a notable spectacle it is, that no part of all Asia, neither this which is called the great Asia, nor the lesser, which is now called Natolia, the like is to be seene; this shew doe they make once euery yeare, comming thither from places almost a thousand miles off, and honour their Riuer as their God, Creator and Sauiour; Superstition and Impietie most abominable in the highest degree of these brutish [ 50] Ethnicks, that are aliens from Christ and the Common-wealth of Israel. After I haue seene this shew, I will with all expedition repaire to the Citie of Lehor, twentie dayes iourney from this, and so into Per∣sia, by the helpe of my blessed Christ, &c.

Your dutifull, louing and obedient Sonne, now a desolate Pilgrime in the World, [ 60] THOMAS CORTATE.

Certaine Obseruations written by THOMAS CORYAT.

* 38.2WHereas the Beggers begge in this Countrey of a Christian in the name of Bibee Maria, and not of Hazanet Eesa, thereby we may gather that the Iesuits haue preached Mary more then Iesus.

* 38.3A great Raia a Gentile, a notorious Atheist, and contemner of all Deitie, glorying to professe he knew no other God then the King, nor beleeuing nor fearing none: sitting dallying with his women, one of them plucked a haire from his brest, which being fast rooted, plucked off a little of the skinne, that bloud appeared; this small skarre festered and gangrened incurably, so that [ 10] in few dayes he despaired of life, and beeing accompanied with all his friends and diuers Cour∣tiers, he brake out into these excellent words: Which of you would not haue thought that I be∣ing a man of Warre, should haue dyed by the stroke of a Sword, Speare or Bow? but now I am inforced to confesse the power of that great God, whom I haue so long despised, that hee needs no other Lance then a little haire to kill so blasphemous a wretch, and contemner of his Maie∣stie, as I haue beene.

* 38.4Ecbar Shaugh had learned all kind of Sorcery, who beeing once in a strange humour to shew a spectacle to his Nobles, brought forth his chiefest Queene, with a Sword cut off her head, and after the same perceiuing the heauinesse and sorrow of them, for the death of her (as they thought) caused the head, by vertue of his Exorcismes and Coniunctions, to be set on againe, [ 20] no signe appearing of any stroke with his Sword.

Sultan Cursaroo hath but one Wife, for which one principall reason is, that during his impri∣sonment,* 38.5 the King intending to make a hunting Progresse of foure moneths, consulted how to keepe him safe in his absence; at last resolued to build a Towre, and immure him within it, without gate, doore or window, except some small holes to let in Ayre higher then he could come vnto; putting in all sorts of prouision whatsoeuer, both fire, clothes, &c. with some seruants to abide with him for that time. While this was building, his Wife came and fell at the Kings feete, and neuer would let goe till shee had obtayned leaue to bee shut vp with him: the King much perswading to enioy her libertie; she vtterly refused any other comfort, then to be the companion of her Husbands miseries; amongst which this was the greatest, that if a∣ny [ 30] of those that were immured, beeing in number fiftie, should haue dyed in the Kings ab∣sence, there was no meanes to burie them, for that no man was admitted to come neere the Towre.

* 38.6The Fountaine found the first day by one of my Lords people, Master Herbert, brother to Sir Edward Herbert, which if he had not done, he must haue sent ten Course euery day for water, to a Riuer called Narbode, that falleth into the Bay of Cambaya at Buroch; the custome being such, that whatsoeuer Fountaine or Tanke is found by any great man in time of drought hee shall keepe it proper and peculiar to himselfe, without the interruption of any man whatsoeuer. The day after one of the Kings Haddys finding the same, and striuing for it, was taken by my Lords people, and bound all, &c. a great controuersie being about it, &c.

Remember the Charitie of two great men, that in the time of this great drought, were at [ 40] the charge of sending ten Camels with twentie persons euery day to the said Riuer for water,* 38.7 and did distribute the water to the poore, which was so deare, that they sold a little skinne for eight Pise.

Ecbar Shaugh, a very fortunate Prince and pious to his Mother: his pietie appearing in this particular,* 38.8 that when his Mother was carried once in a Palankeen betwixt Lahor and Agra, he trauelling with her, tooke the Palankeen vpon his owne shoulders, commanding his greatest Nobles to doe the like, and so carried her ouer the Riuer from one side to the other, and neuer denyed her any thing, but this, that shee demanded of him, that our Bible might be hanged a∣bout an Asses necke, and beaten about the Towne of Agra, for that the Portugals hauing taken [ 50] a ship of theirs at Sea, in which was found the Alcoran amongst the Moores, tyed it about the necke of a Dogge, and beat the same Dogge about the Towne of Ormuz: but hee denyed her req••est,* 38.9 saying, That if it were ill in the Portugals to doe so to the Alco••an, being it became not a King to requite ill with ill, for that the contempt of any Religion, was the contempt of God, and he would not be reuenged vpon an innocent Booke: the morall being, that God would not suffer the sacred Booke of his Truth to be contemned amongst the Infidels.

One day in the yeere, for the solace of the Kings Women, all the Trades-mens Wiues enter the Mohal with some-what to sell,* 38.10 in manner of a Faire, where the King is Broker for his Wo∣men, and with his gaines that night makes his supper, no man present, (obserue that whatsoe∣uer is brought in of virill shape, as instance in Reddishes, so great is the iealousie, and so fre∣qu••nt [ 60] the wickednesse of this people, that they are cut and iagged for feare of conuerting the same to some vnnaturall abuse) by this meanes hee attaines to the ••••ght of all the prettie Wen∣ches of the Towne: at such a kind of Faire he got his beloued Normahal.

After Shaof Freed had wonne the Battle of Lahor by a stratagem, the Captaines being taken by the King, and hanged vpon Flesh-hookes and Stakes,* 38.11 made an entrance for the King to La∣hor, his sonne Cursaroo being then taken Prisoner, and riding bare-footed vpon an Elephant; his Father demanded him how hee liked that Spectacle of his valiant and faithfull Cap∣taines hanging in that manner, to the number of two thousand: hee answered him, that hee was sorrie to see so much Crueltie and Iniustice in his Father, in executing them that had done nothing but their dutie; for that they liued vpon his Bread and Salt: but hee should haue done right if hee had saued them, and punished him which was their Master, and the Authour of the Rebellion.

[ 10] For more cleere declaration of this excellent vertue vpbraiding the coldnesse of our Charitie,* 38.12 you shall vnderstand a custome of this King, who sleeping in his Gusle-can, often when hee a∣wakes in the night, his great men (except those that watch) being retired, cals for certaine poore and old men, making them sit by him, with many questions and familiar speeches passing the time, and at their departure cloathes them, and giues them bountifull Almes often, what∣soeuer they demand, telling the money into their hands.

For a close of this Discourse, I cannot forget that memorable Pietie, when at Asmere hee went afoot to the Tombe of the Prophet Hod. Mundin there buried, and kindling a fire with his owne hands, and his Normahal, vnder that immense and Heidelbergian-aequipollent Brasse-pot, and made Kitcherie for fiue thousand poore, taking out the first Platter with his owne hands, and [ 20] seruing one; Normahal the second, and so his Ladies all the rest. Cracke mee this Nut, all the Papall Charitie vaunters.

An Armenian desirous to turne Moore, procured a Noble-man to bring him to the King,* 38.13 whom the King asked why hee turned Moore, whether for preferment? hee answered, No. Some few Monethes after crauing some courtesie of the King, hee denyed it him, saying, That hee had done him the greatest fauour that could bee, to let him saue his soule, but for his bodie hee himselfe should prouide as well as he could.

The King likes not those that change their Religion, hee himselfe beeing of none but of his owne making, and therefore suffers all Religions in his Kingdome. Which by this notable example I can make manifest: The King had a Seruant that was an Armenian, by name Scan∣der; [ 30] to whom vpon occasion of speech of Religion, the King asked if hee thought either hee or the Padres had conuerted one Moore to bee a true Christian, and that was so for conscience sake, and not for money: who answered with great confidence, That hee had one which was a perfect Christian, and for no worldly respect would bee other, whom the King caused presen••ly to bee sent for: and bidding his Master depart, demanded why hee was become a Christian, who rendred certaine feeble, implicite, Iesuiticall Reasons, and auowed that hee would neuer be other: whereupon the King practised by faire speeches and large promises, to withdraw him to the folly of Mahomet, offering him Pensions, meanes, and command of Horse, telling him hee had now but foure Rupias a Moneth Wages, which was a poore Re∣ward for quitting his, praepuced faith; but if hee would recant, hee would heape vpon him [ 40] many Dignities: the Fellow answering, it was not for so small Wages hee became Christian, for hee had limbes, and could earne so much of any Mahometan, but that hee was a Christian in his heart, and would not alter it. This way not taking effect, the King turned to threat∣nings, and menacings of Tortures and Whippings; but the Proselyte manfully resoluing to suffer any thing, answered, hee was readie to endure the Kings pleasure. Vpon this resolu∣tion, when all men expected present and seuere castigation, the King changed his tune, high∣ly commending his constancie and honestie, bidding him goe and returne to his Master, and to serue him faithfully and truely, giuing him a Rupia a day Pension for his Integritie. About two Monethes after, the King hauing beene a hunting of wilde Hogges, a beast odious to all Moores, and accustomed to distribute that sort of Venison among Christians and Razbootes, sent for this Armenian, Master of this conuerted Catechumen or Mahometan, to come and [ 50] fetch part of his Quarrie. The Armenian not beeing at home, this his principall Seruant came to know the Kings pleasure, who commanded him to take vp a Hogge for his Master, which no Moore will touch; which hee did, and being gone out of the Court-gate, was so hooted at by the Mahometans, that hee threw downe his Present in a Ditch, and went home, concealing from his Master what had passed. About foure dayes after the Armenian comming to his watch, the King demanded of him whether the Hogge he sent him were good meat or no; who replyed, hee neyther heard of, nor see any Hogge: whereat the King remembring to whom this Hogge was deli••ered, caused the fellow to be sent for, and examining the matter, had it confessed how he threw away the Hogge, and neuer carryed it home: the King pressing to know the rea∣son, the poore fellow answered how he was mocked for touching it, and it being a thing odious [ 60] to the Moores, for shame he threw it away: at which he replyed, By your law there is no diffe∣rence of meats, and are you ashamed of your lawes? or to flatter the Mahumetans, doe you in out∣ward things forsake it? now I see, thou art neither good Christian, nor good Mahumetan, but a dis∣sembling

knaue with both, while I found thee sincere, I gaue thee a pension, which now I take from thee, and for thy dissimulation doe command thee to haue a hundred stripes, which were presently giuen him in stead of his money, and bade all men by his example take heed, that see∣ing hee gaue libertie to all Religions, that which they choose and professe, they may sticke vnto.

I had thought at first to haue finished all these Indian Voyages in this fourth Booke: but per∣ceiuing it to grow into such greatnesse, and withall such great alterations as the Turkish Trade at Moha, and especially the Persian at Iasques, haue caused in the English Trade, with the contrary Attempts of the Portugals, and chiefly the Dutch, (be∣fore no good Friends, and there the worst of Enemies) to the English-Indian Trade; I thought fit to [ 10] make thereof a fifth Booke.

[ 20] [ 30] [ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Aprill 18▪ 1611
• * 1.2

  The Bay of S. Augustine in the Ile of Saint Laurence.
• * 1.3

  A strong cur∣rent.
• * 1.4

  Note.
• * 1.5

  Ilhas Primeiras.
• * 1.6

  The Islands de Angoxa.
• * 1.7

  An extreame Current to the Southward.
• * 1.8

  A very dange∣rous shoald.
• * 1.9

  The Isles de Angoxa in six∣teene degrees▪ twentie mi∣nutes.
• * 1.10

  Land vnexpe∣cted neare I••an de Nova.
• * 1.11

  L••nd vnexpe∣cted neere I. de Nova.
• * 1.12

  Tho Ile Ango∣xas.
• * 1.13

  Note of I. de Noua.
• * 1.14

  A falshood of the Portugals.
• * 1.15

  October.
• * 1.16

  The Il•• Moyella where they had refreshing.
• * 1.17

  Mahumetan manner of Fa∣sting till Sun∣set.
• * 2.1

  Sharefoo Boobac∣kar King of the Iland called Moyela, his note vnder his hand for further friendship. 1611. written in A∣rabique.
• * 2.2

  Nouember. The maine land of Melinde
• * 2.3

  Note.
• * 2.4

  December.
• * 2.5

  Fearfull Rip∣pling of the wa∣ter.
• * 2.6

  They had pas∣sed the Line a moneth and fiue dayes be∣fore.
• * 2.7

  Note.
• * 2.8

  Ianuary 1. Magadoxa. Cape Das Baxas.
• * 2.9

  The Maine land called Doara.
• * 2.10

  A notable thing concer∣ning the Varia∣tion.
• * 2.11

  February 1.
• * 2.12

  Cape Dorfui••
• * 2.13

  〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 del Curi••.
• * 2.14

  Socatora.
• * 2.15

  The Road of Tammarin.
• * 2.16

  Socatora. This Letter was a briefe summe of Sir Henry Middle∣ton his disad∣uentures in the Red-Sea by Turkish perfi∣die, as in his owne Iournall you haue read, with caueat to all English, and notice of the Road Assab. Or Caixem.
• * 2.17

  March 1. Note.
• * 2.18

  Tammarin Bay.
• * 2.19

  Mount Feluke.
• * 2.20

  Seuerall sorts of sweet gums.
• * 2.21

  The benefit of the Towne of Feluke.
• * 2.22

  Two small Islands.
• * 2.23

  No raine in foure moneths.
• * 2.24

  They could see from side to side of the straight.
• * 2.25

  The shoale whereon the Trades Increase strooke.
• * 2.26

  Regeb Aga dis∣pl••ced, Ider A∣ga successor.
• * 3.1

  Generall Saris landeth at Moha·
• * 4.1

  Note of Moha Roade.
• * 4.2

  Extremitie of hea••b▪ ginneth in the fine of May.
• * 4.3

  Aprill. Caravan of Cayro.

  Indian ships.
• * 4.4

  Three letters from Sir Henry Middleton and Capt. Sharpeigh
• * 4.5

  Indian Mer∣chandise.
• * 4.6

  Weights of Moha.
• * 4.7

  The K. of Rehi∣ta riding vpon a Cow, visiteth both the Ge∣nerals.
• * 4.8

  The Thomas is di••patched for Socatora, Pria∣man and Tecoo.
• * 4.9

  Iune 24.
• * 4.10

  Iuly 1.
• * 4.11

  August 7.
• * 4.12

  The Hector de∣parteth for Priaman and Tecoo.
• * 6.1

  English com∣modities not v••ndible in a∣ny quantie at Moha.

  We departed for Bantam in Iaua.
• * 6.2

  September 3. 1612.
• * 6.3

  Cuttle fish yeelding a wonderfull glare in the Sea.

  Selon or Zeilan.
• * 6.4

  Cape Comorin in seuen de∣grees, two and fortie minutes. False plats.
• * 6.5

  October 15. South latitude foure degrees, nine and fortie minutes, Sumatra.
• * 6.6

  We arriued in the Road of Bantam. The Iames.
• * 6.7

  A letter of Ma∣ster William A∣dams from Ia∣pan.
• * 6.8

  Nouember 9.
• * 6.9

  Twentie Taile of Gold.
• * 6.10

  December 4. The Globe in Patane, bound for Siam.
• * 6.11

  Kewee a chiefe China Mer∣chants curte∣sie.

  Ianuary 13.
• * 6.12

  Pulo Lack.
• * 6.13

  We came on ground.
• * 6.14

  Tinga Iana.
• * 6.15

  Two Islands.
• * 6.16

  A Current.
• * 6.17

  Pulo Labuck.
• * 6.18

  A Current.
• * 6.19

  Celebes.
• * 6.20

  The Straight of Desalon or Solore.
• * 6.21

  February.
• * 6.22

  The Ile Tinga∣••asse.
• * 6.23

  M. Welden an Engl••shman im∣ployed in the King of Bo¦tuns seruice.
• * 6.24

  Aduertise∣ments concer∣ning the st••aight of Botun.
• * 6.25

  The Ile of Buro.
• * 6.26

  The Ile of Sula▪
• * 6.27

  The Ile of Ha∣leboling, so c••l∣led by the Eng∣lish Saylors, by others Boa de Bachian.
• * 6.28

  Machian.
• * 6.29

  Misery of wars in the Moluccas
• * 6.30

  A small Fort of the Hollanders. Boa de Bachan, being the Norther end of the Ilands, in our plats called Haleboling.
• * 6.31

  The small for∣ces of the Hol∣land••rs in Ba∣chian.
• * 6.32

  Variation 4. degrees, 48. minutes East∣erly.
• * 6.33

  Tahannee, is a Towne vpon Machian▪ where the Po••tugals heretofore haue had a Fort, but now there is none, neither for them nor the Flemmings, there is the best riding of the whole Iland, but very neere the shore, yet free of all dan∣ger.
• * 6.34

  The Roade of Amasane where the Hollanders Fort stand••••h. Geilolo.
• * 6.35

  Taually Bachar.
• * 6.36

  A shoale.
• * 6.37

  Grochy a great Iland.
• * 6.38

  Machian fiue leagues North off the Line. Ca••a an Iland.
• * 6.39

  Some say he tops of trees. A Fort of the Hollanders cal∣led Tabolola.
• * 6.40

  The Hollanders ent••rtainment of vs.
• * 6.41

  Tahanne▪ Pelebre.
• * 6.42

  The spight of the Hollanders to vs.
• * 6.43

  A Curracurra of the Holland∣ers almost sunke.
• * 6.44

  A writing sent from the Hol∣landers.
• * 6.45

  Aprill the first 1613.
• * 6.46

  Road of Pela∣bry.
• * 6.47

  Mootiere.
• * 6.48

  Marro.
• * 6.49

  A dangerous shoald.
• * 6.50

  The Spaniards Fort on the East-side of Tidore.
• * 6.51

  Maracco, a new Fort of the Hollanders.
• * 6.52

  〈…〉〈…〉 King of Ternate his sonne, sl••ine by the Tidori∣ans.
• * 6.53

  Foure ships of Holland.
• * 6.54

  The Holland••rs planted in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Moluccas, 1605.
• * 6.55

  A Current to the East-ward.
• * 6.56

  Doy a great Iland.
• * 6.57

  A great shoale.
• * 6.58

  A strange E∣clipse of the Moone.
• * 6.59

  May 1. 1613.
• * 6.60

  Doy at the Northermost end of Geilolo.
• * 6.61

  Note.
• * 6.62

  Variation sixe degrees Ea∣sterly. Iune 1. 1613.
• * 6.63

  The Iles Dos Reys Magos.
• * 6.64

  Variation foure degrees fortie minutes. Easterly.
• * 6.65

  Xima or Mash∣ma.
• * 6.66

  An excellent kind of oares.
• * 6.67

  Naugasaque.
• * 6.68

  Iune 11. 1613. The King of Firando and his Nephew.
• * 6.69

  Iapa••ia•• habite.
• * 6.70

  Iaponian man∣ner of saluta∣tion.
• * 6.71

  William Adams. His story writ∣ten by himselfe you haue be∣fore.
• * 6.72

  Osackay.
• * 6.73

  A strong tide.
• * 6.74

  We anchored before the Towne.
• * 6.75

  Note the dan∣ger of idolatry, euen in Popish sense, by vene∣ration of Ima∣ges.
• * 6.76

  The Kings wo∣men, their ha∣bite.
• * 6.77

  Their musicke instrumentall and vocall.
• * 6.78

  Prick-song.
• * 6.79

  Presents. Feast••ng and drinking of healths in Iapan
• * 6.80

  Gesture at meate.
• * 6.81

  Mashma a place of good vent for our com∣modities.
• * 6.82

  Women A∣ctors of Co∣m••dies in Ia∣pan, being also common wo∣men, and their price rated. Bawdes in Ia∣pan.
• * 6.83

  Their abhomi∣nable esteeme after death.
• * 6.84

  Fiue thousand Chineses done to death for tra∣ding in forrain parts.
• * 6.85

  The Hollanders formerly pas∣sed vnder the name of En∣glishmen. No••e.

  Iaponian song of the English.
• * 6.86

  Iuly.
• * 6.87

  Seueritie for fighting and drawing wea∣pons.
• * 6.88

  English broad clothes sold by the Dutch in Iapan.
• * 6.89

  King of Goto.
• * 6.90

  The King of Goto desirous that our men would come into his King∣dome.

  Iaponian man∣ner of Execu∣••ion.
• * 6.91

  To steale an¦others slaue, death.

  The manner of their going to execution.
• * 6.92

  Poldauis worn by the King.
• * 6.93

  William Adams commeth vnto them.

  The first Car∣rier for not making haste with the letters to Adams, was banished by the angry King
• * 6.94

  An intention of the Spaniards to discouer to the Northward of Iapan.
• * 6.95

  August.
• * 6.96

  The old King sent 100. Tayes of Iapan money for him to spend by the way. A Tay is fiue shil. of our money.

  My setting for∣ward toward the Emperours Court.

  Fuccate a large and faire Towne.
• * 6.97

  Women with their housholds that liue in boats vpon the water.

  Women-diuers
• * 6.98

  Straigh••s of Xemina ••que. A strange Iuncke.
• * 6.99

  Osaca.
• * 6.100

  Description of Osaca.
• * 6.101

  A faire and strong Castle.
• * 6.102

  The son of Ti∣quasama, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 h••••re of Iapan how de∣feated of his ••ight.
• * 6.103

  Sacay.
• * 6.104

  Fushimi.
• * 6.105

  Garrisons changed euery three yeares. Their March and Weapons.
• * 6.106

  No Ensignes nor Drums or other Martiall Musicke.
• * 6.107

  Strange riding.
• * 6.108

  Hunting and Hawking.
• * 6.109

  Their Horses.
• * 6.110

  Their good order.
• * 6.111

  The Dyet in Iapan.
• * 6.112

  Store of pro∣uision.
• * 6.113

  No Butter nor Milke eaten.
• * 6.114

  Water drunke warme.
• * 6.115

  A Pike, signe of authoritie.
• * 6.116

  Surunga.
• * 6.117

  High-wayes.
• * 6.118

  Fotoquis Iaponi∣an Temples. Priests.
• * 6.119

  Crosses and crucifying.
• * 6.120

  Surunga a very great Citie.
• * 6.121

  The Castle & Court of the Emperour.
• * 6.122

  Iaponians affect breuitie.
• * 6.123

  The Copie of which hee brought home and gaue me•• which after followeth.
• * 6.124

  The descripti∣on of an I∣mage called Dabis.
• * 6.125

  Pilgrimage to Tencheday.
• * 6.126

  Virgins dedi∣cated to an Idoll.
• * 6.127

  We arriued at Edoo.
• * 7.1

  The Character•• hau•• by some been thought to be those of China, but I com∣pared them with China bookes, and they se••med to me quite different, yet not letters to compound words by spelling, as ours; but words expressed in their seuerall characters, as the Chinois vse, and the breuitie manifesteth. I take them characters peculiar to Iapan. Take them thou Reader, and iudge better, if thou canst.
• * 8.1

  The discouery of Yeadzo to the northward.
• * 8.2

  Or Raigne.
• * 8.3

  Oringgaw the best hauen or road for vs.
• * 8.4

  A Spanish Em∣bassador from the Philippinas.
• * 8.5

  A proclamati∣on against the Christians.
• * 8.6

  The descripti∣on of the Citie of Miaco.
• * 8.7

  Their Bonzees, Idols, Altars, Offerings, &c.
• * 8.8

  Colledge of Iesuits in Mia∣co.

  The new Te∣stament in the Iapan language
• * 8.9

  Osaca.
• * 8.10

  We embarked for Firando. Nouember 6.
• * 8.11

  Seuere iustice in Iapan.
• * 8.12

  The setling of an English Fa∣ctorie in Iapan.
• * 8.13

  December.
• * 8.14

  We returne home from Ia∣pan.
• * 8.15

  Variation at Firando 2. deg. 50. minutes Easterly. We sayled a∣longst the Coast of China. A great Cur∣rent shooteth out betweene Corea and the maine of China. Sumbor.
• * 8.16

  Three hun∣dred sailes of small Fisher-men.

  Ilands of Fi∣shers.

  Latitude 25. deg. 59. minut.
• * 8.17

  A Rocke.
• * 8.18

  Variation 1. degree 30. mi∣nutes Easterly.
• * 8.19

  Latitude 22. de. 10. minutes.
• * 8.20

  Many Fisher-boates.

  Latitude, 21. de. 40. minutes.
• * 8.21

  Note.
• * 8.22

  Latitude 18. deg. 19. minut. Variation 50. min. Westerly.
• * 8.23

  Pulo Cotan.
• * 8.24

  Plaxel.
• * 8.25

  Camboia.
• * 8.26

  A Varella. Camboia is not so far Easterly, as it is set in our Plats.
• * 8.27

  Pulo Citi, or Pulo Ceci••. Linschotens Ob∣seruations true.
• * 8.28

  Pulo Condor. Latitude 8. deg. 20. min.
• * 8.29

  Latitude 2. deg. 38. min.
• * 8.30

  Pulo Timon.
• * 8.31

  Pulo Tinga.
• * 8.32

  China-bata, or Pulo-bato.
• * 8.33

  The Plat of Ian Ianson Mol••
• * 8.34

  A dangerous shoale not far from the en∣tr••nce of the Straight of China-bata. L••••••tude foure deg. six min.
• * 8.35

  The Darling sayling ••or Co∣romandell. De••th o•• Sir H. Middleton, and losse of the Trades In∣crease.

  A sunk••n ledge of rocks.
• * 8.36

  The high land of Sumatra.
• * 8.37

  Ianuary 1. The Expedition bound ••or England.

  We arriued in Bantam Roade.
• * 8.38

  The multipli∣cit••e of Facto∣ries for each Voyag••, cau∣sed the prices to rise, each out-bidding o∣th••rs for the particular ac∣counts of their owne Voyage, not without losse to the publike.
• * 8.39

  The whole Towne of Ban∣tam burned downe, sauing the English and Hollanders hou∣ses.
• * 9.1

  This comes to passe by the China Chara∣cters, which in proper names borrow the Characters of other words of like or nearest sound, and therfore cause often mista∣king, as Ioseph Acosta hath ob∣serued.

  Diuers English and Scottish Souldiers. February 1. Tide of twelue houres floud, and twelue ebbe in Sund••. May 16 1614. The Concord, the first ship set out for the ioynt Stocke.
• * 9.2

  The Beefe of Saldania taketh salt well.
• * 9.3

  September 27. We arriued at Plimmouth.
• * 9.4

  Yedzo is an I∣land.

  Hairie people.
• * 9.5

  Matchma.
• * 9.6

  People of low stature farther to the North-ward.

  A current to the East North-east.
• * 9.7

  Left eighteene men in all viz. fiue Ma••ine••s, and thirteene Sail••rs.

  A Flemmish Iuncke from Pr••aman: ••••wes of Sir E••ward M••chelborne. The danger from our men of warre to our Merchants
• * 9.8

  Admirall Ver∣hagen ••et saile for Holland. S••r Edward Michelborne came into the road.
• * 9.9

  Nou. 2. 1605. Sir Edward set saile for the Straights of Pallingban. A Flemm••sh Pinnasse vpon di••couery of the Iland cal∣led Noua ginnea Paul Vansoult set saile. Decem. 2. 1605 A Flemm••sh Iuncke from Patany.

  Generall War∣wicke arriued. Ianuar. 2. 1605. A Iaua Iuncke set sai••e for Ty∣more fraughted by Chineses. May 23. 1606. Newes of the ••lemmings losse of Ternata. The Flemmings Pinnasse pilla∣ged by the Kings Fleete of Bantam. The Kings Fleet returned. Iune 15.

  Nockhoda Tin∣gall frō Banda. Mace sold for in Bantam an hundred and fiftie Rialls, the Bahar foure hundred and fiftie Ca••tees. The Flemmings returne from Noua ginnea. August 6. The Moone Eclipsed in Bantam. October 4. The China quarter burnt downe.

  The West Fris∣land beaten from Ternata. A Frigat of the Flemmings from Soocadanna. An earthquake in Bantam. December 13. Intelligence giuen by the Iunckes of ••ore of eleuen saile of Flemmings at Mal••acca. May 22. Iune 5.

  The Flemmings discouered the Vice-R••y of Goa w••th a Fle••t of sixteen saile of ships.
• * 9.10

  The Flemmings stand out o•• the road, and meet with the Vice-roy, where they performe a good fight.

  Three Portu∣gal ships burnt by the Flem. and three by themselues. The ••lem. finds the V••ce-roy at the Nicubars, but they were so strong a∣shoare, as they could not deale with them.

  Matele••fe de∣parted for the Mollu••ca••.

  Iulius and fiue ••lem. more put to death at Be∣mermassen. A ship called the Great Sunne arriued from Choromandel. The places where the Flem∣mings hath left Factors vpon the coast of Chor••mandell. The lati••ude of the Countrey. In the Month of May much wind.

  A Flem. from S. Lucia vpon the Iland of Madagascar. Capt▪ Middle∣ton arriued in the Consent of Londo••.

  Mattel••••fe arri∣u••d ••rom the coast of ••hina.
• * 9.11

  The ship Gel∣derland from Holland.
• * 9.12

  Admiral Pau∣lus van Carle with 7. ships.
• * 9.13

  The Flem. as∣sault the Castle of Mosamb••que.
• * 9.14

  Fortie Flem. slaine.
• * 9.15

  Mayot a good place to re∣fresh at.
• * 9.16

  Seperdowne a good place to refresh at.
• * 9.17

  A Carracke ta∣ken hard by the Ilands of Commodo.
• * 9.18

  Ten Gallies in the Road of Calicut of the Portugals. The Flem. giue the Sambrine of Callicut a Pre∣sent.
• * 9.19

  Paulus van Carl•• set saile for the straights of Mallacca. Paulus van Carl•• returned. Mattaleefe set saile for Hol∣land.
• * 9.20

  A Flem. ship from Amboyna.
• * 9.21

  A Flem. Pin∣nasse from Mackian.
• * 9.22

  Mackian and Taffasall taken without losse of one man. A Flem. Pin∣nasse for Sooca∣danna.
• * 9.23

  A Flemmish ship from Ban∣da.

  The Hay from Choromandell. The Dragon from Priaman. A Present gi∣uen the King of Bantam. The Gouer∣nour and his Ierotooles killed. A Flem. Pin∣nasse from Soo∣cadanna.

  Fiue saile of Flem. bound for Holland. A Flem. Pin∣nasse from Ma∣lacca.
• * 9.24

  A Pinnasse of the Flemmings, for Soocadanna. W. Keeling ••et sayle for Eng∣land.

  He returned backe.

  He departed. He returned meeting with the Hector in the Straights. A Flem. from Holland which had met with two English ships in 32. de. to the North of the Cape of Cop Premeros. A Flem. Pin∣nasse set sayle for Mallacca. The Dragon for England.

  The Hector for Banda.

  Two ships and a Pinnasse from Choromandell. Three Flem.. ships for Banda. A Fleet from Holland, being twelue saile. Seuen Flem. for the Molluc.
• * 9.25

  A meeting at the Court by the Flem. pro∣curement.
• * 9.26

  Our House es∣caped burning I was sent for to the Court.
• * 9.27

  The Gouer∣nours order. I was sent for to the Court, and willed to deliuer the Chi∣neses vp.
• * 9.28

  A Pinnasse of the Flemmings from Soocadana A Pinnasse of the Flemmings for Bemermassin.
• * 9.29

  The Hector set sayle from Bantam.
• * 9.30

  Also from Sumatra, Potan∣nie, Cauchau∣chene.
• * 9.31

  Burrowse yeel∣deth Tyurall, called in Eng∣lish Buris, worth there a Riall the Cat∣tee, and heere ten shillings the pound, it is kept in Grease.
• * 9.32

  〈…〉〈…〉 I••sula ••as vacas, which is a•• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Cambaya.
• * 9.33

  The Iaua Al∣ph••••et is twen∣•••• ••etters the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is foure and ••en••. Ba••••r Ba••tam: Cool••c•• of Ba••a••.
• * 9.34

  Deceit in the weigher. Iunckes from Coeringin and Ianby.

  In the fine of Ianury three ships may find lading of Pep∣per in Ba••tam. China Cashes. The best Ca∣shes in Bantam called Chu∣chuck Iaua.
• * 9.35

  Basse called al∣lowance vpon Cashes. Profit to bee made in in∣grossing of Cashes.
• * 9.36

  The weight v∣sed in weigh∣ing of Bezars, Ciuit and Gold, with the content of their seueral Tailo••, English com∣modities ven∣dible in Ban∣tam.
• * 9.37

  February and March, the time of the cōming of the China Iunckes for Bantam, and what commo∣dities they are laden wi••h.
• * 9.38

  Commodities from China.
• * 9.39

  Beniamine, Lignum Aloes to be bought at Bantam.
• * 9.40

  Commodities vendible in Bantam.

  Content of cloath Chera Iaua, which comes from Choromandell.
• * 9.41

  Generally, Cotton cloath requested in Bantam.
• * 9.42

  Custome. Billa-billian o•• Labba, is vpon six thousand sackes, six hun∣dred sixty sixe Rialls, and so higher or lower, accor∣ding to the burden of your shippe.
• * 9.43

  Rooba.
• * 9.44

  No custome.
• * 9.45

  Oyle of Mace 4. Rials a quart, at Bantam 5. or 6. Rials a quart
• * 9.46

  Monson Are∣pootee. From Poolo Swange, a∣lias, the deuils Iland comes the foule called Casuarie.
• * 9.47

  Lignum Aloes. Ophion misse∣ree which is soft like wax.
• * 9.48

  The old King sent 100. Tai•• in Iapan mo∣ney for our Generall to spend on the way, which I put to account by our Gene∣ra••s order as money lent.
• * 9.49

  Pagan Feast at Firando, being a kind of Can∣dlemas, Alsoules.
• * 9.50

  Loosenesse of some.
• * 9.51

  End of the great Feast.
• * 9.52

  Masking and dancing.
• * 9.53

  Septemb. 1. A Mask••.
• * 9.54

  Taxe for Forts
• * 9.55

  A mighty Tuf∣fon or Tem∣pest, with the strange eff••cts thereof.
• * 9.56

  Foolish super∣stitions.
• * 9.57

  Merchants of Miaco.
• * 9.58

  Of many mis∣demeanours, I permit some to passe the Pr••sse that the cause o•• so many deaths in the Indies, might be found rather to be imputed to their owne then the Ele∣men••s distem∣per, and for a caueat to o∣thers which shall send, or be sent into Eth∣nicke Regions; yet doe I con∣ceale the most and worst.
• * 9.59

  Vnrulinesse of some Manners
• * 9.60

  September. 17▪ 1613. Bastian the Bawd angry that his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were d••sturbed. The Kings 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 9.61

  The King•• care of good Go∣uernment.
• * 9.62

  Death and bu∣riall of W. Pau∣ling.
• * 9.63

  Bonses supersti∣tion, and no lesse in the people.
• * 9.64

  Good obedi∣ence.
• * 9.65

  Coniuring coosening Knaues.
• * 9.66

  Octob. 2. 1613. Seuen English, viz. fiue English and two Flem∣mings which were bound for England run a∣way to the Spaniards.
• * 9.67

  The Kings house burned.
• * 9.68

  Deuill a liar, or belied.
• * 9.69

  A great Feast among the Pa∣gans began this day, it be∣ing told me it was like a Lent, or Pasques of the Papists.
• * 9.70

  B••n Dius Bro∣ther iniurious to the English and Dutch.
• * 9.71

  A China Iun••ke for Langasaque.
• * 9.72

  Dinner with the Dutch.
• * 9.73

  George Peter••son a Flush.
• * 9.74

  Daman Ma∣••yn a Venetian.
• * 9.75

  Macow a Town of Portugalls neere the Con∣tinent of China.

  Miguell the Iu∣rebasso, Capt. Adams h••s man was su••pected of double dea∣ling in this case of the Fu∣gitiues: the circumstances, I omit.
• * 9.76

  An Eclips of the Moone.
• * 9.77

  Fire in Firando.
• * 9.78

  Solemne Feast, the manner thereof.
• * 9.79

  The Diuell a∣gaine a lyer, if the Knaues be∣lyed not their Master.
• * 9.80

  A shame to be∣lye the Diuell so often.
• * 9.81

  Bonze Physi∣tian.
• * 9.82

  Another Feast with a Comoe∣die.
• * 9.83

  Iunketting.
• * 9.84

  Their Play, in which the Kings them∣selues were Authors, with their greatest Nobles.
• * 9.85

  Their acting, song and mu∣sicke.
• * 9.86

  Cushma. Corea.
• * 9.87

  Dutch iealousie
• * 9.88

  Langasaque bad people.
• * 9.89

  Nouember. 1. 1613.
• * 9.90

  Forewarned forearmed.
• * 9.91

  Bishop in Iapan
• * 9.92

  The Pagod is the Idol, or I∣dol-temple, or both.
• * 9.93

  Order to pre∣uent Fire-knaues, and Night-cryes.
• * 9.94

  A Iesuite.
• * 9.95

  Capt. Saris his returne ••rom the Emperours Court.
• * 9.96

  Merchants of Miaco play the Merchants.
• * 9.97

  George the Por∣tugall sent the General a Pre∣sent of Iapan Figs and Chesnuts.
• * 11.1

  Trade at Syam.
• * 11.2

  M. Peacocke sl••ine in Co∣chinchina.
• * 11.3

  Iesuites bani∣shed.
• * 11.4

  Foyne Same dead.

  Ciuill Warres in Ia••a••. Osakay.
• * 11.5

  Fushma.
• * 11.6

  Ozacay burnt. Sacay.
• * 11.7

  Most terrible Tuffon.
• * 11.8

  Hope of Trade in China.
• * 11.9

  Hollanders di∣stasted by Chi∣neis and Iapan: Portugalls not accepted.
• * 11.10

  Presents a cu∣stome for eue∣ry ship.
• * 11.11

  Corea Bogges and sailing waggons.
• * 11.12

  Paquin:
• * 12.1

  Hollanders acts in Moluccas.
• * 12.2

  Spaniards and Portugals feare.
• * 12.3

  Hollanders rob the Iunckes of China.
• * 12.4

  Hollanders sea force.
• * 12.5

  Iesuits play the Factors Agēts, and Beggers in these parts, as by all ••ndian relations m••y appeare. Fame of the English in the remote East.
• * 12.6

  Force of Tem∣pests in Iapan.
• * 12.7

  Ill successe of some English in Cauchin-China.
• * 12.8

  Perfidy reuen∣ged.
• * 13.1

  Forty thou∣sand Iaponians lost in Ciuill warres.
• * 15.1

  Capt. George Barkeley.
• * 15.2

  Trade in Cau∣chinchina vn∣lucky.
• * 15.3

  Fight of Hol∣landers and Spa∣niards.
• * 15.4

  Hollanders wronging the English name.
• * 17.1

  Hollanders abu∣ses of the Eng∣lish in those parts, are here published for knowledge of the Easterne Affaires, and Occurrents, as it is meet in a Historie. But neither were these Nationall but personall Crimes, and done in time and place of pretended Ho∣stilitie, and now I hope sa∣tisfaction is or sha••l ••e m••de. Neighbour∣hood of Re∣gion▪ Reli∣gion and Cu∣stomes; are e••sily violated by Drink, Co∣uetousnesse & Pride, the three ••uries th••t raysed th••se Combu∣bustions. This Historie hath related the worth of many Worthy Hollanders; if it yeelds a Close-stoole for Westarwood (as E••••••••∣ments rather then true Dutch) or a Graine-Tub or Swil-••ub for some braue Brewers and Bores, that embrewed with Nobler bloud then themselues haue, preferre their brutish passions to Gods Glorie, Religion, and publike Peace, let it be no imputation to the Nation (which I loue and honour) but to such ba••er spirits as haue (like Scorbuticall humours in these long Voyage••, and their lon∣ger peace and want of wonted employments) beene bred as Diseases to their, and infections to our bodie. My intent is to present others with their Acts, my selfe with Prayers that all may be amended.
• * 17.2

  This Iohn Iordaine is said in the time of t••••••tie to haue beene treacherously slaine.
• * 17.3

  And who w••s the happy instrument of th••••r deliuerie, from that which they ac∣count slauerie, but the English?
• * 17.4

  Vnchristian, vnciuill, inhu∣mane, imm••ne, Deuillish Im∣pietie.
• * 17.5

  Brags of a Hollander.
• * 17.6

  Persecutio••.
• * 17.7

  ••••ushma de∣stroyed.
• * 17.8

  Tidaia Samma sonne of Tico Sama.
• * 17.9

  Comets which appeared also in these patts.
• * 17.10

  Ex vn••ue Leo∣nem. You may guesse of their Tales of Mira∣cles at home & abroad, by this.
• * 17.11

  This should haue followed next after Ma∣ster Hawkins, with whom he went into the Mogolls Coun∣trey, if I then had had it. But better a good dish, ••hough not in d••est place of ser∣ui••e, then not at alle neither is he altogether borne out of due time, which comes in due place (whiles we are yet in India) and in time also, be∣fore the Mogoll affaires recei∣ued any later accesse or bet∣ter maturitie: and for that cir∣cumstance fai∣ling, thou shalt find it supplied in substance, with more ac∣curate obser∣uatiō•• of Men, Beasts, P••a••••ts, Cities, D••serts, Cast••es, Buil∣dings, Regions Re••igions, then almost any o∣ther, as also of Waies, Wares, Warres.

  Christianitie at Sierra Leona. Their apparell. They are also Gallants and fashion-mon∣gers.

  Townes and houses.

  Their hous∣hold-stuffe and riches.

  Their Armes. Their feature and conditi∣ons.

  Circumcision.
• * 17.12

  Funerall.
• * 17.13

  Their food.
• * 17.14

  Oysters on trees.
• * 17.15

  Tobacco-pipe••
• * 17.16

  Little fl••sh.
• * 17.17

  Fruits. Woods of Lim∣mons.

  Palmito wine.
• * 17.18

  Plummes.
• * 17.19

  Beane trees of venomous na∣ture, wherewith they poyson their arrowes.
• * 17.20

  Carob trees. Cola, a fruit of much esteeme.
• * 17.21

  Potatoes. Cot∣ton.
• * 17.22

  Cambe, a wood to dye Red.
• * 17.23

  Limon Tree.
• * 17.24

  Plantan Trees or Reeds.
• * 17.25

  Bannanas.
• * 17.26

  Guinny Pepper.
• * 17.27

  Millet or Pa∣nike.
• * 17.28

  Palmito Tree.
• * 17.29

  Oyster Trees.
• * 17.30

  Fishes.
• * 17.31

  Fowles.
• * 17.32

  Wild beasts.
• * 17.33

  Carbuncle, a beast strange, if true.
• * 17.34

  S. Augustine.
• * 17.35

  Sheluy ground
• * 17.36

  Two Riuers.
• * 17.37

  The fishes.
• * 17.38

  The people. Nea•• naked∣nesse.
• * 17.39

  Weapons.
• * 17.40

  Their cattell.
• * 17.41

  Strange beasts. Capt. Keeling in his Iournall cals it the Beau∣tifull beast. Bats huge. Fowles.
• * 17.42

  Chamelions, they eat flies.
• * 17.43

  Spiders silke weauers.
• * 17.44

  Strange trees.
• * 17.45

  Socotora.
• * 17.46

  Dib••ee.
• * 17.47

  Strange winds
• * 17.48

  The King of Cushem in Ara∣bia ha••h here foure Iles. Irmanas two. Abba del curia. Socolora.
• * 17.49

  The Arabs there.

  Their armes.
• * 17.50

  Persons.
• * 17.51

  Apparell.
• * 17.52

  Their women.
• * 17.53

  Galantry.
• * 17.54

  Their children
• * 17.55

  Popish argu∣ment of faith.
• * 17.56

  Their diet.
• * 17.57

  The Natiue So∣cotorans.
• * 17.58

  Gallant fashi∣ons.
• * 17.59

  Religion and life, most mise∣rable if the A∣rabs their ene∣mies be to bee credited.
• * 17.60

  Their mer∣chandise.
• * 17.61

  Aloes or semper-viuum, the time and making thereof.
• * 17.62

  A hundred & three▪ or a hun∣dred and two pound, fiue ounces and a halfe.

  Dates two har∣uests.

  Wine of Dates
• * 17.63

  Haruest and diuision.
• * 17.64

  Ciuit Cats.
• * 17.65

  Cattell and victuals.
• * 17.66

  Eshac a kind of Capers.
• * 17.67

  Coho. Other notes and remem∣brances.
• * 17.68

  A huge Whale.
• * 17.69

  Barrennesse▪ A strange tr••e.
• * 17.70

  Of these Churches and of this whole Iland, See Iohn d' Ca••tro. For they were in times past Christians, which (as all other not of their Faith) the Mahometa••s cal Cassars: but rude and bru∣tish, the easier pray to these Arabs.
• * 17.71

  Surat. Hee neuer cals C. Hawkins, Lord Embas∣sador, but C. Hawkins. For he, Master Can∣ning and Ma∣ster Edwards had no such Commission, but only Let∣ters from his Maiestie, and orders from the Company, &c.

  The danger which men of War occasion to their Coun∣trimen, honest Merchants, especially a∣mongst re∣mote and Eth∣nike people, I adde not the scandall of their Religion and Countrey. Portugall trea∣chery and ho∣stilitie.
• * 17.72

  Iniustce clo∣ked.
• * 17.73

  Peniero the Ie∣sui••e.

  Iesuitic••ll Hu∣maniti••, Diui∣nitie and Preaching. R. Carelesse had long liued with the Por∣tugals.

  M. Bowcans iniustice. Warre twixt Dutch and Por∣tugals at Ma∣lacca.
• * 17.74

  Andr. Hurtado.
• * 17.75

  Port. defeated.
• * 17.76

  At the time when this was written, which is to be obser∣ued in all this Iournall.

  Malabars an∣noy the Port, New Fleet dispersed.
• * 17.77

  Ormus ship taken.
• * 17.78

  Malacca againe besieged.
• * 17.79

  Portugals take prize all ships which saile without their Passe.
• * 17.80

  He st••ll c••ls the Mogols father, the Amber (o∣thers vse to leaue out the article) and so in others.
• * 17.81

  A Cose or Course is a mile and halfe English.
• * 17.82

  Andrew Hurta∣do Vice-Roy.
• * 17.83

  Great warres of and with Mogolls.
• * 17.84

  Ascension lost.
• * 17.85

  The Hopewell.
• * 17.86

  Portugall domi∣neering.
• * 17.87

  Note what Gospell the Ie∣suits preach for conuer∣ting Infidels.
• * 17.88

  Sacrilegious Calfe-slaugh∣ter: Caluish deuotion of the Bania••s. This mariage of Captaine Hawkins, some say was ••ut as a trick on him by false friends and the cause of his disre∣spect with the Mogoll. He tells otherwi••e him∣sel••••.

  Badur descen∣ded of the Cambayan King•• a bad neigh∣bour to those parts.

  Description of Surat.

  The Castle.
• * 17.89

  Indian Idoll.
• * 17.90

  A faire Tanke or Pond.
• * 17.91

  Stocke wor∣shippers of a stocke or tre••.
• * 17.92

  Custome-house.
• * 17.93

  Naites, nau••a.
• * 17.94

  Great Bats, their nature.
• * 17.95

  Winter.
• * 17.96

  Tuffon. Mon••ons.
• * 17.97

  Comuariaw. Mutta. Carode.
• * 17.98

  Curca. Beca. Necampore. Badurs holds.
• * 17.99

  Wilde Ele∣phants. Dayta. Badur.
• * 17.100

  Salere and Mu∣lere, Cities of Berropsha. Castles im∣pregnable.
• * 17.101

  Breed of horse rare.

  Nonderbar▪ Lingull. Sindkerry.
• * 17.102

  Taulneere.
• * 17.103

  Chupra.
• * 17.104

  Ioulnapore.
• * 17.105

  Rawd. Mukom, stay for refreshing. Beawle. Rauere. Bramport. Badurpore.
• * 17.106

  The Tents and compasse of both sides.
• * 17.107

  Description of Bramport.
• * 17.108

  Atificiall Ele∣phant.
• * 17.109

  Rauere sacked.
• * 17.110

  Portugall losse.
• * 17.111

  Barre••.
• * 17.112

  Hassere a strong and strange Fort.
• * 17.113

  Camla. Magergom. Kergom. Berkul.
• * 17.114

  Mandow the Riuers of the old Towne.
• * 17.115

  The present described.
• * 17.116

  The first of name th••t took it was C••n Iohn •• P••••an who built the Tur∣ret, and lye••h buried in the Pal••ce adioy∣ning with three of his Succ••s∣sors.

  This Citie was built by an In∣••ll••n some thousand yeeres agoe. Luneheira.
• * 17.117

  Dup••lpore. Ouglue.
• * 17.118

  Conoscia. Opium.
• * 17.119

  Sunenarra.
• * 17.120

  Pimpelgom.
• * 17.121

  Cuckra. Berroul. Delout. Burrow.
• * 17.122

  Sukesera. Syrange.
• * 17.123

  Collebage. Qual••res. Cipry.
• * 17.124

  Norwar.
• * 17.125

  Strong Castle.
• * 17.126

  Antro. Gualere. A strong Ca∣stle.
• * 17.127

  Rantimore:
• * 17.128

  Rotas.
• * 17.129

  Mendaker. Doulpore.
• * 17.130

  Iaiow, Agra.
• * 17.131

  Terrible fires at Agra.
• * 17.132

  See how Merchants speake the Ie∣suites, when Iesuites play the Merchants
• * 17.133

  Amdananager lost to the De∣can.
• * 17.134

  Perill of huge armies.
• * 17.135

  Potana sacked.
• * 17.136

  Punishment of Cowardize.
• * 17.137

  Christianitie seemed to bee aff••cted by the Mogull.
• * 17.138

  Three Princes christened. English colours displayed be∣fore the Mogol.
• * 17.139

  Portugals afraid to come too late.
• * 17.140

  Saray is a kind of publike Inn. See Stell and Crowder.
• * 17.141

  Asmere, a child-giuing Saint.
• * 17.142

  Fetipore de∣scribed.
• * 17.143

  Ruines.
• * 17.144

  The Bazar.
• * 17.145

  Faire Meskite:
• * 17.146

  Kalender is an order of Moo∣rish Vot••ries. Badwater.
• * 17.147

  Fetipore inter∣preted.
• * 17.148

  Hermodacty••us described.
• * 17.149

  Cannowa.
• * 17.150

  Candere. The Kings Mo∣holls described.
• * 17.151

  Deuoncan is a Hall.
• * 17.152

  Byana.
• * 17.153

  Ruines.
• * 17.154

  A strong Fort.
• * 17.155

  Description of Nill or Indico.
• * 17.156

  The growth and varietie of the Herbe.
• * 17.157

  Their making of Indico.
• * 17.158

  To know good Indico.
• * 17.159

  The Great Mo∣gol in danger of a Lyon.
• * 17.160

  His thankful∣nesse.
• * 17.161

  Kings manner of hunting.
• * 17.162

  This Ch. Charke I haue spoken with since in London after diuers yeares seruice. Iourney to La∣bor. Indians idola∣try.
• * 17.163

  Dely. There are said to ••ee foure Delyes within 5 ^c. the eldest built by Rase, who by his Ponde or Magicians counsell tried the earth by an Iron stake▪ which he pul∣led outbloody with the blood of a Snake, which his Pondesaid was signe of good fortune.

  The last of his race was Rase Pet••••ry, who after seuen times taking a Po••an King, was at last by him taken and slaine. He began the Potan Kingdome. They came from the moun∣taines betw••en Cand••ha•• and Catull. The s••cond built by Togall Sha, a Potan King. The third little of note. The fourth by Shersh••s••••••m, where is that Tombe of Hamaron.
• * 17.164

  A stately Obeliske with Greeke or Hebrew inscriptions, as some affirme, supposed to be set there by Alexander.
• * 17.165

  The stone of Indiae.
• * 17.166

  Pagods.
• * 17.167

  Sal-armoniake pits.
• * 17.168

  The Kings gar∣den. Some say it was made, An. Dom. 15••0.
• * 17.169

  The cause of the qu••rrel twixt ••he Mog••ll and his el∣dest ••on••e.
• * 17.170

  The Prince taken.
• * 17.171

  Of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 enlarg∣men••, &c. you shall rea•• after in Sir T. Ro••s Iournall. Two ••e••ipore••.
• * 17.172

  Gelole a Tray∣tor ••o two 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 17.173

  The houses.
• * 17.174

  The Riuer Rauee.
• * 17.175

  The Kings house descri∣bed.
• * 17.176

  Pictures.
• * 17.177

  The Pictures on the wall of the Princes or great men.
• * 17.178

  The Moholls.
• * 17.179

  Pictures of Angels and Banian Dews.
• * 17.180

  Large Moholl for two hun∣dred women.
• * 17.181

  Pictures of his women and their offices.
• * 17.182

  Babur first con∣querour: his st••atagems.
• * 17.183

  Tamerlane.
• * 17.184

  Asoph Caun his Garden.
• * 17.185

  Apples, with fruits and flowers.
• * 17.186

  Anno 1611. Cabull sacked by theeues.
• * 17.187

  Tauris raced.
• * 17.188

  Relation of the way from Lahor to Cabull, be∣yond Cabull 60 ^c. runne mountaines, at the foote of which lyeth the way to Cas∣car.
• * 17.189

  Cabull.
• * 17.190

  Cascar. Yar Chaun.
• * 17.191

  China.
• * 17.192

  Of this see my Pilg. l. 4. c. 12. §. ••.

  Goes his trauell from Lahor to Cabul and China Cassimere.
• * 17.193

  Imp••ssible Mountaines.
• * 17.194

  Another way from Agra to Surat.
• * 17.195

  Gur-chitto an impregnable Castle.

  Rana Pope of the Resboates or India•• Gentiles.
• * 17.196

  Prigonies are Lordships.
• * 17.197

  Description of Asmere before the Mogoll made it his Royall resi∣dence.
• * 17.198

  Esteeme of a Mahumetan S. Hoghee Munde.
• * 17.199

  Pagodes. Ielowre a strong Castle.
• * 17.200

  Cunning trea∣ch••rie. A Dowly or Dowle is a Chaire or Cage wherein they carry their Women on mens shol∣ders.
• * 17.201

  A huge Snake.
• * 17.202

  Billmall a great Citie.
• * 17.203

  Amadauar de∣scribed.
• * 17.204

  Baedur, whose Progenitors were Kings of Guzurat.
• * 17.205

  Two other Raiawes which stand out. An excellent race of horses.
• * 17.206

  Cambaya.
• * 17.207

  Munkeyes.
• * 17.208

  Port. Frig••ts. Violent tyde called the Bore.
• * 17.209

  Boroche. A Mine of Agats.
• * 17.210

  Tarrie or Tad∣die, a strong Wine.

  Polle Medomy a Moore Deuil or Saint. Pilgri∣mage to him. Miracles as true as—
• * 17.211

  Certaine pla∣ces of note in the Coun∣trey of Purrop. Cannowes. Ganges his be∣ginning and greatnesse. Lacanowes. Oude.
• * 17.212

  Holy▪ holy place and In∣dian Fa••les.
• * 17.213

  Indian-Asse-horne.
• * 17.214

  The returne from Iounpore another way to Alabasse to Agra.

  Alabasse Castle A mighty Castle.
• * 17.215

  Alexanders Piller.
• * 17.216

  Mon. of Adam and Eue, and of the Creation. Pilgrimage & Holy-water.
• * 17.217

  Strange Tree▪
• * 17.218

  Menepore.
• * 17.219

  Chappergat. A faire Saray.
• * 17.220

  Itay. Face wor∣shipped.
• * 17.221

  Tem-mery.
• * 17.222

  Negercoat.
• * 17.223

  Idolatrous pil∣grimage, and cruell deuoti∣ons.
• * 17.224

  Calsery.
• * 17.225

  Serenegar. Dow Lager.
• * 17.226

  Extremitie of cold.
• * 17.227

  Camow.
• * 17.228

  Gunts, a race of horse to climbe hilles.
• * 17.229

  Rocke of Dia∣monds.
• * 17.230

  Port-outlawes.
• * 17.231

  See of Pegu Flo••i•• his Rela∣tion before.
• * 17.232

  Description of Agra, and the Castle.
• * 17.233

  The Castle.
• * 17.234

  Seats of Iu∣stice.
• * 17.235

  It is said that they were two Brothers Res∣boots▪ Tutors to a Prince their Nephew, whom the King demaun∣ded of them. They refused, and were com∣mitted, but drew on the Offic••rs slew twelue, and at last by multi∣tudes oppres∣sing were slain, and here haue Elephants of stone, and themselues fi∣gured.

  Singsters or whoores atten∣ding. Some say they are there as a Court of guard of wo∣men, of which are here two or three hundred daily by succes∣sion.

  Tessillam is a gesture of hu∣miliation. The Kings Der∣bar.
• * 17.236

  Of his Ele∣phants yearly presenting of his Treasures in this Castle, &c. see Capt. Hawkins for∣mer relations. Of other things, see that which followes in Sir T. Roes Iournall.
• * 17.237

  A written booke entitu∣led, A discourse of Agra, and the foure principall waies to it. I know not by what Author, except it be Nic. Vphlet.
• * 17.238

  Description of Acabars Tomb.
• * 17.239

  February 1611
• * 17.240

  Aprill 11. 1612. They crosse the Equinoctiall.
• * 17.241

  This seemeth to be the Ile de M••rtin Vaz.
• * 17.242

  They anchor in the Bay of Saint Augu∣stine.
• * 17.243

  Iulie 18. They depart from the Riuer of Saint Augu∣stine.
• * 17.244

  They saile to∣ward ••antam by the ou••side of the Ile of Saint Laurence.
• * 17.245

  September 24. Iles of Nintam.
• * 17.246

  They arriue in the Rode of Priaman in Su∣matra.
• * 17.247

  October 8.
• * 17.248

  They arriue at Bantam. Nouember.
• * 17.249

  December 11.
• * 17.250

  Ianuarie 10. The Straight of Malacca. March.

  They are put backe to Ban∣tam.
• * 17.251

  Iune 5. 1613.
• * 17.252

  A special note.
• * 17.253

  They discrie the Land.
• * 17.254

  Negapatan.
• * 17.255

  They arriue at Paleacate.
• * 17.256

  A good note.
• * 17.257

  They Anchor in the Road of Petepoli.
• * 17.258

  A Factory with nine men ere∣cted at Petepoli.
• * 17.259

  A great tree, a chiefe marke for to know the Roade.
• * 17.260

  They arriue at Masulipatan.
• * 17.261

  They returne from Petepoli for Bantam. They arriue at Bantam. They set out for Patane. Iune 10. 1614.
• * 17.262

  The Ile Luca∣para.
• * 17.263

  Banca is a great Iland.
• * 17.264

  Palimbam point
• * 17.265

  The hill Mon∣pin, vpon the Northerne end of Banca.
• * 17.266

  The Ile of Pu∣lo Tuio.
• * 17.267

  Linga.
• * 17.268

  Bintam.
• * 17.269

  Pulo Timon▪
• * 17.270

  Pulo Capas.
• * 17.271

  They arriue at Patane. Sangora.
• * 17.272

  August, 3. 1614.
• * 17.273

  They returne for England. The death of Capt. Edmund Marlow.
• * 17.274

  Lancerota.
• * 17.275

  Grand Canaria.
• * 17.276

  Sal.
• * 17.277

  Bonauista.
• * 17.278

  The best course to passe the Equinocti∣all Line,
• * 17.279

  Increase of va∣riation in run∣ning South-ward of the Line.

  The Ile of Fernando de Loronha.
• * 17.280

  The Ile of Santa Helena▪
• * 17.281

  The Bay of Saldanha.
• * 17.282

  The highest variation be∣tweene Brasil and the Cape of Good Hope.
• * 17.283

  Connie Iland.
• * 17.284

  Chapmans Chance.
• * 17.285

  Cape Falso.
• * 17.286

  Rio Dolce.
• * 17.287

  No variation•• Cape das A∣guilhas.
• * 17.288

  The great be∣nefit of the Va∣riation.
• * 17.289

  Note.
• * 17.290

  The Riuer of S. Augustine in the Ile of S. Laurence.
• * 17.291

  The Cape of S. Sebastian.
• * 17.292

  Santa Lucia, a good place of refreshing.
• * 17.293

  The Ile of S. Mary.
• * 17.294

  The ba•• of Antongil.
• * 17.295

  The Ile de Roque Piz. The highest variation.
• * 17.296

  Baixos das Cha∣gas.
• * 17.297

  The Ilands of Nicubar.
• * 17.298

  Ilha de Som∣b••ero.
• * 17.299

  Achen in Su∣matra.
• * 17.300

  The Iles das Iarras.
• * 17.301

  The Iles of Nimtam.
• * 17.302

  Shoald water and bankes of stone.
• * 17.303

  The road of Priaman.
• * 17.304

  St••re of Gold in Sumatra. Storax.
• * 17.305

  Tecou.
• * 17.306

  Many Ilands are to the South of Pria∣man.
• * 17.307

  The Ile of Engano.
• * 17.308

  A very good roade.
• * 17.309

  Celebar.
• * 17.310

  Manancabo.
• * 17.311

  The salt hills.
• * 17.312

  The Roade of Marrough.
• * 17.313

  Three Rockes three miles W••st ••rom the salt hil••s.
• * 17.314

  The lying of ••ome part of the Coast of Ia••a.

  The Souther salt hill is in eightie one de∣grees 〈◊〉〈◊〉 longi∣tude from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cape of Good Hope.
• * 17.315

  A rocke vnder water.
• * 17.316

  Pulo Panian.
• * 17.317

  Pulo Lima.
• * 17.318

  The variation is three degr•• i•• Bantam Road••.
• * 17.319

  A long bed of small Islands.
• * 17.320

  Sumatra.
• * 17.321

  Note.
• * 17.322

  A shoald.
• * 17.323

  Lusapara-falsa.
• * 17.324

  The Isle of Banca.
• * 17.325

  Pulo Sio:
• * 17.326

  Pulo Linga.
• * 17.327

  Linga lyeth vn∣der the Equi∣noctiall Line.
• * 17.328

  Eight Islands.
• * 17.329

  The Isle of Bintam.
• * 17.330

  The Straight of Sincapura.
• * 17.331

  Pulo Tinge.
• * 17.332

  Pulo Timon.
• * 17.333

  Ior.
• * 17.334

  Pulo Paccadoure
• * 17.335

  Pulo Pagadure▪
• * 17.336

  Pulo Calasai.
• * 17.337

  Banca.
• * 17.338

  Chinabata.
• * 17.339

  Note▪
• * 17.340

  Note.
• * 17.341

  The straights of S. Thomas.
• * 17.342

  The straights of Bengaia.
• * 17.343

  Machian.
• * 17.344

  Bachian.
• * 17.345

  A dangerous shoald.
• * 17.346

  The road of Botun is in fiue degrees fifteen minutes of South latitude.
• * 17.347

  Buro. Amboyno. Banda.
• * 17.348

  February 1. 1611.
• * 17.349

  March 22.
• * 17.350

  Maio.
• * 17.351

  A great ledge of Rockes.
• * 17.352

  Another Iland. Two or three high white rockes.

  Iune 28. They dep••rt from Saldanha.
• * 17.353

  Note.
• * 17.354

  July 31. The Isle de Iuan da Noua.
• * 17.355

  Signes of the Isle de Iuan da Noua.
• * 17.356

  August 1.
• * 17.357

  Note.
• * 17.358

  Mal-Ilha one of the Iles of Comoro.
• * 17.359

  Shoald-water.
• * 17.360

  A great Ledge of Rockes.
• * 17.361

  Six or eight ships of Hol∣land at Mal-Ilha.
• * 17.362

  Mal-Ilha nex•• to Comoro.
• * 17.363

  September 1, Sight of land.
• * 17.364

  They arriue at the Barre of Surat.
• * 17.365

  The Gouernor of Amadauar came to Swally.
• * 18.1

  Notice of foure Gallions. The fight be∣tweene foure Portugals Gal∣lions and vs. Of these fights see a larger Re∣lation in my Pilgrimage, lib. 5 cap. 7. § 4. The Portugals had foure great Gallions and some twentie sixe Frigats. They lost in these fights their quondam credit and one hundred and sixtie, or as o∣thers fiue hun∣dred men. And English Trade setled maugre their foroe. Nathaniel Sal∣mon of Leigh, was Master of the Hosian ler.
• * 18.2

  This Frigat was sunke with the shot, as M^r. Salmon the actor was au∣thor vnto me, and eightie of her men were taken vp drow∣ned.

  December. 1. 161••.

  The Portugalls giue ouer the fight.

  Madafeldebar.
• * 18.3

  Moha, or Moua, or Mea.
• * 18.4

  Sixe hundred and fiue and twentie great shot spent on the foure Gal∣lions, and three thousand small sho••.
• * 18.5

  February 6.
• * 18.6

  I receiued the great Mogol his Firma for con∣firming of peace, and set∣ling a Factory in Surat, &c. Anthony Starkie sent ouer-land for England, he was poysoned and his India•• by two Friers in the way. He leaueth these Coasts, shaping his course for Su∣matra and Iaua. Basaim. Chaul-Dabul.
• * 18.7

  Goa.
• * 18.8

  A Fleet of Fri∣gats.
• * 18.9

  A prize taken.
• * 18.10

  Cananor:
• * 18.11

  Calicut.
• * 18.12

  Cochin.
• * 18.13

  Shoaldings.
• * 18.14

  Marks of land.
• * 18.15

  They ancho∣red before Be∣ringar, a place of great re∣freshing.
• * 18.16

  Our Mari∣ners vsually call it Bring Ioha.

  February 1.
• * 18.17

  Variation at Cape Comerin, fourteen degr. latitude seuen degrees, thir••ie minutes. And longitude from the Cape of Good Hope fiftie sixe degrees, thirtie min. A very dange∣rous suncken rocke.
• * 18.18

  The Isle of Ceylon.
• * 18.19

  March 1. Columbo in sixe degrees, thirtie minutes.
• * 18.20

  A sand lying some two leagues off the shoare.
• * 18.21

  Aprill 12. They anchor in the R••••d 〈…〉〈…〉 K••ngs Pre••ent.
• * 18.22

  Our Kings let∣ter re••d to the King of Achen.
• * 18.23

  The Embassa∣dour of Siam came to visit me.

  Of this you may read in M. Floris his Iournall. English broad clothes well sold in Siam. Gold of lesse esteeme then the value ther∣of in Siam. Hollanders cal∣led or calling themselues English.
• * 18.24

  A signe of most honourable esteeme.
• * 18.25

  May 2. 1613.
• * 18.26

  Edward Christi∣an Captaine of the Hosian∣der.
• * 18.27

  Captaine Best honoured with a Noble title by the King.
• * 18.28

  Letters from Surat, with the Copie of the Great Mogols Firma.

  Iune. 1613.
• * 18.29

  Iuly. 1613. The Factorie of the Hollan∣ders destroyed in Ior.

  He departeth from Achen.
• * 18.30

  Priaman.
• * 18.31

  Tecoo.
• * 18.32

  Passaman.
• * 18.33

  They arriue at Tecoo.
• * 18.34

  Death of Sir H. Middleton. The Trade pe∣risheth.
• * 18.35

  Passaman is a very contagi∣ous place.
• * 18.36

  He departeth from Teco.
• * 18.37

  They arriued in the Road of Bantam.
• * 18.38

  They saw San∣ta Helena.
• * 18.39

  Another Road at Santa Helena, better then the former.
• * 18.40

  The best water
• * 18.41

  The Lizard.
• * 18.42

  Comming sud∣denly out of long heat into the cold, see∣me••h 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bee a great cause of the Scuruie.
• * 18.43

  They arriue in the Thames.
• * 18.44

  Commendati∣ons of Soldania.
• * 18.45

  Their persons and their ap∣parell.
• * 18.46

  The Table. Porcupins Quils.
• * 18.47

  Portugal pride.
• * 18.48

  The first fight.
• * 18.49

  Medhaprabads.
• * 18.50

  The second place of fight.
• * 18.51

  M. Copelands iourney hence ouer-land
• * 18.52

  Taddy or Palme-wine.
• * 18.53

  Anno 1613.
• * 18.54

  Elephants:
• * 19.1

  Description of the King and Court.
• * 19.2

  The aire and water at Passa∣man naught.
• * 20.1

  Ian. 3,
• * 20.2

  Departed from Grauesend. The generall wind blowed betwixt East South-east, & South-east, Ternadoes.
• * 20.3

  This endange∣red and much hindered the Dragon and He∣ctor in the third Voyage, as you may read ••n the Relations thereof.
• * 20.4

  Soldania▪
• * 20.5

  Current neere Cape Das A∣guilhas.
• * 20.6

  Note.
• * 20.7

  Foure Ga••lions & 30. Frigats.
• * 20.8

  Sabander a Spye.
• * 20.9

  This day wee began our fight.
• * 20.10

  Three of the ships aground.
• * 20.11

  Portugals fain to flye.
• * 20.12

  The number of shot spent in our fiue fights.
• * 20.13

  Sunken rocks.
• * 20.14

  Note, for the Cape of Como∣rin, for longi∣tude, latitude, and variation.
• * 20.15

  Many wormes at Surat.
• * 20.16

  The latitud••, longitude and variation of Achen.
• * 20.17

  Notes for the Road of Tecu.
• * 20.18

  Variation of Tecu is 4. degr. 40. minutes Northeasterly.
• * 20.19

  A ledge of Rockes.

  The Rocke whereon the Trades-Increase was bruised.
• * 20.20

  Captaine Sa∣ris told me that some haue two testicles, but those the baser, and (as the one stoned gallants affirmed to him) were slaues, the o∣thers marked with this note of Gentrie.
• * 20.21

  Pride goeth before the fall.
• * 20.22

  Fleet of Portu∣gals.

  The first fight.
• * 20.23

  The second.
• * 20.24

  The third.
• * 20.25

  The last fight.
• * 20.26

  Nicholas Whi∣thington Factor. Master Canning sent to Agra.
• * 20.27

  M••ster Canning poysoned by the Iesuits.
• * 20.28

  Portugal perils.
• * 20.29

  Fugitiues and Renegado's.
• * 20.30

  A description of his iourney by land thorow the Mogolls Countrey, hi∣red shot for guard against theeues.
• * 20.31

  A Course is a mile and half•• English.
• * 20.32

  Tutta. M••ster Ale∣worth. was A∣gent.
• * 20.33

  A Towne of common wo∣men.
• * 20.34

  Salt water.
• * 20.35

  Anarchy worst Tiranny.
• * 20.36

  Sarruna within 14 c. of Tutta. Of these things see M. Peytons Voyage.
• * 20.37

  Abuse of Sir Rob. Sherley.
• * 20.38

  Treacherous robbery.
• * 20.39

  Nich. Whithing∣ton robbed and sent a by-way.
• * 20.40

  Robbed again.
• * 20.41

  1614.
• * 20.42

  Large Riuer.
• * 20.43

  Razbootch.
• * 20.44

  Banian.
• * 20.45

  Funerals. Burning of the Rasbut wiues.
• * 20.46

  Boloches.
• * 20.47

  Banian marri∣ages.
• * 20.48

  See before his Letters.
• * 20.49

  Iesuites.
• * 20.50

  Pilgrimage.
• * 20.51

  Ganges.
• * 20.52

  Agra.
• * 20.53

  February. 1. 1611.
• * 20.54

  A new Iland discouered in 19. degrees 34. minutes Southerly. Santa Maria d'agosta. The Isle of Martin Vaz.
• * 20.55

  October 6.
• * 20.56

  They discrie Sumatra, Illaba•• or Celeber.
• * 20.57

  Nouember 1.
• * 20.58

  Excellent re∣freshing at the Ile Do Masca∣ren••as.
• * 20.59

  March 7.
• * 20.60

  An Ile disco∣uered in twen∣tie degrees, foure and thir∣tie minutes.
• * 20.61

  The Iland of Diego Roiz. The Ile of Cyrne, or Mau∣ritius.
• * 20.62

  The Ile Masca∣renhas.
• * 20.63

  Aprill 2. 1613.
• * 20.64

  Iune 10. The Ile of As∣cension.
• * 20.65

  August 6.
• * 20.66

  Connie Iland.
• * 20.67

  The Bay of Saldanha.
• * 20.68

  Cape do Arecife. Variation sixe deg. nine min.
• * 20.69

  Port de S. Au∣gustine.
• * 20.70

  Houses made of Canes.
• * 20.71

  Fifteene degr. 40. minutes variation.
• * 20.72

  Mohelia Iland neere vnto Co∣moro.

  Great store of refreshing.
• * 20.73

  The largenesse of the Portugal Tongue.
• * 20.74

  Mohelia in 12. deg. 10. min.
• * 20.75

  The Ilands of Curia Muria.
• * 20.76

  Doffar a Citie on the Coast of Arabia.
• * 20.77

  August. 3. Resoit a small Village.
• * 20.78

  Sixteene de∣grees, thirtie eight min.
• * 20.79

  For Captain Hawkins com∣ming away in distast, and de∣nied trade, the English wron∣ged by the Mo∣gol in often breaking pro∣mise (as before is shewed) for∣ced ••rade at the Red Sea on his Subiects: which after (least the Sea and Merchandizing should be shut vp to them) procured the Priuiledges obtained by Captaine Best, especially seeing the English able to withstand the Portugals, whose sea-forces held the Guzerats in Marine subiection, and made them afraid of trading with Englishmen. The Ile de Macyra, in 20. degr. 10. min. variation. Cape 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 20.80

  Septemb. 10.
• * 20.81

  Tesseque a small Village. Baluches.
• * 20.82

  Pesseque.
• * 20.83

  Two great Boats called Teradas.
• * 20.84

  One of the Teradas cast away.
• * 20.85

  Onely nine Baluches saued▪
• * 20.86

  September 15.
• * 21.1

  The Castle of Mascat.
• * 21.2

  A Portugall Pasport by sea, shewing how al•• those parts are awed at sea by them, Moores Guza∣rats, and others. A Baluche.
• * 21.3

  September 17.
• * 21.4

  Iuane a Village.
• * 21.5

  Guader.
• * 21.6

  The Coun••r••y of M••cquerona, is not ••he King of Persias.
• * 21.7

  September 18.
• * 21.8

  Baluches perfi∣die.
• * 21.9

  Hoge Comal.
• * 21.10

  September 19.
• * 21.11

  The great trea∣son of the peo∣ple of Guade•• reuealed.
• * 21.12

  Fifteene hun∣dred shot of the enemie.
• * 21.13

  September 20. Sic ars deluditur arte.
• * 21.14

  Long kniues worne by their sides.
• * 21.15

  September 20.
• * 21.16

  These Baluches are Mahume∣tans.
• * 21.17

  They stay a Pilot for Sinde.
• * 21.18

  Macquerona. Guader Port in 25. degrees▪
• * 21.19

  The mouth of the Riuer Sinde in 24. degrees 38. minutes in the Mogols Dominions. Variation 16. degrees 45. minutes.
• * 21.20

  Diul.
• * 21.21

  Tatta a great citie one dayes iourney from Diul.
• * 21.22

  A Portugall Liedger in Diul His slander of the English.
• * 21.23

  Ioseph Salbancke and Walter Pay∣to••▪
• * 21.24

  Portugals slan∣derous policies
• * 21.25

  The malice of the Portugals.
• * 21.26

  October 3.
• * 21.27

  They goe to the Castle in honourable fashion.
• * 21.28

  Their enter∣tainement at the Castle.
• * 21.29

  This King is the Great Mo∣gol.
• * 21.30

  A Rupia is two shillings, or somewhat more, and a Leck is 100000.
• * 22.1

  They depart from Sinde.
• * 22.2

  Nouember 20. Priaman.
• * 22.3

  Tecoo.
• * 22.4

  December 2, 1613.
• * 22.5

  December 8.
• * 22.6

  They arriue in Bantam Road.
• * 22.7

  Ianuary 2.
• * 22.8

  Generall Saris in the Cloaue, come from Iapan.
• * 22.9

  March 21. The Bay of Saldanha.
• * 22.10

  Aprill 9.
• * 22.11

  May 11.
• * 22.12

  Choree and his Copper Ar∣mour.
• * 22.13

  Note for the variation at the Bay.
• * 22.14

  This ship was the Hassanie.
• * 22.15

  Portugall Fri∣gats.
• * 22.16

  South Swally.
• * 22.17

  Cagenozan.
• * 22.18

  M. A••dworth and Steele.
• * 22.19

  The significa∣tion of Mocrib Chan.
• * 22.20

  Paul Canning & Thomas Ker∣ridge Agents at the Mogols Court.
• * 22.21

  Iesuits cour∣tesie.
• * 22.22

  The Mogol lit∣tle respects Merchants.
• * 22.23

  Present for the Nabob, or Go∣uernour.
• * 22.24

  Banian Super∣stition.
• * 22.25

  Rauenous fish.
• * 22.26

  Iesuites tricks.
• * 22.27

  Rude dealing.
• * 22.28

  Nabobs gifts.
• * 22.29

  Crowther and Steele goe to Persia.
• * 22.30

  Presents to the Generall.
• * 22.31

  Newes of the Vice-Royes preparation a∣gainst the Eng∣lish.
• * 22.32

  Military sports on horse-back.
• * 22.33

  Gogo burnt, & diuers ships.
• * 22.34

  Twentie two Portugall Fri∣gats.
• * 22.35

  Portugall bra∣uado.
• * 22.36

  Their repulse.
• * 22.37

  Other at∣tempts.
• * 22.38

  A Fleet of Frigats.
• * 22.39

  Another fleet of Portugall Frigats.
• * 22.40

  A fleet of ships
• * 22.41

  The Portugall forces consi∣sted of sixe Gallions, and three ships, and sixty Frigats, besides two Gallies.
• * 22.42

  Nabobs Present to the Vice-roy
• * 22.43

  His feare and policie.
• * 22.44

  Vice-royes subtiltie. Presumption before.
• * 22.45

  Disgrace at∣tending.
• * 22.46

  Care and pre∣uention of the Generall.
• * 22.47

  The best help in trouble.
• * 22.48

  Consultation.
• * 22.49

  The fight with the Hope.
• * 22.50

  Portugals losse by slaughter, sea, and fire.
• * 22.51

  A mischance.
• * 22.52

  Iesuites ve∣••ime.
• * 22.53

  Newes of Por∣tugals slaine.
• * 22.54

  February 3.
• * 22.55

  Supplyes sent the Vice-Roy.
• * 22.56

  The brauers braued.
• * 22.57

  Death of the Generalls son.
• * 22.58

  Reisbutes as∣sault.
• * 22.59

  Policie of the Portugalls.
• * 22.60

  Firy stratagem preuented.
• * 22.61

  Two Fire-boats more.
• * 22.62

  Other Fire-boats.
• * 22.63

  Vice-Roy see∣ke••h peace and is refused.
• * 22.64

  The Iesuits fa∣ctors of State, and Merchan∣dise aff••ires in the East-Indies.
• * 22.65

  Other Fire-boats.
• * 22.66

  Craft and sub∣tilties of deuils and men, ••roue Ignes fatui & frustratè.
• * 22.67

  Vice-Roy de∣parteth.
• * 22.68

  Feare for Su∣rat.
• * 22.69

  Enteruiew of the Nabob and Gen.
• * 22.70

  Nabob giueth his Sword.
• * 22.71

  He goeth a∣boord.
• * 22.72

  Two Antelops.
• * 22.73

  March 3.
• * 22.74

  Their depar∣ture.
• * 22.75

  The enemies forces descried
• * 22.76

  Wise and sober course.
• * 22.77

  Thankfull con∣sideration of Gods assisting our equitie, and punishing the Portugall pride.
• * 22.78

  R••sh fighting is ••ather hu∣mour then ho∣nour.
• * 22.79

  S••nce this was wri••ten▪ I h••ue obtayned M Elkingtons Iournall, wh••rein you may proceed wi••h this wor∣thy Captain to Bantam, and th••nce to his Graue: his History suc∣ce••ding this, as himselfe did ••n the Generals place of com∣mand.
• * 22.80

  Soldania.
• * 22.81

  The cry of bloud.
• * 22.82

  S. Augustine.
• * 22.83

  Of Occur∣rents here, read the former and next following Discourse.
• * 22.84

  Spouts of water.

  A. D. 1615.
• * 22.85

  Masulipatan.
• * 22.86

  Holland abuses of vs at Ma∣cassar.
• * 22.87

  General Down∣ton his death. By order in the Box M. Elking∣ton succeeded. Aduice goeth to Iapan. Tempest.
• * 22.88

  Thomasine lost.
• * 22.89

  Hollanders quarrels and abuses.
• * 22.90

  M. Ba••lies in∣iustice.
• * 22.91

  Puloway.
• * 22.92

  Quis tuler••t Gracchos de se∣ditione queren∣tes: Call who•••• first, Dutch po∣licie. Is it such a crime to be English?

  Letter from Banda, with of∣fer of Trade, &c.
• * 22.93

  This Com∣mission had six questions, of which I take that which is fit for the pub∣like.
• * 22.94

  Of his death you h••d before in N. W. his re∣l••tions by poi∣son▪ as was thought, from the Ie••uits. T. Elk.
• * 22.95

  These words following and some other I haue heere in∣serted out of Master E••king∣tons Iournall.
• * 22.96

  Harsh and bar∣barous dea∣ling.
• * 22.97

  A Mastiffe dogge in re∣quest.
• * 22.98

  Arras a Towne of Banians. Amadauas. Steel and Crow∣ther heir Iour∣nall following.
• * 22.99

  Sarques.
• * 22.100

  Monuments & Pilgrimage.
• * 22.101

  The fight be∣twixt the Eng∣lish and Portu∣gals.

  See of it more in my Pilgri∣mage, l. 5. c. 7. S. 4. out of the relation of di∣uers of the Hopes compa∣ny at that time: as also Captaine Downtons owne Voyage.

  Tempora mutan∣tur & nos mu∣tamur in illis.
• * 22.102

  The Vice-roy, and his forces and purpose. Gallions sixe. Their Cap∣taines, bur∣then, men, and munition.
• * 22.103

  Three ships.
• * 22.104

  Two Gallies.
• * 22.105

  Frigats.
• * 22.106

  False plats.
• * 22.107

  Of Crosse and his Company of condemned persons ••et on shoare here, see after in Peytons Voyage
• * 23.1

  March 17. 1614. Richard Still or Steele.
• * 23.2

  A course is a mile and halfe, and in some place two miles English.
• * 23.3

  Biana, the place of finest Indico
• * 23.4

  Diuers Seraes built by great men, faire buil∣dings to enter∣taine trauellers Dely or Dillee an ••uncient Citie.
• * 23.5

  Pampette.
• * 23.6

  Lahor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Countrey.
• * 23.7

  Seraes what, and wherefore built.
• * 23.8

  Lahore.
• * 23.9

  Tatta.
• * 23.10

  Chatcza▪
• * 23.11

  Durues or straits of the hils.
• * 23.12

  Pesinga.
• * 23.13

  Candahar, the Mountaynes.
• * 23.14

  The Citie.
• * 23.15

  Barrennesse of the borders of the Mogoll and Persian.
• * 23.16

  The Persians Countrey.
• * 23.17

  Farsings (Pa∣ras••nge of 60. Furlongs▪)
• * 23.18

  Farra. Sun-dryed Brickes.
• * 23.19

  Water how precious.
• * 23.20

  Tobaz. Salt Desert.
• * 23.21

  Yades,
• * 23.22

  Of Sir Robert Sherley his lan∣ding, reade Peytons first Voyage: and of the rest of his Iourney, his second.
• * 24.1

  Commodities of Persia.
• * 24.2

  Their Mo∣neyes.
• * 24.3

  Their measure.
• * 24.4

  Richard Steeles iourney by land thorow Persia and Tur∣kie.
• * 25.1

  Franke, a name giuen in the East to all We∣sterne Christi∣ans, since the Expedition in∣to the Holy Land: the French being chiefe therein, and a French Councell at Claremont cause thereof
• * 25.2

  The Iournall had not the Authors name, but I find him thus named by Captaine Pay∣ton, as Chiefe at Tecoo. Soldania in thirty three degrees, fiftie minutes South.
• * 25.3

  The Copie of this Voyage was so hurt with wet, that I could not in some places read it▪ and therefore haue deliuered it more imper∣fectly.

  They know not where they are.

  Trade wind.
• * 25.4

  Wilson accused, as also for the losse of the Th••masine after∣wards.

  Strong Cur∣rent.
• * 25.5

  Inforced Bay.
• * 25.6

  Indian figtree or Arbor•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whic•• Co••o∣p••us conce••••d to be the tree of Adams sin. See my Pilgr. l 5. c. 13. §. 2.
• * 25.7

  Voluntary Bay.
• * 25.8

  Middleton Bay.
• * 25.9

  An Iland.
• * 25.10

  Rule of varia∣tion.
• * 25.11

  Bantam.
• * 25.12

  The Trades in∣crease.
• * 25.13

  Where is the euidence?
• * 25.14

  No trade with∣out the King of Achens L••t••er at Priaman and Teco.

  S••ooth sea in great wind. Achen.
• * 25.15

  The Kings Women and Pompe.
• * 25.16

  Factory at A∣chen.
• * 25.17

  Death by di∣stemper. Dutch relieued.
• * 25.18

  King of Achens Gallies.
• * 25.19

  Dutch reiected.
• * 25.20

  Current de∣ceiueth.
• * 25.21

  Teco.
• * 25.22

  Hatred be∣twixt the Teco∣an•• and Ache∣ners.
• * 25.23

  Vnholsome∣nesse of Tecoo.
• * 25.24

  Knot of knaues
• * 25.25

  Ramdam or Lent.
• * 25.26

  Corruption of Officers, by corruption onely to be a∣mended.
• * 25.27

  Hector sunke••
• * 25.28

  Spanish fleet feared.
• * 25.29

  Dutch releeued.
• * 25.30

  Sir T. Ro••.
• * 25.31

  Iaponezes Guze∣rats, and con∣demned per∣sons.
• * 25.32

  Anno 1615. Maps false in Cape Boyadore, and Marpeque∣na.
• * 25.33

  Soldania. Corey a Sauage which had bin in England.
• * 25.34

  Their houses. Ten condem∣ned persons set on shoare.
• * 25.35

  Ningin▪ a medi∣cin••ble root much ••••ized in Iapan, some∣what like a Skirret.
• * 25.36

  False Plats.
• * 25.37

  Mohelia. Plentifull re∣freshing.
• * 25.38

  Strange Cur∣rent.
• * 25.39

  Tree-cloth.
• * 25.40

  C. Rowles lost out of the V∣nitie.
• * 25.41

  Ship white with Salt.
• * 25.42

  Aloes Socatrina▪
• * 25.43

  Caueat for sailing to So∣catra.
• * 25.44

  Arriue at Swally.
• * 25.45

  Vile prices, base custome at Surat.
• * 25.46

  Embassador landed.
• * 25.47

  Fugitiues.
• * 25.48

  Coynes and wares at Surat.
• * 25.49

  Indus falsly set in Maps.
• * 25.50

  Of Sir Robert Sherley.
• * 25.51

  Tatta.
• * 25.52

  Ward slaine.
• * 25.53

  Sir T. Powels death and his Ladies.
• * 25.54

  Samorine, or King of Calecut.
• * 25.55

  Crangalor in 10▪ deg. 15. min.
• * 25.56

  Offers of the Samorines to the English.
• * 25.57

  Factory at Crangalor.
• * 25.58

  Cochin. Co••lan, a second prize taken.
• * 25.59

  A third prize, in part of satis∣faction for their vniust vexation and hurt at Sura••, &c.
• * 25.60

  Brinion.
• * 25.61

  1616. Note for Cape Comorine.
• * 25.62

  The Aduice & Hosiander at Iapon.
• * 25.63

  Strange wormes in the Surat Sea.
• * 25.64

  King of Achen his playing the Merchant.
• * 25.65

  Iambe.
• * 25.66

  Passaman best Gold and Pep∣per.

  Gold, and good constitution of bodie or mind, not agreeing. Tecoo barba∣rous.
• * 25.67

  Obseruations for going ••••to Priaman Road. Hee mentio∣neth many o∣ther shoalds no•• heere ex∣pressed, but knowne to ou•• Country-men by experience.
• * 25.68

  Huge summes transported by Hollanders. Their pride and abuses of the English.
• * 25.69

  Insolencies a•• Puloway.
• * 25.70

  Captaine Ca∣stleton to the Moluccas with foure ships.
• * 25.71

  Decay or losse of English ships.

  Trades-Increase, Darling.
• * 25.72

  Thomasine.
• * 25.73

  Hector.
• * 25.74

  Concord.
• * 25.75

  English Facto∣ries.
• * 25.76

  Aracke a wine distilled out of Rice steeped in liquor taken out of the Co∣co-tree.
• * 25.77

  King of Achen.
• * 25.78

  Cause of dis∣gust betwixt the Achener and Hollander.
• * 25.79

  Places of Por∣tugall trade. Quame or Cua∣mo.

  Mosambique. Mombassa.
• * 25.80

  Magadoxo.
• * 25.81

  The Monsons course.
• * 25.82

  Ormus.
• * 25.83

  Muskat.
• * 25.84

  Sinde. Diu.
• * 25.85

  Damon.
• * 25.86

  Serra de B••zien.
• * 25.87

  Chaul. Dobul.
• * 25.88

  Goa.
• * 25.89

  Onor. Barcolor.
• * 25.90

  Mangalor. Cana∣no••. Crangalor.
• * 25.91

  Cochin▪
• * 25.92

  Cowlan. Saint Laurence.
• * 25.93

  Quilaon-Tuc∣katra. Maner. Columbo.
• * 25.94

  Negaptan. Saint Thomas.
• * 25.95

  Ganges.
• * 25.96

  Pegu. Aracon. Iunsalao.
• * 25.97

  Malacca.
• * 25.98

  Iapan.
• * 25.99

  Note.
• * 25.100

  Seragasso▪
• * 25.101

  Vncertainty of the Variation▪
• * 25.102

  Soldania▪
• * 25.103

  Pengwin Iland.
• * 25.104

  The height of the Table.
• * 25.105

  Molalia.
• * 25.106

  Angazesia.
• * 25.107

  Iuanny, and Myoatta.
• * 25.108

  The gouerne∣ment of Mola∣lia.
• * 25.109

  Chaul, Damon.
• * 25.110

  Magadoxia.
• * 25.111

  Abdalacora, or Abbadelcuria. They lost di∣uers Cables & Anchors.
• * 25.112

  Tamara.
• * 25.113

  Delicia.
• * 25.114

  Socatra, or Socatora.
• * 25.115

  Cohu.
• * 25.116

  Bedwines▪
• * 25.117

  Aduice not to stay outwards at Socatra.
• * 25.118

  September 26. Visitation of Sultan Paruis.
• * 25.119

  Master Ed∣wards. Thomas Coryat▪ Cytor.
• * 25.120

  Ranna.
• * 25.121

  Ianuary 10.
• * 25.122

  Eunuches only and women, his houshold Courtiers.
• * 25.123

  Necessitie of the Kings pre∣sence.
• * 25.124

  His comming to the King.
• * 25.125

  Face of the Presence like a Theatre.
• * 25.126

  Sultan Coronne.
• * 25.127

  His conditions.
• * 25.128

  His second hearing.
• * 25.129

  Two Firmans granted to the English.
• * 25.130

  March 1. A house of pleasure.
• * 25.131

  The Norose a solemne Feast, and Rites thereof.
• * 25.132

  Passages re∣markeable.
• * 25.133

  An English horse much desired.
• * 25.134

  The King an∣gry with his Sonne.
• * 25.135

  Mochreb Chan back-friend to the English.
• * 25.136

  Iune 12. Sultan Coroone. to be emploied in the Decan warres.
• * 25.137

  Seuere com∣mand.
• * 25.138

  Abdala Hassan.
• * 25.139

  Exquisit mark∣men.
• * 25.140

  Iuly 13.
• * 25.141

  The Kings de∣light in Pain∣ting.
• * 25.142

  Story of an Eunuch and one of the Kings women.
• * 25.143

  Mahobet Chan his grant to the English for Borooch.
• * 25.144

  His Ciuility and good parts
• * 25.145

  August 6. The Kings cu∣riosity in pain∣ting, and the Indian work∣manship▪ for which cause, and for notice of the Kings disposition, it is heere added.
• * 25.146

  The courtesie of the King.
• * 25.147

  The courtesie of Gemal-din-vssin.
• * 25.148

  A History writ∣ten by him. Manner of Mogoll Go∣uernment. Eleuen Leckes for Patan to the King.
• * 25.149

  Their opinion of Christ.
• * 25.150

  Entertainment at a house of pleasure.
• * 25.151

  Censure of his fellow Nobles.
• * 25.152

  The Kings re∣spect to Sir T. Roe.
• * 25.153

  Rites of enter∣tainment.
• * 25.154

  The prouision. Chesse-play.
• * 25.155

  Purpose to send one into England.
• * 25.156

  Supper serued in.
• * 25.157

  They giue Presents to their Ghests.
• * 25.158

  The Kings fauour.
• * 25.159

  Superstitious Cautcle.
• * 25.160

  Huge raine called the Oli∣phant.
• * 25.161

  Mandoe.
• * 25.162

  A wild Bore sent by the King.
• * 25.163

  Rites of the Kings Birth∣day.
• * 25.164

  The Kings ri∣ches in Iew∣els, &c.
• * 25.165

  Another cu∣riositie about Pictures.
• * 25.166

  The King gaue Sir Thom. Roe a cup of Gold. Strong Wine▪
• * 25.167

  Franke a name common to Europaean Chri∣stians.
• * 25.168

  Scrambling of the Noble•• for Golded Almonds.
• * 25.169

  Faithlesse people▪
• * 25.170

  October 10. Abdala Chan in disgrace.
• * 25.171

  Manner of hu∣miliation.
• * 25.172

  Sultan Coroone his purpo••e.
• * 25.173

  Zereglia o•• Sa∣ralia▪ the p••ace w••••re the Kings women are kept. Th•• K••n••s dea∣ling with Chan Channa.
• * 25.174

  Decans offer peace.
• * 25.175

  Feare of future broiles.
• * 25.176

  The parties of the faction.
• * 25.177

  Drifts to take away Sultan Cors••r••one.
• * 25.178

  A prince.
• * 25.179

  Anna Rah his fidelity.
• * 25.180

  The Kings an∣swere.
• * 25.181

  Sultan Corso∣roone, a louer of Christians.
• * 25.182

  October 13. Fo••re English sh••ps arriue at Swally.
• * 25.183

  Of this fight, see more in Master Childs Iournall fol∣lowing.
• * 25.184

  After it was knowne that so••e few esca∣ped with life and pouerty.
• * 25.185

  Complements with the King.
• * 25.186

  His desire of Dogges and a Horse.
• * 25.187

  A Horse pri∣zed aboue 10000. pounds.
• * 25.188

  Anna Rah dis∣charged and S. Cors. deli∣uered to the faction to the griefe of the Court and Comminalty.
• * 25.189

  I••l through goodnesse▪
• * 25.190

  Persian Em∣bass••dour.
• * 25.191

  His submiss••∣nesse.
• * 25.192

  Mogols assi∣stance of the Persian against the Turke. Persian Pre∣sents.
• * 25.193

  A certaine clause in his Let••er to Su∣rat ambigu∣ous like the old oracles, &c
• * 25.194

  Feathers in request.
• * 25.195

  A rich Present.
• * 25.196

  Pompous bra∣uerie.
• * 25.197

  Behauiour of the Persian.
• * 25.198

  Nine, a re∣markable number▪
• * 25.199

  The Kings gift to the Persian.
• * 25.200

  Strange dea∣ling with No∣bles.
• * 25.201

  Terrible whip∣ping.
• * 25.202

  Drunkennesse preuented.
• * 25.203

  Awe of the King.
• * 25.204

  An old cu∣stome.
• * 25.205

  Sixe hundred rich Ele∣phants and other brauery of the Prince. Rich Sword.
• * 25.206

  The Kings re∣moue.
• * 25.207

  Superstitious ri••e.
• * 25.208

  Huge Gems▪
• * 25.209

  Sultan C••rso∣roone deliuere?
• * 25.210

  Brauery of Elephants.
• * 25.211

  Stately Tents.
• * 25.212

  Nouember 5.
• * 25.213

  Fray betwixt the Po••tugals and English.
• * 25.214

  Card-play.
• * 25.215

  Order to fire the Leskar at Adsmere.
• * 25.216

  Newes from Goa.
• * 25.217

  Relations of Sultan Corso∣roon.
• * 25.218

  Newes from Persia.
• * 25.219

  Decemb. ••.
• * 25.220

  Description of Godah.
• * 25.221

  Inconueni∣ence which followeth the slaue••y of Sub∣iects, and the Kings onely proprietie. The Kings Lescar admi∣rable.
• * 25.222

  Humilitie and Charity super∣stitious, and therefore blind.
• * 25.223

  Ianuary 24. Decans resist the Mogolls power. Mandoa.
• * 25.224

  February 3. Conference with Sultan Corsoroone.
• * 25.225

  Sepra. Mulwa. Calleada. King drunken, drowned.
• * 25.226

  Old Deruis.
• * 25.227

  Princes inciu••∣litie.
• * 25.228

  The Mogoll in drinke.
• * 25.229

  Master Terry the Minister welcommed.
• * 25.230

  Notable que∣stion about the Picture of a Satyre.
• * 25.231

  The Kings re∣quests.
• * 25.232

  Mandoa.
• * 25.233

  Ill profore∣cast.
• * 25.234

  English Pi∣ctures.
• * 25.235

  Supitions of the English.
• * 25.236

  A. D. 1617.

  Tyranny of Officers.
• * 25.237

  Letter from Captaine Pep∣well at Dabull.
• * 25.238

  Ouerture of Trade at Da∣bull.
• * 25.239

  Distaste of the Persian Am∣bassadour.
• * 25.240

  The Kings weighing.
• * 25.241

  Mercators Atlas presented to the Mogoll.
• * 25.242

  Prince of Can∣••ahors vnciui∣litie.
• * 25.243

  Mercator re∣turned.
• * 25.244

  A Raia with∣stood the Kings forces.
• * 25.245

  October 2.
• * 25.246

  English shippes taken by the English: which might else haue endange∣red their coun∣trey-men.
• * 25.247

  The Princes pride.
• * 25.248

  Asaph Chans friendship for hope of gaine.
• * 25.249

  Nouember 2.
• * 25.250

  Master Steeles proiects que∣stioned.
• * 25.251

  His Wife.
• * 25.252

  Danger by bringing Wiues.
• * 25.253

  Publike losse by priuate Trade.
• * 25.254

  The names are omitted.
• * 25.255

  Inuentory of the goods in the men of Warre.
• * 25.256

  Normahal a friend to the English.
• * 25.257

  Redeeming of Prisoners.
• * 25.258

  Dixit & edi∣ctum est: fatur & est fatum.
• * 25.259

  Causelesse iea∣lousies tou∣ching a Fort▪
• * 25.260

  Etimon Dow••et ••or the English▪
• * 25.261

  Ianuarie 8. Words betwixt the Prince and the Ambassa∣dour about Presents.
• * 25.262

  Custome to disauow the Kings word, if he will not ac∣k••owledge it, 〈…〉〈…〉; Negat, ••ego.
• * 25.263

  The Kings Chariot drawn by Bullocks.
• * 25.264

  Eunuchs.
• * 25.265

  Present of the Dutch.
• * 25.266

  Spragge and Ho∣ward accused▪
• * 25.267

  Let not the diuersitie of names trouble any in so re∣mote tongues and differing pronuntiati∣ons: if any o∣ther difficulties happen in com∣paring this dis∣course with the Map or Rel••ti∣ons I confesse, I would haue fought better to satisfie my selfe, if Sir T. Roe had bin at home. As for Courses they are diuersly ta∣ken (as Sou∣therne and Northerne miles with vs) in some places longer, in o∣th••rs shorter, which causeth scruple in the computation.
• * 27.1

  This Letter I found amongst Master Hak. his Papers, as the two for∣mer: the rest are transcribed from Sir T. Roes owne Booke. No law but the Kings word. See of these things Cap∣taine Hawkins large relations.
• * 27.2

  Presents of an hundred thou∣sand pounds.
• * 27.3

  Some say two shillings, some two shillings three pence. The Mogolls greatnesse.
• * 27.4

  Heire of Porus.
• * 27.5

  Cetor a great ruined Citie.
• * 27.6

  An hundred Muschees, or Mahumetan Temples.
• * 27.7

  His entertain∣ment at Court.
• * 27.8

  The Kings sit∣ting three times a day.
• * 27.9

  The Grande••.
• * 27.10

  Fal••hood of Maps.

  In••us, ••hie••e mouth at S••nde
• * 27.11

  Asmere.
• * 27.12

  No correspon∣dence with China.

  Newes of Persia. Vsbec, Tartars.
• * 28.1

  Indus falsely described by our Geogra∣phers.
• * 28.2

  Lawes. Execution.
• * 28.3

  Gouernours.
• * 28.4

  Religions and Sect.
• * 28.5

  Extent.
• * 28.6

  Porus his issue▪
• * 28.7

  Alexanders Pil∣lar.
• * 28.8

  Buildings pub∣like and pri∣ua••e.
• * 28.9

  Reason of his great Reuenue and Wealth.
• * 28.10

  Inheritance,
• * 28.11

  Court Cu∣stomes.
• * 28.12

  Policie and Politie. Disposition.
• * 28.13

  Persian newes▪
• * 28.14

  Vsbique••.
• * 28.15

  Portugalls.
• * 28.16

  Iesu••tes termes.
• * 28.17

  Ilanders.
• * 29.1

  Craft.
• * 29.2

  Iesuiticall beasts.
• * 29.3

  Prouerb of English and Portugal.
• * 29.4

  The Princes ambition.
• * 29.5

  Persian and Turkish warres▪
• * 29.6

  Sir Robert Sher∣ley.
• * 29.7

  Tamerlane.
• * 29.8

  Religions. Mogolls, why so called.
• * 29.9

  Ecbarsha.
• * 29.10

  Templum s••ne Ecclesia.
• * 29.11

  Vnderstand it in generall sense, ••or one not setl••d in any R••ligion, of all, and there••ore of none.
• * 29.12

  Of this see be∣fore in the Iournalls of Master Haw∣kins and Finch.
• * 29.13

  Conuerts how poore:
• * 29.14

  Miracle.
• * 29.15

  Disputes of re∣ligion and mi∣racles.
• * 29.16

  A strange sto∣ry of an Ape.
• * 29.17

  Court cha∣racters are such as he only and his nearer Ministers vsed in Mysteries of State vn∣knowne to all others.
• * 30.1

  The Persians Armi•• is 18••0••0. strong, the Turkes dou∣ble.
• * 30.2

  I haue sent the Copies.
• * 30.3

  M. Ioseph slaine.
• * 31.1

  Reports of the fight.
• * 31.2

  Vnderstand this, so long as they by force and armes op∣pose the Eng∣lish procee∣dings and socke to supplant them; as hi∣therto.
• * 31.3

  That which followes, as o∣ther Letters al••o, I haue wil••ingly o∣mitted, as not so fit for vul∣gar Readers, being Myste∣ries of Com∣merce.
• * 32.1

  Gen. ••.10.
• * 32.2

  Gen. 11.28.
• * 32.3

  Of his Reue∣nues and of all other things of this State, reade Captain Hawkins his Relations, who had better meanes and iudgement to know them. The Vnicornes are no other but the Rhi∣noceros.
• * 34.1

  This Letter by M. Rogers was deliuered to my selfe.
• * 38.1

  This is the ordinarie title that i•• giuen him by all strangers.
• * 38.2

  Iesui••icall Ma∣riani••ie.
• * 38.3

  Notable ex∣ample of A∣theisme.
• * 38.4

  Ecbars iugling.
• * 38.5

  Wiuely fidelity
• * 38.6

  Right and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about finding a Fountaine.
• * 38.7

  Charitie of Moores.
• * 38.8

  Ecbars pietie.
• * 38.9

  Notable sen∣tence.
• * 38.10

  Profligate Iust.
• * 38.11

  Apophthegme▪
• * 38.12

  The Kings ex∣ternal charity. Hee had added heere of the Kings respect to two-fold Daruises which you haue be∣fore in Sir T. Roe.
• * 38.13

  The King likes not shifters of Religion.