The first and second volumes of Chronicles. [vol. 3 (i.e. The Third Volume of Chronicles)] comprising 1 The description and historie of England, 2 The description and historie of Ireland, 3 The description and historie of Scotland: first collected and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others: now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell Gent and others. With conuenient tables at the end of these volumes.

Marie the eldest daughter of king Henrie the eight successor to Edward the sixt. (Book Mary I)

MArie eldest daughter of K. Henrie the eight, by the ladie Katharine of Spaine, his first wife, and sister vn∣to king Edward the sixt, by the fathers side, began hir reigne the sixt daie of Iulie, which daie the king hir bro∣ther died, and she was pro∣clamed at London (as is before remembred in the end of the historie of king Edward the sixt) the nine∣teenth [line 30] daie of the same moneth, [year 1553] * 1.1 in the yeare of our Lord 1553: after the creation of the world 5520, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of Charles the fift, em∣peror of Almaine, in the seuenth yéere of Henrie the second of that name K. of France, & in the eleuenth of Marie quéene of Scotland. The twentith of Iulie the duke of Northumberland being come backe to Cambridge, heard that the proclamation of queene Marie was come thither, whereof he being aduer∣tised, called for a trumpetter and an herald; but none [line 40] could be found. Whervpon he riding into the mar∣ket place with the maior, and the lord marques of Northampton, made the proclamation himselfe, and threw vp his cap in token of ioy.* 1.2 ¶ Within an houre after he had letters from the councell (as he said) that he should forthwith dismisse his armie, and not come within ten miles of London: for if he did, they would fight with him, the rumor whereof was no sooner abroad, but euerie man departed. And shortlie after, the duke was arrested in the kings [line 50] college by one maister Sleg sargeant at arms.

At the last, letters were brought from the coun∣cell at London, that all men should go each his waie. Wherevpon the duke said to them that kept him; Ye doo me wrong to withdraw my libertie, sée you not the councels letters without exception, that all men should go whither they would? At which words they that kept him and the other noblemen, set them at libertie, and so continued they for that night: in∣somuch that the earle of Warwike was readie in [line 60] the morning to haue rode awaie.* 1.3 But then came the erle of Arundell from the quéene to the duke into his chamber, who went out to méet him. Now as soone as he saw the earle of Arundell, he fell on his knees, and desired him to be good to him for the loue of God: Consider (saith he) I haue doone nothing but by the consents of you and all the whole councell. My lord (quoth the earle of Arundell) I am sent hither by the quéens maiestie, and in hir name I doo arrest you. And Iobeie it my lord (quoth he) I beséech you my lord of Arundell (quoth the duke) vse mercie towards me, knowing the case as it is. My lord (quoth the earle) ye should haue sought for mercie sooner, I must doo according to commandement: herwith he com∣mitted the charge of him and the others to the gard and gentlemen that stood by.] The lord marques af∣ter this went to quéene Marie. On the fiue & twen∣tith daie of the said moneth, the duke of Northum∣berland, with Francis earle of Huntington, Iohn earle of Warwike son and heire to the said duke, and two other of his yoonger sons, the lord Ambrose and the lord Henrie Dudleie, sir Andrew Dudleie, Sir Iohn Gates capteine of the gard to king Ed∣ward the sixt, sir Henrie Gates brethren, sir Thomas Palmer knights, and doctor Sands were brought to the tower by the earle of Arundell.* 1.4 But as they entered within the tower gate, the earle of Arundell discharged the lord Hastings, taking him out of the tower with him. On the six & twentith of Iulie, the lord marques of Northampton, the bishop of Lon∣don, the lord Robert Dudleie, and sir Robert Cor∣bet were brought from the quéenes campe vnto the tower. The eight and twentith of Iulie,* 1.5 the duke of Suffolke was committed to the tower, but the one and twentith of the same moneth he was set at libertie by the diligent sute of the ladie Francis grace his wife.

After that quéene Marie was thus with full con∣sent of the nobles and commons of the realme pro∣clamed quéene, she being then in Northfolke, at hir castell of Framingham,* 1.6 repaired with all speed to the citie of London: and the third daie of the said moneth of August she came to the said citie, and so to the tower, where the ladie Iane of Suffolke (late afore proclamed quéene) with hir husband the lord Gilford, a little before hir comming, were commit∣ted to ward, & there remained almost after fiue mo∣neths. And by the waie, as the quéene thus passed, she was ioifullie saluted of all the people, without anie misliking; sauing that it was much feared of manie, that she would alter the religion set foorth by king Edward hir brother, whereof then were giuen iust occasions: because (notwithstanding diuerse lawes made to the contrarie) she had dailie masse and La∣tine seruice said before hir in the tower. Yea it was doubted in like sort, that she would both adnull and innouat certeine lawes and decrées established by the yoong prince hir predecessor: which she did in deed, as one hath left testified in a memoriall of hir succes∣sion (but little vnto hir commendation) saieng:

At Maria Eduardi regni succedit habenis, Confirmans iterùm regno papalia iura, Concilióque nouas leges sancire vocato Molitur, latas à fratre perosa priores.

At hir entrie into the tower there were presented to hir certeine prisoners; namelie,* 1.7 Thomas duke of Norffolke, who in the last yeare of king Henrie the eight (as you haue heard) was supposed to be attain∣ted of treason: but in the parlement of this first

yeare of quéene Marie, the said supposed attaindour was by the authoritie and act of parlement, for good and apparant causes alleged in the said act, decla∣red to be vtterlie frustrat and void. Also Edward Courtneie son and heire to Henrie marques of Ex∣cester, coosine germane to king Henrie the eight, and Cutbert Tunstall bishop of Durham, with o∣ther persons of great calling; but speciallie Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, whom she not onlie released out of imprisonment,* 1.8 but also immediatlie [line 10] aduanced and preferred to be lord chancellor of Eng∣land, restoring him also to his former estate and bi∣shoprike, and remoued from the same one doctor Poinet, who a little before was placed therein by the gift of king Edward the sixt.

And touching Edward Courtneie, she not onelie aduanced him to the earldome of Deuonshire,* 1.9 but also to so much of his fathers possessions as there re∣mained in hir hands; whereby it was then thought of manie, that she bare affection to him by the waie [line 20] of marriage: but it came not so to passe (for what cause I am not able to giue anie reason) but surelie the subiects of England were most desirous thereof. Upon the receiuing of this new queene, all the bishops which had béene depriued in the time of king Edward the sixt hir brother,* 1.10 for the cause of reli∣gion, were now againe restored to their bishopriks; and such other as were placed in king Edward his time, remoued from their sées, and others of con∣trarie religion placed. Amongest whom, Edmund [line 30] Bonner doctor of the lawes, late afore depriued from the sée of London, and committed prisoner to the Marshalsea by order of king Edwards councell, was with all fauour restored to his libertie and bi∣shoprike. Maister Nicholas Ridleie doctor in diuini∣tie, late before aduanced to the same sée by the said king, was hastilie displaced, and committed priso∣ner to the tower of London. The cause why such ex∣tremitie was vsed towards the said bishop Ridleie, more than to the rest, was for that in the time of ladie [line 40] Iane,* 1.11 he preached a sermon at Pauls crosse by the commandement of king Edwards councell, where∣in he dissuaded the people, for sundrie causes, from receiuing the ladie Marie as queene. ¶ On the ninth of August in the afternoone, the queene held an obse∣quie in the tower for king Edward, the dirge being soong in Latine, and on the morrow a masse of Re∣quiem,* 1.12 whereat the quéene with hir ladies offered. The same daie the corps of king Edward was bu∣ried at Westminster, the lord treasuror, the earle of [line 50] Penbroke, and the earle of Shrewesburie being chéefe mourners, with diuerse other noble men and others. Doctor Daie bishop of Chichester preached at the said buriall, and all the seruice with a commu∣nion was in English. Thus was finished the so∣lemne funerall of that good prince, at whose birth there were not so manie reioising hearts, but at his death there were by infinit ods manie more wee∣ping eies, & sad spirits: whose tender bodie, though pined with sicknesse, & consumed with rottennesse, maie perhaps leaue for succéeding ages no relike [line 60] to gaze vpon; yet the memorie of his name shall be euer gréene. For he was, as one trulie saith of him:

Ille erat Europae Phoenix, quem funere acerbo (Vt flos vere nouo viridanti carpitur horto) Sustulit ante diem mors immatura Britannis, Inuidet haec terris pietatem & iura colentes.]

* 1.13The thirteenth of August doctor Bonner restored now to his bishoprike againe, appointed one late a chapleine of his called doctor Boorne to preach at Paules crosse, who was then promoted to the queens seruice, & not long after was made bishop of Bath. The said doctor taking occasion of the gospell of that daie, spake somewhat largelie in the iustifieng of bi∣shop Bonner, being present at the sermon, which bishop (as the said preacher then openlie said) for a sermon made vpon the same text, and in the same place the same daie foure yéeres afore passed, was most vniustlie cast into the vile dungeon of the Mar∣shalsea among theeues, and there kept during the time of king Edwards reigne. This matter being set foorth with great vehemencie, so much offended the eares of part of the audience, that they brake si∣lence, and began to murmur and throng togither, in such sort as the maior and aldermen with other of the wiser sort then present feared much an vprore. Du∣ring which muttering, one more feruent than his fellowes threw a dagger at the preacher:* 1.14 but who it was, came not to knowlege. By reason of which out∣rage the preacher withdrew himselfe from the pulpit, and one maister Bradford at the request of the prea∣chers brother and others standing there, tooke the place, and spake so mildlie to the people, that with few words he appeased their furie: and after the said maister Bradford and maister Rogers, although men of contrarie religion, conueied the said preacher into Paules schoole, and there left him safelie.

The next sundaie following,* 1.15 for feare of a like tumult or worse, order was taken that the queens gard should be present in place to defend the prea∣cher with weapons. Wherevpon the wiser men per∣ceiuing such a number of weapons, and that great perill was not vnlike to insue, by such appeerance of late not accustomed, would not be present at the sermon, by reason whereof there was left a small auditorie. Wherefore afterward there was a com∣mandement giuen by the lord maior, that the anci∣ents of the companies should be present at the next sermon in their liueries, and so they were, whereby all became quiet.* 1.16 The eightéenth of August next following, the duke of Northumberland, the lord marquesse of Northampton, and the earle of War∣wike, son and heire to the said duke, were brought in∣to Westminster h••ll, and there arreigned of high treason before Thomas duke of Norffolke high Ste∣ward of England.

The duke of Northumberland at his comming to the barre, vsed great reuerence towards the iud∣ges: and protesting his faith and allegiance to the quéens maiestie, whome he confessed gréeuouslie to haue offended, he said that he meant not to speake anie thing in defense of his fact, but would first vn∣derstand th'opinion of the court in two points. First whether a man dooing anie act by authoritie of the princes councell,* 1.17 & by warrant of the great seale of England, & dooing nothing without the same, maie be charged with treason for any thing which he might doo by warrant thereof? Secondlie, whether anie such persons as were equally culpable in that crime, and those by whose letters and commandements he was directed in all his dooings might be his iudges, or passe vpon his triall as his péeres? Wherevnto was answered, that as concerning the first, the great seale which he laid for his warrant, was not the seale of the lawfull quéene of the realme, nor pas∣sed by authoritie: but the seale of an vsurper, and therefore could be no warrant to him. And to the se∣cond it was alledged, that if anie were as deeplie to be touched in that case as himselfe, yet so long as no atteindor were of record against them, they were neuerthelesse persons able in law to passe vpon anie triall, and not to be chalenged therefore, but at the princes pleasure. After which answer the duke vsing few words, declared his earnest repentance in the case (for he saw that to stand vpon vttering anie rea∣sonable matter, as might séeme, would little pre∣uaile) and he mooued the duke of Norffolke to be a meane vnto the quéene for mercie, and without fur∣ther

answer confessed the indictment, by whose ex∣ample the other prisoners arreigned with him, did likewise confesse the indictments produced against them, and therevpon had iudgement.

¶Now when iudgement was giuen, the duke said; I beséech you my lords all to be humble suters to the quéenes maiestie,* 1.18 and to grant me foure requests, which are these: first, that I maie haue that death which noble men haue had in times past, and not the other: secondarilie, that hir maiestie will be grati∣ous [line 10] to my children which maie hereafter doo good ser∣uice, considering that they went by my commande∣ment who am their father, and not of their owne frée willes: thirdlie, that I may haue appointed to me some learned man for the instruction and quieting of my conscience: and fourthlie, that she will send two of the councell to commune with me, to whome I will declare such matters as shall be expedient for hir and the common-weale: and thus I beseech you all to praie for me. [line 20]

The ninetéenth of August, sir Andrew Dudleie, sir Iohn Gates, and sir Henrie Gates brethren, and sir Thomas Palmer knights, were arreigned at Westminster; and confessing their indictments, had iudgement, which was pronounced by the marquesse of Winchester high treasuror of England that sate that daie as chiefe iustice. On the twentith of August doctor Watson chapleine to the bishop of Winches∣ter preached at Pauls crosse,* 1.19 by the quéenes appoint∣ment, & for feare of the like tumult as had béene not [line 30] long before, certeine lords of the councell repai∣red to the sermon, as the lord treasuror, the lord pri∣uie seale, the earle of Bedford, the earle of Penbroke, the lord Wentworth, the lord Rich, and sir Henrie Gerningam capteine of the gard with two hundred of the gard, which stood about the preacher with hal∣berts. Also the maior had warned the companies of the citie to be present in their liueries, which was well accepted of the queenes councell: and the ser∣mon was quietlie ended. [line 40]

On the two and twentith of August Iohn duke of Northumberland was beheaded on the tower hill, whose bodie with the head was buried in the tower, by the bodie of Edward late duke of Sumerset. So that there lieth before the high altar two dukes be∣twéene two quéenes, to wit, the duke of Summer∣set & the duke of Northumberland betweene quéene Anne and quéene Katharine, all foure beheaded. At the same time and place also was likewise behea∣ded sir Iohn Gates,* 1.20 and sir Thomas Palmer, which [line 50] sir Iohn Gates in that place vsed few words, but laid downe his head without anie kercher, and had the same striken off at thrée blowes. Sir Thomas Palmer, as soone as he came to the scaffold, tooke e∣uerie man by the hand, and desired them to praie for him: then putting off his gowne, he leaned vpon the ••ast raile, and said these words in effect.

The effect of such words as sir Thomas Palmer vttered on the [line 60] scaffold at his death.

MY maisters (quoth he) God saue you all. It is not vnknowne vnto you wherefore I come hither, which I haue worthilie well de∣serued at Gods hands: for I know it to be his diuine ordinance, by this meanes to call me to his mercie, and to teach me to know my selfe, what I am, and wherevn∣to we are all subiect: I thanke his merci∣full goodnesse, for hee hath caused me to learne more in one little darke corner in yonder tower, than euer I learned by a∣nie trauell in so manie places as I haue beene. For there (I saie) I haue seene God▪ what he is, & how vnsearchable his woon∣derous works are, & how infinit his mer∣cies be: I haue seene there my selfe throgh∣lie, and what I am, nothing but a lumpe of sin, earth, dust, and of all vilenesse most vi∣lest: I haue seene there and know what the world is, how vaine, deceitfull, transitorie, and short it is; how wicked and lothsome the works thereof are in the sight of Gods maiestie; how he neither regardeth the manaces of the proud men and migh∣tie ones, neither despiseth the humblenesse of the poore & lowlie which are in the same world: finallie, I haue seene there what death is, how nie hanging ouer all mens heds, and yet how vncerteine the time, and how vnknowne to all men, and how little it is to be feared. And should I feare death or be sad therefore? Haue I not seene two die before mine eies? Yea and within the hearing of mine eares? No, neither the sprinkling of the bloud, nor the sheading thereof, nor the bloudie ax it selfe shall make me afraid. And now taking my leaue of the same, I praie you all to praie for me. Come on good fellow (quoth he) art thou he that must doo the deed? I forgiue thee with all my hart; & then kneeling downe, & laieng his hed on the blocke, he said; I will see how meet the blocke is for my necke, I praie thee strike not yet, for I haue a few praiers to saie; and that doone, strike on Gods name, good leaue thou.

His praiers ended, and desiring ech man to praie for him, he laid downe his head againe, and so the ex∣ecutioner foorthwith tooke it from him at one stroke. On the thrée and twentith of August the quéene deli∣uered the great seale to doctor Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and made him lord chancellor.* 2.1 The sea∣uen and twentith of August,* 2.2 the seruice began in La∣tine to be soong in Pauls church in London. The six and twentith of August in the euening the notablest ship in England called the great Harrie was burnt at Woolwich by negligence of the mariners,* 2.3 she was of burthen a thousand tuns. The first of Sep∣tember the quéene demanded a prest of the citie of London of twentie thousand pounds,* 2.4 to be repaied againe within fouretéene daies after Michael masse next folowing, which sum was leuied of the aldermen and one hundred & twentie commoners. The fourth of September was proclamed certeine new coins of gold and siluer,* 2.5 a souereigne of gold of thirtie shil∣lings, the halfe souereigne fiftéene shillings, an an∣gell at ten shillings, the halfe angell fiue shillings. Of siluer, the grote, halfe grote and pennie:* 2.6 all base coines to be currant as before. Also the same daie by proclamation was pardoned the subsidie of foure shillings the pound of lands, and two shillings eight pence the pound of moouable goods, granted in the last parlement of king Edward the sixt.] Soone af∣ter this Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturbu∣rie, and late before of king Edwards priuie councell,* 2.7 was committed to the tower of London, being char∣ged of treason, not onelie for giuing aduise to the dis∣heriting of quéene Marie, but also for aiding the duke of Northumberland with certeine horsse and men against the queene, in the quarrell of the ladie Iane of Suffolke: wherein (if he were culpable) he

lacked the prouidence and foresight of after-claps, which * 2.8 doctor Parker in the insurrection Ket vsing saued both his life and estimation.

* 2.9¶On the seuen and twentith of September quéene Marie came to the tower by water, accompanied with the ladie Elizabeth hir sister, and other ladies, before whose arriuall there was shot a great peale of guns. The last of September quéene Marie rode through the citie of London towards Westminster, sitting in a chariot of cloth of tissue, drawne with six [line 10] horsses all trapped with the like cloth of tissue. She sate in a gowne of purple veluet, furred with pow∣dered ermins,* 2.10 hauing on hir head a kall of cloth of tinsell, béeset with pearle and stone, and aboue the same vpon hir head a round circlet of gold, béeset so richlie with pretious stones, that the value thereof was inestimable, the same kall and circle being so massie and ponderous, that she was faine to beare vp hir head with hir hand, and the canopie was borne ouer hir chariot.* 2.11 Before hir rode a number of gen∣tlemen [line 20] & knights, then iudges, then doctors, then bi∣shops, then lords, then the councell, after whome fol∣lowed the knights of the Bath in their robes, the bi∣shop of Winchester lord chancellor, and the marques of Winchester lord high treasuror, next came the duke of Norffolke, and after him the earle of Oxford, who bare the sword before hir, the maior of London in a gown of crimsin veluet bare the scepter of gold, &c. After the quéenes chariot sir Edward Hastings led hir horsse in his hand: then came another chariot [line 30] hauing a couering of cloth of siluer all white, and six horsses trapped with the like: therein sate the ladie Elizabeth,* 2.12 and the ladie Anne of Cleue: then ladies and gentlewomen riding on horsses trapped with red veluet, and their gownes and kirtles like∣wise of red veluet; after them folowed two other cha∣riots couered with red sattin, and the horsses betrap∣ped with the same, and certeine gentlewomen be∣twéene euerie of the said chariots riding in crimsin sattin, their horsses betrapped with the same; the num∣ber [line 40] of the gentlewomen so riding were six and fortie, besides them in the chariots.

At Fanchurch was a costlie pageant made by the Genowaies:* 2.13 at Gracechurch corner there was an o∣ther pageant made by the Easterlings. At the vpper end o•• Gracesstréet there was an other pageant made by the Florentins verie high, on the top where∣of there stood foure pictures, and in the middest of them and most highest, there stood an angell all in gréene, with a trumpet in his hand: and when the [line 50] trumpetter (who stood secretlie in the pageant) did sound his trumpet, the angell did put his trumpet to his mouth, as though it had béene the same that had sounded, to the great maruelling of manie ignorant persons: this pageant was made with three thorough faires or gates, &c. The conduit in Cornehill ran wine,* 2.14 and beneath the conduit a pageant made at the charges of the citie, and an other at the great con∣duit in Cheape, and a founteine by it running wine. The standard in Cheape new painted, with the waits [line 60] of the citie aloft theron plaieng. The crosse in Cheape new washed and burnished.

An other pageant at the little conduit in Cheape next to Paules was made by the citie, where the al∣dermen stood, & when the quéene came against them, the recorder made a short proposition to hir, and then the chamberleine presented to hir in the name of the maior and the citie,* 2.15 a purse of cloth of gold, and a thousand marks of gold in it: then she rode foorth, and in Paules church-yard against the schoole, one master Heiwood sat in a pageant vnder a vine, and made to hir an oration in Latine & English.* 2.16 Then was there one Peter a Dutchman that stood on the weather∣c••cke of Paules stéeple, holding a streamer in his hand of fiue yards long, and wauing thereof, stood sometimes on the one foot, and shooke the other, and then knéeled on his knees, to the great maruell of all people. He had made two scaffolds vnder him, one aboue the crosse, hauing torches and streamers set on it, and an other ouer the ball of the crosse likewise set with streamers & torches, which could not burne, the wind was so great: the said Peter had sixteene pounds thirtéene shillings foure pense giuen him by the citie for his costs and paines, and for all his stuffe.

Then was there a pageant made against the deane of Paules gate,* 2.17 where the quéeristers of Paules plaied on vials and soong. Ludgate was newlie re∣pared, painted, and richlie hanged, with minstrels plaieng and singing there. Then was there an other pageant at the conduit in Fleetstréet, and the temple barre was newlie painted and hanged. And thus she passed to Whitehall at Westminster, where she tooke hir leaue of the lord maior, giuing him great thanks for his pains, and the citie for their cost. On the mor∣row, which was the first daie of October, the quéene went by water to the old palace, and there remained till about eleuen of the clocke, and then went on foot vpon blew cloth, being railed on either side, vnto saint Peters church, where she was solemnlie crow∣ned and annointed by Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester (for the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke were then prisoners in the tower) which coro∣nation and other ceremonies and solemnities then vsed according to the old custome,* 2.18 was not fullie en∣ded till it was nigh foure of the clocke at night that she returned from the church, before whom was then borne three swords sheathed, & one naked. The great seruice that daie doone in Westminster hall at din∣ner by diuerse noblemen, would aske long time to write. The lord maior of London & twelue citizens kept the high cupboord of plate as butlers: and the quéene gaue to the maior for his fée a cupboord of gold with a couer weieng seuentéene ounces.]

At the time of this quéenes coronation,* 2.19 there was published a generall pardon in hir name, being in∣terlaced with so manie exceptions, as they that née∣ded the same most, tooke smallest benefit thereby. In which were excepted by name no small number, not onelie of bishops and other of the cleargie, namelie the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke, the bi∣shop of London, but also manie lords, knights, and gentlemen of the laitie, beside the two chiefe iustices of England called sir Edward Montacute, and sir Roger Cholmeleie, with some other learned men in the law, for counselling, or at the least consenting to the depriuation of quéene Marie, and aiding of the foresaid duke of Northumberland, in the pretensed right of the before named ladie Iane, the names of which persons so being excepted, I haue omitted for shortnesse sake.

As soone as this pardon was published,* 2.20 and the so∣lemnitie of the feast of the coronation ended, there were certeine commissioners assigned to take order with all such persons as were excepted out of the par∣don, and others, to compound with the queene for their seuerall offenses. Which commissioners sat at the deane of Paules his house, at the west end of Paules church, and there called before them the said persons apart, and from some they tooke their fees and offices granted before by king Edward the sixt, and yet neuerthelesse putting them to their fines: and some they committed to ward, depriuing them of their states and liuings: so that for the time, to those that tasted thereof, it seemed verie grieuous. God deliuer vs from incurring the like danger of law againe. The fift daie of October next following,* 2.21 the quéene held hir hie court of parlement at West∣minster,

which continued vntill the one and twentith daie of the said moneth.

In the first session of which parlement, there pas∣sed no more acts but one, and that was, to declare queene Marie lawfull heire in descent to the crowne of England by the common lawes, next after hir brother king Edward;* 2.22 and to repeale certeine cau∣ses of treason, fellonie, and premunire, conteined in diuers former statutes: the which act of repeale was, for that cardinall Poole was especiallie looked for (as after ye shall heare) for the reducing of the church of [line 10] England to the popes obedience: and to the end that the said cardinall now called into England from Rome, might hold his courts legantine without the danger of the statutes of the premunire, made in that case, whereinto cardinall Wolseie (when he was legat) had incurred to his no small losse, and to the charge of all the clergie of England, for exerci∣sing the like power:* 2.23 the which act being once passed, foorthwith the queene repaired to the parlement [line 20] house, and gaue therevnto hir roiall assent, and then proroged the parlement vnto the foure and twentith daie of the said moneth. In which second session were confirmed and made diuerse and sundrie statutes concerning religion, wherof some were restored, and other repealed.

¶Sir Thomas White for this yéere maior and mer∣chant tailor,* 2.24 a woorthie patrone and protector of poore scholers & lerning, renewed or rather erected a college in Oxenford, now called saint Iohns college, before Bernard college. He also erected schooles at Bristow [line 30] and Reading. Moreouer, this worshipfull citizen in his life time gaue to the citie of Bristow two thou∣sand pounds of readie monie to purchase lands, to the yearlie value of one hundred & twentie pounds, for the which it is decreed, that the maior, burgesses and communaltie of Bristow, in the yeare of our Lord 1567, and so yearelie during the tearme of ten yeares then next insuing,* 2.25 should cause to be paid at Bristow, one hundred pounds of lawfull monie. The first eight hundred pounds to be lent to sixtéene poore [line 40] yoongmen clothiers, & fréemen of the same towne, for the space of ten yeares, fiftie pounds the péece of them, putting sufficient suerties for the same, and at the end of ten yeares, to be lent to other sixteene, at the discretion of the maior, aldermen, and foure of the common councell of the said citie.

* 2.26The other two hundred pounds to be imploied in the prouision of corne, for the reléefe of the poore of the same citie, for their readie monie, without gaine [line 50] to be taken. And after the end of ten yeares on the feast daie of saint Bartholomew, which shall be in the yeare of our Lord 1577, at the merchant tailors hall in London, vnto the maior and communaltie of the citie of Yorke, or to their atturnie authorised, an hundred & foure pounds, to be lent vnto foure yoong∣men of the said citie of Yorke, fréemen and inhabi∣tants (clothiers alwaie to be preferred) that is, to e∣uerie of them fiue and twentie pounds, to haue and occupie the same for the tearme of ten yeares, with∣out [line 60] paieng anie thing for the loane, the foure pounds ouerplus of the hundred and foure pounds, at the pleasure of the maior and communaltie for their paines to be taken about the receipts and paiments of the said hundred pounds.

The like order in all points is taken for the deli∣uerie of an hundred and foure pounds in the yeare 1578,* 2.27 to the citie of Canturburie. In the yeare 1579 to Reading, 1580 to the companie of the mer∣chant tailors, 1581 to Glocester, 1582 to Worce∣ster, 1583 to Excester, 1584 to Salisburie, 1585 to Westchester, 1586 to Norwich, 1587 to South∣hampton, 1588 to Lincolne, 1589 to Winchester, 1590 to Oxenford, 1591 to Herefordeast, 1592 to Cambridge, 1593 to Shrewesburie, 1594 to Lin, 1595 to Bath, 1596 to Derbie, 1597 to Ipswich, 1598 to Colchester, 1599 to Newcastell. And then to begin againe at Bristow an hundred and foure pounds, the next yeare to the citie of Yorke, and so foorth to euerie of the said cities and townes, in the like order as before: and thus to continue for euer, as in the indentures tripartite more plainelie maie appeare.]

At this time manie were in trouble for religion,* 2.28 and among others, sir Iames Hales knight, one of the iustices of the common plées, which iustice being called among other by the councell of king Edward to subscribe to a deuise made for the disheriting of queene Marie, and the ladie Elizabeth hir sister,* 2.29 would in no wise assent to the same, though most of the other did: yet that notwithstanding, for that he at a quarter sessions holden in Kent, gaue charge vpon the statutes of king Henrie the eight, and king Edward the sixt, in derogation of the primasie of the church of Rome, abolished by king Henrie the eight, he was first committed prisoner to the Kings bench, then to the Counter, & last to the Fléet, where, whether it were thorough extreame feare,* 2.30 or else by reason of such talke as the warden of the Fleet vsed vnto him, of more trouble like to insue, if he persi∣sted in his opinion (or for what other cause, God knoweth) he was so mooued, troubled, and vexed, that he sought to rid himselfe out of this life, which thing he first attempted in the Fleet, by wounding him∣selfe with a penknife, well neere to death. Neuerthe∣lesse afterward being recouered of that hurt, he sée∣med to be verie conformable to all the queenes pro∣céedings, and was therevpon deliuered of his impri∣sonment, and brought to the quéenes presence, who gaue him words of great comfort: neuerthelesse his mind was not quiet (as afterward well appeared) for in the end he drowned himselfe in a riuer not halfe a mile from his dwelling house in Kent,* 2.31 the riuer be∣ing so shalow, that he was faine to lie groueling be∣fore he could dispatch himselfe, whose death was much lamented. For beside that he was a man wise, vertuous, and learned in the lawes of the realme, he was also a good and true minister of iustice, whereby he gat him great fauour and estimation among all degrees.

During the aforesaid parlement,* 2.32 about the eigh∣téenth daie of October, there was kept at Paules church in London a publike disputation, appointed by the quéenes commandement, about the presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, which disputa∣tion continued six daies, doctor Weston then being prolocutor of the conuocation, who vsed manie vn∣seemelie checks & tawnts against the one part, to the preiudice of their cause. By reason whereof the di∣sputers neuer resolued vpon the article proponed, but grew dailie more and more into contention, without anie fruit of their long conference, and so ended this disputation, with these words spoken by doctor Weston prolocutor:

It is not the queens plea∣sure that we should herein spend anie longer time, and yeare well inough, for you haue the word, and we haue the sword.

But of this matter ye maie read more in the booke of the monuments of the church.* 2.33 At this time was cardinall Poole sent for to Rome by the quéene,* 2.34 who was verie desirous of his com∣ming as well for the causes before declared, as al∣so for the great affection that she had to him, being hir neere kinsman, and consenting with hir in reli∣gion.

This message was most thankefullie receiued at Rome, and order taken to send the said cardinall hi∣ther with great expedition: but before his comming, quéene Marie had married Philip prince of Spaine,

as after shall appeare. But here to touch somewhat the comming of the said cardinall. When he was ar∣riued at Calis, there was conference had amongest the councellors of the quéene for the maner of his re∣ceiuing:* 2.35 some would haue had him verie honoura∣blie met and interteined, as he was in all places where he had before passed, not onelie for that he was a cardinall, and a legat from the pope; but also for that he was the quéenes néere kinsman, of the house of Clarence. Neuerthelesse, after much debating, [line 10] it was thought méetest, first, for that by the lawes of the realme (which yet were not repealed) he stood at∣tainted by parlement, and also for that it was doubt∣full how he being sent from Rome, should be accep∣ted of the people, who in fiue and twentie yeares be∣fore, had not béene much acquainted with the pope or his cardinals, that therefore (vntill all things might be put in order for that purpose) he should come without anie great solemnitie vnto Lambeth, where (in the archbishops house) his lodging was [line 20] prepared.

The third of Nouember next following, Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie (notwithstan∣ding that he had once refused plainelie to subscribe to king Edwards will, in the disheriting of his si∣ster Marie,* 2.36 and alledging manie reasons and argu∣ments for the legitimation of both the kings sisters) was in the Guildhall in London arreigned and at∣tainted of treason, namelie for aiding the duke of Northumberland with horsse and men against the [line 30] queene, as aforesaid. At the same time also, the la∣die Iane of Suffolke (who for a while was called queene Iane) and the lord Gilford hir husband, the lord Ambrose and lord Henrie Dudleie sonnes to the duke of Northumberland, were likewise arreigned and attainted, and thervpon led backe againe to the tower.* 2.37 In the beginning of Ianuarie next follow∣ing, Charles the fift emperor sent into England an honorable ambassage, amongest whome was the Conte de Aiguemont admerall of the low coun∣tries, [line 40] with Charles Conte de la Laing, Iohn de Montmorancie lord of Curriers, and the chancellor Nigre, with full commission to conclude a mariage betwéene Philip prince of Spaine his sonne & heire, and queene Marie (as you haue heard) which ambas∣sage tooke such place, that shortlie after all things were finished accordinglie.

* 2.38¶ On the fouretéenth of Ianuarie, doctor Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester lord chancellour of England, in the chamber of presence at Westmin∣ster, [line 50] made to the lords, nobilitie, and gentlemen, an oration verie eloquent, wherein he declared that the queenes maiestie, partlie for amitie, and other weigh∣tie considerations had, after much sute on the empe∣rours and prince of Spaines behalfe made, deter∣mined by the consent of the councell and nobilitie, to match hir selfe with the said prince in most godlie and lawfull matrimonie; and declared further, that she should haue for hir iointer thirtie thousand du∣cats by the yeare, with all the low countrie of Flan∣ders, [line 60] and that the issue (if there happened anie) be∣twéene them two lawfullie begotten, should be heire as well to the kingdome of Spaine, as also to the said low countrie. He said therefore that they were all bound to thanke God, that so noble, worthie, and famous a prince would vouchsafe so to humble him∣selfe,* 2.39 as in this marriage to take vpon him rather as a subiect, than otherwise. For the queene & hir coun∣cell should rule all things as she did before, and that there should be of the councell no stranger, neither to haue custodie of any forts or castels, &c: nor to beare anie rule or office in the quéenes house, or else where in all England, with diuerse other articles there by him rehearsed. Wherefore he said the quéenes plea∣sure and request was, that like good subiects for hir sake, they would most louinglie receiue him with re∣uerence, ioie, and honour. On the next daie, the lord maior of London with his bretheren the aldermen, were sent for to the court, and to bring with them for∣tie of the head commoners of the citie, vnto whome before the councell, the lord chancellor made the like oration, desiring them to behaue themselues like good subiects with all humblenesse and reioising.]

But this marriage was not well thought of by the commons, nor much better liked of manie of the nobilitie, who for this, and for the cause of religion, conspired to raise war, rather than to see such change of the state. Of the which conspiracie though there were manie confederats; yet the first that shewed force therein, was one sir Thomas Wiat a knight in Kent, who in verie deed was driuen to preuent the time of the purposed enterprise by this hap. Diuerse of the partakers in this conspiracie, being with∣drawne from London (where they had deuised their drift) home into their countries (amongst whome the said sir Thomas Wiat was one) it fell out, that whi∣lest he was returned into Kent, where his lands and liuings chieflie laie, a gentleman of that shire, one to the said sir Thomas Wiat most déere, was by the councell for other matters committed to the Fléet. Wherevpon he verelie suspecting his secrets were bewraied, had no other shift (as he tooke it) but to put on armour, and to begin the attempt, before the time appointed with his complices. And herevpon giuing intelligence of his determination to his associats, as well at London, as else-where, on the thursdaie next following,* 2.40 being the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie at Maidstone, being accompanied with master Tho∣mas Isleie and others, published a proclamation a∣gainst the quéenes marriage, desiring all his neigh∣bors, fréends, and Englishmen to ioine with him and others, to defend the realme in danger to be brought in thraldome vnto strangers:* 2.41 and herewith he gat him to Rochester, and met with sir George Harper by the waie, that was one appointed afore to ioine with him in that quarrell.* 2.42 They brake vp the bridge at Rochester, and fortified the east part of the towne, & staid there abiding the comming of more strength, and in the meane while suffered all passengers to passe quietlie thorough the towne to London, or to the sea, taking nothing from them, but onelie their weapons.

In the meane while, sir Henrie Isleie, Anthonie Kneuet esquier, and his brother William Kneuet were busie in west Kent to raise the people there; and likewise in east Kent there were other that were of the same confederacie, which set forth the like procla∣mations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns there in that part of the shire: and thus in each part of Kent in a maner was great stur. But yet such was the diligence and warie circumspection of Iohn Twine at that present maior of Canturburie, for that he misliked their disordered attempts, that there was not any of that citie knowne to stur, or go forth to ioine themselues with the said sir Thomas Wiat, or with anie other of his confederats: and yet verelie the more part of the people in all other parts of that shire were maruellouslie affected to the said sir Tho∣mas Wiats quarrell, doubting that which might follow of the quéenes matching hir selfe thus with a stranger.* 2.43 At Milton when a gentleman of those parts named Christopher Roper, went about to resist them that set forth this proclamation, he was taken and conueied to Rochester vnto master Wiat. Like∣wise maister Tucke and maister Dorrell iustices of peace, were fetched out of their owne houses,* 2.44 & like∣wise brought to Rochester, where they with the said Roper were kept as prisoners.

Sir Thomas Wiat had written vnto sir Robert Southwell shiriffe of Kent,* 2.45 to moue him in (respect of the preseruation of the common-wealth now in danger to be ouerrun of strangers, through the pre∣tensed marriage, if it should go forward) to ioine with him and others,* 2.46 in so necessarie a cause for the disappointing of the same marriage, and to worke so with the lord of Aburgauennie, with whom he might doo much, that it might please him also to ioine with them. But as well the said sir Robert Southwell, as [line 10] the said lord of Aburgauennie, and one George Clerke assembled themselues with such power as they might make against the said sir Thomas Wiat and his adherents; and comming to Malling on the saturdaie, being the market daie & seuen and twen∣tith of Ianuarie, the said sir Robert Southwell ha∣uing penned an exhortation to dissuade the people, and to bring them from hauing anie liking to Wi∣ats enterprise, did read the same openlie vnto all the people there assembled, in confuting, reprouing, and [line 20] refelling the proclamations set forth by sir Thomas Wiat and his adherents.

On the other part, sir Henrie Isleie, Anthonie Kneuet, and his brother William Kneuet being at Tunbridge, proclamed the shiriffe, the lord of Abur∣gauennie, & George Clerke gentleman, traitors to God, the crowne, and the common-welth, for raising the quéenes subiects, to defend the most wicked & di∣uelish enterprise of certeine of the wicked & peruerse councellors. And this they pronounced in their owne [line 30] names & in the names of sir Thomas Wiat, sir Ge∣orge Harper, and of all the faithfull gentlemen of Kent, & trustie commoners of the same. This doone, they marched to Seuennocke, mening from thence to passe to Rochester. But in the meane time the fore∣said 27 of Ianuarie, there came from the quéene an herald & a trumpetter to sir Thomas Wiat, but he was not suffered to passe the bridge,* 2.47 and so did his message at the bridge end, in the hearing of sir Tho∣mas Wiat and diuerse others. The effect of his mes∣sage [line 40] was, to offer pardon to so manie as within foure and twentie houres would depart to their houses, and become quiet subiects.

Sir Thomas Cheineie lord warden sent also vn∣to Wiat,* 2.48 with words of contempt and defiance, de∣sirous in deed to haue béene dooing with him, if hee had not mistrusted his owne people, which he should haue brought against him, as those that fauoured so greatlie Wiats cause, that they would haue beene loth to haue seene him take anie foile. And that sir [line 50] Thomas Wiat knew well inough, and therefore de∣sired nothing more than to haue him come foorth, vn∣derstanding that he wanted no friends, as well a∣bout him, as all other that would take in hand to re∣presse him with force gathered in that shire. The lord of Aburgauennie, the shiriffe Warram Sentleger, and diuerse other gentlemen that were assembled at Malling, laie there within foure miles of Roche∣ster on saturdaie at night, & hauing aduertisement that sir Henrie Isleie, the two Kneuets, and certeine [line 60] other,* 2.49 with fiue hundred Weldishmen, being at Se∣uennocke, meant earlie in the morning to march to∣wards Rochester for the aid of Wiat against the duke of Norffolke, that was come to Grauesend with fiue hundred white cotes Londoners, and cer∣teine of the gard: and further that the said sir Hen∣rie Isleie and the Kneuets meant in their waie to burne and spoile the house of George Clerke gentle∣man: they departing with fiue hundred gentlemen & likewise yeomen, verie earlie that sundaie in the morning, marched out in order till they came to Wrotham heath,* 2.50 where they might easilie heare the sound of their aduersaries drums, and therevpon followed after them with all spéed, till they came to a place called Barrow gréene,* 2.51 through which laie the right readie waie from Seuennocke towards mai∣ster Clerks house. Here the lord of Aburgauennie staied for the comming of his enimies, and vnder∣standing they were at hand, placed his men in order, thinking to giue or take the ouerthrow. But they vpon their approch, misliking (as it should seeme) the match, shranke aside as secretlie as they could, by a bywaie, and were so farre gone before the lord of A∣burgauennie vnderstood thereof by his espials, as for doubt of ouertaking them afore their comming to Rochester, he was driuen to make such hast for the ouertaking of them, as diuerse of his footmen were farre behind at the onset giuing.

The first sight that the lord of Aburgauennie could haue of them, after they forsooke their purposed waie, was as they ascended Wrotham hill, directlie vnder Yallam maister Pechams house,* 2.52 where they thinking to haue great aduantage by the winning of the hill, displaied their ensignes, thinking they had béene out of danger. But the Lord of Aburgauen∣nie made such hast after them, that ouertaking them at a field in the parish of Wrotham, a mile distant from the verie top of the hill, called Blacke soll field,* 2.53 after some resistance with shot and arrowes, and pro∣fer of onset made by their horssemen, they were put to flight, and chased for the space of foure miles,* 2.54 euen to Hartleie wood. Thréescore of them were taken pri∣soners, and some on both sides were wounded, as commonlie commeth to passe in an ordinarie and pri∣uat fraie: how then is it possible, that a skirmish should be vnseasoned with slaughter and bloudshed, speciallie in a sedition or insurrection, which is the plague of all common-wealths, as the poet saith:

—regnorum pessima pestis Seditio.

Sir Henrie Isleie fled into Hampshire, Anthonie Kneuet made such shift, that he got that night vnto Rochester; and the same time sir George Harper de∣parting from sir Thomas Wiat, and comming to the duke of Norffolke, submitted himselfe vnto his grace, & the duke receiued him. Which duke (as before ye haue partlie heard) being sent with fiue hundred Londoners, and certeine of the gard for his better defense, to go against the Kentishmen thus assem∣bled with sir Thomas Wiat, was come downe to Grauesend, set foorth from thence on mondaie the nine and twentith daie of Ianuarie, about ten of the clocke in the forenoone, marching towards Stroud on this side of Rochester, & about foure of the clocke in the after noone of the same daie,* 2.55 he arriued at Stroud neare vnto Rochester, hauing with him sir Henrie Ierningham capteine of the gard, sir Ed∣ward Braie, sir Iohn Fog, knights, Iohn Couert, Roger Appleton, esquiers, Maurice Griffith the bi∣shop of Rochester, Thomas Swan gentleman, with certeine of the gard, and others, to the number of two hundred or thereabout, besides Bret and other fiue capteins, who with their bands taried behind at spittle hill néere vnto Stroud, whilest the duke went to Stroud to sée the placing of the ordinance, which being readie charged & bent vnto the towne of Ro∣chester, and perceiuing by sir Thomas Wiat and his men by hanging out their ensignes, little to regard him, the duke commanded one of the péeces to be fired and shot off into Rochester, and as the gunner was firing the peece, sir Edward Braies eldest son came in all hast to the duke, and told him how the Londoners would betraie him.

Herewith turning backe, he might 〈◊〉〈◊〉 how Bret,* 2.56 and the other capteins of the whit ••ootes with their bands being vpon the hill, and at his backe, made great and lowd shouts sundrie times, crieng; We are all Englishmen, we are all Englishmen: fashioning themselues in araie, readie bent with

their weapons to set vpon the duke, if he had made anie resistance: wherevpon the duke willed the pée∣ces that were bent against Rochester, to be turned vpon Bret and his fellowes. But vpon further con∣sideration the shot was spared,* 2.57 and the dukes grace, with the capteine of the gard, considering with wo∣full hearts their chiefe strength thus turned against them; and being thus inuironed both behind and be∣fore with enimies, shifted themselues awaie, as did also their companie. Sir Thomas Wiat accompa∣nied with two or thrée, and not manie mo, came forth [line 10] halfe a mile from Rochester, to méet Bret and the o∣ther capteins, amongst whom was sir George Har∣per, notwithstanding his former submission to the duke. Their méeting verelie séemed right ioifull both in gesture and countenance, & therewith hauing saluted each other, they entered all togither into Ro∣chester. The lord of Aburgauennie & the shiriffe were greatlie abashed when they vnderstood of this mis∣hap, for they doubted that such as were euill disposed before, would not be greatlie amended thereby. The [line 20] shiriffe being then at Maidstone,* 2.58 hasted to come to Malling, where the lord of Aburgauennie laie, and vpon his comming thither, he tooke aduise to ride in post to the councell, to know their minds how they would direct them. Sir Thomas Wiat and his asso∣ciats were greatlie recomforted with this new sup∣plie added to their strength, by the reuolting thus of the Londoners: and verelie it bred no small hope in all their hearts that wished well to his enterprise, [line 30] that he should the better atteine vnto the hoped end of his purpose. But it pleased God otherwise, who ne∣uer prospereth anie that attempt such exploits with∣out publike and lawfull authoritie.

In this meane while, the duke of Suffolke being persuaded to ioine with other in this quarell, as he that doubted (as no small number of true English∣men then did) least the pretended mariage with the Spanish king should bring the whole nobilitie and people of this realme into bondage and thraldome [line 40] of strangers,* 2.59 after he was once aduertised that sir Thomas Wiat had preuented the time of their pur∣posed enterprise, he secretlie one euening departed from Sheene, and rode with all spéed into Leice∣stershire where in the towne of Leicester and o∣ther places, hée caused proclamation to be made in semblable wise, as sir Thomas Wiat had doone, against the quéenes match which she meant to make with the said king of Spaine: but few there were that would willinglie hearken thereto. But now ye [line 50] must vnderstand, that before his comming downe, he was persuaded that the citie of Couentrie would be opened vnto him,* 2.60 the more part of the citizens be∣ing throughlie bent in his fauour, in so necessarie a quarell, for defense of the realme against strangers, as they were then persuaded.

But howsoeuer it chanced, this prooued not alto∣gither true: for whether through the misliking which the citizens had of the matter, or through negligence of some that were sent to sollicit them in the cause, [line 60] or chieflie (as should séeme to be most true) for that God would haue it so, when the duke came with six or seuen score horssemen well appointed for the pur∣pose,* 2.61 presenting himselfe before the citie in hope to bée receiued, hee was kept out. For the citi∣zens through comfort of the erle of Huntington that was then come downe, sent by the quéene to staie the countries from falling to the duke, and to raise a power to apprehend him, had put themselues in ar∣mor, and made all the prouision they could to defend the citie against the said duke. Wherevpon percei∣uing himselfe destitute of all such aid as he looked for among his friends in the two shires of Leicester and Warwike, he got him to his manour of Astleie, distant from Couentrie fiue miles, where appoin∣ting his companie to disperse themselues, and to make the best shift each one for his owne safegard that he might, and distributing to euerie of them a portion of monie, according to their qualities, and his store at that present, he and the lord Iohn Greie his brother bestowed themselues in secret places there within Astleie parke; but through the vntrusti∣nesse of them, to whose trust they did commit them∣selues (as hath béene crediblie reported) they were bewraied to the earle of Huntington, that then was come to Couentrie,* 2.62 and so apprehended they were by the said earle, and afterwards brought vp to London.

The duke had meant at first to haue rid awaie (as I haue credible heard) if promise had béene kept by one of his seruants, appointed to come to him to be his guide; but when he either feining himselfe sicke, or being sloke in déed, came not, the duke was con∣streined to remaine in the parke there at Astleie, ho∣ping yet to get awaie after that the search had béene passed ouer, and the countrie once in quiet. Howso∣euer it was, there he was taken, as is said, togither with his brother the lord Iohn Greie; but his bro∣ther the lord Thomas got awaie in deed at that time,* 2.63 meaning to haue fled into Wales, & there to haue got to the sea side, so to transport himselfe ouer into France, or into some other forren part. But in the borders of Wales he was likewise apprehended through his great mishap, and follie of his man that had forgot his capcase with monie behind him in his chamber one morning at his inne; and comming for it againe, vpon examination what he should be, it was mistrusted that his maister should be some such man, as he was in déed, and so was staied, ta∣ken,* 2.64 and brought vp to London, where he suffered; as after shall appeare.

But now to returne vnto sir Thomas Wiat. Af∣ter that the Londoners were reuolted to him, as be∣fore ye haue heard; the next daie being tuesdaie the thirtith of Ianuarie, he marched foorth with his bands, and six péeces of ordinance (which they had gotten of the quéenes) besides their owne. And first they came to Cowling castell,* 2.65 an hold of the lord Cobhams, foure miles distant from Rochester, and not much out of the waie towards London, whither they were now fullie determined to go, in hope of friends which they trusted to find within and about the citie. At their comming to Cowling, knowing that the lord Cobham was within the castell, they bent their ordinance against the gate, breaking it with sundrie shots, and burning it vp with ••••er, made a waie through it.* 2.66 The said lord Cobham defended the place as stoutlie as he might, hauing but a few against so great a number, and so little store of mu∣nition for his defense: he himselfe yet discharged his gun at such as approched the gate right hardilie, and in that assault two of his men were slaine. After this assault, and talke had with the lord Cobham, sir Thomas Wiat marched to Grauesend, where he rested that night.

The next daie he came to Dartford with his bands, and laie there that night, whither came to him sir Edward Hastings maister of the quéenes horsse, and sir Thomas Cornwallis knights, both being of the quéenes priuie councell, and now sent from hir vn∣to sir Thomas Wiat, to vnderstand the cause of his commotion. When he vnderstood they were come, he tooke with him certeine of his band to the west end of the towne, where he had lodged his ordinance. And at the lighting downe of sir Edward Hastings and his associat, sir Thomas Wiat hauing a parti∣san in his hand, aduancing himselfe somewhat afore such gentlemen as were with him, traced neere them:

to whome the maister of the horsse spake in substance as followeth.

The quéenes maiestie requireth to vn∣derstand the verie cause wherefore you haue thus ga∣thered togither in armes hir liege people, which is the part of a traitor, and yet in your proclamations and persuasions, you call your selfe a true subiect, which can not stand togither I am no traitor quoth Wi∣at, and the cause wherefore I haue gathered the peo∣ple, is to defend the realme from danger of being ouerrun with strangers, which must follow, this ma∣riage taking place. [line 10]

Why, quoth the quéenes agents, there be no stran∣sters yet come, who either for power or number ye néed to suspect. But if this be your onelie quarrell, because ye mislike the mariage; will ye come to com∣munication touching that case, and the queene of hir gratious goodnesse is content ye shall be heard. I yéeld thereto, quoth sir Thomas Wiat: but for my suertie I will rather be trusted than trust, and therefore demanded, as some haue written, the cu∣stodie of the tower,* 2.67 and hir grace within it; also the [line 20] displacing of some councellors about hir, and to haue other placed in their roomes. There was long & stout conference betwéene them, in so much that the mai∣ster of the horsse said: Wiat, before thou shalt haue thy traitorous demand granted, thou shalt die, and twentie thousand with thée. And so the said maister of the horsse, and sir Thomas Cornewallis, percei∣uing they could not bring him to that point they wished, returned to the court, aduertising the quéene what they had heard of him. The same daie being [line 30] the first of Februarie,* 2.68 proclamation was made in London by an herald, to signifie that the duke of Suffolkes companie of horssemen were scattered, and that he himselfe and his brethren were fled. Also that sir Peter Carew, and sir Gawen Carew knights, and William Gibs esquire, which being parties to the conspiracie of the said duke, with sir Thomas Wiat & others, were likewise fled. True it was that sir Peter Carew, perceiuing himselfe in [line 40] danger to be apprehended, about the thrée and twen∣tith of Ianuarie last past fled out of the realme, and escaped into France: but the other taried behind and were taken.

* 2.69Moreouer, on this first daie of Februarie being Candlemas euen, the emperors ambassadors, of whome ye haue heard before, hearing of Wiats ha∣stie approching thus towards London, sped them∣selues awaie by water, and that with all hast. The queene then lieng at hir palace of White hall beside Westminster, and hearing of hir enimies so néere, [line 50] was counselled for hir safegard to take the tower of London, wherevnto she would by no meanes be persuaded. Neuerthelesse, to make hir selfe more stronger of friends in the citie, so soone as the said ambassadors were departed, she came to the Guild∣hall in London: against which time, order was ta∣ken by the lord maior, that the chiefe citizens in their liueries should be there present. After that the queene had taken hir place in the said hall, and silence made, [line 60] she with verie good countenance vttered in effect this oration following.

Queene Maries oration in Guild∣hall in a solemne assemblie.

* 3.1I Am (quoth shee) come vnto you in mine owne person, to tell you that which al∣readie you doo sée and know, that is, how traitorouslie & seditiouslie a number of Kentish rebels haue assembled themselues togither against both vs and you. Their pretense (as they said at the first) was onelie to resist a mariage de∣termined betwéene vs and the prince of Spaine. To the which pretended quarrell, and to all the rest of their euill contriued articles ye haue béene made priuie. Since which time, we haue caused diuerse of our priuie councell to resort eftsoones to the said rebels, and to demand of them the cause of their con∣tinuance in their seditious enterprise. By whose an∣swers made againe to our said councell, it appeared that the mariage is found to be the least of their quarrell. For they now swaruing from their for∣mer articles, haue bewraied the inward treason of their hearts,* 3.2 as most arrogantlie demanding the possession of our person, the kéeping of our tower, and not onelie the placing & displacing of our coun∣cellors; but also to vse them & vs at their pleasures.

Now louing subiects, what I am, you right well know. I am your quéene, to whome at my corona∣tion when I was wedded to the realme, and to the lawes of the same (the spousall ring whereof I haue on my finger, which neuer hitherto was, nor here∣after shall be left off) ye promised your allegiance and obedience vnto me. And that I am the right and true inheritor to the crowne of this realme of Eng∣land; I not onelie take all christendoome to witnesse, but also your acts of parlement confirming the same. My father (as ye all know) possessed the regall estate by right of inheritance, which now by the same right descended vnto me. And to him alwaies ye shewed your selues most faithfull and louing sub∣iects, and him obeied and serued as your liege lord & king: and therefore I doubt not but you will shew your selues likewise to me his daughter. Which if you doo, then maie you not suffer anie rebell to v∣surpe the gouernance of our person, or to occupie our estate, especiallie being so presumptuous a trai∣tor as this Wiat hath shewed himselfe to be; who must certeinlie, as he hath abused my ignorant sub∣iects to be adherents to his traitorous quarrell: so dooth he intend by colour of the same, to subdue the lawes to his will, and to giue scope to the rascall and forlorne persons, to make generall hauocke and spoile of your goods.* 3.3 And this further I say vnto you in the word of a prince, I cannot tell how natural∣lie a mother loueth hir children, for I was neuer the mother of anie; but certeinlie a prince and gouer∣nor may as naturallie and as earnestlie loue sub∣iects, as the mother dooth hir child. Then assure your selues, that I being your souereigne ladie & quéene, doo as earnestlie and as tenderlie loue and fauour you. And I thus louing you, cannot but thinke that ye as hartilie and faithfullie loue me againe: and so louing togither in this knot of loue and concord, I doubt not, but we togither shall be able to giue these rebels a short and speedie ouerthrow.

And as concerning the case of my intended marriage, against which they pretend their quarrell, ye shall vnderstand that I entred not into the trea∣tie thereof without aduise of all our priuie councell; yea, and by assent of those to whome the king my fa∣ther committed his trust, who so considered & weigh∣ed the great commodities that might insue thereof, that they not onlie thought it very honorable, but ex∣pedient, both for the wealth of our realme, and also of all our louing subiects.* 3.4 And as touching my selfe (I assure you) I am not so desirous of wedding, nei∣ther so precise or wedded to my will, that either for mine owne pleasure I will choose where I lust, or else so amorous as néeds I must haue one. For God I thanke him (to whome be the praise thereof) I haue hitherto liued a virgine, and doubting nothing but with Gods grace shall as well be able so to liue still. But if as my progenitors haue done before, it might please God that I might leaue some fruit of my bo∣die behind me to be your gouernour, I trust you

would not onelie reioise thereat, but also I know it would be to your great comfort. And certeinlie if I either did know or thinke, that this marriage should either turn•• to the danger or losse of anie of you my louing subiects, or to the detriment or im∣pairing of anie part or parcell of the roiall estate of this realme of England, I would neuer consent therevnto, neither would I euer marrie while I li∣ued. And in the word of a quéene I promise and as∣sure you,* 3.5 that if it shall not probablie appéere before [line 10] the nobilitie and commons in the high court of par∣lement, that this marriage shall be for the singular benefit and commoditie of all the whole realme; that then I will absteine, not onelie from this marriage, but also from anie other, whereof perill maie insue to this most noble realme. Wherefore now as good & faithfull subiects plucke vp your harts, and like tru•• men stand fast with your lawfull prince against these rebelles, both our enimies and yours, and feare them not: for assure you that I feare them nothing [line 20] at all, & I will leaue with you my lord Howard, and my lord treasuror to be your assistants, with my lord maior, for the defense and safegard of this citie from spoile and saccage, which is onelie the scope of this rebellious companie.

After this oration ended, the citizens séeming well satisfied therewith, the queene with the lords of the councell returned to White hall from whence she came: and foorthwith the lord William Howard [line 30] was associate with the lord maior of London, whose name was sir Thomas White for the protection and defense of the citie. And for more suertie, as well of hir owne person, as also of hir councellors and other subiects, she prepared a great armie to méet with the said rebelles in the field, of which armie William Herbert earle of Penbroke was made generall, which earle with all spéed requisite in such a case, pre∣pared all things necessarie to such a seruice belong∣ing. The same daie sir Thomas Wiat hauing with [line 40] him foureteene ensignes, conteining about foure thousand men, although they were accounted to be a farre greater number,* 3.6 marched to Detford strand, eight miles from Detford, and within foure miles of London; where vpon such aduertisement as he receiued by spiall, of the quéens being in the Guild∣hall, & the order of the people to hir wards, he remai∣ned that night & the next whole daie; diuerse of his owne companie doubting by his longer tarrieng there than in other places, and vpon other presump∣tions which they gathered, that he would haue passed [line 50] the water into Essex.

His prisoners Christopher Roper, George Dor∣rell, and Iohn Tucke esquiers, who were kept some∣what strict, for that they seemed sicklie, and finding within the towne no conuenient harborough or at∣tendance,* 3.7 were licenced by sir Thomas Wiat, vpon promise of their worships to be true prisoners, to pro∣uide for themselues out from the towne, where they best might. But they breaking promise with him, [line 60] sought waies to escape and come no more at him. On saturdaie following verie earlie Wiat marched to Southworke, where approching the gate at Lon∣don bridge foot, he called to them within to haue it o∣pened: which he found not so readie as he looked for. After he had beene a little while in Southworke, and began to trench at the bridge foot, and set two peeces of ordinance against the gate, diuerse of his soldiors went to Winchester place, where one of them (be∣ing a gentleman) began to fall to rifling of things found in the house. Wherewith sir Thomas Wiat seemed so much offended, that he threatned sore to hang him euen presentlie there vpon the wharfe, and so as he made others to beleeue he meant to haue doone, if capteine Bret and others had not intreated for him.

The lord William Howard lord admerall of England, being appointed by the queens commission capteine generall, with the lord maior sir Thomas White, watched at the bridge that night with three hundred men, caused the draw bridge to be hewen downe into the Thames, made rampiers and for∣tifications there, fensing the same with great ordi∣nance. Wiat yet aduentured the breaking downe of a wall out of an house ioining to the gate at the bridge foot,* 3.8 whereby he might enter into the leads o∣uer the gate, & came downe into the lodge about ele∣uen of the clocke in the night, where he found the porter in a slumber, and his wife with other waking, and watching ouer a cole; but beholding Wiat, they began suddenlie to start as greatlie amazed. Whist quoth Wiat, as you loue your liues sit still, you shall haue no hurt. Glad were they of that warrant, and so were quiet, and made no noise. Wiat and a few with him went foorth as farre as the draw bridge: on the other side whereof he saw the lord admerall, the lord maior, sir Andrew Iud, and one or two others in consultation for ordering of the bridge, wherevn∣to he gaue diligent heed and eare a good while, and was not séene.

This doone,* 3.9 he returned and said to some of his companie; This place sirs is too hot for vs. And here∣vpon falling in counsell what was best to doo: some gaue aduise that it should be good to returne to Gréenewich, and so to passe the water into Essex, whereby their companie (as they thought) should in∣crease, and then assaie to enter into London by Ald∣gate: and some were of opinion, that it were better to go to Kingston vpon Thames, and so further west. Other there were, among which sir Thomas Wiat himselfe was chiefe, would haue returned into Kent to méet with the lord of Aburgauenie, the lord War∣den, the shiriffe, sir Thomas Moile, sir Thomas Kempe, sir Thomas Finch, and others that were at Rochester, comming on Wiats backe, with a great companie well appointed, persuading himselfe (whether truelie or not I know not) that he should find among them more friends than enimies. But whether his desire to returne into Kent grew vpon hope he had to find aid there, or rather to shift him∣selfe awaie, it was doubted of his owne companie; and some of them that knew him well (except they were much deceiued) reported not long before their execution, that his desire to returne into Kent, was onelie to shift himselfe ouer the sea.

The lord Warden being at Rochester (as yée haue heard) well furnished both with horsse and men,* 3.10 perfectlie appointed to no small number, was wil∣ling to haue followed after Wiat, and to haue she∣wed his good will against him in the quéens quarrell: but yet vpon deliberation had, & aduise taken with o∣thers that were there with him, he thought good first to vnderstand the quéenes pleasure how to proceed in his dealings; and heervpon he rode post to the queene himselfe, leauing the lord of Aburgauennie and the rest of the gentlemen with his and their bands be∣hind till his returne. On sundaie the fourth of Fe∣bruarie, the lord admerall caused a strong ward of three hundred men to be kept on the bridge till eight of the clocke at night, and then (for their reléefe) en∣tred the watch of other thrée hundred: so that the bridge was thus garded both daie and night with thrée hundred men in armor.* 3.11 It troubled Wiat and all his companie verie sore, to sée that London did so stiffelie stand and hold out against them: for in the assistance which they looked to haue had of that citie, all their hope of prosperous spéed consisted. But now that they saw themselues greatlie disappointed

therein, they meant yet to set all on a hazard. And so the sixt of Februarie being Shrouetuesdaie, afore six of the clocke in the morning, they departed out of Southworke,* 3.12 marching directlie towards King∣stone ten miles distant from London, standing vpon the Thames, where they arriued about foure of the clocke in the after noone: and finding thirtie foot or thereabout of the bridge taken awaie, sauing the posts that were left standing; Wiat practised with two mariners to swim ouer, and to conueie a barge [line 10] to him, which the mariners through great promises of preferment accordinglie did, wherein Wiat and certeine with him were conueied ouer: who in the meane time that the number of soldiors baited in the towne,* 3.13 caused the bridge to be repared with lad∣ders, planks, and beames, the same being tied togi∣ther with ropes and boords, so as by ten of the clocke in the night it was in such plight, that both his ordi∣nance and companies of men might passe ouer with∣out perill. And so about eleuen of the clocke in the [line 20] same night, Wiat with his armie passing ouer the bridge without either resistance or perill, & before it could be once knowne at the court, marched toward London, meaning (as some haue written) to haue bin at the court gate before daie that morning. Ne∣uertheles, before he came within six miles of the citie staieng for a péece of his great artillerie which was dismounted by the waie,* 3.14 his comming was discoue∣red before daie:* 3.15 wherby the erle of Penbroke gene∣rall of the quéenes armie was with his men in good [line 30] order of battell in S. Iames field beside Westmin∣ster, two or thrée houres yer Wiat could rech thither.

The earle hauing vnderstanding by his espials, what waie Wiat would march, placed his armie in this order. First, in a field on the west side of saint Iames were all his men of armes, and demilances; ouer against whome in the lane next to the parke, were placed all the light horssemen. All which bands of horssemen were vnder the charge of the lord Clin∣ton, being marshall of the field. The great artillerie [line 40] was planted in the middest and highest place of the causeie next to the house of saint Iames, with cer∣teine field peeces lieng on the flanke of ech battell. After that both the armies were in sight, and that the great artillerie began to thunder from either side without harme (as it happened to either of both) Wiat perceiuing that he could not come vp the fore right waie without great disaduantage,* 3.16 when he was come to the parke corner, he leauing the cau∣seie, swarued, and tooke the nether waie towards [line 50] saint Iames. Which being perceiued by the quéenes horssemen, who laie on either side of him, they gaue a sudden charge, and diuided his battell asunder hard behind Wiats ensignes, whereby so manie as were not passed before with Wiat, were forced to flie backe towards Brainford: and certeine of his com∣panie which escaped the charge, passed by the backe∣side of saint Iames towards Westminster, and from thense to the court: and finding the gates shut against them, staid there a while, and shot off manie [line 60] arrowes into the windowes, and ouer into the gar∣den, neuerthelesse without anie hurt there that was knowne. Wherevpon the said rebels, ouer whom one Kneuet was capteine, perceiuing themselues to be too few to doo anie great feat there, departed from thense to follow Wiat, who was gone before to∣ward London: and being on their waie at Charing∣crosse, were there incountered by sir Henrie Ier∣ningham capteine of the queenes gard, sir Edward Braie master of the ordinance,* 3.17 and sir Philip Paris knights, which were sent by the order of the earle of Penbroke with a band of archers, and certeine field péeces for the rescue of the court, who incountered the said rebels at Charingcrosse aforesaid, after they had dischaged their field péeces vpon them, ioined with those rebels, halfe armed, and halfe vnarmed, at the push of the pike, & verie soone dispersed their power; whereof some fled into the lane toward saint Giles, & some on the other side by a brewhouse towards the Thames. In this conflict, which was the chiefe triall of that daie, there was not found slaine to the num∣ber of twentie of those rebels. Which happened by rea∣son that vpon their ioining with the quéens soldiors, the one part could not be discerned from the other, but onelie by the mire and dur•• taken by the waie, which stacke vpon their garments comming in the night: wherefore the crie on the quéenes part that daie was; Downe with the daggle tailes.

But now to returne to Wiat, of whome ye heard before, who being come to the parke corner, and per∣ceiuing the perill apparant, if he should haue mar∣ched straight vpon the earls battels, which were ran∣ged on either side of the causeie, did therefore poli∣tikelie turne from the great causeie, marching along the wall of the house of saint Iames towards Lon∣don:* 3.18 which could not haue béene without his no little losse of manie of his traine, if those that had the charge on that side the field, had béene as forward in seruice as the earle with his battell, and the horsse∣men before shewed themselues to be. Neuerthelesse Wiat following his purposed enterprise, which was to haue entered into London, where he hoped of great aid, marched on with the small companie that was left him, as far as a common inne called the Bell sauage, néere to Ludgate, beléeuing to haue found some readie there to haue receiued him; wher∣in his hope was much deceiued, finding the said gate fast shut, and stronglie garded with a number as well of most honest citizens, as also of other bands of the quéenes assured friends. Wherevpon Wiat, who comming towards the citie, made himselfe sure of his enterprise, now desperat of the same, was faine to turne his face, retiring backe againe to Temple-barre, where he with the rest of his retinue determined (as it seemed) to trie their last fortune.

The earle of Penbroke (who all this while kept his force togither in the field) hearing of Wiats approch to London, sent to him an herald called Claren∣ceaux,* 3.19 with great communication to desist from his rebellious enterprise. Which herald did his message accordinglie, albeit that some said he promised the said Wiat his pardon: which should not séeme to be true, as well for that the herald had no such commis∣sion, as also that it was not like, that the said Wiat being then disarmed of all his forces, would haue re∣fused mercie in such a case. For true it is, that he with a verie few of his forlorne fellowship, not ma∣nie aboue the number of one hundred persons, stood still as men amazed at the gate of the Temple-barre, till such time as sir Maurice Barkleie knight, by chance riding towards London vpon his horsse, with footcloth, without anie armour, finding the said Wiat there, persuaded him to repaire to the court, and to yéeld himselfe to the quéene.* 3.20 Whose aduise he followed, and incontinent mounted vp on the said sir Maurice horsse behind him, and so road to the court voluntarilie to yéeld himselfe prisoner.

This comming of Wiat to the court being so lit∣tle looked for, was great cause of reioising to such as of late before stood in great feare of him. But more than maruell it was to sée that daie, the inuin∣cible heart and constancie of the quéene hir selfe, who being by nature a woman, and therefore common∣lie more fearefull than men be, shewed hir selfe in that case more stout than is credible. For she, not∣withstanding all the fearefull newes that were brought to hir that daie, neuer abashed. Insomuch that when one or two noblemen being hir capteins,

came in all hast to tell hir (though vntrulie) that hir battels were yéelded to Wiat.* 3.21 She nothing mooued thereat, said it was their fond opinion that durst not come néere to sée the triall, saieng further, that she hir selfe would enter the field to trie the truth of hir quarrell, and to die with them that would serue hir, rather than to yéeld one iot vnto such a traitor as Wiat was, and prepared hir selfe accordinglie.

But by the apprehension of Wiat that voiage tooke none effect: for after his comming to the court [line 10] he was immediatlie committed to the Tower. As soone as the taking of Wiat was knowne, the ar∣mie (whereof mention is made before that laie in saint Iames field) was discharged, and euerie man licenced to depart to his home. And foorthwith pro∣clamation was made,* 3.22 as well in the citie of London as in the suburbs of the same, that none vpon paine of death should kéepe in his or their houses anie of Wiats faction; but should bring them foorth imme∣diatlie before the lord maior, and other the quéenes [line 20] iustices. By reason of which proclamation a great multitude of their said poore caltifs were brought foorth, being so manie in number, that all the prisons in London sufficed not to receiue them: so that for lacke of place they were faine to bestow them in di∣uerse churches of the said citie. And shortlie after were set vp in London for a terrour to the common sort (bicause the white cotes being sent out of the ci∣tie, as before ye haue heard, reuolted from the quéenes part to the aid of Wiat) twentie paire of gallowes, [line 30] on the which were hanged in seuerall places to the number of fiftie persons, which gallowes remained standing there a great part of the summer following to the great griefe of good citizens, and for example to the commotioners.

¶ As for the principals of this faction, namelie Tho∣mas Wiat,* 3.23 William Kneuet, Thomas Cobham, two brethren named Mantels, and Alexander Bret were brought by sir Henrie Ierningam by water to the tower prisoners, where sir Philip Denie receiued [line 40] them at the bulworke, & as Wiat passed by he said; Go traitor, there was neuer such a traitor in Eng∣land. To whom sir Thomas Wiat turned, and said, I am no traitor, I would thou shouldst well know thou art more traitor than I, it is not the point of an ho∣nest man to call me so, and so went forth. When he came to the tower gate,* 3.24 sir Thomas Bridges lieute∣nant tooke in through the wicket, first Mantell, and said: Ah thou traitor, what hast thou and thy compa∣nie wrought? But he holding downe his head said [line 50] nothing. Then came Thomas Kneuet, whom master chamberleine gentleman porter of the tower tooke in. Then came Alexander Bret, whome sir Thomas Pope tooke by the bosome, saieng: Oh traitor, how couldest thou find in thy heart to worke such a villa∣nie, as to take wages, and being trusted ouer a band of men, to fall to hir enimies, returning against hir in battell. Bret answered Yea; I haue offended in that case. Then came Thomas Cobham, whome sir Thomas Poines tooke in, and said, Alas maister [line 60] Cobham, what wind headed you to worke such trea∣son? And he answered, Oh sir I was seduced. Then came in sir Thomas Wiat,* 3.25 whom sir Iohn Bridges tooke by the collar and said, Oh thou villen & vnhap∣pie traitor, how couldest thou find in thy hart to worke such detestable treason to the quéenes maie∣stie, who gaue thée thy life and liuing once alreadie, although thou diddest before this time beare armes in the field against hir, and now to yéeld hir battell, &c. If it were not (saith he) but that the law must passe vpon thee, I would sticke thée through with my dag∣ger. To the which Wiat holding his arms vnder his side, and looking grieuouslie with a grim looke vpon the lieutenant, said; It is no maisterie now: and so passed on. Thomas Wiat had on a shirt of maile, with sleeues verie faire, theron a veluet cassocke, and a yellow lace, with the windlace of his dag hanging thereon, and a paire of boots on his legs, and on his head a faire hat of veluet, with a broad bone-worke lace about it. William Kneuet, Thomas Cobham, and Bret, were the like apparelled.

On the morrow and the next daie following were brought into the tower prisoners, George Cobham, sir William Cobham, Anthonie Kneuet, Hugh Booth, Thomas Uane, Robert Rudstone, sir George Harper, Edward Wiat, Edward Fog, George Moore, and Cutbert Uaughan. The tenth of Fe∣bruarie,* 3.26 the earle of Huntington and other gentle∣men, and to the number of thrée hundred horssemen, brought to the tower as prisoners the duke of Suf∣folke, and the lord Iohn Greie his brother from Co∣uentrie, where the duke had remained thrée daies af∣ter his taking in the house and custodie of Christo∣pher Warren alderman there.* 3.27 The eleuenth daie sir Henrie Isleie who had fled, was brought into the tower in an old fréese cote, an old paire of hosen, all his apparell not worth foure shillings. The same daie came in two of the Culpepers, one Cromar, & Tho∣mas Rampton the duke of Suffolks secretarie.

The twelfe of Februarie being mondaie, about ten of the clocke, there went out of the tower to the scaffold on the tower hill, the lord Gilford Dudleie, sonne to the duke of Northumberland,* 3.28 husband to the ladie Iane Greie daughter to the duke of Suffolke; and without the bulworke gate, maister Thomas Offleie one of the shiriffes of London receiued him and brought him to the scaffold, where after a small declaration he knéeled downe and said his praiers. Then holding vp his eies & hands to heauen with teares, at the last he desired the people to praie for him, & after he was beheaded. His bodie being laid in a cart, and his head in a cloth, was brought into the chappell within the tower, where the ladie Iane, whose lodging was in maister Patridges house; did sée his dead carcasse taken out of the cart, as well as she did see him before aliue going to his death: a sight (as might be supposed) to hir worse than death. By this time was there a scaffold made vpon the greene ouer against the white tower,* 3.29 for the ladie Iane to die vpon, who being nothing at all abashed neither with feare of hir owne death, which then approched, neither with the sight of the dead carcasse of hir hus∣band when he was brought into the chapell, came forth, the lieutenant leading hir, with countenance nothing abashed, neither hir eies anie thing moiste∣ned with teares, with a booke in hir hand, wherein she praied vntill she came to the said scaffold. Whereon when she was mounted, this noble yoong ladie as she was indued with singular gifts both of learning and knowledge, so was she as patient and mild as a∣nie lambe at hir execution: and a little before hir death vttered these words.]

The words of the ladie Iane at hir death, on a scaffold vpon the greene ouer against the white tower.

GOod people I am come hither to die, and by a law I am condem∣ned to the same. My offense a∣gainst the queenes highnes was onelie in consent to the deuice of other, which now is deemed treason; but it was neuer of my seeking, but by counsell of those who should seeme to haue further vnder∣standing of things than I, which knew lit∣tle of the law, and much lesse of the titles

to the crowne. But touching the procure∣ment and desire therof by me, or on my be∣halfe, I doo wash my hands in innocencie thereof before God, and the face of all you (good christian people) this daie. And ther∣with she wroong hir hands wherin she had hir booke. Then (said she) I praie you all good christian people, to beare me witnesse that I die a true christian woman, & that I looke to be saued by none other meanes, [line 10] but onelie by the mercie of God, in the bloud of his onelie sonne Iesus Christ; & I confesse that when I did know the word of God, I neglected the same, & loued my selfe and the world, and therefore this plague and punishment is iustlie & worthilie hap∣pened vnto me for my sins, & yet I thanke God of his goodnesse, that he hath giuen me a time and respit to repent. And now [line 20] good people while I am aliue, I praie you assist me with your praiers.

Then knéeling downe, she said the p••alme of Mi∣serere mei Deus, in English, and then stood vp and gaue hir maid (called mistresse Ellin) hir gloues and handkercher, and hir booke she also gaue to maister Bridges then lieutenant of the tower, and so vntied hir gowne; and the executioner pressed to helpe hir off with it, but she desired him to let hir alone, and [line 30] turned hir toward hir two gentlewomen, who hel∣ped hir off therewith, and wish hir other attires, and they gaue hir a faire handkercher t•• ••ut about hir eies.* 4.1 Then the executioner knéeled d••wne and asked hir forgiuenesse, whom she forgaue most willinglie. Then he willed hir to stand vpon the straw, which doone, she saw the blocke, & then she said; I praie you dispatch me quicklie. Then she knéeled downe, sai∣eng; Will you take it off before I laie me down Whervnto the executioner answered, No madam▪ Then tied she the handkercher about hir eies, and fée∣ling for the blocke, she said; Where is it, where is it? One of the standers by guided hir therevnto, and she laid downe hir head vpon the blocke, and then stret∣ched forth hir bodie, and said; Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit, and so finished hir life. ¶ This was the end of the lord Gilford and the ladie Iane,* 4.2 whose deaths were the more hastened for feare of further troubles and sturs for hir title, like as hir fa∣ther had attempted.] [line 50]

Thus (as saith maister Fox) were beheaded two innocents,* 4.3 in comparison of them that sat vpon them: for they did but ignorantlie accept that which the others had willinglie deuised, and by open pro∣clamation consented to take from others, and giue to them. And verelie how vnwilling she was to take it vpon hir, there are yet liuing that can testifie. Iudge Morgan now that gaue the sentence against hir,* 4.4 shortlie after fell mad, and in his rauing cried continuallie to haue the ladie Iane taken awaie from him, and so ended his life. ¶Touching this ladie [line 60] Iane in the high commendation of hir godlie mind, I find this report in maister Foxes appendix to his Acts and Monuments,* 4.5 namelie that being on a time when she was verie yoong at Newhall in Essex at the ladie Maries, was by one ladie Anne Wharton desired to walke, and they passing by the chapell, the ladie Wharton made low curtsie to the popish sacra∣ment hanging on the altar. Which when the ladie Iane saw maruelled why she did so, and asked hir whether the ladie Marie were there or not? Unto whome the ladie Wharton answered no, but she said that she made hir curtsie to him that made vs all. Why quoth the ladie Iane, how can he be there that made vs all, and the baker made him? This hir an∣swer comming to the ladie Maries eare, she did ne∣uer loue hir after, as is crediblie reported, but estée∣med hir as the rest of that christian profession. In further witnesse of which good ladies disposition (both to God and the world) besides the verses of certeine learned men extant to hir praise, these following were found written by hir owne hand with a pin:

Non aliena putes homini, quae obtingere possunt, Sors 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mihi, tunc erit illa tibi. Iane Dudley. Deo iuuante, nil nocet liuor malus, Et non iuuante, nil iuuat labor gra••is, Post tenebras spero videre lucem.

Upon sa••urdaie being the seuentéenth of Februa∣rie the duke of Suffolke was arreigned at West∣minster, and there condemned to die by his péeres,* 4.6 the earle of Arundell being that daie chiefe iudge. Where some haue written that he should at his last going downe into the countrie make proclamation in his daughters name, that is not so: for whereas he stood by in Leicester, when at his commandement the proclamation was there made against the queenes mariage with the prince of Spaine, &c: ma∣ster Damport then maior of that towne said to him: My lord I trust your grace meaneth no hurt to the quéenes maiestie. No saith he maister maior (laieng his hand on his sword) he that would hir anie hurt, I would this sword were through his hart, for she is the mercifullest prince, as I haue trulie found hir, that euer reigned, in whose defense I am & will be readie to die at hir foot.* 4.7 ¶On mondaie the ninetéenth of Fe∣bruarie, the lord Cobhams thrée sonnes, and foure o∣ther men were brought to Westminster, the yoong∣est of the Cobhams, to wit maister Thomas Cob∣ham was condemned with the other foure men, but the other two Cobhams came not to the barre. ¶On the wednesdaie the one and twentith of Februarie ••he lord Thomas Greie that had beene taken (as be∣••••re ye haue heard) in Wales, was brought togither with sir Iames Croft through London to the tower, by a number of horssemen.

Upon the fridaie the thrée and twentith of Fe∣bruarie, about nine of the clocke, the duke of Suf∣folke was brought foorth of the tower vnto the scaf∣fold on the tower hill. And in his comming thither,* 4.8 there accompanied him doctor Weston, as his ghost∣lie father: notwithstanding (as it should séeme) a∣gainst the will of the said duke. For when the duke went vp the scaffold, the said Weston being on his left hand, pressed to go vp with him. The duke with his hand put him downe againe off the staires, and Weston taking hold of the duke forced him downe likewise. And as they ascended the second time, the duke againe put him downe. Then Weston said,* 4.9 that it was the quéenes pleasure he should so doo▪ wherewith the duke casting his hands abrode, ascen∣ded vp the scaffold, and paused a prettie while after, and then he said.

The duke of Suffolks words to the people at the time of his death.

MAisters, I haue offended the queene and hir lawes, and there∣by am iustlie condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient; and I praie God that this my death maie be an example to all men: beseeching you all to beare mee wit∣nesse that I die in the faith of Christ, tru∣sting to be saued by his bloud onelie (and by none other trumperie) the which died for

me, and for all them that doo trulie repent, & stedfastlie trust in him. And I doo repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me, that when ye see my breath depart from me, you will praie to God that he maie receiue my soule. And then hee desired all men to for∣giue him, saieng that the queene had for∣giuen him.

Then maister Weston declared with a lowd voice that the quéenes maiestie had forgiue•• him. Then di∣uers [line 10] of the standers by said with audible voice▪ Such forgiuenes God send thee, meaning doctor Weston. Then the duke kneeled vpon his knees, and said the psalme Misereremei Deus, vnto the end, holding vp his hands, and looking vp to heauen. And when he had ended the psalme, he said; In manus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Domine com∣me••do spiritum m••um. Then he arose and stood vp, and deliuered his cap and so••rffe to the executioner, and therewith the executioner kneeled downe: and asked [line 20] the duke forgiuenesse, and the duke said, God forgiue thee, and I doo▪ and when thou doost thine office, I praie thee doo if quicklie, and God haue mercie to thee. Then s••od there a man and said, My lord, how shall I doo for the monie that you doo owe me? And the duke said, Alas good fellow, I praie thée trouble me not now, but go thy waie to my officers. Then he knit a kercher about his face, and knéeled downe and said, Our father which art in heauen, &c▪ vnto the end: and then he said, Christ haue mercie vpon me, and laid [line 30] downe his head on the blocke: and the executioner toke the axe, and at the first chop stroke off his head, and held it vp to the people, according to the common custome of execution.

Such was the end of this duke of Suffolke, a man of high nobilitie by birth,* 5.1 and of nature to his friend gentle and courteous, more easie in déed to be led than was thought expedient, of stomach neuer∣thelesse stout and hardie, hastie and soone kindled, but pacified streight againe, and sorie if in his heat ought [line 40] had passed him otherwise than reason might séeme to beare, vpright and plaine in his priuat dealings, no dissembler, nor well able to beare iniuries, but yet forgiuing & forgetting the same, if the partie would séeme but to acknowlege his fault, and seeke recon∣cilement. Bountifull he was and verie liberall, som∣what learned himselfe,* 5.2 and a great sauourer of those that were learned, so that to manie he shewed him∣selfe a verie Mecoenas: as frée from couetousnesse, as void of pride and disdainefull hautinesse of mind, [line 50] more regarding plaine meaning men, than claw∣backe flatterers. And this vertue he had, he could patientlie heare his faults told him, by those whome he had in credit for their wisdome and faithfull mea∣ning toward him, although sometime he had the hap to reforme himselfe thereafter. Concerning his last offense for the which he died, it is to be supposed, he ra∣ther tooke in hand that vnlawfull enterprise through others persuasions, than of his owne motion for any malicious ambition in himselfe. [line 60]

But now to let this duke rest with God, we will procéed with the storie. The same daie (or as some haue noted the day before) a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through the citie with their halters about their necks. They were in * 5.3 number a∣boue two hundred. Upon the saturdaie, the eight and twentith of Februarie, sir William Sentlow was committed as prisoner to the maister of the horsse to be kept. This sir William was at this time one of the ladie Elizabeths gentlemen. Upon the sundaie being the fiue and twentith of Februarie, sir Iohn Rogers was committed to the tower. Upon the tuesdaie in the same weeke being the seuen & twen∣tith of Februarie,* 5.4 certeine gentlemen of Kent were sent into Kent to be executed there. Their 〈…〉〈…〉 were the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the two Mantels, two Kneuets, and Bret: with these maister Rudston also, and certeine other were condemned, and should haue beene execu∣ted, but they had their pardon.

Sir Henrie Isleie knight;* 5.5 Thomas Isleie his brother, and Walter Mantel••, suffered at Maidsto••, where Wiat first displaied his banner. Anthonie Kneuet and his brother William Kneuet, with an o∣ther of the Mantels, were executed at Seugnecke▪ Bret at Rochester was hanged in chains. On satur∣daie the third of March, sir Gawen Carew, and mai∣ster Gibs were brought thorough London to the tower, with a companie of horssemen.* 5.6 The fifteenth daie of March next following, the ladie Elizabeth the queenes sister, and next heire to the crowne, was ap∣prehended at hir manour of Ashridge, for suspicion of Wiats conspiracie. And from thence (being that time verie si••ke) with great rigour brought priso∣ner to London. On the sundaie after being the se∣uentéenth of March, she was commited to the tower, where also the lord Courtneie earle of Deuonshire (of whome before is made mention) was for the like suspicion committed prisoner.

¶Touching the imprisonment of the foresaid ladie Elizabeth, & the lord Courtneie,* 5.7 thou shalt note here for thy learning (good reader) a politike point of prac∣tise in Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, not vnworthie to be considered. This Gardiner being alwaies a capitall enimie to ladie Elizabeth, & thin∣king now by the occasion of maister Wiat to picke out some matter against the lord Courtneie, and so in the end to intangle the ladie Elizabeth, deuised a pestilent practise of conueiance, as in the storie here following maie appeare. The storie is this. The same daie that sir Thomas died,* 5.8 he desired the lieutenant to bring him to the presence of the lord Courtneie, who there before the lieutenant and the shiriffes, knéeling downe vpon his knées, besought the lord Courtneie to forgiue him, for that he had falselie ac∣cused both the ladie Elizabeth and him: and so being brought from thence vnt•• the scaffold to suffer, there openlie in the hearing of all the people cleared the ladie Elizabeth, and the lord Courtneie, to be free and innocent from all suspicion of that commotion. At which confession, doctor Weston there standing by,* 5.9 cried to the people, saieng: Beléeue him not (good people) for he confessed otherwise before vnto the councell.

After the execution doone of sir Thomas Wiat, which was the eleuenth daie of Aprill, word was brought immediatlie to the lord maior sir Thomas White a little before dinner, how maister Wiat had cleared the ladie Elizabeth and lord Courtneie,* 5.10 and the words also which doctor Weston spake vnto the people. Wherevnto the lord maior answering; Is this true quoth he? Said Weston so? In sooth I ne∣uer tooke him otherwise but for a knaue. Upon this the lord maior sitting downe to dinner (who dined the same daie at the Bridgehouse) commeth in sir Martine Bowes with the recorder, newlie come from the parlement house, who hearing of the maior and shiriffes this report of Wiats confession, both vpon the scaffold and also in the tower, maruelled thereat, declaring how there was another tale con∣trarie to this, told the same daie in the parlement house, which was, that sir Thomas Wiat should de∣sire the lord Courtneie to confesse the truth, so as he had doone before.

Upon this it followed not long after, that a cer∣teine prentise dwelling in saint Laurence lane, na∣med Cut, as he was drinking with one Denham a plaisterer being one of quéene Maries seruants, a∣mongst other talke, made mention how sir Thomas

Wiat had cleared the ladie Elizabeth, and the lord Courtneie, to be no consenters to his rising. Which words being brought to Gardiner (by what means I know not) incontinent vpon the fame, sir Andrew Iud was se••t by the said bishop to the lord maior,* 5.11 commanding him to bring the said prentise to the Starchamber, which was accused of these words, that he should saie that Wiat was constreined by the councell to accuse the ladie Elizabeth, & the lord Courtneie. Which fellow when he was come to the [line 10] Starchamber, the aforesaid Gardiner letting passe other matters that were in hand, began to declare to the whole multitude, how miraculouslie almightie God had brought the quéens maiestie to the crowne, the whole realme in a maner being against hir, and that he had brought this to passe for this singular in∣tent & purpose,* 5.12 that this realme being ouerwhelmed with heresies, she might reduce the same againe to the true catholike faith. And where she tooke the ladie Elizabeth into hir fauour, and loued hir so tenderlie, and also the lord Courtneie, who of long time had [line 20] béene deteined in prison, and by hir was set at liber∣tie, and receiued great benefits at hir hands; and not∣withstanding all this, they had conspired most vn∣naturallie and traitorouslie against hir with that heinous traitor Wiat, as by the confession of Wiat (said he) and the letters sent to and fro maie plainlie appeare: yet there was some in the citie of London, which reported that Wiat was constreined by the councell to accuse the ladie Elizabeth, and the lord [line 30] Courtneie, & yet you my lord maior (quoth he) haue not seene the same punished.

The partie is here, said the lord maior. Take him with you (said Gardiner) and punish him according to his desert, and said further: My lord, take héed to your charge, the citie of London is a whirlepoole and a sinke of all euill rumors, there they be bred, and from thence spred into all parts of this realme. There stood by the same time the lord Shandois, who being then lieutenant of the tower,* 5.13 and now hea∣ring [line 40] the bishop thus speake, to sooth his tale, came in with these words as followeth: My lords (quoth he) this is a truth that I shall tell you, I being lieu∣tenant of the tower when Wiat suffered, he desired me to bring him to the lord Courtneie; which when I had doone, he fell downe vpon his knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confesse the truth of himselfe, as he had doone before, and to submit him selfe vnto the quéenes mercie. And thus much of this matter I thought to declare, to the intent that the reader perceiuing the procéedings of the bishop [line 50] in the premisses, & comparing the same with the true testimonie of Wiat himselfe, and with the testimo∣nie of the shiriffes, the which were present the same time when sir Thomas Wiat asked the lord Court∣neie forgiuenesse, maie the better iudge of the whole case and matter for the which the ladie Elizabeth and the lord Courtneie were so long in trouble.]

On saturdaie next following being Easter euen, and the foure and twentith of March, the lord mar∣ques of Northampton, the lord Cobham, and sir [line 60] William Cobham his sonne and heire, were deli∣uered out of the tower, where they had remained for a time, being committed thither vpon some suspicion about Wiats rebellion: as diuerse others were, wherof manie were put to death, as C.O. reporteth:

Nunc istos laesae nunc illos quaestio torquet Maiestatis, habet multos custodia clausos Firma viros, atro parsplurima deditur Orco.

Not long after, quéene Marie partlie offended with the Londoners, as fauorers of Wiats conspi∣racie, and partlie perceiuing the more part of them nothing inclined towards hir procéedings in religi∣on, which turned manie of them to losse, summoned a parlement to be holden at Oxford,* 5.14 as it were to gratifie that citie, which with the vniuersitie, towne, and countrie, had shewed themselues verie forward in hir seruice; but speciallie in restoring of the reli∣gion called catholike: for which appointed parlement there to be holden, great prouision was made, as well by the quéens officers, as by the townesmen & inhabitants of the countrie round about. But the quéens mind in short space changed, and the same parlement was holden at Westminster in Aprill next following, wherein the queene proponed two speciall matters, the one for the mariage to be had betweene hir and the prince Philip of Spaine: the o∣ther, for the restoring againe of the popes power and iurisdiction in England. As touching hir mariage, it was with no great difficultie agréed vpon; but the other request could not be easilie obteined.

Howbeit, it was to be wished, euen to the disap∣pointing of that mariage (if God in counsell had so prouided) that the whole bodie of the parlement had beene semblablie affected, as it is said, that all the nations of the world were,* 5.15 when the sunne would néeds be maried. Against which purpose of the sun the people of all regions assembling, humblie be∣sought Iupiter to cast in a blocke and impediment against that wedding. But Iupiter demanding of them why they would not haue the sun maried; one stepping vp made answer for the rest, and said: Thou knowest well enough Iupiter that there is but one sun, and yet he burneth vs all: who, if he be maried & haue children, as the number of suns must néeds increase; so must their heat and feruentnesse be multiplied, whereby a generall destruction of all things in their kind will insue. Herevpon that match was ouerthrowne. But God aboue ruling by prouidence all things here beneath, had purposed this coniunction; so that it was not in the power of man to withstand or interrupt it: howbeit it was his pleasure (to what end himselfe best knoweth) to cursse it with barrennesse, as he did the queene hir selfe with a short and vnpeaceable reigne (full of sedition and bloudshed) as our English poet noteth:

Quaepost Eduardi mortem conuersio rerum, Transtulit in varias alieno pectore partes Brutigenas, fauet hic externis, ille perosus Mystarum rabiem, tantis obstacula quaerit Opportuna malis: cùm iam proh dedecusingens, Seditio exoritur, regnorum pessima pestis.

¶On the eight of Aprill, then being sundaie,* 5.16 a cat with hir head shorne, and the likenesse of a vestment cast ouer hir, with hir fore féet tied togither, and a round peece of paper like a singing cake betwixt them, was hanged on a gallows in Cheape, néere to the crosse, in the parish of saint Matthew: which cat being taken downe, was caried to the bishop of London, and he caused the same to be shewed at Pauls crosse by the preacher doctor Pendleton.]

On the tenth daie of Aprill following,* 5.17 Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, Nicholas Ridleie bishop of London, and Hugh Latimer once bishop of Worcester, who had béene long prisoners in the tower, were now conueied from thence, and caried to Windsore, and afterward to the vniuersi∣tie of Oxford, there to dispute with the diuines and learned men of the contrarie opinion. Two daies after their comming to Oxford, which was the twelfe daie of the said moneth,* 5.18 diuerse learned men of both the vniuersities were sent in commission from the conuocation (which during this parlement was kept in Pauls church in London) to dispute with those prisoners in certeine articles of religion. The names of them that were in commission were these following. Of Oxford, doctor Weston prolo∣cutor, Cole, Chadseie, Pie, Harpesfield, Smith. Of

Cambridge, Yoong, Seton, Watson, Atkinson, Phecknam, Sedgewike. The thirtéenth daie of A∣prill these disputers assembled themselues in saint Maries church, to conuent the thrée persons aboue named vpon certeine articles of religion, who being brought out of prison before them, were seuerallie one after another examined of their opinions, vpon the articles proponed vnto them,* 5.19 whereof ye maie read in the booke of monuments of the church more at large, and there find the whole procéeding in that matter. [line 10]

* 5.20Sir Thomas Wiat (of whome mention is made before) was about this time brought from the tower to Westminster, and there arreigned of high trea∣son: the earle of Sussex, sir Edward Hastings, and sir Thomas Cornwallis, with others being his iudges. The effect of whose indictment among o∣ther things speciallie was;* 5.21 that he the fourtéenth daie of Februarie last before, with force of armed multitude and ensignes displaied, had at Brainford raised open warres against our souereigne ladie the [line 20] quéene, traitorouslie pretending and practising to de∣priue hir of hir crowne and dignitie; and the question was demanded of him, whether he was guiltie or no? Where at he staied, and besought the iudges that he might first aske a question, before he answered directlie to the point,* 5.22 and he was licenced so to doo. The question was, that if he should confesse himselfe guiltie, whether the same should not be preiudiciall vnto him, so as he by that confession should be bar∣red from vttering such things as he had more to say? [line 30] Wherevnto it was answered by the court; Maister Wiat (said they) ye shall haue both leaue and leasure to saie what you can.

Then my lords (quoth he) I must confesse my selfe guiltie, and in the end the truth of my case must in∣force me. I must acknowledge this to be a iust plague for my sins, which most gréeuouslie I there∣fore haue committed against God, who suffered me thus brutishslie & beastlie to fall into this horrible of∣fense of the law. Wherefore all you lords & gentle∣men, [line 40] with other here present, note well my words, lo here & sée in me the same end which all other com∣monlie had, which haue attempted the like enter∣prise from the beginning. For peruse the chronicles through, & you shall sée that neuer rebellion attemp∣ted by subiects against their prince and countrie,* 5.23 from the beginning did euer prosper, or had euer better successe, except the case of king Henrie the fourth: who although he became a prince, yet in his [line 50] act was but a rebell, for so must I call him: & though he preuailed for a time, yet was it not long but that his heires were depriued, and those that had right a∣gaine restored to the kingdome and crowne, and the vsurpation so sharplie reuenged afterward in his bloud, as it well appeared, that the long delaie of Gods vengeance was supplied with more greeuous plagues in the third and fourth generation. For the loue of God all you gentlemen that be here present, remember and be taught as well by examples past,* 5.24 [line 60] as also by this my present infelicitie and most wret∣ched case. Oh most misserable, mischiefous, brutish & bestlie furious imaginations of mine! I was per∣suaded that by the mariage of the prince of Spaine, the second person of this realme, and next heire to the crowne, should haue béene in danger; and that I being a free borne man, should with my countrie haue beene brought into the bondage and seruitude of aliens and strangers. Which brutish beastlie opi∣nion then seemed to me reason, and wrought in me such effects, that it led me headlong into the practise of this detestable crime of treason.

But now being better persuaded, and vnderstand∣ing the great commoditie & honor which the realme should receiue by this marriage:* 5.25 I stand firme and fast in this opinion, that if it should please the queene to be mercifull vnto me, there is no subiect in this land that should more trulie and faithfullie serue hir highnes than I shall; nor no sooner die at hir graces féet in defense of hir quarrell. I serued hir highnesse against the duke of Northumberland, as my lord of Arundell can witnesse. My grandfather serued most truelie hir graces grandfather, and for his sake was set vpon the racke in the tower. My father also serued king Henrie the eight to his good conten∣tation, and I also serued him, and king Edward his son. And in witnesse of my bloud spent in his ser∣uice, I carrie a name. I alledge not all this to set foorth my seruice by waie of merit, which I confesse but dutie: but to declare to the whole world, that by abusing my wits, in pursuing my misaduised opini∣on, I haue not onelie ouerthrowne my house,* 5.26 and defaced all the well dooings of me and my ancestors (if euer there were anie) but also haue béene the cause of mine owne death and destruction. Neither doo I alledge this to iustifie my selfe in anie point, neither for an excuse of mine offense: but most humblie sub∣mit my selfe to the queenes maiesties mercie and pi∣tie, desiring you my lord of Sussex, and you maister Hastings, with all the rest of this honorable bench, to be meanes to the quéenes highnesse for hir mercie, which is the greatest treasure that maie be giuen to anie prince from God, such a vertue as God hath ap∣propriate to himselfe. Which if hir highnesse vouch∣safe to extend vnto me, she shall bestow it on him, who shall be most glad to serue truelie, and not re∣fuse to die in hir quarrell. For I protest before the iudge of all iudges, I neuer meant hurt against hir highnesse person.

Then said the quéenes attorneie;* 5.27 Maister Wiat you haue great cause to be sorie, and repent for your fault, whereby you haue not onelie vndoone your selfe and your house, but also a number of other gen∣tlemen, who being true men might haue serued their prince and countrie: yet if you had gone no further, it might haue beene borne withall the better. But being not so contented to staie your selfe, you haue so procured the duke of Suffolke (a man soone trai∣ned to your purpose) and his two brethren also: by meanes whereof without the quéenes greater mer∣cie, you haue ouerthrowne that noble house. And yet not so staied, your attempt hath reached as far as in you laie to the second person of the realme, in whom next to the quéenes highnesse resteth all our hope and comfort, wherby hir honor is brought in question, and what danger will folow, and to what end it will come God knoweth: of all this you are the author. Wiat answered;* 5.28 As I will not in anie thing iustifie my selfe, so I beseech you, I being in this wretched estate, not to ouercharge me, nor to make me séeme to be that I am not. I am loth to touch anie person by name; but that I haue written I haue written. Then said the iudge; Maister Wiat, maister attor∣nie hath well mooued you to repent your offenses,* 5.29 and we for our parts with you the same.

Then said sir Edward Hastings maister of the quéens horsse; Maister Wiat,* 5.30 doo ye remember when I and maister Cornwallis were sent vnto you from the quéenes highnesse to demand the cause of your enterprise, and what you required? Were not these your demands, that the quéenes grace should go to the tower, and there remaine; and you to haue the rule of the tower and hir person, with the treasure in kéeping, and such of hir councell as you would re∣quire to be deliuered into your hands, saieng that you would be trusted and not trust? Which words when Wiat had confessed, then said the quéenes soli∣citor; Your presumption was ouer great, & your at∣tempt

in this case hath purchased you perpetuall in∣famie,* 5.31 and shall be called Wiats rebellion, as Wat Tilers was called Wat Tilers rebellion. Then said the attorneie; Maister Wiat, were you not pri∣uie to a deuise whereby the quéene should haue béene murthered in a place where she should walke? I doo not burthen you to confesse this, for thus much I must saie on your behalfe, that you misliked that de∣uise?* 5.32 That deuise (said Wiat) was the deuise of William Thomas, whome euer after I abhorred for [line 10] that cause.

Then was a letter shewed, which Wiat being in Southworke had written to the duke of Suf∣folke, that he should méet him at Kingstone bridge, and from thense to accompanie him to London, al∣though he came with the fewer number. Wiat at the first did not séeme to remember anie such letter; but when it was shewed him, he confessed his hand. Then was it demanded of him among other things, whie he refused the queenes pardon when it was offe∣red [line 20] him. My lords (quoth he) I confesse my fault and offense to be most vile and heinous,* 5.33 for the which first I aske God mercie, without the which I cannot cha∣lenge anie thing, such is my offense alreadie com∣mitted. And therefore I beséech you to trouble me with no more questions, for I haue deliuered all things vnto hir grace in writing. And finallie here I must confesse, that of all the voiages wherein I haue serued, this was the most desperat and painfull iorneie that euer I made. And where you asked whie I receiued not the quéenes pardon when it was offe∣red [line 30] vnto me;* 5.34 Oh vnhappie man! What shall I saie? When I was entred into this diuellish & desperat ad∣uenture, there was no waie but wade through with that I had taken in hand: for I had thought that o∣ther had béene as farre forward as my selfe, which I found farre otherwise. So that being bent to keepe promise with all my confederats, none kept promise with me; for I like a moile went through thicke and thin with this determination, that if I should come [line 40] to anie treatie, I should séeme to bewraie all my friends.

But whereto should I spend anie more words? I yéeld my selfe wholie vnto the quéenes mercie, knowing well that it is onelie in hir power to make me (as I haue deserued) an open example to the world with Wat Tiler; or else to make me partici∣pant of that pitie which she hath extended in as great crimes as mine; most humblie beséeching you all to be means for me to hir highnesse for mercie, which is [line 50] my last and onelie refuge. The will of God be doone on me. Upon this confession without further triall, he receiued the iudgement accustomed in cases of treason, which was to be hanged, drawne and quarte∣red. And the eleuenth of Aprill next folowing he was brought to the Tower hill, and there was pardoned of his drawing and hanging,* 5.35 but had his head stric∣ken off, and his bodie cut in foure quarters, and set vp in diuerse places about the citie, but his head was set vppon the gallowes at Haie hill beside Hide parke. [line 60]

Now here by the waie is to be noted, that he being on the scaffold readie to suffer, declared that the la∣die Elizabeth and sir Edward Courtneie earle of Deuonshire, whome he had accused before (as it sée∣med) were neuer priuie to his dooings, as farre as he knew, or was able to charge them. And when doctor Weston, being then his confessor told him that he had confessed the contrarie vnto the councell, he an∣swered thus; That I said then, I said, but that which I saie now is true. This was the end of Wiat and his conspiracie; as also the like hath béene of others attempting anie rebellion. For as their enterprise being, according to the proper qualitie thereof, con∣sidered, is flat against Gods ordinance, who hath or∣deined magistracie to be reuerenced of inferiors: so it is vnlikelie to bring other than infortunatnesse, and shamefull ouerthrowes vnto the attempters; in whome although will want not to compasse anie worke; yet force failing, they misse the marke, & all bicause rashnesse giueth them a false aime. Where∣fore to conclude this tragicall discourse of Wiat, it were to be wished that the sage and safe counsell of Cato were put in common practise of all men, which is, to vndertake & doo nothing aboue their strength:

Quod potes, id tentes, operis ne pondere pressus, Succumbat labor, & frustra tentata relinquas.

The seuenth daie of Aprill next following,* 5.36 sir Ni∣cholas Throckmorton knight was brought from the tower to Guildhall in London, and there arreigned of high treason, as adherent and principall counsel∣lor to the said Wiat and the duke of Suffolke, and the rest in the fore remembred conspiracie against the quéene. But he so stoutlie, and therwithall so cun∣ninglie answered for himselfe, as well in cleering of his cause, as also in defending & auoiding such points of the lawes of the realme, as were there alleaged a∣gainst him, that the quest which passed vpon his life & death found him not giltie. With which verdict the iudges and councellors there present were so much offended, that they bound the iurie in the summe of fiue hundred pounds a péece, to appeare before the councell in the Starchamber, at a daie appointed. And according to their bond, they appeared there be∣fore the said councell vpon Wednesdaie, being the one and twentith of Aprill, and saint Marks daie; from whense after certeine questioning, they were committed to prison, Emanuell Lucar and master Whetston to the tower, and the other to the Fléet.

But now forsomuch as a copie of the order of sir Nicholas Throckmortons arreignement hath come to my hands, and that the same maie giue some light to the historie of that dangerous rebellion, I haue thought it not impertinent to insert the same: not wishing that it should be offensiue to anie, sith it is in euerie mans libertie to weie his words vttered in his owne defense, and likewise the dooings of the quest in acquitting him, as maie séeme good to their discretions, sith I haue deliuered the same as I haue found it, without preiudicing anie mans opinion, to thinke thereof otherwise than as the cause maie mooue him.

The order of the arreignement of sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, in t••e Guildhall of London the seuenteenth daie of Aprill 1554, expressed in a dialog for the better vnderstan∣ding of euerie mans part.

SIr Thomas White knight lord maior of London, the earle of Shrewesburie,* 6.1 the earle of Derbie, sir Thomas Bromleie knight lord chiefe iustice of England, sir Nicholas Hare knight master of the rolles, sir Francis Englefield knight master of the court of wards and liberties, sir Richard Southwell knight one of the priuie councell, sir Edward Walgraue knight one of the priuie councell, sir Roger Cholme∣leie knight, sir William Portman knight one of the iustices of the Kings bench, sir Edward San∣ders knight one of the iustices of the common plees; master Stanford & master Dier sergeants,* 6.2 master Edward Griffin attournie generall, master Sen∣dall and Peter Tithbourne clearks of the crowne. First, after proclamation made, and the commission read, the lieutenant of the tower, master Thomas Bridges, brought the prisoner to the barre: then si∣lence was commanded, and Sendall said to the priso∣ner

as followeth.

* 6.3Nicholas Throckmorton knight hold vp thy hand, thou art before this time indicted of high treason, &c: that thou then and there didst falselie and traitorous∣lie, &c: conspire and imagine the death of the quéenes maiestie, &c: and falselie and traitorouslie diddest le∣uie warre against the quéene within hir realme, &c: and also thou wast adherent to the quéenes enimies within hir realme, giuing to them aid and comfort, &c: and also falselie and traitorouslie diddest conspire [line 10] and intend to depose and depriue the quéene of hir roi∣all estate, and so finallie destroie hir, &c: and also thou diddest falselie and traitorouslie deuise and conclude to take violentlie the tower of London, &c. Ofall which treasons and euerie of them in maner & forme, &c: art thou giltie or not giltie?

* 6.4Maie it please you my lords and maisters, which be authorised by the queenes commission to be iud∣ges this daie, to giue me leaue to speake a few words, which dooth both concerne you and me, before [line 20] I answer to the indictement, and not altogither im∣pertinent to the matter, and then plead to the indict∣ment.

* 6.5No, the order is not so, you must first plead whe∣ther you be giltie or no.

* 6.6If that be your order and law, iudge accordinglie to it.

* 6.7You must first answer to the matter wherewith you are charged, and then you maie talke at your pleasure. [line 30]

* 6.8But things spoken out of place, were as good not spoken.

* 6.9These be but delaies to spend time, therefore an∣swer as the law willeth you.

* 6.10My lords I praie you make not too much hast with me, neither thinke not long for your dinner, for my case requireth leasure, and you haue well dined when you haue doone iustice trulie. Christ said, Blessed are they that hunger and thirst for righteousnesse.

* 6.11I can forbeare my dinner as well as you, and care [line 40] as little as you peraduenture.

* 6.12Come you hither to checke vs Throckmorton? We will not be so vsed, no no, I for mine owne part haue forborne my breakefast, dinner, and supper to serue the queene.

* 6.13Yea my good lord I know it right well, I meant not to touch your lordship, for your seruice and pains is euidentlie knowne to all men.

* 6.14Master Throckmorton, this talke néedeth not, we know what we haue to doo, and you would teach vs [line 50] our duties, you hurt your matter: go to, go to.

* 6.15Master Southwell, you mistake me, I meant not to teach you, nor none of you, but to remember you of that I trust you all be well instructed in; and so I satisfie my selfe, sith I shall not speake, thinking you all know what you haue to doo, or ought to know: so I will answer to the indictement, and doo plead not giltie to the whole, and to euerie part thereof.

* 6.16How wilt thou be tried?

* 6.17Shall I be tried as I would, or as I should? [line 60]

You shall be tried as the law will, and therefore you must saie by God and by the countrie.* 6.18

Is that your law for me? It is not as I would, but sith you will haue it so,* 6.19 I am pleased with it, and doo desire to be tried by faithfull iust men, which more feare God than the world.

The names of the iurors.

• * 6.20Lucar.
• Yoong.
• Martin.
• Beswike.
• Barscarfeld.
• Kightleie.
• Low.
• Whetston.
• Painter.
• Banks.
• Calthrop.
• Cater.

What time the atturnie went foorthwith to master Cholmeleie, and shewed him the shiriffes returne, who being acquainted with the citizens, knowing the corruptions and dexterities of them in such cases, noted certeine to be challenged for the quéene (a rare case) and the same men being knowne to be suffici∣ent and indifferent, that no exceptions were to be ta∣ken to them, but onelie for their vpright honesties: notwithstanding, the atturnie prompting sergeant Dier, the said sergeant challenged one Bacon, and an other citizen peremptorilie for the quéene. Then the prisoner demanded the cause of the chalenge? The sergeant answered; We néed not to shew you the cause of the chalenge for the qu••ene. Then the inquest was furnished with other honest men, that is to saie, Whetston & Lucar, so the prisoner vsed these words.

I trust you haue not prouided for me this daie,* 6.21 as in times past I knew an other gentleman occupi∣eng this wofull place was prouided for. It chanced one of the iustices vpon gelousie of the prisoners ac∣quitall, for the goodnesse of his cause, said to an other of his companions a iustice, when the iurie did ap∣peare: I like not this iurie for our purpose, they séeme to be too pitifull and too charitable to condemne the prisoner. No no, said the other iudge (to wit Cholmeleie) I warrant you, they be picked fellowes for the nonce, he shall drinke of the same cup his fel∣lowes haue doone. I was then a looker on of the pa∣geant as others be now here: but now wo is me, I am a plaier in that wofull tragedie. Well, for these and such other like the blacke oxe hath of late troden on some of their féet: but my trust is, I shall not be so vsed. Whilest this talke was, Cholmeleie consul∣ted with the atturnie about the iurie, which the priso∣ner espied, and then said as here insueth; Ah ah ma∣ster Cholmeleie, will this foule packing neuer be left?

Whie what doo I, I praie you M. Throckmorton?* 6.22 I did nothing I am sure, you doo picke quarrels to me.

Well maister Cholmeleie if you doo well,* 6.23 it is bet∣ter for you, God helpe you.

[The iurie then was sworne, and proclamation made, that whosoeuer would giue euidence against sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, should come in and be heard, for the prisoner stood vpon his deliue∣rance, where vpon sergeant Stanford presented him∣selfe to speake.]

And it may please you master sergeant and the o∣thers my masters of the quéenes learned councell,* 6.24 like as I was minded to haue said a few words to the commissioners, if I might haue had leaue for their better remembrance of their duties in this place of iustice, and concerning direct indifferencie to be vsed towards me this daie: so by your patience I doo thinke good to saie some what to you, and to the rest of the quéenes learned councell, appointed to giue euidence against me. And albeit you and the rest by order be appointed to giue euidence against me, and interteined to set foorth the depositions and matter against me; yet I praie you remember I am not alienate from you, but that I am your christian brother; neither you so charged, but you ought to con∣sider equitie; nor yet so priuileged, but that you haue a dutie of God appointed you how you shall doo your office; which if you excéed, will be gréeuouslie required at your hands. It is lawfull for you to vse your gifts which I know God hath largelie giuen you, as your learning, art, and eloquence, so as thereby you doo not seduce the minds of the simple and vnlearned iurie, to credit matters otherwise than they be. For ma∣ster sergeant, I know how by persuasions, inforce∣ments, presumptions, applieng, implieng, inferring, coniecturing, deducing of arguments, wresting and

excéeding the law, the circumstances, the depositi∣ons and confessions that vnlearned men may be in∣chanted to thinke and iudge those that be things in∣different, or at the woorst but ouersights to be great treasons; such power orators haue, & such ignorance the vnlearned haue. Almightie God by the mouth of his prophet dooth conclude such aduocates be curssed, speaking these words: Curssed be he that dooth his office craftilie, corruptlie, and maliciouslie. And con∣sider also, that my bloud shall be required at your [line 10] hands, and punished in you and yours, to the third and fourth generation. Notwithstanding, you and the iustices excuse alwaies such erronious dooings, when they be after called in question by the verdict of the twelue men: but I assure you, the purgation ser∣ueth you as it did Pilat, and you wash your hands of the bloudshed, as Pilat did of Christs. And now to your matter.

* 6.25And it please you my lords, I doubt not to prooue euidentlie and manifestlie, that Throckmorton is [line 20] worthilie and rightlie indicted and arreigned of these treasons, and that he was a principall deuiser, procu∣rer, and contriuer of the late rebellion; and that Wi∣at was but his minister. How saie you Throckmor∣ton, did not you send Winter to Wiat into Kent, and did deuise that the tower of London should be taken, with other instructions concerning Wiats sturre and rebellion?

* 6.26Maie it please you that I shall answer particu∣larlie to the matters obiected against me, in asmuch [line 30] as my memorie is not good, and the same much de∣caied since my gréeuous imprisonment, with want of sleepe, and other disquietnesse: I confesse I did saie to Winter that Wiat was desirous to speake with him, as I vnderstood.

* 6.27Yea sir, and you deuised togither of the taking of the tower of London, and of the other great trea∣sons.

* 6.28No, I did not so, prooue it.

Yes sir, you met with Winter sundrie times as [line 40] shall appeare,* 6.29 and in sundrie places.

That granted, prooueth no such matter as is suppo∣sed in the indictment.* 6.30

* 6.31Stanford read Winters confession, which was of this effect, that Throckmorton met with Winter one daie in tower stréet, and told him, that sir Tho∣mas Wiat was desirous to speake with him, and Winter demanded where Wiat was, Throckmor∣ton answered at his house in Kent, not farre from Gillingham, as I heard saie, where the ships lie. [line 50] Then they parted at that time, and shortlie after, Throckmorton met with Winter, vnto whome Winter said; Master Wiat dooth much mislike the comming of the Spaniards into this realme, and feareth their short arriuall héere, in as much as dai∣lie he heareth thereof, dooth sée dailie diuerse of them arriue here, scattered like souldiors; and therefore he thinketh good the tower of London should be taken by a sleight, before the prince came, least that péece be deliuered to the Spaniards. How saie you Throck∣morton [line 60] to it? Throckmorton answered; I mislike it for diuerse respects. Euen so doo I said Winter. At another time Throckmorton met me the said Win∣ter in Paules, when he had sent one to my house, to seeke me before, and he said to me; You are admerall of the fleet that now goeth into Spaine. I answered Yea. Throckmorton said, When will your ships be redie? I said within ten daies. Throckmorton said, I vnderstand you are appointed to conduct and carrie the lord priuie seale into Spaine, and considering the danger of the Frenchmen, which you saie arme them to the sea apace, me thinke it well doone, you put my said lord and his traine on land in the west countrie to auoid all dangers. Throckmorton said also, that Wiat changed his purpose for taking the tower of London. I said I was glad of it, & as for the French∣men, I care not much for them, I will so handle the matter, that the quéenes ships shall be (I warrant you) in safegard. Another time I met with master Throckmorton, when I came from the emperours ambassadors, vnto whome I declared, that the empe∣rour had sent me a faire chaine, and shewed it vnto Throckmorton, who said; For this chaine you haue sold your countrie. I said it is neither French king nor emperour that can make me sell my countrie, but I will be a true Englishman. Then they parted. This is the summe of the talke betwixt Throck∣morton and Winter.

Now my masters of the iurie,* 6.32 you haue heard my saiengs confirmed with Winters confession. How saie you Throckmorton, can you denie this, if you will, you shall haue Winter iustifie it to your face.

My lords, shall it please you that I shall answer.* 6.33

Yea, saie your mind.* 6.34

I may trulie denie some part of this confession,* 6.35 but bicause there is nothing materiall greatlie, I suppose the whole be true, and what is herein deposed, sufficient to bring me within the compasse of the in∣dictment?

It appeareth that you were of counsell with Wi∣at, in as much as you sent Winter downe to him,* 6.36 who vttered vnto him diuerse traitorous deuises.

This is but coniecturall,* 6.37 yet sith you will construe it so maliciouslie, I will recompt how I sent Winter to Wiat, and then I praie you of the iurie iudge better than master sergeant dooth. I met by chance a seruant of master Wiats, who demanded of me for Winter, and shewed me, that his master would gladlie speake with him: and so without anie further declaration, desired me if I met Winter to tell him master Wiats mind, and where he was. Thus much for the sending downe of Winter.

Yea sir,* 6.38 but how saie you to the taking of the tow∣er of London, which is treason?

I answer,* 6.39 though Wiat thought méet to attempt so dangerous an enterprise, and that Winter infor∣med me of it, you cannot extend Wiats deuises to be mine, and to bring me within the compasse of treason. For what maner of resoning or proofe is this, Wiat would haue taken the tower, Ergo Throck∣morton is a traitor? Winter dooth make my purga∣tion in his owne confession, euen now red as it was by master sergeant, though I saie nothing: for Win∣ter dooth auow there, that I did much mislike it. And bicause you shall the better vnderstand that I did al∣waies not alow these master Wiats deuises, I had these words to Winter, when he informed me of it; I thinke master Wiat would no Englishman hurt and this enterprise cannot be doone without the hurt and slaughter of both parties. For I know him that hath the charge of the peece, & his brother, both men of good seruice, the one had in charge a péece of great importance, Bullongne I meane, which was stoutlie assailed, & notwithstanding he made a good accompt of it for his time: the like I am sure he will doo by this his charge. Moreouer, to accompt the taking of the tower, is verie dangerous by the law. These were my words to Winter. And besides, it is verie vnlike that I of all men would confederate in such a matter against the lieutenant of the tower, whose daughter my brother hath married, and his house and mine alied togither by mariage sundrie times within these few yeares.

But how saie you to this,* 6.40 that Wiat and you had conference togither sundrie times at Warners house, and in other places?

This is a verie generall charge to haue conference,* 6.41 but whie was it not as lawfull for me to confer with

Wiat as with you, or anie other man? I then knew no more by Wiat, than by anie other. And to prooue to talke with Wiat was lawfull and indifferent, the last daie that I did talke with Wiat, I saw my lord of Arundell, with other noble men and gentlemen, talke with him familiarlie in the chamber of pre∣sence.

But they did not conspire nor talke of anie sturre against the Spaniards as you did pretend,* 6.42 & meant it against the quéene, for you, Crofts, Rogers, and Warner did oftentimes deuise in Warners house [line 10] about your traitorous purposes, or else what did you so often there?

* 6.43I confesse I did mislike the quéenes mariage with Spaine, and also the comming of the Spaniards hi∣ther, and then me thought I had reason to doo so: for I did learne the reasons of my misliking of you ma∣ster Hare, master Southwell, and others in the par∣lement house, there I did sée the whole consent of the realme against it; and I a hearer, but no speaker, did [line 20] learne my misliking of those matters, confirmed by manie sundrie reasons amongst you: but as concer∣ning anie sturre or vprore against the Spaniards, I neuer made anie, neither procured anie to be made; and for my much resort to master Warners house, it was not to conferre with master Wiat, but to shew my fréendship to my verie good lord the marquesse of Northampton, who was lodged there when he was inlarged.

* 6.44Did not you Throckmorton tell Winter that [line 30] Wiat had changed his mind for the taking of the tower, wherby it appeared euidentlie that you knew of his dooings?

* 6.45Truelie I did not tell him so, but I care not great∣lie to giue you that wepon to plaie you withall, now let vs see what you can make of it.

* 6.46Yea sir, that prooueth that you were priuie to Wi∣ats mind in all his deuises and treasons, & that there was sending betwixt you and Wiat from time to time. [line 40]

What master sergeant? Dooth this prooue against me,* 6.47 that I knew Wiat did repent him of an euill de∣uised enterprise? Is it to know Wiats repentance sinne? No, it is but a veniall sinne, if it be anie it is not deadlie. But where is the messenger or message that Wiat sent to me touching his alteration, and yet it was lawfull inough for me to heare from Wiat at that time, as from anie other man, for anie act that I knew he had doone.

* 6.48And it may please you my lords, and you my [line 50] masters of the iurie, to prooue that Throckmorton is a principall dooer in this rebellion, there is yet ma∣nie other things to be declared: among other, there is Crofts confession, who saith, that he and you, and your complices, did manie times deuise about the whole matters, and he made you priuie to all his de∣terminations, and you shewed him that you would go into the west countrie with the earle of Deuon, to sir Peter Caroe, accompanied with others.

* 6.49Master Crofts is yet liuing, and is heere this daie, [line 60] how happeneth it he is not brought face to face to iustifie this matter, neither hath beene of all this time? Will you know the truth? Either he said not so, or he will not abide by it, but honestlie hath refor∣med himselfe. And as for knowing his deuises, I was so well acquainted with them, that I can name none of them, nor you neither as matter knowne to me.

But whie did you aduise Winter to land my lord priuie seale in the west countrie?* 6.50

* 6.51He that told you that my mind was to land him there, dooth partlie tell you a reason whie I said so, if you would remember as well the one as the other: but bicause you are so forgetfull, I will recite where∣fore. In communication betwixt Winter and me, as he declared to me that the Spaniards prouided to bring their prince hither, so the Frenchmen prepa∣red to interrupt his arriuall: for they began to arme to the sea, and had alreadie certeine ships on the west coast (as he hard.) Unto whom I said, that peraduen∣ture not onelie the quéenes ships vnder his charge might be in ieopardie, but also my lord priuie seale, and all his traine; the Frenchmen being well prepa∣red to méet with them, and therefore for all euents it were good you should put my said lord in the west countrie in case you espie anie ieopardie. But what dooth this prooue to the treasons, if I were not able to giue conuenient reasons to my talke?

Marie sir now commeth the proofes of your trea∣sons,* 6.52 you shall heare what Cutbert Uaughan saith against you.

Then sergeant Stanford did read Uaughans confession, tending to this effect.* 6.53 That Uaughan comming out of Kent, met with Throckmorton at master Warners house, who after he had doone com∣mendations from Wiat to him, desired to know where Crofts was. Throckmorton answered, either at Arundell house where he lodgeth, or in Paules. Then Uaughan desired to know how things went at London, saieng; Master Wiat & we of Kent doo much mislike the marriage with Spaine, and the comming of the Spaniards for diuerse respects: howbeit, if other countries mislike them as Kent dooth, they shall be but hardlie welcome, and so they parted. Shortlie after Throckmorton met with Uaughan in Paules, vnto whome Throckmorton declared with sundrie circumstances, that the We∣sterne men were in a readinesse to come forwards, and that sir Peter Caroe had sent vnto him euen now, and that he had in order a good band of horsse∣men, and an other of footmen. Then Uaughan de∣manded what the earle of Deuonshire would doo? Throckmorton answered he will mar all, for he will not go hence, and yet sir Peter Caroe would méet him with a band, both of horssemen and footmen, by the waie at Andeuer for his safegard, and also he should haue béene well accompanied from hence with other gentlemen, yet all this will not mooue him to depart hence. Moreouer, the said erle hath (as is said) discouered all the whole matter to the chancel∣lor, or else it is come out by his tailor, about the trim∣ming of a shirt of male, and the making of a cloke. At another time, Uaughan saith, Throckmorton shewed him that he had sent a post to sir Peter Ca∣roe, to come forward with as much spéed as might be, and to bring his force with him. And also Throck∣morton aduised Uaughan to will master Wiat to come forward with his power: for now was the time, in as much as the Londoners would take his part if the matter were presented to them. Uaugh∣an said also, that Throckmorton & Warner should haue ridden with the said earle westward. Moreouer the said Uaughan deposed, that Throckmorton shewed him in talke of the earle of Penbroke, that the said earle would not fight against them, though he would not take their parts. Also Uaughan said, that Throckmorton shewed him that he would ride downe into Barkeshire to sir Francis Englefields house, there to méet his eldest brother, to mooue him to take his part. And this was the sum of Cutbert Uaughans confession.

How saie you?* 6.54 Dooth not here appeare euident matter to prooue you a principall, who not onelie gaue order to sir Peter Caroe and his adherents, for their rebellious acts in the west countrie, but also procured Wiat to make his rebellion, appointing him and the others also, when they should attempt their enterprise, and how they should order their doo∣ings

from time to time. Besides all this euident matter, you were speciallie appointed to go awaie with the earle of Deuon as one that would direct all things, and giue order to all men. And therefore Throckmorton sith this matter is so manifest, and the euidence so apparant, I would aduise you to confesse your fault, & submit your selfe to the quéenes mercie.

* 6.55How saie you, will you confesse the matter, and it will be best for you?

* 6.56No, I will neuer accuse my selfe vniustlie, but in as much as I am come hither to be tried, I praie ye [line 10] let me haue the law fauourablie.

* 6.57It is apparant that you laie at London as a fac∣tor, to giue intelligence as well to them in the west, as to Wiat in Kent.

* 6.58How prooue you that, or who dooth accuse me but this condemned man?

* 6.59Whie will you denie this matter? You shall haue Uaughan iustifie his whole confession here before your face.

* 6.60It shall not néed, I know his vnshamfastnesse, he [line 20] hath aduowed some of this vntrue talke before this time to my face, and it is not otherwise like, conside∣ring the price, but he will doo the same againe.

My lord and masters, you shall haue Uaughan to iustifie this héere before you all,* 6.61 and confirme it with a booke oth.

* 6.62He that hath said and lied, will not being in this case sticke to sweare and lie.

¶Then was Cutbert Uaughan brought into the [line 30] open court.]

* 6.63How saie you Cutbert Uaughan, is this your owne confession, and will you abide by all that is here written?

* 6.64Let me sée it and I will tell you.

¶Then his confession was shewed him.]

* 6.65Bicause you of the iurie the better may credit him, I praie you my lords let Uaughan be sworne.

¶ Then was Uaughan sworne on a booke to saie nothing but the truth.] [line 40]

* 6.66It may please you my lords and masters, I could haue béene well content to haue chose seauen yeares imprisonment, though I had béene a frée man in the law, rather than I would this daie haue giuen eui∣dence against sir Nicholas Throckmorton; against whome I beare no displeasure: but sith I must needs confesse my knowledge, I must confesse all that is there written is true. How saie you master Throckmorton, was there anie displeasure betwéene you and me, to mooue me to saie aught against you?

* 6.67None that I know. How saie you Uaughan, what [line 50] acquaintance was there betwéene you and me, and what leters of credit or token did you bring me from Wiat, or anie other, to mooue me to trust you?

* 6.68As for acquaintance, I knew you as I did other gentlemen: and as for letters, I brought you none other but commendations from master Wiat, as I did to diuerse other of his acquaintance at London.

* 6.69You might as well forge the commendations as the rest: but if you haue doone with Uaughan my lords, I praie you giue me leaue to answer. [line 60]

* 6.70Speake and be short.

* 6.71I speake generallie to all that be here present, but speciallie to you of my iurie, touching the credit of Uaughans depositions against me, a condemned man, and after to the matter: and note I praie you the circumstances, as somewhat materiall to induce the better. First I praie you remember the small fa∣miliaritie betwixt Uaughan and me, as he hath ad∣uowed before you, and moreouer, to procure credit at my hand, brought neither letter nor token from Wiat, nor from anie other to me, which he also hath confessed here: and I will suppose Uaughan to be in as good condition as anie other man here, that is to saie, an vncondemned man: yet I referre it to your good iudgement, whether it were like that I, know∣ing onelie Uaughans person from an other man, and hauing none other acquaintance with him, would so frankelie discouer my mind to him in so dangerous a matter. How like (I saie) is this, when diuerse of these gentlemen now in captiuitie, being my verie familiars, could not depose anie such mat∣ter against me, and neuerthelesse vpon their exami∣nations haue said what they could? And though I be no wise man, I am not so rash as to vtter to an vn∣knowne man (for so I may call him in comparison) a matter so dangerous for me to speake, and him to heare. But bicause my truth and his falshood shall the better appeare vnto you, I will declare his incon∣stancie in vttering this his euidence. And for my bet∣ter credit, it may please you master Southwell, I take you to witnesse, when Uaughan first iustified this his vniust accusation against me before the lord Paget, the lord Chamberleine, you master South∣well, and others, he referred the confirmation of this his surmised matter, to a letter sent from him to sir Thomas Wiat, which letter dooth neither appeare, nor anie testimonie of the said master Wiat against me touching the matter: for I doubt not sir Thomas Wiat hath béen examined of me, and hath said what he could directlie or indirectlie. Also Uaughan saith, that yoong Edward Wiat could confirme this mat∣ter, as one that knew this pretended discourse be∣twixt Uaughan and me, and therevpon I made sute that Edward Wiat might either be brought face to face to me, or otherwise be examined.

Master Throckmorton you mistake your matter,* 6.72 for Uaughan said, that Edward Wiat did know some part of the matter, and also was priuie of the letter that Uaughan sent sir Thomas Wiat.

Yea sir, that was Uaughans last shift,* 6.73 when I charged him before the master of the horsse and you, with his former allegations touching his witnesse, whome when he espied would not doo so lewdlie as he thought, then he vsed this alteration. But where be Edward Wiats depositions of anie thing a∣gainst me? Now it appeareth neither his first nor his last tale to be true. For you know master Bridges, and so dooth my lord your brother, that I desired twice or thrice Edward Wiat should be examined, and I am sure, and most assured he hath béene willed to saie what he could, and here is nothing deposed by him against me, either touching anie letter or other conference. Or where is Uaughans letter sent by sir Thomas Wiat concerning my talke?

But now I will speake of Uaughans present e∣state in that he is a condemned man, whose testimo∣nie is nothing worth by anie law. And bicause false witnesse is mentioned in the gospell, treating of ac∣cusation, hearke I praie you what S. Ierome saith, expounding that place. It is demanded whie Christs accusers be called false witnesses, which did report Christs words not as he spake them. They be false witnesses saith S. Ierome, which doo ad, alter, wrest, double, or doo speake for hope to auoid death, or for malice to procure another mans death: for all men maie easilie gather he cannot speake truelie of me, or in the case of another mans life, where he hath hope of his owne by accusation. Thus much speaketh S. Ierome of false witnesse. By the ciuill law there be manie exceptions to be taken against such testimo∣nies: but bicause we be not gouerned by that law, neither haue I my triall by it, it shall be superfluous to trouble you therewith, & therefore you shall heare what your owne law dooth saie. There was a statute made in my late souereigne lord & master his time, touching accusation, and these be the words.

Be it enacted, that no person nor persons, &c: shalbe

indicted, arreigned, condemned, or conuicted for anie offense of treason, petit treason, misprision of treson, for which the same offendor shall suffer anie pains of death, imprisonment, losse or forfeiture of his goods, lands, &c: vnlesse the same offendor be accused by two sufficient & lawfull witnesses, or shall willinglie without violence confesse the same. And also in the sixt yeare of his reigne, it is thus ratified as insueth.

That no person nor persons shall be indicted, ar∣reigned, condemned, conuicted or attainted of the [line 10] treasons or offenses aforesaid, or for anie other trea∣sons that now be, or hereafter shall be; vnlesse the same offendor or offendors be therof accused by two lawfull and sufficient accusers, which at the time of the arreignement of the parties so accused (if they be then liuing) shall be brought in person before the said partie accused, and auow and mainteine that they haue to saie against the said partie, to prooue him gil∣tie of the treasons or offense conteined in the bill of indictment laid against the partie arreigned, vnlesse [line 20] the said partie arreigned shall be willing without vi∣olence to confesse the same. Here note (I praie you) that our law dooth require two lawfull and sufficient accusers to be brought face to face, and Uaughan is but one, and the same most vnlawfull and insuffici∣ent. For who can be more vnlawfull and insufficient, than a condemned man, and such one as knoweth to accuse me is the meane to saue his owne life? Re∣member (I praie you) how long & how manie times Uaughans execution hath béene respited, and how [line 30] often he hath béene coniured to accuse (which by Gods grace he withstood vntill the last houre) what time perceiuing there was no waie to liue, but to speake against me or some other (his former grace being taken awaie) did redéeme his life most vniust∣lie and shamefu••••ie, as you sée.

* 6.74Why should ••e accuse you more than anie other, séeing there was no displeasure betwixt you, if the matter had not béene true?

* 6.75Bicause he must either speake of some man, or [line 40] suffer death, and then he did rather choose to hurt him whom he least knew, & so loued least, than anie other well knowen to him, whome he loued most. But to you of my iurie I speake speciallie, and therefore I praie you note what I saie. In a matter of lesse weight than triall of life and land, a man maie by the law take exceptions to such as be impaneled, to trie the controuersies betwixt the parties: as for exam∣ple. A man maie chalenge that the shiriffe is his eni∣mie, and therfore hath made a parciall returne; or bi∣cause [line 50] one of the iurie is the shiriffe my aduersaries seruant: and also in case my aduersaries villen or bondman be impaneled, I may lawfullie chalenge him, bicause the aduersarie part hath power ouer his villens lands and goods, and hath the vse of his bodie for seruile office: much more I may of right take ex∣ception to Uaughans testimonie, my life and all that I haue depending thervpon, and the same Uaughan being more bound to the quéenes highnesse my ad∣uersarie (that wo is me therefore) but so the law dooth [line 60] here so terme hir maiestie, than anie villen is to his lord: for hir highnesse hath not onlie power ouer his bodie, lands, and goods, but ouer his life also.

Yea, the exception are to be taken against the iu∣rie in that case,* 6.76 but not against the witnesse or accu∣ser, & therefore your argument serueth litle for you.

* 6.77That is not so, for the vse of the iurie, and the wit∣nesse and the effect of their dooings dooth serue me to my purpose, as the law shall discusse. And thus I make my comparison. By the ciuill law the iudge dooth giue sentence vpon the depositions of the wit∣nesse, & by your law the iudge dooth giue iudgement vpon the verdict of the iurie; so as the effect is both one to finish the matter, triall in law, as well by the depositions of the witnesse, as by the iuries verdict, though they varie in forme and circumstance: and so Uaughans testimonie being credited, may be the materiall cause of my condemnation, as the iurie to be induced by his depositions to speake their verdict, and so finallie therevpon the iudge to giue sentence. Therefore I may vse the same exceptions against the iurie, or anie of them, as the principall meane that shall occasion my condemnation.

Why doo you denie, that euerie part of Uaughans tale is vntrue?* 6.78

You may sée he will denie all,* 6.79 and saie there was no such communication betwixt them.

I confesse some part of Uaughans confession to be true, as the name, the places, the time,* 6.80 and some part of the matter.

So you of the iurie may perceive the prisoner dooth confesse some thing to be true.* 6.81

As touching my sending to sir Peter Caroe,* 6.82 or his sending to me, or concerning my aduise to mai∣ster Wiat to stur or to repaire hither, or touching the earle of Deuonshire parting hence, and my going with him, and also concerning the matter of the erle of Penbroke, I doo aduow and saie that Uaughan hath said vntrulie.

As for my lord of Penbroke,* 6.83 you néed not excuse the matter, for he hath shewed himselfe cléere in these matters like a noble man, and that we all know.

Why what was the talke betwixt Uaughan and you so long in Paules, if these were not so,* 6.84 and what meant your oft méetings?

As for our often méetings,* 6.85 they were of no set purpose, but by chance, & yet no oftener than twise. But sithence you would know what communicati∣on passed betwixt vs in Paules church, I will de∣clare. We talked of the incommodities of the mar∣riage of the queene with the prince of Spaine, and how grieuous the Spaniards would be to vs here. Uaughan said, that it should be verie dangerous for anie man, that trulie professed the gospell to liue here, such was the Spaniards crueltie, and especial∣lie against christian men. Wherevnto I answered it was the plague of God iustlie come vpon vs; and now almightie God dealt with vs as he did with the Israelites, taking from them for their vnthankeful∣nesse their godlie kings, & did send tyrants to reigne ouer them. Euen so he handled vs Englishmen, which had a most godlie & vertuous prince to reigne ouer vs, my late souereigne lord and maister king Edward, vnder whome we might both safelie and lawfullie professe Gods word, which with our lewd dooings, demeanor, and liuing, we handled so irreue∣rentlie, that to whip vs for our faults he would send vs strangers, yea such verie tyrants to exercise great tyrannie ouer vs, and did take awaie the ver∣tuous and faithfull king from amongst vs: for eue∣rie man of euerie estate did colour his naughtie af∣fections with a pretense of religion, and made the gospell a stalking horsse to bring their euill desires to effect. This was the summe of our talke in Paules somewhat more dilated.

That it may appéere yet more euidentlie how Throckmorton was a principall dooer and counsellor in this matter,* 6.86 you shall heare his owne confession of his owne hand writing. ¶ The clearke began to read, Throckmorton desired maister Stanford to read it, and the iurie well to marke it. Then maister Stanford did read the prisoners owne confession to this effect: that Throckmorton had conference with Wiat, Caroe, Croftes, Rogers, and Warner, as well of the quéenes marriage with the prince of Spaine, as also of religion, and did particularlie con∣fer with euerie the forenamed, of the matters afore∣said. Moreouer, with sir Thomas Wiat the priso∣ner

talked of the brute that the Westerne men shuld much mislike the comming of the Spaniards into this realme, being reported also that they intended to interrupt their arriuall here. And also that it was said, that they were in consultation about the same at Excester. Wiat also did saie, that sir Peter Ca∣roe could not bring the same matter to good effect, nor that there was any man so meet to bring it to good ef∣fect, as the erle of Deuonshire, & speciallie in the west parts, insomuch as they drew not all by one line. [line 10]

Then Throckmorton asked how the Kentishmen were affected to the Spaniards? Wiat said; The peo∣ple like them euill inough, and that appeered now at the comming of the countie of Egmount, for they were readie to stur against him and his traine, sup∣posing it had bin the prince. But said Wiat, sir Ro∣bert Southwell, maister Baker, and maister Moile, and their affinitie, which be in good credit in some pla∣ces of the shire, will for other malicious respects hin∣der the libertie of their countrie. Then Throckmor∣ton [line 20] should saie; Though I know there hath béene an vnkindnesse betwixt maister Southwell and you for a monie matter, wherein I trauelled to make you fréends, I doubt not, but in so honest a matter as this is, he will for the safegard of his countrie ioine with you, and so you may be sure of the lord Aburga∣uennie & his force. Then Wiat said, It is for another matter than for monie that we disagree, wherein he hath handled me and others verie doublie & vnneigh∣borlie; howbeit, he can doo no other, neither to me, nor [line 30] to anie other man, & therefore I forgiue him. Item, with sir Peter Caroe, Throckmorton had confe∣rence touching the impeachment of the landing of the said prince, and touching prouision of armour and munition as insueth, that is to saie, that sir Peter Caroe told Throckmorton that he trusted his coun∣triemen would be true Englishmen, and would not agrée to let the Spaniards to gouerne them. Item, the said sir Peter Caroe said, the matter importing the French king, as it did, he thoght the French king would worke to hinder the Spaniards comming hi∣ther, [line 40] with whome the said sir Peter did thinke good to practise for armour, munition, and monie.

Then Throckmorton did aduise him to beware that he brought anie Frenchmen into the realme force∣ablie, inasmuch as he could as euill abide the French∣men after that sort as the Spaniards. And also Throckmorton thought the French king vnable to giue aid to vs, by meanes of the great consumption in their owne warres. Maister Caroe said; As tou∣ching [line 50] the bringing in of the Frenchmen, he meant it not, for he loued neither partie, but to serue his owne countrie, and to helpe his countrie from bon∣dage: declaring further to Throckmorton, that he had a small barke of his owne to worke his practise by, & so he said, that shortlie he intended to depart to his owne countrie, to vnderstand the deuotion of his countrimen. Item Throckmorton did saie, he would for his part hinder the cōming in of the Spaniards as much as he could by persuasion. Item to sir Ed∣ward Warner, he had and did béemone his owne [line 60] estate, and the tyrannie of the time extended vpon di∣uerse honest persons for religion, and wished it were lawfull for all of ech religion to liue safelie acording to their conscience; for the law (Ex officio) will be intol∣lerable, & the clergies discipline now maie rather be resembled to the Turks tyrannie, than to the tea∣ching of christian religion. ¶This was the summe of the matter which was read in the foresaid confession, as maters most greeuous against the prisoner.] Then Throckmorton said; Sithence maister sergeant you haue read and gathered the place (as you thinke) that maketh most against me, I praie you take the pains, and read further, that hereafter whatsoeuer become of me, my words be not peruerted and abused to the hurt of some others, and especiallie against the great personages, of whom I haue béene sundrie times (as appeareth by my answers) examined, for I perceiue the net was not cast onelie for little fishes, but for the great ones, Iuxta adagium.

It shall be but losse of time,* 6.87 and we haue other things to charge you withall, and this that you desire dooth make nothing for you.

And for the better confirmation of all the treasons obiected against the prisoner,* 6.88 and therein to prooue him guiltie, you of the iurie shall heare the duke of Suffolks depositions against him, who was a prin∣cipall, and hath suffered accordinglie. ¶Then the said sergeant read the dukes confession touching the pri∣soner, amounting to this effect, that the lord Thomas Greie did informe the said duke, that sir Nicholas Throckmorton was priuie to the whole deuises a∣gainst the Spaniards, & was one that should go in∣to the west countrie with the earle of Deuonshire.]

But what dooth the principall authour of this mat∣ter saie against me,* 6.89 I meane the lord Thomas Greie who is yet liuing? Why be not his depositions broght against me, for so it ought to be, if he can saie anie thing? Will you know the truth? Neither the lord Thomas Greie hath said, can saie, or will saie anie thing against me, notwithstanding the duke his bro∣thers confession and accusation, who hath affirmed manie other things besides the truth. I speake not without certeine knowledge: for the lord Thomas Greie being my prison-felow for a small time, infor∣med me, that the duke his brother had misreported him in manie things, amongst others in matters touching me, which he had declared to you maister Southwell, and other the examinors not long ago. I am sure if the lord Thomas could, or would haue said anie thing, it should haue beene here now. And as to the dukes confession, it is not materiall: for he dooth referre the matter to the lord Thomas report, who hath made my purgation.

And it please you my lords,* 6.90 and you my maisters of the iurie, besides these matters touching Wiats rebellion, sir Peter Caroes treasons and confede∣rating with the duke of Suffolke, and besides the prisoners conspiracie with the earle of Deuonshire, with Crofts, Rogers, Warner, and sundrie others in sundrie places, it shall manifestlie appeare vnto you, that Throckmorton did conspire the quéenes maiesties death, with William Thomas, sir Nicho∣las Arnold, and other traitors intending the same, which is the greatest matter of all others, and most to be abhorred. And for proofe hereof, you shall heare what Arnold saith. ¶ Then was sir Nicholas Ar∣nolds confession read, saieng that Throckmorton shewed to him, riding betwixt Hinam and Crosse laund in Glocestershire, that Iohn Fitz Willi∣ams was verie much displeased with William Thomas.

William Thomas deuised,* 6.91 that Iohn Fitzwil∣liams should kill the queene, and Throckmorton knew of it, as appeareth by Arnolds confession.

First I denie that I said anie such thing to mai∣ster Arnold, and though he be an honest man,* 6.92 he may either forget himselfe, or deuise meanes how to vn∣burthen himselfe of so weightie a matter as this is; for he is charged with the mater as principall. Which I did perceiue when he charged me with his tale, and therefore I doo blame him the lesse, that he seeketh how to discharge himselfe, vsing me as a witnesse, if he could so transferre the deuise to William Tho∣mas. But trulie I neuer spake anie such words vnto him. And for my better declaration, I did see Iohn Fitzwilliams here euen now, who can testifie, that he neuer shewed me of any displesure betwixt them,

and as I know nothing of the displeasure betwixt them, so I know nothing of the cause: I pray you my lords let him be called to depose in this matter what he can. Then Iohn Fitzwilliams drew to the barre, and presented himselfe to depose his knowledge in the matter in open court.

* 6.93I praie you my lords suffer him not to be sworne, neither to speake, we haue nothing to doo with him.

* 6.94Why should he not be suffered to tell truth? And why be ye not so well contented to heare truth for me [line 10] as vntruth against me?

* 6.95Who called you hither Fitzwilliams, or com∣manded you to speake? You are a verie busie officer.

* 6.96I called him, and doo humblie desire that he maie speake, and be heard as well as Uaughan; or else I am not indifferentlie vsed, especiallie séeing maister attourneie dooth so presse this matter against me.

* 6.97Go your waies Fitzwilliams, the court hath no∣thing to doo with you: peraduenture you would not be so readie in a good cause. Then Iohn Fitzwilli∣ams [line 20] departed the court, and was not suffered to speake.

Sithence this gentlemans declaration may not be be admitted,* 6.98 I trust you of the iurie can perceiue, it was not for anie thing he had to saie against me, but contrariwise that it was feared he would speake for me. And now to maister Arnolds depositions a∣gainst me, I saie I did not tell him anie such words, so as if it were materiall, there is but his yea and my naie. But bicause the words be not sore strained a∣gainst [line 30] me, I praie you maister atturneie why might not I haue told maister Arnold, that Iohn Fitzwil∣liams was angrie with William Thomas, and yet know no cause of the anger? It might be vnderstand, to disagrée oftentimes. Who dooth confesse that I know anie thing of William Thomas deuise tou∣ching the quéenes death? I will answer, No man. For maister Arnold dooth mention no word of that matter, but of the displeasures betwixt them. And to speake that, dooth neither proue treason, nor know∣ledge [line 40] of treason. Is here all the euidence against me that you haue to bring me within the compasse of the indictment?

* 6.99Me thinke the matters confessed by others a∣gainst you, togither with your owne confession, will weie shrewdlie. But how saie you to the rising in Kent, and to Wiats attempt against the quéens roi∣all person at hir palace?

Why doo you not read Wiats accusation to him, which dooth make him partener to his treasons?* 6.100 [line 50]

Wiat hath gréeuouslie accused you, and in manie things that others haue confirmed.* 6.101

Whatsoeuer Wiat hath said of me in hope of his life,* 6.102 he vnsaid it at his death. For since I came into this hall, I heard one saie (but I know him not) that Wiat vpon the scaffold did not onelie purge my la∣die Elizabeth hir grace, and the erle of Deuonshire, but also all the gentlemen in the tower, saieng they were all ignorant of the sturre and commotion. In which number I take my selfe. [line 60]

Notwithstanding he said, all that he had written and confessed to the councell,* 6.103 was true.

Naie sir, by your patience, maister Wiat said not so,* 6.104 that was maister doctors addition.

* 6.105It appeareth you haue had good intelligence.

* 6.106Almightie God prouided that reuelation for me this daie since I came hither: for I haue bin in close prison these eight and fiftie daies, where I heard no∣thing but what the birds told me, which did flie ouer my head. And now to you of my iurie I speake spe∣ciallie, whome I desire to marke attentiuelie what shall be said. I haue béene indicted, as it appeareth, and now am arreigned of compassing the queenes maiesties death, of leuieng war against the quéene, of taking the tower of London, of deposing and de∣priuing the quéene of hir roiall estate, and finallie to destroie hir, and of adherence to the quéenes eni∣mies. Of all which treasons, to proue me guiltie, the quéens learned councell hath giuen in euidence these points materiall; that is to saie: for the compassing or imagining the quéenes death, and the destruction of hir roiall person, sir Nicholas Arnolds depositi∣ons, which is, that I should saie to the said sir Ni∣cholas in Glocestershire, that maister Iohn Fitz∣williams was angrie with William Thomas.

Wherevnto I haue answered, as you haue heard▪ both denieng the matter: and for the proofe on my side, doo take exceptions, because there is no witnesse but one. And neuerthelesse, though it were gran∣ted, the depositions proue nothing concerning the quéenes death. For leuieng of warre against the quéene, there is alleged my conference with sir Tho∣mas Wiat, sir Iames Crofts, sir Edward Rogers, sir Edward Warner. Against the mariage with Spaine, and the comming of the Spaniards hither, which talke I doo not denie in sort as I spake it, and ment it: and notwithstanding the malicious gathe∣ring this daie of my conference, proueth yet no le∣uieng of warre. There is also alleged for proofe of the same article, sir Iames Crofts confession, which (as you remember) implieth no such thing, but gene∣rall talke against the mariage with Spaine. And of my departing westward with the earle of De∣uon, which the said Iames dooth not auow, & there∣fore I praie you consider it as not spoken. There is also for proofe of the said article, the duke of Suf∣folks confession, with whome I neuer had confe∣rence; and therefore he auouched the tale of his bro∣thers mouth, who hath made my purgation in those matters; and yet if the matter were proued, they be not greatlie materiall in law. There is also alleged for the further proofe of the same article, and for de∣posing and depriuing the quéene of hir roiall estate, and for my adhering to the quéenes enimies, Cut∣bert Uaughans confession, whose testimonie I haue sufficientlie disprooued by sundrie authorities and circumstances, and principallie by your owne law, which dooth require two lawfull and sufficient wit∣nesses to be brought face to face. Also for the taking of the tower of London, there is alleged Winters depositions, which vttereth my misliking, when he vttered vnto me sir Thomas Wiats resolution and deuise for attempting of the said péece. And last of all, to inforce these matters, mine owne confession is ingréeued against me, wherein there dooth appeare neither treason, neither concelement of treason, neither whispering of treason, nor procurement of treason.

And forsomuch as I am come hither to be tried by the law, though my innocencie of all these points materiall obiected, be apparant to acquit me, where∣to I doo principallie cleaue: yet I will for your bet∣ter credit and satisfactions, shew you euidentlie, that if you would beléeue all the depositions laid a∣gainst me, which I trust you will not doo, I ought not to be attainted of the treason comprised within my indictment, considering the statute of repeale the last parlement, of all treasons, other than such as be declared in the fiue and twentith yeare of king Edward the third, both which statutes, I pray you my lords, maie be read here to the inquest.

No sir,* 6.107 there shall be no bookes brought at your desire, we doo all know the law sufficientlie without booke.

Doo you bring me hither to trie me by the law,* 6.108 & will not shew me the law? What is your knowlege of the law to these mens satisfactions, which haue my triall in hand? I praie you my lords, and my lords

all, let the statutes be read, as well for the quéene, as for me.

* 6.109My lord chiefe iustice can shew the law, and will, if the iurie doo doubt of anie point.

* 6.110You know it were indifferent that I should know and heare the law whereby I am adiudged, and for asmuch as the statute is in English, men of mea∣ner learning than the iustices can vnderstand it, or else how should we know when we offend?

* 6.111You know not what belongeth to your case, and therefore we must teach you: it apperteineth not to [line 10] vs to prouide bookes for you, neither sit we here to be taught of you, you should haue taken better héed to the law before you had come hither.

* 6.112Because I am ignorant, I would learne, and therefore I haue more néed to sée the law, and part∣lie as well for the instructions of the iurie, as for my own satisfaction, which mee thinke were for the honor of this presence. And now if it please you my lord chiefe iustice, I doo direct my spéech speciallie to you. [line 20] What time it pleased the quéenes maiestie, to call you to this honorable office, I did learne of a great personage of hir highnesse priuie councell, that a∣mongst other good instructions, hir maiestie charged and inioined you to minister the law and iustice in∣differentlie without respect of persons. And not∣withstanding the old error amongst you, which did not admit anie witnesse to speake, or anie other matter to be heard in the fauor of the aduersarie, hir maiestie being partie; hir highnesse pleasure was, [line 30] that whatsoeuer could be brought in the fauor of the subiect, should be admitted to be heard. And more∣ouer, that you speciallie, & likewise all other iustices, should not persuade themselues to sit in iudgement otherwise for hir highnesse, than for hir subiect. Therefore this maner of indifferent proceeding be∣ing principallie inioined by Gods commandement, which I had thought partlie to haue remembred you & others here in commission, in the beginning, if I might haue had leaue; and the same also being com∣manded [line 40] you by the quéens owne mouth: me thinke you ought of right to suffer me to haue the statutes read openlie, and also to reiect nothing that could be spoken in my defense; and in thus dooing, you shall shew your selues woorthie ministers, and fit for so woorthie a mistresse.

* 6.113You mistake the matter, the queene spake those words to maister Morgan chiefe iustice of the com∣mon plées: but you haue no ••ause to complaine, for you haue béene suffered to talke at your pleasure. [line 50]

* 6.114What would you doo with the statute booke? The iurie dooth not require it, they haue heard the eui∣dence, and they must vpon their conscience trie whe∣ther you be guiltie or no, so as the booke needeth not; if they will not credit the euidence so apparant, then they know not what they haue to doo.

* 6.115You ought not to haue anie books read here at your appointment, for where dooth arise anie doubt in the law, the iudges sit here to informe the court, and now you doo but spend time. [line 60]

* 6.116I pray you my lord chiefe iustice repeat the eui∣dence for the queene, and giue the iurie their charge, for the prisoner will kéepe you here all daie.

How saie you? Haue you anie more to saie for your selfe?* 6.117

You seeme to giue and offer me the law, but in verie déed I haue onelie the forme and image of the law;* 6.118 neuerthelesse, sith I cannot be suffered to haue the statutes red openlie in the booke, I will by your patience gesse at them as I maie, and I praie you to helpe me if I mistake, for it is long since I did sée them. The statute of repeale made the last parle∣ment, hath these words: Be it enacted by the quéene, that from henceforth none act, deed, or offense, be∣ing by act of parlement or statute made treason, pe∣tit treason, or misprision of treason, by words, wri∣ting, printing, ciphering, déeds, or otherwise whatso∣euer, shall be taken, had, déemed, or adiudged trea∣son, petit treason: but onelie such as be declared or expressed to be treason, in or by an act of parlement made in the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the third, touching and concerning treasons, and the de∣claration of treasons, and none other. Here may you sée, this statute dooth referre all the offenses afore∣said, to the statute of the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the third, which statute hath these words touching and concerning the treasons that I am indicted and arreigned of, that is to saie: Whosoe∣uer dooth compasse or imagine the death of the king, or leuie warre against the king in his realme, or be∣ing adherent to the kings enimies within this realme, or elsewhere, and be thereof probablie at∣tainted by open déed by people of their condition; shall be adiudged a traitor. Now I praie you of my iurie which haue my life in triall, note well what things at this daie be treasons, and how these trea∣sons must be tried and decerned; that is to say, by open déed, which the lawes dooth at some time terme (Ouert act.) And now I aske notwithstanding my in∣dictment, which is but matter alleged, where dooth appeare the open déed of anie compassing or imagi∣ning the queenes death? Or where dooth appeare anie open déed of being adherent to the quéens enimies, giuing to them aid and comfort? Or where dooth ap∣peare anie open déed of taking the tower of Lon∣don?

Why doo not you of the quéenes learned coun∣cell answer him? Me thinke, Throckmorton,* 6.119 you need not haue the statutes, for you haue them méet∣lie perfectlie.

You are deceiued to conclude all treasons in the statute of the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the third;* 6.120 for that statute is but a declaration of certeine treasons, which were treasons before at the com∣mon law. Euen so there dooth remaine diuerse other treasons at this daie at the common law, which be expressed by that statute, as the iudges can de∣clare. Neuerthelesse, there is matter sufficient al∣leged and prooued against you, to bring you within the compasse of the same statute.

I praie you expresse those matters that bring me within the compasse of the statute of Edward the third. For the words be these:* 6.121 And be thereof at∣tainted by open déed: By people of like condition.

Throckmorton you deceiue your selfe,* 6.122 and mis∣take these words; By people of their condition. For thereby the law dooth vnderstand the discouering of your treasons. As for example: Wiat and the other rebels, attainted for their great treasons, alreadie declare you to be his and their adherent, in as much as diuerse & sundrie times you had conference with him and them about the treason, so as Wiat is now one of your condition, who (as all the world know∣eth) hath committed an open traitorous fact.

By your leaue my lord,* 6.123 this is a verie strange and singular vnderstanding. For I suppose the meaning of the law-makers did vnderstand these words: By people of their condition; of the state and condition of those persons which should be on the inquest to trie the partie arreigned, guiltie or not guiltie, and nothing to the bewraieng of the of∣fense by another mans act, as you saie. For what haue I to doo with Wiats acts, that was not nigh him by one hundred miles?

Will you take vpon you to skill better of the law than the iudges?* 6.124 I doubt not but you of the iurie will credit as it becommeth you.

Concerning the true vnderstanding of these* 6.125

words: By people of their condition, my lord chiefe iustice here hath declared the truth, for Wiat was one of your condition, that is to saie, of your con∣spiracie.

You doo not denie, Throckmorton, but that there hath beene conference and sending betwéene Wiat and you:* 6.126 and he and Winter dooth confesse the same, with others, so as it is plaine; Wiat may be called one of your condition.

Well, séeing you my iudges rule the vnderstan∣ding of these words in the statute,* 6.127 by people of your [line 10] condition, thus strangelie against me: I will not stand longer vpon them. But where dooth appeare in me an open déed wherevnto the treason is speciallie referred?

* 6.128If thrée or foure doo talke, deuise, and conspire to∣gither of a traitorous act to be doone, and afterwards one of them dooth commit treason, as Wiat did, then the law dooth repute them, and euerie of them as their acts, so as Wiats acts doo implie and argue of your open déed: and so the law dooth terme it and [line 20] take it.

These be maruellous expositions and woonderfull implications,* 6.129 that another mans act whereof I was not priuie, should be accounted mine: for Wiat did purge me that I knew nothing of his stirre.

* 6.130Yea sir, but you were a principall procurer and contriuer of Wiats rebellion, though you were not with him when he made the stirre. And as my lord here hath said, the law alwaies dooth adiudge him a traitor, which was priuie, and dooth procure treason, [line 30] or anie other man to commit treason, or a traitorous act, as you did Wiat and others: for so the Ouert act of those which did it by your procurement, shall in this case be accounted your open deed. We haue a common case in the law, if one by procurement should disseize you of your land, the law holdeth vs both wrong dooers, & giueth remedie as well against the one as the other.

* 6.131For Gods sake applie not such constructions a∣gainst me, and though my present estate dooth not [line 40] mooue you, yet it were well you should consider your office, and thinke what measure you giue to others, you your selues I saie shall assuredlie receiue the same againe. The state of mortall life is such, that men know full little what hangeth ouer them. I put on within these xij. moneths such a mind, that I most wofull wight was as vnlike to stand here, as some of you that sit there. As to your case last recited, wherby you would conclude; I haue remembred and learned of you maister Hare, and you maister Stan∣ford [line 50] in the parlement house, where you did sit to make lawes, to expound and explane the ambigui∣ties and doubts of law sincerelie, and that without affections. There I saie I learned of you, and others my maisters of the law, this difference betwixt such cases as you remembred one euen now, and the sta∣tute whereby I am to be tried. There is a maxime or principle in the law, which ought not to be viola∣ted, that no penall statute maie, ought, or should be [line 60] construed, expounded, extended, or wrested, other∣wise than the simple words and nude letter of the same statute dooth warrant and signifie. And amon∣gest diuerse good and notable reasons by you there in the parlement house debated (maister sergeant Stanford) I noted this one, whie the said maxime ought to be inuiolable. You said, considering the priuate affections manie times both of princes and ministers within this realme, for that they were men, and would and could erre, it should be no secu∣ritie, but verie dangerous to the subiect, to refer the construction and extending of penall statutes to a∣nie iudges equitie (as you termed it) which might ei∣ther by feare of the higher powers be seduced, or by ignorance and follie abused: and that is an answer by procurement.

Notwithstanding the principall (as you alledge it) and the precisenesse of your sticking to the bare words of the statute,* 6.132 it dooth appéere and remaine of record in our learning, that diuerse cases haue béene adiudged treason, without the expresse words of the statute, as the queenes learned councell there can declare.

It dooth appeere the prisoner did not onelie intise or procure Wiat, Caro, Rogers, and others,* 6.133 to commit their traitorous act, and there dooth his o∣pen facts appéere, which Uaughans confession dooth witnesse, but also he did mind shortlie after to associ∣at himselfe with those traitors; for he minded to haue departed with the earle of Deuonshire westward.

My innocencie concerning these matters I trust sufficientlie appéereth by my former answers,* 6.134 not∣withstanding the condemned mans vniust accusa∣tion. But because the true vnderstanding of the sta∣tute is in question, I saie procurement, and special∣lie by words onelie, is without the compasse of it, and that I doo learne and prooue by the principle which I learned of maister Stanford.

Maister Throckmorton,* 6.135 You and I maie not a∣grée this daie in the vnderstanding of the law, for I am for the quéene, and you are for your selfe; the iudges must determine the matter.

He that dooth procure another man to commit a felonie or a murther,* 6.136 I am sure you know well enough the law dooth adiudge the procurer there a fe∣lon or a murtherer; and in case of treason it hath béene alwaies so taken and reputed.

I doo and must cleaue to my innocencie,* 6.137 for I pro∣cured no man to commit treson: but yet for my lear∣ning I desire to heare some case so ruled when the law was as it is now. I doo confesse it, that at such time there were statutes prouided for the procurer, counsellor, aider, a better, and such like, as there were in king Henrie the eights time; you might lawfullie make this cruell construction, and bring the procurer within the compasse of the law. But these statutes being repealed, you ought not now so to doo:* 6.138 and as to the principall procurer in felonie and murther, it is not like as in treason; for the principall and acces∣saries in felonie and murther be triable and punish∣able by the common law: and so in those cases the iudges maie vse their equitie, extending the deter∣mination of the fault as they thinke good: but in tre∣son it is otherwise, the same being limited by sta∣tute, which I saie and aduow is restreined from anie iudges construction, by the maxime that I recited.

Your lordships doo know a case in Richard the thirds time, where the procurer,* 6.139 to counterfeit false monie, was iudged a traitor, and the law was as it is now.

Maister sergeant dooth remember you Throck∣morton of an experience before our time,* 6.140 that the law hath béene so taken: and yet the procurer was not expressed in the statute, but the law hath béene al∣waies so taken.

I neuer studied the law,* 6.141 whereof I doo much re∣pent me: yet I remember, whilest penall statutes were talked of in the parlement house, you the lear∣ned men of the house remembred some cases contra∣rie to this last spoken of. And if I missreport them, I praie you helpe me. In the like case you speake of concerning the procurer to counterfeit false monie; at one time the procurer was iudged a felon, and at another time neither felon nor traitor: so as some of your predecessors adiudged the procurer no traitor in the same case, but leaned to their principall, though some other extend their constructions too large. And here is two cases with me, for one against me.

* 6.142Because you replie vpon the principall, I will remember where one taking the great seale of En∣gland from one writing, and putting it to another, was adiudged a traitor in Henrie the fourths time, and yet his act was not within the expresse words of the statute of Edward the third. There be diuerse o∣ther such like cases that maie be alledged and need were.

* 6.143I praie you my lord chiefe iustice call to your good remembrance, that in the selfe same case of the seale, [line 10] iustice Spilman, a graue & well learned man, since that time, would not condemne the offendor, but did reprooue that former iudgement by you last re∣membred, as erronious.

* 6.144If I had thought you had béene so well furnished in booke cases, I would haue béene better prouided for you.

* 6.145I haue nothing but I learned of you speciallie maister sergeant, and of others my maisters of the law in the parlement house, & therefore I maie saie [line 20] with the prophet (Salutem ex inimicis nostris.)

* 6.146You haue a verie good memorie.

If the prisoner maie auoid his treasons after this maner,* 6.147 the quéenes suretie shall be in great ieopar∣die. For Iacke Cade the blacke smith, and diuerse other traitors, sometime alledging the law for them, sometime they meant no harme to the king, but a∣gainst his councell, as Wiat, the duke of Suffolke, and these did against the Spaniards, when there was no Spaniards within the realme. The duke and his brethren did mistake the law, as you doo: yet at [line 30] length did confesse their ignorance, and submitted themselues: and so were you best to doo.

* 6.148As to Cade and the blacke smith, I am not so well acquainted with their treasons as you be: but I haue read in the chronicle, they were in the field with a force against the prince, whereby a manifest act did appéere. As to the duke of Suffolkes dooings, they apperteine not to me. And though you would com∣pare my spéech and talke against the Spaniards to the dukes acts, who assembled a force in armes, it is [line 40] euident they differ much. I am sorie to ingréeue a∣nie other mans dooings, but it serueth me for a péece of my defense, and therefore I wish that no man should gather euill of it; God forbid that words and acts be thus confounded.

* 6.149Sir William Stanleie vsed this shift that the prisoner vseth now; he said he did not leuie warre a∣gainst king Henrie the seauenth, but said to the duke of Buckingham, that in a good quarrell he would [line 50] aid him with fiue hundred men; and neuerthelesse Stanleie was for those words atteinted, who (as all the world knoweth) had before that time serued the king verie faithfullie and trulie.

* 6.150I praie you maister attorneie doo not conclude a∣gainst me by blind contraries. Whether you alledge Stanlies case trulie or no, I know not. But admit it be as you saie, what dooth this prooue against me? I promised no aid to maister Wiat nor to anie other. The duke of Buckingham leuied warre against [line 60] the king, with whome Stanleie was confederat so to doo as you saie.

* 6.151I praie you my lords that be the queens commis∣sioners, suffer not the prisoner to vse the quéenes learned councell thus, I was neuer interrupted thus in my life, nor I neuer knew anie thus suffer∣ed to talke, as this prisoner is suffered; some of vs will come no more at the barre & we be thus handled.

* 6.152Throckmorton you must suffer the quéenes lear∣ned councell to speake, or else we must take order with you, you haue had leaue to talke at your plea∣sure.

* 6.153It is prooued that you did talke with Wiat a∣gainst the comming of the Spaniards, and deuised to interrupt their arriuall: and you promised to doo what you could against them: wherevpon Wiat be∣ing incoraged by you, did leuie a force, and attemp∣ted warre against the quéenes roiall person.

It was no treason nor no procurement of trea∣son,* 6.154 to talke against the comming hither of the Spa∣niards, neither was it treason for me to saie I would hinder their comming hither as much as I could (vnderstanding me rightlie as I meane it) yea though you would extend it to the worst, it was but words, it was not treason at this daie as the law standeth. And as for Wiats dooing, they touch me nothing; for at his death when, it was no time to re∣port vntruelie, he purged me.

By sundrie cases remembred here by the queenes learned councell (as you haue heard) that procure∣ment which did appeare none otherwise but by words and those you would make nothing,* 6.155 hath béene of long time, and by sundrie well learned men in the lawes adiudged treason. And therefore, your pro∣curement being so euident as it is, we maie lawful∣lie saie it was treason, bicause Wiat performed a traitorous act.

As to the said alleaged forepresidents against me,* 6.156 I haue recited as manie for me, and I would you my lord chiefe iustice should incline your iudgments rather after the example of your honourable prede∣cessors, iustice Markam, and others, which did eschue corrupt iudgements, iudging directlie and sincerelie, after the law & the principles in the same, than after such men as swaruing from the truth, the maxime, and the law, did iudge corruptlie, maliciouslie, and affectionatlie.

Iustice Markam had reason to warrant his doo∣ings: for it did appeare,* 6.157 a merchant of London was arreigned and slanderouslie accused of treason for compassing and imagining the kings death, he did saie he would make his sonne heire of the crowne, and the merchant meant it of a house in Cheapside at the signe of the crowne, but your case is not so.

My case dooth differ I grant,* 6.158 but speciallie bicause I haue not such a iudge: yet there is an other cause to restreine these your strange and extraordinarie constructions: that is to saie, a prouiso in the latter end of the statute of Edward the third, hauing these words: Prouided alwaies, if anie other case of sup∣posed treason shall chance hereafter to come in que∣stion or triall before anie iustice, other than is in the said statute expressed, that then the iustice shall for∣beare to adiudge the said case, vntill it be shewed to the parlement to trie whether it should be treason or felonie. Here you are restreined by expresse words to adiudge anie case, that is not manifestlie mentio∣ned before, and vntill it be shewed to the parlement.

That prouiso is vnderstood of cases that maie come in triall which hath béene in vre,* 6.159 but the law hath al∣waies taken the procurer to be a principall offen∣dor.

The law alwaies in cases of treason dooth account all principals and no accessaries as in other offenses,* 6.160 and therefore a man offending in treason, either by couert act or procurement, wherevpon an open deed hath insued, as in this case, is adiudged by the law a principall traitor.

You adiudge (me thinke) procurement verie hard∣lie, besides the principall,* 6.161 and besides the good proui∣so, and besides the good example of your best and most godlie learned predecessors, the iudges of the realme, as I haue partlie declared, and notwithstanding this grieuous racking & extending of this word procure∣ment, I am not in the danger of it, for it dooth ap∣peare by no deposition that I procured neither one or other to attempt anie act.

The iurie haue to trie whether it be so or no,* 6.162 let it

weie as it will.

* 6.163I know no meane so apparant to trie procure∣ment as by words, & that meane is probable inough against you, as well by your owne confession, as by other mens depositions.

* 6.164To talke of the quéenes marriage with the prince of Spaine, and also the comming hither of the Spa∣niards, is not to procure treson to be doone: for then the whole parlement house, I meane the common house did procure treason. But sith you will make [line 10] no difference betwixt words and acts, I praie you re∣member a statute made in my late souereigne lord and masters time, king Edward the sixt, which appa∣rantlie expressed the difference. These be the words: Whosoeuer dooth compasse or imagine to depose the king of his roiall estate by open preaching, expresse words or saiengs, shall for the first offense loose and forfet to the king all his and their goods and cattels, and also shall suffer imprisonment of their bodies at the kings will and pleasure. Whosoeuer, &c: for the se∣cond [line 20] offense shall loose & forfet to the king the whole issues and profits of all his or their lands, tenements and other hereditaments, benefices, prebends, and other spirituall promotions. Whosoeuer, &c: for the third offense, shall for tearme of life or liues of such offendor or offendors, &c: and shall also forfet to the kings maiestie, all his or their goods and cattels, and suffer during his or their liues perpetuall imprison∣ment of his or their bodies. But whosoeuer, &c: by writing, ciphering, or act, &c: shall for the first offense [line 30] be adiudged a traitor, and suffer the paines of death. Here you maie perceiue how the whole realme and all your iudgements hath before this vnderstood words and acts diuerselie and apparantlie. And ther∣fore the iudgements of the parlement did assigne diuersitie of punishments, bicause they would not confound the true vnderstanding of words & deeds, appointing for compassing and imagining by word, imprisonment: and for compassing and imagining by open déed, paines of death. [line 40]

* 6.165It is agréed by the whole bench, that the procurer and the adherent be déemed alwaies traitors, when as a traitorous act was committed by anie one of the same conspiracie: and there is apparant proofe of your adhering to Wiat, both by your owne confes∣sion and other waies.

* 6.166Adhering and procuring be not all one, for the sta∣tute of Edward the third dooth speake of adhering, but not of procuring; & yet adhering ought not to be further extended, than to the quéenes enimies with∣in [line 50] hir realme, for so the statute dooth limit the vnder∣standing. And Wiat was not the quéenes enimie, for he was not so reputed when I talked with him last, and our speech implied no enimie, neither tended to anie treason, or procuring of treason: and there∣fore I praie you of the iurie note, though I argue the law, I alleage mine innocencie, as the best part of my defense.

Your adhering to the quéenes enimies within the realme,* 6.167 is euidentlie prooued: for Wiat was the [line 60] queenes enimie within the realme, as the whole realme knoweth it, and he hath confessed it both at his arreignement and at his death.

* 6.168By your leaue, neither Wiat at his arreignement nor at his death, did confesse that he was the quéenes enimie when I talked last with him; neither was he reputed nor taken in foureteene daies after, vntill he assembled a force in armes, what time I was at your house master Englefield, where I learned the first intelligence of Wiats stirre. And I aske you who dooth depose that there passed anie maner of ad∣uertisement betwixt Wiat and me, after he had dis∣couered his dooings, and shewed himselfe an enimie? If I had béene so disposed, who did let me that I did not repaire to Wiat, or to send to him, or to the duke of Suffolke either, who was in mine owne coun∣trie, and thither I might haue gone and conueied my selfe with him, vnsuspected for my departing home∣wards.

It is true that you were there at my house,* 6.169 ac∣companied with others your brethren, and to my knowledge, ignorant of these matters.

Throckmorton,* 6.170 you confessed you talked with Wiat and others against the comming of the Spa∣niards, and of the taking of the tower of London, wherevpon Wiat leuied a force of men against the Spaniards he said, and so you saie all: but in deed it was against the quéene, which he confessed at length: therefore Wiats acts doo prooue you counsellor and procurer, howsoeuer you would auoid the matter.

My thinke you would conclude against me with a mishapen argument in logike,* 6.171 and you will giue me leaue, I will make an other.

The iudges sit not here to make disputations,* 6.172 but to declare the law, which hath béene sufficientlie doone, if you would consider it.

You haue heard reason and the law,* 6.173 if you will conceiue it.

Oh mercifull God, oh eternall father,* 6.174 which séest all things, what maner of proceedings are these? To what purpose serueth the statute of repeale the last parlement, where I heard some of you here present, and diuerse other of the queenes learned councell, grieuouslie inueie against the cruell & bloudie lawes of king Henrie the eight, and against some lawes made in my late souereigne lord and masters time, king Edward the sixt. Some termed them Dracos lawes, which were written in bloud: some said they were more intollerable than anie laws that Diony∣sius or anie other tyrant made. In conclusion, as manie men, so manie bitter tearmes and names those lawes had. And moreouer, the preface of the same statute dooth recite, that for words onelie, ma∣nie great personages, and others of good behauiour, haue béene most cruellie cast awaie by these former sanguinolent thirstie lawes, with manie other sug∣gestions for the repeale of the same. And now let vs put on indifferent eies, and throughlie consider with our selues, as you the iudges handle the constructi∣ons of the statute of Edward the third, with your equitie and extentions, whether we be not in much woorse case now than we were when those cruell laws yoked vs. These lawes albeit they were grieuous and captious, yet they had the verie propertie of a law after saint Paules description. For those lawes did admonish vs, and discouer our sinnes plainelie vnto vs, & when a man is warned, he is halfe armed. These lawes, as they be handled, be verie baits to catch vs, & onlie prepared for the same, and no laws: for at the first sight they ascerteine vs we be deliue∣red from our old bondage, and by the late repeale the last parlement, we liue in more securitie. But when it pleaseth the higher powers to call anie mans life and saiengs in question, then there be constructions, interpretations, and extentions reserued to the iusti∣ces and iudges equitie, that the partie triable, as I am now, shall find himselfe in much woorse case than before when those cruell lawes stood in force. Thus our amendment is from Gods blessing into the warme sunne. But I require you honest men which are to trie my life, consider these opinions of my life, iudges be rather agréeable to the time, than to the truth: for their iudgements be repugnant to their owne principle, repugnant to their godlie and best learned predecessors opinions, repugnant I saie to the prouiso in the statute of repeale made in the last parlement.

Master Throckmorton quiet your selfe,* 6.175 and it

shall be the better for you.

* 6.176Master atturnie, I am not so vnquiet as you be, and yet our cases are not alike: but bicause I am so tedious to you, and haue long troubled this presence, it maie please my lord chiefe iustice to repeat the eui∣dence wherewith I am charged, and my answers to all the obiections, if there be no other matter to laie against me.

¶ Then the chiefe iustice remembred particularlie all the depositions and euidences giuen against the [line 10] prisoner, and either for want of good memorie, or good will, the prisoners answers were in part not re∣cited: wherevpon the prisoner craued indifferencie, and did helpe the iudges old memorie with his owne recitall.]

My masters of the iurie, you haue to inquire whe∣ther sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight,* 6.177 here priso∣ner at the barre, be giltie of these treasons, or anie of them, whereof he hath beene indicted and this daie ar∣reigned, yea or no. And if you find him giltie, you [line 20] shall inquire what lands, tenements, goods, and cat∣tels he had at the daie of his treasons committed, or at anie time since: and whether he fled for the trea∣sons or no, if you find him not giltie.

* 6.178Haue you said what is to be said?

Yea for this time.

* 6.179Then I praie you giue me leaue to speake a few words to the iurie. The weight and grauitie of my cause hath greatlie occasioned me to trouble you here long, and therfore I mind not to interteine you here long, with anie prolix oration: you perceiue not∣withstanding [line 30] this daie great contention betwixt the iudges and the quéenes learned councell on the one partie, and me the poore and wofull prisoner on the o∣ther partie. The triall of our whole controuersie, the triall of my innocencie, the triall of my life, lands, and goods, and the destruction of my posteritie for e∣uer, dooth rest in your good iudgements. And albeit manie this daie haue greatlie inueied against me, the finall determination thereof is transferred one∣lie to you. How grieuous & horrible the shedding of [line 40] innocents bloud is in the sight of almightie God, I trust you doo remember. Therefore take héed (I saie) for Christs sake, doo not defile your consciences with such heinous & notable crimes. They be grieuouslie and terriblie punished, as in this world and vale of miserie vpon the childrens children to the third and fourth generation, and in the world to come with e∣uerlasting fire and damnation. Lift vp your minds to God, and care not too much for the world, looke not [line 50] backe to the fleshpots of Aegypt, which will allure you from heauenlie respects, to worldlie securitie, and can thereof neither make you anie suertie. Be∣léeue I praie you, the queene and hir magistrats be more delighted with fauourable equitie, than with rash crueltie. And in that you be all citizens, I will take my leaue of you with S. Paules farewell to the Ephesians, citizens also you be, whom he tooke to record that he was pure from sheding anie bloud, a speciall token & doctrine left for your instruction, [line 60] that euerie of you maie wash his hands of inno∣cents b••oud shed, when you shall take your leaue of this wretched world. The holie ghost be amongest you.

* 6.180Come hither sergeant, take the iurie with you, and suffer no man to come at them, but to be ordered as the law appointeth, vntill they be agreed vpon their verdict.

* 6.181It may please you my lords and maisters which be commissioners, to giue order that no person haue accesse or conference with the iurie, neither that any of the quéenes learned councell be suffered to re∣paire to them, or to talke with anie of them, vntill they present themselues here in open court, to pub∣lish their verdict.

¶ Upon the prisoners sute on this behalfe, the bench gaue order that two seargeants were sworne to suffer no man to repaire to the iurie, vntill they were agreed according vnto order. Wherevpon then the prisoner was by commandement of the bench withdrawne from the barre, and the court ad∣iourned vntill thrée of the clocke at afternoone, at which houre the cōmissioners returned to the Guild∣hall, and there did tarie vntill the iurie were agréed vpon the verdict. And about fiue of the clocke, their agréement being aduertised to the commissioners, the said prisoner, sir Nicholas Throckmorton was a∣••••ine brought to the barre, where also the iurie did 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and being demanded whether they were a∣gréed vpon their verdict, answered vniuersallie with one voice, Yea. Then it was asked who should speake for them: they answered, Whetston the foreman.]

Nicholas Throckmorton knight, hold vp thy hand.* 6.182

Then the prisoner did so vpon the summons.* 6.183

You that be of the iurie, looke vpon the prisoner.

The iurie did as they were inioined.* 6.184

How saie you,* 6.185 * 6.186 is maister Throckmorton knight there prisoner at the bar, giltie of the treasons wher∣of he hath bene indicted and arreigned in maner and forme, yea or no?

No.

How saie you, did he flie vpon them?* 6.187

No, we find no such thing.* 6.188

I had forgotten to answer that question before,* 6.189 * 6.190 but you haue found according to truth: and for the better warrantie of your dooings, vnderstand that I came to London, and so to the quéenes councell vn∣brought, when I vnderstood they demanded for me: & yet I was almost an hundred miles hence, where if I had not presumed vpon my truth, I could haue withdrawne my selfe from catching.

How saie you the rest of you, is Whetstons verdict all your verdicts?* 6.191

The whole inquest answered Yea.* 6.192

Remember your selues better,* 6.193 haue you conside∣red substantially the whole euidence in sort as it was declared & recited; the matter dooth touch the quéenes highnesse, and your selues also, take good héed what you doo.

My lord, we haue throughlie considered the eui∣dence laid against the prisoner,* 6.194 and his answers to all these matters, and accordinglie we haue found him not giltie agréeable to all our consciences.

If you haue doone well, it is the better for you.* 6.195

It is better to be tried, than to liue suspected.* 6.196 Bles∣sed be the Lord God of Israell, for he hath visited and redéemed his people, and hath raised vp a mightie saluation for vs in the house of his seruant Dauid. And it may please you my lord cheefe iustice, forso∣much as I haue bene indicted and arreigned of sun∣drie treasons, and haue according to the law put my triall to God and my countrie, that is to saie, to these honest men which haue found me not giltie, I hum∣blie beseech you to giue me such benefit, acquitall and iudgement, as the law in this case dooth appoint.

¶ When the prisoner had said these words the com∣missioners consulted togither.]

Maie it please you my lord chéefe iustice to pro∣nounce sentence for my discharge?* 6.197

Whereas you doo aske the benefit that the law in such case dooth appoint, I will giue it you; to wit,* 6.198 that where you haue béene indicted of sundrie high trea∣sons, & haue béene héere this daie before the queenes commissioners and iustices arreigned of the said treasons, where vnto you haue pleaded not giltie, and haue for triall therein put your selfe on God & your countrie, and they haue found you not giltie, the court dooth award that you be cléerlie discharged, pai∣eng

your fees. Notwithstanding master lieutenant take him with you againe, for there are other mat∣ters to charge him withall.

* 6.199It maie please you my lords & masters of the Q. highnesse priuie councell, to be on my behalfe hum∣ble sutors to hir maiestie, that like as the law this daie (God be praised) hath purged me of the treasons wherewith I was most dangerouslie charged: so it might please hir excellent maiestie to purge me in hir priuat iudgement, and both forgiue & forget my o∣uerrash [line 10] boldnesse, that I vsed in talke of hir highnes marriage with the prince of Spaine, matters too far aboue my capacitie, and I verie vnable to consider the grauitie thereof, a matter impertinent for me a priuat person to talke of, which did apperteine to hir highnesse priuie councell to haue in deliberation. And if it shall please hir highnesse of hir bountifull li∣beralitie, to remit my former ouersights, I shall thinke my selfe happie for triall of the danger that I haue this daie escaped, and maie thereby admonish [line 20] me to eschue things aboue my reach, and also to in∣struct me to deale with matters agréeable to my vo∣cation. And God saue the quéens maiestie, and grant the same long to reigne ouer vs. And the same Lord be praised for you the magistrats, before whome I haue had my triall this daie indifferentlie by the law, and you haue procéeded with me accordinglie; & the grace of God be amongst you now and euer. ¶ There was no answer made by anie of the bench to the prisoners sute, but the atturnie did speake these [line 30] words.]

And it please you my lords, forsomuch as it sée∣meth these men of the iurie,* 6.200 which haue strangelie ac∣quited the prisoner of his tresons wherof he was in∣dicted, will foorthwith depart the court, I praie you for the quéene, that they, and euerie of them maie bée bound in a recognisance of fiue hundred pounds a péece, to answer to such matters as they shall bée charged with in the quéenes behalfe, whensoeuer they shall be charged or called. [line 40]

* 6.201I praie you my lords be good to vs, and let vs not be molested for discharging our consciences trulie. We be poore merchantmen, and haue great charge vpon our hands, & our liuings doo depend vpon our trauels, therefore it maie please you to appoint vs a certeine day for our appearance, for perhaps some of vs maie be in forren parties about our businesse.

¶Thus much for sir Nicholas Throckmortons ar∣reignement, wherein is to be considered, that the re∣pealing of certeine statutes in the last parlement, [line 50] was the chiefe matter he had to alledge for his ad∣uantage: whereas the repealing of the same sta∣tutes was meant notwithstanding for an other pur∣pose (as before you haue partlie heard) which statutes, or the effect of the chiefe branches of them haue béene since that time againe reuiued, as by the bookes of the statutes it maie better appeare, to the which I re∣ferre the reader.* 6.202] The eight and twentith of Aprill, the lord Thomas Greie, brother to the duke of Suffolke, was beheaded at the tower hill, a proper gentleman, and one that had serued right valiantlie both in [line 60] France and Scotland, in the daies of the late kings Henrie and Edward.

Upon saturdaie the eight and twentith of Aprill, sir Iames Crofts and maister William Winter were brought from the tower to the Guildhall in London, where sir Iames Crofts was arreigned: but bicause the daie was farre spent, maister Win∣ter was not arreigned, but caried backe againe to the tower with the said sir Iames Crofts.* 6.203 William Thomas, of whome mention is made before in the historie of sir Thomas Wiat, with certeine other, were arreigned and condemned for the conspiring of the murther and killing of the quéene vpon the sud∣den: and for that offense, the said William Thomas was the eightéenth daie of Maie, drawne, hanged, and quartered at Tiburne.* 6.204 The ninetéenth daie of Maie next following, the ladie Elisabeth sister to quéene Marie, was deliuered out of the tower, and committed to the custodie of sir Iohn Williams knight, afterward lord Williams of Tame, by whome hir grace was more courteouslie intreated than some would haue wished. Wherefore shortlie after she was committed to the manour of Wood∣stocke,* 6.205 vnder the custodie of sir Henrie Bening∣field of Oxenborough in the countie of Norffolke, knight, at whose hands she found not the like courte∣sie, who (as it is well knowne) vsed his office more like a gailor than a gentleman, and with such rigour as was not méet to be shewed to such an estate, which extremitie of crueltie to a person of great dignitie notwithstanding hir innocencie, is verie well noted by C. O. in Eirenarchia siue Elisabetha, where he saieth:

—odio quoque tenditur acri Suspicio vehemens in te clarissima princeps Elisabetha, capút{que} tuum: quòd vixeris insons, Quód{que} animi candor culpa noxá{que} remotus Hactenus inuidiae renitens hebetâarit ocellos, Ah liuore tumens sacer obliuiscitur ordo. Implacata cohors spumante exaestuatira Furfuris eiusdem, donec custodibus * 6.206 agna (Arcebat Deus ipse lupos) committitur arctis Asseruanda locis, vi libertatis adempta.

But here is to be noted,* 6.207 not so much the vnciuill nature of the man, as the singular lenitie, and grati∣ous clemencie of that gentle and vertuous princesse, who afterward (as shall appeare) comming to the pos∣session of the crowne as hir rightfull inheritance, was at that time so farre from reuenge of iniuries receiued, that whereas diuerse princes haue requited much lesse offenses with losse of life, she neuer tou∣ched him either with danger of life, or losse of lands or goods, nor neuer procéeded further than to dis∣charge him of the court: which manie thought was the thing that pleased him best.* 6.208 At whose departing from hir presence, she vsed onelie these words, or the like in sense: God forgiue you that is past, and we doo: and if we haue anie prisoner whome we would haue hardlie handled and strectlie kept, then we will send for you.

The fiue and twentith of Maie, the erle of Deuon∣shire was brought out of the tower at three of the clocke in the morning, sir Thomas Tresham knight, and maister Chamberlaine of Suffolke, with cer∣teine of the gard, being appointed to attend on him to Fodringham castell in Northamptonshire, where he was assigned to remaine vnder custodie of the said sir Thomas Tresham and others.* 6.209 ¶On the tenth of Iune, the foresaid doctor Pendleton preached at Poules crosse, at whome a gun was shot, the pellet wherof went verie neere him, and light on the church wall: but the shooter could not be found.* 6.210] The ele∣uenth of Iune the lord Iohn Greie, brother to the late duke of Suffolke, was arreigned at Westmin∣ster in the Kings bench, and there condemned: but yet through the painfull trauell and diligent sute of the ladie Greie his wife, his pardon was obteined, and so he escaped with life, and was at length set at libertie, as after it shall appeare.

¶ The two and twentith of Iune was proclama∣tion made, forbidding the shooting in handguns,* 6.211 and bearing of weapons. The fifteenth of Iulie, Elisa∣beth Croft, a wench about eightéene yeares old, stood vpon a scaffold at Pauls crosse all the sermon time, where she confessed, that she being mooued by diuerse lewd persons therevnto, had vpon the fourteenth of March last before passed, counterfeited certeine spea∣ches in an house without Aldresgate of London,

through the which the people of the whole citie were woonderfullie molested, for that all men might heare the voice, but not sée hir person. Some said it was an angell, some a voice from heauen, some the Holie∣ghost, &c. This was called the spirit in the wall: shée had laine whistling in a strange whistle made for that purpose, which was giuen hir by one Drakes: then were there diuerse companions confederat with hir, which putting themselues amongst the prease, tooke vpon them to interpret what the spirit said, expres∣sing [line 10] certeine seditious words against the quéene, the prince of Spaine, the masse, and confession, &c.]

* 6.212But now in this meane while that these things thus passed here in England, the prince of Spaine prepared for his hither comming, vnto whome had béene sent the earle of Bedford lord priuie seale, and the lord Fitzwaters, accompanied with diuerse no∣ble men and gentlemen, who arriuing at the Corone in Galisia, were receiued verie honorablie. And for∣somuch as the prince was then at vale Dolido, di∣stant [line 20] from thence neere hand an hundred leagues, they were desired to staie there for their better ease, till he might haue conuenient oportunitie to repaire thither: which neuerthelesse he could not doo so soone as he pretended to haue desire thereto, as well by reason of the sickenesse of his sister, the princes Do∣wager of Portugall, as by other weightie affaires. But being at length rid of such incumbers, & come into Galisia,* 6.213 the English ambassadors met him at saint Iames de Compostella. And after he had in presence of a great number of noble men and gen∣tlemen [line 30] there ratified the contract, and sworne to ob∣serue the couenant, he departed towards Corone, where within a few daies after he imbarked, and ac∣companied with the number of an hundred and fiftie saile, directed his course toward England.

The lord admerall hauing continuallie béene a∣brode on the seas for the space of thrée moneths or more, with a nauie of eight and twentie ships and o∣ther vessels, accompanied also with the viceadme∣rall [line 40] of the low countries, that had vnder his gouern∣ance fourteene ships of the emperours, met with the said prince the ninetéenth of Iulie, about the Néedles, and from thence accompanied him vnto Southampton,* 6.214 where he arriued the morrow after the twentith of Iulie, the earle of Arundell lord ste∣ward of the quéens house being sent from hir to pre∣sent to him the George and the garter of the order (of the which fellowship he was at the last chapiter hol∣den by the confréers chosen one of the companie) met [line 50] him vpon the water, and at his comming to land, presented the said George and garter vnto him. At his landing he was receiued by the lord treasuror,* 6.215 the bishop of Lincolne, the lord Saint-Iohn, and o∣thers, by whom he was first conueied to the church, and from thence to his lodging.

After his landing, the lord chancellor accompa∣nied with diuerse gentlemen, was sent from the queene to bid him welcome on hir behalfe; & so was he visited by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 noble personages whilest he re∣mained at Southampton, sent thither for that pur∣pose. [line 60] And he on the other part sent diuerse on his noble men to visit hir maiestie on his behalfe. Mon∣daie the thrée & twentith of Iulie, he departed from Southampton towards Winchester, whither shée was the saturdaie before remooued from Bishops Waltham. On the waie he was accompanied, be∣side the noblemen & gentlemen of his owne traine,* 6.216 with the marques of Winchester, the earles of A∣rundell, Darbie, Worceter, Bedford, Rutland, Pen∣broke, Surrie: the lords Clinton, Cobham, Wil∣loughbie, Darcie, Matrauers, Talbot, Strange, Fitzwaren, and North, with manie other noblemen and gentlemen, and their traines, to the number of two thousand horsses. At his comming to the church in Winchester, the lord chancellor accompanied with the bishops of Durham, Elie, London, Lin∣colne, Chichester, and diuerse other prelats, were rea∣die to receiue him. After he had made his praiers, he was conueied to his lodging prepared for him in the deans house.

The quéene hir selfe was lodged in the bishops pa∣lace, whither his highnesse the next daie came,* 6.217 and was receiued by hir in the hall, in most courteous & louing maner. And after such salutations & talke ended, as was thought conuenient for the time, he returned to his lodging,* 6.218 where he continued all that night: and the next daie being the fiue and twentith of Iulie, the mariage was openlie solemnized. At the which were present, the ambassadors of the em∣peror, the king of Romans, the king of Bohem, of Uenice, Florence, Ferrare, and Sauoie, with cer∣teine agents of other states in Italie. As for the shot of ordinance, the diuerse kinds of musicke, the sumptuous and costlie apparell, trappers, and other furniture, readie prouided against the receiuing of him, with other ceremonies vsed aswell about the mariage, as in other places where he was to be receiued, were suerlie such, and euerie thing doone in such good order, as better for such a purpose might not lightlie be deuised. Nobles of Spaine were, the duke of Alua, the duke of Medina celi,* 6.219 the admerall of Castilla, the marques of Bergues, the marques of Piscara, the marques of Saria, the mar∣ques of Ualli, the marques of Aguillar, the earle of Egmund, the earle of Horne, the earle of Feria, the earle of Chinchon, the earle of Oliuares, the earle of Saldana, the earle of Modica, the earle of Fuentesalida, the earle of Landriano, the earle of Castellar, Don Ruigomes, the bishop of Cuenca, Don Iohn de Benauides; and diuerse others.

An abstract of the conditions of this mariage betweene both the princes.

BUt now forsomuch as some would hap∣pilie be desirous to know the conditions of this memorable mariage betwixt these two high princes, the consequence wher∣of might haue prooued of so great importance, al∣though by the quéens decease the effect was made void, I haue thought good to recite in briefe the chiefe articles thereof.

1 It was couenanted that he should enioy the title and name of king, during the matrimonie,* 7.1 and should aid hir highnesse (being his wife) in the admi∣nistration of hir realmes and dominions; but yet he should permit and suffer hir to haue the whole dispo∣sition of all benefices, offices, lands, reuenues, and fruits of the said realmes and dominions, and that the same should be bestowed vpon such as were hir naturall borne subiects, and that all matters of the said realmes and dominions should be treated and handled in the same toongs, wherein of old they haue béene woont to be treated.

2 That the quéene by vertue of the said mariage should be admitted into the societie of the realities and dominions of the said prince of Spaine,* 7.2 as well such as he now presentlie hath, as such other also as during the matrimonie may come to him.

3 And for hir dowrie, in case she ouerliued him, she was appointed to receiue yéerlie thrée score thousand pounds,* 7.3 after the value of fortie groats Flemmish monie the pound, to be allotted vpon all the realms, lands, and patrimoniall dominions of his father the emperor, that is to saie, fortie thousand pounds to be assigned vp on the realms of Spaine, Castile, and

Aragon, according to the custome of those realms. The other twentie thousand pounds were appointed vpon the dukedoms, earledoms, and dominions of Brabant, Flanders, Henalt, Holland, and other pa∣trimoniall lands and inheritances of the said empe∣ror in the low countries of Germanie; in like ma∣ner as the ladie Margaret of England, sometime wife and widow of the lord Charles, sometime duke of Burgogne, had and receiued of the same. And if anie parcell or parcels thereof be alienated, then in [line 10] lieu thereof, other lands should be in due forme as∣signed foorth for hir to enioy, lieng neere to the resi∣due of hir dower.

* 7.44 The issue that should chance to come of this ma∣riage, touching the right of the mothers inheritance in the realme of England, and the other realmes and dominions depending of the same, aswell the males as females should succeed in them, accor∣ding to the laws, statutes, and customs of the same.

* 7.55 And as touching the lands that the said prince [line 20] of Spaine shall leaue behind him, first there should be reserued vnto his eldest sonne the lord Charles of Austrich, infant of Spaine, and to the children and heires of him descending, as well females as males all and singular their rights, which to the said prince doo either then, or thereafter should belong, or should at anie time be deuolued to him in the realmes of Spaine, of both the Sicils, in the dukedome of Mil∣laine, and other lands and dominions in Lumbar∣die and Italie, which neuerthelesse shall be burdened [line 30] and charged with the foresaid dower of fortie thou∣sand pounds. And if it fortuned the said lord Charles to die, and the issue of his bodie to faile, then the el∣dest son of this matrimonie should succeed, and be ad∣mitted vnto the said right, according to the nature, lawes, and customs of those realmes and domini∣ons. The same eldest son should also succéed in all the dukedoms, earledoms, dominions, and patrimo∣niall lands belonging vnto the said emperor father to the said prince of Spaine, as well in Burgogne, [line 40] as in the low countries, in the dukedoms of Bra∣bant, Luxenburgh, Gelderland, Zutphane, Bur∣gougne, Fréeseland, in the countries of Flanders, Arthois, Holland, Zeland, Namure, and the land beyond the Isles, and all other whatsoeuer therevn∣to belonging.

* 7.66 But if the said lord Charles, or they that should come of him, remaine in life; and that there be anie male child by this matrimonie: the said lord Charles and his descendents should then be excluded from [line 50] the said lands and patrimoniall dominions of the low countries, and of Burgongne, and the same should descend vnto the said eldest son borne of this matrimonie. And to the other children borne there∣of, as well males as females, a conuenient portion and dower should be allotted in the realme of Eng∣land, and dominions depending of the same, and in the said lands & patrimoniall dominions of the low countries: and neither the eldest sonne of this ma∣trimonie, nor the sons begotten in the same, should [line 60] pretend anie right in the realme of Spaine, or in the dominions of the same, and reserued to the said lord Charles the infant, otherwise than by their fa∣thers and grandfathers disposition.

7 Moreouer, if it fortune no issue male to be borne of this matrimonie,* 7.7 but onelie females, in that case the eldest female should with full right succéed in the said lands and dominions of the low countries, so as neuerthelesse she being minded to choose to husband anie noble man not borne in England, or in the low countries, without the consent of the said lord Charles the infant, in that case the right of the suc∣cession should remaine to the said lord Charles, in the said dominions of the low countries, Burgongne, and their appurtenances. And yet neuerthelesse in that case, both she and the other daughters also des∣cending of this matrimonie, shall be indowed of their fathers lands & possessions aswell in Spaine, as in the low countries.

8 And for want of the said lord Charles,* 7.8 and issue of him, and none but daughters remaining of this mariage, the eldest daughter in that case should suc∣céed, not onelie in the lands of the low countries; but also in the realmes of Spaine, England, and the rest, after the nature, the lawes, and customs of the same.

9 Herewith was a prouiso accorded,* 7.9 that what so∣euer he or she should be that should succéed in them, they should leaue to euerie of the said realms, lands, and dominions, whole and entire their priuileges, rites and customs, and gouerne the same by the na∣turall borne of the same realmes, dominions, and lands, &c.

10 Finallie, that betwéene the said emperor,* 7.10 the prince and his successors, their realmes, and the said quéene, it was concluded, that from thenseforth there should be an entire & sincere fraternitie, vnitie, and most strict confedera••ie for euer, &c: so as they shuld mutuallie aid ech other in all things, according to the strength, forme, & effect of the latter tretise of a strict amitie, bearing date at Westminster in the yéere 1542: the declaration of which treatie beareth date at Uteright, the sixtéenth of Ianuarie, in the yeare 1546.

In another treatise were these ar∣ticles following comprised.

FIrst,* 8.1 that the prince of Spaine should not promote, admit, or receiue vnto a∣nie office, administration, or benefice in the realme of England, or dominions to the same belonging, anie stranger, or persons not borne vnder the subiection of the said quéene.

2 That he should receiue into his houshold and court,* 8.2 gentlemen and yeomen of the said realme of England in a conuenient number, estéeming, inter∣teining, and nourishing them as his proper subiects, & bring none with him in his retinue that will doo a∣nie wrong to the subiects of the said realme; & if they doo, he to correct them with condigne punishment, and to see them expelled his court.

3 That he shall doo nothing whereby anie thing be innouated in the state and right either publike or pri∣uat,* 8.3 or in the lawes and customs of the said realme of England, or the dominions therevnto belonging; but shall kéepe to all estates and orders their rights and priuileges.

4 That he shall not leade awaie the quéene out of the borders of hir graces realme,* 8.4 vnlesse she hir selfe desire it; or carrie the children that may be borne of this matrimonie out of the same realme, vnlesse it be otherwise thought good by the consent and agrée∣ment of the nobilitie of England.

5 And in case no children being left,* 8.5 the said queene doo die before him, he shall not challenge anie right at all in the said kingdome, but without impediment shall permit the succession therof to come vnto them to whome it shall belong, by the right and lawes of the realme.

6 Item that he shall not beare nor carrie ouer out of the said realme,* 8.6 the iewels and pretious things of estimation. Neither shall he alienat or doo awaie a∣nie whit of the appurtenances of the said realme of England, or suffer anie part of them to be vsurped by his subiects, or anie other. But shall see that all and singular places of the realme, and speciallie the forts and frontires of the same be faithfullie kept and

preserued to the vse and profit of the said realme, and by the naturall borne of the same.

* 8.77 He shall not suffer anie ship, guns, ordinance whatsoeuer of warre or defense, to be remooued or conueied out of the same realme: but shall contrari∣wise cause them diligentlie to be kept and viewed when need requireth; and shall so prouide that the same maie be alwaies readie in their strength and force for defense of the realme.

* 8.88 Item the realme of England by occasion of [line 10] this matrimonie, shall not directlie nor indirectlie be intangled with the warre that is betwéene the emperor father to the said prince of Spaine, and Henrie the French king; but he the said prince (as much as in him maie lie) on the behalfe of the said realme of England, shall sée the peace betwéene the said realmes of France and England obserued, and shall giue no cause of anie breach, by which couenant the latter treatise of a strict amitie should not be in a∣nie point derogated, but the same still to remaine in [line 20] the former force, &c.

But now to returne where we left. At the time of the solemnization of the foresaid marriage holden at Winchester (as before ye haue heard) the empe∣rors ambassadors being present, openlie pronoun∣ced, that in consideration of that marriage, the em∣peror had giuen and granted to the said prince his sonne the kingdome of Naples and Ierusalem,* 8.9 with diuerse other seats and segniories. The solemnitie [line 30] of that marriage ended, the king of heralds called Garter, openlie in the church in the presence of the king, the quéene, & the lords as well of England as Spaine, all the people being present, solemnelie proclamed the title and stile of those two princes, as followeth:* 8.10 Philip and Marie by the grace of God king and queene of England, France, Naples, Ie∣rusalem, and Ireland, defendors of the faith, princes of Spaine and Sicilie, archdukes of Austrich, dukes of Millaine, Burgundie, and Brabant, counties of [line 40] Haspurge, Flanders, and Tiroll. The proclamati∣on being ended, the trumpets blew, and the king with the queene came forth of the church hand in hand and two swords borne before them, and so returned to their palace.

¶By this time report had sufficientlie sounded a∣brode all that happened, speciallie the solemnities ex∣ecuted about this roiall marriage; whereby some supposed that this land would haue become a golden world, and that such amitie would haue insued be∣tweene both nations, as nothing should dissolue. But [line 50] others were of a contrarie opinion, supposing (as it came to passe indéed) that the peoples minds would be alienated and estranged from the disposition whereto they were addicted in king Edwards daies, and that manie would become heauie hearted vpon heare-saie of this coniunction; much more pensife & grieued at the meditation of the miseries which were like immediatlie to follow; as C. O. noteth in dis∣coursing on this matter, saieng as here follo weth: [line 60]

Succedit regi defuncto, sceptra capescens Foemina, cui nomen Maria est, soror vna duarum Ex stirpe Henrici: quae paucis nupta diebus Post homini externo consanguineóque Philippo, Coniugio talisubtristes reddidit Anglos, Námque duas gentes rarò coalescere cernas Vnanimes patria plerunque & amore diremptas.

* 8.11Of this marriage (saith maister Fox) as the pa∣pists chieflie séemed to be verie glad, so diuerse of them after diuerse studies, did shew foorth their in∣ward affections: some made interludes and page∣ants, and some drew foorth genealogies, deriuing his pedegrée from Edward the third, and Iohn of Gant; some made verses. Amongst all other mai∣ster White then bishop of Lincolne in his poeticall veine, being droonken with ioie of the marriage, spued out certeine verses; the copie whereof we haue here inserted, to impart vnto common knowlege.

Philippi & Mariae genealogia, qua am∣bo principes ex Iohanne de Gandauo Eduarditer∣tij, Angliae, Franciaeque regis filio descendisse ostenduntur, Whito Lincolniense authore.

Ille parens regum Gandaua ex vrbe Iohannes Somersetensem comitem profert Iohannem. Somersetensis venit hoc patre dux Iohannes, Qui Margaretam Richemundi habuit comitissam. Haec dedit Henricum, qui regni septimus huius Henrico octauo solium regale reliquit. Hoc patre propitio, & fausto quasi sydere nata Iure tenes sacram, teneásque Maria coronam.

Verses of maister White bishop of Lin∣colne,* 10.1 concerning the marriage of Phi∣lip and Marie.

Nubat vt Angla Anglo, regina Maria Philippo, Inque suum fontem regia stirps redeat, Noluit humani generis daemon vetus hostis, Sed Deus Anglorum prouida spes voluit. Nollet Scotus inops, timidúsque ad praelia Gallus, Caesar, & Italia, & Flandria tota volet. Noluit Haereticus (stirps Caiphae) pontificum grex Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit. Octo vxorati Patres in daemone nollent: Quinque Cathenati pro pietate volent. Noluit Iohannes Dudley Northumbrius vrsus, Sed fidum regni Concilium voluit. Noluit aetatis nostrae Catilina Viatus, Sed proceres & plebs & pia turba volet. Nollet Graius dux, & Cantia terra rebellans: Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit, volumus. Clarior effectus repetat sua limina sanguis, Cùm sit Philippo iuncta Maria viro.]

But to procéed. As soone as the feasting & solem∣nitie of the said marriage was ended, the king and quéene departed from Winchester, and by easie iour∣nies came to Windsore castell,* 10.2 where the fift of Au∣gust being sundaie, he was stalled according to the order of the garter, and there kept S. Georges feast himselfe in his roiall estate, and the earle of Sussex was also the same time stalled in the order.* 10.3 At which time an herald tooke downe the armes of England at Windsore, and in the place of them would haue set the armes of Spaine, but he was commanded to set them vp againe by certeine lords.* 10.4 The seuenth of August was made a generall hunting with a toile raised of foure or fiue miles in length, so that manie a déere that day was brought to the quarrie. The eleuenth of August they remooued to Richmond, and from thence the 27 of the same moneth they came by water to London, landing at the bishop of Winche∣sters house, through which they passed both to South∣worke parke, and so to Suffolke place,* 10.5 where they lodged that night: and the next daie being saturdaie and the nineteenth of August, they being accompa∣nied with a great number of nobles and gentlemen, rode from thence ouer the bridge, and passed through London vnto Westminster.

¶Now as the king came to London bridge,* 10.6 & as he entred at the drawbridge, was a vaine great specta∣cle set vp, two images representing two giants, one named Corineus, and the other Gogmagog holding betweene them certeine Latine verses, which for the vaine ostentation of flatterie I ouerpasse. And as they passed ouer the bridge, there was a number of

ordinance shot at the tower, such as by old mens re∣port the like hath not béene heard or séene these hun∣dred yéeres. From London bridge they passed to the conduit in Gratious stréet, which was finelie painted, and among other things, the nine worthies, whereof king Henrie the eight was one. He was painted in harnesse hauing in one hand a sword,* 10.7 and in the other hand a booke, wherevpon was written Verbum Dei, deliuering the same booke (as it were) to his sonne king Edward, who was painted in a cor∣ner by him. But herevpon was no small matter [line 10] made, for the bishop of Winchester lord chancellor, sent for the painter, and not onelie called him knaue for painting a booke in king Henries hand, and spe∣ciallie for writing therevpon Verbum Dei:* 10.8 but also ranke traitor & villen, saieng to him that he should rather haue put the booke into the quéenes hand (who was also painted there) for that she had reformed the church and religion, with other things according to the pure and sincere word of God indéed. The painter answered and said,* 10.9 that if he had knowne that that [line 20] had beene the matter wherefore his lordship sent for him, he could haue remedied it, and not haue trou∣bled his lordship.

The bishop answered and said, that it was the quéenes maiesties will and commandement, that he should send for him; and so commanding him to wipe out the booke and Verbum Dei too: he sent him home. So the painter departed, but fearing least he should leaue some part either of the booke, or of Verbum Dei, in king Henries hand: he wiped awaie a péece of his [line 30] fingers withall. Here I passe ouer and cut off other gauds and pageants of pastime shewed vnto him in passing through London, with the flattering verses set vp in Latine, wherin were blazed out in one place the fiue Philips,* 10.10 as the fiue worthies of the world, Philip of Macedonia, Philip the emperor, Philippus Audax, Philippus Bonus, Philip prince of Spaine and king of England. In another poetrie king Phi∣lip was resembled by an image representing Orphe∣us, and all English people resembled to brute and [line 40] sauage beasts following after Orpheus harpe, and dansing after king Philips pipe. Not that I repre∣hend the art of the Latine verses, which was fine and cunning; but that I passe ouer the matter, ha∣uing other grauer things in hand, and therefore passe ouer also the sight at Paules church side, of him that came downe vpon a rope tied to the batlements with his head before, neither staieng himselfe with hand or foot: which shortlie after cost him his life.

But one thing by the waie I cannot let passe, tou∣ching [line 50] the yoong florishing rood newlie set vp against this present time, to welcome king Philip into Paules church. The setting vp of which rood was this, and may make as good a pageant as the best. Anno 2. Mariae Boner in his roialtie, and all his prebenda∣ries about him in Paules quéere,* 10.11 the rood laid along vpon the pauement, and also all the doores of Paules being shut, the bishop with other said and soong di∣uers praiers by the rood: that being doone they an∣nointed [line 60] the rood with oile in diuers places, and after the annointing crept vnto it and kissed it. After that they tooke the said rood and weied him vp and set him in his old accustomed place,* 10.12 and all the while they were dooing thereof, the whole queere sang Te Deum, and when that was ended, they rang the bels, not on∣lie for ioy, but also for the notable and great fact they had doone therein.

Not long after this, a merrie fellow came into Paules,* 10.13 and spied the rood with Marie and Iohn new set vp, wherto (among a great sort of people) he made low curtsie & said: Sir, your maistership is welcome to towne, I had thought to haue talked further with your maistership, but that ye be héere clothed in the quéenes colours. I hope ye be but a summers bird, for that ye be dressed in white & gréene, &c. The prince thus being in the church of Paules, after doctor Harpesfield had finished his oration in Latine, set forward through Fléetstreet, & so came to White hall, where he with the quéene remained foure daies af∣ter, and from thence remooued vnto Richmond. Af∣ter this, all the lords had leaue to depart into their countries, with strict commandement to bring all their harnesse and artillerie into the tower of Lon∣don with all spéed. Now remained there no English lord at the court but the bishop of Winchester.

From Richmond they remooued to Hampton court, where the hall doore within the court was con∣tinuallie shut, so that no man might enter, vnlesse his errand were first knowne: which séemed strange to Englishmen that had not béene vsed thereto. The seuentéenth daie of September,* 10.14 was a proclamati∣on in London, that all vagabonds and maisterlesse men, as well strangers as Englishmen, should de∣part the citie within fiue daies: and strictlie charging all inholders, vittelers, tauerners, and ale house kée∣pers, with all other that sold vittels, that they (after the said fiue daies) should not sell anie meat, drinke, or anie kind of vittels or reléefe to anie seruingman whatsoeuer, vnlesse he brought a testimoniall from his maister to declare whose seruant he was, & were in continuall houshold with his said maister, vpon paine to runne in danger of the law if they offend herein.]

In September,* 10.15 the duke of Norffolke departed this life at Fremingham castell in Norffolke, and there was honorablie buried among his ancestors. ¶The 26 of October,* 10.16 a Spaniard was hangd at Cha∣ringcrosse for killing an Englishman, there was of∣fered for his life by other strangers 500 crownes, but all that would not staie iustice.] On fridaie the same 26 of October, those honest men that had béene of Throckmortons quest, being in number eight (for the other foure were deliuered out of prison, for that they submitted themselues, and said they had offen∣ded like weakelings, not considering truth to be truth,* 10.17 but of force for feare said so) these eight men I saie (whereof maister Emanuell Lucar and maister Whetston were chéefe) were called before the coun∣cell in the Starrechamber, where they affirmed that they had doone all things in that matter according to their knowledge, and with good consciences, euen as they should answer before GOD at the daie of iudgement. Where maister Lucar said openlie be∣fore all the lords that they had doone in the matter like honest men, and true and faithfull subiects: and therefore they humblie be sought my lord chancellor and the other lords, to be meanes to the king and quéenes maiesties, that they might be discharged and set at libertie: and said that they were all con∣tented to submit themselues to their maiesties, sa∣uing and reseruing their truth, consciences, and ho∣nesties.

The lords taking their words in maruellous euill part, iudged them worthie to paie excessiue fines.* 10.18 Some said they were worthie to paie 1000 pounds a péece. Other said that Lucar and Whetston were worthie to paie a thousand marks a péece, and the rest fiue hundred pounds a peece. In conclusion, sentence was giuen by the lord chancellor that they should paie a thousand marks a peece, he that paid least; and that they should go to prison againe, and there re∣main till further order were taken for their punish∣ment. The thirtith of October being tuesdaie,* 10.19 the lord Iohn Greie was deliuered out of the tower, and set at libertie. Upon saturdaie the tenth of Nouember, the shiriffes of London had commandement to take an inuentarie of each one of their goods, which were

of maister Throckmortons quest, & to seale vp their doores, which was doone the same daie.

Maister Whetston, and maister Lucar, and mai∣ster Kightlie, were adiudged to paie two thousand pounds a péece, and the rest a thousand marks a péece, to be paid within one fortnight after. From this paiment were exempted those foure which con∣fessed a fault,* 10.20 & therevpon had submitted themselues, whose names are these: maister Loe, maister Poin∣ter,* 10.21 maister Beswicke, and maister Cater. The 12 of Nouember being mondaie, the parlement began [line 10] at Westminster, to the beginning whereof both the king and quéene rode in their parlement robes, ha∣uing two swords borne before them. The earle of Penbroke bare his sword, and the earle of West∣merland bare the quéenes. They had two caps of maintenance likewise borne before them: whereof the earle of Arundell bare the one, and the earle of Shrewesburie the other.* 10.22 During this parlement, cardinall Poole landed at Douer vpon wednesdaie, being the 21 of Nouember, who being receiued with [line 20] much honor in all other countries through which hee had passed, was receiued here at the first, with no great shew, for the causes aboue mentioned. The same daie on the which he arriued, an act passed in the parlement house, for his restitution in bloud, vt∣terlie repealing (as false and most slanderous) that act made against him in K. Henrie the eights time. And on the next daie being thursdaie and the 22 of Nouember,* 10.23 the king and queene both came to the parlement house to giue their roiall assent, and to e∣stablish [line 30] this act against his comming. On saturdaie the foure and twentith of Nouember, he came to the court, and after went to Lambeth where his lodging was prepared.

On wednesdaie following in the after noone, he came into the parlement house,* 10.24 being at that pre∣sent kept in the great chamber of the court of the White hall, for that the quéene by reason of sicknesse was not able to go abrode (where the king and quéene sitting vnder the cloth of estate, and the cardinall sit∣ting [line 40] on the right hand, with all the other estates of the realme being present) and the knights and bur∣gesses of the common house being also called thither, the bishop of Winchester being lord chancellor, spake in this maner.

My lords of the vpper house, and you my maisters of the nether house,* 10.25 here is present the right reuerend father in God, my lord cardinall Poole, legat A Latere, come from the apostolike sée of Rome, as ambassador to the king and quéenes maie∣sties, [line 50] vpon one of the weightiest causes that e∣uer happened in this realme, and which apperteineth to the glorie of God, and your vniuersall benefit; the which ambassage, their maiesties pleasure is to bee signified vnto you all by his owne mouth, trusting that you will receiue and accept it in as beneuolent and thankefull wise, as their highnesse haue doone, and that you will giue attentiue and inclinable ••are vnto his grace, who is now readie to declare the same.* 10.26

So soone as the lord chancellor had ended his [line 60] tale, the cardinall began and made a long & solemne oration, the which for shortnesse sake I haue collectd into these few articles, remitting the reader to mai∣ster Foxes Acts and Monuments, where they shall find the same wholie and entierlie as by him it was vttered.

* 10.271 First, he yéelded most heartie thanks to the king and queene, and next vnto the whole parlement; that of a man exiled & banished from this common∣weale, they had restored him againe to be a member of the same, and to the honour of his house and fami∣lie, and of a man hauing no place, neither here nor elsewhere within the realme, to haue admitted him into a place where to speake, and to be heard.

2 Secondlie,* 10.28 that his especiall comming was for the restitution of this realme to the ancient estate, and to declare that the sée apostolike hath a speciall care of this realme aboue all other: and chieflie for that this Iland first of all other prouinces of Eu∣rope, receiued the light of Christs religion from the see of Rome.

3 Thirdlie,* 10.29 he exhorted that though the realme had swarued from the catholike vnitie, that yet being better informed, we ought to returne into the bo∣some of the church, most open to receiue all peni∣tents. For the persuasion wherof he brought a num∣ber of old examples, what perill and hurt hath happe∣ned vnto them that haue swarued and gone from the church of Rome, namelie Greece and Germanie.

4 Fourthlie,* 10.30 how much we are bound to God for the king and quéens maiesties, and how miraculous∣lie God had saued and defended our queene from hir enimies in most dangerous times: and also that hée hath prouided to ioine with hir in mariage, such a noble prince as king Philip was, & one of hir owne religion.

5 Fiftlie,* 10.31 he exhorted them all to obedience of these two princes, and to call vpon God for issue to be had betweene them, adding that king Philips fa∣ther the emperour, had amongst other princes tra∣uelled most for the restitution of the peace and vnitie of the church. But as almightie God said vnto Da∣uid, though he had a mind and will to build his tem∣ple: yet bicause he had shed bloud, he should not build it. And so bicause the emperour hath had so ma∣nie warres, and shed so much bloud▪ therefore hee could not atteine to bring perfect peace to the church. But trulie (said he) this gratious prince king Philip his sonne, as I conceiue, is appointed of God to it, considering now the calling of him to be ioined with so catholike a princesse, as is the queene of this realme, one without all doubt sent likewise of God, for the restoring of the said realme to the vnitie of the church, from whence it hath erred and gone astraie, as it dooth and maie manifestlie appeare.

6 Sixtlie, he protested that his commission was not to preiudice anie person,* 10.32 for he came not to de∣stroie, but to build; he came to reconcile, and not to condemne; he came not to compell, but to call a∣gaine; he came not to call anie thing in question al∣readie doone: but his commission was of grace and clemencie to all such as would receiue it. For tou∣ching all matters past, and doone, they should be cast into the sea of forgetfulnesse, and neuer more to bée thought vpon.

7 Finallie (said he) the meane whereby to receiue this high benefit,* 10.33 is first to reuoke and repeale all such lawes as are impediments, blocks and barres to this most gratious reconciliation. For like as he himselfe had no place to speake there, before such lawes were abrogated and remooued as stood in his waie: euen so they could not receiue the grace offe∣red from the see apostolike, vntill these like impedi∣ments of lawes made against the see of Rome, were vtterlie abolished and repealed. And so in conclusion aduertised them, first for the glorie of God, and next for the conseruation and suertie of the wealth and quietnesse of the whole realme, that they should ear∣nestlie trauell therein, and that then he would make them participants of the benefit of his commission.

The next daie the whole court of parlement drew out the forme of a supplication, and the next daie fol∣lowing, when the king, the quéene, and the cardinall, with all the nobles and commons were assembled a∣gaine in the great chamber of the White hall afore∣said, the bishop of Winchester there shewed what the parlement had determined concerning the cardi∣nals request, and then offered to the king and quéene

the said supplication, to be by them presented to the cardinall. Wherein would be noted the readinesse of the assemblie to submit themselues to antichristi∣an slauerie: but omitting to giue iudgement, marke their supplication, the copie whereof followeth.

A supplication exhibited to cardinall Poole by the parlement.

WE the lords spirituall and temporall, and [line 10] commons in this present parlement as∣sembled, representing the whole bodie of the realme of England and dominions o•• the same, in the name of our selues particularlie, and also of the said bodie vniuersallie, offer this our most humble supplication to your maiesties, to this end and effect; that the same by your gratious inter∣cession and meane maie be exhibited to the most re∣uerend father in God the lord cardinall Poole legat, sent speciallie hither from our most holie father pope [line 20] Iulie the third,* 11.1 and the sée apostolike of Rome. Wher∣in we doo declare our selues verie sorie and repen∣tant of the long schisme and disobedience happening in this realme, and the dominions of the same, a∣gainst the sée apostolike, either by making, agréeing, or executing of anie lawes, ordinances or comman∣dements against the primasie of the same sée, or o∣therwise dooing or speaking that might impugne or preiudice the same. Offering our selues, and promi∣sing by this our supplication, that for a token & know∣ledge [line 30] of our said repentance,* 11.2 we be and shall be euer readie, vnder and with the authorities of your maie∣sties, to the vttermost of our power, to doo that shall lie in vs, for the abrogation and repealing of all the said lawes and ordinances, made and enacted to the preiudice of the sée apostolike, as well for our selues as for the whole bodie whome we represent. Where∣vpon we humblie beséech your maiesties, as persons vndefiled in offense of his bodie towards the said sée, which neuerthelesse God by his prouidence hath [line 40] made subiect to you, so to set foorth this our humble sute, as we the rather by your intercession maie ob∣teine from the sée apostolike, by the said most reue∣rend father, as well particularlie as generallie, abso∣lution, release, and discharge from all dangers of such censures and sentences as by the lawes of the church we be fallen into. And that we maie as children re∣pentant, be receiued into the bosome and vnitie of Christs church: so as this noble realme, with all the members thereof, maie in this vnitie & perfect obedi∣ence [line 50] to the see apostolike, and popes for the time be∣ing, serue God and your maiesties to the furthe∣rance and aduancement of his honour and glorie, Amen.

This supplication being first openlie read, the same was by the chancellor deliuered to the king and quéene, with petition to them, to exhibit the same to the lord cardinall. And the king and quéene rising out of their seats, and dooing reuerence to the cardinall, [line 60] did deliuer the same vnto him. The cardinall percei∣uing the effect thereof to answer to his expectation,* 11.3 did receiue it most gladlie at their maiesties hands. And then, after that hée had in few words giuen thanks vnto God, and declared what great cause hée had to reioise aboue all others, that his comming from Rome into England had taken such most hap∣pie successe; then he caused his commission to bée read (wherby it might appeare he had authoritie from the pope to absolue them) which commission was ve∣rie long and large. And that being doone, and all the parlement on their knées, this cardinall, by the popes authoritie, gaue them absolution in maner fol∣lowing.

An absolution pronounced by car∣dinall Poole to the parlement house.

OUr lord Iesus Christ, which with his most pretious bloud hath re∣deemed and washed vs from all our sins and iniquities, that he might purchase vnto himselfe a glorious spouse without spot or wrinkle, and whom the father hath appointed head ouer all his church; he by his mercie absolue you. And we by the apostolike authoritie giuen vnto vs by the most holie lord pope Iulius the third (his vicegerent in earth) doo ab∣solue and deliuer you, and euerie of you,* 12.1 with the whole realme, and the domini∣ons thereof, from all heresie and schisme, and from all and euerie iudgements, cen∣sures and paines for that cause incurred. And also wee doo restore you againe to the vnitie of our mother the holie church, as in our letters of commission more plainelie shall appeare.

After this generall absolution receiued, the king and the quéene, and all the lords with the rest, went into the kings chappell, and there sang Te Deum with great ioy and gladnesse, for this new reconci∣liation. The report whereof with great spéed ••lew to Rome, as well by the French kings letters, as also by the cardinals.* 12.2 Wherevpon the pope caused so∣lemne processions to be made in Rome, namelie one, wherein he himselfe with all his cardinals were present, passing with as great solemnitie and pompe as might be, giuing thanks to God with great ioy, for the conuersion of England to his church. At what time also he not a little commended the diligence of cardinall Poole, and the deuotion of the king and quéene. And on Christmas euen next following, he set foorth by his buls a generall pardon to all such as did reioise in the same reconciliation.

The eight and twentith of Nouember next follow∣ing, it was commonlie reported,* 12.3 that the quéene was quicke with child, & therefore commandement was giuen by Edmund Bonner then bishop of London (and as it was said not without the com∣mandement of the councell) that there should be made in most solemne manner one generall proces∣sion in London, wherein the maior, and all the com∣panies of the citie were in their liuerie••, at whose returne to the church of Pauls, there was soong ve∣rie solemnlie Te Deum for ioy therof. The same daie at this procession was present ten bishops with all the prebendaries of Paules. The copie of the coun∣cels letter implieng the aforesaid commandement touching the generall procession here followeth, Ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

A copie of a letter sent from the coun∣cell vnto Edmund Bonner bishop of London, concerning queene Marie conceiued with child.

AFter our hartie commendations vnto your good lordship.* 13.1 Whereas▪ it hath plea∣sed almightie God amongst other his in∣finit benefits of late most gratiouslie powred vpon vs and this whole realme, to extend his benediction vpon the quéens maiestie in such sort, as she is conceiued & quicke of child; whereby (hir ma∣iestie being our naturall liege ladie, quéene and vn∣doubted inheritor of this imperiall crowne) good

hope of certeine succession in the crowne is giuen vnto vs, and consequentlie, the great calamities, which (for want of such succession might otherwise haue fallen vpon vs & our posteritie) shall by Gods grace be well auoided,* 13.2 if we thankefullie acknow∣ledge this benefit of almightie God, indeuoring our selues with earnest repentance to thanke, honor, & serue him as we be most bounden. These be not one∣lie to aduertise you of these good news, to be by you published in all places within your dioces; but also [line 10] to praie and require you, that both your selfe doo giue God thanks with vs for this his especiall grace, and also giue order that thanks maie be openlie giuen by singing of Te Deum in all the churches within your said dioces; and that likewise all priests and other ecclesiasticall ministers, in their masses and other diuine seruices, may continuallie praie to almightie God, so to extend his holie hand ouer his maiestie, the kings highnesse and this whole realme, as this thing being by his omnipotent power gratiouslie [line 20] thus begun, may by the same be well continued and brought to good effect, to the glorie of his name. Wherevnto albeit we doubt not ye would of your selfe haue had speciall regard without these our let∣ters: yet for the earnest desire we haue to haue this thing doone out of hand, & diligentlie continued, we haue also written these our letters, to put you in re∣membrance: & so bid your lordship most hartilie well to fare. From Westminster the 27 of Nouember. 1554. [line 30]

Your assured and louing friends

• ...S. Winton. Chancel.
• ...Arundell.
• ...F. Shrewesburie.
• ...Edward Darbie,
• ...Henrie Sussex.
• ...Iohn Bathon.
• ...R. Rich.
• ...Thomas Warthom.
• ...Iohn Huddilstone.
• ...R. Southwell.

Upon this letter of the councels sent to bishop Bonner (signifieng the good news of quéene Marie to be not onelie conceiued, but also quicke with [line 40] child, which was in the moneth of Nouember, the eight and twentith daie) it is out of count what great talke began at this time to rise in euerie mans mouth, with busie preparation and much adoo, especiallie among such as séemed in England to car∣rie Spanish hearts in English bodies. In num∣ber of whome here is not to be forgotten, nor defrau∣ded of his condigne commendation for his woorthie affection toward his prince and hir issue, one sir Ri∣chard Southwell, who being the same time in the [line 50] parlement house, when as the lords were occupied in other affaires and matters of importance, sudden∣lie starting vp for fulnesse of ioy, burst out in these words following:* 13.3 Tush my maisters (quoth he) what talke ye of these matters? I would haue you take some order for our yoong maister that is now comming into the world apace, least he find vs vn∣prouided, &c. By the which words both of him, and also by the foresaid letters of the councell, and the common talke abroad, it may appeare what an assu∣red [line 60] opinion was then conceiued in mens heads of quéene Marie, to be conceiued and quicke with child. In somuch that at the same time, and in the same parlement, there was eftsoones a bill exhibited, and an act made vpon the same, the words whereof for the more euidence, I thought here to exemplificat.

The words of the act.

ALbeit we the lords spirituall & temporall, & the commons in this present parlement assembled, haue firme hope & confidence in the goodnes of almightie God, that like as he ••ath hitherto miraculouslie preserued the quéenes maiestie from manie great imminent perils and dangers; euen so he will of his infinit goodnesse giue hir highnesse strength, the rather by our conti∣nuall praiers to passe well the danger of deliue∣rance of child, wherewith it hath pleased him (to all our great comforts) to blesse hir: yet for so much as all things of this world be vncerteine, and hauing before our eies the dolorous experience of this in∣constant gouernment during the time of the reigne of the late king Edward the sixt, doo plainlie sée the manifold inconueniences, great dangers and perils that maie insue to this whole realme, if foresight be not vsed to preuent all euill chances, if they should happen. For the eschewing hereof, we the lords spiri∣tuall and temporall, & the commons in this present parlement assembled; for and in consideration of a most speciall trust and confidence that we haue and repose in the kings maiestie, for and concerning the politike gouernment, order,* 14.1 and administration of this realme in the time of the yoong yéeres of the is∣sue or issues of hir maiesties bodie to be borne, if it should please God to call the quéenes highnesse out of this present life, during the tender yeares of such issue or issues (which God forbid) according to such or∣der & maner as hereafter in this present act his high∣nesse most gratious pleasure is, should be declared and set foorth, haue made our humble sute by the as∣sent of the quéens highnesse, that his maiestie would vouchsafe to accept & take vpon him the rule, order, education & gouernment of the said issue or issues to be borne as is aforesaid, vpon which our sute being of his said maiestie most gratiouslie accepted, it hath pleased his highnes, not onlie to declare, that like as for the most part his maiestie verely trusteth that al∣mightie God (who hath hitherto preserued the quéens maiestie) to giue this realme so good an hope of cer∣teine succession in the blood roiall of the same realm, will assist hir highnes with his graces and benedicti∣ons to sée the fruit of hir bodie well brought forth,* 14.2 liue and able to gouerne (whereof neither all this realme, ne all the world besides, should or could receiue more comfort than his maiestie should & would) yet if such chance should happen, his maiestie at our humble de∣sires is pleased & contented not onlie to accept & take vpon him the cure and charge of the education, rule, order, and gouernment of such issues, as of this most happie mariage shall be borne betwéene the quéenes highnes and him: but also during the time of such go∣uernment, would by all waies & meanes studie, tra∣uell and imploie himselfe to aduance the weale, both publike & priuat, of this realme & dominions there∣to belonging, according to the said trust in his maie∣stie reposed, with no lesse good will & affection than if his highnes had béene naturallie borne among vs. In consideration whereof, be it enacted by the king & the quéens most excellent maiesties, by assent of the lords spirituall and temporall, & the commons in this present parlement assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, &c: as it is to be séene in the act more at large ratified and confirmed at the sam•• parlement, to the same intent and purpose.

Thus much out of the act and statute I thought to rehearse, to the intent the reader maie vnderstand,* 14.3 not so much how parlements maie sometimes be de∣ceiued (as by this child of quéene Marie may appéere) as rather what cause we Englishmen haue to ren∣der most earnest thanks vnto almightie God, who so mercifullie against the opinion, expectation, and wor∣king of our aduersaries, hath helped and deliuered vs in this case: which otherwise might haue opened such a window to the Spaniards, to haue entred and replenished this land, that peraduenture by this time Englishmen should haue inioied no great quiet in their owne countrie. The Lord therefore make vs

perpetuallie mindfull of his benefits, Amen.

Thus we sée then how man dooth purpose, but God disposeth as pleaseth him. For all this great labor, prouision, and order taken in the parlement house for their yoong maister long looked for, comming so surelie into the world; in the end appéered neither yoong maister nor yoong maistresse that anie man yet to this daie can heare of.* 14.4 Furthermore as the labor of the laie sort was herein deluded, so no lesse ridiculous it was to behold what little effect the prai∣ers of the popes churchmen had with almightie God, [line 10] who trauelled no lesse with their processions, masses, and collects, for the happie deliuerance of this yoong maister to come, as here followeth to be séene.

A praier made by doctor Weston deane of Westminster, dailie to be said for the queenes deliuerance.

[line 20]

O Most righteous Lord God, which for the offense of the first woman,* 15.1 hast threatned vnto all women a common, sharpe, and ineuitable malediction, and hast inioined them that they should conceiue in sinne; and being conceiued, should be subiect to manie and gréeuous torments, and finallie be deliuered with the danger and ieopardie of their life: we beséech thée for thine exceeding great goodnesse and botomlesse mercie, to mitigate the strictnes of that law. Asswage thine an∣ger [line 30] for a while, and cherish in the bosome of thy fauor and mercie our most gratious quéene Marie, being now at the point of hir deliuerance. So helpe hir, that without danger of hir life, she maie ouercome the sorow, and in due season bring foorth a child, in bodie beautifull and comelie, in mind noble and va∣liant. So that afterward she forgetting the trouble, maie with ioie, laud and praise the bountifulnesse of thy mercie; and togither with vs, praise and blesse both thée and thy holie name world without end. [line 40] This (O Lord) we desire thee, we beseech thee, and most hartilie craue of thée. Heare vs (O Lord) and grant vs our petition. Let not the enimies of thy faith and of thy church saie; Where is their God?

A solemne praier made for king Philip and queene Maries child, that it maie be a male child, welfauored and wittie, &c.

[line 50]

* 16.1O Most mightie Lord God, which regardest the praier of the humble, and despisest not their request, bow downe from thine high habitation of the heauens, the eies of thy mercie vnto vs wretched sinners, bowing the knees of our harts, and with manie and déepe sighs bewailing our sinnes and offenses humblie with eies intent, and hands displaied, praieng and beseech∣ing thee, with the shield of thy protection, to defend Marie thy seruant and our quéene, who hath none o∣ther [line 60] helper but thee, and whome through thy grace thou hast willed to be conceiued with child; and at the time of hir trauell gratiouslie with the helpe of thy right hand deliuer hir, and from all danger with the child in hir conceiued, mercifullie preserue. It hath seemed good in thy sight (mercifull father) by thy seruant Marie to worke these woonders, that is to saie; in hir hands to vanquish and ouerthrow the stout enimie, and to deliuer vs thy people out of the hands of * 16.2 heretikes, infidels, enimies to thée, and to the crosse of thy beloued sonne Iesus Christ, that of thy seruant thou mightest speake in farre coun∣tries. Therefore for these woonderfull workes which thou dooest to thy seruants, thou art magnified Lord God for euer, & we thy people blesse thée the God of heauen, which hast wrought vpon vs this great mer∣cie, and hast excluded from vs the heretike, the eni∣mie of truth, and the persecutor of thy church. We know, we know that we haue grieuouslie (Lord) sinned, that we haue beene deceiued by vanitie, and that we haue forsaken thée our God. Our iniqui∣ties be multiplied on our head, and our sinnes be in∣creased vp to heauen, and we our selues haue offen∣ded, and our princes and our priests: for these our sinnes haue deserued an hypocrit to our prince, our sinnes haue deserued a tyrant to our gouernor that should bring our life vnto bitternesse. We be not worthie to haue so gentle and mercifull a queene, so godlie a ruler, and finallie so vertuous a prince. At the verie beginning of whose reigne, a new light, as it were of Gods religion, séemed to vs for to spring and arise.* 16.3 The Iews did blesse the widow Iudith with one voice; saieng: Thou art the glorie of Ieru∣salem, thou art the ioie of Israell, thou art the honor of our people, for that thou hast loued chastitie, and thou shalt be blessed for euer.

And we the English people with one agréeable consent doo crie:* 16.4 Thou Marie art the glorie of Eng∣land, our ioie, the honour of thy people, for that thou hast imbraced chastitie: thine hart is strengthened, for the hand of our Lord hath comforted thée, and therefore thou shalt be blessed for euer. But bow downe, O most mercifull father thine eare, and open thine eies, and behold our affliction, and our humble confession. Thou knowest Lord, that against Phi∣lip, not by humane, but by thy ordinance our king, and against thy seruant Marie by thy prouidence our quéene, the restorers and mainteiners of thy tes∣tament, and of the faith and most constant defenders of thy church; thou knowest (I saie) that against these our two gouernors (the enimies of thy holie testament,* 16.5 and of the church thy spouse) be most ranke rebels, and spitefull murmurers, walking af∣ter their lusts, whose mouth speaketh words of pride, to the end they maie set vp the kingdome of here∣tikes and schismatikes. By the power of their hands they would change thy promises,* 16.6 and destroie thine inheritance, and stop and shut vp the mouths of them that praise thée, and extinguish the glorie of thy catho∣like church and altar.

It is manifest and plaine, how manie contenti∣ons, how manie conspiracies & seditions, how great warres, what tumults, how manie and how great troublesome vexations, how manie heresies and schismes (for these be the most readie deuises and eui∣dent tokens of heretikes) for our sinnes doo hang o∣uer vs, if thy seruant be taken from this life: for we acknowledge that our Lord is omnipotent, who hath pitched his dwelling place in the middest of his peo∣ple, to the intent to deliuer vs out of the hands of our enimies. Turne therefore thy countenance vnto vs, shew vnto vs, O Lord, thy face. Punish vs for our sinnes according to thy will and pleasure, onelie now deliuer vs. We bowing the knées of our heart, be∣seech thée that thou wilt not reserue vnto vs punish∣ment for euer, and we shall praise thée, all the daies of our life. Heare our crie, and the praier of thy peo∣ple, and open to them the treasure of thy mercie, thy gratious fauour, the spring of liuelie water. Thou that hast begun, make in the hand of thy seruant a perfect worke. Suffer not, we praie thee,* 16.7 the faithlesse rebels to saie of thy seruant and hir councellors, that they haue deuised matters which they can not per∣forme. And grant vnto thy seruant an happie and an easie trauell. For it is not impossible to thy power, nor indecent to thy iustice, nor vnwoonted vnto thy mercie.

It is well knowne vnto vs,* 16.8 how maruellouslie

thou diddest worke in Sara of the age of fourescore and ten yeares, and in Elisabeth the barren, and also farre striken in age: for thy counsell is not in the power of men. Thou Lord that art the searcher of hearts and thoughts, thou knowest that thy seruant neuer lusted after man, neuer gaue hir selfe to wan∣ton companie, nor made hir selfe partaker with them that walke in lightnesse: but she consented to take an husband with thy feare, and not with hir lust. Thou knowest that thy seruant tooke an husband, not for carnall pleasure, but onelie for the desire and loue of [line 10] posteritie, wherein thy name might be blessed for e∣uer and euer. Giue therefore vnto thy seruants Phi∣lip our king, & Marie our quéene, a male issue, which maie sit in the seat of thy kingdome. Giue vnto our quéene thy seruant, a little infant in fashion and bo∣die comelie and beautifull, in pregnant wit notable and excellent.

* 16.9Grant the same to be in obedience like Abraham, in hospitalitie like Lot, in chastitie and brotherlie [line 20] loue like Ioseph, in meekenesse and mildnesse like Moses, in strength and valiantnesse like Samson. Let him be found faithfull as Dauid after thy heart. Let him be wise among kings as the most wise Sa∣lomon. Let him be like Iob, a simple and an vpright man, fearing God and eschewing euill. Let him fi∣nallie be garnished with the comelinesse of all ver∣tuous conditions, and in the same let him wax old and liue, that he maie sée his childrens children to the third and fourth generation. And giue to our soue∣reigne [line 30] lord and ladie, king Philip and quéene Marie, thy blessing and long life vpon earth. And grant that of them maie come kings and quéenes which maie stedfastlie continue in faith, loue, and holinesse. And blessed be their séed of our God, that all nations maie know thou art onelie God in all the earth, which art blessed for euer and euer, Amen.

An other praier for queene Marie, and hir conceiued child. [line 40]

* 17.1O Almightie father, which diddest sanctifie the blessed virgine and mother of Marie in hir conception, & in the birth of Christ our sauiour, thy onelie sonne; also by thy omnipotent power diddest safeli•• deliuer the prophet Ionas out of the whales bellie ••efend O Lord we beséech thée, thy seruant Marie our quéene, with child. conceiued, and so visit hir in and with thy godlie gift of health, that not onelie the child thy creature with∣in [line 50] hir conteined, maie ioifullie come from hir into this world, and receiue the blessed sacraments of baptisme and confirmation, inioieng therewith dai∣lie increase of all princelie and gratious gifts both of bodie and soule; but that also she, the mother, through thy speciall grace and mercie, maie in time of hir trauell auoid all excessiue dolour and paine, and a∣bide perfect and sure from all perill and danger of death, with long and prosperous life, thorough Christ [line 60] our Lord, Amen. ¶And thus much shall suffice tou∣ching this great adoo about quéene Marie and hir babe.]

* 17.2The second daie of December being sundaie, car∣dinall Poole came to Pauls church in London with great pompe, hauing before him a crosse, two pillers and two pollaxes of siluer, and was there solemnlie receiued by the bishop of Winchester, chancellor of England, who met him with procession. And short∣lie after, king Philip came from Westminster by land, being accompanied with a great number of his nobles.* 17.3 And the same daie, the bishop of Win∣chester preached at Pauls crosse, in the which sermon he declared, that the king and quéene had restored the pope to his right of primasie; & that the thrée estates assembled in parlement, representing the whole bo∣die of the realme, had submitted themselues to his holinesse, and to his successors for euer. And in the same also, he greatlie praised the cardinall, and set foorth the passing high authoritie that he had from the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Rome, with much other glorious matter, in the commendation of the church of Rome, which he called the see apostolike. This sermon being ended, the king and the cardinall riding togither,* 17.4 returned to White hall, and the king had his sword borne be∣fore him, and the cardinall had onelie his crosse, and no more.

The seauen and twentith daie of the said moneth, Emanuell Philibert earle of Sauoie and prince of Piemount came into England,* 17.5 accompanied with diuerse other lords and gentlemen strangers, who were receiued at Grauesend by the earle of Bed∣ford lord priuie seale, and conueied by water through London bridge to White hall, where the king and queene then laie. ¶On the ninth of Ianuarie next fol∣lowing, the prince of Orange was in like maner receiued at Grauesend, and from thence conueied to the court, being at White hall.* 17.6 The twelfth of Ia∣nuarie, the said prince of Orange, with other lords, was conducted by the lord chamberlein to the tower of London, where was shewed vnto him the ordi∣nance, artillerie, munitions, and armorie, with the mint, &c: and so was brought into the white tower, from whence, as he returned through the long galle∣rie, all the prisoners saluted him: vnto whome the prince said, he was sorie for their captiuitie, and tru∣sted the king and quéene would be good vnto them. At his departing from the tower, he gaue the gun∣ners ten péeces of Flemmish gold at fiue shillings the péece, and the warders other ten péeces, as a reward.]

Upon wednesdaie the 12 of December, fiue of the eight men which laie in the Fléet,* 17.7 that had pas∣sed vpon sir Nicholas Throckmortons triall, were discharged and set at libertie vpon their fines paid, which was two hundred and twentie pounds a péece. The other thrée put vp a supplication, therein decla∣ring their goods did not amount to the summe of that which they were appointed to paie: and so vpon that declaration, paieng thrée score pounds a péece, they were deliuered out of prison on saint Thomas daie before Christmas, being the one & twentith of December. The two and twentith of the same mo∣neth,* 17.8 the parlement (which began the two and twen∣tith of Nouember before) was dissolued, wherein among other acts passed there, the statute Ex officio, and other lawes made for punishment of heresies were reuiued. But chiefelie, the popes most liberall bull of dispensation of abbeie land was there confir∣med, much to the contentation of manie, who not without cause suspected by this new vnion, to lose some peece of their late purchase.* 17.9 ¶ On new yeares daie at night was a great tumult betweene Spa∣niards and Englishmen at Westminster, whereof was like to haue insued great mischiefe, through a Spanish frier which got into the church and roong alarum. The occasion was about two whores which were in the cloister of Westminster with a sort of Spaniards, wherof whilest some plaied the knaues with them, other some did kéepe the entrie of the cloi∣ster with dags and harnesse. In the meane time cer∣teine of the deanes men came into the cloister, and the Spaniards discharged their dags at them, and hurt some of them. By and by the noise of this dooing came into the streets, so that the whole towne was vp almost, but neuer a stroke was stricken. Not∣withstanding, the noise of this dooing with the deans men, and also the ringing of the alarum made much

adoo, and a great number also to be sore afraid.]

[year 1555] Upon fridaie the eighteenth of Ianuarie, all the councell,* 17.10 by name, the lord chancellor, the bishop of Elie, the lord treasuror, the earle of Shrewesburie, the comptrollor of the quéenes house, secretarie Bourne, and sir Richard Southwell master of the ordinance and armorie, went to the tower, and there the same daie discharged and set at libertie all the pri∣soners of the tower,* 17.11 or the more part of them, name∣lie the archbishop of Yorke, the late duke of Nor∣thumberlands [line 10] sonnes, the lords Ambrose, Robert, and Henrie; also, sir Andrew Dudleie, sir Iames Croftes, sir Nicholas Throckmorton, sir Iohn Ro∣gers, sir Nicholas Arnold, sir George Harper, sir Edward Warner, sir William Sentlow, sir Gaw∣en Carew, William Gibbes esquier, Cutbert Uaughan, and diuerse others.

* 17.12Moreouer, about this season diuerse learned men being apprehended, and in prison for matters of reli∣gion, were brought before the bishops of Winche∣ster [line 20] and London, and other the bishops and commis∣sioners appointed therefore: who vpon the constant standing of the said learned men in their opinions, which they had taken vpon them to mainteine, as grounded vpon the true word of God, as they pro∣tested, procéeded in iudgement against them, and so diuerse of them were burned at London in Smith∣field, and in diuerse other places. Naie not onelie by fire but by other torments were the good christians persecuted, whose zeale was hot in religion and defi∣ance [line 30] of the pope: insomuch that then he was coun∣ted Gods enimie, which tooke not the pope for the friend of Christ (whome he hateth with hostilitie) as C.O. noteth verie trulie in his Elisabetha, saieng:

—nam creditur hostis Esse Dei, papa•• si quis pius asserit hostem Esse Dei, veros Christi qui tollit honores.

In Februarie next following, doctor Thirlebie bishop of Elie,* 17.13 and Anthonie lord Montacute, with a verie honorable traine of gentlemen and others, [line 40] rode foorth of the citie of London towards Rome as ambassadors sent from the king and quéene, to con∣firme this new reconciliation to the pope.* 17.14 A yoong stripling, whose name was William Fetherstone, a millers sonne, about the age of eightéene yeares, na∣med and bruted himselfe to be king Edward the sixt, whereof when the quéene and the councell heard, they caused with all diligence inquirie to be made for him, so that he was apprehended in Southworke, or (as other haue) at Eltham in Kent the tenth of Maie, [line 50] and brought before the councell at Hampton court, and there examined. And it was demanded of him why he so named himselfe? To which he counterfet∣ting a maner of simplicitie, or rather frensie, would make no direct answer, but praid pardon; for he wist not what he said: affirming further, that he was counselled so to saie, and to take vpon him the name, whereof he accused certeine persons: but his talke was not found true, wherefore he was committed to the Marshalseie, as a lunatike foole. [line 60]

On the eight and twentith daie of Maie next fol∣lowing, the aforesaid counterfet prince was brought in a cart from the Marshalseie thorough the citie of London, with a paper ouer his head, wherein was written, that he named himselfe king Edward. And from thense was conueied to Westminster, being led round about the hall, and shewed to all the peo∣ple there: and afterward he was taken out of the cart and stripped,* 17.15 and then whipped round about the palace at the same carts taile, and then thorough Westminster into Smithfield, and then banished into the north, in which countrie he was borne, and had béene sometime lackie to sir Peter Mewtas, and without more punishment was discharged, and set at libertie. But the next yeare following,* 17.16 for that he had spred abroad that king Edward was aliue, and that he had spoken with him, he was againe appre∣hended, and arreigned of high treason, whereof be∣ing condemned, he shortlie after was drawne vnto Tiburne, and there hanged and quartered the thir∣téenth of March. ¶ Here, as in a fit and conuenient place,* 17.17 the obseruation of the daie and moneth offe∣ring no lesse, it is not amisse to set downe the speech of quéene Marie vttered to sundrie of hir lords, tou∣ching a motion which no doubt certeine popish pre∣lats had put into hir mind; the effect whereof follow∣eth as I find it in master Fox.

Before I passe this moneth of March (saith he) I cannot but leaue a little memorandum of the words or consultation of quéene Marie, vsed to certeine of the councell, the eight & twentith daie of the said mo∣neth of March, touching the restoring againe of the abbeie lands. Who after she had called vnto hir pre∣sence foure of hir priuie councell, the daie and mo∣neth aforesaid: the names of which councellors were these;* 17.18 William lord marquesse of Winchester high treasuror of England, sir Robert Rochester knight, the queenes comptrollor, sir William Peter knight, secretarie, sir Francis Inglefield knight, master of wards; the said queene Marie inferred these words: the principall effect & summe whereof here followeth.* 17.19 You are here of our councell, and we haue willed you to be called to vs, to the intent yee might heare of me my conscience, and the resolution of my mind, concerning the lands and possessions as well of mo∣nasteries, as other churches whatsoeuer being now presentlie in my possession. First, I doo consider, that the said lands were taken awaie from the chur∣ches aforesaid, in time of schisme, and that by vnlaw∣full means, such as are contrarie both to the law of God and of the church.* 17.20 For the which cause my consci∣ence dooth not suffer me to deteine them: and there∣fore I here expresselie refuse either to claime or to re∣teine the said lands for mine: but with all my heart fréelie and willinglie without all paction or conditi∣on, here and before God I doo surrender and relin∣quish the said lands and possessions or inheritances whatsoeuer, & doo renounce the same with this mind and purpose,* 17.21 that order and disposition thereof may be taken as shall séeme best liking to our most holie lord the pope, or else his legat the lord cardinall, to the honour of God and wealth of this our realme.

And albeit you may obiect to me againe, that considering the state of my kingdome, the dignitie thereof, and my crowne imperiall cannot be honora∣blie mainteined and furnished without the possessi∣ons aforesaid: yet notwithstanding I set more by the saluation of my soule, than by ten kingdoms: and therefore the said possessions I vtterlie refuse here to hold after that sort and title, and giue most hartie thanks to almightie God, which hath giuen me an husband likewise minded, with no lesse good affection in this behalfe, than I am my selfe.* 17.22 Wherefore I charge and command, that my chancellor (with whom I haue conferred my mind in this matter before) and you foure, to morrow together doo resort to the most reuerend lord legat, and doo signifie to him the premisses in my name, & giue your attendance vp∣on him for the more full declaration of the state of my kingdome, and of the foresaid possessions accor∣dinglie, as you your selues doo vnderstand the mat∣ter, and can informe him in the same. This charge (as the sequele gaue proofe) was followed with no lesse diligence of the lords, than it was imposed with willingnes vpon them by the quéene: insomuch that shortlie after (as anon you shall heare) the performed hir promise to ••he pith.

But to le•• this matter passe, till due time & place

require a declaration of the conclusion thereof; I am héere (saith master Fox, as occasion serueth) to in∣treat of pope Iulius death, for so much as he made his end about the latter end of this foresaid moneth of March.* 17.23 Concerning the déeds and acts of which pope, to make a full declaration, it were not so much tedious to the reader, as horrible to all good eares. Under this Iulius florished the archbishop of Bene∣uentanus, a Florentine, named Iohannes a Casa, deane of the popes chamber,* 17.24 and chéefe legat to the [line 10] Uenetians: who well declaring the fruit of that fil∣thie see, so farre forgat both honestie and nature, that he shamed not onelie to plaie the filthie Sodomite himselfe,* 17.25 and to boast openlie of the same: but also tooke vpon him most impudentlie in Italian metre, to all mens eares, to set foorth the praise and com∣mendation of that beastlie iniquitie,* 17.26 saieng that he himselfe neuer vsed other: and this booke was prin∣ted at Uenice, by one Troianus Nauus. And yet the pope could suffer this so great iniquitie and shame∣lesse [line 20] beastlinesse; euen vnder his nose in his owne chamber, which could not abide the true doctrine of Christ in christian bookes.

Amongst other pranks and déeds of this foresaid pope, in his Iubilée, and in the synod of Trent, and in confirming of the idoll of Lauretane, this is also re∣ported of him in his life, that he delighted greatlie in porke flesh and peacocks. Upon a time when he was admonished of his physician to absteine from all swines flesh, for that it was noisome for his g••ut, and yet would not follow his counsell: the physician [line 30] afterward gaue warning to his steward or orderer of his diet, that he should set no more porke flesh be∣fore him. Wherevpon when the pope perceiued the said porke flesh to be lacking in his accustomed ser∣uice;* 17.27 Where (said he) is my porke? And when his stew∣ard had answered that his physician had forbidden anie porke to be serued: then the pope bursting out in great rage,* 17.28 said in these words; Bring me, said he, my porke flesh Al dispetto di Dio: that is to saie in English, In the despight of God. [line 40]

At an other time, he sitting at dinner, pointing to a peacocke vpon his table, which he had not touched; Kéepe (said he) this cold peacocke for me against sup∣per, and let me sup in the garden, for I shall haue ghests. So when supper came, and amongst other hot peacocks, he saw not his cold peacocke brought to his table: the pope after his woonted manner, most horriblie blaspheming God, fell into an extreame rage, &c. Wherevpon one of his cardinals sitting by, [line 50] desired him saieng:* 17.29 Let not your holinesse, I praie you, be so mooued with a matter of so small weight. Then this Iulius the pope answering againe; What (said he) if God was so angrie for one apple, that he cast our first parents out of paradise for the same,* 17.30 whie maie not I being his vicar, be angrie then for a peacocke, sithens a peacocke is a greater matter than an apple? Behold here good reader, by this pope, the holinesse of that blasphemous sée: and yet thou shalt sée here, what affection was borne vnto this [line 60] pope here in England, by the di••iges, hearses, and funerals commanded to be had and celebrated in all churches by the quéene and hir councell, as may ap∣peare by the copie of their letters here following.

A letter from the bishop of Winchester (being lord chancellour) vnto Boner bishop of London, touching the celebrating of the popes funerals.

* 18.1AFter my hartie commendations to your good lordship. The king and queenes maiesties hauing certeine knowledge of the death of the popes holi∣nesse, thought good there should be as well solemne obsequies said for him throughout the realme, as also these praiers (which I send you herein inclosed) vsed at masse times in all places at this time of vacati∣on; and therefore willed me to signifie their pleasures vnto you in this behalfe, that therevpon ye might proceed to the full ac∣complishment therof, by putting the same in due execution within your owne dio∣cesse, and sending word to the rest of the bi∣shops to doo the like in theirs. Thus doubt∣ing not but that your lordship will vse such diligence in this matter at this time, as shall be necessarie, I bid your lordship har∣tilie well to fare. From my house at Asher, the tenth of Aprill. 1555.

Your assured freend and brother, Stephanus Winton. Cancel.

Praiers commanded to be vsed in the funerall masses for the pope, Apostolica sede vacante.

Supplicite Domine humilitate deposcimus, vt tua immen∣sa pietas sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae concedat pontificem illum, qui & pro in nos studio semper tibi gratus,* 19.1 & tuo popu∣lo pro salubri regimine sit assiduè ad gloriam tui nominis ve∣nerandus, per Dominum nostrum.

Secreta.

Tuae nobis Domine pietatis abundantia indulgeat,* 19.2 vt gra∣tum maiestati tuae pontificem sanctae matris ecclesiae regimini praeess•• studeamus per Dominum nostrum.

Post communionen.

Pretiosi corporis & sanguinis tui Domine sacramento re∣fectos, mi••ifica tuae maiestatis gratia de illius summi pontificis assumptione laetificet, qui & plebem tuam virtutibus instru∣at, & fidelium mentes spiritualium aromatum odore perfun∣dat, per Dominum nostrum.

Upon this commandement, on wednesdaie in Ea∣ster wéeke there were hearses set vp, & diriges soong for the said Iulius in diuerse places. At which time it chanced a woman to come into S. Magnus church at the bridgefoot in London, & there séeing an hearse and other preparation, asked what it meant: and o∣ther that stood by, said, that it was for the pope, and that she must praie for him.* 19.3 Naie (quoth she) that will I not, for he néedeth not my praier: and séeing he could forgiue vs all our sinnes, I am sure he is clean himselfe: therefore I need not to praie for him. She was heard speake these words of certeine that stood by: which by and by caried hir vnto the cage at Lon∣don bridge, and bad hir coole hir selfe there.

And héere (saith master Fox) commeth to be re∣membred the notable working of Gods hand vpon a certeine priest in Kent named Nightingall, par∣son of Crondall besides Canturburie: who vpon Shrouesundaie, which was about the third daie of the said moneth of March, and yeare of our Lord afore∣said, reioising belike not a little at this alteration of religion, began to make a sermon to his parishio∣ners, taking his theame out of the words of saint Iohn: He that saith, he hath no sinne, is a lier, and the trueth is not in him, &c. And so vpon the same,* 19.4 verie impertinentlie, declared to them all such arti∣cles as were set foorth by the popes authoritie, and by the commandement of the bishops of this realme; saieng moreouer vnto the people in this wise: Now masters and neighbors reioise and be merrie, for the prodigall sonne is come home. For I know that the most part of you be as I am: for I know your

hearts well enough. And I shall tell you what hath happened in this wéeke past. I was before my lord cardinall Pooles grace, and he hath made me as cleane from sinne, as I was at the font stone: and on thursdaie last being before him, he hath appointed me to notifie (I thanke him for it) the same vnto you.* 19.5 And I will tell you what it is. And so reading the popes bull of pardon that was sent into England, he said, he thanked God that euer he had liued to sée that daie: adding moreouer that he beleeued, that [line 10] by the vertue of that bull he was as cleane from sinne, as that night that he was borne: and immedi∣atlie vpon the same fell suddenlie downe out of the pulpit, and neuer stirred hand nor foot, and so laie he. Testified by Robert Austen of Cartham, which both heard and saw the same, and is witnessed also by the whole countrie round about.]

About this time, Edward Courtneie, earle of Deuonshire,* 19.6 of whom before yée haue heard, how he was appointed to remaine at Fodringheie vnder [line 20] safe custodie, at length was set at libertie, came to the court, and got licence to passe the seas, went into Italie, where shortlie after he sickened, and died with∣in foureteene daies after his sicknesse first tooke him: he was honorablie buried in Padwaie. This Court∣neie was the onelie sonne and heire of Henrie, mar∣quesse of Excester, cousine germane to king Henrie the eight, as is said before. For the said king and he were descended of two sisters,* 19.7 Elizabeth and Katha∣rine, two of the daughters of king Edward the [line 30] fourth, which propinquitie of bloud notwithstanding the said marquesse, for points of treason laid against him, suffered at the tower hill, the thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, to the great do∣lour of the most of the subiects of this realme, who for his sundrie vertues bare him great fauour and goodwill.

After whose death, this yoong gentleman his sonne, being yet a child, was committed prisoner to the tower, where he remained vntill the beginning of [line 40] the reigne of this quéene Marie (as before you haue heard.) This gentleman (as it appeared) was borne to be a prisoner, for from twelue yeares of age vnto thirtie, he had scarse two yeares libertie, within the which time he died, and obteined quiet, which in his life he could neuer haue. In the moneth of Maie next following,* 19.8 cardinall Poole, who had bin a great la∣bourer for peace betwéene the French king and the emperour, being accompanied with Stephan Gar∣diner bishop of Winchester and chancellor of Eng∣land, [line 50] the erle of Arundell lord steward, and the lord Paget, were sent by the king and quéene ouer the sea to Calis, & from thence went to the towne of Marke where they met with the ambassadors of the emperor and the French king. From the emperour were sent the bishop of Arras with others. From the French king was sent the cardinall of Loraine, and the con∣stable of France. In this treatie, cardinall Poole sat as president and vmpier in the name of the queene of England. This peace was greatlie laboured, [line 60] where at the first, there was much hope, but in the end nothing was concluded: wherefore the seauen∣teenth daie of Iune, this assemblie was dissolued, and the English ambassadours returned againe into England.

* 19.9¶ In this moneth of August, in Suffolke, at a place by the sea side, all of hard stone and pibble, called in those parts a shelfe, lieng betwéene the townes of Oxford and Alborough, where neuer grew grasse, nor any earth was euer séene, there chanced in this barren place suddenlie to spring vp without any til∣lage or sowing, great abundance of peason, whereof the poore gathered (as men iudged) aboue an hun∣dred quarters;* 19.10 yet remained some ripe, & some blosso∣ming, as manie as euer there were before. To the which place rode the bishop of Norwich, and the lord Willoughbie with others in great number, who found nothing but hard r••ckie stone for the space of thrée yards vnder the roots of those peason, which roots were great and long, and verie swéet in tast to the mouth of the eater, &c.

On Bartholomew euen,* 19.11 after the Lord maior and aldermen of London had rid about Bartholomew faire, they came to Christes hospitall within New∣gate, where they heard a disputation betwéene the scholers of Paules schoole, saint Anthonies schoole, and the scholers of the said hospitall, for whome was prouided thrée games, which was three pennes: the best pen of siluer and gilt, valued at fiue shillings, woone by a scholer of saint Anthonies schoole, and the maister of that schoole had six shillings eight pence: the second, a pen of siluer parcell gilt, valued at iiij. shillings, woone by a scholer of Paules schoole, & his maister had fiue shillings in monie: the third a pen of siluer, valued at thrée shillings, woone by a scholer of the said hospitall, and his maister had foure shil∣lings. And there were two preests maisters of arts appointed for iudges, which had each of them a siluer rule for their paines, valued at six shillings eight pence the peece. The disputation being ended, the maior and aldermen entred the hall, where the chil∣dren of the hospitall vse to dine, and had fruit & wine, and so departed.

King Philip went ouer seas,* 19.12 and landed at Calis on the fourth of September, where he was honora∣bly receiued by the lord deputie, & the maior of the sta∣ple of Calis, an alderman of London named sir Andrew Iud, presenting his maiestie with a purse & a thousand marks of gold in it: that night the king was lodged in staple inne: and on the morrow he departed from Calis towards Brussels in Brabant, to visit the emperor his father: he gaue at his depar∣ting among the souldiors of the towne of Calis, a thousand crownes of gold, and there accompanied him in his iournie of English lords, the earle of A∣rundell lord steward of the quéenes house, the earle of Penbroke, the earle of Huntington, and others. On Michaelmasse euen, the prisoners that laie in the counter in Bredstréet,* 19.13 were remoued to a new coun∣ter made in Woodstréet of the cities purchase & buil∣ding, the which remoouing was confirmed by a com∣mon councell assembled at the Guildhall for that purpose.

On the last of September, by occasion of great wind and raine that had fallen, was such great floods,* 19.14 that that morning the kings palace at Westmin∣ster, and Westminster hall was ouerflowne with water, vnto the staire foot, going to the chancerie and kings bench: so that when the lord maior of London should come to present the shiriffes to the barons of the excheker, all Westminster hall was full of wa∣ter. And by report there, that morning, a whirriman rowed with his bote ouer Westminster bridge, into the palace court, and so through the staple gate: and all the wooll staple into the kings stréet, and all the marshes on Lambeth side, were so ouerflowne, that the people from Newington church could not passe on foot, but were caried by bote from the said church to the pinfold, neere to saint Georges in South∣worke.]

About this time, the bishop of Lincolne, Glocester,* 19.15 and Bristow, were sent in commission to Oxford by the popes authoritie, to examine Ridleie and Lati∣mer, vpon certeine articles by them preached, which if they would not recant, and consent to the popes doctrine, then had they power to proceed in sentence against them as heretikes, and to commit them o∣uer to the secular power. Those two doctors neuer∣theles

stood constantlie to that which they had taught, and would not reuoke: for which cause, they were condemned, and after burned in the towne ditch at Oxford, the sixtéenth daie of October. In the time of whose examination, bicause the bishops aforesaid de∣clared themselues to be the popes commissioners, neither Ridleie nor Latimer would doo them any re∣uerence, but kept their caps on their heads: where∣fore they were sharplie rebuked by the bishop of Lin∣colne, and one of the officers was commanded for to [line 10] take of their caps. Of these men, and the maner of their death, ye may read at large in the booke of the monuments of the church.

The one and twentith of October, a parlement was holden at Westminster,* 19.16 in the which amongst other things the queene being persuaded by the car∣dinall (and other of hir clergie) that she could not prosper, so long as she kept in hir hands any posses∣sions of the church, did frankelie and freelie resigne and render vnto them all those reuenues ecclesiasti∣call, [line 20] which by the authoritie of parlement, in the time of king Henrie, had béene annexed to the crowne, called the first fruits and tenths of all bishopricks, benefices, and ecclesiasticall promotions. The resig∣nation whereof was a great diminution of the reue∣nues of the crowne.* 19.17 ¶In this parlement was gran∣ted to the king & queene a subsidie of the laitie from fiue pounds to ten pounds eight pence of the pound, from ten pounds to twentie pounds twelue pence of the pound, & from twentie pounds vpward sixtéene [line 30] pence of the pound, and all strangers double, and the cleargie granted six shillings of the pound.

Doctor Storie and other were appointed by the car∣dinall,* 19.18 to visit euerie parish church in London and Middlesex, to see their relikes repared, and the ima∣ges of the crucifix, with Marie and Iohn therevpon to be fixed.] During the time of this parlement, Ste∣phan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and chancel∣lor of England died at his house called Winchester place, beside saint Marie Oueries in Southworke, the ninth daie of Nouember, whose corps was short∣lie [line 40] after solemnly from thence conueied to his church of Winchester, & there buried. The maner of whose death why should I blush to blaze as I find it by re∣port?* 19.19 ¶One mistresse Mondaie, being the wife of one maister Mondaie secretarie sometime to the old lord Thomas duke of Norffolke, a present witnes of this that is testified, thus openlie reported in the house of a worshipfull citizen, bearing office in this citie, in words and effect as followeth. The same daie, [line 50] when as bishop Ridleie and maister Latimer suffe∣red at Oxford, being about the ninetéenth daie of October, there came to the house of Stephan Gar∣diner, the old duke of Norffolke with the foresaid Mondaie his secretarie aboue named, reporter héer∣of. The old aged duke, there waiting and tarieng for his dinner, the bishop being not yet disposed to dine, deferred the time till three or foure of the clocke at af∣ter noone.

At length, about foure of the clocke commeth his seruant posting in all possible spéed from Oxford, [line 60] bringing intelligence to the bishop what he had heard and séene: of whom the said bishop diligentlie inqui∣ring the truth of the matter, & hearing by his man, that fire most certeinlie was set vnto them, com∣meth out reioising to the duke: Now saith he, let vs go to dinner. Wherevpon, they being set downe, meat immediatlie was brought, and the bishop be∣gan merilie to eate:* 19.20 but what followed? The bloud∣die tyrant had not eaten a few bits, but the sudden stroke of God his terrible hand fell vpon him in such sort, as immediatlie he was taken from the table, & so brought to his bed, where he continued the space of fiftéene daies, in such intollerable anguish and tor∣ments, that all that meane while, during those fif∣teene daies, he could not auoid by order of vrine, or otherwise, any thing that he receiued: whereby his bodie being miserablie inflamed within (who had in∣flamed so manie good martyrs before) was brought to a wretched end. And thereof no doubt, as most like it is, came the thrusting out of his toong from his mouth so swolne & blacke, with the inflammation of his bodie. A spectacle worthie to be noted and behol∣den of all such bloudie burning persecutors.

But whatsoeuer he was, séeing he is now gone, I referre him to his iudge, to whom he shall stand or fall. As concerning his death and maner thereof, I would they which were present thereat, would testi∣fie to vs what they saw. This we haue all to thinke, that his death happened so opportunelie, that Eng∣land hath a mightie cause to giue thanks to the Lord therfore: not so much for the great hurt he had doone in times past in peruerting his princesse, in bringing in the six articles, in murthering Gods saints,* 19.21 in de∣facing Christs sincere religion, &c: as also especiallie for that he had thought to haue brought to passe in murthering also our noble quéene that now is. For whatsoeuer danger it was of death that she was in, it did (no doubt) procéed from that bloudie bishop, who was the cause thereof. And if it be certeine which we haue heard, that hir highnesse being in the to∣wer, a writ came downe from certeine of the coun∣cell for hir execution, it is out of controuersie, that wilie Winchester was the onelie Dedalus and fra∣mer of that engine. Who (no doubt) in that one daie had brought this whole realme into wofull ruine, had not the lords most gratious councell,* 19.22 thorough maister Bridges then the lieutenant, comming in hast to the quéene, certified hir of the matter, and pre∣uented Achitophels bloudie deuises. For the which, thanks be to the same our Lord and Sauiour, in the congregation of all English churches, Amen.]

After whose death,* 19.23 Nicholas heath archbishop of Yorke, was preferred by the quéene to the office of the chancellor. ¶She likewise gaue the priuie seale to the lord Paget, and made him lord priuie seale,* 19.24 these were both Londoners borne. In this moneth of Fe∣bruarie, the lord maior of London and the aldermen entered into Bridewell, and tooke possession thereof, according to the gift of king Edward, now con••••••∣med by queene Marie.] In the moneth of March next following, there was in maner no other talke, but of the great preparation that was made for the quéens lieng in childbed, who had alredie taken vp hir cham∣ber, and sundrie ladies and gentlewomen were pla∣ced about hir in euerie office of the court.

¶And now forsomuch as in the beginning of the moneth of Iune about Whitsuntide,* 19.25 the time was thought to be nie, that this yoong maister should come into the world, and that midwiues, rockers, nurses, with the cradle and all, were prepared and in a readi∣nesse, suddenlie vpon what cause or occasion it is vn∣certeine, a certeine vaine rumor was blowne in London of the prosperous deliuerance of the quéene, and the birth of the child: insomuch that bels were roong, bonefiers and processions made,* 19.26 not one∣lie in the citie of London, and in most other parts of the realme, but also in Antwerpe guns were shot off vpon the riuer by the English ships, and the mari∣ners thereof were rewarded with an hundred pisto∣lets or Italian crownes by the ladie regent,* 19.27 who was the quéene of Hungarie. Such great reioising and triumph was for the quéenes deliuerie, and that there was a prince borne. Yea, diuerse preachers, namelie one the person of saint Anne within Alders∣gate, after procession and Te Deum soong, tooke vpon him to describe the proportion of the child, how faire, how beautifull, and great a prince it was, as the like

had not béene seene.

In the middest of this great adoo, there was a simple man (this I speake but vpon information) dwelling within foure miles of Barwike, that neuer had béene before halfe waie to London, which said concerning the bonefires made for quéene Maries child; Here is a ioifull triumph, but at length all will not proue woorth a messe of pottage,* 19.28 as in déed it came to passe: for in the end all prooued cleane con∣trarie, and the ioy & expectations of men were much [line 10] deceiued. For the people were certified, that the quéene neither was as then deliuered, nor after was in hope to haue anie child. At this time manie talked diuerslie. Some said this rumour of the quéenes con∣ception was spread for a policie: some other affirmed that she was deceiued by a timpanie or some other like disease,* 19.29 to thinke hirselfe with child, and was not: some thought shée was with child, and that it did by some chance miscarie, or else that she was bewit∣ched: but what was the truth therof, the Lord know∣eth, [line 20] to whome nothing is secret. One thing of mine owne hearing and séeing I cannot passe ouer vn∣witnessed.

There came to me, whome I did both heare and sée, one Isabell Malt, a woman dwelling in Alders∣gate stréet in Horne allie, not farre from the house where this present booke was printed, who before wit∣nesse made this declaration vnto vs, that she being deliuered of a man-child vpon Whitsundaie in the morning, which was the eleuenth daie of Iune Anno [line 30] 1555, there came to hir the lord North, and another lord to hir vnknowne, dwelling then about old Fish∣stréet, demanding of hir if she would part with hir child, and would sweare that she neuer knew nor had no such child. Which if she would, hir sonne (they said) should be well prouided for, she should take no care for it, with manie faire offers if she would part with the child.

After that came other women also, of whome one (she said) should haue beene the rocker: but she in no [line 40] wise would let go hir sonne, who at the writing here∣of being aliue and called Timothie Malt, was of the age of thirtéene yeares and vpward. Thus much (I saie) I heard of the woman hir selfe. What credit is to be giuen to hir relation,* 19.30 I deale not withall, but leaue it to the libertie of the reader, to beleeue it they that list: to them that list not, I haue no further war∣rant to assure them. Among manie other great pre∣parations made for the quéenes deliuerance of child,* 19.31 there was a cradle verie sumptuouslie and gorgeous∣lie [line 50] trimmed, on the which cradle for the child appoin∣ted, these verses were written, both in Latine and in English, as they are set downe here in record:

Quam Maria sobolem Deus optime summe dedisti, Anglis incolumem redde, tuere, rege. The child which thou to Marie, * 19.32ô Lord of might hast send, To Englands ioie in health preserue, keepe and defend.

About this time there came ouer into England a certeine English booke, giuing warning to the [line 60] Englishmen of the Spaniards, and disclosing cer∣teine close practises for recouerie of abbeie lands, which booke was called A warning for England. Whereof ye shall vnderstand much more at large where * 19.33we speake of the Spanish inquisition. So that by the occasion of this booke, vpon the thirteenth daie of this moneth came out a certeine proclamation, set foorth in the name of the king and the quéene, re∣pealing and disanulling all maner of bookes writ∣ten or printed, whatsoeuer should touch anie thing the impairing of the popes dignitie, wherby not one∣lie much godlie edification was hindered, but also great perill grew among the people. This procla∣mation is recorded at large with other appendents, in the Acts and Monuments, vnder the title of quéene Marie.]

¶ In this yeare died sir Iohn Gresham,* 19.34 who bare the office of lord maior of London 1547, a man of a mercifull nature, and good deuotion both to God and his countrie. He founded a frée schoole at Holt, a market towne in Norffolke, & gaue to euerie ward in London ten pounds to be distributed to the poore; and to thréescore poore men and women, euerie one of them thrée yeards of brode cloth of eight or nine shillings the yard, to be made in gownes readie to their backs. He gaue also to maids mariages, and to the hospitals in London, aboue two hundred pounds in readie monie.* 19.35 A blasing starre was seene at all times of the night, the sixt, seuenth, eight, ninth, and tenth of March.]

About this time, Brookes bishop of Glocester was by the cardinall sent downe as commissioner from the pope to Oxford,* 19.36 there to sit vpon the exami∣nation of Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Cantur∣burie, in such things as should be laid to his charge by Iohn Storie and Thomas Martin, doctors in the lawes, sent speciallie in commission from the quéene. At which time the said archbishop making low obei∣sance to them that sate in the queenes name, shewed no token of reuerence to the bishop that was the popes commissioner: who neuerthelesse procéeded a∣gainst him as iudge, and conuicted him of heresie.* 19.37 According to the which sentence, the one and twentith daie of March next following, he was disgraded by Edmund Boner, and Thomas Thirlebie, bishops of London and Elie, sent downe for that purpose, and he was burned in the same place where Ridleie and Latimer before had suffered.* 19.38

Before his death by the persuasion of a Spanish frier, named frier Iohn, a reader of diuinitie in Ox∣ford, and by the counsell of certeine other that put him in hope of life and pardon, he subscribed to a re∣cantation, wherein he submitted himselfe wholie to the church of Rome, and continued in the same mind to outward appearance, vntill he was brought out of prison, to go to the fire. Afore whose execution, a ser∣mon was made by doctor Cole deane of Paules,* 19.39 in saint Martins church in Oxford. And in the end of his sermon, the said doctor Cole praied the people to incline their eares to such things as the said Cran∣mer would declare vnto them by his owne mouth. For (saith he) he is a man verie repentant, and will here before you all reuoke his errors. Neuerthelesse he did cleane contrarie.* 19.40 For when he came to the place where the holie bishops and martyrs of God, Hugh Latimer and Ridleie were burnt before him, for the confession of the truth, knéeling downe hée praied to God, & not tarieng long in his praiers, put∣ting off his garments to his shirt, he prepared him∣selfe to death. His shirt was made long downe to his féet: his féet were bare. Likewise his head,* 19.41 when both his caps were off, was so bare, that one heare could not be séene vpon it. His beard was long and thicke, couering his face with maruellous grauitie. Such a countenance of grauitie mooued the hearts both of his friends and of his enimies.

And as for the recantation aforesaid, with manie tears he protested, that he had subscribed to the same against his conscience, onelie for feare of death, and hope of life. Which seemed true: for when he came to the stake, & the fire kindled, he put his right hand into the fire, and held it there a good space, saieng: that the same hand should first burne, bicause it held the pen to subscribe against his Lord God. Upon the death of this Cranmer I find these reuerend verses:

Infortunatè est foelix, qui numine laeso, Cuiusuis gaudet commoditate boni.

Infoelix ille est verò foeliciter, orbi Inuisus quisquis tris••ia fata subit. Hoc Cranmere probas, vitae praesentis amore, Dum quaeris sanctam dissimulare fidem. Et dum consilijs tandem melioribus vsus, Praeponis vitae funera saeua tuae.

Immediatlie after the death of the said bishop Cranmer,* 19.42 cardinall Poole (a popish prelat, and a sore enimie to the religion receiued & established in king Henrie the eights time) was made archbishop of Canturburie, who (during the life of the other) would [line 10] neuer be consecrated archbishop. Who so desireth to see more of this matter,* 19.43 maie see the same at large in the booke of the monuments of the church, where you shall also find, that about this time manie were in trouble for religion. The eight and twentith daie of the aforesaid moneth of March, by the negligence of the kéepers maid of the gaile of Newgate in Lon∣don,* 19.44 who had left a candle where a great deale of straw was, the same was set on fire, and burnt all [line 20] the timber worke on the northside of the same gate.* 19.45

The Summer next following was a new conspi∣racie brought to light, which was, to haue raised war in the realme against the quéene, for maintenance whereof, their first enterprise was to haue robbed the treasurie of the quéens excheker at Westmin∣ster, called the receipt of the excheker,* 19.46 in the which there was of the quéens treasure aboue fiftie thou∣sand pounds the same time, to the intent they might be able to mainteine warre against the queene, as it fell out afterwards in proofe. The vtterer of which [line 30] conspiracie was one White, who at the beginning was made priuie to the same, wherevpon diuerse of the conspiracie, namelie, Henrie Peckham, Dani∣ell,* 19.47 Dethicke, Udall, Throckmorton, and capteine Stanton, were apprehended, and diuerse other fled into France. Moreouer, sir Anthonie Kingston knight was accused and apprehended for the same, and died in the waie comming to London. The eight and twentith of Aprill, Throckmorton and Richard [line 40] Ueale, were drawen to Tiborne, and there hanged & quartered. The ninetéenth of Maie Stanton was likewise executed. The eight of Iune, Rosseie, Re∣dike, and Bedell suffered at Tiborne for the same of∣fense.* 19.48 The eightéenth of Iune, one Sands, yoon∣ger son to the lord Sands, was executed at S. Tho∣mas Waterings, for a robberie committed by him and others to the value of thrée thousand pounds. The seuen and twentith of Iune, eleuen men & two women, were had out of Newgate, and in thrée carts conueied to Stratford the bow, where for reli∣gion [line 50] they were burnt to ashes.

The eight of Iulie, in the beginning of this fourth yeare of the quéens reigne,* 19.49 Henrie Peckham and Iohn Daniell were executed,* 19.50 and after they were dead, were headed on the tower hill: their bodies were buried in Barking church. ¶ About this time one Clober,* 19.51 which sometime kept a schoole at Dis in Norffolke; with three brethren, whose names were Lincolne, pretended an insurrection, and would [line 60] haue gathered the people at a mariage, vnto the which the brethren promised either of them to bring an hundred horsse with men. At which time by them appointed, the said Clober gaue charge to a seruant of his, to watch in a lane nigh to the church where they should méet, and as soone as he saw anie horsse∣man comming thitherward, to giue him warning with all spéed. So it chanced (by the will of God) that certeine men riding through that lane, to some other place about their businesse, came about such an houre as Clober had appointed. Upon sight of which men, his said seruant returned to his maister, and told him that his friends were come: and imme∣diatlie the said Clober stood vp in the parish church of Yarsleie,* 19.52 and read a traitorous proclamation of pur∣pose prepared: which being ended, and séeing his part was too weake, for that his mates were not come, began to flee. But one maister Shireman pursued and tooke him at a towne called Eie in Suffolke, and was kept in prison vntill the next sessions at saint Edmundsburie, and his three mates being brought to him, were there all togither drawne, hanged, and quartered.]

This yeare, the hot burning feuers and other strange diseases, which began the yeare before,* 19.53 con∣sumed much people in all parts of England; but namelie, of most ancient and graue men: so that in London, betwéene the twentith of October, and the last of December, there died seuen aldermen, whose names were Henrie Heardson,* 19.54 sir Richard Dobs late maior, sir William Laxton late maior, sir Henrie Hoblethorne late maior, sir Iohn Champ∣neis late maior, sir Iohn Aileph late shiriffe, and sir Iohn Gresham late maior.* 19.55 ¶ The one & twentith of Nouember, Iohn Fecknam late deane of Pauls in London, now made abbat of Westmin∣ster, was stalled, and tooke possession of the same: and fourtéene monks more receiued the habit with him that daie of the order of saint Benet.* 19.56 The said one and twentith of Nouember, a man was brought from Westminster hall riding with his face to the horsse taile, and a paper on his head, to the stan∣dard in Cheape, and there set on the pillorie, and then burned with an hot iron on both his chéekes, with two letters F. and A. for false accusing one of the court of the common plées in Westminster of trea∣son.

The sixtéenth of December,* 19.57 Gregorie Carpen∣ter smith, and a Frenchman borne, was arreig∣ned for making counterfeit keies, wherewith to haue opened the locks of Newgate, to haue slaine the kéeper, and let foorth the prisoners. At which time of his arreignement, hauing conueied a knife into his sléeue, he thrust it into the side of William Whit∣rents his fellow prisoner, who had giuen witnesse a∣gainst him, so that he was in great perill of death thereby. For the which fact he was immediatlie ta∣ken from the barre into the street before the iustice hall, where his hand being first stricken off, he was hanged on a gibbet set vp for that purpose. The kée∣per of Newgate was arreigned & indicted, for that the said prisoner had a weapon about him, and his hands loose, which should haue beene bound.* 19.58 The fourth of Ianuarie, a ship before Gréenewich (the court being there) shot off hir ordinance, one péece being charged with a bullet of stone, which passed through the wals of the court, and did no more hurt.]

About this time came to London an ambassador to the queene from the emperor of Cathaie, [year 1557] Musco∣uia, and Russeland,* 19.59 who was honorablie receiued at Totenham by the merchants of London, hauing trade in those countries, riding in veluet coates and chaines of gold, who bare all his costs and char∣ges from the time of his entrie into England out of Scotland: for thither by tempest of weather he was driuen, and there forced to land.* 19.60 ¶ The lord Monta∣cute with the quéens pensioners met him at Isling∣ton townes end; and at Smithfield barres the lord maior and aldermen in scarlet receiued him, and conueied him through the citie vnto maister Dim∣mocks house in Fanchurch street, where he lodged vntill the twelfe of Maie, all which time he wanted no resort.] And after his message and ambassage doone to the quéene, he departed againe with thrée faire ships from Grauesend into his countrie, when he had remained here by the space of two moneths and more.

* 19.61Also about this time, the lord Sturton, for a verie shamefull and wretched murther committed by him vpon two gentlemen, the father and the son, of the surnames of Hargill, being his neere neighbors, whom he caused to be smitten downe with clubs, then their throtes to be cut, and after to be buried in his owne house fiftéene foot deepe; for the which heinous offense he was apprehended and committed to the tower of London. And although the quéene séemed to fauour him much, as one professing the catholike religion: yet when she vnderstood the truth of his vile [line 10] déed, she abhorred him, & commanded that he should be vsed according to iustice; wherefore shortlie after, he was brought to Westminster, & there arreigned & found guiltie, & had iudgement as a murtherer to be hanged. And for the same fact were likewise con∣demned foure of his seruants. And the second daie of March next following, the said lord with his foure seruants were conueied by the queens gard from the tower of London through the citie, he hauing [line 20] his armes pinioned at his backe, & his legs bound vnder the horsse bellie, and so caried to Salisburie, where the sixt daie of March next, he was hanged in the market place,* 19.62 and his foure seruants were hanged in the countrie neere vnto the place where the murther was committed.

* 19.63¶This yeare before haruest, wheat was sold for foure marks the quarter, malt at foure & fortie shil∣lings the quarter, beans & rie at fortie shillings the quarter, & pease at six and fortie shillings and eight [line 30] pence: but after haruest wheat was sold for fiue shil∣lings the quarter, malt at six shillings eight pence, rie at thrée shillings foure pence. So that the penie wheat loafe, that weied in London the last yéere but eleuen ounces Troie, weied now six and fiftie oun∣ces Troie. In the countrie, wheat was sold for foure shillings the quarter, malt at foure shillings eight pence; and in some places a bushell of rie for a pound of candles which was foure pence. The seauenth of September,* 19.64 at seauen of the clocke at night, in a [line 40] blacke rainie cloud in the west was séene a rainbow, the moone in the east risen one houre before, and faire shining, and at the full the daie before.] This present moneth of March king Philip,* 19.65 who a long season had béene in Flanders to take possession & gouernment of the low countries (as is aforsaid) did now returne into England, and passed through London, being ac∣companied with the quéene and diuerse nobles of the realme.

The foure and twentith of Aprill Thomas Staf∣ford, [line 50] second sonne to the lord Stafford, with other to the number of two and thirtie persons, comming forth of France by sea, arriued at Scarborough in Yorkeshire, where they tooke the castell, and held the same two daies, and then were taken without ef∣fusion of bloud by the earle of Westmerland. The said Stafford and Richard Sanders, otherwise cal∣led capteine Sanders,* 19.66 with three or foure others, of the which one was a Frenchman, were sent vp to London, & there committed to prison in the tower. [line 60] The said Stafford and foure others were arreigned and condemned. Wherevpon the eight and twentith of Maie, being fridaie, the said Stafford was behea∣ded on the tower hill; and on the morrow thrée of his companie, as Strellie, Bradford, and Proctor, were drawen from the tower to Tiborne, and there execu∣ted. Their heads were set ouer the bridge, and their quarters ouer the gates about the same citie. Cap∣teine Sanders had his pardon, and so escaped. The first of Maie Thomas Persie was made knight,* 19.67 and after lord, and on the next daie he was created earle of Northumberland. The queene gaue vnto him all the lands which had béene his ancestors, re∣maining at that time in hir hands.

In this season, although the French king (as was said) was verie loth to h••ue warres with England, yet the quéene tangling hir selfe contrarie to pro∣mise in hir husbands quarrell, sent a defiance to the French king by Clarenceaux king of armes; who comming to the citie of Remes, where the said king then laie, declared the same vnto him the seuenth of Iune, being the mondaie in Whitsunwéeke. On the which daie, Garter and Norreie king of armes, ac∣companied with other heralds, and also with the lord maior and certeine of the aldermen of the citie of London,* 19.68 by sound of three trumpets that rode before them, proclamed open war against the said French king, first in Cheape side, and after in other parts of the citie, where customarilie such proclamations are made: the shiriffes still riding with the heralds, till they had made an end, although the lord maior brake off in Cheape side, and went to saint Peters to heare seruice, and after to Paules, where (accor∣ding to the vsage then) he went on procession. King Philip bicause of the warres towards,* 19.69 betwixt him and the French king, the sixt of Iulie passed ouer to Calis, and so into Flanders, where on that side the seas he made prouision for those warres: at which time there was great talke among the com∣mon people, muttering that the king making small account of the quéene, sought occasions to be absent from hir.

Neuerthelesse, she shortlie after caused an ar∣mie of a thousand horssemen, and foure thousand foot∣men, with two thousand pioners to be transported o∣uer to his aid, vnder the leading of diuerse of the no∣bilitie and other valiant capteins, whose names part∣lie follow: the earle of Penbroke capteine generall,* 19.70 sir Anthonie Browne vicount Montacute lieute∣nant generall vnder the said earle, the lord Greie of Wilton lord marshall, the earle of Rutland generall of the horssemen, the lord Clinton earle of Lincolne coronell of the footmen, the lord Russell earle of Bed∣ford, the lord Robert Dudleie earle of Leicester and maister of the ordinance, the lord Thomas Ho∣ward, sir William West lord de la Ware, sir Ed∣ward Windsore after lord Windsore, the lord Braie, sir Edmund Briges lord Shandois, the lord Ambrose Dudleie earle of Warwike, the lord Henrie Dud∣leie, Edward Randall esquier sergeant maior, mai∣ster Whiteman treasuror of the armie, Edward Chamberleine esquier capteine of the pioners, sir Richard Leigh trenchmaster, Iohn Higate esquier prouost marshall, Thomas Haruie esquier muster-master, sir Peter Carew, sir William Courtneie, sir Giles Stranguish, sir Thomas Finch master of the campe, and other nobles, knights, and gentle∣men of right approoued valiancie: although diuerse of them were suspected to be protestants. Further∣more, to make king Philips power the stronger, there came aid vnto him from sundrie places; where∣by as his armie increased in number, so likewise grew the same more puissant in strength. The people that assisted him are thus remembred by C. O. in his discourse of this warre, as here followeth:

Misit in auxilium Germania lecta virorum Corpora ferratas acies peditúmque cateruas.* 19.71 Nec deerat miles Latia de gente cruentus, Dalmata non deerat bello huic nec defuit Hunnus. At tamen ante alios, fiducia summa locata est In quibus armatus validè conuenerat Anglus. Foedus amicitiae vetus id poscebat, & vxor, Cui cum regefuit soci•• commune periclum.

The fiftéenth of Iulie,* 19.72 the ladie Anne of Cleu•• departed this life at Chelscie, and was honorablie buried at Westminster the fift of August: a ladie of right commendable regard, courteous, gentle, a good housekéeper, & verie bountifull to hir seruants.

* 19.73The eightéenth of August was a solemne obsequie celebrated in the church of S. Paule in London, for Iohn king of Portingale, who departed this life in Iulie last past. The lord treasuror was chéefe moor∣ner. The queenes armie being transported ouer to Calis (as before ye haue heard) marched to some with king Philips power: the which alreadie being assembled, had inuaded the French confines, and be∣ing come before saint Quintins, planted a strong siege before that tower. To the rescue whereof, the [line 10] French king sent a great armie both of horssemen and footmen, vnder the leading of the conestable of France: which armie consisted of about nine hun∣dred men at armes,* 19.74 with as manie light horssemen, seuen or eight hundred Roisters, two & twentie en∣signes of lancequenets, and sixteene ensignes of French footmen. They had also with them fiftéene péeces of great artillerie, to wit, six double canons, foure long culuerings, the rest bastard culuerings, and other péeces of smaller mould.* 19.75 The conestable [line 20] thus garded vpon saint Laurence daie, which is the tenth of August, approched the towne, meaning to put into the same succours of more soldiors, with Dandelot the admerals brother, that was within the towne not furnished with such a garrison as was thought expedient for the defense therof, against such a power as king Philip had prepared against it.

The duke of Sauoie and other capteins of the armie that laie at siege before the towne, aduertised of the conestables comming towards them, assem∣bled the most part of their horssemen togither, and [line 30] with all speed made towards a passage distant from the place where the French armie stood houering a∣bout a two English miles: and being got ouer, they diuided themselues into eight troopes of horssemen, led by the earles of Egmond, Horne, Mausfield, the dukes of Brunswike and others, being in all to the number of fiue thousand men of armes, beside the swart Rutters and light horssemen. Which gaue such a furious & cruell charge vpon the Frenchmen, that they not able to resist the same, were altogither de∣feated, [line 40] and their battels as well horssemen as foot∣men put to flight. Wherof king Philip hauing know∣lege, pursued them with all his force, in which pursute there were slaine of the Frenchmen a great num∣ber, the chiefe wherof were these that follow. Iohn of Burbon duke of Anghien the vicount of Tur∣raine & eldest sonne of Roch du Maine, the lord of Chandenier, with a great number of other gentle∣men that bare armes in the field. There were taken these prisoners following;* 19.76 the duke of Montmo∣rencie [line 50] constable of France hurt with an harquebuz shot in the hanch, the duke of Montpenser hurt in the head, the duke of Longueuille, the marshall of saint Andrews, the lord Lewes brother to the duke of Mantoa, monsieur de Uasse, the baron of Curton, monsieur de la Roch du Maine, the Reingraue coro∣nell of the Almans: moreouer the counte de Roch Foucault, monsieur d' Obignie, monsieur de Meru, monsieur de Montbrun, monsieur de Biron, sonnes to the conestable, monsieur de la chapelle de Biron, [line 60] monfieur de saint Heran: beside manie other gen∣tlemen and capteins of good account and estimation. Yet there escaped the more part of the French horsse∣men, and manie of their footmen, with certeine of their capteins of honor; as the duke of Neuers, the prince of Conde brother to the king of Nauarre, the earle of Montmorencie eldest sonne to the conesta∣ble, the earle of Sancerre, monsieur de Burdillon, and other of the barons of France.

Within two or three daies after this ouerthrow, king Philip with the English armie,* 19.77 vnder the go∣uernement of the earle of Penbroke, and others, came to the siege afore saint Quintins, & so was the siege greatlie reinforced; and on the seuen and twen∣tith of August by the speciall aid & helpe of the Eng∣lishmen, the towne of saint Quintins was taken. For when the other soldiours, after diuerse assaults were repelled and gaue ouer, the Englishmen of a stout courage gaue a new onset, by reason whereof the ••owne was taken. And in reward of their well dooing, king Philip granted them the saccage of the said towne. But then the swart Rutters, which keepe no rule when they be strongest, set vpon the English∣men, in taking of the spoile, and killed a great num∣ber of them. This grudge was with much difficultie appeased, & men thought that if the Englishmen be∣ing much fewer in number had not béene oppressed with the multitude of the other, that it would haue growne to a great slaughter on both parts.* 19.78 At the as∣sault the lord Henrie Dudleie, yoongest sonne to the duke of Northumberland was slaine with the shot of a great péece, as he stooped vpon his approch vnto the wall, and staid to rip his hose ouer the knée, there∣by to haue béene the more apt and nimble to the as∣sault. This was his end, of whome one saith thus:

—Henricus Dudleius heros, Ille annis generosam animam inuenilibus efflat, Quem referunt socij slentes in castra peremptum, Vt mos christicolae est, velatum sindone, gentis.

After the winning of this towne, newes in post were brought into England to the queene, who cau∣sed generall processions to be made, and Te Deum to be soong, giuing all laud and praise to almightie God for this great victorie. And in the stréets of euerie ci∣tie and towne of the realme were made bonefires with great reioising: which sudden short gladnesse turned verie shortlie after to great & long sorow. For if ought were woone by hauing of saint Quintins, England got nothing at all, for the gaine thereof came onelie to king Philip. But the losse of Calis, Hammes and Guisnes, with all the countrie on that side the sea (which followed soone after) was such a buf∣fet to England, as happened not in more than an hundred yeares before; and a dishonor wherwith this realme shall be blotted, vntill God shall giue power to redub it with some like requitall to the French.

Doctor Weston being (as you haue heard before) prolocutor of the conuocation house,* 19.79 was at this time in displeasure with cardinall Poole, and other bishops: bicause he was vnwilling to resigne his deanrie of Westminster vnto the queene, whose pur∣pose was to place there (as in old time before) the re∣ligion of moonks, whome in déed he fauoured not, al∣though in all other things he stood with the church of Rome. Neuerthelesse, by verie importunate sute, or rather compulsion, he with his collegues resigned the deanrie of Westminster. In recompense wherof he was made deane of Windsor, where not long af∣ter he was taken in adulterie, and for that fact was by the cardinall depriued of all his spirituall liuings, from whose sentence he appealed vnto the court of Rome. For the following of which appeale he sought secretlie to depart the realme: but he was apprehen∣ded by the waie, and committed to the tower of Lon∣don, where he remained prisoner, vntill (by the death of quéene Marie) quéene Elizabeth came vnto the crowne, by whome he was set at libertie, and foorth∣with fell sicke and died.

The common talke was,* 19.80 that if he had not so sud∣denlie died, he would haue disclosed the purpose of the chiefe of the clergie, meaning the cardinall, which was to haue taken vp K. Henries bodie at Wind∣sor, and to haue burned it, as manie thought. The thir∣tith of Nouember, being saint Andrews daie,* 19.81 in the forenoone, the quéene came from saint Iames to hir palace at Westminster, where she heard masse: at the which, sir Thomas Tresham knight receiued

the order of the crosse,* 19.82 & was instituted lord of saint Iohns of Ierusalem in England. At this time, al∣though there was open hostilitie and warre betwéen England & France: yet contrarie to the common cu∣stome before vsed, the towne of Calis and the forts thereabouts were not supplied with anie new ac∣crewes of soldiors, but rather withdrawne from thense, and discharged. Which negligence was not vnknowne to the enimie, who long before had prac∣tised the winning of the said towne and countrie. [line 10]

* 19.83The French king therefore being sharplie nettled with the late losse of saint Quintins, and a great péece of his countrie adioining, and desirous of re∣uenge, thought it not meet to let slip this occasion, but rather to aduance the same with all expedition, ac∣cording vnto the plot laied by the conestable before hand. The king yet neuerthelesse hauing an armie in a readinesse (although the conestable were now pri∣soner, and therefore could not be present himselfe) to imploie where most aduantage should appeare, de∣termined [line 20] with all spéed to put in proofe the enterprise of Calis,* 19.84 which long and manie times before was purposed vpon, as it was well knowne. This prac∣tise was not secret, but that the deputies of Calis and Guisnes had some intelligence thereof, and in∣formed the queene and hir councell accordinglie, as well by letters, as by sufficient messengers: for not onelie Iohn Hiefield master of the ordinance was sent from thense to giue due aduertisement of the French kings purpose, & to haue a supplie of things [line 30] necessarie for mounting of the great artillerie wher∣of he had charge; but also sir Rafe Chamberleine, capteine of the castell, was likewise sent to giue the like aduertisement, who returned not past two or three daies before the duke of Guise came thither with the armie. And so either by wilfull negligence, or lacke of credit by the quéenes councell here, this great case was so slenderlie regarded, that no proui∣sion of defense was made, vntill it was somewhat too late. [line 40]

The duke of Guise being generall of the French armie,* 19.85 procéeded in this enterprise with maruellous speed and no lesse policie. For approching the Eng∣lish frontier vnder colour to vittell Bullongne and Ard, he entered the same vpon a sudden on New∣yeares daie, a sorie little plot of ground, intrenched at Sandgate,* 19.86 and then diuided his armie into two parts, sending one part with certeine peeces of great artillerie along the downes by the sea side to∣wards Ricebanke: and the other part furnished also [line 50] with batterie péeces, marched streightfoorth to New∣nambridge,* 19.87 meaning to batter these two forts both at one time. Which thing he did with such readie di∣spatch, that comming thither verie late in the eue∣ning, he was master of both by the next morning: where at the first shot discharged at Newnambridge, the head of the master gunner of that peece, whose name was Horslie was striken off.

The capteine hauing sent vnto the lord deputie of Calis for some supplie of men, was answered that if [line 60] he perceiued the enimies force to be such, whereby his péece should grow to be in anie danger: that then he should choke vp the artillerie, and retire with his men vnto Calis for defense of the towne, where they stood in great want of men also, euen to the perill of losing the whole, if the enimies came forwards to besiege it. Herevpon the capteine within Newnam∣bridge perceiuing he might haue no succors, retired with his soldiors vnto Calis, in such secret wise, that the Frenchmen perceiued it not of a pretie while; in∣somuch that they shot still at the fort, when there was not a man within it to make resistance: and by that time that they were come to Calis, the other part of the French armie that went by the sea side with their batterie, had woone Ricebanke,* 19.88 being abandoned to their hands. The next daie the Frenchmen with fiue double canons and thrée culuerings began a batte∣rie, from the Sandhils next Ricebanke against the curteine betwixt the watergate and the soldiors pri∣son on the wall, and continued the same by the space of two or thrée daies, vntill they had made a little breach next vnto the watergate, which neuerthelesse was not yet assaultable: for that which was broken in the daie, was by them within the towne made vp againe in the night stronger than before. But the batterie was not begun there by the French,* 19.89 for that they intended to enter in that place, but rather to ab∣use the English, to haue the lesse regard vnto the de∣fense of the castell, which was the weakest part of the towne, and the place where they were ascerteined by their espials to win easie entrie. So that while our people trauelled fondlie to defend that counterfet breach of the towne wall,* 19.90 the duke had in the meane season planted fifteene double canons against the ca∣stell. Which castell being considered by the rulers of the towne, to be of no such force as might resist the batterie of the canon (by reason it was old and with∣out anie rampiers) it was deuised to make a traine with certeine barrels of powder to this pupose, that when the Frenchmen should enter (as they well knew that there they would) to haue fired the said traine, and blowne vp the Kéepe, and for that purpose left neuer a man within to defend it.

But the French hauing passed through the dich full of water,* 19.91 & thereby with their cloths wringing wet as they passed ouer the traine, they moisted so the powder, that it would not take fire when it was gi∣uen. Herevpon the Frenchmen espieng the traine, auoided the same; so as that deuise came to no pur∣pose, and without anie resistance they entered the ca∣stell, and thought to haue entered the towne by that waie. But by the prowesse and hardie courage of sir Anthonie Ager knight, & marshall of the towne, with his soldiors they were repelled, and driuen backe a∣gaine into the castell, and so hard followed, that our men forced them to close and shut the castell gate for their suertie, least it should haue béene recouered a∣gainst them, as it was once attempted by sir Antho∣nie Ager; who there with his sonne and heire,* 19.92 and a purseuant at armes called Calis, with diuese others to the number of three or foure score Englishmen lost their liues.

The same night after the recule of the French∣men, whose number so increased in the castell, that the towne was not able to resist their force, the lord Wentwoorth being deputie of the towne,* 19.93 appointed Nicholas Fellow, aliàs Guisnes, and Richard Tur∣pine, aliàs Hammes, to go to the French within the castell, to demand parlée: wherevnto they assented,* 19.94 put foorth of the posterne two French gentlemen, and in pledge for them receiued into the castell Iohn Hiefield master of the ordinance, and Edmund Hall one of the conestables of the staple. Herevpon they falling in talke about a composition: at length after some long debating of the matter, they concluded in this sort. First that the towne, with all the great artillerie, vittels, and munitions, should be fréelie yeelded to the French king, the liues of the inhabi∣tants onelie saued, to whome safe conduct should be granted to passe where they listed: sauing the lord deputie, with fiftie such other as the duke should ap∣point, to remaine prisoners, and be put to their ran∣some. The next morning,* 19.95 the Frenchmen entered and possessed the towne: and foorthwith all the men, women, and children, were commanded to leaue their houses, and to go to certeine places appointed for them to remaine in, till order might be taken for their sending awaie.

The places thus appointed for them to remaine in, were chéeflie foure, the two churches of our ladie, and saint Nicholas, the deputies house, and the staple, where they rested a great part of that daie, and one whole night, and the next daie till thrée of the clocke at afternoone, without either meat or drinke. And while they were thus in the churches, and those other places,* 19.96 the duke of Guise in the name of the French king, in their hearings made a proclamation, strict∣lie charging all and euerie person that were inhabi∣tants [line 10] of the towne of Calis, hauing about them a∣nie monie, plate, or iewels, to the value of one groat to bring the same foorthwith, and laie it downe vpon the high altars of the said churches vpon paine of death; bearing them in hand also, that they should be searched. By reason of which proclamation, there was made a great & sorowfull offertorie. And while they were at this offering within the churches,* 19.97 the Frenchmen entered into their houses, and rifled the same, where was found inestimable riches and trea∣sure: [line 20] but speciallie of ordinance, armor, and other munitions.

¶ Thus dealt the French with the English in lieu and recompense of the like vsage to the French when the forces of king Philip preuailed at S. Quintins: where not content with the honour of victorie, the English in sacking the towne sought nothing more than the satisfieng of their greedie veine of couetous∣nesse, with an extreame neglect of all moderation. So likewise did the Spanish soldiors, and the rest [line 30] that could come to finger anie thing of value: inso∣much that neither monie nor plate, either of siluer or gold, rich hangings, bedding nor houshold stuffe was spared: but what they could not carie awaie for cumbersomnesse, they sold dogcheape; were the same necessarie furniture seruiceable for the chamber, the kitchin, or anie other roome in a mans house. Pearls and pretious stones, iewels and owches, the rich or∣naments of the French dames were then bought and sold at a low price, which a long time had béene [line 40] kept shut vp vnder locke and keie: all laie open now to the gréedie eie of the soldiors, who like landlords kept possession of houses, as C. O. noteth, of whom I haue borrowed the report of this reuell rowt, saieng:

Armatis muros firmissimáque occupat vrbis Militibus victor, dominantur in aedibus altis Iam vacuis veterum dominorum Marce phalanges Conspicuae.]

About two of the clocke the next daie at after noone, being the seuenth of Ianuarie,* 19.98 a great number of [line 50] the meanest sort were suffered to passe out of the towne in safetie, being garded through the armie with a number of Scotish light horssemen, who vsed the Englishmen verie well and friendlie: and after this euerie daie for the space of thrée or foure daies togither, there were sent awaie diuerse companies of them till all were auoided, those only excepted that were appointed to be reserued for prisoners, as the lord Wentworth, & others. There were in the towne of Calis fiue hundred English souldiors ordinarie,* 19.99 [line 60] and no more: and of the townesmen not fullie two hundred fighting men (a small garison for the defense of such a towne) and there were in the whole number of men, women, and children (as they were accoun∣ted when they went out of the gate) foure thousand and two hundred persons. But the Lord Went∣worth deputie of Calis, sir Rafe Chamberleine cap∣teine of the castell, Iohn Harlston capteine of Rice∣banke, Nicholas Alexander capteine of Newnam∣bridge, Edward Grimstone the comptrollor, Iohn Rogers surueior, with others, to the number of fiftie (as aforesaid) such as it pleased the duke of Guise to appoint, were sent prisoners into France.

Thus haue ye heard the discourse of the ouerthrow and losse of the towne of Calis,* 19.100 the which enterprise was begun and ended in lesse than eight daies, to the great maruell of the world▪ that a towne of such strength, and so well furnished of all things as that was (sufficient numbers of men of warre onlie ex∣cepted) should so suddenlie be taken and conquered, but most speciallie in the winter season, what time all the countrie about (being marish ground) is com∣monly ouerflowne with water. The said towne was woon from the French king by K. Edward the third,* 19.101 in the time of Philip de Ualois then French king: and being in possession of the kings of England two hundred and eleuen yeares, was in the time of Phi∣lip and Marie king & queene of England lost within lesse than eight daies: being the most notable fort that England had. For the winning whereof, king Edward aforesaid, in the 21 yeare of his reigne, was faine to continue a siege eleuen moneths and more. Wherefore it was iudged of all men, that it could not haue come so to passe, without some secret tre∣cherie.

Here is also to be noted, that when queene Marie and hir councell heard crediblie of the Frenchmens sudden approch to that towne,* 19.102 she with all spéed possi∣ble (but somewhat too late) raised a great power for the rescue thereof; the which comming to Douer, stai∣ed thereabouts till the towne was woone, either for that their whole number was not come togither, or for that there were not ships readie sufficient to passe them ouer, although the wind and weather serued ve∣rie well to haue transported them thither, till the sun∣daie at night after the towne was deliuered: for then began a maruellous sore and rigorous tempest,* 19.103 con∣tinuing the space of foure or fiue daies togither, that the like had not béene seene in the remembrance of man.* 19.104 Wherefore some said that the same came to passe through necromancie, and that the diuell was raised vp and become French, the truth whereof is knowne (saith maister Grafton) to God. True it is that after the said tempest began, for the time it la∣sted, no ship could well brooke the seas, by reason of the outragious storms. And such of the quéenes ships as did then aduenture the passage,* 19.105 were so shaken and torne with the violence of the weather, that they were forced to returne in great danger, & not with∣out losse of all their tackle and furniture: so that if this tempestuous weather had not chanced, it was thought that the armie should haue passed to haue gi∣uen some succors to Guisnes, and to haue attempted the recouerie of Calis.

But if the same armie might haue béene readie to haue transported ouer in time, before the losse of Calis, and whilest the weather was most calme and swéet, as was possible for that time of the yeare, the towne might haue béene preserued; and the other pée∣ces which through want of timelie succours came in∣to the enimies possession. And thus by negligence of the councell at home, conspiracie of traitors else∣where, force and false practise of enimies, holpen by the rage of most terrible tempests of contrarie winds and weather, this famous fort of Calis was brought againe and left in the hands and possession of the French. ¶ Now were he worthie of a kingdome,* 19.106 that could sensiblie and significantlie set foorth the insolent triumphs and immoderate reioising of the French for the recouerie of Calis so long possessed by the English, and now in forren tenure. In des∣cribing whereof a man had néed of manie heads fraught with extraordinarie inuention, and of many hands readilie to deliuer in writing his rare con∣ceipts in this case. For as they are a people depen∣ding wholie vpon extremities in their actions: so in this they vsed no measure, insomuch that euen the learneder sort among them, namelie Turnebus, Au∣ratus,

Bellaius, and others did both pen and publish pamphlets in Latine verse, replenished with scoffs and vnreuerend termes against the English, cal∣ling them Perfidos, and in flowting sort Diuisos orbe Bri∣tannos; but aduancing to the skies their Henrie, their Guise, and the rest of the rowt that were actors in this conquest. A sight of which verses in some part I may not omit (for it requireth a booke to transcribe all) least I might be thought to impose vpon them a false charge. This therefore in the forme of a dialog betweene a post and the people writeth Auratus the [line 10] French kings publike reader in the Gréeke toong:

N. Clamate Galli nunc ter io io. V. Quae laeta Gallis instat ouatio? N. * 19.107Capti Caletes. V. Multa paucis Digna nouo memoras triumpho. N. Vicêre Galli, sed duce Guisio. V. Io triumphe, nunc ter io io. N. Vicêre victores Britannos. V. Nunc ter io, ter io triumphe. [line 20] N. Annos discentos serua Britanniae Vrbs liberata est. V. Nunc ter io io, N. Migrate iam prisci coloni. V. Nunc ••er io, ter io triumphe, &c.

And thus procéedeth he in his od veine of inuenti∣on, concluding with a question, whether the king of France or the duke of Guise are the more happie and blessed person? The answer is made that they are both blessed, the king for the duke sake, and the duke for the kings; and therefore his posie must of [line 30] force sing and sound to them both thrise, that is, often∣times Ter io triumphe, ter io triumphe. But I would to God the English had not béene so soon and so sudden∣lie turned out of their old possession, nor the French fondlings obteined such a iust cause of immoderate ioy and outragious triumph.]

But to leaue Calis in the present state, you shall vnderstand, that so soone as this duke of Guise (con∣trarie to all expectation) had in so few daies gained this strong towne of Calis (afore thought impreg∣nable) [line 40] and had put the same in such order as best sée∣med for his aduantage, proud of the spoile, and pres∣sing forward vpon his good fortune, without giuing anie long time to the residue of the guides or cap∣teines of the forts there, to breath vpon their busi∣nesse,* 19.108 the 13 daie of the said moneth being thursdaie, with all prouision requisite for a siege, marched with his armie from Calis, vnto the towne and fort of Guisnes, fiue miles distant from thence. Of which towne and castell at the same time there was cap∣teine [line 50] a valiant baron of England,* 19.109 called William lord Greie of Wilton, who not without cause sus∣pecting a siege at hand, and knowing the towne of Guisnes to be of small force, as being large in com∣passe, without walles or bulworks, closed onlie with a trench, before the Frenchmens arriuall had caused all the inhabitants of the towne to auoid, and so ma∣nie of them as were able to beare armes he caused to retire into the castell, which was a place well forti∣fied with strong and massie bulworks of bricke, ha∣uing [line 60] also an high and mightie tower, of great force and strength, called the Kéepe.

The towne being thus abandoned, the Frenchmen had the more easie approch to the castell, who thinking to find quiet lodging in those vacant houses, entred the same without any feare. And being that night at their rest (as they thought) a chosen band of souldiors appointed by the lord Greie,* 19.110 issued out by a posterne of the said castell, and slue no small number of their sleepie ghests, & the rest they put out of their new lod∣gings, and maugre the duke and all the French po∣wer, consumed all the houses of the towne with fire. That notwithstanding, the said duke with all dili∣gence began his trenches. And albeit the shot of the great artillerie from the castell was terrible, & gaue him great impeachment: yet did he continue his worke without i••termission, and for examples sake wrought in his owne person as a common pioner or labourer. So that within lesse than thrée daies,* 19.111 he brought to the number of fiue & thirtie batterie pée∣ces, hard to the brim of the castell ditch, to batter the same on all sides, as well foorthright as acrosse. But his principall batterie he planted against the stron∣gest bulworke of all, called Marie bulworke, thin∣king by gaining of the stronger to come more easi∣lie by the weaker.

On mondaie morning therefore by breake of the daie, they had laid two battries to the said bulworke,* 19.112 thirtéene canons in the one, and nine in the other, with which they plied it so well, as that by noone they had not onelie dismounted their counter batterie within, but also cleane cut awaie the hoope of bricke off the whole forefront of their bulworks, whereof the filling being but of late digged earth, did crimble awaie. Which the enimie finding about two of the clocke in the same afternoone, sent fortie or fiftie for∣lorne boies with swords and targets to view and assaie the breach. The ditch at that place before the batterie was not foure and twentie foot broad, now assuredlie not a dozzen, nor in deapth aboue a mans knées, wherefore with small adoo they came to the breach, and with as little paine came vp the same, the clime was so easie; from whence hauing dischar∣ged certeine pistols vpon the Englishmen, and re∣ceiued a few pushes of the pike, they retired. And making report of the easinesse of the breach, strait a band or two of Gascoigns (as it was thought) threw themselues into the ditch, and vp they came. Then a little more earnestly the Englishmen leaned to their tackling, their flankers walked, their pikes, their culuers, their pots of wild fire were lent them, the harquebush saluted them, so as tollie maister Gas∣coigne was set downe with more hast than he came vp with good spéed: and so ended mondaies worke,* 19.113 sauing that vpon the retire from the assalt, they gaue seuen or eight such terrible tires of batterie, as tooke cleane away from them within the top of their vau∣mure and maunds, leauing them all open to the ca∣nons mouth. Wherby surelie but for night that came on, the Englishmen had beene forced to haue aban∣doned the place.

At this assault was slaine of gentlemen, one cap∣teine Bourne an Englishman, verie valiant,* 19.114 also a Spanish gentleman, and common souldiours to the number of fortie or fiftie. There was also sore hurt at the same assault, one other Spanish capteine, with diuerse others, whom for the auoiding of tediousnesse I let passe. At night the lord Greie came to the bul∣worke, and hauing rendred thanks to God for that daies good successe,* 19.115 did greatlie commend them all for their manfull defense and valiant behauiour, ex∣horting them to continue therein, as the onelie thing wherein their safetie and good name did rest. The bat∣terie (as before is told) hauing laid the bulworks o∣pen, they within were inforced for winning of a new vaumure, to intrench within the bulworke six foot déepe, and nine in thicknesse, which maruellouslie did strengthen the péece, the same being of no great largenesse before. By the next daie being tuesdaie, they had planted two batteries more; the one in the market place of the towne, to beate a curteine of the bodie of the castell, of six canons; the other vpon the rampire of the towne of thrée péeces, to beat the Cat and a flanker of the Barbican, which two garded one side of the Marie bulworke.

This morning they bestowed most in battering at the flankers, which the daie before they had felt,* 19.116 and in déed woone euerie one from them within, sa∣uing

that of the Cat, which laie high and somwhat se∣cret, and an other at the end of a braie by the gate on the other side of the bulworke; all the rest, as those of the Garden bulworke which chéeflie beheld the maine breach of the Barbican, and of the Kéepe, were quite béereued them. And besides the enimie continuallie interteined the breath, with eight or nine tires the houre. In the afternoone, about the same houre that they made their attempt the daie afore,* 19.117 a regiment of Swisses, with certeine bands of Frenchmen ap∣proched [line 10] the dich, as if presentlie they would haue gi∣uen the assault; but there they did staie, sending to the breach onelie a capteine or two, seeking thereby to haue discouered what flankers yet were left to them within: wherein they were preuented, the lord Graie hauing before warned the gunners not to disclose them, but vpon extremitie. And thus after an houres plaie with the harquebush onelie, and a light offer or two of approach, this people retired them, and gaue the canon place againe, which by night had driuen [line 20] them within anew to become moldwarps, and to intrench themselues with all speed possible.

The morrow being wednesdaie, by the péepe of daie, all the batteries began, and without intermissi∣on held on till one of the clocke in the afternoone, and especiallie that in the market place so preuailed, as hauing cleane ruined the old wall, did driue through the rampire, and a new countermure of earth raised vpon the same, where the lord Greie himselfe sitting vpon a forme,* 19.118 with sir Henrie Palmer, and master [line 30] Lewes Diue his lordships cousin and deputie, made a faire escape, the forme being stricken asunder vn∣der them, without anie further harme to anie of them: though sundrie other that daie and the next following lost their liues on the same curteine by the foresaid battrie, which full in flanke did beat it, where∣in yet was his lordships onelie abode as his chéefest place, to view and regard the behauiour and néed of all the other lims, from which also a quoit might be throwne into Marie bulworke. The enimies canon [line 40] (as is said) hauing plaid thus all the morning, and well searched (as they thought) euerie corner that flankers might lurke in, about the foresaid houre of one of the clocke, the Englishmen might descrie the trench before the breach to be stuffed with ensignes. The L. Greie streight expecting that which followed, gaue word incontinentlie to euerie place to stand on their gard, incouraging euerie man to continue in their well begun endeuor. A tower that was called Webs tower, and yet standing, which flanked one side of the beaten bulworke, he stuffed with twentie [line 50] of the best shot with curriers. These things no sooner thus ordered, but that eight or nine ensignes of Swisses,* 19.119 and thrée of Gascoigns, did present them∣selues vpon the counterscarfe; and without staie the Gascoignes slue into the ditch, run vp the breach, whome they within receiue with harquebush shot, but they requite the Englishmen againe with two for one. The top of the vaumure or rather trench, the enimie boldlie approcheth, the pike is offered, to handblowes it commeth. Then the Swisse with a [line 60] statelie leasure steppeth into the dich, and close togi∣ther marcheth vp the breach, the fight increaseth, wax∣eth verie hot, & the breach all couered with the eni∣mies. The small shot in Webs tower began now their parts,* 19.120 no bullet that went in vaine. On the other side againe 20 of the Spaniards on the inside of the braies had laid themselues close till the heat of the assault: and then shewing themselues, did no lesse gall the enimies than the tower. Thus was it no lustilier assailed than brauelie defended. At last after an houres fight and more, the gouernors with∣out▪ finding the great slaughter that theirs went to, and small auaile, and perceiuing the two little case∣mates of the tower and braies to be the cheefest an∣noiances, did cause a retire to be sounded: and with∣all three or foure of the canons in the market place, to be turned vpon Webs tower, the which at two tires brought cleane downe the same vpon the soldi∣ors heads, wherein two or thrée were slaine outright, others hurt to death, and who escaped best, so maimed or brused, as they were no more able to serue.

The enimie this while hauing breathed, and a brace of an hundred shots put foorth onelie to attend on the few Spaniards that kept the corners of the b••aies the assault afresh is begun, and their beaten bands with new companies relieued. The lord Greie also sent into the bulworke two hundred fresh men.* 19.121 Now grew the fight heauie vpon the Englishmen, all their defense resting in the pike and bill, their chée∣fest flankers being gone, their places to bestow shot in taken from them, their fier-works in manner spent, the Spanish shot on the other side so ouerlaid, as not one of them but was either slaine or marred, yer a quarter of the assault was past. The easinesse of the fight thus alluring the enimie, vnappointed companies flue to the breach, and courage was on euerie side with them, what hauocke they made it is not hard to gesse. My lord Greie perceiuing the ex∣tremitie, sent to the two forenamed flankers, that they should no longer spare. They streight went off, the diches and breach being couered with men. These vnlooked for ghests made the enimie that was com∣ming to pause, and the other alreadie come to repent their hast. Thrée or foure bowts of these salutations began to cleare well the breach, though the dich grew the fuller at night. At last parted with no great tri∣umph of others winnings (for as the Englishmen within went not scotfrée) so suerlie no small number of their enimies carcasses tooke vp their iodgings in the ditch that night.* 19.122

My lord Greie this night came into the bulworke,* 19.123 where after praise first to God, he gaue thanks and commendations to them all. The slaine men he cau∣sed to be buried, the hurt to be remooued and looked vnto, saw the breach repared, inquired of their lacks, and (as he might) supplied the same. They that were great could not be helped, as cornpowder, fierworks, yea and pikes began to faile vs. The most part of the night he here bestowed, and longer as was thought had taried,* 19.124 had not a scaberdles sword about one of the souldiors as he went in the throng & darke amongst them, thrust him almost through the foot: wherevpon he withdrew him to be dressed, vsing first vnto his souldiors an exhortation to acquite them∣selues no lesse valiantlie the next daie, assuring them that one or two more such bankets as this last, gi∣uen to the enimie, would coole their courages for anie more assaults.

This night now, great noise & working was heard in the dich, wherevpon the bulworke was once or twice on alarum. At the last with cressets it was espied that they were making a bridge. The morning came, and then the same was séene to be finished,* 19.125 emptie casks with ropes fastened togither, & sawed boords laid thereon. This yet did but put them with∣in, in a certeintie of that which before they accounted of, and stood prepared for. To be short, the enimies spent all the daie till it was full two of the clocke in batterie, & beating at the two last flankers, which at length they woone from them within, & the gunners of either slaine. Wherevpon the lord Greie taking counsell of sir Henrie Palmer,* 19.126 master Lewes Diue and Montdragon the leader of the Spaniards: it was resolued, that there might be order to make a fucasie within the bulworke, and presentlie to with∣draw all from thence, sauing a certeine for a face and stale to toll in the enimie, and then to haue blowne it

vp whole to the destruction of them all.

* 19.127In the meane time, the duke of Guise hauing gi∣uen order to monsieur Dandelot coronell of the French footmen,* 19.128 that he with his bands should be in a readinesse to giue the assault when signe should be giuen, did withdraw him to an higher ground, from whence he might plainlie discouer the behauiour as well of his souldiors in the assault giuing, as also of the defendants in answering the same. And percei∣uing not so manie of the English part appearing for [line 10] defense (as he douted there would) gaue order foorth∣with, that a regiment of his most forward lance, knights should mount the brech, to open the first pas∣sage: and that monsieur Dandelot with his French footbands should backe them, which order was follo∣wed, with such hast & desperat hardines, that entring a déepe ditch full of water, from the bottome whereof to the top of the breach, in some places, was well neare fortie foot,* 19.129 without feare either of the water beneath, or the fire aboue, they mounted the breach. [line 20]

And whereas the duke had prepared (as ye haue heard) bridges made of planke boords, borne vp with casks and emptie pipes, tied one to another, for his men to passe the said ditch: manie of them now at this assault, without care of those bridges, plunged into the water,* 19.130 and tooke the next waie to come to the assault. Which hot hast notwithstanding, the as∣sailants were at the first so stoutlie repelled and put backe by the defendants, being furnished with great store of wildfire, and other fucasies for the purpose, [line 30] that they were turned headlong one vpon another, much faster than they came vp, not without great wast and slaughter of their best and most forward souldiors, to the small comfort of the stout duke, who (as is said before) stood all this while vpon a little hill to behold this businesse. Wherefore he not induring this sight any longer,* 19.131 as a man inraged, ran among his men, so reprouing some, and incouraging other, that the assault was hot renewed, with much more vehemencie and furie than before, and with no lesse [line 40] sturdie obstinacie and desperation receiued by the defendants, whereby all the breach beneath was filled with French carcases.

This notwithstanding, the duke still redoubled his forces with fresh companies, and continued so manie assaults one vpon another, that at the last charge, being most vehement of all the other, the Englishmen being tired, and greatlie minished in their numbers, by slaughter and bloudie wounds, were of fine force driuen to auoid,* 19.132 & so after halfe an [line 50] hours fight, the enimie entered. Which when the lord Greie beheld, he leaped to the top of the rampire, wi∣shing of God that some shot would take him. When one that stood next him, by the scarffe suddenlie pulled him downe, otherwise the effects had well declared the earnestnes of the praier: for he was not yet vp a∣gaine, when a canon shot grated vpon the same place from whence he fell. And thus verie narrowlie hée scaped the danger of that shot, which if it had hit him would (no doubt) haue wrought his dispatch. For what is the weake frame of a mans bodie to migh∣tie [line 60] forts and strong castels, builded of timber and stone, beside the iron worke therewith compact, of∣tentimes redoubling the strength of the same? And yet these (we see by experience) ruinated, battered, and laid leuell manie times with the thundering shot of this dreadfull artillerie: an engine of no great anti∣quitie, and not vsed among ancient warriours in former ages, but a late deuise of a Franciscan frier; pitie it is that euer he was borne to set abroch such a pestilent inuention, as the poet noteth, shewing also the vse and the mischéefous effect therof as followeth:

Tormenti genus est ex ferro aut aere coactum, Quod Franciscanus frater reperisserefertur, Vt capias paucis validissima castra diebus, Quae vix cepisses armis toto prius anno, &c.

But to proceed. The fight within the bulworke yet lasted, to the great slaughter of them that defended it. Herevpon my lord Greie presentlie called to mai∣ster Lewes Diue, and others that were about him, to follow him to the gate. The maze was such, that besides his sonne maister Arthur Greie,* 19.133 and now lord Greie, maister Lewes Diue, capteine Bricke∣well, and halfe a doozen of armed corslets, not a man else did follow him. By this means the Englishmen were cleane driuen out of the bulworke,* 19.134 the enimie yet not daring to passe the braies, gaue them that es∣caped good leisure to recouer the gate, where my lord Greie holding the wicket himselfe, receiued them in. Upon the taking of this bulworke, the souldiors of Whiteleies bulworke and the base court in dis∣comfiture abandoned their charges, flieng to the ca∣stell: so that more than the Kéepe and the bodie of the castell no part was free from the enimie. My lord Greie hauing receiued all his, caused the gates to be rammed vp.

Thus were the cheefe bulworks and vtter lims of the castell of Guisnes obteined by the French,* 19.135 on saint Sebastians daie, being the twentith of Ianu∣arie, but yet not without great expense of bloud on both sides: for of the French part there were slaine in those assaults aboue the number of eight or nine hundred, and of the English not manie fewer: a∣mongst whom the greatest losse lighted vpon those few Spaniards and Wallons that were come to as∣sist the English at that present. It was now night:* 19.136 when a trumpetter came to the ditches side in the base court, & sounded a summons: who being called vnto & asked what he would, told that he was sent to my lord Greie by the duke of Guise, with offer of a parlée if it would be harkened vnto. The souldiors no sooner heard these newes, but forsaking the walles came all in rowt togither, & confusedlie speaking to their chiefteine the said lord Greie, praied him to har∣ken to the message, & to haue consideration of their liues, which so long as anie hope remained, they wil∣linglie had ventured. The lord Greies answer was, that he maruelled, either what causelesse mistrust of his caring for them was now come vpon them, or what sudden vnwoonted faintnesse of mind had so assailed them, as to cause them in such disorder to for∣sake their places, and leaue the walles naked, and he willed them to returne to the same.

My lord Greie hereof tooke counsell, and it was thought good not to reiect the offer, the extremitie on euerie side weied. The trumpetter receiuing answer, accordinglie departed,* 19.137 & without long abode retur∣ned againe, requiring in the dukes behalfe hostages for a truce during the parlee from vs, he minding to deliuer the like into the castell. From him in fine monsieur Des••rees, and a gentleman of the kings chamber were sent in: and maister Arthur Greie my lords sonne, and maister Lewes Diue, were put out. Monsieur Dandelot in the braies receiued them, and caried them ouer the vnfortunate bul∣worke, being come vpon naked and new slaine car∣cases, some of them spralling yet and groning vn∣der their feet, were onelie the earth they trod on. So passing downe the breach somewhat to the ease of the former heauie sight, they saw it, and the ditch little lesse fraught with the enimies corpses. Then to the campe they came, and were lodged in the said Dan∣delots tent.

The next daie in the morning, the lord Greie was to m••et the duke abrode:* 19.138 betweene them willinglie one houre was spent in talking without agreement, onelie vpon this point, that the lord Greie would haue his bands depart with their ensignes displaied,

which would not be yeelded vnto: so he returned, & the hostages also therevpon were sent in. Monsieur De∣strées not being yet come foorth, my lord was no soo∣ner entered againe, but that the souldiers eftsoones forsaking the walles, willinglie & to the present cut∣ting of all their owne throtes (if monsieur Destrées himselfe had not béene, with a few capteins & gentle∣men of the lord Greies owne retinue) came and met him, crieng vpon him to haue pitie vpon them. The lord Greie herewith staied, and pausing a while, had [line 10] this speach.

The onelie pitie (if fond I cannot saie) that I haue of you,* 19.139 hath caused me this daie to make such offers of composition, as neither your honesties, nor my honour, nor either of our duties in my thought maie well beare, which refused to take harder to the vtter defacing of our credits, sith the best would blot it.

If I would, souldiers, your selues (me thinketh) in vengeance thereof should turne your weapons vp∣on me, and sacrifice so hartlesse a capteine, rather [line 20] than to take it as a token of a pitifull capteine ouer you, and to yéeld thanks for the same. We haue be∣gun, as becommed vs: we haue yet held on as dutie dooth bind vs: let vs end then as honest dutie and fame dooth will vs. Neither is there anie such extre∣mitie of despaire in our case, but that we maie yet dearelie inough sell our skins yer we lose them. Let vs then either march out vnder our ensignes dis∣plaied, or else herewith die vnder them displaied.

The soldiers herewith in a mutinie flatlie answered, [line 30] that they for his vainglory would not sell their liues.* 19.140 The desperatnesse of their case was not vnknowne vnto them (said they) and that their liues in other ser∣uice might yet auaile their prince and countrie. In this now further to venture, was but like oxen to be thrust to the butcher. That his lordship was not to ex∣pect anie one blow at their hands.

Herewith in hast came one from monsieur De∣strees that stood at the rampire, aduising him to send his souldiors to the wals, otherwise that the Swisses [line 40] would assuredlie enter. So constreined, his lordship promised them to compound, and so he got them to the wals. Then my lord going to councell, at length agreed vpon these conditions.* 19.141 First, that the castell with all the furniture therin as well vittels as great artillerie, powder, and all other munitions of warre, should be wholie rendred without wasting, hiding, or minishment thereof. Secondarilie, that the lord Greie with all the capteins, officers and others, ha∣uing charge there, should remaine prisoners at the [line 50] dukes pleasure, to be ransomed after the maner of warre. Thirdlie, that all the rest, as well souldiors as others, should depart with their armors, and baggage to what parties it séemed them best: neuer∣thelesse to passe without sound of drum or trumpet, or ensigne, and to leaue them behind. These articles sent by monsieur Destrees to the duke were accep∣ted, & so in the after noone, the duke himselfe came & receiued the keies of my lord Greie, who presentlie went out, and was giuen to the marshall Strozzie, [line 60] and from him sold to monsieur de Randan, by whom he came into his brother the counte de Rochefou∣calt his hands, and there rested, till he was redée∣med for foure and twentie thousand crownes.

The daie following, that is saie the two and twen∣tith of Ianuarie,* 19.142 all the souldiors of the said fortresse of Guisnes, as well English as strangers, with all the rest of the inhabitants, and other (excepted the lord Greie himselfe, maister Arthur Greie his son, sir Henrie Palmer knight, Montdragon capteine of the Spaniards, and other men of charge reserued by the composition) departed with their bag and bag∣gage from thense towards Flanders. At whose is∣suing foorth, there were estéemed to the number of eight or nine hundred able men for the warre, part English & part Burgognians. Of Spaniards so few were left, as no account is to be made of them, in maner the whole number of them being slaine, and selling their liues right déerelie, according to the or∣der of good & hardie souldiors. Thus endeth this siege, wherein for breuities sake we haue left to saie anie thing of the prouisions that the lord Greie made a∣gainst the same, of the aduertisements that from time to time he sent to king Philip and quéene Ma∣rie, and of their answers, of the sundrie aduentures which they of Guisnes had with the enimie during their being about Calis, and of the great and ma∣nie booties that were there taken. Onelie in a word or two will I ad what bands of strangers were within the péece, because thereof as in an other thing or two,* 19.143 I doo find maister Grafton in his chronicle speake at rouers. First came in Montdragon, with two Spaniards more, verie valiant men, whome did follow within a daie or two, about foure or fiue and thirtie other Spaniards, all shot, of which (as I haue heard) there went not fiue out of the ca∣stell.

There came one capteine Desquie a Burgognian, with two hundred souldiors, pikes most. This band was appointed to the Marie bulworke, whose cap∣teine being full of the gout, and an impotent man, would not yet be from his charge, but in his bed en∣ded his life in the bulworke. And so of this enough. But now after the winning of this towne and ca∣stell, the duke aduising well vpon the place,* 19.144 and con∣sidering that if it should happen to be regained by Englishmen, what a noisome neighbor the same might be to Calis, now being French; and special∣lie what impeachment should come thereby for the passage thither from France, considering also the neere standing thereof to the French kings fortresse of Ard: so that to keepe two garrisons so nigh to∣gither should be but a double charge, and not onlie néedlesse, but also dangerous for the cause afore re∣hearsed. Upon these considerations (as the French∣men write) he tooke order for all the great artillerie, vittels and other munition, to be taken foorth, and the castell with all the bulworkes and other fortifi∣cations there, with all spéed to be razed and throwne downe, and the stuffe to be caried awaie, and em∣ploied in other more necessarie places.

Then rested nothing within all the English pale on that side vnconquered,* 19.145 but the little castell or pile called Hammes, which though it were but of small force, made by art and industrie of mans hand, and being altogither of old workemanship without ram∣piers or bulworks: yet neuerthelesse, by the natu∣rall situation thereof, being on all sides inuironed with fens and marish grounds, it could not easilie be approched vnto, either with great ordinance for the batterie, or else with anie armie to incampe there for a siege: but hauing one streict passage thereto by a narrow causeie, trauersed and cut through in diuerse places, with déepe ditches, alwaies full of water.* 19.146 Which thing being well foreséene by Edward lord Dudleie then capteine there, hauing as good cause to suspect a siege there, as his neighbors had afore the Frenchmens comming to Guisnes, cau∣sed all the bridges of the said causeie being of wood to be broken, to giue thereby the more impeachment to the French, if they should attempt to approch the same, as shortlie after they did, and kept diuerse of the passages.

But to deliuer the duke and his souldiors from that care, there came to him glad newes from those that had charge to watch the said causeie, how the capteine hauing intelligence of the rendering of Guisnes, secretlie the same night had conueied him∣selfe,

with his small garrison by a secret passage o∣uer the marish into Flanders.* 19.147 Wherby the duke be∣ing now past care of anie further siege to be laid in all the frontier, tooke order foorthwith to seize the said little fort into his own hands, as it was easie to doo, when there was no resistance. When this peece was once seized by the French, then remained there non•• other place of defense nor strength of the Eng∣lish on all that side the sea, for the safegard of the rest of the countrie. Whereby the French king became [line 10] wholie and throughlie lord & maister of all the Eng∣lish pale: for now (as ye haue heard) there was nei∣ther towne, castell, or other fortresse, more or lesse on that side (sauing Boots bulworke neere to Graue∣ling, which after king Philip kept as his) but that it was either taken awaie by force, or else abandoned, and left open to the enimie. And (as the French∣men write) besides the great riches of gold and sil∣uer, coine,* 19.148 iewels, plate, wools, and other merchan∣dize (which was inestimable) there were found thrée [line 20] hundred peeces of brasse mounted on whéeles, and as manie of iron, with such furniture of powder, pel∣lets, armour, vittels, and other munitions of war scarselie credible.

Thus haue you heard the whole discourse of the conquest of the noble towne of Calis, with all the English fortresses and countrie adioining made by the duke of Guise. The news whereof when they came to the French king, no need to aske how ioiful∣lie they were receiued, not onelie of him and all his court, but also vniuersallie through the whole realme [line 30] of France. For the which victorie, there was (as the maner is) Te Deum sung, and bonefiers made e∣uerie where,* 19.149 as it is woont to be in cases of common ioy and gladnesse, for some rare benefit of God. In so much that shortlie vpon the conquest, there was a publike assemblie at Paris of all the estates of France, who franklie in recompense of the kings charges emploied in the winning of Calis, and the places aforesaid, and for maintenance of his wars to be continued afterwards, granted vnto him thrée [line 40] millians of French crowns: whereof the clergie of France contributed one millian, besides their dis∣mes. And no maruell though the French did high∣lie reioise at the recouerie of Calis out of the Eng∣lishmens hands: for it is constantlie affirmed of manie, that be acquainted with the affaires of France, that euer since the same towne was first woone by Englishmen, in all solemne councels as∣sembled to treat vpon the state of France, there [line 50] was a speciall person appointed to put them in re∣membrance from time to time of Calis: as it were to be wished that the like were vsed in England, vn∣till it were regained from the French.

* 19.150¶And here because thus much is said of the French by waie of discourse concerning their exulting, and immoderat ioyfulnesse manie waies testified, some∣what being alredie written thereof before: it is note∣woorthie, either for the increase of wit in vs, if it were the fault of our follie; or the aggrauating of [line 60] their impudencie, if they blush not to publish a most lowd and lewd lie; to remember what I haue read in verses set foorth by a Frenchman; wherein a∣mong manie words & terms vsed touching this con∣quest of Calis & Guisnes (wherein also a prophesie of Merline (of which name there were two,* 19.151 and both pro∣phets) is introduced, foretelling the reuolution of the same to be rather fatall to that nation, than recoue∣uerable by prowesse martiall (for thus he saith:)

Námque erat in fatis redditurum haud antè Caletum Ad veteres dominos, quàm se regina marito Traderet externo, veterúmque propagine regum Posthabita, nouus hic succederet aduena regnis: Ipse Valesina venturum à stirpe nepotem Merlinus vates multo praedixerat antè, Sanguinis vltorem nostri cladísque futurum.)

But this is not the matter that I meant (though it conteine somewhat whereat men may muse) but a further reach to the rebuke of rashnesse in some, if it were their déed; and to the shame of others, if the re∣port be false. For thus saith the same author, whose verses euen now I rehearsed, speaking of the Eng∣lishmen, whome former victories (saith he) made ve∣rie venterous, confident, and full of heart; and be∣sides that, so disdainfull and scornefull towards the French, that they caused to be grauen in hard mar∣bell aloft at the entrie of the castell or fortresse in le∣gible letters (but he telleth not in what language, no more than which of the Merlins prophesie it was; howbeit (saith he) thus much in effect in Latine:

Tùm demùm Francus premet obsidione Caletum, Cùm ferrum plumbúmue natabit suberis instar. Then shall the Frenchmen Calis win, When iron and lead like corke shall swim.

Thus report the French, but how trulie, let them saie that are able (vpon their owne knowledge) to iudge: and thus much shall suffice for that matter.] Now séemed euerie daie a yeare to the French king vntill he personallie had visited Calis, and his new conquered countrie.* 19.152 Wherefore about the end of Ia∣nuarie he tooke his viage thither, accompanied with no small number of his nobilitie: and immediatlie vpon his arriuall there, he perused the whole towne and euerie part thereof from place to place, deuising with the duke of Guise for the better fortification thereof, what should be added vnto the old, and what should be made new, and what should be taken a∣waie. And after order taken for that businesse, he placed there a noble man, & no lesse valiant knight of the order,* 19.153 called monsieur de Thermes to be cap∣teine of the towne, and so departed he againe into France.

After the French kings departure from Calis, he made great hast for the accomplishment of the mar∣riage, mooued betweene Francis his eldest sonne,* 19.154 called the Dolphin, and Marie Steward daughter & sole heire of Iames the fift late king of Scotland: which princesse, if the Scots had bin faithfull of pro∣mise, as they seldome be) should haue married king Edward the sixt. For the breach of which promise be∣gan all the warre betwéene England & Scotland, as you heard in the latter end of the life of king Hen∣rie the eight, and in the beginning of king Edward the sixt. This mariage (saith Grafton) though it be not of my matter, I thought not to omit, for that manie things were meant thereby, which thanks be to God neuer came to effect. But one speciall point was not hidden to the world, that by meanes of the same, the realme of Scotland should for euermore haue remained as vnited and incorporat to the crowne of France: and that as the sonne and heire of euerie French king dooth succéed to the inheritance and pos∣session of a countrie called the Dolphin,* 19.155 & is therfore called Dolphin; & like as the principalitie of Wales apperteineth to the eldest son of the king of England, who therefore is called the prince of Wales: euen so the Dolphin heire of France should thereby haue béene king of Scotland for euermore: which name and title vpon this mariage was accordinglie giuen to Francis Dolphin and heire apparant of France, to be called king Dolphin. The meaning whereof was vtterlie to exclude for euermore anie to be king of Scotland, but onelie the eldest sonne of France.

This memorable marriage was solemnized in the citie of Paris the foure and twentith daie of A∣prill,* 19.156 in the yéere of Christ 1558, with most magni∣ficall pompe and triumph, and honored with the pre∣sence of the most part of the princes, prelats, lords

and barons of both the realmes, as it were for a con∣firmation of this new aliance. Which as it was much to the aduantage and benefit of France: so nothing could be more preiudice & derogation to the crowne of Scotland, as a deuise tending to the perpetuall abolishing and extinguishment of the name & state of kings in that realme. In this meane time also the quéene Dowager of Scotland had doone what in hir laie,* 19.157 to procure the Scotish nobilitie to make warres against England: but they being not wil∣ling [line 10] thereto, monsieur Doisell coronell of certeine bands of Frenchmen came to Aimouth within six miles of Berwike, and fortified that place, making sundrie rodes and inuasions into England. In re∣uenge whereof the Englishmen made the like in∣rodes into Scotland, wherevpon the Scotishmen in their defense (as some pretend) were driuen to haue warres: and therevpon the earle of Huntleie was made lieutenant of the Scots borders, who remain∣ing there by the helpe of the Frenchmen did manie [line 20] displeasures to the Englishmen. This warre was begun in the yeere last past, and so continued: du∣ring the which manie skirmishes and diuerse proper feats of armes were put in practise betwixt the par∣ties (as in the historie of Scotland more at large it dooth appeeare) where we speake of the dooings in the yeares 1557 and 1558.

* 19.158¶A prest was granted to the quéene by the citizens of London, of twentie thousand pounds, which was leuied of the companies: for the which summe to be [line 30] paied againe, the quéene bound certeine lands, & also allowed for interest of the monie twelue pounds of euerie hundred for a yeare. Also this yeare within a mile of Notingham, was a maruellous tempest of thunder,* 19.159 which as it came through two townes, beat downe all the houses and churches, the bels were cast to the out side of the churchyards, and some webs of lead foure hundred foot into the field, writhen like a paire of gloues. The riuer of Trent running be∣twéene the two townes, the water with the mud in [line 40] the botome was carried a quarter of a mile, and cast against the trées, the trées were pulled vp by the roots and cast twelue score off. Also a child was taken forth of a mans hands two speares length hie, and carried a hundred foot off, and then let fall, where∣with his arme was broken, & so he died. Fiue or six men thereabout were slaine, and neither flesh nor skinne perished; there fell some hailestones that were fifteene inches about,* 19.160 &c. This yeare in haruest time the quartane agues continued in like maner, [line 50] or more vebementlie, than they had doone the last yeare past, where through died manie old people, and speciallie priests, so that a great number of parishes were vnserued, and no curats to be gotten: and much corne was lost in the field for lacke of worke∣men & laborers. Wherevpon insued a great scarsitie; so that in the beginning of sir Thomas Leighs ma∣ioraltie, corne rose to fourtéene shillings the quarter, and wood waxed scant in London, and was sold for thirtéene and foureteene shillings the thousand of [line 60] billets, and coles at ten pence the sacke, by reason of the great death and sicknesse the last summer for lacke of helpe and carriage.] ¶And here before we passe the yeare 1558, it were a fowle ouersight, not to make mention of a memorable discourse touching the ladie Katharine late dutchesse of Suffolke,* 19.161 a per∣sonage of honor, and worthie of commemoration in chronicles for hir godlinesse to hir high praise: where manie a malefactor is recorded for their outragious wickednesse to their immortall shame. Concerning the said ladie therefore thus writeth master Fox.

Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, sur∣mising the ladie Katharine baronesse of Willough∣bie and Cresbie, and duchesse Dowager of Suffolke, to be one of his ancient enimies, because he knew he had deserued no better of hir, deuised in the hol••e time of the first Lent in quéen Maries reigne, a holie practise of reuenge, first by touching hir in the per∣son of hir husband maister Richard Bertie esquier, for whome he sent an attachment (hauing the great scale at his deuotion) to the shiriffe of Lincolnshire, with a speciall letter,* 19.162 comanding most strictlie the same shiriffe to attach the said Richard immediatlie, and without baile to bring him vp to London to his great lordship. Maister Bertie hir husband being cleare in conscience, and frée from offense towards the quéene, could not coniecture anie cause of this strange processe, vnlesse it were some quarrell for religion, which he thought could not be so sore as the processe pretended.

The shiriffe, notwithstanding the commande∣ment, aduentured onelie to take the bond of maister Bertie, with two suerties in a thousand pounds for his appéerance, to be made before the bishop on good fridaie following:* 19.163 at which daie maister Berti•• ap∣péered, the bishop then lieng at his house by ••aint Marie Oueries. Of whose presence when the bishop vnderstood by a gentleman of his chamber, in a great rage he came out of his gallerie into his dining chamber, where he found a prease of suters, saieng he would not that daie heare anie: but came foorth onelie to know of maister Bertie, how he being a subiect durst so arrogantlie set at light two former processes of the quéenes. Maister Bertie answered, that albeit my lords words might séeme to the rest somewhat sharpe towards him,* 19.164 yet he conceiued great comfort of them. For whereas he before thought it extremitie to be attached, hauing vsed no obstinacie or contumacie: now he gathered of those words, that my lord ment not otherwise but to haue vsed some ordinarie processe; albeit indeed none came to his hands. Yea Marie, quoth the bishop, I haue sent you two Sub poenas, to appéere immediatlie, and I am sure you receiued them: for I committed the trust of them to no worsse man but to maister so∣licitor, and I shall make you an example to all Lin∣colnshire for your obstinacie. Maister Bertie deni∣eng the receipt of anie, humblie praied his lordship to suspend his displesure and the punishment, till he had good triall thereof: and then (if it pleased him) to dou∣ble the paine for the fault, if anie were. Well (quoth the bishop) I haue appointed my selfe this daie (ac∣cording to the holinesse of the same) for deuotion,* 19.165 and I will not further trouble me with you: but I inioine you in a thousand pounds, not to depart without leaue, and to be here againe to morrow at seauen of the clocke.

Maister Bertie well obserued the houre, and no iot failed. At the which time the bishop had with him maister sergeant Stamford, to whome he mooued certeine questions of the said master Bertie, bicause master sergeant was towards the lord Wriothesleie late earle of Southampton, & chancellor of England, with whom the said master Bertie was brought vp. Master sergeant made verie friendlie report of ma∣ster Bertie of his owne knowledge for the time of their conuersation togither. Wherevpon the bishop caused maister Bertie to be brought in; and first making a false traine (as God would, without fire) before he would descend to the quarrell of religion, he assaulted him in this maner. The quéenes plea∣sure is (quoth the bishop) that you shall make present paiment of foure thousand pounds due to hir father by duke Charles,* 19.166 late husband to the dutchesse your wife, whose executor she was. Pleaseth it your lordship (quoth maister Bertie) that debt is estalled, and is according to that estallment trulie answered. Tush (quoth the bishop) the quéene will not be bound

to estallments,* 19.167 in the time of Kets gouernment, for so I estéeme the late gouernment. The estallment (quoth maister Bertie) was appointed by king Hen∣rie the eight; besides, the same was by speciall com∣missioners confirmed in king Edwards time, and the lord treasuror being an executor also to the duke Charles solie and wholie, tooke vpon him before the said commissioners to discharge the same.

If it be true that you saie (quoth the bishop) I will shew you fauor. But of an other thing maister Bertie, I will admonish you as mening you well. I [line 10] heare euill of your religion; yet I hardlie can think euill of you, whose mother I know to be as god∣lie and catholike, as anie within this land, your selfe brought vp with a maister, whose education if I should disallow, I might be charged as author of his error. Besides partlie I know you my selfe, and vn∣derstand of my friends inough to make me your friend: wherfore I will not doubt of you, but I praie you if I maie aske the question of my ladie your [line 20] wife; is she now as readie to set vp the masse, as she was latelie to pull it downe,* 19.168 when she caused in hir progresse, a dog in a rochet to be caried & called by my name? Or dooth she thinke hir lambs now safe inough, which said to me when I vailed my bonnet to hir out of my chamber window in the tower, that it was merie with the lambs now the woolfe was shut vp?* 19.169 Another time my lord hir husband hauing inuited me and diuerse ladies to dinner, desired eue∣rie ladie to choose him whome she loued best, and so [line 30] place themselues. My ladie your wife taking me by the hand, for that my lord would not haue hir to take himselfe, said, that for so much as she could not sit downe with my lord whome she loued best, she had chosen me whome she loued worst.

Of the deuise of the dog, quoth master Bertie, she was neither the author nor the allower. The words, though in that season they sounded bitter to your lordship: yet if it should please you without offense to know the cause, I am sure the one will purge the [line 40] other. As touching setting vp of masse, which she learned not onelie by strong persuasions of diuerse excellent learned men,* 19.170 but by vniuersall consent and order whole six yeares past inwardlie to abhorre; if she should outwardlie allow, she should both to Christ shew hir selfe a false christian, and vnto hir prince a masking subiect. You know my lord, one by iudge∣ment reformed, is more woorth than a thousand trans∣formed temporizors. To force a confession of religi∣on by mouth, contrarie to that in the heart, worketh damnation where saluation is pretended. Yea ma∣rie [line 50] (quoth the bishop) that deliberation would doo well if she neuer required to come from an old religi∣on to a new. But now she is to returne from a new to an ancient religion: wherein when she made me hir gossip, she was as earnest as anie.

For that, my lord (said M. Bertie) not long since, she answered a friend of hirs vsing your lordships spéech,* 19.171 that religion went not by age but by truth: and therefore she was to be turned by persuasion and not by commandement. I praie you (quoth the bi∣shop) [line 60] thinke you it possible to persuade hir? Yea ve∣relie (said master Bertie) with the truth: for she is reasonable inough. The bishop therevnto replieng, said: It will be a maruellous griefe to the prince of Spaine, and to all the nobilitie that shall come with him, when they shall find but two noble personages of the Spanish race within this land, the quéene, and my ladie your wife, and one of them gone from the faith. Master Bertie answered, that he trusted they should find no fruits of infidelitie in hir. So the bi∣shop persuading master Bertie to trauell earnestlie for the reformation of hir opinion,* 19.172 and offering large friendship, released him of his band from further ap∣pearance.

The duchesse and hir husband, dailie more and more, by their friends vnderstanding that the bishop meant to call hir to an account of hir faith, whereby extreamitie might follow, deuised waies how by the quéenes licence they might passe the seas. Ma∣ster Bertie had a redie meane:* 19.173 for there rested great summes of monie due to the old duke of Suffolke (one of whose executors the duchesse was) beyond the seas, the emperour himselfe being one of those deb∣tors. Master Bertie communicated this his purpo∣sed sute for licence to passe the feas, and the cause, to the bishop; adding, that he tooke this time most meet to deale with the emperour, by reason of likelihood of marriage betwéene the quéene and his sonne. I like your deuise well (quoth the bishop) but I thinke it better, that you tarrie the princes comming, and I will procure you his letters also to his father. Naie (quoth master Bertie) vnder your lordships correc∣tion & pardon of so liberall spéech, I suppose the time will then be lesse conuenient: for when the marriage is consummate, the emperour hath his desire: but till then he will refuse nothing to win credit with vs.

By saint Marie (quoth the bishop, smiling) you gesse shrewdlie. Well, procéed in your sute vnto the quéene, and it shall not lacke my helping hand. Ma∣ster Bertie found so good successe, that he in few daies obteined the quéenes licence, not onlie to passe the seas, but to passe and repasse them so often as to him séemed good,* 19.174 till he had finished all his businesse and causes beyond the seas. So he passed the seas at Douer about the beginning of Iune in the first yeare of hir reigne, leauing the duchesse behind, who by agréement and consent betwixt hir and hir hus∣band, followed, taking barge at Lion keie,* 19.175 verie ear∣lie in the morning, on the first daie of Ianuarie next insuing, not without some perill. There was none of those that went with hir, made priuie to hir going till the instant, but an old gentleman called master Robert Cranwell, whome master Bertie had speci∣allie prouided for that purpose. She tooke with hir hir daughter an infant of one yeare,* 19.176 and the meanest of hir seruants: for she doubted the best would not ad∣uenture that fortune with hir. They were in number foure men, one a Gréeke borne, which was a rider of horsses, an other a ioiner, the third a brewer, the fourth a foole one of the kitchin, one gentlewoman, and a landresse.

As she departed hir house called the Barbican, betwixt foure and fiue of the clocke in the morning, with hir companie and baggage, one Atkinson an herald, kéeper of hir house,* 19.177 hearing noise about the house, rose and came foorth with a torch in his hand as she was yet issuing out of the gate: wherewith being amazed, she was forced to leaue a male with necessaries for hir yoong daughter, & a milkepot with milke in the same gatehouse, commanding all hir seruants to spéed them before awaie to Lion keie: and taking with hir onelie the two women and hir child, so soone as she was out of hir owne house,* 19.178 per∣ceiuing the herald to follow, she slept in at Garter∣house hard by. The herald comming out of the du∣chesse house, and séeing no bodie stirring, not assured (though by the male suspecting) that she was depar∣ted, returned in: and while he staied ransacking par∣cels left in the male, the duchesse issued into the stréet, and proceeded in hir iournie, he knowing the place onelie by name where she should take hir boat, but not the waie thither, nor none with hir. Likewise hir seruants hauing diuided themselues, none but one knew the waie to the said keie.

So she apparelled like a meane merchants wife, and the rest like meane seruants, walking in the stréets vnknown, she tooke the way that led to Fins∣burie

field, and the others walked the citie stréets as they laie open before them, till by chance more than discretion, they met all suddenlie together a lit∣tle within Moore gate, from whence they passed di∣rectlie to Lion keie,* 19.179 and there tooke barge in a mor∣ning so mistie, that the stearesman was loth to lanch out, but that they vrged him. So soone as the daie permitted, the councell was informed of hir depar∣ture, and some of them came foorthwith to hir house to inquire of the maner thereof,* 19.180 and tooke an inuen∣tarie [line 10] of hir goods, besides further order deuised for search and watch to apprehend and staie hir. The same of hir departure reached to Leigh, a towne at the lands end, before hir approching thither. By Leigh dwelt one Gosling a merchant of London, an old ac∣quaintance of Cranwels, whither the said Cranwell brought the duchesse, naming hir mistresse White, the daughter of master Gosling,* 19.181 for such a daughter he had which neuer was in that countrie. There she reposed hir, and made new garments for hir daugh∣ter, [line 20] hauing lost hir owne in the male at Barbican.

When the time came that she should take ship, be∣ing constreined that night to lie at an inne in Leigh (where she was againe almost bewraied) yet not∣withstanding by Gods good working she escaping that hazzard, at length as the tide and wind did serue, they went aboord,* 19.182 and being carried twise into the seas, almost into the coast of Zeland, by contrarie wind were driuen to the place from whence they came. And at the last recuile, certeine persons came [line 30] to the shore, suspecting she was within that ship: yet hauing examined one of hir companie that was one land for fresh Achates, and finding by the simplicitie of his tale, onelie the appearance of a meane mer∣chants wife to be a shipboord, he ceased anie further search. To be short, so soone as the duchesse had landed in Brabant,* 19.183 she and hir women were apparelled like the women of Netherland with hukes, and so she and hir husband tooke their iournie towards Cleueland, and being arriued at a towne therin called Santon, [line 40] tooke a house there, vntill they might further deuise of some sure place where to settle themselues.

About fiue miles from Santon is a frée towne cal-Wesell,* 19.184 vnder the said duke of Cleues dominion, and one of the Hauns townes, priuileged with the companie of the Stilliard in London, whither di∣uerse Wallons were fled for religion, and had for their minister one Francis Perusell, then called Francis de Riuers, who had receiued some courtesie in England at the duchesse hands.* 19.185 Master Bertie [line 50] being yet at Santon, practised with him to obteine a protection from the magistrats for his abode and his wiues at Wesell: which was the sooner procured bicause the state of the duchesse was not discouered but onelie to the chéefe magistrate, earnestlie bent to shew them pleasure, whilest this protection was in séeking.

In the meane while, at the towne of Santon was a muttering, that the duchesse and hir husband were greater personages than they gaue themselues [line 60] foorth,* 19.186 and the magistrats not verie well inclined to religion; the bishop of Arras also being deane of the great minster, order was taken, that the duches and hir husband should be examined of their condition and religion vpon the sudden. Which practise discoue∣red by a gentleman of that countrie to master Ber∣tie, he without delaie taking no more than the duches hir daughter,* 19.187 and two other with them, as though he meant no more but to take the aire, about thrée of the clocke in the afternoone in Februarie, on foot, with∣out hiering of horsse or wagon for feare of disclosing his purpose, meant priuilie that night to get to We∣sell, leauing his other familie still at Santon.

After the duches and he were one English mile from the towne,* 19.188 there fell a mightie raine of conti∣nuance, whereby a long frost and ise before congea∣led was thawed, which doubled more the wearinesse of those new lackies. But being now on the waie, and ouertaken with the night, they sent their two ser∣uants (which onelie went with them) to villages, as they passed, to hire some car for their case: but none could be hired. In the mene time master Bertie was forced to carrie the child, and the duches his cloke and rapier. At last betwixt six and seauen of the clocke in the darke night, they came to Wesell,* 19.189 and repairing to their innes for lodging and some repose after such a painfull iourneie, found hard interteinment: for going from inne to inne, offering large monie for small lodging, they were refused of all the inholders, suspecting master Bertie to be a lanceknight, and the duches to be his woman. The child for cold and sustenance cried pittifullie, the mother wept as fast, and the heauens rained as fast as the clouds could powre.

Master Bertie destitute of all other succor of hos∣pitalitie, resolued to bring the duchesse to the porch of the great church in the towne, and so to buie coles, victuals and straw for their miserable repose there that night, or at least till by Gods helpe he might prouide hir better lodging. Master Bertie at that time vnderstood not much Dutch,* 19.190 and by reason of euill weather and late season of the night, he could not happen vpon anie that could speake English, French, Italian, or Latine; till at last going towards the church porch, he heard two striplings talking La∣tine, to whome he approched and offered them two stiuers to bring him to some Wallons house. By these boies, and Gods good conduct, he chanced at the first vpon the house where master Perusell supped that night, who had procured them the protection of the magistrats of that towne. At the first knocke, the goodman of the house himselfe came to the doore, and opening it, asked master Bertie what he was. Master Bertie said, an Englishman, that sought for one master Perusels house. The Wallon willed master Bertie to staie a while, who went backe and told master Perusell that the same English gentle∣man, of whome they had talked the same supper, had sent, by likelihood his seruant to speake with him.* 19.191 Wherevpon master Perusell came to the doore, and beholding master Bertie, the duchesse, & their child, their faces, apparels, and bodies so farre from their old forme, deformed with durt, weather, and heaui∣nesse, could not speake to them, nor they to him for teares. At length recouering themselues, they salu∣ted one another, & so togither entered the house, God knoweth full ioifullie: master Bertie changing of his apparell with the goodman, the duchesse with the good wife, and their child with the child of the house.

Within few daies after, by master Perusels means, they hired a verie faire house in the towne, and did not let to shew themselues what they were, in such good sort as their present condition permitted. It was by this time through the whole towne what discourtesie the inholders had shewed vnto them at their entrie, in so much as on the sundaie following,* 19.192 a preacher in the pulpit openlie in sharpe termes re∣buked that great inciuilitie towards strangers; by allegation of sundrie places out of holie scriptures, discoursing how not onelie princes sometime are re∣ceiued in the image of priuat persons, but angels in the shape of men, and that God of his iustice would make the strangers one day in an other land, to haue more sense of the afflicted heart of a stranger. The time was passing foorth,* 19.193 as they thought themselues thus happilie setled, suddenlie a watchword came from sir Iohn Mason, then quéene Maries ambassa∣dour in Netherland, that my lord Paget had fained

an errant to the baths that waies:* 19.194 and whereas the duke of Brunswicke was shortlie with ten ensignes to passe by Wesell for the seruice of the house of Au∣stricke against the French king, the said duchesse, and hir husband should be with the same charge and com∣panie intercepted. Wherefore to preuent the crueltie of these enimies, master Bertie with his wife and child departed to a place called Winheim in high Dutchland vnder the Palsgraues dominion,* 19.195 where vnder his protection they continued till their necessa∣ries [line 10] began to faile them, and they almost fainting vnder so heauie a burthen, began to faile of hope.

At what time, in the middest of their despaire, there came suddenlie letters to them from the Palatine of Uilua and the king of Pole,* 19.196 being instructed of their hard estate by a baron named Ioannes Alasco, that was somtime in England, offring them large curte∣sie. This puruison vnlooked for greatlie reuiued their heauie spirits. Yet considering they should remooue from manie their countriemen and acquaintance, to [line 20] a place so farre distant, a countrie not haunted with the English, and perhaps vpon their arriuall not fin∣ding as they looked for, the end of their iornie should be worse than the beginning:* 19.197 they deuised therevpon with one maister Barlow, late bishop of Chichester, that if he would vouchsafe to take some paines ther∣in, they would make him a fellow of that iournie. So finding him prone, they sent with him letters of great thanks to the king & Palatine,* 19.198 and also with a few principall iewels (which onlie they had left of manie) to solicit for them, that the king would [line 30] vouchsafe vnder his seale, to assure them of the thing which he so honourablie by letters offered.

* 19.199That sute by the forwardnes of the Palatine was as soone granted as vttered. Upon which assurance the said dutchesse and hir husband, with their familie, entred the iournie in Aprill 1557, from the castell of Winheim,* 19.200 where they before laie, towards Franc∣ford. In the which their iournie, it were long here to describe what dangers fell by the waie vpon them, & their whole companie, by reason of the Lantgraues [line 40] capteines,* 19.201 who vnder a quarrell pretensed for a spa∣niell of maister Berties, set vpon them in the high waie, with his horssemen, thrusting their borespears through the wagon where the children and women were, maister Bertie hauing but foure horssemen with him. In the which brabble it happened the cap∣teins horsse to be slaine vnder him.

Wherevpon a rumor was sparsed immediatlie through townes and villages about, that the Lant∣graues capteine should be slaine by some Wallons, [line 50] which incensed the ire of the countriemen there more fiercelie against maister Bertie, as afterwards it prooued. For as he was motioned by his wife to saue himselfe by the swiftnes of his horsse, and to recouer some towne thereby for his rescue, he so dooing was in worse case than before: for the townesmen and the capteines brother supposing no lesse but that the cap∣teine had béene slaine,* 19.202 pressed so egerlie vpon him, that he had beene there taken and murthered among them, had not he (as God would) spieng a ladder lea∣ning [line 60] to a window, by the same got vp into the house, and so gone vp in to a garret in the top of the house, where he with his dag and rapier defended himselfe for a space: but at length the Burghmaister com∣ming thither with another magistrate, which could speake Latine, he was counselled to submit himselfe vnto the order of the law. Maister Bertie knowing himselfe cléere, and the capteine to be aliue, was the more bolder to submit himselfe to the iudgement of the law, vpon condition that the magistrate would receiue him vnder safe conduct, and defend him from the rage of the multitude. Which being promised, maister Bertie putteth himselfe and his weapon in the magistrates hand, and so was committed to safe custodie, while the truth of his cause should be tried. Then master Bertie writing his letters to the Lant∣graue and to the earle of Erbagh, the next daie erlie in the morning the earle of Erbagh dwelling within eight miles, came to the towne whither the dutchesse was brought with hir wagon, maister Bertie also being in the same towne vnder custodie.

The earle, who had some intelligence of the dutches before, after he was come, & had shewed such courte∣sie as he thought to hir estate was séemelie, the townesmen perceiuing the earle to behaue himselfe so humblie vnto hir, began to consider more of the matter: and further vnderstanding the capteine to be aliue, both they, and especallie the authors of the stir shrunke awaie, and made all the friends they could to maister Bertie and his wife, not to report their dooings after the woorst sort. And thus maister Bertie and his wife escaping that danger,* 19.203 procéeded in their iournie toward Poleland, where in conclusi∣on they were quietlie interteined of the king, and placed honorablie in the earledome of the said king of Poles in Sanogelia, called Crozan, where mai∣ster Bertie with the dutchesse hauing the kings ab∣solute power of gouernment ouer the said earldome, continued both in great quietnesse and honor, till the death of queene Marie.] Whose troublesome time (sa∣uoring altogither of bloudshed & mercilesse murthe∣ring of Gods saints, wherof the poet saith full trulie,

— tellus madefacta cruore Christicolûm regerit decursus sanguinis atros, Heu carnem mollem puerorum deuorat ignis, Foemina másque perit, nulla ratione virilis Foeminei aut sexus habita)

being expired, and the peaceable reigne of gratious quéene Elizabeth established, the said dutchesse and hir husband returned into England, where they liued in libertie both of bodie and mind; in which good state we will leaue them. And bicause we are entred into a discourse of troubles happening to personages of good account and name; it is necessarie that wée adde another narration of like argument vnto the former, concerning the troubles and happie deliue∣rance of the reuerend father in God doctor Sands, first bishop of Worcester, next of London, and now archbishop of Yorke, as I find it word for word in maister Fox, who beginneth and continueth the said discourse as followeth.

¶King Edward died,* 19.204 the world being vnworthie of him, the duke of Northumberland came downe to Cambridge with an armie of men, hauing com∣mission to proclame ladie Iane quéene, and by pow∣er to suppresse ladie Marie, who tooke vpon hir that dignitie, and was proclamed quéene in Norffolke. The duke sent for doctor Sands being vicechancellor, for doctor Parker, for doctor Bill, and maister Lea∣uer, to sup with him. Amongst other spéeches he said; Maisters, praie for vs that we spéed well: if not, you shall be made bishops, and we deacons. And euen so it came to passe: doctor Parker, and doctor Sands were made bishops, and he and sir Iohn Gates, who was then at the table, were made deacons yer it was long after on the tower hill. Doctor Sands be∣ing vicechancellor, was required to preach on the morrow. The warning was short for such an audito∣rie, and to speake of such a matter: yet he refused not the thing, but went to his chamber, and so to bed. He rose at thrée of the clocke in the morning, tooke his bible in his hand, and after that he had praied a good space, he shut his eies, and holding his bible be∣fore him, earnestlie praied to God that it might fall open where a most fit text should be for him to intreat of. The bible (as God would haue it) fell open vpon the first chapter of Iosua, where he found so conueni∣ent

a péece of scripture for that time, that the like he could not haue chosen in all the bible. His text was thus: Responderúntque ad Iosue, atque dixerunt, Omnia quae praecepisti nobis faciemus, & quocunque miseris ibimus: sicut obediuimus in cunctis Mosi ita obediemus & tibi,* 19.205 tantúm sit Dominus Deus tuus tecum sicut fuit cum Mose, qui contra∣dixerit ori tuo, & non obedierit cunctis sermonibus quos prae∣ceperis ei, moriatur: tu tantùm confortare & viriliter age. Who shall consider what was concluded by such as named themselues by the state, and withall, the auditorie, the time, and other circumstances, he shall [line 10] easilie sée that this text most fitlie serued for the pur∣pose. And as God gaue the text, so gaue he him such order and vtterance, as pulled manie teares out of the eies of the biggest of them.

In the time of his sermon one of the gard lift vp to him into the pulpit a masse booke and a graile, which sir George Howard with certeine of the gard had ta∣ken that night in master Hurlestons house, where la∣die Marie had béene a little before, & there had masse. The duke with the rest of the nobilitie required doc∣tor [line 20] Sands to put his sermon in writing;* 19.206 and appoin∣ted maister Leauer to go to London with it, and to put it in print. Doctor Sands required one daie and a halfe for writing of it. At the time appointed he had made it readie, and maister Leauer was readie booted to receiue it at his hands, & carie it to London. As he was deliuering of it, one of the bedels na∣med maister Adams, came wéeping to him, & praied him to shift for himselfe, for the duke was retired, and queene Marie proclamed. [line 30]

Doctor Sands was not troubled herewithall, but gaue the sermon written to master Leifield; ma∣ster Leauer departed home, and he went to dinner to one master Moores a bedell, his great friend. At the dinner, mistresse Moore séeing him merrie and pleasant (for he had euer a mans courage, and could not be terrified) dranke vnto him, saieng: Master vicechancellor,* 19.207 I drinke vnto you, for this is the last time that euer I shall sée you. And so it was, for shée was dead before doctor Sands returned out of Ger∣manie. [line 40] The duke that night retired to Cambridge, and sent for doctor Sands to go with him to the mar∣ket place to proclame quéene Marie. The duke cast vp his cap with others, and so laughed, that the tears ran downe his chéekes for greefe. He told doctor Sands that quéene Marie was a mercifull woman, and that he doubted not thereof: declaring, that hée had sent vnto hir to know hir pleasure, and looked for a generall pardon. Doctor Sands answered; My [line 50] life is not deare vnto me, neither haue I doone or said anie thing that vrgeth my conscience.* 19.208 For that which I spake of the state, I haue instructions warranted by the subscription of sixteene councellors. Neither can speach be treason, neither yet haue I spoken fur∣ther than the word of God, and lawes of this realme dooth warrant me, come of me what God will. But be you assured, you shall neuer escape death: for if shée would saue you, those that now shall rule will kill you. [line 60]

That night the gard apprehended the duke, and certeine groomes of the stable were as busie with doctor Sands,* 19.209 as if they would take a prisoner. But sir Iohn Gates who laie then in doctor Sands his house, sharplie rebuked them, and draue them awaie. Doctor Sands, by the aduise of sir Iohn Gates, wal∣ked into the fields. In the meane time the vniuersitie (contrarie to all order) had met togither in consulta∣tion, and ordered that doctor Mouse and doctor Hat∣cher should repaire to doctor Sands lodging, and set awaie the statute booke of the vniuersitie, the keies, and such other things that were in his kéeping, and so they did. For doctor Mouse being an earnest prote∣stant the daie before, and one whome doctor Sands had doone much for, now was he become a papist, and his great enimie.

Certeine of the vniuersitie had appointed a con∣gregation at afternoone. As the bell rang to it, doc∣tor Sands commeth out of the fields, and sending for the bedels, asketh what the matter meaneth, and re∣quireth them to wait vpon him to the schooles, accor∣ding to their dutie. So they did. And so soone as doctor Sands, the bedels going before him,* 19.210 came into the regent house and tooke his chaire; one master Mitch with a rabble of vnlearned papists went into a by-schoole, and conspired togither to pull him out of his chaire, and to vse violence vnto him. Doctor Sands began his oration, expostulating with the vniuersi∣tie, charging them with great ingratitude, declaring that he had said nothing in his sermon, but that hée was readie to iustifie, and that there case was all one with his: for they had not onelie concealed, but con∣sented to that which he had spoken.

And thus while he remembred vnto them how be∣neficiall he had béene to the vniuersitie, and their vn∣thankfulnesse to him againe, in commeth maister Mitch with his conspirators about twentie in num∣ber. One laieth hand vpon the chaire to pull it from him, another told him that that was not his place, and another called him traitor. Whereat he percei∣uing how they vsed violence,* 19.211 and being of great cou∣rage, groped to his dagger, and had dispatched some of them as Gods enimies; if doctor Bill and doctor Blith had not fallen vpon him, and praied him for Gods sake to hold his hands and be quiet, and pati∣entlie to beare that great offered wrong. He was persuaded by them, and after that tumult was cea∣sed, he ended his oration, and hauing some monie of the vniuersities in his hands, he there deliuered the same euerie farthing. He gaue vp the books, recko∣nings & keies perteining to the vniuersitie, & with∣all yeelded vp his office, praieng God to giue to the vniuersitie a better officer,* 19.212 and to giue them better and more thankfull hearts, and so repaired home to his owne college.

On the morrow after, there came vnto him one master Gerningham, and one master Thomas Mild∣maie. Gerningham told him, that it was the quéens pleasure that two of the gard should attend on him, and that he must be caried prisoner to the tower of London with the duke. Maister Mildmaie said he marueled that a learned man would speake so vnad∣uisedlie against so good a prince, and wilfullie run in∣to such danger. Doctor Sands answered, I shall not be ashamed of bonds. But if I could doo as master Mildmaie can, I needed not feare bonds:* 19.213 for he came downe in paiment against quéene Marie, and ar∣med in the field, and now he returneth in paiment for quéene Marie: before a traitor and now a great friend. I can not with one mouth blow hot and cold after this sort.

Upon this, his stable was robbed of foure notable good g••ldings, the best of them master Hurlestone tooke for his owne saddle, and rode on him to Lon∣don in his sight. An inuentarie was taken of all his goods by master Moore bedell for the vniuersitie. Hée was set vpon a lame horse that halted to the ground, which thing a friend of his perceiuing, praied that he might lend him a nag. The yeoman of the gard were content. As he departed out of the townes end, some papists resorted thither to géere at him, some of his friends to mourne for him. He came into the ranke to London, the people being full of outcries.* 19.214 And as he came in at Bishops gate, one like a milkewise hurled a stone at him, and hit him on the breast with such a blow, that he was like to fall off his horsse. To whome he mildlie said: Woman, God forgiue it thée. Truth it is, that iourneieng & euill intreating

so mortified him, that he was more readie to die than to liue.

As he came through tower hill street, one woman standing in hir doore, cried: Fie on thée thou knaue, thou knaue, thou traitor, thou heretike. Whereat hée smiled. Looke; the desperat heretike (saith she) laugh∣eth at this geare. A woman on the other side of the stréet answered, saieng: Fie on thée neighbour, thou art not worthie to be called a woman, railing vpon this gentleman whom thou knowest not, neither yet [line 10] the cause whie he is thus intreated. Then shée said, Good gentleman, God be thy comfort, an•• giue thee strength to stand in Gods cause euen to the end. And thus he passed through fire and water into the tower, the first prisoner that entered in that daie, which was saint Iames daie. The yeoman of the gard tooke from him his borowed nag, and what else soeuer hée had. His man one Quintin Swainton brought af∣ter him a bible,* 19.215 and some shirts, and such like things. The bible was sent in to him, but the shirts and such [line 20] like serued the yeoman of the gard.

After he had béene in the tower thrée weekes in a bad prison, he was lift vp into Nunnes bower, a bet∣ter prison, where was put to him master Iohn Brad∣ford. At the daie of quéene Maries coronation, their prison doore was set open, euer shut before. One ma∣ster Michell his old acquaintance, who had béene prisoner before in the same place, came in to him and said: Master Sands, there is such a stur in the tower, that neither gates,* 19.216 doores, nor prisoners are looked to [line 30] this daie. Take my cloake, my hat and my rapier, and get you gone; you maie go out of the gates with∣out questioning; saue your selfe, and let me doo as I maie. A rare friendship: but he refused the offer, sai∣eng: I know no iust cause why I should be in prison. And thus to doo were to make my selfe guiltie, I will expect Gods good will, yet must I thinke my selfe most bound vnto you: and so master Michell de∣parted.

While doctor Sands and master Bradford were [line 40] thus in close prison togither nine and twentie wéeks, one Iohn Bowler was their keeper, a verie peruerse papist, yet by often persuading of him, for he would giue eare, and by the gentle vsing of him, at length he began to mislike poperie,* 19.217 and to fauour the gospell, and so persuaded in true religion, that on a sundaie when they had masse in the chappell, he bringeth vp a seruice booke, a manchet and a glasse of wine, and there doctor Sands ministred the communion to Bradford and to Bowler. Thus Bowler was their [line 50] sonne begotten in bonds when Wiat was in armes, & the old duke of Norffolke sent foorth with a power of men to apprehend him, that roome might be made in the tower for him and other his complices. Doctor Cranmer, doctor Ridleie, and master Bradford were cast into one prison,* 19.218 & doctor Sands with nine other preachers were sent into the Marshalsea.

The kéeper of the Marshalsea appointed to euerie preacher a man to lead him in the stréet, he caused them go farre before, and he and doctor Sands came behind, whome he would not lead, but walked famili∣arlie [line 60] with him. Yet doctor Sands was knowne, and the people euerie where praied to God to comfort him, & to strengthen him in the truth. By that time the peoples minds were altered, poperie began to be vnsauerie. After they passed the bridge, the kéeper Thomas Waie said to doctor Sands: I perceiue the vaine people would set you forward to the fire, you are as vaine as they, if you being a yoong man will stand in your own conceit,* 19.219 & prefer your own know∣ledge before the iudgement of so manie worthie pre∣lats, ancient, learned, and graue men, as be in this relme. If you so doo, you shal find me as strict a kéeper as one that vtterlie misliketh your religion. Doctor Sands answered; I know my yeares yoong, and my learning small, it is inough to know Christ cruci∣fied, and he hath learned nothing that séeth not the great blasphemie that is in poperie, I will yeeld vn∣to God and not vnto man: I haue read in the scrip∣tures of manie godlie and courteous kéepers, God may make you one; if not, I trust he will giue me strength and patience to beare your hard dealing with me. Saith Thomas Waie; Doo you then mind to stand to your religion? Yea saith doctor Sands, by Gods grace. Trulie saith the keeper, I loue you the better, I did but tempt you. What fauor I can shew you, you shall be sure of, and I shall thinke my selfe happie if I may die at the stake with you.* 19.220 The said kéeper shewed doctor Sands euer after all friendship: he trusted him to go into the fields alone, and there met with maister Bradford, who then was remoued into the Bench, and there found like fauor of his kéeper. He laid him in the best chamber in the house: he would not suffer the knight marshals men to laie fetters on him, as others had. And at his re∣quest, he put maister Sands in to him, to be his bed∣fellow, and sundrie times suffered his wife, who was maister Sands daughter of Essex, a gentlewoman, beautifull both in bodie & soule to resort to him. There was great resort vnto doctor Sands, and maister Sanders: they had much monie offered them, but they would receiue none. They had the communion there thrée or foure times, and a great sort of com∣municants. Doctor Sands gaue such exhortation to the people, for at that time being yoong, he was thought verie eloquent, that he mooued manie tears and made the people abhorre the masse, and defie all poperie.

When Wiat with his armie came into South∣worke,* 19.221 he sent two gentlemen into the Marshalsea to doctor Sands: saieng, that maister Wiat would be glad of his companie and aduise, & that the gates should be set open for all the prisoners. He answe∣red: Tell maister Wiat, if this his rising be of God it will take place: if not, it will fall. For my part I was committed hither by order, I will be dischar∣ged by like order, or I will neuer depart hence. So answered maister Sanders, and the rest of the prea∣chers being there prisoners. After that doctor Sands had béene nine wéekes prisoner in the Marshalsea,* 19.222 by the mediation of sir Thomas Holcroft then knight marshall he was set at libertie. Sir Thomas sued earnestlie to the bishop of Winchester, doctor Gardiner for his deliuerance after manie repulses, except doctor Sands would be one of their sect, and then he could want nothing. He wroong out of him, that if the queene could like of his deliuerance, he would not be against it: for that was sir Thomas his last request. In the meane time he had procured two ladies of the priuie chamber to mooue the quéene in it: who was contented, if the bishop of Winche∣ster could like of it. The next time that the bishop went into the priuie chamber to speake with the quéene, maister Holcroft followed, and had his war∣rant for doctor Sands remission readie, and praied the two ladies, when as the bishop should take his leaue, to put the quéene in mind of doctor Sands. So they did. And the queene said: Winchester,* 19.223 what thinke you by doctor Sands, is he not sufficientlie punished? As it please your maiestie, saith Winche∣ster. That he spake, remembring his former pro∣mise to maister Holcroft, that he would not be a∣gainst Sands, if the quéene should like to discharge him. Saith the quéene: Then trulie, we would that he were set at libertie. Immediatlie maister Hol∣croft offered the quéene the warrant, who subscri∣bed the same, and called Winchester to put to his hand, and so he did. The warrant was giuen to the

knight marshall againe, sir Thomas Holcroft. As the bishop went foorth of the priuie chamber doore, he called maister Holcroft to him: commanding him not to set doctor Sands at libertie, vntill he had ta∣ken suerties of two gentlemen of his countrie with him, euerie one bound in fiue hundred pounds, that doctor Sands should not depart out of the realme without licence. Maister Holcroft immediatlie af∣ter met with two gentlemen of the north, friends & cousins to doctor Sands, who offered to be bound in [line 10] bodie, goods and lands for him.

At after dinner the same daie, maister Holcroft sent for doctor Sands to his lodging at Westmin∣ster, requiring the keeper to accompanie with him. He came accordinglie, finding maister Holcroft a∣lone,* 19.224 walking in his garden: maister Holcroft im∣parted his long sute, with the whole procéeding, and what effect it had taken to doctor Sands: much re∣ioising that it was his good hap to doo him good, & to procure his libertie, and that nothing remained, but [line 20] that he would enter into bonds with his two suer∣ties, for not departing out of the realme. Doctor Sands answered: I giue God thanks, who hath mooued your hart to mind me so well, & I thinke my selfe most bound vnto you, God shall requite, and I shall neuer be found vnthankfull. But as you haue dealt friendlie with me, I will also deale plainlie with you. I came a frée man into prison, I will not go foorth a bondman. As I cannot benefit my friends so will I not hurt them: and if I be set [line 30] at libertie, I will not tarie six daies in this realme if I may get out. If therefore I may not go frée foorth, send me to the Marshalsea againe, and there you shall be sure of me.

This answer much misliked maister Holcroft, who told doctor Sands that the time would not long con∣tinue, a change would shortlie come: the state was but a cloud, and would soone shake awaie; and that his cousine sir Edward Braie would gladlie receiue him and his wife into his house, where he should ne∣uer [line 40] need to come at church, and how the ladie Braie was a zealous gentlewoman, who hated poperie: adding that he would not so deale with him to loose all his labor. When doctor Sands could not be re∣moued from his former saieng,* 19.225 maister Holcroft said: Seeing you can not be altered, I will change my purpose, and yéeld vnto you, come of it what will, I will set you at libertie: and seeing you mind ouer sea, get you gone so quicklie as you can. One thing I require of you, that while you are there, you [line 50] write nothing to come hither, for so ye may vndoo me. He freendlie kissed doctor Sands, bad him fare∣well, and commanded the kéeper to take no fées of him: saieng; Let me answer Winchester as I may. Doctor Sands returned with the kéeper to the Mar∣shalsea and taried all night. There on the morrow gaue a dinner to all the prisoners, bad his bedfel∣low and sworne stakefellow, if it had so pleased God, maister Saunders farewell, with manie teares and kissings, the one falling on the others necke, and so [line 60] departed, clearelie deliuered without examination or bond. From thence he went to the Bench, and there talked with maister Bradford, and maister Farrar bishop of S. Dauids, then prisoners. Then he comforted them, & they praised God for his hap∣pie deliuerance. He went by Winchesters house, and there tooke boate,* 19.226 and came to a freends house in London called William Banks, and taried there one night. On the morrow at night he shifted to an other fréends house, and there he learned that search was made for him.

Doctor Watson and maister Christopherson, com∣ming to the bishop of Winchester, told him that he had set at libertie the greatest heretike in England, and one that had of all other most corrupted the vni∣uersitie of Cambridge, doctor Sands. Wherevpon the bishop of Winchester,* 19.227 being chancellor of Eng∣land, sent for all the conestables of London, com∣manding them to watch for doctor Sands, who was then within the citie, and to apprehend him; and who so euer of them should take him and bring him to him, he should haue fiue pounds for his labor. Doc∣tor Sands suspecting the matter▪ conueied himselfe by night to one maister Barties house a stranger, who was in the Marshalsea with him prisoner a while, he was a good protestant and dwelt in Marke lane. There he was six daies, and had one or two of his fréends that repaired to him. Then he repaired to an acquaintance of his, one Hurlestone a skinner, dwelling in Cornehill, he caused his man Quintin to prouide two geldings for him, minding on the morrow to ride into Essex to maister Sands his fa∣ther in law, where his wife was.

At his going to bed in Hurlestons house, he had a paire of hose newlie made that were too long for him. For while he was in the tower, a tailor was admitted him to make him a paire of hose. One came vnto him whose name was Beniamin,* 19.228 a good protestant, dwelling in Birchin lane: he might not speake to him, or come vnto him, to take mea∣sure of him, but onelie looke vpon his leg, he made the hose, and they were two inches too long. These hose he praied the good wife of the house to send to some tailor to cut his hose two inches shorter. The wife required the boy of the house to carie them to the next tailor to cut. The boy chanced (or rather God so prouided) to go to the next tailor, which was Beniamin that made them, which also was a cone∣stable, and acquainted with the lord chancellors com∣mandement. The boy required him to cut the hose. He said I am not thy maisters tailor. Saith the boy, Because ye are our next neighbor, and my maisters tailor dwelleth far off, I come to you, for it is far nights, and he must occupie them timelie in the mor∣ning. Beniamin tooke the hose and looked vpon them, he tooke his handie woorke in hand, and said: These are not thy maisters hose, but doctor Sands, them I made in the tower. The boy yéelded, and said it was so. Saith he, Go to thy mistresse, praie hir to sit vp till twelue of the clocke, then I will bring the hose and speake with doctor Sands to his good.

At midnight the goodwife of the house,* 19.229 and Ben∣iamin the tailor, commeth into doctor Sands cham∣ber. The wife praieth him not to be afraid of their comming. He answereth: Nothing can be amisse, what God will, that shall be doone. Then Benia∣min telleth him that he made his hose, and by what good chance they now came to his hands, God vsed the meane that he might foretell him of his perill, & aduise him how to escape it, telling him that all the constables of London, whereof he was one, watched for him, & some were so gréedilie set, that they praied him (if he tooke him) to let them haue the carriage of him to the bishop of Winchester, and he should haue the fiue pounds. Saith Beniamin, It is knowen that your man hath prouided two geldings, and that you mind to ride out at Alogate to morrow, and there then yée are sure to be taken. Follow mine ad∣uise, and by Gods grace yée shall escape their hands. Let your man walke all the daie to morrow in the stréet where your horsses stand, booted and readie to ride. The goodmans seruant of the house shall take the horsses and carrie them to Bednoll gréene. The goodman shall be booted, and follow after as if he would ride. I will be here with you to morrow a∣bout eight of the clocke; it is both terme and parle∣ment time, here we will breake our fast, and when the stréet is full we will go foorth. Looke wildelie, and

if you meet your brother in the street, shun him not, but outface him,* 19.230 and know him not. Accordinglie doctor Sands did, clothed like a gentleman in all re∣spects, and looked wildlie as one that had beene long kept in prison out of the light. Beniamin carried him through Birching lane, and from one lane to an∣other till he came at Moore gate: there they went foorth vntill they came to Bednoll gréene, where the horsses were readie, and maister Hurleston to ride with him as his man. Doctor Sands pulled on his boots, and taking leaue of his friend Beniamin, [line 10] with teares they kissed ech other, he put his hand in his purse, and would haue giuen Beniamin a great part of that little he had, but Beniamin would take none. Yet since doctor Sands hath remembred him thankfullie. He rode that night to his father in law maister Sands where his wife was, he had not béen there two houres, but it was told maister Sands that there was two of the gard which would that night apprehend doctor Sands, and so they were ap∣pointed. [line 20]

That night doctor Sands was guided to an ho∣nest farmer neere the sea, where he taried two daies and two nights in a chamber without all companie. After that he shifted to one Iames Mower a ship∣master, who dwelt at Milton shore, where he expec∣ted wind for the English fléet readie into Flanders. While he was there, Iames Mower brought to him fortie or fiftie mariners,* 19.231 to whome he gaue an exhor∣tation; they liked him so well, that they promised to [line 30] die for it, yer that he should be apprehended. The sixt of Maie, being sundaie the wind serued: he tooke his leaue of his host and hostesse, and went towards the ship. In taking leaue of his hostesse who was ba∣ren, and had beene married eight yeares, he gaue hir a fine handkercher and also an old roiall of gold in it, thanking hir much,* 19.232 and said: Be of good comfort, yer that an whole yéere be past God shall giue you a child a boie. And it came to passe, for that daie twelue mo∣neths lacking one daie, God gaue hir a faire sonne. [line 40]

At the shore doctor Sands met with maister I∣saac of Kent, who had his eldest sonne there, who vp∣on the liking he had to doctor Sands, sent his sonne with him, who afterward died in his fathers house in Frankford. Doctor Sands and doctor Cox were both in one ship, being one Cokrels ship. They were within the kenning when two of the gard came thi∣ther to apprehend doctor Sands. They arriued at Antwerpe, being bid to dinner to maister Locke. And at dinner time one George Gilpin being secre∣tarie to the English house, and kinsman to doctor [line 50] Sands, came to him and rounded him in his eare, and said; King Philip hath sent to make search for you, and to apprehend you. Herevpon they rose from their dinner in a maruellous great shower, and went out at the gate toward the land of Cleue; there they found a wagon and hasted awaie,* 19.233 and came safe to Auspurge in Cleueland, where doctor Sands tar∣ried foureteene daies, and then iournied towards Strasborough, where after he had liued one yeare, [line 60] his wife came vnto him. He fell sore sicke of a flix which kept him nine moneths, and brought him to deaths doore. He had a child which fell sicke of the plague and died. His wife at length fell sicke of a consumption and died in his armes; no man had a more godlie woman to his wife.

After this, maister Samson went awaie to E∣manuell, a man skilfull in the Hebrue. Maister Grindall went into the countrie to learne the Dutch toong. Doctor Sands still remained in Strasbo∣rough, whose sustentation then was chieflie from one maister Isaac, who loued him most dearelie, and was euer more readie to giue than he to take. He gaue him in that space aboue one hundred marks, which sum the said doctor Sands paied him againe, and by his other gifts and friendlinesse shewed him∣selfe to be a thankfull man. When his wife was dead, he went to Zurike, and there was in Peter Martyrs house for the space of fiue wéekes.* 19.234 Being there as they sate at dinner, word suddenlie came that quéene Marie was dead, and doctor Sands was sent for by his friends at Strasborough. That news made maister Martyr and master Iarret then there verie ioyfull: but doctor Sands could not reioise, it smote into his hart that he should be called to mi∣serie. Maister Bullinger and the ministers feasted him, and he tooke his leaue and returned into Stras∣borough, where he preached, and so maister Grin∣dall and he came towards England, and then to London the same daie that queene Elizabeth was crowned.

This is the true storie of such accidents as befell doctor Sands, a reuerend father, and constant in the truth; whereof if anie part had béene false, likelie it is that one or other would haue barked against it yer now. But the report being common, and hauing béene thus long extant in print, the silence of men is a sufficient proofe & confirmation of the truth.] Here therfore we will leaue doctor Sands in his archiepis∣copall sée of Yorke; and after this long (but yet néed∣full) digression fall againe to the discourse of Calis; which being lost (as you haue heard) in a verie short time after so long possession, tidings thereof were carried to and fro, farre and néere, by word of mouth and by writing. In so much that the same news like∣wise being made notorious and knowne to the French were not so ioyfullie receiued in France, as they were generallie grieuous and displeasant to the whole relme of England: but speciallie to quéene Marie, who being a princesse of hart and courage, more than commonlie is in womankind,* 19.235 thought hir selfe so much touched in honour by the losse of hir said towne and possessions on that side the sea, as she counted hir life irkesome, vntill the same were ei∣ther recouered againe, or the losse redoubled with some like victorie against the French elsewhere.

In respect whereof she ceased not to trauell after with king Philip hir husband, as with hir owne pri∣uie councell, and the lords of the realme, which waie should be best to reuenge this iniurie: and speciallie now whilest the French king was occupied in wars with king Philip, to indamage some of his countries by waie of inuasion, & to surprise some of his townes vpon the sudden. And among sundrie deuises,* 19.236 none was thought so fit to be attempted as an hauen towne in Britaine called Brest, which in the time of king Richard the second was kept and mainteined with an English garrison, vntill the said king ren∣dered the same to the French king againe by compo∣sition. This towne as well for the conuenient situa∣tion alwaies readie to receiue fresh succors and vit∣telling out of England by sea, as also for that it was knowne to the quéene and hir councell at that pre∣sent, not to be furnished with anie garrison of sol∣diors, sufficient to repell the power of a prince vp∣on the sudden, was thought to be the best marke to be shot at for the time. Wherefore vpon this case well debated, there was immediatlie order giuen to Ed∣ward lord Clinton then high admerall of England,* 19.237 with all expedition to prepare himselfe with all the quéenes ships of warre, furnished with soldiors, mu∣nition & vittels, to ioine with the admerall of king Philip, who had like order from the said king to ioine with the nauie of England for the atchiuing of this enterprise.

But before I declare to you the aduenture of these two great nauies by sea, it shall not be imper∣tinent to touch some accidents in the meane time by

land.* 19.238 While king Philip being absent from the low countrie, was (as you haue heard) occupied with his wa••res in France, monsieur de Thermes the new capteine of Calis, being a man verie expert in the wars (whose propertie is neuer to neglect anie time of aduantage) cast in his mind, how (during king Ph••lips absence) to doo some singular seruice to the French king his maister. And espieng well the neg∣ligence of the Flemings his neighbors, how little they vnderstood the great weakening of their coun∣trie [line 10] by the losse of Calis, and that there was no new prouision made for the defense thereof, more than was before, whilest Calis was English, by the losse wherof, their frontiers were now become open for the French at all times to enter. He therefore taking out of Calis so manie of his soldiors as might be spared from thense, adioining to them all the forces of the French garrisons in Arthois, Bul∣longnois, and Picardie, whereof togither with the soldiors of Calis, being to the number of seuen hun∣dred [line 20] footmen, and thrée hundred light horssemen Sco∣tish, there were assembled fouretéene ensigns of the French footmen, eightéene vanlins of Almans, foure or fiue hundred men at armes of France, be∣side the light horssemen Scots, amounting in the whole to the number at the least of nine thousand footmen, and fifteene hundred horssemen, entred in∣to Flanders, with full determination to spoile and waste all king Philips countrie along the sea coast,* 19.239 and namelie a proper hauen towne called Dun∣kirke, [line 30] and with like purpose to haue surprised the towne of Graueling; if occasion would so serue.

This capteine following his enterprise, of a poli∣cie passing by the towne of Graueling, laid siege to a little towne not farre from thence called Berghs, which he wan in a small time, and with small resi∣stance, leauing the saccage of the same vnto his sol∣diors, where they found manie good booties. And with∣out long staieng they marched foorth to Dunkirke be∣foresaid,* 19.240 and planting a siege in like maner there, [line 40] battered the same so sharplie with the cannon, that within lesse than foure daies he became master of the towne, which he in like maner put to the sacke, where was found more plentie of spoile and good boo∣ties, than in anie place before, so farre foorth as the meanest slaues and lackies came awaie rich. And af∣ter setting the towne on fire (whereby all in the coun∣trie about were maruellouslie put in feare) and the French spreading further abroad, wasted the most fruitfull quarter of all that part of Flanders, euen [line 50] almost vnto Newport. But yet bicause that mon∣sieur de Thermes fell diseased of the gowt,* 19.241 the armie withdrew and incamped within halfe a mile of Gra∣ueling, & for his more ease, he himselfe laie in Dun∣kirke, and in the meane time diuerse skirmishes fell out betweene the Frenchmen, and them of the garri∣son within Graueling.

* 19.242During which pastime, the countie de Aiguemont (or as he is commonlie called Egmond) lieutenant generall for king Philip in the low countrie, with all [line 60] hast possible assembled all the power as well of king Philips garrisons, as also of men of warre in the low countrie, to the number of fouretéene or fiftéene thousand footmen, and two or thrée thousand horsse∣men, whereof there were fiftéene hundred swart Ruf∣ters, determining so to affront the French, that ei∣ther they should passe no further into the countrie, or at the least waie to impeach them from the siege of Graueling, whereof there was great appearance. Monsieur de Thermes hearing of this power assem∣bled (though scarselie well recouered) made all possi∣ble hast toward Graueling, where he was no sooner arriued, but that he saw his enimies readie ranged in the field. By reason whereof his studie was now nothing else but how he might bring home his armie in safetie to Calis.

The countie de Egmond espieng the Frenchmen bent to march awaie with the spoile of the countrie, cut betwéene them and home, placing his battels in such order, that the Frenchmen had no waie to passe, but vpon the s••nds betwéene the towne and the sea. Whereas by good chance laie a great fleet of quéene Maries ships of warre,* 19.243 within the danger of whose gunshot the Frenchmen had no shift but to passe as their iournie laie. And so being forced either to fa∣mish or to fight at disaduantage, monsieur the Ther∣mes without staieng anie longer, caused his vant∣gard to passe ouer the riuer somewhat néere the towne, to auoid the shot of the English ships. And staieng vpon the further side for the residue of his battels, there came such thicke haileshot of artillerie out of the towne on the one side, and from the Eng∣glish ships on the other side, that there was a full batterie made vpon the Frenchmen on all sides, which they neuerthelesse abode, without breaking or∣der for the time, when suddenlie appéered before them two great troops of horssemen;* 19.244 of fiftéene hundred a péece, part swart Rutters, and part Burgognians, whereof the one in front, and the other in flanke, gaue strong charges vpon the French vantgard, who being well backed with their other ba••tels (wher∣of the most part then had passed the riuer) stoutlie re∣pelled these two first troops, though not without losse of manie their best soldiors.

So thus both parties being at a staie, and seuered somewhat asunder, the countie de Egmond himselfe with eightéene hundred men of armes, and his foot battels following,* 19.245 before the French had well reco∣uered breath, recharged vpon them with all his for∣ces togither, so terriblie that he choked all their bat∣tell, and the number tooke them to flight, without fur∣ther triall. So by that time that the footmen on ei∣ther side came to the push of the pike, the victorie was soone had, by reason (as the Frenchmen report) that the Almans beaten back with artillerie, as well of the towne as of the ships before said, brake their order, and came not to the shocke, whereby the whole charge of the battell rested vpon the French bands onelie.* 19.246 This field was fought the thirtéenth of Iu∣lie· 1558, vpon the sea sands neere to Graueling, where besides those that were slaine,* 19.247 being estéemed to the number of fiue thousand fighting men, there were taken prisoners the marshall de Thermes cap∣teine of Calis, monsieur Senerpont gouernour of Bullongne, monsieur Uillebou gouernour of Pi∣cardie, monsieur Annebault sonne to the late adme∣rall Annebault, knight of the order, monsieur de Moruilliers gouernour of Abuile, monsieur de Channe gouernour of Corbie, beside a great num∣ber of other gentlemen, valiant capteins & soldiors: but speciallie the bands of Calis went to wracke, so as verie few returned home to bring tidings. Which gaue such a terrour to the soldiors remaining in Ca∣lis, that it is verelie beleeued,* 19.248 that if the admerals of England and Flanders had béene present there with their nauies, as the said other few ships of England were, and vpon this sudden had attemp∣ted Calis, with the aid of the countie Egmond ha∣uing his power present: the towne of Calis might haue béene recouered againe with as little difficul∣tie, and happilie in as short time as it was before gai∣ned by the duke of Guise. But the said admerals (as it appeared) knew nothing thereof. Wherfore follow∣ing their prescribed course, & ioining togither at the place appointed, they sailed from thence with prospe∣rous wind & weather, & by the nine and twentith daie of the same moneth, and in the said yeare, with sea∣uen score ships of warre, appeared by the breake of

the daie before the hauen of Counquest, commonlie called Conquet in Britaine; whereof the poet saith, touching the seat of the same, abutting vpon the sea:

Nobile Conquetum salsis Thetis alluit vndis.

At whose arriuall there (as the manner is) they sounded their trumpets, & with a thundering peale of great ordinance gaue a lowd salue vnto the Bri∣tains: and by eight of the clocke the same morning, mauger all the power of the countrie, being assem∣bled there in armes, with manie péeces of great ar∣tillerie, [line 10] to defend the entrie of their port, the Eng∣lishmen manning foorth their shipboats, with manie valiant capteins and soldiors, recouered landing, and within short time became masters of the said towne of Conquet, which they put to the saccage, with a great abbeie,* 19.249 and manie pretie townes and villages neere thereabouts, where our men found great store of pillage and good booties. This done, they marched into the countrie, and burned manie villages and houses: and after withdrew downe vnto the sea side, [line 20] where their ships laie readie to receiue them. But the Flemmings being couetous of spoile, passing further into the land,* 19.250 before they could recouer their ships againe, were incountered by the power of the countrie, by whome there were slaine of them to the number of foure or fiue hundred.

The admerals perceiuing the power of the coun∣trie greatlie to increase, and hauing intelligence that the duke of Estampes the French kings lieute∣nant in Britaine was verie neere, comming on [line 30] with a great number of horssemen and footmen, e∣stéemed to be about twentie thousand (as the French∣men themselues affirme) thought not best to at∣tempt anie assault against the towne of Brest, or to make longer abode there. But yet in hope to doo some further exploit elsewhere,* 19.251 they laie there houe∣ring on the coast a while, to vnderstand the demea∣nour of the Britains: but by this time there was such numbers of people raised in all those parts for defense of the same coasts, that the admerals after∣ward [line 40] attempting in diuers places to land their men, and finding ech where more appearance of losse than of gaine, returned home without atchiuing anie fur∣ther enterprise.* 19.252 In this meane time, while king Phi∣lip and the French king, with two most puissant ar∣mies affronted ech other, néere vnto the water of Some, either of them was obstinatelie bent to driue the other out of the field, for which cause they intren∣ched their campes.

* 19.253During which time there was nothing doone be∣tweene [line 50] them woorthie memorie, more than dailie skirmishes of no great account. Neuerthelesse, the countrie of France could not but susteine extreame damage, so long susteining such a maine multitude, speciallie of men of warre, which those two mightie kings had assembled. And daie by daie came fresh companies to either partie; so as it was thought a thing impossible that such two princes being so néere, could depart without some cruell bloudie battell to determine their quarrels. But God, in whose hands [line 60] are the hearts of kings (when least hope was) con∣uerted their obstinate minds from warre to peace, which came chieflie to passe by the mediation of the duchesse of Lorraine,* 19.254 who had béene a long and ear∣nest traueller to that end; and neuer ceassed, vntill by hir intercession, both the said kings appointed speci∣all commissioners to treat vpon peace. So that af∣ter diuerse conferences, they at last concluded vpon all controuersies, except the matter of Calis, wherof queene Marie by hir ambassadours required restitu∣tion: but the French partie would in no wise heare thereof. By reason of which difficultie, this treatie could not come to anie good conclusion. King Phi∣lip thinking himselfe bound in honour to stand in that case with the quéene his wife, who for his sake had entered into a néedlesse warre against France, and thereby lost hir said towne, with all the countrie adioining (as you haue heard before) did therefore staie a long time before he concluded peace with the French king.

Quéene Marie séeing no likelihood,* 19.255 nor hauing anie hope of the restitution of Calis, and considering also that most of hir affaires had but hard successe, conceiued an inward sorrow of mind: by reason whereof about September next she fell sicke of a hot burning feauer, which sicknesse was common that yeare through all the realme, and consumed a mar∣uellous number, as well noblemen, as bishops, iud∣ges, knights, gentlemen, and rich farmers: but most of the cleargie, and other ancient and graue persons. In which while the quéene laie languishing of a long sicknesse,* 19.256 and so continued vntill the seuentéenth of Nouember next betwéene the houres of fiue or six in the morning, and then ended hir life in this world, at hir house of saint Iames besides Westminster, when she had reigned fiue years, foure moneths, and eleuen daies, and in the three and fortith yeare of hir bodilie age. The death of this said queene made a maruellous alteration in this realme, namelie in the case of religion, which like as by the death of king Edward the sixt it suffered a change from the e∣stablishment of his time: so by the death of this quéene it returned into the former estate againe. So that we sée the vncerteintie of the world, and what changes doo come in times by their reuolutions, and that euerie thing is subiect to vnconstancie, and nothing frée from variablenesse; as the poet saith:

—nihil vsquam Perpetuum solet in terris fixúmque manere: Humanis quàm nulla subest constantia rebus!

And heere, bicause we are come to the knitting vp of quéene Maries reigne, I cannot ouers••••p with si∣lence that notable and néedfull discourse of master Fox concerning our blessed souereigne, quéen Eliza∣beth, whose maiestie the Lord of his mercie inuiron with fréends as in number manie, so in seruice tru∣stie; and whose enimies the same Lord in iustice root out from the land of the liuing, heaping vpon them plague after plague, to their vtter confusion, bicause they haue reiected the gratious means of their con∣uersion. Thus therefore writeth master Fox concer∣ning the mischéefous persecution and miraculous preseruation of ladie Elizabeth, now quéene of Eng∣land, from extreame calamitie and danger of life, in the time of queene Marie hir sister.

But (saith master Fox) when all hath béene said and told,* 19.257 whatsoeuer can be recited touching the admira∣ble working of Gods present hand in defending and deliuering anie one person out of thraldome, neuer was there since the memorie of our fathers, anie ex∣ample to be shewed, wherin the Lords mightie power hath more admirablie and blessedlie shewed it selfe, to the glorie of his owne name, to the comfort of all good hearts, and to the publike felicitie of this whole realme, than in the miraculous custodie and outscape of this our souereigne ladie, now quéene, then ladie Elizabeth, in the strict time of queene Marie hir sister. In which storie, first we haue to consider in what extreame miserie, sicknesse, feare, and perill hir highnesse was; into what care, what trouble of mind,* 19.258 and what danger of death she was brought. First with great routs and bands of armed men (and hap∣pie was he that might haue the carrieng of hir) be∣ing fetched vp as the greatest traitour in the world, clapped in the tower, and againe tossed from thence, from house to house, from prison to prison, from post to piller, at length also prisoner in hir owne house, and garded with a sort of cut-throats, which euer

gaped for the spoile, whereby they might be fingering of somewhat.

Secondlie, we haue againe to consider, all this notwithstanding, how strangelie, or rather miracu∣louslie from danger she was deliuered: what fauour and grace she found with the almightie, who when all helpe of man, and hope of recouerie was past, stret∣ched out his mightie protection, and preserued hir highnesse, and placed hir in this princelie seat of rest and quietnesse, wherin now she sitteth, and long maie she sit, the lord of his glorious mercie grant, we be∣séech [line 10] him * 19.259. In which storie, if I should set foorth at large and at full, all the particulars and circumstan∣stances therevnto belonging, and as iust occasion of the historie requireth, besides the importunate length of the storie discoursed, peraduenture it might mooue offense to some being yet aliue, and truth might get me hatred. Yet notwithstanding, I intend (by the grace of Christ) therein to vse such breuitie and mo∣deration, as both may be to the glorie of God, the discharge of the storie, the profit of the reader, & hurt [line 20] to none, suppressing the names of some, whome here although I could recite, yet I thought not to be more cruell in hurting their name, than the quéene hath béene mercifull in pardoning their liues.

Therefore now to enter into the discourse of this tragicall matter,* 19.260 first here is to be noted, that quéene Marie when she was first queene, before she was crowned, would go no whither, but would haue hir by the hand, and send for hir to dinner and supper: but after she was crowned, she neuer dined nor supped [line 30] with hir, but kept hir aloofe from hir, &c. After this it happened, immediatlie vpon the rising of sir Tho∣mas Wiat (as before was mentioned, * 19.261 pag. 1418, 1419) that the ladie Elizabeth and the lord Court∣neie were charged with false suspicion of sir Thomas Wiats rising. Wherevpon quéene Marie, whether for that surmise, or for what other cause I know not, being offended with the said Elizabeth hir sister, at that time lieng in hir house at Ashridge, the next daie after the rising of Wiat, sent to hir thrée of hir [line 40] councellors, to wit, sir Richard Southwell, sir Ed∣ward Hastings, then master of the horsse, and sir Thomas Cornwallis, with their retinue and troope of horsemen, to the number of two hundred & fiftie. Who at their sudden and vnprouided comming, found hir at the same time sore sicke in hir bed, and verie féeble and weake of bodie. Whither when they came, ascending vp to hir graces priuie chamber, they willed one of hir ladies, whome they met, to de∣clare vnto hir grace, that there were certeine come [line 50] from the court, which had a message from the quéene.

Hir grace hauing knowledge thereof, was right glad of their comming: howbeit, being then verie sicke, and the night farre spent (which was at ten of the clocke) she requested them by the messenger, that they would resort thither in the morning. To this they answered, and by the said messenger sent word againe, that they must néeds sée hir, and would so doo, in what case soeuer she were.* 19.262 Whereat the ladie be¦ing [line 60] against, went to shew hir grace their words: but they hastilie following hir, came rushing as soone as she into hir graces chamber vnbidden. At whose so sudden comming into hir bed chamber, hir grace be∣ing not a little amazed, said vnto them: Is the hast such, that it might not haue pleased you to come to¦morrow in the morning? They made answer, that they were right sorie to see hir in that case. And I (quoth she) am not glad to see you here at this time of the night. Wherevnto they answered, that they came from the quéene to doo their message and dutie: which was to this effect, that the quéens pleasure was, that she should be at London the seauenth daie of that present moneth. Wherevnto she said; Certesse, no creature more glad than I to come to hir maie∣stie, being right sorie that I am not in case at this time to wait on hir, as you your selues do sée and can well testifie.

In deed we sée it true (quoth they) that you doo saie:* 19.263 for which we are verie sorie: albeit we let you to vn∣derstand, that our commission is such, and so strai∣neth vs, that we must néeds bring you with vs, either quicke or dead. Whereat she being amazed, sorrow∣fullie said, that their commission was verie sore: but yet notwithstanding she hoped it to be otherwise, and not so strict. Yes verelie, said they. Wherevpon they called for two physicians, doctor Owen and doctor Wendie, demanding of them, whether she might be remooued from thence with life, or no. Whose answer and iudgement was, that there was no impediment (in their iudgement) to the contrarie, but that she might trauell without danger of life.* 19.264 In conclusi∣on, they willed hir to prepare against the morning at nine of the clocke to go with them, declaring that they had brought with them the queenes litter for hir. After much talke, the messengers declaring how there was no prolonging of times and daies, so departed to their chamber, being interteined and cheared as apperteined to their worships.

On the next morrow at the time prescribed, they had hir foorth as she was, verie faint and féeble,* 19.265 and in such case that she was readie to sound three or foure times betwéene them. What should I speake héere that cannot well be expressed, what an heauie house there was to behold the vnreuerend and dolefull dea∣ling of these men, but especiallie the carefull feare and captiuitie of their innocent ladie and mistresse? Now to procéed in hir iornie from Ashridge all sicke in the litter, she came to Redborne, where she was garded all night: from thence to S. Albons, to sir Rafe Rowlets house, where she tarried that night, doth feeble in bodie, and comfortlesse in mind. From that place they passed to master Dods house at Mims, where also they remained that night: and so from thence she came to Highgate: where she be∣ing verie sicke, taried that night and the next daie. During which time of hir abode there, came manie purseuants and messengers from the court: but for what purpose I cannot tell.

From that place she was conueied to the court: where (by the waie) came to méet hir manie gentle∣men, to accompanie hir highnesse, which were verie sorie to sée hir in that case. But especiallie a great multitude of people there were standing by the way,* 19.266 who then flocking about hir litter, lamented and be∣wailed greatlie hir estate. Now, when she came to the court, hir grace was there straightwaies shut vp, and kept as close prisoner a fortnight, which was till Palmesundaie, séeing neither king nor quéene, nor lord, nor friend, all that time, but onelie then the lord chamberlaine, sir Iohn Gage, and the vicecham∣berlaine which were attendant vnto the dores. About which time sir William Sentlow was called before the councell; vnto whose charge it was laid,* 19.267 that he knew of Wiats rebellion. Which he stoutlie denied, protesting that he was a true man, both to God and his prince, defieng all traitors and rebels: but being strictlie examined, he was in conclusion committed to the tower.

The fridaie before Palmesundaie,* 19.268 the bishop of Winchester, with nineteene others of the councell (who shall be here namelesse) came vnto hir grace from the quéenes maiestie, and burdened hir with Wiats conspiracie: which she vtterlie denied,* 19.269 affir∣ming that she was altogither giltlesse therein. They being not contented with this, charged hir grace with businesse made by sir Peter Carew, and the rest of the gentlemen of the west countrie: which also

she vtterlie denieng, cleared hir innocencie therein. In conclusion, after long debating of matters, they declared vnto hir,* 19.270 that it was the quéenes will and pleasure that she should go vnto the tower, while the matter were further tried and examined. Whereat she being agast, said, that she trusted the quéenes ma∣iestie would be more gratious ladie vnto hir, and that hir highnesse would not otherwise conceiue of hir, but that she was a true woman: declaring fur∣thermore to the lords,* 19.271 that she was innocent in all [line 10] those matters wherin they had burdened hir; and de∣sired them therefore to be a further meane to the quéene hir sister, that she being a true woman in thought, word, and déed towards hir maiestie, might not be committed to so notorious & dolefull a place: protesting that she would request no mercie at hir hand, if she should be prooued to haue consented vnto anie such kind of matter, as they had laid vnto hir charge: and therefore in fine desired their lordships to thinke of hir what she was, and that she might not [line 20] so extremelie be dealt withall for hir truth.

Whervnto the lords answered againe, that there was no remedie, for that the quéenes maiestie was fullie determined that she should go vnto the tower. Wherewith the lords departed, with their caps hang∣ing ouer their eies. But not long after, within the space of an houre or little more, came foure of the foresaid lords of the councell, which were the lord treasuror, the bishop of Winchester, the lord steward, the earle of Sussex, with the gard, who warding the [line 30] next chamber to hir,* 19.272 secluded all hir gentlemen and yeomen, ladies and gentlewomen, sauing that for one gentleman vsher, thrée gentlewomen, and two groomes of hir chamber, were appointed in their roomes thrée other men of the quéenes, and three wai∣ting women to giue attendance vpon hir, that none should haue accesse to hir grace. At which time there were an hundred of northerne souldiers in white cotes, watching and warding about the gardens all that night, a great fire being made in the midst of the hall, and two certeine lords watching there also with [line 40] their band and companie.

Upon saturdaie following, two lords of the coun∣cell (the one was the earle of Sussex, the other shall be namelesse) came and certified hir grace, that forth∣with she must go vnto the tower, the barge being prepared for hir, and the tide now readie, which tarieth for no bodie. In heauie mood hir grace requested the lords that she might tarie another tide, trusting that the next would be better and more comfortable. But [line 50] one of the lords replied, that nether tide nor time was to be delaied. And when hir grace requested him that she might be suffered to write to the quéenes maie∣stie,* 19.273 he answered, that he durst not permit that: ad∣ding that in his iudgement it would rather hurt, than profit hir grace in so dooing. But the other lord, more courteous and fauorable (who was the earle of Sussex) knéeling downe, said she should haue liber∣tie to write; and as he was a true man, he would de∣liuer it to the quéenes highnesse, & bring an answer of the same, what soeuer came thereof. Wherevpon [line 60] she wrote, albeit she could in no case be suffered to speake with the queene to hir great discomfort, being no offendor against the queenes maiestie.

And thus the tide and time passed awaie for that season, they priuilie appointing all things readie that she should go the next tide which fell about midnight: but for feare she should be taken by the waie, they durst not. So they staied till the next daie, being Palmesundaie, when about nine of the clocke these two returned againe, declaring that it was time for hir grace to depart; she answering: If there be no re∣medie, I must be content, willing the lords to go be∣fore. Being come foorth into the garden, she did cast vp hir eies toward the window, thinking to haue séene the queene, which she could not. Whereat she said she maruelled much what the nobilitie of the realme meant, which in that sort would suffer hir to be led into captiuitie, the Lord knew whither, for she did not. In the meane time commandement was giuen in all London, that euerie one should keepe the church and carie their palmes, while in the meane sea∣son she might be conueied without all recourse of people into the tower.

After all this, she tooke hir barge with the two fore∣said lords, thrée of the quéenes gentlewomen,* 19.274 and thrée of hir owne, hir gentleman vsher, and two of hir groomes, lieng & houering vpon the water a cer∣teine space, for that they could not shoot the bridge, the bargemen being verie vnwilling to shoot the same so soone as they bad, bicause of the danger ther∣of: for the sterne of the boat stroke vpon the ground, the fall was so big, and the water was so shallow, that the boat being vnder the bridge, there staied a∣gaine a while. At landing, she first staied, and denied to land at those staires where all traitors and offen∣dors customablie vsed to land, neither well could she vnlesse she should go ouer hir shoo. The lords were gone out of the boat before, and asked why she came not. One of the lords went backe againe to hir, and brought word she would not come. Then said one of the lords which shall be namelesse, that she should not choose: and bicause it did then raine, he offered to hir his cloke, which she (putting it backe with hir hand with a good dash) refused. So she comming out, ha∣uing one foot vpon the staire, said;* 19.275 Here landeth as true a subiect being prisoner, as euer landed at these staires: and before thée O God I speake it, hauing none other fréends but thee alone.

To whome the same lord answered againe, that if it were so, it was the better for hir. At hir landing there was a great multitude of their seruants and warders standing in their order; What néeded all this said she? It is the vse (said some) so to be when a∣nie prisoner came thither. And if it be (quoth she) for my cause, I beséech you that they may be dismissed. Wherat the poore men kneeled downe, and with one voice desired God to preserue hir grace, who the next daie were released of their cold coats. After this pas∣sing a little further, she sat downe vpon a cold stone, and there rested hir selfe. To whom the lieute∣nant then being, said; Madame, you were best to come out of the raine, for you sit vnwholesomelie. She then replieng, answered againe: Better sitting here thanin a worse place, for God knoweth, I know not whither you will bring me. With that hir gen∣tleman vsher wept: she demanding of him what he meant so vncomfortablie to vse hir, seeing she tooke him to be hir comforter, and not to dismaie hir, espe∣ciallie for that she knew hir truth to be such, that no man should haue cause to wéepe for hir. But forth she went into the prison.

The dores were locked and bolted vpon hir: which did not a little discomfort and dismaie hir grace.* 19.276 At what time she called to hir gentlewoman for hir bóoke, desiring God not to suffer hir to build hir foun∣dation vpon the sands but vpon the rocke, whereby all the blasts of blustering weather should haue no power against hir. The doores being thus locked, and she close shut vp, the lords had great conference how to kéepe ward and watch, euerie man declaring his opinion in that behalfe, agreeing strictlie and cir∣cumspectlie to kéepe hir. Then one of them,* 19.277 which was the lord of Sussex swearing, said: My lords, let vs take héed, and doo no more than our commission will beare vs, what soeuer shall happen hereafter. And further, let vs consider that she was the king our maisters daughter, and therefore let vs vse such

dealing, that we may answer vnto it hereafter, if it shall so happen, for iust dealing (quoth he) is alwaies answerable. Wherevnto the other lords agréed that it was well said of him, and therevpon departed. Be∣ing in the tower, within two daies, commandement was that she should haue masse within hir house. One maister Yoong was then hir chapleine: and bi∣cause there was none of hir men so well learned to helpe the priest to saie masse, the masse staied for that daie. [line 10]

The next daie two of hir yeomen, who had gone long to schoole before, and were learned, had two abcies prouided and deliuered them, so that vpon the abcies they should helpe the priest. One of the said yeomen, holding the abcie in his hand, pretending ignorance at Kyrie eleison, set the priest, making as though he could answer that no further. It would make a pitifull and a strange storie, here by the waie to touch and recite what examinations and rackings of poore men there were, to find out that knife which [line 20] should cut hir throte: what gaping among my lords of the cleargie, to see the daie wherein they might wash their goodlie white rochets in hir innocent bloud, but especiallie the bishop of Winchester Ste∣phan Gardiner, then lord chancellor, ruler of the rost, who then within fiue daies after came vnto hir, with diuerse others of the councell, and examined hir of the talke that was at Ashridge,* 19.278 betwixt hir and sir Iames Acroft, touching hir remouing from thence to Dunnington castle, requiring hir to declare what [line 30] she meant thereby.

At the first, she being so suddenlie asked, did not well remember anie such house: but within a while, well aduising hir selfe, she said; In déed (quoth she) I doo now remember that I haue such a place,* 19.279 but I ne∣uer laie in it in all my life. And as for anie that hath mooued me therevnto, I doo not remember. Then to inforce the matter, they brought foorth sir Iames A∣croft. The bishop of Winchester demanded of hir what she said to that man? She answered, that she had [line 40] little to saie to him, or to the rest that were then pri∣soners in the tower. But my lords (quoth she) you doo examine euerie meane prisoner of me, wherein me thinks you doo me great iniurie. If they haue doone euill and offended the quéenes maiestie, let them an∣swer to it accordinglie. I beséech you my lords, ioine not me in this sort with anie of these offendors. And as concerning my going vnto Dunnington castle, I doo remember that maister Hobbie and mine offi∣cers and you sir Iames Acroft, had such talke: but [line 50] what is that to the purpose, my lords, but that I may go to mine owne houses at all times?

The lord of Arundell knéeling downe, said: Your grace saith true,* 19.280 & certeinlie we are verie sorie that we haue so troubled you about so vaine matters. She then said: My lords, you doo sift me verie narrowlie, but well I am assured, you shall not doo more to me than God hath appointed, and so God forgiue you all. At their departure, sir Iames Acroft knéeled down, declaring that he was sorie to see the daie in which he should be brought as a witnesse against hir grace. [line 60] But I assure your grace (said he) I haue beene mar∣uellouslie tossed and examined touching your high∣nesse,* 19.281 which the lord knoweth is verie strange to me. For I take God to record before all your honors, I doo not know anie thing of that crime that you haue laid to my charge, and will thervpon take my death, if I should be driuen to so strict a triall.

That daie, or thereabouts, diuerse of hir owne of∣ficers, who had made prouision for hir diet, brought the same to the vtter gate of the tower,* 19.282 the common rascall souldiers receiuing it: which was no small greefe vnto the gentlemen the bringers thereof. Wherfore they required to speake with the lord cham∣berleine, being then conestable of the tower. Who comming before his presence, declared vnto his lordship, that they were much afraid to bring hir graces diet, and to deliuer it to such common and de∣sperat persons as they were which did receiue it: be∣seeching his honor to consider hir grace, and to giue such order, that hir viands might at all times bee brought in by them which were appointed therevnto. Yea sirs (said he) who appointed you this office?* 19.283 They answered, Hir graces councell. Councell (quoth he?) There is none of them which hath to doo, either in that case, or anie thing else within this place: and I as∣sure you, for that she is a prisoner, she shall be serued with the lieutenants men, as other the prisoners are. Whereat the gentlemen said, that they trusted for more fauor at his hands, considering hir personage, saieng; that they mistrusted not, but that the queene and hir councell would be better to hir grace than so, and therewith shewed themselues to be offended at the vngratefull words of the lord chamberleine to∣wards their ladie and mistresse.* 19.284

At this he sware by God, striking himselfe vpon the breast, that if they did either frowne or shrug at him, he would set them where they should neither see sunne nor moone. Thus taking their leaue, they desi∣red God to bring him in a better mind towards hir grace, and so departed from him. Upon the occasion whereof, hir graces officers made great sute vnto the quéenes councell, that some might be appointed to bring hir diet to hir, & that it might no more be deli∣uered in to the common soldiers of the tower. Which being reasonablie considered, was by them granted. Wherevpon were appointed one of hir gentlemen, hir clearke of hir kitchin, and hir two purueiors to bring in hir prouision once a day; all which was done the warders euer waiting vpon the bringers there∣of. The lord chamberleine himselfe being alwaies with them, circumspectlie and narrowlie watched, and searched what they brought: and gaue héed that they should haue no talke with anie of hir graces waiting seruants, and so warded them both in and out. At the said sute of hir officers were sent by the commandement of the councell, to wait vpon hir grace, two yeomen of hir chamber, one of hir robes, two of hir pantrie and ewrie, one of hir buttrie,* 19.285 ano∣ther of hir cellar, two of hir kitchin, and one of hir larder, all which continued with hir the time of hir trouble.

Here the conestable, being at the first not verie well pleased with the comming in of such a compa∣nie against his will, would haue had his men still to haue serued with hir graces men. Which hir seruants at no hand would suffer,* 19.286 desiring his lordship to be contented: for that order was taken, that no stran∣ger should come within their offices. At which an∣swer being sore displeased, he brake out into these threatning words: Well (said he) I will handle you well inough. Then went he into the kitchin, and there would néeds haue his meat rosted with hir gra∣ces meat, & said that his cooke should come thither and dresse it. To that hir graces cooke answered; My lord, I will neuer suffer anie stranger to come about hir diet, but hir owne sworne men, so long as I liue. He said they shuld. But the cooke said, his lordship should pardon him for that matter. Thus did he trouble hir poore seruants verie stoutlie: though afterwards he were otherwise aduised, and they more courteouslie vsed at his hands. And good cause why, for he had good cheare, and fared of the best; and hir grace paied well for it. Wherefore he vsed himselfe afterwards more reuerentlie toward hir grace.

After this sort, hauing lien a whole moneth there in close prison, and being verie euill at ease therwith∣all, she sent for the lord chamberleine, and the lord

Shandois, to come and speake with hir. Who com∣ming, she requested them that she might haue liber∣tie to walke in some place, for that she felt hirselfe not well.* 19.287 To the which they answered, that they were right sorie that they could not satisfie hir graces re∣quest, for that they had commandement to the con∣trarie, which they durst not in anie wise breake. Fur∣thermore, she desired of them, if that could not bee granted, that she might walke but into the queenes lodging. No nor yet that (they answered) could by [line 10] anie meanes be obteined without a further sute to the quéene and hir councell. Well (said she) my lords, if the matter be so hard that they must be sued vnto for so small a thing, and that friendship be so strict, God comfort me: and so they departed, she remai∣ning in hir old dungeon still, without anie kind of comfort but onelie God.

The next daie after, the lord Shandois came againe vnto hir grace, declaring vnto hir that he had sued vnto the councell for further libertie. Some of them [line 20] consented therevnto, diuerse other dissented, for that there were so manie prisoners in the tower. But in conclusion they did all agrée, that hir grace might walke into those lodgings, so that he & the lord cham∣berleine, and three of the quéenes gentlewomen did accompanie hir, the windowes being shut, and shée not suffered to looke out at anie of them: wherewith she contented hirselfe, and gaue him thanks for his good will in that behalfe. Afterwards there was li∣bertie granted to hir grace to walke in a little gar∣den,* 19.288 the doores and gates being shut vp, which not∣withstanding [line 30] was as much discomfort vnto hir, as the walke in the garden was pleasant and accepta∣ble. At which times of hir walking there, the priso∣ners on that side strictlie were commanded not to speake or looke out at the windows into the garden, till hir grace were gone out againe, hauing in consi∣deration thereof, their keepers waiting vpon them for that time. Thus hir grace with this small libertie contented hir selfe in God, to whome be praise there∣fore. [line 40]

During this time, there vsed a little boie, a mans child in the tower to resort vnto their chambers, and manie times to bring hir grace flowers, which like∣wise hee did to the other prisoners that were there. Wherevpon naughtie and suspicious heads thinking to make and wring out some matter thereof,* 19.289 called on a time the child vnto them, promising him figs and apples, and asked of him when he had béene with the earle of Deuonshire, not ignorant of the childs woon∣ted [line 50] frequenting vnto him? The boy answered that he would go by and by thither. Further they deman∣ded of him,* 19.290 when he was with the ladie Elisabeths grace? He answered: Euerie daie. Furthermore they examined him, what the lord of Deuonshire sent by him to hir grace? The child said: I will go know what he will giue to carie to hir. Such was the dis∣cretion of the child, being yet but foure years of age. This same is a craftie boy, quoth the lord chamber∣leine, how saie you my lord Shandois? I praie you my lord (quoth the boy) giue me the figs you promised [line 60] me. No marie (quoth he) thou shalt be whipped if thou come anie more to the ladie Elisabeth, or the lord Courtneie. The boy answered: I will bring my la∣die and mistresse more flowers. Whervpon the childs father was commanded to permit the boy no more to come vp into their chambers.

The next daie, as hir grace was walking in the garden, the child péeping in at a hole in the doore, cried vnto hir, saieng: Mistresse, I can bring you no more flowers. Whereat she smiled, but said nothing, vn∣derstanding thereby what they had doone. Wherefore afterwards the chamberleine rebuked highlie his father, commanding him to put him out of the house. Alas poore infant, quoth the father. It is a craftie knaue (quoth the lord chamberleine) let me sée him here no more.* 19.291 The fift of Maie the conestable was discharged of his office of the tower, & one sir Hen∣rie Benefield placed in his roome, a man vnknowne to hir grace, and therefore the more feared: which so sudden mutation was vnto hir no little amaze. Hee brought with him an hundred soldiors in blew cotes, wherewith she was maruellouslie discomforted, and demanded of such as were about hir, whether the la∣die Ianes scaffold were taken awaie or no, fearing by reason of their comming, least she should haue plaied hir part. To whome answer was made, that the scaffold was taken awaie, and that hir grace née∣ded not to doubt of anie such tyrannie: for God would not suffer anie such treason against hir per∣son. Wherewith being contented, but not altogither satisfied, she asked what sir Henrie Benefield was, and whether he was of that conscience or no, that if hir murthering were secretlie committed to his charge, he would sée the execution thereof?* 19.292 She was answered, that they were ignorant what maner of man he was. Howbeit they persuaded hir that God would not suffer such wickednesse to procéed? Well, quoth she, God grant it be so. For thou O god canst mollifie all such tyrannous hearts, and disappoint all such cruell purposes: and I beséech thée to heare me thy creature, which am thy seruant, and at thy commandement, trusting by thy grace euer so to remaine.

About which time it was spread abroad, that hir grace should be caried from thense by this new iollie capteine and his souldiors: but whither, it could not be learned. Which was vnto hir a great griefe, espe∣ciallie for that such a companie was appointed to hir gard, requesting rather to continue there still, than to be led thense with such a sort of rascals. At last plaine answer was made by the lord Shandois, that there was no remedie, but from thense she must néeds depart to the manour of Woodstocke, as he thought. Being demanded of hir for what cause? For that (quoth he) the tower is like further to be fur∣nished. She being desirous to know what he meant thereby, demanded wherewith? He answered, with such matter as the quéene and councell were deter∣mined in that behalfe, wherof he had no knowledge: and so departed. In conclusion, on Trinitie sundaie being the ninetéenth daie of Maie, she was remoo∣ued from the tower, the lord treasuror being then there for the lading of hir carts, and discharging the place of the same. Where sir Henrie Benefield (be∣ing appointed hir gailor) did receiue hir with a com∣panie of rakehels to gard hir, beside the lord of Dar∣bies band, waiting in the countrie about for the mooneshine in the water. Unto whome at length came my lord of Tame, ioined in commission with the said sir Henrie, for the safe guiding of hir to pri∣son: and they togither conueied hir grace to Wood∣stocke, as hereafter followeth.* 19.293 The first daie they conducted hir to Richmond, where she continued all night, being restreined of hir owne men, which were lodged in outchambers, and sir Henrie Benefields souldiors appointed in their roomes to giue atten∣dance on hir person. Whereat she being maruel∣louslie dismaied, thinking verelie some secret mis∣chiefe to be a woorking towards hir, called hir gentle∣man vsher, and desired him, with the rest of his com∣panie, to praie for hir. For this night (quoth she) I thinke to die. Wherewith he being stricken to the heart, said: God forbid that anie such wickednesse should be pretended against your grace. So com∣forting hir as well as he could, at last he burst out into teares, & went from hir downe into the court, where were walking the lord of Tame and sir Hen∣rie

Benefield.

Then he comming to the lord of Tame (who had proffered to him much friendship) desired to speake with him a word or two. Unto whome he familiarlie said, he should with all his heart. Which when sir Henrie standing by heard, he asked what the mat∣ter was? To whome the gentleman vsher answe∣red: No great matter sir (said he) but to speake with my lord a word or two. Then when the lord of Tame came to him,* 19.294 he spake on this wise: My lord (quoth [line 10] he) you haue béene alwaies my good lord, and so I beséech you to remaine. The cause why I come to you at this time, is to desire your honor, vnfeined∣lie to declare vnto me whether anie danger is meant towards my mistresse this night, or no, that I and my poore fellows may take such part as shall please God to appoint: for certeinlie we will rather die, than she should secretlie and innocentlie miscarie. Marie (said the lord of Tame) God forbid that anie such wicked purpose should be wrought: and rather [line 20] than it should be so,* 19.295 I with my men are readie to die at hir foot also: and (so praised be God) they passed that dolfull night, with no little heauinesse of heart. Afterwards passing ouer the water at Richmond, going towards Windsore, hir grace espied certeine of hir poore seruants standing on the other side, which were verie desirous to sée hir. Whome when she be∣held, turning to one of hir men standing by, she said; Yonder I sée certeine of my men, go to them and say th••se words from me: Tanquam ouis.

* 19.296So she passing forward to Windsore, was lodged [line 30] there that night in the deane of Windsors house, a place more méet in déed for a priest than for a prin∣cesse. And from thense hir grace was garded and brought the next night to maister Dormers house, where much people standing by the way,* 19.297 some pre∣sented to hir one gift, and some another: so that sir Henrie was greatlie mooued therewith, and trou∣bled the poore people verie sore, for shewing their lo∣uing hearts in such a maner, calling them rebels and traitors, with such like vile words. Besides, as [line 40] she passed thorough the villages, the townesmen rang the bels, as being ioyfull of hir comming, thin∣king verelie it had beene otherwise than it was in∣deed, as the sequele prooued after to the said poore men. For immediatlie the said sir Henrie hearing the same, sent his souldiors thither, who apprehended some of the ringers, setting them in the stocks, and otherwise vncourteouslie misusing other some for their good wils. [line 50]

* 19.298On the morrow hir grace passing from maister Dormers (where was for the time of hir abode there a strict watch kept) came to the lord of Tames house where she laie all night, being verie princelie inter∣teined, both of knights and ladies, gentlemen and gentlewomen. Wherat sir Henrie Benefield grun∣ted,* 19.299 and was highlie offended, saieng vnto them, that they could not tell what they did, and were not able to answer to their dooings in that behalfe; let∣ting them to vnderstand that she was the quéens [line 60] maiesties prisoner, and no otherwise: aduising them therfore to take heed & beware of afterclaps. Where∣vnto the lord of Tame answered in this wise: that he was well aduised of his dooings, being ioined in commission as well as he, adding with warrant, that hir grace might and should in his house be mer∣rie. The next daie as she should take hir iournie from Richmond towards Woodstocke,* 19.300 the lord of Tame, with an other gentleman being at tables, plaieng, and dropping vie crownes, the ladie Eliza∣beth passing by,* 19.301 staied & said she would sée the game plaied out, which sir Henrie Benefield would scarse permit. The game running long about, and they plaieng drop vie crownes; Come on saith he: I will tarie saith she, and will sée this game out.

After this, sir Henrie went vp into a chamber, where was appointed for hir grace a chaire, two cu∣shions, and a foot carpet verie faire and princelike, wherein presumptuouslie he sat, and called one Bar∣wike his man to pull off his boots. Which as soone as it was knowen among the ladies and gentles, euerie one mused thereat, & laughed him to scorne, obseruing his vndiscréet maners in that behalfe, as they might verie well. When supper was doone, he called my lord, and willed him that all the gentle∣men and ladies should withdraw themselues euerie one to his lodging, maruelling much that he would permit there such a companie, considering so great a charge committed to him. Sir Henrie (quoth my lord) content your selfe, all shall be voided, your men and all. Nay my soldiors (quoth sir Henrie) shall watch all night. The lord of Tame answered, It shall not need. Well said he, Néed or néed not, they shall so doo: mistrusting belike the companie, which God knoweth was without cause.

The next daie hir grace tooke hir iournie from thense to Woodstocke, where she was inclosed,* 19.302 as before in the tower of London, the souldiors gar∣ding and warding both within & without the wals, euerie daie to the number of thrée score, and in the night without the wals fortie, during the time of hir imprisonment there. At length she had gardens ap∣pointed for hir walke, which was verie comfortable to hir grace. But alwaies when she did recreat hir selfe therein, the doores were fast locked vp, in as strict maner as they were in the tower, being at the least fiue or six locks betwéene hir lodging and hir walks: sir Henrie himselfe kéeping the keies, and trusting no man therewith. Wherevpon she called him hir gailor: and he knéeling downe, desi∣red hir grace not to call him so, for he was appoin∣ted there to be one of hir officers. From such offi∣cers (quoth she) good Lord deliuer me. And now by the way as digressing, or rather refreshing the rea∣der, if it be lawfull in so serious a storie to recite a matter incident, & yet not impertinent to the same: occasion heere mooueth, or rather inforceth me to touch briefelie what happened in the same place and time by a certeine merie conceited man,* 19.303 being then about hir grace: who noting the strict & strange kée∣ping of his ladie & mistres by the said sir Henrie Be∣nefield, with so manie locks & dores, with such watch and ward about hir, as was strange and woonder∣full, spied a goat in the ward where hir grace was. And whether to refresh hir oppressed mind, or to noti∣fie hir strict handling by sir Henrie, either else both; he tooke it vp on his necke, and followed hir grace therewith as she was going into hir lodging. Which when she saw, she asked him what he would doo with it, willing to let it alone. Unto whome the said par∣tie answered: No by saint Marie (if it like your grace) will I not: for I can not tell whether he be one of the quéens friends or no. I will carie him to sir Henrie Benefield (God willing) to know what he is. So leauing hir grace, he went with the goat on his necke, and caried it to sir Henrie Benefield. Who when he saw him comming with it, asked him halfe angerlie what he had there. Unto whome the partie answered, saieng: Sir (quoth he) I can not tell what he is, I pray you examine him,* 19.304 for I found him in the place where my ladies grace was wal∣king, and what talke they had I can not tell. For I vnderstand him not, but he should séeme to me to be some stranger, & I thinke verelie a Welshman, for he hath a white fréese coat on his backe. And forso∣much as I being the quéens subiect, and perceiuing the strict charge committed to you of hir kéeping, that no stranger should haue accesse to hir without

sufficient licence, I haue here found a stranger (what he is I can not tell) in place where hir grace was walking: and therefore for the necessarie discharge of my dutie, I thought it good to bring the said stran∣ger to you, to examine as you sée cause: and so he set him downe. At which his words sir Henrie séemed much displeased, and said: Well, well, you will ne∣uer leaue this geare I sée: and so they departed.

Now to returne to the matter from whence we haue digressed. After hir grace had bene there a time [line 10] she made sute to the councell that she might be suffe∣red to write to the queene, which at last was permit∣ted. So that sir Henrie Benefield brought hir pen, inke, and paper; and standing by hir while she wrote (which he strictlie obserued) alwaies she being wea∣rie, he would carie awaie hir letters, and bring them againe when she called for them. In the finishing therof, he would haue béene messenger to the quéene of the same. Whose request hir grace denied, saieng one of hir owne men should carie them, and that she [line 20] would neither trust him nor none of his therein. Then he answering againe said; None of them durst be so bold (he trowed) to carie hir letters, being in that case. Yes (quoth she) I am assured I haue none so dishonest that would denie my request in that be∣halfe, but will be as willing to serue me now as be∣fore. Well (said he) my commission is to the con∣trarie,* 19.305 and I maie not so suffer it. Hir grace repli∣eng againe said; You charge me verie often with your commission, I praie God you maie iustlie an∣swer [line 30] the cruell dealing you vse towards me.

Then he knéeling downe, desired hir grace to thinke and consider how he was a seruant, and put in trust there by the quéene to serue hir maiestie, pro∣testing that if the case were hirs, he would as wil∣linglie serue hir grace, as now he did the quéenes highnesse. For the which his answer hir grace than∣ked him, desiring God that she might neuer haue need of such seruants as he was; declaring further to him, that his dooings towards hir were not good nor [line 40] answerable, but more than all the friends he had would stand by. To whom sir Henrie replied & said; that there was no remedie but his dooings must be answered,* 19.306 and so they should, trusting to make good account thereof. The cause which mooued hir grace so to saie, was for that he would not permit hir letters to be caried foure or fiue daies after the writing thereof. But in fine he was content to send for hir gentleman from the towne of Woodstocke, demanding of him whether he durst enterprise the ca∣riage [line 50] of hir graces letters to the quéene or no. And he answered; Yea sir, that I dare, and will with all my hart. Wherevpon sir Henrie halfe against his stomach tooke them vnto him.* 19.307 Then about the eight of Iune came downe doctor Owen & doctor Wen∣die, sent by the quéene to hir grace, for that she was sicklie; who ministring to hir, and letting hir bloud, tarried there and attended on hir grace fiue or six daies. Then she being well amended, they returned againe to the court, making their good report to the [line 60] quéene and the councell of hir graces behauior and humblenesse towards the quéenes highnesse. Which hir maiestie hearing,* 19.308 tooke verie thankfullie: but the bishops thereat repined, looked blacke in the mouth, and told the quéene, they maruelled that she submit∣ted not hir selfe to hir maiesties mercie, considering that she had offended hir highnesse.

About this time hir grace was requested by a se∣cret friend, to submit hir selfe to the quéenes maie∣stie,* 19.309 which would be verie well taken, and to hir great quiet and commoditie. Unto whome she an∣swered, that she would neuer submit hir selfe to them whome she neuer offended. For (quoth shée) if I haue offended and am guiltie, I then craue no mercie, but the law, which I am certeine (quoth she) I should haue had yer this, if it could be prooued by me. For I know my selfe (I thanke God) to be out of the danger thereof, wishing that I were as cleare out of the perill of mine enimies, & then I am assured I should not so be locked and bolted vp within wals and doores as I am. God giue them a better mind when it pleaseth him. About this time was there a great consulting among the bishops and gentlemen touching a marriage for hir grace,* 19.310 which some of the Spaniards wished to be with some stranger, that she might go out of the realme with hir portion; some saieng one thing, and some another.

A lord (who shall be here namelesse) being there at last said,* 19.311 that the king should neuer haue anie quiet common wealth in England, vnlesse hir head were stricken from the shoulders. Wherevnto the Spaniards answered saieng; God forbid that the king and maister should haue that mind to consent to such a mischéefe.* 19.312 This was the courteous answer of the Spaniards to the Englishmen, speaking after that sort against their owne countrie. From that daie the Spaniards neuer left off their good persuasi∣ons to the king, that the like honor he should neuer obteine, as he should in deliuering the ladie Eliza∣beths grace out of prison; whereby at length she was happilie released from the same. Here is a plaine and euident example of the good clemencie and na∣ture of the king and his councellors towards hir grace (praised be God therefore) who mooued their harts therein. Then herevpon she was sent for shortlie after to come to Hampton court.

But before hir remoouing awaie from Wood∣stocke,* 19.313 we will a little staie to declare in what dan∣gers hir life was during this time she there remai∣ned. First thorough fire, which began to kindle be∣twéene the boords & séeling vnder the chamber where she laie, whether by a sparke of fire, gotten into a cranie, or whether of purpose by some that meant hir no good, the Lord dooth know. Neuerthelesse a worshipfull knight of Oxfordshire, which was there ioined the same time with sir Henrie Benefield in kéeping that ladie (who then tooke vp the boords and quenched the fire) verelie supposed it to be doone of purpose. Furthermore it is thought,* 19.314 and also affir∣med (if it be true) of one Paule Penie a keeper of Woodstocke, a notorious ruffian and a butcherlie wretch, that he was appointed to kill the said ladie Elizabeth, who both saw, the man being often in hir sight, and also knew thereof.

Another time one of the priuie chamber,* 19.315 a great man about the queene, and chiefe darling of Stephan Gardiner, named maister Iames Basset came to Blandenbrige a mile from Woodstocke; with twen∣tie or thirtie priuie cotes, and sent for sir Henrie Be∣nefield to come and speake with him. But as God would, which disposed all things after the purpose of his owne will; so it happened, that a little before the said sir Henrie Benefield was sent for by post to the councell, leauing strict word behind him with his bro∣ther, that no man whatsoeuer he were, though com∣ming with a bill of the queenes hand, or anie other warrant, should haue accesse to hir before his re∣turne againe. By reason whereof it so fell out, that maister Benefields brother comming to him at the bridge, would suffer him in no case approch in, who otherwise (as is supposed) was appointed violentlie to murther the innocent ladie. In the life of Ste∣phan Gardiner we declared before, pag. 1787,* 19.316 how that the ladie Elizabeth, being in the tower, a writ came downe subscribed with certeine hands of the councell for hir execution. Which if it were certeine (as it is reported) Winchester (no dout) was deuiser of that mischéefous drift. And doubtlesse the same

Achitophell had broght his impious purpose that day to passe, had not the fatherlie prouidence of almigh∣tie God (who is euer stronger than the diuell) stirred vp master Bridges lieutenant at that time of the to∣wer, to come in hast to the quéene, to giue certificat therof, & to know further hir consent touching hir si∣sters death.* 19.317 Whervpon it folowed, that all that deuise was disappointed, & Winchesters diuelish platforme which he said he had cast, thorough the Lords great goodnes came to no effect. Where moreouer is to be [line 10] noted, that during the prisonment of this ladie and princesse, one maister Edmund Tremaine was on the racke, and maister Smithwike, and diuerse o∣ther in the tower were examined, and diuerse offers made to them to accuse the giltlesse ladie, being in hir captiuitie. Howbeit all that notwithstanding, no matter could be prooued by all examinations, as she the same time lieng at Woodstocke had certeine intelligence, by the meanes of one Iohn Gaier, who vnder a colorable pretense of a letter vnto mistresse [line 20] Cleue from hir father, was let in, and so gaue them secretlie to vnderstand of all this matter▪ Where∣vpon the ladie Elizabeth at hir departing out from Woodstocke, wrote these verses with hir diamond in a glasse window verie legiblie as here followeth:

Much suspected by me, Nothing prooued can be:* 19.318 Quoth Elizabeth prisoner.

And thus much touching the troubles of ladie E∣lisabeth at Woodstocke. Wherevnto this is more to [line 30] be added, that during the same time, the lord of Tame had labored to the quéene, and became suretie for hir, to haue hir from Woodstocke to his house, and had obteined grant thereof.* 19.319 Wherevpon preparati∣on was made accordinglie, and all things readie in expectation of hir comming. But through the pro∣curement either of maister Benefield, or by the dooing of Winchester hir mortall enimie, letters came ouer night to the contrarie: whereby hir iornie was stopped. Thus this woorthie ladie oppressed with [line 40] continuall sorrow, could not be permitted to haue re∣course to anie friends she had; but still in the hands of hir enimies was left desolate, and vtterlie desti∣tute of all that might refresh a dolfull hart, fraught full of terror and thraldome. Wherevpon no mar∣uell, if she hearing vpon a time out of hir garden at Woodstocke,* 19.320 a certeine milkmaid singing pleasant∣lie, wished hir selfe to be a milkemaid as she was, saieng that hir case was better, and life more meri∣er than was hirs in that state as she was. [line 50]

Now after these things thus declared, to pro∣céed further where we left before, sir Henrie Be∣nefield and his soldiors, with the lord of Tame, and sir Rafe Chamberleine, garding and waiting vpon hir, the first night from Woodstocke she came to Ricot. In which iourneie such a mightie wind did blow,* 19.321 that hir seruants were faine to hold down hir clothes about hir: in so much that hir hood was twise or thrise blowen from hir head. Wherevpon she desirous to returne to a certeine gentlemans [line 60] house there néere, could not be suffered by sir Hen∣rie Benefield so to doo: but was constreined vnder an hedge to trim hir head as well as she could. After this, the next night they iourneied to maister Dor∣mers, & so to Colbrooke, where she laie all that night at the George: and by the waie comming to Col∣brooke, certeine of hir graces gentlemen and yeo∣men met hir to the number of three score, much to all their comforts, which had not séene hir grace of long season before: not withstanding they were comman∣ded in the quéenes name immediatlie to depart the towne, to both their and hir graces no little heaui∣nesse, who could not be suffered once to speake with them. So that night all hir men were taken from hir sauing hir gentleman vsher, thrée gentlewomen, two groomes, and one of hir wardrobe, the soldiors watching and warding about the house, and she close shut vp within hir prison.

The next daie following,* 19.322 hir grace entred Hamp∣ton court on the back••side, into the princes lodging, the doores being shut to hir: and she garded with sol∣diors, as before, laie there a fortnight at the least, yer euer anie had recourse vnto hir. At length came the lord William Howard, who maruellous honoura∣blie vsed hir grace. Wherat she tooke much comfort, & requested him to be a meane that she might speake with some of the councell. To whome (not long after) came the bishop of Winchester, the lord of Arundell, the lord of S••rewesburie, and secretarie Peter, who with great humilitie humbled themselues vnto hir grace. She againe likewise saluting them, said: My lords (quoth she) I am glad to sée you▪ for me thinke I haue béene kept a great while from you desolatelie alone. Wherefore I would desire you to be a meane to the king and quéenes maiesties, that I maie be deliuered from prison, wherein I haue beene kept a long space, as to you my lords it is not vnknowne.

When she had spoken, Stephan Gardiner the bi∣shop of Winchester kneeled downe▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 requested that she would submit hir selfe to the quéenes grace,* 19.323 and in so dooing he had no doubt but that hir maiestie would be good vnto hir. She making answer that ra∣ther than she would so doo, she would lie in prison all the daies of hir life, adding that she craued no mer∣cie at hir maiesties hand, but rather desired the law, if euer she did offend hir maiestie in thought, word, or déed. And besides this, in yéelding (quoth she) I should speake against my selfe, and confesse my selfe to be an offendor, which neuer was towards hir ma∣iestie: by occasion whereof the king and the quéene might euer hereafter conceiue of me an ill opinion: and therefore I saie my lords, it were better for me to lie in prison for the truth, than to be abroad and su∣spected of my prince. And so they departed, promising to declare hir message to the quéene.

On the next daie the bishop of Winchester came againe vnto hir grace, and knéeling downe,* 19.324 decla∣red that the quéene maruelled that she would so stout∣lie vse hir selfe, not confessing to haue offended: so that it should séeme the quéenes maiestie wrongful∣lie to haue imprisoned hir grace. Naie (quoth the la∣die Elisabeth) it pleaseth hir to punish me as she thin∣keth good. Well quoth Gardiner, hir maiestie willeth me to tell you, that you must tell an other tale yer that you be set libertie. Hir grace answered, that she had as léefe be in prison with honestie and truth, as to be abroad suspected of hir maiestie: and this that I haue said, I will (said she) stand vnto, for I will ne∣uer béelie my selfe. Winchester againe knéeled down and said: Then your grace hath the vantage of me and other the lords for your long and wrong impri∣sonment. What vantage I haue (quoth she) you know, taking God to record I seeke no vantage at your hands for your so dealing with me, but God forgiue you and me also. With that the rest kneeled, desiring hir grace that all might be forgotten, and so departed, she being fast locked vp againe. A seauen nights after, the quéene sent for hir grace at ten of the clocke in the night to speake with hir:* 19.325 for she had not séene hir in two yeares before. Yet for all that she was amazed at the sudden sending for, thinking it had béene woorse than afterwards it prooued, and desired hir gentlemen and gentlewomen to praie for hir, for that she could not tell whether euer she should sée them againe or no.

At which time sir Henrie Benefield with mistresse Clarencius comming in, hir grace was brought in∣to the garden vnto a staires foot that went into the

queenes lodging, hir graces gentlewomen waiting vpon hir, hir gentleman vsher and hir groomes go∣ing before with torches, where hir gentlemen and gentlewomen being commanded to staie all sauing one woman, mistresse Clarencius conducted hir to the queenes bedchamber where hir maiestie was. At the sight of whome hir grace knéeled downe, and de∣sired God to preserue hir maiestie, not mistrusting but that she should trie hir selfe as true a subiect to∣wards hir maiestie, as euer did anie, and desired hir maiestie euen so to iudge of hir: and said that she [line 10] should not find hir to the contrarie, whatsoeuer re∣port otherwise had gone of hir.* 19.326 To whome the quéene answered: You will not confesse your offense, but stand stoutlie to your truth: I praie God it maie so fall out. If it dooth not, quoth the ladie Elisabeth, I request neither fauour nor pardon at your maiesties hands. Well said the quéene, you stiflie still perseuere in your truth. Belike you will not confesse but that you haue béene wrongfullie punished. I must not saie so (if it please your maiestie) to you. [line 20]

Why then (said the queene) belike you will to o∣thers. No, if it please your maiestie (quoth she) I haue borne the burthen, and must beare it; I humblie be∣séech your maiestie to haue a good opinion of me,* 19.327 and to thinke me to be your true subiect, not onelie from the beginning hitherto, but for euer, as long as life lasteth: and so they departed with verie few comfor∣table words of the queene, in English: but what she said in Spanish, God knoweth. It is thought that [line 30] king Philip was there behind a cloth,* 19.328 and not séene, and that he shewed himselfe a verie friend in that matter, &c. Thus hir grace departing, went vnto hir lodging againe, and the seauenth night after was released of sir Henrie Benefield hir gailor (as she tearmed him) and his soldiors, and so hir grace being set at libertie from imprisonment, went into the countrie, and had appointed to go with hir sir Tho∣mas pope, one of quéene Maries councellors, and one of hir gentlemen vshers, master Gage, and thus [line 40] strictlie was she looked vnto all quéene Maries time. And this is the discourse of hir highnesse imprison∣ment.

* 19.329Then there came to Lamheire, master Gerning∣ham, and master Norris gentleman vsher, quéene Maries men, who tooke awaie from hir grace mi∣stresse Ashleie to the Fléet, and thrée other of hir gen∣tlewomen to the tower: which thing was no little trouble to hir grace, saieng: that she thought they would fetch all awaie at the end. But God be prai∣sed, [line 50] shortlie after was fetched awaie Gardiner tho∣rough the mercifull prouidence of the Lords good∣nesse, by occasion of whose opportune deceasse (as is partlie touched in this storie before, pag. 1705) the life of this excellent princesse, the wealth of all Eng∣land, was preserued. For this is crediblie to be suppo∣sed, that the said wicked Gardiner of Winchester had long laboured his wits, and to this onelie most principall marke bent all his deuises, to bring this our happie and deere souereigne out of the waie, as [line 60] both by his words and dooings before notified maie sufficientlie appeare.

But such was the gratious and fauourable proui∣dence of the Lord, to the preseruation not onlie of hir roiall maiestie, but also the miserable and wofull state of this whole Iland, and poore subiects of the same, whereby the proud platforms and péeuish prac∣tises of this wretched Achitophell preuailed not: but contrariwise, both he, and all the snares and traps of his pernicious counsell laid against an other, were turned to a net to catch himselfe,* 19.330 according to the prouerbe: Malum consilium consultori pessimum. After the death of this Gardiner, followed the death also and dropping awaie of other hir enimies, whereby by little and little hir leopardie decreased, feare dimini∣shed, hope of comfort began to appeare as out of a darke cloud. And albeit as yet hir grace had no full assurance of perfect safetie, yet more gentle inter∣teinment dailie did grow vnto hir, till at length to the moneth of Nouember, and seauentéenth daie of the same, three yeares after the death of Stephan Gardiner, followed the death of quéene Marie, as heretofore at large hath béene trulie declared. Al∣though this historie following be not directlie apper∣teining to the former matter,* 19.331 yet the same maie here not vnaptlie be inserted, for that it dooth discouer and shew foorth the malicious hearts of the papists to∣wards this vertuous quéene our souereigne ladie in the time of queene Marie his sister, which is reported as a truth crediblie told by sundrie honest persons, of whome some are yet aliue, and doo testifie the same. The matter whereof is this.

Soone after the stirre of Wiat and the troubles that happened to this queene for that cause:* 19.332 it fortu∣ned one Robert Farrer a haberdasher of London, dwelling neere vnto Newgate market, in a certeine morning to be at the Rose tauerne (from whence he was seldome absent) and falling to his common drinke, as he was euer accustomed, and hauing in his companie thrée other companions like vnto him∣selfe,* 19.333 it chanced the same time one Laurence Shiriffe grocer, dwelling also not farre from thence, to come into the said tauerne, and finding there the said Far∣rer (to whome of long time he had borne good will) sat downe in the seat to drinke with him, and Farrer hauing in his full cups, and not hauing considerati∣on who were present began to talke at large, and namelie against the ladie Elisabeth, and said:* 19.334 That gill hath béene one of the chiefe dooers of this rebelli∣on of Wiat, and before all be doone, she and all the heretikes hir partakers shall well vnderstand of it. Some of them hope that she shall haue the crowne, but she and they (I trust) that so hope, shall hop head∣lesse, or be fried with fagots before she come to it.

The aforesaid Laurence Shiriffe grocer, being then seruant vnto the said ladie Elisabeth,* 19.335 & sworne vnto hir grace, could no longer forbeare his old ac∣quaintance and neighbor Farrer in speaking so vn∣reuerentlie of his mistresse, but said to him: Far∣rer, I haue loued thée as a neighbour, and haue had a good opinion of thée, but hearing of thée that I now heare, I defie thée: and I tell thée I am hir graces sworne seruant, and she is a princesse, and the daugh∣ter of a noble king, and it euill becommeth thée to call hir a gill, and for thy so saieng, I saie thou art a knaue, & I will complaine vpon thée. Doo thy woorst said Farrer, for that I said, I will saie againe: and so Shiriffe came from his companie. Shortlie after,* 19.336 the said Shiriffe taking an honest neighbour with him, went before the commissioners to complaine: the which commissioners sat then at Boner the bi∣shop of Londons house beside Pauls, and there were present Boner then being the chiefe commissioner, the lord Mordant, sir Iohn Baker, doctor Derbishire chancellor to the bishop, doctor * 19.337 Storie, doctor Harps∣field, and others. The aforesaid Shiriffe comming before them, declared the maner of the said Robert Farrers talke against the ladie Elisabeth. Boner answered, Peraduenture you tooke him woorse than he meant. Yea my lord (said doctor Storie) if you knew the man as I doo, you would saie that there is not a better catholike, nor an honester man in the ci∣tie of London.

Well, said Shiriffe, my lord, she is my gratious ladie and mistresse, and it is not to be suffered that such a varlet as he is, should call so honorable a prin∣cesse by the name of a gill: and I saw yesterdaie in the court that my lord cardinall Poole méeting hir in

the chamber of presence, knéeled downe on his knées and kissed hir hand: and I saw also that king Philip méeting hir, made hir such obeisance that his knée touched the ground: and then (me thinketh) it were too much to suffer such a varlet as this is, to call hir gill, and to wish them to hop headlesse that shall wish hir grace to inioie the possession of the crowne when God shall send it vnto hir as in the right of hir inheritance. Yea! Staie there (quoth Boner.) When God sendeth it vnto hir,* 19.338 let hir inioie it. But trulie (said he) the man that spake the words that you haue [line 10] reported, meant nothing against the ladie Elisabeth your mistresse, and no more doo we: but he like an honest and zealous man feared the alteration of reli∣gion, which euerie good man ought to feare: and ther∣fore (said Boner) good man go your waies home and report well of vs towards your mistresse, and we will send for Farrer and rebuke him for his rash and vndiscréet words, and we trust he will not doo the like againe. And thus Shiriffe came awaie, and Farrer had a flap with a fox taile. Now that ye maie be ful∣lie [line 20] informed of the aforesaid Farrer,* 19.339 whome doctor Storie praised for so good a man, ye shall vnderstand that the same Farrer, hauing two daughters, being handsome maidens, the elder of them for a summe of monie he himselfe deliuered vnto sir Richard Cholmleie to be at his commandement; the other he sold to a knight called sir William Gooddolphin to be at his commandement: whome he made his lackie and so carried hir with him, being apparelled in mans apparell to Bullongne, and the said Farrer [line 30] followed the campe. He also was a great and a hor∣rible blaphemer of God, and a common accuser of honest and quiet men, also a common drunkard. And now I referre the life of these catholiks to your iudgement, to thinke of them as you please.

But of this matter enough and too much. Now let vs returne where we left before, which was at the death of queene Marie. After whose deceasse suc∣céeded hir foresaid sister ladie Elisabeth into the right of the crowne of England: who after so long [line 40] restreinement,* 19.340 so great dangers escaped, such blu∣sterous stormes ouerblowne, so manie iniuries di∣gested and wrongs susteined by the mightie protecti∣on of our mercifull God, to our no small comfort and commoditie, hath béene exalted and erected out of thrall to libertie, out of danger to peace and quiet∣nesse, from dread to dignitie, from miserie to maie∣stie, from mourning to ruling; brieflie, of a prison∣ner made a princesse, and placed in hir throne roiall, proclamed now quéene, with as manie glad hearts [line 50] of hir subiects, as euer was anie king or queene in this realme before hir,* 19.341 or euer shall be (I dare saie) hereafter. Touching whose florishing state, hir prince∣lie reigne and peaceable gouernement, with other things diuerse and sundrie incident to the same, and especiallie touching the great stirres and alterations which haue happened in other forren nations, and al∣so partlie among our selues here at home, forsomuch as the tractation hereof requireth an huge volume by it selfe, I shall therefore deferre the reader to the [line 60] next booke or section insuing:* 19.342 wherein (if the Lord so please to susteine me with leaue and life) I maie haue to discourse of all and singular such matters doone and atchiued in these our latter daies and memorie, more at large.

Now then after these so great afflictions falling vpon this realme, from the first beginning of quéene Maries reigne, wherein so manie men, women, and children were burned, manie imprisoned and in pri∣sons starued, diuerse exiled, some spoiled of goods and possessions, a great number driuen from house to home, so manie wéeping eies, so manie sobbing harts, so manie children made fatherlesse, so manie fathers bereft of their wiues and children, so manie vexed in conscience, and diuerse against conscience constrained to recant; and in conclusion, neuer a good man almost in all the realme but suffered some∣thing during all the time of this bloudie persecution: after all this (I saie) now we are come at length (the Lord be praised) to the seuentéenth of Nouember,* 19.343 which daie as it brought to the persecuted members of Christ, rest from their carefull mourning, so it ea∣seth me somewhat likewise of my laborious writing, by the death I meane of quéene Marie,* 19.344 who being long sicke before vpon the said seuentéenth daie of Nouember, in the yeare aboue said, about thrée or foure of the clocke in the morning, yéelded hir life to nature, and hir kingdome to quéene Elisabeth hir sister.

As touching the maner of whose death,* 19.345 some saie that she died of a timpanie, some by hir much sighing before hir death supposed she died of thought and sor∣row. Wherevpon hir councell seeing hir sighing, and desirous to know the cause, to the end they might minister the more readie consolation vnto hir, fea∣red (as they said) that she tooke some thought for the kings maiestie hir husband, which was gone from hir. To whome she answering againe; In deed (said she) that may be one cause, but that is not the grea∣test wound that pearseth mine oppressed mind: but what that was she would not expresse to them. Albe∣it afterward she opened the matter more plainlie to mistresse Rise and mistresse Clarentius (if it be true that they told me, which heard it of mistresse Rise himselfe) who then being most familiar with hir, and most bold about hir, told hir that they feared she tooke thought for king Philips departing from hir.* 19.346 Not that onelie (said she) but when I am dead and o∣pened, you shall find Calis lieng in my hart, &c. Which one supposing to be true, hath left this report:

Hispani * 19.347 oppidulo amisso contabuit vxor, Quam cruciatu aegro confecerat anxia cura.

And here an end of quéene Marie, and of hir persecution, during the time of hir misgouernment. Of which quéene this trulie may be affirmed and left in storie for a perpetuall memoriall or epitaph for all kings and quéenes that shall succéed hir to be noted,* 19.348 that before hir neuer was read in storie of a∣nie king or quéene of England since the time of king Lucius, vnder whom in time of peace, by hang∣ing, heading, burning, and prisoning: so much chri∣stian bloud, so manie Englishmens liues were spil∣led within this realme, as vnder the said quéene Ma∣rie for the space of foure yeares was to be séene, and I beseech the Lord neuer may be séene hereafter.

Now, for so much as quéene Marie, during all the time of hir reigne,* 19.349 was such a vehement aduersarie and persecutor against the sincere professors of Christ Iesus and his gospell: for the which there be manie which doo highlie magnifie and approue hir dooings therein, reputing hir religion to be sound and catho∣like, and hir procéedings to be most acceptable and blessed of almightie God: to the intent therfore that all men may vnderstand, how the blessing of the Lord God did not onelie not procéed with hir procee∣dings; but contrarie, rather how his manifest dis∣pleasure euer wrought against hir, in plaging both hir and hir realme, and in subuerting all hir counsels and attempts, what soeuer she tooke in hand: we will bestow a litle time therein, to perpend and surueie the whole course of hir dooings and cheuances: and consider what successe she had in the same. Which be∣ing well considered, we shall find neuer no reigne of anie prince in this land, or anie other, which had euer to shew in it (for the proportion of time) so manie ar∣guments of Gods great wrath and displeasure, as was to be séene in the reigne of this queene Marie,

whether we behold the shortnesse of hir time, or the vnfortunate euent of all hir purposes?* 19.350 Who séemed neuer to purpose anie thing that came luckilie to passe, neither did anie thing frame to hir purpose, what soeuer she tooke in hand touching hir owne pri∣uat affaires.

Of good kings we read in the scripture, in shew∣ing moreie and pitie,* 19.351 in seeking Gods will in his word, and subuerting the monuments of idolatrie, how God blessed their waies, increased their honors, and mightilie prospered all their procéedings: as we [line 10] sée in king Dauid, Salomon, Iosias, Iosaphat, E∣zechias, with such others. Manasses made the stréets of Hierusalem to swim with the bloud of his sub∣iects, but what came of it the text dooth testifie. Of quéene Elisabeth,* 19.352 which now reigneth among vs, this we must néeds saie, which we sée, that she in spa∣ring the bloud, not onelie of Gods seruants, but also of Gods enimies, hath doubled now the reigne of quéene Marie hir sister, with such aboundance of [line 20] peace and prosperitie, that it is hard to saie, whether the realme of England felt more of Gods wrath in queene Maries time, or of Gods fauour and mercie in these so blessed and peaceable daies of queene E∣lisabeth.

Gamaliell speaking his mind in the councell of the Phariseis concerning Christes religion,* 19.353 gaue this reason, that if it were of God, it should continue, who soeuer said naie: if it were not, it could not stand. So may it be said of quéene Marie and hir Romish [line 30] religion, that if it were so perfect and catholike as they pretend, and the contrarie faith of the gospellers were so detestable and hereticall as they make it, how commeth it then, that this so catholike a quéene, such a necessarie piller of his spouse the church conti∣nued no longer, till she had vtterlie rooted out of the land this hereticall generation? Yea how chanced it rather, that almightie God, to spare these poore here∣tikes, rooted out quéene Marie so soone from hir throne, after she had reigned but onelie fiue yeares [line 40] and fiue moneths?

Now furthermore, how God blessed hir waies and indeuors in the meane time,* 19.354 while she thus persecu∣ted the true seruants of God, remaineth to be discus∣sed. Where first this is to be noted, that when she first began to stand for the title of the crowne, and yet had wrought no resistance against Christ and his gospell, but had promised hir faith to the Suffolke men, to mainteine the religion left by king Edward hir bro∣ther,* 19.355 so long God went with hir, aduanced hir, and [line 50] by the means of the gospellers brought hir to the pos∣session of the realme. But after that she breaking hir promise with God and man, began to take part with Stephan Gardiner, and had giuen ouer hir supre∣masie vnto the pope, by and by Gods blessing le••t hir, neither did anie thing well thriue with hir after∣ward during the whole time of hir regiment. For first incontinentlie the fairest and greatest ship she had,* 19.356 called great Harrie, was burned: such a vessell as in all these parts of all Europe was not to be [line 60] matched.

Then would she needs bring in king Philip, and by hir strange marriage with him,* 19.357 make the whole realme of England subiect vnto a stranger. And all that notwithstanding, either that she did or was able to doo, she could not bring to passe to set the crowne of England vpon his head. With king Philip also came in the pope and his popish masse: with whome also hir purpose was to restore againe the monks and nunnes vnto their places, neither lacked there all kind of attempts to the vttermost of hir abilitie: and yet therein also God stopt hir of hir will, that it came not forward. After this, what a dearth happened in hir time here in hir land, the like wherof hath not light∣lie in England béene seene, in so much that in sun∣drie places hir poore subiects were fame to féed of a∣corns for want of corne.

Furthermore,* 19.358 where other kings are woont to be renowmed by some worthie victorie and prowesse by them atchiued, let vs now sée what valiant victorie was gotten in quéene Maries daies. King Edward the sixt hir blessed brother, how manie rebellions did he suppresse in Deuonshire, in Norffolke, in Oxford∣shire,* 19.359 and else where? What a famous victorie in his time was gotten in Scotland, by the singular wor∣king (no doubt) of Gods blessed hand rather than by anie expectation of man?* 19.360 King Edward the third (which was the eleuenth king from the conquest) by princelie puissance purchased Calis vnto England, which hath béene kept English euer since, till at length came queene Marie, the eleuenth likewise from the said king Edward, which lost Calis from England againe: so that the winnings of this quéene were verie small; what the losses were, let other men iudge.

Hitherto the affaires of quéene Marie haue had no great good successe, as you haue heard.* 19.361 But neuer worsse successe had anie woman, than had she in hir childbirth. For séeing one of these two must néeds be granted, that either she was with child or not with child; if she were with child and did trauell, why was it not séene? if she were not, how was all the realme deluded? And in the meane while where were all the praiers, the solemne processions, the deuout masses of the catholike cleargie? Why did they not preuaile with God, if their religion were so godlie as they pre∣tended? If their masses Ex opere operato be able to fetch Christ from heauen, & to reach downe to purgatorie, how chanced then they could not reach to the quéens chamber, to helpe hir in hir trauell, if she had béene with child in déed? If not, how then came it to passe, that all the catholike church of England did so erre, and was so déepelie deceiued? Quéene Marie, after these manifold plagues and corrections, which might sufficientlie admonish hir of Gods disfauor prouoked against hir, would not yet ceasse hir persecution, but still continued more & more to reuenge hir catholike zeale vpon the lords faithfull people, setting fire to their poore bodies by dozens & halfe dozens togither. Wherevpon Gods wrathfull indignation increasing more and more against hir, ceassed not to touch hir more neare with priuat misfortunes and calamities.

For after that he had taken from hir the fruit of children (which chieflie and aboue all things she desi∣red) then he beerest hir of that,* 19.362 which of all earthlie things should haue beene hir chiefe staie of honour, and staffe of comfort; that is, withdrew from hir the affection and companie euen of hir owne husband, by whose mariage she had promised before to hirselfe whole heapes of such ioy and felicitie. But now the omnipotent gouernour of all things, so turned the whéele of hir owne spinning against hir, that hir high buildings of such ioies and felicities came all to a ca∣stell come downe, hir hopes being confounded, hir purposes disappointed, and she now brought to deso∣lation:* 19.363 who seemed neither to haue the fauour of God, nor the hearts of hir subiects, nor yet the loue of hir husband: who neither had fruit by him while shee had him, neither could now inioy him whome she had maried, neither yet was in libertie to marrie anie other whome she might inioy. Marke here (christian reader) the wofull aduersitie of this queene, & learne withall, what the Lord can doo when mans wilfulnes will néeds resist him, and will not be ruled.

At last, when all these faire admonitions would take no place with the queene,* 19.364 nor mooue hir to re∣uoke hir bloudie lawes, nor to staie the tyrannie of hir priests, nor yet to spare hir owne subiects; but

that the poore seruants of God were drawne dailie by heapes most pittifullie as sheepe to the slaugh∣ter, it so pleased the heauenlie maiestie of almightie God, when no other remedie would serue, by death to cut hir off, which in hir life so little regarded the life of others: giuing hir throne, which she abused to the destruction of Christs church and people, to ano∣ther,* 19.365 who more temperatlie and quietlie could guide the same, after she had reigned here the space of fiue yeares and fiue moneths. The shortnesse of which yeares and reigne, vneth we find in anie other storie [line 10] of king or quéene since the conquest or before (being come to their owne gouernement) saue onelie in king Richard the third. Which reigne was so rough and rigorous, notwithstanding the shortnesse of the same, that it became a verie spectacle to all christen∣dome; and the maner of dealing vsed vnder hir go∣uernment was so detestable, that as it was rare, so it raised vp a rare report, euen among strangers, whose heads being fuller of matter than their pens full of inke, wrote in tearmes brode inough of the tu∣mults [line 20] and slaughters happening in hir vnhappie daies: among whome I will set downe for a saie a few verses drawne out of an hundred and od, pre∣sented to Henrie the French king of that name the second, touching the conquest of Calis, whereat for ioy the French were rauished. Thus therfore he saith:

Regina pacem nescia perpeti, I am spreta m••••ret foedera,* 19.366 iam Dei Iram pauet sibi imminentem, Vindicis & furiae flagellum. [line 30] Ciues & hostes iam pariter suos Odit pauét{que} & ciuium & hostium Hirudo communis, cruorem Aequè auidè sitiens vtrúnque. Huic luce terror Martius assonat, Dirae{que}, caedis mens sibi conscia, Vmbrae{que} nocturnae quietem Terrificis agitant figuris.

These short verses were thus subscribed. La. B. Te. [line 40]

And thus much here, as in the closing vp of this storie, I thought to insinuat, touching the vnluckie and rufull reigne of quéene Marie: not for anie de∣traction to hir place and state roiall, wherevnto shee was called of the Lord:* 19.367 but to this onlie intent and effect, that forsomuch as she would needs set hirselfe so confidentlie to worke and striue against the Lord and his proceedings, all readers and rulers not one∣lie maie sée how the Lord did worke against hir ther∣fore, but also by hir maie be aduertised and learne [line 50] what a perillous thing it is for men and women in authoritee, vpon blind zeale and opinion, to stirre vp persecution in Christs church, to the effusion of chri∣stian bloud, least it prooue in the end with them (as it did here) that while they thinke to persecute here∣tikes, they stumble at the same stone as did the Iewes in persecuting Christ and his true members to death, to their owne confusion and destruction.]

Leauing quéene Marie being dead & gone, you are to vnderstand and note, that the same euening, or (as [line 60] some haue written) the next daie after the said quéens death,* 19.368 Cardinall Poole the bishop of Romes legat departed out of this life, hauing béene not long afore made archbishop of Canturburie: he died at his house ouer against Westminster commonlie called Lambe••h, and was buried in Christs church at Can∣turburie. This cardinall was descended of the noble house of Clarence,* 19.369 that is to saie, of one of the yoon∣ger sonnes of Margaret countesse of Salisburie, daughter of George duke of Clarence, brother to K. Edward the fourth. ¶ So that hereby you haue a proofe of the noblenesse of his birth,* 19.370 but how barba∣rous he was of behauiour, and how vnnaturall in the course of his life (which blemished the honour of his descent) it maie appeare by the order and maner of his visitation in Cambridge, with the condem∣ning, taking vp, and burning both the bones and bookes of Bueer and Paulus Phagius, as also by the despitefull handling and madnesse of the papists to∣wards Peter Martyrs wife at Oxford, taken vp from hir graue at the commandement of the said cardinall, and after buried in a dunghill: so that in his actions he shewed himselfe (as he is noted) ear∣nest in burning the bodies of the dead.* 19.371 And for fur∣ther testimonie of his crueltie, it shall not be imperti∣nent out of maister Fox, here to adioine and set forth to the eies of the world, the blind and bloudie arti∣cles set out by cardinall Poole, to be inquired vpon within his dioces of Canturburie. Whereby it maie the better appeare what yokes and snares of fond and fruitlesse traditions were laid vpon the poore flocke of Christ, to intangle and oppresse them with losse of life and libertie. By the which wise men haue to sée what godlie fruits proceeded from that catho∣like church and see of Rome. In which albeit thou seest (good reader) some good articles insparsed withall, let that nothing mooue thée: for else how could such poi∣son be ministred, but it must haue some honie to re∣lish the readers tast?

Here follow the articles set forth by cardinall Poole, to be inquired in his ordinarie visitation, with∣in his dioces of Canturburie.

Touching the cleargie.

FIrst, whether the diuine seruice in the church at times, daies and houres,* 20.1 be ob∣serued and kept dulie or no.

2 Item; whether the parsons, vicars, and curats, doo comlie and decentlie in their maners and dooings behaue themselues or no.

3 Item, whether they doo reuerentlie and dulie mi∣nister the sacraments or sacramentals or no.

4 Item, whether anie of their parishioners doo die without ministration of the sacraments, through the negligence of their curats or no.

5 Item, whether the said parsons, vicars or curats, doo haunt tauerns or alehouses, increasing thereby infamie and slander or no.

6 Item, whether they be diligent in teaching the midwiues how to christen children in time of neces∣sitie, according to the canons of the church or no.

7 Item, whether they see that the font be comelie kept, and haue holie water alwaies readie for chil∣dren to be christened.

8 Item, if they doo keepe a booke of all the names of them that be reconciled to the dutie of the church.

9 Item, whether there be anie priests, that late vn∣lawfullie had women vnder pretensed mariage, and hitherto are not reconciled, and to declare their names and dwelling places.

10 Item, whether they doo diligentlie teach their parishioners the articles of the faith, & the ten com∣mandements.

11 Item, whether they doo decentlie obserue those things that doo concerne the seruice of the church, and all those thi••gs that tend to a good and christian life, according to the canons of the church.

12 Item, whether they doo deuoutlie in their praiers praie for the prosperous estate of the king and quéens maiesties.

13 Item, whether the said parsons and vicars doo sufficientlie repare their chancels, rectories, and vi∣carages, and doo kéepe and mainteine them suffici∣entlie repared and amended.

14 Item, whether anie of them doo preach or teach anie erronious doctrine, contrarie to the catholike faith and vnitie of the church.

15 Item, whether anie of them doo saie the diuine seruice, or doo minister the sacraments in the Eng∣lish ••oong, contrarie to the vsuall order of the church.

16 Item, whether anie of them doo suspiciouslie kéepe anie women in their houses, or doo keepe com∣panie with men suspected of heresies, or of euill opi∣nions.

17 Item, whether anie of them that were vnder pretense of lawfull matrimonie maried, and now re∣conciled, doo priuilie resort to their pretensed wiues, [line 10] or that the said women doo priuilie resort vnto them.

18 Item, whether they go decentlie apparelled, as it becommeth sad, sober, and discréet ministers, and whether they haue their crowns and beards shauen.

19 Item, whether anie of them doo vse anie vnlaw∣full games, as dice, cards, and other like, wherby they grow to slander and euill report.

20 Item, whether they doo kéepe residence and ho∣spitalitie vpon their benefices, and doo make charita∣ble contributions, according to all the lawes ecclesi∣asticall. [line 20]

21 Item, whether they doo keepe the booke or regi∣ster of christening, burieng, and mariages, with the names of the godfathers and godmothers.

Touching the laie people.

FIrst, whether anie maner of person, of what ••tate,* 20.2 degrée, or condition soeuer he be, doo hold, mainteine, or affirme anie heresies, errors, or erronious opinions, contrarie to the lawes [line 30] ecclesiasticall, and the vnitie of the catholike church.

2 Item, whether anie person doo hold, affirme, or saie, that in the blessed sacrament of the altar there is not conteined the reall and substantiall presence of Christ: or that by anie maner of meanes doo con∣temne and despise the said blessed sacrament, or doo refuse to doo reuerence or worship therevnto.

3 Item, whether they doo contemne or despise by anie maner of means anie other of the sacraments, rites or ceremonies of the church, or doo refuse or de∣nie [line 40] auricular confession.

4 Item, whether anie doo absent or refraine, with∣out vrgent and lawfull impediment, to come to the church, and reuerentlie to heare diuine seruice vpon sundaies and holie daies.

5 Item, whether being in the church, they doo not applie themselues to heare the diuine seruice, and to be contemplatiue in holie praier, and not to walke, iangle or talke in the time of the diuine seruice.

6 Item, whether anie be fornicators, adulterers, [line 50] or doo commit incest, or be bawds and receiuers of euill persons, or be vehementlie suspected of anie of them.

7 Item, whether anie doo blaspheme and take the name of God in vaine, or be common swearers.

8 Item, whether anie be periured, or haue com∣mitted simonie or vsurie, or doo still remaine in the same.

9 Item, whether the churches and churchyards be well and honestlie repared and inclosed.

10 Item, whether the churches be sufficientlie gar∣nished and adorned with all ornaments and books necessarie, & whether they haue a rood in their church of a decent stature, with Marie and John, and an image of the patrone of the same church.

11 Item, whether anie doo withhold, or dooth draw from the church anie maner of monie or goods, or that doo withhold their due and accustomed tithes from their parsons and vicars.

12 Item, whether anie be common drunkards, ribalds, or men of euill liuing, or doo exercise anie lewd pastimes, especiallie in the time of diuine ser∣uice.

13 Item, if there be anie that doo practise or exer∣cise anie arts of magike, or necromancie, or doo vse or practise anie incantations, sorceries, or witchcraft, or be vehementlie suspected thereof.

14 Item, whether anie be maried in the degrees of affinitie, or consanguinitie, prohibited by the laws of holie church, or that doo marie, the banes not asked, or doo make anie priuie contracts.

15 Item, whether in the time of Easter last, anie were not confessed, or did not receiue the blessed sa∣crament of the altar, or did vnreuerentlie behaue themselues in the receiuing thereof.

16 Item, whether anie doo kéepe anie secret con∣uenticles, preachings, lectures, or readings, in mat∣ters of religion contrarie to the lawes.

17 Item, whether anie doo now not duelie kéepe the fasting and embring daies.

18 Item, whether the altars in the churches be consecrated or no.

19 Item, whether the sacrament be caried de∣uoutlie to them that fall sicke, with light and with a little sacring bell.

20 Item, whether the common schooles be well kept, and that the schoole maisters be diligent in tea∣ching, and be also catholike, and men of good and vp∣right iudgement, and that they be examined and ap∣proued by the ordinarie.

21 Item, whether anie doo take vpon them to mi∣nister the goods of those that be dead, without autho∣ritie from the ordinarie.

22 Item, whether the poore people in euerie parish be charitablie prouided for.

23 Item, whether there doo burne a lampe or a candle before the sacrament: and if there doo not, that then it be prouided for, with expedition.

24 Item, whether infants and children be brought to be confirmed in conuenient time.

25 Item, whether anie doo keepe or haue in their custodie anie erronious or vnlawfull books.

26 Item, whether anie doo withhold anie monie or goods bequeathed to the amending of the high waies, or anie other charitable déed.

27 Item, whether anie haue put away their wiues, or anie wiues doo withdraw themselues from their husbands, being not lawfullie diuorsed.

28 Item, whether anie doo violat or breake the sun∣daies and holie daies, dooing their dailie labors and exercises vpon the same.

29 Item, whether the tauerns or alehouses, vpon the sundaies and holie daies, in the time of masse, matins, and euensong, doo kéepe open their doores, and doo receiue people into their houses to drinke and eate, and thereby neglect their duties in comming to church.

30 Item, whether anie haue, or doo depraue or contemne the authoritie or iurisdiction of the popes holinesse, or the see of Rome.

31 Item, whether anie minstrels, or anie other persons doo vse to sing anie songs against the holie sacraments, or anie other the rites and ceremonies of the church.

32 Item, whether there be anie hospitals within your parishes, and whether the foundations of them be dulie and trulie obserued and kept; and whether the charitable contributions of the same be doone ac∣cordinglie.

33 Item, whether anie goods, plate, iewels, or pos∣sessions be taken awaie, or withholden from the said hospitals, and by whome.]

Thus you see of what a malignant nature the car∣dinall was: neuerthelesse, of more lenitie than ma∣nie other popelings, sauoring of the like lewd leuen of antichristianisme. For at what time two and twentie prisoners for their conscience were appre∣hended

and sent vp all togither to London from Col∣chester (as maister Fox reporteth in his martyro∣loge) and conuented before Boner then bishop of that sée, the said Boner himselfe wrote to cardinall Poole concerning them, as you shall heare.

¶ A letter of bishop Boner to car∣dinall Poole.

[line 10]

* 21.1MAy it please your good grace with my most humble obedience, reuerence and dutie, to vnderstand that going to Lon∣don vpon thursdaie last, and thinking to be troubled with maister Germains matter one∣lie, and such other common matters as are accusto∣med, inough to werie a right strong bodie, I had the daie following to comfort my stomach withall, let∣ters from Colchester, that either that day, or the day following I should haue sent thense two and twen∣tie heretikes, indicted before the commissioners, and [line 20] in déed so I had, and compelled to beare their char∣ges as I did of the other, which both stood me in aboue twentie nobles, a summe of monie that I thought full euill bestowed. And these heretikes, notwith∣standing they had honest catholike kéepers to con∣duct and bring them vp to me, and in all the waie from Colchester to Stratford of the bow, did go qui∣etlie, and obedientlie, yet comming to Stratford, they began to take heart of grace, & to doo as plea∣sed themselues, for there they began to haue their [line 30] gard, which generallie increased till they came to Al∣gate, where they were lodged fridaie night.

And albeit I tooke order, that the said heretikes should be with me verie earlie on saturdaie mor∣ning, to the intent they might quietlie come and be examined by me: yet it was betwéene ten and e∣leuen of the clocke before they would come, and no waie would they take, but through Cheapside, so that they were brought to my house with about a thousand persons. Which thing I tooke verie strange, [line 40] and spake to sir Iohn Gresham then being with me, to tell the maior and the shiriffes that this thing was not well suffered in the citie. These naughtie here∣tikes all the waie they came through Cheapside, both exhorted the people to their part, and had much com∣fort A promis••ua plebe, and being entred into my house and talked withall, they shewed themselues despe∣rat and verie obstinat: yet I vsed all the honest meanes I could, both by my selfe and other, to haue woone them, causing diuerse learned men to talke [line 50] with them: and finding nothing in them but pride & wilfulnesse, I thought to haue had them all hither to Fulham, and here to giue sentence against them. Neuerthelesse, perceiuing by my last dooing that your grace was offended, I thought it my dutie be∣fore I anie thing further procéeded herein, to aduer∣tise first your grace hereof, and know your good plea∣sure, which I beséech your grace I may doo by this trustie bearer. And thus most humblie I take my leaue of your good grace, beseeching almightie God [line 60] alwaies to preserue the same. At Fulham, Postridie Natiu. 1556.

Your graces most bounden bedesman and seruant Edmund Boner.

By this letter of bishop Boner to the cardinall (saith maister Fox) is to be vnderstood, what goodwill was in this bishop, to haue the bloud of these men, and to haue past with sentence of condemnation a∣gainst them,* 21.2 had not the cardinall somewhat (as it seemed) haue staied his feruent headinesse. Con∣cerning the which cardinall, although it can not be∣denied by his acts and writings, but that he was a professed enimie, and no otherwise to be reputed but for a papist: yet againe it is to be supposed, that he was none of the bloudie and cruell sort of papists,* 21.3 as may appeare, not by staieng the rage of this bishop: but also by his solicitous writing, and long letters written to Cranmer, also by the complaints of cer∣teine papists, accusing him to the pope to be a bea∣rer with the heretikes, and by the popes letters sent to him vpon the same, calling him vp to Rome, and setting frier Peto in his place, had not queene Ma∣rie by speciall intreatie made, kept him out of the popes danger. All which letters I haue (if néed be) to shew: besides also, that it is thought of him that toward his latter end, a little before his comming from Rome to England, he began somewhat to sa∣uour the doctrine of Luther,* 21.4 and was no lesse suspec∣ted at Rome: yea, and furthermore did there at Rome conuert a certeine learned Spaniard from papisme to Luthers side: notwithstanding the pompe and glorie of the world afterward caried him awaie to plaie the papist thus as he did.]

¶And sith I haue waded thus far in portraieng the said cardinall,* 21.5 I am willing to make you commu∣nicants of a report concerning him, vttered by Cut∣bert Tunstall bishop of Duresine, in a sermon which he made vpon Palmesundaie, in the yeare of our Lord 1539, before king Henrie the eight, trea∣ting vpon these words of saint Paule to the Philip∣pians, Cap. 2. Hoc sentite in vobis, quod & in Christ•• Iesu, &c: See the same mind be in you, that was in Iesu Christ, &c. The ground of whose sermon stan∣ding vpon obedience and disobedience, after he had discoursed at large thervpon, he fell into these words in presence of the king, the nobles, and people.

And the bishop of Rome now of late, to set foorth his pestilent malice the more, hath allured to his pur∣pose a subiect of this realme Reginald Poole, come of a noble bloud,* 21.6 and thereby the more arrant trai∣tor, to go about from prince to prince, and from coun∣trie to countrie, to stur them to warre against this realme, and to destroie the same, being his natiue countrie. Whose pestilent purpose albeit the princes that he breaketh it vnto, haue in much abhominati∣on, both for that the bishop of Rome (who being a bi∣shop should procure peace) is a sturrer of warre, and because this most arrant and vnkind traitor is his minister to so diuelish a purpose to destroie the coun∣trie that he was borne in,* 21.7 which anie heathen man would abhorre to doo. But for all that without shame he still goeth on, exhorting therevnto all princes that will heare him; who doo abhorre to sée such vn∣naturalnesse in anie man, as he shamelesse dooth set forward••, whose pernicious treasons late secretlie wrought against this realme, haue béene, by the worke of almightie God so maruellouslie detected, and by his owne brother, without looking therefore so disclosed, and condigne punishment insued,* 21.8 that hereafter (God willing) they shall not take anie more such root to the noisance of this realme.

And where all nations of gentiles by reason & law of nature preferre their countrie before their pa∣rents, so that for their countrie they will die against their parents being traitors:* 21.9 this pestilent man worse than a pagan, is not ashamed to destroie if he could his natiue countrie. And whereas Curtius a heathen man was content for sauing of the citie of Rome where he was borne, to leape into a gaping of the earth, which by the illusions of the diuell it was answered should not be shut, but that it must first haue one; this pernicious man is content to run headlong into hell: so that he maie destroie thereby his natiue countrie of England, being in that be∣halfe incomparablie worse than anie pagan. And

besides his pestilent treason,* 21.10 his vnkindnesse against the kings maiestie, who brought him vp of a child, and promoted both him, and restored his bloud being attainted, to be of the péeres of this realme, and gaue him monie yéerelie out of his coffers, to find him honorablie at studie, maketh his treason much more detestable to all the world,* 21.11 and him to be repu∣ted more wild and cruell than anie tiger.

Thus much out of Cutbert Tunstals sermon printed Cum priuilegio aed imprimendum solum, by Tho∣mas [line 10] Berthelet, the yeare aboue named. Now it resteth to conclude this discourse concerning cardi∣nall Poole with a briefe epitome of his last will and testament, which he made not long before he let his life,* 21.12 wherein he professeth him selfe resolute to die in the same faith and obedience of the Romish church wherein he liued; willing & ordeining his bodie to be buried in his cathedrall church of Canturburie (as he termeth it) in the same chappell where the head of the most blessed martyr Thomas Becket, whilome archbishop of the said church was kept: with masses [line 20] & dirges, &c: to be said for his soule, the soules of his parents, and of all the faithfull departed out of this life, &c.

As for patrimoniall goods, sith he had none wher∣by he ought to haue had regard of his kindred;* 21.13 there∣fore such goods as he had he willed to be distributed among such persons as had well deserued of him, and vpon godlie vses. He made one Aloisius Priolus a Uenetian his heire and executor of all his goods and chattels, as well within England as without, in [line 30] Spaine, Italie, Rome, Uenice, or elsewhere, &c. And for dilapidations,* 21.14 there is no reason (saith he) whie my successor in the sée of Canturburie shuld demand anie thing, because I haue bestowed more than a thousand pounds within these few yéeres, in repa∣ring & making better such houses as belonged to the said sée, since I came to it (which was no long time by our computation.) The ouerséers and defend∣ers of this his last will he made Nicholas archbi∣shop of Yorke chancellor of England, Thomas bi∣shop [line 40] of Elie, his cousine the lord Edward Hastings the kings chamberleine, sir Iohn Boxall the queenes secretarie, sir Edward Cordall master of the rolles, and master Henrie Cole his vicar generall in his spiritualties. All these he besought to giue quéene Marie knowledge of this his last will,* 21.15 and with all reuerence to beséech hir, that what good will and fauor she shewed him in all causes and affaires whiles he was aliue; the same she would vouchsafe to exhibit and bestow vpon him being dead, and gratiouslie [line 50] prouide that all lets and impediments to the executi∣on of this his last will & testament might be remoo∣ued and vtterlie taken awaie: and to euerie one of his ouerséers for their paines taking herein, he gaue fiftie pounds a peece by will. This testament was subscribed with his owne hand, and signed with his owne seale, in presence of a number of witnes∣ses there vndernamed. All which, with the tenor of his said last will at large, are remembred by Schar∣dius in epitome rerum gestarum sub Ferdinando imperatore. [line 60] And thus much of cardinall Poole.

Upon whose discourse presentlie ended, as hath beene doone in the treatise of high constables * 21.16 at the duke of Buckinghams beheadding, and of the lord protectors * 21.17 at the duke of Summersets suffering (in which two honorable personages those two offi∣ces had their end) so here we are to infer a collection of English cardinals, which order ceased when Re∣ginald Poole died. After which treatise ended, accor∣ding to the purposed order, and a catalog of writers at the end of this quéenes reigne annexed, it remai∣neth that quéene Elizabeth shew hir selfe in hir tri∣umphs at hir gratious and glorious coronation.

The cardinals of England collected by Francis Thin, in the yeare of our Lord, 1585.

THis cardinall Poole being the last cardi∣dinall in England, and so likelie to be, as the state of our present time dooth ear∣nestlie wish; dooth here offer occasion to treat of all such Englishmen as haue possessed that honor. Which I onelie doo, for that I would haue all whatsoeuer monuments of antiquitie pre∣serued, least Pereat memoria eorum cum sonitu. Where∣fore thus I begin.

Adrian the fourth of that name bishop of Rome (called before that time Nicholas Breakespeare) being borne in England about saint Albons (whome Onuphrius affirmeth to be borne in the towne of Malmesberie, in the dominions of saint Albons,* 22.1 in the dioces of Bath, somewhat like a stranger mis∣taking the names of places and persons, as he often dooth) was for the pouertie of his father (who after be∣came a moonke in saint Albons) not able to be main∣teined here at learning. Wherevpon he goeth into Prouince to the monasterie of saint Rufus, whereof in time he was made a canon, and after abbat of that house; but in the end misliked of the couent, they appealed him to Rome before Eugenius the third then pope: who for that time pacifieng the mat∣ter betwéene them, they did after fall at variance a∣gaine, and so called him before the pope the second time. Eugenius séeing these continuall bralles, wearie to heare them, and fauoring this Nicholas, made them choose an other abbat, and appointed Ni∣cholas to the bishoprike of Alba, and to the honor of a cardinall, sending him legat into Denmarke and Norweie: where he remained some yeares. But at length returning to Rome after the death of Euge∣nius and his successor Anastasius, this Nicholas was aduanced from a cardinall to a pope, and called Adrian the fourth. Who died in the fift yeare of Henrie the second king of England, in the yeare of Christ 1159.

Bosa, an Englishman and cardinall,* 22.2 was not that Bosa which was bishop of Yorke, of whome Beda maketh mention, lib. 4. cap. 13. and cap. 23. of his ecclesiasticall historie, where he saith that the same Bosa was made bishop of the same see, in the yeare of Christ 678. And therefore being long be∣fore this Bosa, our cardinall could not be the same man, as some vnconsideratlie haue stiflie maintei∣ned. For this our Bosa was a cardinall deacon, and the nephue to pope Adrian the fourth before na∣med; and intituted a deacon cardinall of the title of Cosma and Damian, in the yeare of Christ 1155, being after made a priest cardinall of the title of saint Prudentian, by pope Alexander the third, in the yeare of Christ 1163, before which he was cham∣berleine to the church of Rome, being created to the first cardinalship and office of chamberleine by his vncle the said pope Adrian the fourth.

Robert Curson,* 22.3 a man excellentlie learned both in diuine & humane letters, comming from Rome, grew in such estimation, that in the end he became a cardinall, of whom we find recorded in this sort. At the taking of Dameta in Egypt, there was with Pelagius the popes legat, maister Robert Curson an Englishman a most famous clearke, borne of a noble house, and cardinall of the church of Rome.

Stephan Langhton made priest cardinall,* 22.4 in the yeare of Christ 1213, and the sixtéenth yeare of pope Innocent the third, of the title of saint Chrysogon, was archbishop of Canturburie, for whose cause and contention betwéene king Iohn and him, the realme

of England was long interdicted, the nobilitie was slaine, the king deposed, his kingdome made feo∣darie to Rome, and Pandolph the cardinall sent hi∣ther to receiue the crowne of K. Iohn. This Stephan departed the world, in the twelfe yeare of Henrie the third, and in the yeare of our redemption 1238.

Robert Somercot a cardinall, a man well estee∣med for his vertue and learning,* 22.5 a graue writer, and well beloued of all men, departed from the vanities of this life, in the yeare of our saluation 1241, being [line 10] the fiue and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third.

Anch••rus citizen and archdeacon of London, was made priest cardinall of the title of saint Praxidis,* 22.6 by pope Urban the second, in the yéere that the world became flesh 1262, and the yeare of the long reigne of king Henrie the third, the foure and fortith.

* 22.7Robert de Kilwarbie, whome Onuphrius calleth Robert Biliberie frier preacher, doctor of diuini∣tie was remoued from the archbishoprike of Can∣turburie [line 20] to be bishop of Portua, and afterward was made cardinall of saint Rufinian by pope Nicholas the third, in the yeare of Christ as some saie 1277, and as others haue 1278, or 1273: being a∣about the first yeare of Edward the first of that name king of England; who died vnder the same pope Nicholas, in the yeare of Christ 1280, as hath Onuphrius.

* 22.8Barnard de Anguiscelle was remooued from the archbishoprike of Arras, and made bishop of Por∣tua [line 30] and cardinall of saint Rufinian, being a bishop cardinall, and aduanced to that principalitie by pope Martine the fourth of that name, in the yeare of our redemption 1291, being about the nintéenth yeare of the said Edward the first: whome Onuphrius much mistaking himselfe maketh a Frenchman: and Matthew Parker rightlie setteth him downe as an Englishman.

* 22.9Hugh Attrat priest cardinall, of the title of saint Laurence in Lucina was created cardinall by [line 40] pope Martine the fourth, in the yéere of our Lord 1281: he was also called Hugh of Euesham, and di∣ed at Rome in the yeere of Christ 1287, whilest the sée was vacant, being about the fifteenth yeere of Ed∣ward the first.

* 22.10Berard or rather Bernard a cardinall of Pre∣stina was aduanced to the dignitie of a cardinall by Nicholas the fourth of that name bishop of Rome in the yéere (as I suppose) 1298, though some saie in the yéere 1288, the error whereof I gather to be in the [line 50] printer.

* 22.11Leonard Guercine bishop, cardinall of Alba was receiued to the scarlet hat and robe by pope Bo∣nifacius the eight, in the yéere of Christ 1300, being the eight and twentith of Edward the first.

William one of the order of the frier preachers doctor of diuinitie in Oxford, priest cardinall of the title of saint Sabina, to which place he was adopted by pope Benedict the eleuenth, in the yéere 1303, be∣ing the one and thirtith yeere of Edward the first, in [line 60] which yeere he died in England.

* 22.12Walter Winterborne (that came in place of William last before named) doctor of diuinitie of the order of frier preachers, confessor to Edward the first, and priest cardinall of the title of saint Sabi∣na, was by the said Benedict the eleuenth admit∣ted to the college of cardinals in the yeare of Christ 1304, being the one and thirtith yeere of Edward the first, which Walter small time inioied that place. For going with other cardinals into France, & so in∣to Italie, he died at Genoa or Gene, whose bodie be∣ing carried into England, was buried in the church of the frier preachers in the yeere of Christ 1305, be∣ing the three and thirtith yeere of Edward the first.

Thomas Iorze a frier preacher doctor of diuini∣tie of Oxford, confessor to Edward the first,* 22.13 priest cardinall of the title of saint Sabina was created by pope Clement the fift in the yeere of Christ 1305, be∣ing the three and thirtith yéere of Edward the first, or (as saith Walsingham) a little before Christmasse in the yéere of Christ 1306, who by him is also named Iorza. This man (as hath Onuphrius) died in the iorneie he made as ambassador into Italie to Hen∣rie the seuenth of that name emperour in the yéere 1311, & the seuenth yeere of the popedome of Cle∣ment the fift, who sent him in that ambassage: his bodie was carried into England, and buried at Ox∣ford in a monasterie of the frier preachers.

Simon Langham abbat of Westminster,* 22.14 trea∣suror of England, bishop of Elie and of Canturbu∣rie, and chancellor of England, was elected to the honor of the purple hat and cardinall dignitie, in the yéere of our redemption 1368, being the two and fortith yéere of king Edward the third. And here be∣cause I would not set it downe in a distinct place, as receiuing it for truth, sith by search I find it not so, what authoritie soeuer they that wrote the same had to lead them to it: I will note an ouersight passed the fingers of Fabian, Holinshed, and Grafton, all writers of our age, who affirme that the bishop of Winchester, in the fiue and fortith yéere of king Ed∣ward the third, being a cardinall (for so I gather by the words and circumstance of the storie) with the bi∣shop of Beauois likewise a cardinall, were put in commission by pope Gregorie the eleuenth to treat betwixt the king of England and France. But be∣cause I can not find in Onuphrius nor in Matthew Parker anie such cardinall set downe, I doo not at this time imbrace it, vntill I maie find better proofe thereof than the authoritie of Grafton, Fabian, and those before named; especiallie sith that he which was then bishop of Winchester in the said fiue and fortith yéere of Edward the third, and all they which were bishops of Winchester from the first yeare of the reigne of Edward the third, vntill the yeare of Christ 1404, in which Henrie Beaufort was bishop of Winchester, were neuer cardinals: the said bishops in orderlie succession thus named: Adam Orletie, William de Edington, William Wickham, and then Henrie Beaufort, who was a cardinall. But these writers mistaking perchance the yeare of the king, and the name of the bishops sée, in the fiue and fortith yeare of Edward the third (in which yeare Iohn Thorsbie was cardinall as after followeth) haue (in setting downe Winchester for Worcester committed a fault) so easie it is for the printer or anie other to misplace and misname the one bishoprike for the other.

Iohn Thorsbie bishop of saint Dauids in Wales chancellor of England, bishop of Worcester,* 22.15 and af∣ter bishop of Yorke, was made cardinall by Urban the fift then bishop of Rome (as I suppose) before the fiue and fortith yeare of Edward the third. This man surrendred his life in the yeare of our redemp∣tion 1374, being the eight and fortith yeare of king Edward the third.

Adam priest cardinall of the title of saint Cici∣lia, was inuested with the dignitie of a scarlet hat in the yeare of our redemption 1378,* 22.16 about the first yeare of Richard the second. Holinshed mentioneth one Adam Eston to be a cardinall, who (considering the time when he liued) must néeds be this man, of whome he writeth in this sort. Adam Eston well séene in all the toongs, was made a cardinall by pope Gregorie the eleuenth, but by pope Urban the si••t he was committed to prison in Genoa (in the yeare of our redemption 1383, being about the sea∣uenth yeare of Richard the second) and by contem∣plation

of the said king Richard, was taken out of prison, but not fullie deliuered, vntill the daies of Boniface the ninth, who (in the yeare of our redemp∣tion 1389, about the thirteenth yeare of Richard the second) restored the said Adam to his former dig∣nitie: all which Holinshed speaketh of him amongst the writers of England, except the yeares of the Lord which I haue added out of Onuphrius, and the yeares of the king which I haue ioined of my selfe. Which Onuphrius maketh this Adam to be bishop [line 10] of London, and to die in Rome the third calends of Maie, in the yéere of our sauior 1397, being the one and twentith of Richard the second, vnder Boniface the ninth pope of that name, and was buried in the place whereof he was intituled to the honor of a car∣dinall.

* 22.17Philip de Repindone bishop of Lincolne and doc∣tor of diuinitie, was by pope Gregorie the twelfe, then bishop of Rome, in the yeare of Christ 1408, be∣ing the tenth yeare of king Henrie the fourth [line 20] created cardinall of the title of saint Nereus and A∣chilleus.

* 22.18Thomas bishop of Durham was made (as saith Onuphrius, in the yeare of our redemption 1411 by Iohn the two and twentith, commonlie called Iohn the thrée and twentith) priest cardinall. Touching which matter there is no mention made in the life of Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham, and liuing at this time that this Langleie was a cardinall: for this Thomas Langleie was made bishop of Dur∣ham [line 30] in the yeare of our Lord 1406, and continued in that see one and thirtie yeares, departing the world 1437, and so the creation of this Thomas bishop of Durham mentioned by Onuphrius and Matthew Parker bishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of Christ 1411 must néedes fall in the life of this Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham.

* 22.19Robert bishop of Salisburie priest cardinall (al∣though it be not shewed of what title) was preferred to that place by pope Iohn the thrée and twentith in [line 40] the yeare of our redemption 1411, being about the twelfe yere of the reigne of king Henrie the fourth, of whom Onuphrius writeth in this sort: Roberti epis∣copi Sarisburiensis presbyteri cardinalis, & Egidij de campis presbyteri cardinalis gesta & exitus, quòd nunquam Roma∣nam curiam adierint, incerti & obscuri omninò sunt. Satis ta∣men constat, eos ante papae Martini electionem mortuos fuisse.

* 22.20Henrie Beaufort, sonne vnto Iohn of Gant and Katharine Swineford, being bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England, tooke the state of a cardi∣nall [line 50] (of the title of saint Eusebius) at Calis, being absent (as hath Matthew Parker) in the yeare of our redemption 1426: in the fift yeare of king Henrie the sixt. He was called the rich cardinall of Winche∣ster, being aduanced to that honor by Martine the third, commonlie called Martine the fift then pope of Rome. This Henrie died vnder pope Nicholas the fift in the yeare of Christ 1447: being about the six & twentith yeare of the miserable reigne of king Henrie the sixt. [line 60]

* 22.21Iohn Stafford bishop of Bash and Welles chan∣cellor of England, after bishop of Canturburie, was created priest cardinall by Eugenius then bishop of Rome, in the yeare that the word became flesh 1434: being the twelfe yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt.

* 22.22Iohn Kempe bishop of London, twise lord chan∣cellour of England, bishop of Yorke, and after that archbishop of Canturburie, was by Eugenius the fourth then archbishop of Rome, made cardinall of the title of saint Sabina, as saith Holinshed, o∣therwise by Onuphrius called Balbina: contrarie to Polydor, who in his thrée and twentith booke of the historie of England, affirmeth him to be cardinali∣ted by pope Nicholas the fift. He died (as saith Onu∣phrius) in the yeare that the godhead was vnited to the manhood, to wit, one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and foure, vnder pope Nicholas the first, which yeare of our Lord met with the fiue and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt.

Thomas Bourcher (borne of the noble house of the earles of Essex, being chancellor of England,* 22.23 bishop of Worcester, from thence remooued to E∣lie, from that Ile aduanced to the metropolitan sée of Canturburie, and priest cardinall of the title of saint Siriacus in Thermis or the Baths) was hono∣red with the scarlet hat and siluer pillers, by pope Paule the second of that name, in the yeare that the second person in trinitie tooke vpon him the forme of a seruant, one thousand foure hundred sixtie & fiue, being the fift yeare of the reigne of the noble prince king Edward the fourth.

Iohn Morton bishop of Elie chancellor of Eng∣land & archbishop of Canturburie,* 22.24 being priest car∣dinall of the title of saint Anastasius, was honored with a scarlet hat by Alexander the sixt of that name (then gouernour of the seat of Peter at Rome) in the yeare from the birth of Christ 1493, being the ninth yeare of the Salomon of England king Hen∣rie the seauenth. He died as saith Onuphrius, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand and fiue hundred, be∣ing about the eight yeare of Alexander the sixt still pope of Rome, and the sixteenth yeare of the said Henrie the seauenth then king of England.

Christopher Bembridge a gentleman borne, was archbishop of Yorke,* 22.25 & priest cardinall of the title of S. Praxidis, was aduanced to that scarlet dignitie by pope Iulius the second, in the yere that the virgin was deliuered of our sauiour one thousand fiue hun∣dred & eleuen, being the third yeare of the triumphant reigne of king Henrie the eight. He died at Rome, (as saith Onuphrius) by poison, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thirtéene yeares (be∣ing the eleuenth yeare, when Leo the tenth did hold the sterne of the Romane bishoprike, & the fift yeare when the said Henrie the eight did rule the scepter of England) and was buried at Rome in the church of the holie trinitie of the English nation.

Thomas Wolseie the kings almoner,* 22.26 deane of Yorke, abbat of saint Albons, and of saint Austins, bishop of Lincolne, Winchester, and Yorke, chan∣cellour of England: all which or all saue two he held at one time in his owne hands, was made priest car∣dinall of the title of saint Cicilie, wherevnto he was promoted by pope Leo the tenth, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred and fifteene, being the seauenth yéere of the reigne of the famous king Henrie the eight, of whome Onuphrius some∣what mistaking the pronuntiation of his name thus writeth: Thomas Wlcer ex oppido Sufforth diocessis Nordu∣censis, &c: wherein like a stranger to our countrimen he mistaketh both name, towne, place, and the pro∣uince of Suffolke for the towne of Ipswich. For this cardinall Wolseie being descended of meane paren∣tage, was borne in the towne of Gipswich now cal∣led Ipswich in the prouince or countrie of Suffolke in the diocesse of the bishoprike of Norwich.

Iohn Fisher bishop of Rochester priest cardinall of the title of saint Uitalis,* 22.27 was (although he neuer came at Rome, nor for anie thing that I can learne was euer out of England) created cardinall at Rome, by Paule the third of that name, then wea∣ring the triple crowned miter, and being bishop of Rome. But this Fisher neuer ware his scarlet hat: for after this high dignitie and before he might couer his priestlie crowne with the same, he lost his head, in the yeare from which the angels sang at the birth of the Messias one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and

fiue, being the seauen and twentith of the reigne of that king Henrie the eight, which deliuered his king∣dome from all subiection to the bishop of Rome Cle∣ment the seauenth of that name.

* 22.28Reginald Poole, noblie borne, & yoong sonne to sir Richard Poole knight of the garter, by his wife Mar∣garet countesse of Salisburie, daughter to George duke of Clarence brother to K. Edward the fourth, was made deacon cardinall of the title of saint Ma∣rie in Cosmeden, by pope Paule the third of that [line 10] name, in the yeare that the mother of God brought foorth the sonne of man 1536, being the eight and twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight. This man legat of pope Iulius the third, comming into Eng∣land in the yeare of our Lord 1554, being the second yeare of quéene Maries reigne, was after made bi∣shop of Canturburie, on the fiue and twentith of March, in the yeare of Christ 1556, being the third yeare of the reigne of the said quéene Marie, and died the seauentéenth daie of Nouember, in the yeare of [line 20] Christ 1558, being the last daie of the reigne of the said quéene Marie, or rather the next daie erlie in the morning, at his house at Lambeth, and was honora∣blie conueied to Canturburie, where he was buried. This man was the last English cardinall that liued and inioied that title of honour in England. For al∣though the English cardinall which followeth were created after him, yet I suppose that he died much be∣fore him: but he liued not in England at the same time that cardinall Poole died, as farre as I can [line 30] lerne. Wherfore I still make this cardinall Poole the last English cardinall that was liuing in England.

* 22.29Peter Peto, borne of an ancient familie, and one of the order of the frier minors obseruants (whome Onuphrius calleth Angliae legatus) was created car∣dinall by Paule the fourth of that name, chéefe bi∣shop of Rome, in the yeare that the word became flesh 1557, being the fift yeare of quéene Marie. Besides this number of thirtie cardinals, there haue been manie other to the number of ten or more, [line 40] before the time that pope Innocent the first of that name did weald the charge of the Romane bishop∣rike, as Matthew Parker late bishop of Canturburie a worthie antiquarie dooth witnesse, and I my selfe haue obserued, besides those which Onuphrius and the said Matthew Parker (in the Latine booke of the arch∣bishops of his owne sée) haue recited. But bicause neither they nor I haue yet atteined to their names, we must and doo omit them: and yet it may be that these thrée which follow, named by Onuphrius being [line 50] English names, were Englishmen, and part of the said number of ten cardinals, whose names we doo not know, which thrée cardinals were Hugh Foliot, Peter Mortimer, and Simon Braie. But bicause I cannot certeinlie gather out of Onuphrius that they were Englishmen, I dare not presume so to make them; though in mine owne conceit I verelie suppose that they were borne in England: for in vncerteine matters I dare not set downe anie certeintie.

Wherefore to set end to this cardinals discourse, I will knit vp this matter with one onelie note [line 60] drawne out of Matthew Parkers beforenamed booke of the liues of the bishops of Canturburie, which is as followeth: That this number and remembrance of our cardinals is not so wonderfull as is that com∣putation of the Romane bishops, which pope Iohn the two and twentith of that name hath gathered of his predecessors. For he doth recite that out of the or∣der of saint Benet or Benedict (whereof himselfe was) there haue issued foure and twentie popes, 183 cardinals, 1464 archbishops, 3502 bishops, and abbats innumerable. Thus concluding (that of all these our English cardinals, with the description of their liues, I will more largelie intreat in my booke intituled the Pantogrophie of England, conteining the vniuersall description of all memorable places and persons, aswell temporall as spirituall) I request the reader to take this in good part, till that booke may come to light. Thus much Francis Thin, who with the whéele of George Ripleie canon of Brid∣lington, after the order of circulation in alchimicall art, and by a geometricall circle in naturall philoso∣phie dooth end this cardinals discourse, resting in the centre of Reginald Poole, the last liuing cardinall in England, by whose death the said Francis tooke occasi∣on to pase about the circumference of this matter of the cardinals of this realme.]

Of such learned men as had written and did liue in the reigne of quéene Marie there were manie,* 22.30 of whome no small number ended their liues also du∣ring that short time of hir reigne, some by fire, and o∣thers in exile, Iohn Rogers borne in Lancashire, wrote diuerse treatises, translated the bible into English with notes, and published the same vnder the name of Thomas Matthew, he suffred in Smith∣field the fourth of Februarie, in the yeare 1555. Ni∣cholas Ridleie bishop first of Rochester, and after of London, suffered at Oxford in the said yeare 1555. Hugh Latimer borne in Leicestershire, sometime bishop of Worcester, a notable preacher, and a most reuerend father, suffered at the same place, and in the same daie and yeare with bishop Ridleie. Iohn Hooper borne in Summersetshire, bishop first of Glocester, and after of Worcester, suffered at Gloce∣ster in the yeare of our Lord 1555. Iohn Bradford, borne in Manchester, a notable towne in Lanca∣shire, a sober, mild, and discréet learned man, suffered at London the first of Iulie in the said yeare 1555.

Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester borne in the towne of saint Edmundsburie in Suffolke, of king Henrie the eights councell, and in king Ed∣wards daies committed to ward within the tower, released by quéene Marie, made lord chancellor, and so died a stout champion in defense of the popes doc∣trine, and a great enimie to the professours of the gospell. Iohn Philpot borne in Hamshire, sonne to sir Peter Philpot knight, was archdeacon of Win∣chester, ended his life by fire in the yeare aforesaid 1555, the 18 of December, going then on the foure & fortith yeare of his age. Thomas Cranmer borne in Notinghamshire, archbishop of Canturburie, a worthie prelat, in sundrie vertues right commen∣dable, suffered at Oxford the one and twentith of March, one thousand, fiue hundred, fiftie and six. Ri∣chard Morison knight, borne in Oxfordshire, wrote diuerse treatises, and deceassed at Strausburge the 17 of March 1556. Iohn Poinet borne in Kent, bi∣shop of Rochester first, & after of Winchester, deceas∣sed likewise at Strausburgh, about the tenth or elea∣uenth of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1556.

Robert Record a doctor of physicke, and an excel∣lent philosopher, in arithmetike, astrologie, cosmo∣graphie, and geometrie most skilfull, he was borne in Wales, descended of a good familie, and finallie departed this life in the daies of quéene Marie. Bar∣tholomew Traheron descended of a worshipfull house in the west parts of England, deane of Chiche∣ster, departed this life in Germanie, where he liued in exile, about the latter end of quéen Maries reigne. Cutbert Tunstall, bishop first of London, and after of Durham, borne in Lancashire of a right worship∣full familie, excellentlie learned, as by his workes it may appeare, doctor of both the lawes, departed this life in the yeare 1559. Richard Sampson bishop of Couentrie & Lichfield wrote certeine treatises, & de∣parted this life 1555. Lucas Shepherd borne in Col∣chester in Essex, an English poet. Iane Dudleie

daughter vnto Henrie Greie duke of Suffolke, wrote diuerse things highlie to hir commendation, of whome yée haue heard more before héere in this historie; William Thomas a Welshman borne, of whome yée haue likewise heard how he suffered for treason, wrote the historie of Italie, and other things verie eloquentlie; Iames Brookes a doctor of diuini∣tie, Iohn Standish a doctor likewise of the same pro∣fession, great defenders of the popes doctrine, as by their workes appeareth; William Perine a blacke [line 10] frier by profession, and a doctor also of diuinitie, wrote in defense of the masse, and preached sermons which were printed of like stuffe; Iohn Baret borne in Lin, a doctor of diuinitie, and sometime a Car∣melit frier, but reuolting from the popes religion, he became an earnest setter foorth of the gospell, but eftsoones he fell off, and returned to his former opini∣ons now in the daies of quéene Marie; Henrie lord Stafford, sonne to Edward duke of Buckingham, amongst other things which he wrote, he translated a booke out of Latine into English, intituled Vtrius∣que potestatis differentia, that is, The difference betwixt the two powers, which booke (as some thinke) was first compiled and set foorth by Edward Fox bishop of Hereford; Iohn Hopkins translated diuerse psalmes of the psalter into English méeter, which are to be found amongst those appointed to be sung in the churches of England.

Thus farre the troublesome reigne of Queene Marie the first of that name (God grant she may be the last of hir religion) eldest daughter to king Henrie the eight.

Notes

• * 1.1

  ••uéene Ma∣rie proclamed.
• * 1.2

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1064.
• * 1.3

  The duke submitteth ••••••selfe and ••s arrested by the earle of Arundell.
• * 1.4

  The lord Ha∣stings dis∣charged out of the tower.
• * 1.5

  Duke of Suffolke committed to the tower.
• * 1.6

  Quéene Ma∣rie commeth to London.
• * 1.7

  Prisoners discharged.
• * 1.8

  Stephan Gardiner made lord chancellor.
• * 1.9

  Edward Courtneie created earle of Deuon∣shire.
• * 1.10

  Bishops re∣stored and o∣thers depri∣ued.
• * 1.11

  Why Ridleie was more ri∣gorouslie handled than the rest.

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1067.
• * 1.12

  The buriall of king Ed∣ward.
• * 1.13

  Doctor Boorne a chapleine of bishop Bon∣ner.
• * 1.14

  A dagger throwne at the preacher.
• * 1.15

  The preacher at Paules crosse defen∣ded by the gard.
• * 1.16

  The duke of Northumber∣lād arreigned.
• * 1.17

  The dukes request to vn∣derstand the opinion of the court in two points.
• * 1.18

  Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1069. The duke of Northumber∣lands foure requests after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iudgment
• * 1.19

  Preacher at P••ules crosse ••••ded.
• * 1.20

  Sir Iohn Gates and sir Thomas Palmer be∣••ded.
• * 2.1

  New lord chancellor.
• * 2.2

  Latine ser∣uice.
• * 2.3

  Great Harrie a ship burnt.
• * 2.4

  Prest to the quéene.
• * 2.5

  New coine••.
• * 2.6

  Subsidie par∣doned.
• * 2.7

  The archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie com∣mitted to the tower.
• * 2.8

  Sée before pag. 1030, 1031
• * 2.9

  Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow 1067.
• * 2.10

  Coronation of quéene Ma∣rie, hir pompe and traine.
• * 2.11

  Who rode be∣fore and after hir.
• * 2.12

  The ladie Elizabeth and the ladie Anne of Cleue.
• * 2.13

  A pageant made by stran∣gers.
• * 2.14

  The conduit in Cornewall ran wine.
• * 2.15

  The recorder of London maketh a short spéech to the quéene passing by.
• * 2.16

  A Dutchman on the Wea∣thercocke of Paules.
• * 2.17

  A pageant wherein the queeri∣sters of Paules 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on vials.
• * 2.18

  Quéene Ma∣rie crowned quéene by Stephan Gardiner.
• * 2.19

  A pardon with excep∣tions.
• * 2.20

  Commissio∣ners.
• * 2.21

  A parlement.
• * 2.22

  Treason. Felonie. Premunire.
• * 2.23

  The parle∣ment proro∣ged.
• * 2.24

  Abr, Fl. ex. I. S. pag 1075. Charitable deeds of sir Thomas White.
• * 2.25

  A president of monie well emploied af∣ter death.
• * 2.26

  Prouision of corne for the poore.
• * 2.27

  A perpetuall order of an hundred and foure pounds ••ent yearelie by course.
• * 2.28

  Sir Iames Hales in trou∣ble for religi∣on.
• * 2.29

  Sée before pag. 1083.
• * 2.30

  Sore tempta∣tions in afflic∣tions, against which we are to praie for patience.
• * 2.31

  He drowneth himselfe.
• * 2.32

  A publike disputation about the reall presence in the sacrament.
• * 2.33

  Iohn Fox.
• * 2.34

  Cardinall Poole sent for home.
• * 2.35

  The councell diuided about the receiuing of the cardi∣nall.
• * 2.36

  Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie arreigned of treason.
• * 2.37

  Ambassadors from the em∣perour.
• * 2.38

  Ab. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1077. Stephan Gardiner ma∣keth an orati∣on to the lords of the councell &c. touching the quéenes marriage.
• * 2.39

  Gardiner cō∣mendeth the king of Spaine.
• * 2.40

  Wiat pub••••∣sheth a procla∣mation at Maidstone▪
• * 2.41

  He commeth to Rochester.
• * 2.42

  Sir George Harper.
• * 2.43

  Christopher Roper taken.
• * 2.44

  Maister Dor∣rell & maister Tucke taken.
• * 2.45

  Sir Thomas ••iat writeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sir Robert Southwell.
• * 2.46

  The shiriffe of kent and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Abur∣gauennie as∣semble a pow∣er against 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.47

  In herald sent ••rothā Wiat.
• * 2.48

  The lord ••arden is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Wiat.
• * 2.49

  ••eldishmen, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is, such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dwel in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Kent.
• * 2.50

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 heath.
• * 2.51

  Barrow greéne.
• * 2.52

  Wrotham hill▪ Yallam.
• * 2.53

  Blacke soll field.
• * 2.54

  The skirmish.
• * 2.55

  The duke of Norffolke ar∣riueth at Stroud.
• * 2.56

  The reuol∣ting of the Londoners.
• * 2.57

  The duke with the cap∣teine of the gard, &c: put to their shifts.
• * 2.58

  The shiriffe of Kent rideth to the councell.
• * 2.59

  The duke of Suffolke go∣eth downe in∣to Leicester∣shire.
• * 2.60

  The citie of Couentrie.
• * 2.61

  The duke of Suffolke kept out of Co∣uentrie.
• * 2.62

  The duke of Suffolke ap∣prehended.
• * 2.63

  The lord Iohn Greie taken.
• * 2.64

  The lord Thomas Greie taken.
• * 2.65

  Cowling ca∣stell.
• * 2.66

  The lord Cobham.
• * 2.67

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣quests.
• * 2.68

  Proclamation that the duke of Suffolke and others were fled.
• * 2.69

  The empe∣rors ambassa∣••ors flée from Wiat.
• * 3.1

  Quéene Ma∣ries oration to the L••ndo∣ners▪
• * 3.2

  Demands are pretended to be sent from M. Wiat and his companie to quéene Marie.
• * 3.3

  How he pre∣tended the spoile of their goods it ap∣peareth in that he com∣ming to Southworke, did hurt nei∣ther man, wo∣man, nor child, neither in bo∣die nor in a pennie of their goods.
• * 3.4

  Quéene Ma∣rie excuseth hir mariage.
• * 3.5

  The promise of quéene Marie tou∣ching hir ma∣riage.
• * 3.6

  Wiat mar∣ched to Det∣ford strand.
• * 3.7

  Wiat suffereth his prisoners to go abrode vpon their word.

  Wiat cōmeth into South∣worke.
• * 3.8

  Sir Thomas Wiats despe∣rat attempt.
• * 3.9

  Wiat and his complices 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into consul∣tation.
• * 3.10

  The lord Warden of the cinque ports verie willing to followe af∣ter Wiat.
• * 3.11

  Wiat at his wits end.
• * 3.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 mar∣cheth to kingstone.
• * 3.13

  ••••at repa∣reth the bridge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kingstone.
• * 3.14

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Grafton.
• * 3.15

  The earle of Penbroke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ar∣•••••• in order.
• * 3.16

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 com∣••••th to the parke corner, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.17

  A skirmish at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 betwéen 〈…〉〈…〉 and the 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 3.18

  Wiat mar∣cheth alongst the wall of saint Iames towards London.
• * 3.19

  An herald sent to Wiat willing him to desist from his enterprise.
• * 3.20

  Sir Thomas Wiat submit∣teth himselfe to the quéene.
• * 3.21

  The stout courage of quéene Ma∣rie.
• * 3.22

  Proclamati∣on that none should kéepe in his house anie of Wiats faction.
• * 3.23

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1087, 1088 1089. Wiat sent to the tower.
• * 3.24

  Sir Thomas Bridges lieu∣tenant of the tower.
• * 3.25

  The zeale of the lieutenant sheweth it self by his hot lan∣guage.
• * 3.26

  The duke of Suffolke and the lord Greie brought to the tower.
• * 3.27

  Sir Henrie Isleie.
• * 3.28

  The lord Gil∣ford Dudleie executed on the tower.
• * 3.29

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the ladie Iane lead to execution.
• * 4.1

  The executio∣ner asked the ladie Iane forgiuenesse.
• * 4.2

  I. Stow.
• * 4.3

  Iohn Fox.
• * 4.4

  Iudge Mor∣gan fell mad.
• * 4.5

  Abr. Fl. ex I. F. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.6

  The duke of Suffolke.
• * 4.7

  Iohn Fox.
• * 4.8

  The duke of Suffolke be∣headed.
• * 4.9

  Doctor Weston.
• * 5.1

  The duke of Suffolke described.
• * 5.2

  Great pitie that so manie good gifts con∣curring should suffer disgrace.
• * 5.3

  The number of them that thus had their pardon were 240.
• * 5.4

  Gentlemen sent into Kent to be executed.
• * 5.5

  Execution.
• * 5.6

  Ladie Eli∣zabeth and lord Court∣neie prisoners in the tower.
• * 5.7

  Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Fo••i ma••∣tyrologio.
• * 5.8

  A point of practise of Stephā Gar••diner against the ladie E∣lizabeth.
• * 5.9

  Doctor West•••• against the l••••die Elizabet••
• * 5.10

  The lord ma∣iors iudgme•••• of D. West••••
• * 5.11

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.12

  S••••phā 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tale in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Star∣chamber a∣gainst the la∣die Elizabeth.
• * 5.13

  The Lord ••handois 〈◊〉〈◊〉 report in the Star∣chamber, a∣gainst the la∣die Elizabeth and lord Courtneie.
• * 5.14

  A parlement summoned at Oxford but no•• holden.
• * 5.15

  All nations in the world against the mariage of the sun, and why.
• * 5.16

  Iohn Stow. A cat hanged in cheape.
• * 5.17

  The bishops Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridleie sent to Oxford.
• * 5.18

  Commissio∣ners.
• * 5.19

  Io. Fox in acts and monu∣ments.
• * 5.20

  Sir Thomas Wiat arreig∣ned.
• * 5.21

  The effect of Wiats indict∣ment.
• * 5.22

  Wiat answe∣reth not di∣rectlie to the question guil∣tie or vnguil∣tie.
• * 5.23

  A rebels re∣port touching rebellion.
• * 5.24

  Wiats ex∣hortation to loialtie by his owne exam∣ple.
• * 5.25

  Wiat altereth his mind tou∣ching the quéenes ma∣riage.
• * 5.26

  The fruits of rebellion by Wiats confes∣sion.
• * 5.27

  The quéenes attornie spea∣keth to Wiat.
• * 5.28

  Wiats 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the quéenes attorneie.
• * 5.29

  The iudge speaketh.
• * 5.30

  Sir Edward Hastings spéech to Wiat.
• * 5.31

  Maister Cor∣••ell late mai∣ster of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speak∣eth.
• * 5.32

  William Thomas mean•• to mur∣ther quéene Marie.
• * 5.33

  Wiats confes∣sion.
• * 5.34

  Wiat is sorie that he refu∣sed the quéens pardon when it was offred.
• * 5.35

  The executi∣on of sir Tho∣mas Wiat.
• * 5.36

  Sir Nicho∣las Throck∣morton ar∣reigned of high treason cleéreth him∣selfe.
• * 6.1

  The names of the com∣missioners.
• * 6.2

  The quéenes learned coun∣sell gaue eui∣dence against the prisoner.
• * 6.3

  Sendall.
• * 6.4

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.5

  Bromleie.
• * 6.6

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.7

  Hare.
• * 6.8

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.9

  Bromleie.
• * 6.10

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.11

  Bromleie.
• * 6.12

  Shrewesbu∣rie.
• * 6.13

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.14

  Southwell.
• * 6.15

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.16

  Sendall.
• * 6.17

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.18

  Bromleie.
• * 6.19

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.20

  Then the iu∣rie was cal∣led.
• * 6.21

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.22

  Cholmeleie.
• * 6.23

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.24

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.25

  S••anford.
• * 6.26

  Throckmor∣t••n.
• * 6.27

  Stanford.
• * 6.28

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.29

  Stanford.
• * 6.30

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.31

  Winters con∣fession read by Stanford.
• * 6.32

  Stanford.
• * 6.33

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.34

  Bromleie.
• * 6.35

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.36

  Stanford.
• * 6.37

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.38

  Attourne••e.
• * 6.39

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.40

  Hare.
• * 6.41

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.42

  Hare.
• * 6.43

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.44

  Stanford.
• * 6.45

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.46

  Stanford.
• * 6.47

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.48

  Dier.
• * 6.49

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.50

  Attourneie.
• * 6.51

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.52

  Stanford.
• * 6.53

  Uaughans confession was read by Stanford.
• * 6.54

  Stanford.
• * 6.55

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.56

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.57

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.58

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.59

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.60

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.61

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.62

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.63

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.64

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.65

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.66

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.67

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.68

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.69

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.70

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.71

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.72

  Southwell▪
• * 6.73

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.74

  Hare.
• * 6.75

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.76

  Stanford.
• * 6.77

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.78

  Bromleie.
• * 6.79

  Attournie.
• * 6.80

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.81

  Attournie.
• * 6.82

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.83

  Southwell.
• * 6.84

  Hare.
• * 6.85

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.86

  Stanford.
• * 6.87

  Stanford.
• * 6.88

  Dier.
• * 6.89

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.90

  The atturnie.
• * 6.91

  Attourneie.
• * 6.92

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.93

  The atturnie.
• * 6.94

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.95

  Hare.
• * 6.96

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.97

  Southwell.
• * 6.98

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.99

  Stanford.
• * 6.100

  Bromleie.
• * 6.101

  Southwell.
• * 6.102

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.103

  Hare.
• * 6.104

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.105

  Southwell.
• * 6.106

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.107

  Bromleie.
• * 6.108

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.109

  Stanford.
• * 6.110

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.111

  Hare.
• * 6.112

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.113

  Bromleie.
• * 6.114

  Hare.
• * 6.115

  Cholmleie.
• * 6.116

  The atturnie.
• * 6.117

  Bromleie.
• * 6.118

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.119

  Bromleie.
• * 6.120

  Stanford.
• * 6.121

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.122

  Bromleie.
• * 6.123

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.124

  The atturnie
• * 6.125

  Cholmleie.
• * 6.126

  Hare.
• * 6.127

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.128

  Bromleie.
• * 6.129

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.130

  Hare.
• * 6.131

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.132

  Bromleie.
• * 6.133

  The attornie.
• * 6.134

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.135

  Stanford.
• * 6.136

  Bromleie.
• * 6.137

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.138

  Happie for Throckmor∣ton that those statutes stood then repealed.
• * 6.139

  Stanford.
• * 6.140

  Hare.
• * 6.141

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.142

  Bromleie.
• * 6.143

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.144

  S••anford.
• * 6.145

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.146

  Southwell.
• * 6.147

  The attornie.
• * 6.148

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.149

  The attornie.
• * 6.150

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.151

  The attornie.
• * 6.152

  Bromleie.
• * 6.153

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 6.154

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.155

  Bromleie.
• * 6.156

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.157

  Bromleie.
• * 6.158

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.159

  Pirtman.
• * 6.160

  Sanders.
• * 6.161

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.162

  Stanford.
• * 6.163

  Hare.
• * 6.164

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.165

  Bromleie.
• * 6.166

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.167

  Hare.
• * 6.168

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.169

  Englefi••ld.
• * 6.170

  Bromleie.
• * 6.171

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.172

  Stanford.
• * 6.173

  Hare.
• * 6.174

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.175

  The att••rnie.
• * 6.176

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.177

  ••••••dall
• * 6.178

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.179

  Sendall. Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.180

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.181

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.182

  Sendall.
• * 6.183

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.184

  Sendall.
• * 6.185

  Iurie.
• * 6.186

  Sendall.
• * 6.187

  Whetston.
• * 6.188

  Sendall.
• * 6.189

  Whetston.
• * 6.190

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.191

  Bromleie.
• * 6.192

  Iurie.
• * 6.193

  Bromleie.
• * 6.194

  Whetston.
• * 6.195

  Bromleie.
• * 6.196

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.197

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.198

  Bromleie.
• * 6.199

  Throckmor∣ton.
• * 6.200

  The atturnie.
• * 6.201

  Whetston.
• * 6.202

  The lord Tho. Greie beheaded.
• * 6.203

  William Tho∣mas arreigned & condemned.
• * 6.204

  The ladie E∣lisabeth ••••li∣uered out of the tower.
• * 6.205

  Sir Henrie Beningfield knight.
• * 6.206

  Elisabetha.
• * 6.207

  Rich. Graf••on.
• * 6.208

  Quéene Eli∣sabeths words to Be∣ningfield hir butcherlie kée∣ker in the time of hir durance.
• * 6.209

  A gun shot as the preacher: Sée before pag. 1102.
• * 6.210

  Anno Reg. 2. The lord Iohn Greie arreigned, pardoned, and released.
• * 6.211

  Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 109••. A spirit in a wall without Aldersgate doth penāce at Paules crosse for abusing the people, &c.
• * 6.212

  The prince of Spaine pre∣paration to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into England.
• * 6.213

  The Eng∣l••••h ambassa∣dors meet him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S. Iames 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cōpost••lla.
• * 6.214

  The arriuall of the prince of Spaine in S••uthamptō.
• * 6.215

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 is receiued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the nobilitie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lords.
• * 6.216

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 commeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Winchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him.
• * 6.217

  The quéens lodging in the bishops pa∣lace.
• * 6.218

  The mariage solemnized and what states of Ita∣lie & Spaine were present at it.
• * 6.219

  The names of the noble men that came ouer from Spaine with the prince.
• * 7.1

  He to be inti∣tuled king du∣ring the ma∣trimonie, &c.
• * 7.2

  She to be in∣tituled to his dominions during the mariage.
• * 7.3

  Hir dowrie if she suruiued him.
• * 7.4

  Touching the issue of hir bo∣die male or fe∣male.
• * 7.5

  Touching the prince of Spaines dis∣posing of his lands after his decease.
• * 7.6

  Touching the lord Charles and his des∣cendents if heire male came by this mariage.
• * 7.7

  What is to be doone if heire male faile, and there be none but issue fe∣male.
• * 7.8

  What for want of iss••e by the lord Charles.
• * 7.9

  A prouiso touching suc∣cession.
• * 7.10

  Touching a perpetuall league or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of fraterni∣tie, &c.
• * 8.1

  No stranger to be admitte•• to anie office▪ &c: in Eng∣land.
• * 8.2

  Englishmen to attend at the court.
• * 8.3

  The state in no point to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 innouated.
• * 8.4

  The quéene not to be con∣ueied out of hir owne ter∣ritories.
• * 8.5

  The prince 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spaines 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to end with the quéenes death.
• * 8.6

  The iewels &c: of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not to be car∣ried out, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, vsur∣ped, &c.
• * 8.7

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ships, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ordi∣••••••nce▪ &c: to be 〈…〉〈…〉, &c: out of the land.
• * 8.8

  Peace to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 realme without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in other 〈…〉〈…〉 warres.
• * 8.9

  The empe∣••••s gift to the prince his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 8.10

  The title of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 belong∣••••g both to P••ilip and Marie pro∣clamed by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 8.11

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fox in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Acts and ••••numents.
• * 10.1

  These verses are answe∣red in master Fox by the ler∣ned.
• * 10.2

  King Philip stalled at Windsor.
• * 10.3

  Iohn Fox.
• * 10.4

  A generall hunting.
• * 10.5

  The king and quéene come through Lon∣don to West∣minster.
• * 10.6

  Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Foxi martyrologi••. Uaine page∣ants of Lon∣don.
• * 10.7

  Winchester cannot abide the booke cal∣led Verbum Dei.
• * 10.8

  The painter sent for to the bishop of Win∣chester.
• * 10.9

  The painters answer.
• * 10.10

  Fiue Philips
• * 10.11

  The erecting vp of the rood at Paules.
• * 10.12

  Bishop Bo∣ners god the rood of Pauls set vp with Te Deum.
• * 10.13

  Salutation to the rood of Paules.
• * 10.14

  A proclamati∣on for the a∣uoiding of maisterlesse men out of th•• citie of Lon∣don.
• * 10.15

  Death of the Duke of Nor••∣folke
• * 10.16

  A Spaniard hanged. Iohn Stow.
• * 10.17

  Eight of ma∣ster Throck∣mortons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appéere in th•• starchamber
• * 10.18

  The hard iudgement 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the lords a∣gainst those eight honest men.
• * 10.19

  The L. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Greie set at libertie.

  Further 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Throckmo••∣tons 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 10.20

  Iohn Fox.
• * 10.21

  A parlement whereat the king & quéene ••t present.
• * 10.22

  Cardinall Poole arri∣••eth at Douer
• * 10.23

  An act for the restitution in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of cardi∣nall Poole.
• * 10.24

  Cardinall Poole cōmeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the parle∣ment house.
• * 10.25

  The words of the bishop of Winchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lord chancellor.
• * 10.26

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Grafton.
• * 10.27

  The effect of the cardinals ••••••••mblie in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of parlement.
• * 10.28

  He sheweth the speciall cause o•• his comming into England.
• * 10.29

  He exhorteth to a generall returne into the bosome of the church.
• * 10.30

  He declareth how wonder∣fullie god had preserued Q. Marie.
• * 10.31

  He exhorteth to obedience and treateth of restoring this realme to the vnitie of the church.
• * 10.32

  He protesteth that he ment the preiudice of no man, &c.
• * 10.33

  He sheweth the meanes of procuring the foresaid recon∣ciliation.
• * 11.1

  This suppli∣cation was exhibited to the king and quéene.
• * 11.2

  Promise in signe of repen∣tance to make full amends by being recō∣ciled to the ca∣tholike church
• * 11.3

  The king and quéene exhibit the supplicatiō to Poole the proud prelat.
• * 12.1

  Pope Iulie the third 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cardinall Poole his au∣thoritie apo∣stolike.
• * 12.2

  Solemne pro••cession at Rome for the new reconcile∣ment of Eng∣land to the ca••tholike church.
• * 12.3

  A report that the quéene was with child.
• * 13.1

  The councel•• letter to bishop Bonner of the quéenes con∣ceiuing of child.
• * 13.2

  If Quéene Marie were quicke with ch••ld on the 1•• of the mo∣neth of No∣uember and afterward did labour in the moneth of Iune, then went she al∣most seuen moneths quicke with child.
• * 13.3

  The words of sir Richard Southwell in the parlement house for his yoong maister.
• * 14.1

  Order taken by parlement for quéene Maries child.
• * 14.2

  Trust disap∣pointed.
• * 14.3

  Parlements maie be de∣ceiued.
• * 14.4

  The praiers of the papists of what litle effect they are with God.
• * 15.1

  A praier for quéene Marie and hir child, turned out of Latine into English.
• * 16.1

  A deuout prai∣er made by the catholikes for quéene Marie being great and quicke with child.
• * 16.2

  The papists call the pro∣testants here∣tikes and eni∣mies to the crosse of Christ, euen as Achab cal∣led Elias the disturber of Israell, when he was onelie the disturber himself••▪
• * 16.3

  Quéene Ma∣rie compared of the papists to quéene Iu∣dith.
• * 16.4

  Marke how forgetting his praier he fa••∣leth to the praising of quéen Marie.
• * 16.5

  The testa∣ment setteth vp onelie the glorie of Christ.
• * 16.6

  If the chan∣ging of Gods promises, de∣stroieng his inheritance, stopping the mouths of Gods people if contentiōs, warres, and schismes be tokens of he∣retikes, who so great here∣tikes as the papists ••e?
• * 16.7

  Crie vp lowd∣der you priests per••d∣uenture your god is a sléepe.
• * 16.8

  The Lord gaue a pro∣mise to Sara ••nd Elisa∣beth: so did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not to queene Ma∣rie.
• * 16.9

  It is not best such one to be granted vnto ••ou, for being like Abraham Ioseph, Mo∣ses, and Sa∣lomon, he maie chance smell out your cor∣rupt doctrine, and to detest your bloudie tyrannie, &c.
• * 17.1

  An other praier for the same.
• * 17.2

  Cardinall Poole com∣deth to Pauls crosse with great pompe.
• * 17.3

  Cer••eine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Stephā Gar∣diners ser∣mon.
• * 17.4

  The king and the cardinall ride togither.
• * 17.5

  Prince of Piemount commeth into England.
• * 17.6

  I. Stow. 1053. Prince of O∣range.
• * 17.7

  Fiue of Throckmor∣tons iurie re∣leased.
• * 17.8

  Parlement dissolued.
• * 17.9

  Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Foxi mar∣tyrologio. A sturre be∣twéene the Spaniards and English∣men at West∣minster.
• * 17.10

  I S. pag. 1095.
• * 17.11

  Prisoners de∣liuered out of the tower.
• * 17.12

  Trouble and persecution for religion.
• * 17.13

  Ambassadors out of Eng∣land to Rome.
• * 17.14

  William Fe∣therstone, aliàs Constable a boie, nameth himselfe king Edward the sixt.
• * 17.15

  Iohn Stow.
• * 17.16

  The counter∣fet king exe∣cuted.
• * 17.17

  Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Foxi martyrologio▪
• * 17.18

  The names of the coun∣cellors called before quéene Marie.
• * 17.19

  The effect of quéene Ma∣ries words touching ab∣beie lands to be restored.
• * 17.20

  The quéene taketh a con∣science to kée∣ping abbeie lands.
• * 17.21

  The quéene surrendreth from hir selfe the possessiō of abbeie lands.
• * 17.22

  Promise for restitution of abbeie lands.
• * 17.23

  R••ad more of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in a booke ••••lled a war∣ning to Eng∣land.
• * 17.24

  The death of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iulius the third.
• * 17.25

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 17.26

  N••te here what an holie catholike church this is
• * 17.27

  •• ••o••kish pope.
• * 17.28

  Monstrous blasphemie in the pope.
• * 17.29

  Pope Iulius blasphemeth God for a peacocke.
• * 17.30

  〈…〉〈…〉 dignam.
• * 18.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 10. ••inchesters 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 funerall
• * 19.1

  A collect for the pope.
• * 19.2

  Another prai∣er for chusing of the pope.
• * 19.3

  A woman of S. Magnus parish im∣prisoned for not praieng for the pope.
• * 19.4

  A terrible ex∣ample of Gods seuere punishment vpon Nigh∣tingall par∣son of Cron∣dall in Kent.
• * 19.5

  Blasphemie to Christs ••ospell puni∣shed.
• * 19.6

  The lord Courneie go∣eth ouer into Italie.
• * 19.7

  The lord Courtneie descended of the bloud ••o••all.
• * 19.8

  Ambassadors sent to treat a peace be∣twéene the French king and the em∣perour.
• * 19.9

  Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1097.
• * 19.10

  The necessitie of the poore re∣lé••ued by Gods proui∣dence.
• * 19.11

  Disputation at Christs hospitall, as had béene accu¦stomed at saint Bartholo∣mewes in Smithfield, being an in∣couragement to yoong scholers.
• * 19.12

  King Philip went ouer in∣to Flanders.
• * 19.13

  New counter in Woodstréet.
• * 19.14

  Great land∣waters wher∣by diuerse fre∣quented places were ouerflowne.
• * 19.15

  Anno Reg. ••. Commis••io∣ners sent to Oxford, by th•• popes autho∣ritie, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.16

  •• parlement ••herein the kings of the ••••••rch are 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 19.17

  •• subsidie •• Stowpunc;
• * 19.18

  This Storie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 executed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quéen El••zabeths 〈◊〉〈◊〉

  The death of Stephan Gardiner ••••shop of ••inchester.
• * 19.19

  A••r. Fl. ex I. F. ••••••tyrologio. The reporter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this additi∣•••• a person of ••••••dit.
• * 19.20

  G••••di••er 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sudden 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of God.
• * 19.21

  Stephan Gardiner especiallie hunteth for the life of ladie Elizabeth. Q. Elizabeth preserued.
• * 19.22

  M. Bridges lieu••••nant the Lords organ in sauing the ladie Eliza∣beths life.
• * 19.23

  The archbi∣shop of Yorke lord chācellor.
• * 19.24

  Iohn Stow.
• * 19.25

  Abr. Fl. ex. I.F. martyrologio. Rockers and nurses proui∣ded for quéene Maries child.
• * 19.26

  Processions and bonefires in London for ioy of the yong prince.
• * 19.27

  Triumph at Antwerpe for the same.
• * 19.28

  Q. Maries child would not come.
• * 19.29

  What became of Q. Maries child no man can tell.
• * 19.30

  Ex testimonio e∣iusdem puerpe∣rae Londinensis.
• * 19.31

  The yoong princes cradle
• * 19.32

  Uerses vpon the cradle.
• * 19.33

  I. Fox in mart. sub tit. Hen. 8▪
• * 19.34

  I. Stow. 1037. Free scale 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Holt, with o∣ther charita•••••• deeds of sir Io. Gresh••••
• * 19.35

  A blasing starre.
• * 19.36

  Brookes bi∣shop of Glo••••••ster appoint to examine Cranmer.
• * 19.37

  Th. Cranm•••• archbishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Canturbur•••• condemned.
• * 19.38

  He is burnt▪
• * 19.39

  The archbi∣shop brough•• to the place 〈◊〉〈◊〉 execution.
• * 19.40

  Iohn Fox.
• * 19.41

  The descrip••tion of his person.
• * 19.42

  Cardinall Poole made archbishop of Canturburie.
• * 19.43

  Persecution or religion.
• * 19.44

  Newgate set in fire.
• * 19.45

  A conspiracie.
• * 19.46

  ••▪ Stow, pag. 1100.
• * 19.47

  The names of the conspira∣cies and their 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Sir Antho∣nie Kingston ••••parteth this 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Executions 〈◊〉〈◊〉 treason 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and religion.
• * 19.48

  Iohn Stow.
• * 19.49

  Anno Reg. 4.
• * 19.50

  Execution.
• * 19.51

  I▪S. pag. 1101. Conspiracie began by one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and three brethren 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 19.52

  A traitorous proclamation read, and the reader appre∣hended.
• * 19.53

  Great death.
• * 19.54

  Seuen alder∣men of Lon∣don dead in one yeare.
• * 19.55

  Ab. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1103. Fecknam abbat of Westminster.
• * 19.56

  False accuser set on the pil∣lorie & burnt in both chéeks; would to God all such accusers were so well marked.
• * 19.57

  A stranger would haue murdered the kéeper of Newgate.
• * 19.58

  A gun shot in∣to the court at Greene∣wich.
• * 19.59

  An ambassa∣dor out of Muscouia.
• * 19.60

  Iohn Stow.
• * 19.61

  The lord Sturton committeth a shamefull murther.
• * 19.62

  The lord Sturton han∣ged.
• * 19.63

  Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1105. Dearth and plentie.
• * 19.64

  Iohn Caius.
• * 19.65

  The returne of king Phi∣lip into Eng∣land.
• * 19.66

  Stafford and others com∣mitted to the tower, and af∣ter executed.
• * 19.67

  Thomas Persie crea∣ted earle of Northum∣berland.
• * 19.68

  Quéene Ma∣rie proclameth open warres against the French king.
• * 19.69

  King Philip passed ouer in∣to Flanders▪
• * 19.70

  The names of the cap∣teins ouer the quéenes for∣ces.
• * 19.71

  Varie gen•••••• in exerci••n Philippi.
• * 19.72

  The death of the ladie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Cicut.
• * 19.73

  Obsequie for the king of Portingale.
• * 19.74

  Fifteene or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thou∣sand footmen, and a threé or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thou∣sand horsse∣men.
• * 19.75

  The conesta∣ble of France ••oke Mont∣••••••encie ge∣••••rall of the French for∣••••s.
• * 19.76

  Prisoners of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. These nine knights of the order.
• * 19.77

  The siege 〈…〉〈…〉 Quintins, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same taken and sacked.
• * 19.78

  The lord Henrie Dud∣leie slaine with the shot of a gun.
• * 19.79

  Doctor We∣ston resigneth the deanrie of Westminster by compulsion and is rec••m∣pensed.
• * 19.80

  The malice of cardinall Poole against king Henrie the eight.
• * 19.81

  Sir Thomas Tresham made lord of saint Iohns of Ierusalem.
• * 19.82

  Calis not fur∣nished with a sufficient number of men.
• * 19.83

  The losse of saint Quin∣tins netleth the French king.
• * 19.84

  The duke of Guise with a great armie commeth to∣ward Calis.
• * 19.85

  Guise entreth the English frontier.
• * 19.86

  1558. Anno Reg. 5.
• * 19.87

  Newnam∣bridge taken by the French.

  The master gunners head smitten cleane off with a gun.
• * 19.88

  Ricebanke ta••ken by the French.
• * 19.89

  The duke of Guise his po∣licie.
• * 19.90

  The English∣mens fond de∣fense.
• * 19.91

  The French∣men disap∣point the Englishmens deuise.
• * 19.92

  Sir Antho∣nie Ager and his sonne slaine.
• * 19.93

  The lord wentwoorth.
• * 19.94

  A parlée de∣manded of the French.
• * 19.95

  Calis deliue¦red to the French.
• * 19.96

  The duke of Guises pro∣clamation to b••ing in mo∣nie and plate, &c.
• * 19.97

  The French ••a••l to spoiling and rifling.
• * 19.98

  The poorest & meanest sort ••o••ded out of Calis.
• * 19.99

  Garison of soldiors that were in Calis
• * 19.100

  Calis conque∣red and lost in lesse than eight daies.
• * 19.101

  How long Ca¦lis was in possession of the kings of England.
• * 19.102

  As good neuer as too late.
• * 19.103

  A terrible tempest.
• * 19.104

  Rich. Grafton.
• * 19.105

  The quéenes ships sore sha∣ken with storme and tempest.
• * 19.106

  Abr. Fl. ex opere historico Schardij collectio
• * 19.107

  E•• tomo terti•• historiarum Schardij de capto Caleto pag. 1973 &c.
• * 19.108

  The duke of Guise mar∣cheth to the fort and town of Guisnes.
• * 19.109

  The L. Greie capteine of Guisnes.
• * 19.110

  The L. Greie taketh the French at a sléepie aduan∣tage.
• * 19.111

  Rabutine.
• * 19.112

  Batterie ••aid to the Marie bulworke.
• * 19.113

  The Gas∣coignes put backe with more hast than they came vp with good spéed.
• * 19.114

  The number slaine at this assault.
• * 19.115

  The lord Greie com∣mendeth his souldiours.
• * 19.116

  Batter••••g at the flankers.
• * 19.117

  C••••teine Swisses and French ap∣p••och the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 assault.
• * 19.118

  The danger which my lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 escaped 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gentlemen.
• * 19.119

  The Swisses 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gascoigns 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.120

  The manhood 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Spani∣••••ds against the French.
• * 19.121

  A fresh as∣sault begun and the fight hot and heauie against the English.
• * 19.122

  Enimies slaine.
• * 19.123

  My lord Grei••s worke after the skir∣mish ended.
• * 19.124

  My L. Greie hurt by mis∣chance.
• * 19.125

  The French make bridges.
• * 19.126

  Consultation betwéene the lord Greie and the English gentlemen.
• * 19.127

  Rich. Graf••on.
• * 19.128

  The duke of Guise and mōsieur Dan∣delot with their powers.
• * 19.129

  Rabutine.
• * 19.130

  The desperat aduenture of the French.
• * 19.131

  The duke of Guise in a ••age with his soldiers.
• * 19.132

  The English forced to auoid & the enimie entereth.
• * 19.133

  Arthur Gre•••• now lord Greie.
• * 19.134

  The enimie i•• dastardlie▪ all his victories notwithstan∣ding.
• * 19.135

  Ric. Grafton.
• * 19.136

  A trumpetter from the duk•• of Guise to th•• lord Greie.
• * 19.137

  Hostages re∣quired on the dukes part from the lord Greie during the time of the parlée, &c.
• * 19.138

  The duke and the lord Greie haue commu∣nication an whole houre▪
• * 19.139

  The lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 words 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his soldiers being ashamed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their time∣••••••nesse, and ••••pitieng 〈◊〉〈◊〉 present 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.140

  The lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 soul∣••••••rs in a mu∣•••••• doo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 19.141

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a∣greement be∣••••eene the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Greie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the eni∣••••▪
• * 19.142

  The soldiors 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Guisnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thense 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bag and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.143

  What bands of strangers were within the ••ort.
• * 19.144

  Rich. Grason.
• * 19.145

  Hammes ca∣stell could not be easilie ap∣proched vnto, and why.
• * 19.146

  The lord Ed∣ward Dud∣leie.
• * 19.147

  A prouiso of aduantage for the duke.
• * 19.148

  This was a maruellous rich bootie for the enimie, and a great losse to the partie contra∣rie.
• * 19.149

  Triumphs in France for the getting a∣gaine of Ca∣lis.
• * 19.150

  A. Fl. ex opere historico Schar∣d•• collectio. pag. 1970.
• * 19.151

  D. Powell in hist. Camb. pag. 4, ••.
• * 19.152

  The French king goeth to visit and sée Calis.
• * 19.153

  Monsieur de Thermes made captein of Calis.
• * 19.154

  The mariag•• betwéene the Dolphin and the princes••e of Scots.
• * 19.155

  Why the son and heire of euerie Fren•••• king is called the Dolphin.
• * 19.156

  The maria•••• of the queen•• of Scots with the D••••∣phin.
• * 19.157

  The quéene Dowager of Scotland ••oo••h what she can to procure war against England.
• * 19.158

  Abr. Fl. ex IS pag. 1106. A prest to the queene.
• * 19.159

  A woon∣derfull tem∣pest of thun∣der woonder∣full indéed.
• * 19.160

  A great death of old people through vehe∣ment quar∣ter•• agues.
• * 19.161

  〈…〉〈…〉 The old 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Stephan Gardiner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••••nchester against the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.162

  Maister Richard Bertie hus∣band to the dut∣chesse, atta∣ched by the bishop of Winchester.
• * 19.163

  Master Ber∣tie appeareth before bishop Gardiner.
• * 19.164

  Ta••ke be∣twéene bishop Gardiner and maister Bertie.
• * 19.165

  The deuotion of bishop Gardiner to good fridaie.
• * 19.166

  Maister Bertie atta∣ched for debt of foure thou∣sand pounds due to the quéene.
• * 19.167

  Ket capteine of the rebels in Norffolke in king Ed∣wards time.
• * 19.168

  A dog clothed in a rochet vnder the name of bishop Gardiner.
• * 19.169

  It is merie with lambs when woolues be tied.
• * 19.170

  Purgation of the ladie du∣chesse for not comming to masse.
• * 19.171

  Religion go∣eth not by age, but by truth.
• * 19.172

  Master Ber∣tie released from his band of appearing.
• * 19.173

  Waies practi∣sed how to conueie the duchesse ouer the seas with the quéenes licence.

  Master Ber∣tie deuiseth causes to passe ouer into Flanders.
• * 19.174

  Master Ber∣tie licenced by the quéene to passe the seas.
• * 19.175

  Preparation made how to conueie the duchesse ouer the seas.
• * 19.176

  M. Cranwell a trusty frien•• to master Bertie.
• * 19.177

  The duches•• with hir com∣panie depar∣ted the realme.
• * 19.178

  The maner o•• the duchesse flieng out of hir house.
• * 19.179

  The duchesse with hir com∣panie taketh ••••rge.
• * 19.180

  Persute after the duchesse.
• * 19.181

  The duchesse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in M. Goslings house by Leigh, vnder the name of h••s daughter.
• * 19.182

  The hard ad∣••••nture of the ••••chesse vpon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seas.
• * 19.183

  The duchesse landed in Brabant. ••. Bertie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the du∣chesse his wife armed at Santon.
• * 19.184

  The frée ••oone of ••esell in Cleueland.
• * 19.185

  A protection procured for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 duchesse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the magi∣strates of Wesell.
• * 19.186

  M. Bertie & the duchesse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 danger of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the bishop of Ar∣ras at Santō.
• * 19.187

  Another 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the ••••chesse and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 husband.
• * 19.188

  The hard di∣stresse of the duchesse by euill wether.
• * 19.189

  The hard in∣terteinment of M. Bertie & the duchesse at their en∣tring into Wesell.
• * 19.190

  Gods proui∣dence in time of distresse.
• * 19.191

  The meéting of W. Perusel & the duchesse of Wesell.
• * 19.192

  The citizens of Wesell ad∣monished by their preacher of their hard∣nesse toward strangers.
• * 19.193

  A fréendlie part of sir Iohn Mason towards the duchesse.
• * 19.194

  A traine laid for y^e dutches by the lord Paget and the duke of Brunswicke.
• * 19.195

  M Bertie & the dutchesse remooue to Winheim vnder the Palsgraue.
• * 19.196

  The helping hand of the Lord againe in their neces∣sitie.

  Ioan. Alasco a meanes to the king of Pole for the duchesse of Suffolke.
• * 19.197

  The dutchesse inuited into Poleland by the kings letters.
• * 19.198

  M. Barlow a messenger from the dut∣chesse to the king of Pole.
• * 19.199

  The Palatine of Uilua a great friend of the dutches
• * 19.200

  The dutches taketh hir iournie to∣ward Pole.
• * 19.201

  The troubles happening to the du••ches in hir iournie to Poleland.
• * 19.202

  M. Bertie in great danger of his life.
• * 19.203

  M. Bertie with the dut∣chesse honora••blie intertei∣ned of the K. of Poole.
• * 19.204

  Abr. Fl. ex I. •• martyrologi••▪ D. Sands vicechancell•••• when the duke of Nor∣thumberland came down t•• Cambridge t•• proclame the ladie Iane quéene.
• * 19.205

  The t••xt of D. Sands ••••••revpon 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 19.206

  The duke & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 desire D. Sands to write his sermon that it might be printed.
• * 19.207

  Mistresse Moore spake ••••uer than peradventure ••he thought.
• * 19.208

  D. Sands w••••ds to the duke touching his owne ser∣mon and the dukes action.
• * 19.209

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 intended against doctor Sands.
• * 19.210

  A conspiracie of papists a∣gainst doctor Sands, and their behauior towards him.
• * 19.211

  D. Sands couragious heart and manhood.
• * 19.212

  D. Sands re∣signeth vp his office of vice-chancellorship
• * 19.213

  Master Mild¦maies treche∣rie noted by doctor Sands to his obl••quie
• * 19.214

  The misusage of certeine drabs aga••nst doctor Sands as he was brought priso∣ner to the tower.
• * 19.215

  The gard of∣fer him fowle wrong.
• * 19.216

  Master Mi∣chels counsell to D. Sands to make an escape.
• * 19.217

  Bowler of a p••••uerse pa∣pist becōmeth reformed in true religion.
• * 19.218

  D. Sands remoued to the Mar∣shalsea.
• * 19.219

  Thomas Waie the kée∣per preten∣deth to per∣suade doctor Sands to poperie.
• * 19.220

  The frendship that doctor Sands found at his keepers hands.
• * 19.221

  Wiats mes∣sage to doctor Sands, and his answer re∣uersed.
• * 19.222

  Doctor Sands set at libertie by the meanes of sir Thomas H••l∣croft.
• * 19.223

  How quéene Marie is dis∣posed to set doctor Sands at large, and sealeth hir warrant for his libertie.
• * 19.224

  Communica∣tion betweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thomas Holcroft and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sands 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his de∣parting out of England.
• * 19.225

  Sir Thomas Holcroft can∣not persuade doctor Sands to ••arie in England, and therefore set∣••eth him at large.
• * 19.226

  Search made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doctor Sands after 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 19.227

  Gardiners commande∣ment to watch and ward for doctor Sands and to appre∣hend him, with a reward promised to the taker of him.
• * 19.228

  Note Gods prouidence in giuing a way to doctor Sands for his safe esca∣ping out of danger.
• * 19.229

  All the mis∣chiefes inten∣ded against doctor Sands disclosed by a constable, who telleth him how to escape.
• * 19.230

  Doctor Sands dis∣guiseth him∣selfe like a gentleman, and escapeth.
• * 19.231

  God stirreth vp the harts of the mari∣ners to fansie doctor Sands &c.
• * 19.232

  Doctor Sands his propheticall blessing to his hostesse at his departing.
• * 19.233

  Doctor Sands and doctor Cox go by wagon into Cleueland.
• * 19.234

  Happie news of queen Ma∣ries death: wherevpon doctor Sands returneth into England.
• * 19.235

  With what indignation quéene Ma∣rie tooke the losse of Calis.
• * 19.236

  Force inten∣ded against Brest in Bri∣taine.
• * 19.237

  The lord Clinton ad∣merall of En∣gland sent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 19.238

  Monsieur de Thermes ••apteine of Calis work∣•••• vpon the ••••uan••age to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the French 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mo••e ho∣••orable ser∣••••ce.
• * 19.239

  Monsieur de Thermes de∣••••••mination a ••••••le king Philips ••••••ntrie.
• * 19.240

  ••ankirke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 taken, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burned by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 French.
• * 19.241

  Monsieur de Thermes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.242

  Countie Eg∣mond lieute∣nant generall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king Phi∣lip in the low countrie.
• * 19.243

  The English ships annoie the French with gunshot, &c.
• * 19.244

  A veliant on∣set giuen vpon the French∣men by coun∣tie Egmond.
• * 19.245

  A recharge vpon the French scars•• recouered.
• * 19.246

  A great victo∣rie.
• * 19.247

  Certeine French priso∣ners taken, and what they were by name.
• * 19.248

  Calis might haue béene re∣couered from the French.
• * 19.249

  Conquest or Conquet ta∣ken and bur∣ned.
• * 19.250

  A great slaughter of the Flem∣mings occa∣sioned by their owne coue∣tousnesse.
• * 19.251

  The adme∣rals remooue for feare of losse.
• * 19.252

  Anno Reg. 6.
• * 19.253

  No memora∣ble act doone by either of the kings du∣ring the af∣fronting of their armies.
• * 19.254

  Peace is pro∣cured betwéen both kings at the sute and séeking of the duchesse of Lorraine.
• * 19.255

  Q. Marie pens••••e for the los••e of Calis.
• * 19.256

  The death of quéen Marie▪
• * 19.257

  The blessed protection of almightie God in preser∣uing the ladi•• Elizabeth in hir manifold dangers and troubles.
• * 19.258

  The trouble•• of ladie Eli∣zabeth in Q. Maries 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 19.259

  Amen.
• * 19.260

  The historie of the ladie Elizabeth.
• * 19.261

  These refe∣••••••cies by the page where∣••••••uer they ••••ll in this ••••••course of ••. Elizabeth ••••••ment of the impression published 1583

  Sir Richard Southwell, sir Edward Hastings, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thomas Cornwallis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to fetch 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ladie Eli∣zabeth, with w••om also ••••••erward was sent the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 William ••••ward, &c.
• * 19.262

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the knights.
• * 19.263

  I strait com∣mission from the quéene to bring the ladie Elizabeth either quicke or dead.
• * 19.264

  The gentle∣nesse of quéene Marie to send hir horslitter to bring hir sister to trou∣ble.
• * 19.265

  Ladie Eliza∣beth taketh hir iourn••ie toward the quéene.
• * 19.266

  Ladie Eliza∣beth brought vp to Londō.
• * 19.267

  Sir William Sentlow committed to the tower.
• * 19.268

  Ladie Eliza∣beth charged with sir Tho∣mas Wiats conspiracie.
• * 19.269

  Ladie Eliza∣beth charged with the busi∣nesse of Peter Carew.
• * 19.270

  Ladie Eliza∣beth threatned to go to the tower.
• * 19.271

  Ladie Eliza∣beth purgeth hir selfe to the lords.
• * 19.272

  Ladie Eliza∣beths seruāts remoued from hir.

  The quéenes men, and wai∣ting women attendant vpō ladie Eliza∣beth.
• * 19.273

  The hard dea∣ling of a cer∣teine lord with the ladie Elizabeth. The earle of Sussex gentle to the ladie Elizabeth. Ladie Eliza∣beth writeth to the quéene but it would not seru••.
• * 19.274

  Ladie Eliza∣beth sent to the tower.
• * 19.275

  The words of ladie Eliza∣beth entring the tower.
• * 19.276

  The christian praier of ladi•• Elizabeth.
• * 19.277

  The lord of Sussex spea∣keth for ladie Elizabeth.
• * 19.278

  The bishop of Winchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.279

  Ladie Elisa∣beth examined 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Winchester.
• * 19.280

  The friendlie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Arun∣••••ll to the ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.281

  Sir Iames Acroft exami∣•••••• touching 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.282

  These were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 officers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the tower, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 such as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in white 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 19.283

  Ladie Elisa∣beths seruāts restreined for bringing hir diet to the tower.
• * 19.284

  Displeasure betwéene the lord chamber∣leine and ladie Elisabeths men.
• * 19.285

  Ladie Elisa∣beths wai∣tingmen in the tower.
• * 19.286

  Uariance betweene the lord chamber∣leine & ladie Elisabeths seruants.
• * 19.287

  Ladie Elisa∣beth denied the libertie of the tower.
• * 19.288

  Libertie gran¦ted to ladie Elisabeth to walke in a little garden.
• * 19.289

  Suspicious heads.
• * 19.290

  A yoong child examined for bringing flowers to the ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.291

  The conesta∣ble of y^e tower discharged of his office. Sir Henrie Benefield with his com∣panie, placed about the lady Elisabeth. Ladie Eli∣sabeth in great feare and doubt of life.
• * 19.292

  Ladie Elisa∣beth in doubt of sir Henrie Benefield.
• * 19.293

  Ladie Eliza∣beth remoued from the tower to Woodstocke. Ladie Eliza∣beth seclu••ed from hir ser∣uants.

  Ladie Eliza∣beth in des∣paire of hir selfe.
• * 19.294

  The ladie E∣lizabeths ••••her talketh with the lord of Tame.
• * 19.295

  The gentle heart of the lord of Tame to ladie Eli∣zabeth.
• * 19.296

  Tanquam ouis. i. Like a shéepe to the slaugh∣ter.
• * 19.297

  Ladie Eliza∣beth honoura∣blie receiued and beloued of the people.
• * 19.298

  The gentle interteinment of ladie Eliza∣beth at the lord of Tames house.
• * 19.299

  M. Benefield grudgeth at the gentle in∣terteinment of ladie Eliza∣beth.

  The rude and vngentle, ••••nlie beha∣uiour of sir Henrie Be∣nefield.
• * 19.300

  Ladie Eliza∣beth commeth to Woodstocke.
• * 19.301

  The strict watch kept at Woodstocke.
• * 19.302

  Ladie Eliza∣beth garded and warded for starting a∣waie.
• * 19.303

  A merie storie concerning the strict kée∣ping of the la∣die Elizabeth.
• * 19.304

  The strictnes of sir Henrie Benefield merilie noted.
• * 19.305

  The cruell dealing of sir Henrie Bene∣field to the ladie Eliza∣beth reproo∣ued.
• * 19.306

  The letters of the ladie Elizabeth sent to the quéene.
• * 19.307

  Doctor Owen and doctor Wendie quéen Maries phy∣sicians sent to the ladie Elizabeth.
• * 19.308

  The popish prelats repi∣ned against the ladie Elizabeth.
• * 19.309

  Ladie Eliza∣beth requested to submit hir selfe to the quéene.
• * 19.310

  Counsell of the papists to marrie the ladie Eliza∣beth to a Spaniard.
• * 19.311

  Wicked coun∣sell giuen of the Lord Pa∣get against the ladie Eliza∣beth.
• * 19.312

  Spaniards more fauoura∣ble to ladie Elizabeth than some Englishmen.
• * 19.313

  Ladie Eliza∣beth in dan∣ger of fire.
• * 19.314

  Ladie Elizabeth in danger of killing.
• * 19.315

  Another conspiracie of murther a∣gainst ladie Elizabeth.
• * 19.316

  Ladie Eliza∣beth preserued by the lords prouidence from execu∣tion in the tower.
• * 19.317

  Winchesters platforme ••uerthrowne: wherof read before pa. 1787
• * 19.318

  U••••ses writ∣ten vp ladie Elisabeth in the glas••e window.
• * 19.319

  Ladie Eli∣sabeth not suffered to come to the lord of Tames house.
• * 19.320

  Ladie Eli∣sabeth wish∣eth hir selfe to be a milke∣maid.
• * 19.321

  Ladie Eli∣sabeth remoo∣ued from Woodstocke to Hampton court.
• * 19.322

  Lord William Howard gen∣tle and fauou∣rable to ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.323

  Ladie Elisa∣beth requested by Winchester to submit hir selfe to the quéenes mer∣cie.

  Ladie Elisa∣beth standeth to be tried by the law.
• * 19.324

  Talke againe betweene Winchester & ladie Elisa∣beth.

  Ladie Elisa∣beth denied to confesse anie fault doone to the quéene.
• * 19.325

  Ladie Elisa∣beth sent for to the quéene. Ladie Elisa∣beth brought to the quéenes bedchamber.
• * 19.326

  Talke be∣twéene the quéene and ladie Elisa∣beth.
• * 19.327

  Small com∣fort at the quéenes hand toward hir si∣ster.
• * 19.328

  King Philip thought to be a friend to ladie Elisa∣beth.

  Ladie Elisa∣beth by Gods prouidence set at libertie. Sir Henrie Benefield discharged.
• * 19.329

  Mistresse Ashleie sent to the Fléet. Thrée gentle∣women of ladie Elisa∣beths sent to the tower. Note the woonderfull working of the Lords prouidence in sauing of ladie Elisabeth. Ladie Elisa∣beth deliuered by the death of Stephan Gardiner.
• * 19.330

  How the Lord here began to worke for ladie Elisa∣beth.
• * 19.331

  A note of a storie decla∣ring the ma∣lignant harts of the papists towards ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.332

  Rober Far∣rer of London a sore enimie to ladie Eli∣sabeth.
• * 19.333

  Laurence Shiriffe, sworne friend and seruant to ladie Elisa∣beth his mi∣stresse.
• * 19.334

  Robert Far∣rer raileth a∣gainst ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.335

  The part of a good trustie seruant.
• * 19.336

  Robert Far∣rer complai∣ned of to the commissio∣ners, but no redresse was had.
• * 19.337

  A knaue.
• * 19.338

  How bishop Boner and ••••••tor Storie bear with him that railed a∣gainst ladie Elisabeth.
• * 19.339

  Note the vn∣godlie life of these catho∣••••kes.
• * 19.340

  Ladie Elisa∣beth procla∣med quéene the same daie that quéene Marie died.
• * 19.341

  The Lord make Eng∣land thanke∣full to him for his great be∣nefits.
• * 19.342

  He meaneth his owne worke; not this volume or anie part thereof.
• * 19.343

  Nouemb 17. quéene Marie endeth.
• * 19.344

  Quéene Eli∣sabeth begin∣neth hir reigne.
• * 19.345

  The maner of quéene Ma∣ries death.
• * 19.346

  Q. Marie tooke thought for the losse of Calis.
• * 19.347

  Caleto.
• * 19.348

  More Eng∣lish bloud spil∣led in quéene Maries time, than euer was in anie kings reigne before hir.
• * 19.349

  The reigne of quéene Marie how vnpros∣perous it was both to hir & hir realme in all respects.
• * 19.350

  Quéene Ma∣rie neuer had good successe in anie thing she went a∣bout.
• * 19.351

  A good king alwaies ma∣keth a florish∣ing realme.
• * 19.352

  Comparison betweene the reigne of Q. Marie and quéene Eli∣sabeth.
• * 19.353

  Gamaliels reason. Acts. 5.
• * 19.354

  Quéene Ma∣rie prospered so long as she went not a∣gainst the Lord.
• * 19.355

  Q. Maries p••omise to the gospellers broken.
• * 19.356

  The ship cal∣led the great Harrie bur∣ned.
• * 19.357

  Q. Maries mariage with a stranger. Q. Marie disappointed of hir purpose in crowning k••ng Philip. Q. Marie stopped of hir will in resto∣ring abbeie lands.
• * 19.358

  The victorie of king Ed∣ward the sixt in Scotland.
• * 19.359

  The ill luck•• of Q. Marie in losing of Calis.
• * 19.360

  The eleuenth king from the conquest got Calis, and the eleuenth a∣gaine after him lost it.
• * 19.361

  The ill lucke of quéene Marie in hir childbirth.
• * 19.362

  Q. Marie le••t desolate of K. Philip hir husband.
• * 19.363

  The ill lucke of Q. Marie with hir hus∣band.
• * 19.364

  The finall ••nd and death of Q. Marie.
• * 19.365

  Q. Marie ••••••gned fiue ye••res & fiue ••••neths.

  The shortnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maries ••••gne noted.
• * 19.366

  E•• Simone S••••rdio de capto Calero, pag. 1968.
• * 19.367

  An admoniti∣on to all chri∣••••••an r••iers.
• * 19.368

  The death of ••••rdinall Poole.
• * 19.369

  The descrip∣tion of cardi∣nall Poole
• * 19.370

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fl. ex I. F. ••••rtyrologio.
• * 19.371

  Cardinall Poole earnest in burning the bones of the dead.
• * 20.1

  Articles of the cardinall to be inquired in his visita∣tion of Kent.
• * 20.2

  Articles of cardinal Poole to be inquired vpon touching the laitie.
• * 21.1

  Bishop Bo∣••ers letter to cardinall Poole, concer∣••ing the two ••nd twentie prisoners a∣foresaid.
• * 21.2

  Bishop Bo∣ners crueltie somewhat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the cardinall.
• * 21.3

  Cardinall Poole 〈◊〉〈◊〉 papist but no bloudie papist.
• * 21.4

  Cardinall Poole halfe suspected for a Lutheran at Rome.
• * 21.5

  Ab. Fl. ex concione Cut. Tunstalli ••oram Hen. 8.
• * 21.6

  Cardinall Poole an ar∣rant traitor.
• * 21.7

  Cardinall Poole a sedi∣tious fellow and an impu∣dent.
• * 21.8

  Cardinall Pooles trea∣sons detected by his owne brother.
• * 21.9

  Cardinall Poole no chri∣stian, but worse than a pagan.
• * 21.10

  Cardinall Pooles vn∣kindnesse to king Henrie that brought him vp.
• * 21.11

  Sée more thereof before pag. 1134.
• * 21.12

  A traitor he liued, a trai∣tor he died.
• * 21.13

  The distri∣bution of his goods.
• * 21.14

  Touching di∣lapidations.
• * 21.15

  He is desi∣rous that quéene Marie should haue knowledge of this his last will.
• * 21.16

  Sée pa. 865.
• * 21.17

  Sée pa. 1069.
• * 22.1

  Adrian the fourth pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rome. Will. Paruus lib. 2. cap. 26. Onuphrius. Matt. Parker. Ranulph Hig∣den.
• * 22.2

  Bosa. Matt. Parker. Onuphriu••.
• * 22.3

  Robert Cur∣son. Matt. Parker. Matt. Paris. Matt. West. Holinshed.
• * 22.4

  Stephan Langhton. Matt. Parker. Matt. Paris. Holinshed. Onuphrius.
• * 22.5

  Robert So∣mercot. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 22.6

  Anch••rus. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 22.7

  Robert de Kilwarbie. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parker. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 22.8

  Barnard de Anguiscelle. Matt. Parker.
• * 22.9

  Hugh Attrat. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 22.10

  Bernard. Matthew 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 22.11

  Leonard Guercine. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 22.12

  Walter Win∣terborne. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 22.13

  Thomas Iorze. Wal••ingham. Nic. Triuet. Matthew Parker. Onuphrius.
• * 22.14

  Simon Langham.
• * 22.15

  Iohn Thors∣bie. Holinshed and other authors.
• * 22.16

  Adam. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Holinshed.
• * 22.17

  Philip de Repindone. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.
• * 22.18

  Thomas. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Liber Dunel.
• * 22.19

  Robert. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.
• * 22.20

  Henrie Beaufort.
• * 22.21

  Iohn Staf∣ford. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.
• * 22.22

  Iohn Kempe. Holinshed. Polydor. Onuphrius.
• * 22.23

  Thomas Bourcher. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Holinshed. Polydor.
• * 22.24

  Iohn Mor∣ton. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Polydor. Holinshed.
• * 22.25

  Christopher Bembridge. Matthew Parker. Onuphrius.
• * 22.26

  Thomas Wolseie.
• * 22.27

  Iohn Fisher.
• * 22.28

  Reginald Poole.
• * 22.29

  Peter Peto.
• * 22.30

  Learned men in quéene Maries reigne.