Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE CONTEINING other 300. yeares from William Conquerour, to the tyme of Iohn Wickliffe, wherein is described the proude and misordered raigne of Antichrist, beginning to stirre in the Church of Christ. (Book 4)

* 1.1WILLIAM Duke of Normandie, surnamed Conqueror, base sonne of Duke Robert, the sixth Duke of Normandie, & nephew vnto king Edward: after the foresaid victorie against Harold & the Englishmen obtained, was receiued king ouer the Realme of Englande, not so much by the assent, as for feare and necessitie of time. For els the Lon∣diners had promised their assistance to Edgar Atheling to the vttermost of their power. But being weakened & wa∣sted so greatly in battailes before, and the Duke comming so fast vppon them, fearing not to make their partie good, submitted themselues. Whereupon the saide William (of a Duke made a King) was crowned vpon Christmas day the yeare of our Lorde 1067.* 1.2 by the handes of Aldredus Archb. of Yorke. Forsomuch as at that time Stigandus Archb. of Canterb. was absent, or els durst not, or woulde not come in the presence of the king.* 1.3 A litle before the com∣ming in of this Duke, a terrible blasing starre was seene, the space of 7. daies, which was the yere before. In record wherof, as well of the conquest of the Duke, as of the bla∣sing starre, these verses yet remaine.

Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus. Cum pereunt Angli, stella monstrante cometa.

Which king thus being crowned, did reigne ouer the realme of England the space of 21. yeres, and one moneth, with great seuerity & cruelnes, towarde the Englishmen, burdening them with great tribute and exactions, which was to pay of euery hide of grounde, containing 20. acres 6.* 1.4 shillings. By meane wherof certaine parties of the land rebelled, and specially the citie of Exceter. But at last Wil∣liam ouercame them,* 1.5 and wan the city and punished them grieuously. But for that & for other sterne deedes of Willi∣am, diuers of the Lordes departed to Scotland: wherfore he kept the other Lordes that taried the straiter, and exal∣ted the Normanes, geuing to them the chiefe possessions of the land. And for so much as he obteyned the kingdome by force and dent of sword, he chaunged the whole state of the gouernance of this common weale: and ordeined new lawes at his owne pleasure, profitable to himself, but gre∣uous & hurtful to the people: abolishing the lawes of king Edward. Wherunto notw^tstanding he was sworn before, to obserue & maintaine. For the which great commotions and rebellions remained long after among the people, as hystories record: to haue the sayd lawes of king Edwarde reuiued againe.

Ouer and besides this, he builded 4. strong castles, 2. at Yorke, one at Notingham, another at Lincolne, which garrisons he furnished with Normanes.

About the third yere of his reigne, Harold & Canutus sonnes of Suanus, King of Denmarke, entered into the North countrey. The Normanes wythin Yorke fearing that the Englishmen woulde aide the Danes, fired the su∣burbes of the towne▪ wherof the flame was so big, and the winde so strong,* 1.6 that it tooke into the city, and brent a great part therof, with the minster of S. Peter. Where no doubt many worthy workes and Monuments of bookes were consumed. In the time whereof, the Danes by fauour of some of the citizens entred the citie, and slew more then iii▪ M. of the Normanes. But not long after King William chased them out and droue them to the ships, & tooke suche displeasure with the inhabitaūtes of that countrey, that he destroied the land from Yorke to Durham so that 9. yeres after, the prouince lay wast and vnina••••red, onely except S. Iohns land of Beuerley, & the people theroft so strait∣ly being kept in penurye by the warre of the king, that (as our English storie sayeth) they eate rats, cats, and dogs, and other vermine.

Also in the fourth yeare of this king, Malcolyn king of Scots,* 1.7 entred into Northumberland & destroyed the coū∣trey, & slew there much of the people both of men, women and children after a lamentable sorte, and tooke some priso∣ners. But within 2. yeares after, king William made such warre vpon the Scottes, that he forced Malcolyn theyr king to doe him homage.

And thus much concerning the outwarde calamities of this Realme, vnder this forreine Conquerour. Whych is nowe the fifth time that the sayd land, with the inhabi∣taunce thereof hath bene scourged by the hande of God. First by the Romaines in the time of Iulius Cesar. Then by the Scottes and Pictes (as hath bene shewed) after∣warde by the Saxons. Againe, the Saxons or English∣men did not enioy the possession of Britain with long qui∣ete, but were brought in as much subiection themselues vnder the Danes, as they had brought the Britaines be∣fore (and that muche more) in so muche that throughe all England, if an Englishe man had mette a Dane vppon a bridge, he might not stirre one foote, before the Lord Dane (otherwise Lurdane) were past. And then if the Englishe man had not geuen lowe reuerence to the Dane, at hys comming by, he ••as sure to be sharpely punished (wyth more) as aboue hath bene declared. And this subiection almoste continued from the reigne of Kinge Ethelwolfus 230. yeares, till the reigne of king Edwarde. And yet the indignation of God thus ceased not: but stirred vp y^e Nor∣mandes against them, who Conquered and altered the whole Realme after their owne purpose, in somuche that besides the innouation of the lawes, coignes, and possessi∣ons: there was in no Church of England almoste anye English bishop,* 1.8 but only Normands & forreiners placed through all their Dioces. To suche miserie was this lande then brought vnto, that not onely of all the English nobi∣litie not one house was standing: but also it was thought reprochfull to be called an English man. This punishmēt of God against the English nation, writers do assigne bi∣uersly to diuers causes (as partly before is touched) of whō some assigne this to be cause, as foloweth in the wordes of the storie: In primitiua Angliae Ecclesia religio clarissimè splen∣duit,* 1.9 ita vt Reges & Reginae, Duces & Episcopi, vel Monachatū, vel exilium pro Dei amore appeterent: processu verò temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit, vt gentem nullam proditione & nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent.* 1.10 &c. The meanyng whereof is, that whereas Kings and Queenes, Dukes, and Prelates in the primitiue time of the English church, were ready for Religion, to forsake either liberty or coun∣trey, and giue themselues to a solitarie life: In processe of time they grew to such dissolutenes, that they left no other realme like vnto them in iniquity.* 1.11 &c. Again some writing of the vision of king Edward a litle before the inuasion of the Normāds: testify, how the king reporting of his owne vision, should heare, that for the great enormitye and mis∣behauior of the heade Dukes, Bishops, and Abbats of the realme: the kingdome should be geuen to the hand of their enemies, after the decease of him, for the space of a C. yeres, and one day. Which space was also seene by William con∣querour, to be a hundreth yeres & fiftie: and that his pro∣genie so long should continue.* 1.12 Againe, some wryters en∣treating of this so great wrath of God vpon the Englishe people, declare the cause therof, as foloweth. Nam ficut An∣gl, Britones, quds Deus disterminate proposuerat (peccatis suis exigentibus) humiliuerant, & a term Angliae minus iniustè fuga∣uerant: sic ipsi duplici persecutione. &c. Like as the Eng∣lishmen did subdue the Britons (whom God proposed, for theyr deseruings, to exterminate) and them vniustly did dispossesse of their land: so they should likewise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution, first by y^e Danes and after by the Normanes. &c. Moreouer to these iniu∣ries and iniqnities done, and wrought by the English men

hetherto recited, let vs adde also the cruell villanie of this nation,* 1.13 in murdering and tything of the innocent Nor∣mans before: who comming as straungers wyth Alfrede the lawfull heire of the Crowne, were despitefully put to death. Which seemeth to me no little cause, why the Lorde (whose doings be alwaies iust & right) did suffer the Nor∣mans so to preuaile. By the cōming in of the which Nor∣mans,* 1.14 and by their quarel vnto the Realme, iii. things we may note & learne. First to consider and learne the righte∣ous retribution, and wrath of God from heauen, vpon all iniquitie and vnrighteous dealing of men. Secondly, we may thereby note, what it is for Princes to leaue no issue or sure succession behinde them. Thirdly, what daungers often do chaunce to Realmes publiquely by foreine mari∣age with other Princes. &c.

In the same fourth yeare of this king, betwene Easter and Whitsontide, was holden a solemne councell at Win∣chester of y^t clergy of England.* 1.15 At the which counsell were present two Cardinals, sent from Pope Alexander 2. Pe∣ter, & Iohn. In this counsell the king being there himselfe present,* 1.16 were deposed diuers bishops, Abbots, and priors (by the meanes of the king) w^tout any euident cause: to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the Church as he had preferred his knightes before to y^e rule of the tēporaltie, therby to stand in more surety of the land. Amongest whō also Stigandus Archb. of Cant. was put downe,* 1.17 for 3. causes against him pretended.

The first was, for that he had holden wrongfully that byshoprike, while Robert the Archbishop (aboue mētio∣ned, pag. 156.) was liuing.

The seconde was, for that he had receiued the palle of Benedict byshop of Rome the fifth of that name. Whyche Benedict, for buying his Popedome, had bene deposed, as is shewed before.

The thirde cause, for that he occupied the said palle w^t∣out license and lawfull autoritie of the court of Rome.

Then Stigandus wel proued the beneuolence of king William.* 1.18 For where before the king seemed in frendly coū∣tenance to make much of him, and did vnto him great re∣uerence: then he chaunged all his mildenes into sternes, & excused himselfe by y^e bishops of Romes autority: So that in the ende, Stigandus was depriued of his dignitie, and kept in Winchester,* 1.19 as a prisoner during his life. This Stigandus is noted for a man so couetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of his owne, and swea∣ring that he had not a penie, yet by a key fastned about his necke, was found great treasours of his vnder the groūd.

At the same time was preferred to the Archbishoprike of Yorke,* 1.20 Thomas a Normand, and Chanon of Baion.

At which time also Lanfrancus Abbot of Cadomo∣nencie (a Lumbard, and Italian borne) was sent for, and made Archbyshop of Cant. betweene which two Archby∣shops about their cōsecration, first began a contention, for geuing & taking the othe of obedience, but that contention was at that time appeased by the king. And Thomas con∣tented to subscribe to the Archbishop of Cant. obedience.

After this it followed within short space, that the sayde Lanfrancus and Thomas Archbyshop of Yorke,* 1.21 who first builded the minster of Yorke, & gaue possessions ther∣unto: came to Rome with Remigius Byshop of Dorce∣ster, for their palles, as the maner was: without which, no Archbishop nor bishop could be cōfirmed, although their election were neuer so lawfull.* 1.22 This palle must be asked no where but of the Pope or his assignes, and that wythin 3. monethes: also it must be asked not faintly but mighte∣ly: Dist. C cap. prisca.* 1.23 Which, as it was a chargeable thing to other nations (especially suche as were far from Rome) so it was no small gaine to the Romish sea, so as they did order it: for although at the beginning the palle was geuē without money,* 1.24 according to the decree. Dist. C. or for litle, as percase in this time of Lanfrank: yet in processe of yeres it grew to such excesse, that where the bishoprik of Mentz was wonte to geue to Rome but x. M. Florences: after∣ward it arose so, that he that asked to haue his confirmati∣on, coulde not obtaine it, without xx. M. And from thence it exceded to xxv. M. and at length to xxvii. M. Florences•• which summe Iacobus Archbyshop of Mentz was prest to paie,* 1.25 a little before the councell of Basill: in so much that the sayde Iacobus, at his departing (which was wythin foure yeares after) sayde, that his death did not so muche grieue hym, as to remember hys poore subiectes, whyche shuld be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for the Popes palle.* 1.26 Nowe by this what did rise to the Pope in whole Germanie, containing in it aboue 50. By shopprickes, it may be easely coniectured. Lanfrancus thus comming to Rome, with the other two Byshops: he for the estimation of his learning, obtained of Alexander two palles, one of honour, the other of loue. Item, he obtained for the other two Bishops also their confirmation. At which time, they being there present before Alexander: the controuersie be∣gan first to be mooued (or rather renewed) for the primacie betwixt the two metropolitanes, that is betwixt the arch∣bishop of Canterburie, and Archbishop of York, whether of them shoulde haue preeminence aboue the other: for Canterburie chalenged to himselfe preroragatiue and the primacie, ouer whole Britanie, and Irelande: the whiche contention continued a long season, betwixt these ii. chur∣ches, and was often renued in the daies of diuers kinges after this: as in the reigne of Henrie the firste, betwixte Thurstinus of Yorke, and Radolphus of Canterburie. And againe in the 27. yeare of the sayd king, at his seconde coronation: for Radolphus woulde not suffer the first co∣ronation to stande, because it was done by the Byshop of Yorke, without his assent. Also in the reigne of Henry the second, where Alexander Pope made a letter decretall be∣twixt these ii. Metropolitanes, for bearing the crosse. An. M. Clix. Also an other time, in the raigne of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canterburie, and Roger of Yorke: a∣gaine about the yere of the Lord. M. Cixx. when Thomas Becket, hearing the king to be crowned of Roger byshop of Yorke: complained thereof grieuously to Pope Alexan∣der the third. Item an other time. An. M. Cixxvi. betwixt Richard, and the sayde Roger, whether of them should sit on the right hande of Cardinall Hugo, in his Councell at London. Moreouer, in the beginning of the reign of king Richard, An. M. Cxc. betwixt Baldwinus of Canterbu∣rie, and Godfridus of Yorke. &c.

Now to procede in the story hereof. After this question was brought as is said, to the Popes presence (he not dis∣posed to decide the matter) sent them home vnto Englād, there to haue their cause determined. Wherupon they spe∣ding thēselues frō Rome, to Englād an. M. lxx. and the 6. yeare (as is sayd) of this William: brought the matter be∣fore the king and the clergy, at Windsore. Whereas Lanc∣frank first alledging for himselfe, brought in, from the time of Austen, to y^e time of Bede (which was about 140. yeres) how that the Byshop of Cant. had euer the primacie ouer the whole land of Britaine, and Ireland: how he kept his Coūcels diuers times within the precincts of Yorke: how he did call and cite the Byshops of Yorke thereto: whereof some he did constitute, some he did excōmunicat, & some he did remoue: besides also he alledged diuers priuileges grā¦ted by princes and prelates to the primacie of that sea. &c.

To this Thomas Archbish. of Yorke replieth againe, and first beginning with the first originall of the Britains Church, declareth in order of time, how the Britanes. &c.

¶ The Britaines first possessioners of this kingdome of Britaine, which endured from Brutus & Cadwalader 2076. yeares vnder an hundreth and ii. Kynges, at length receaued the Christian faith. Anno. Clxii. in the tyme of Lucius their king.* 1.27 Eleutherius Byshop of Rome, sent Faganus and Damanus, preachers vnto them, at which time after theyr conuersion, they assigned and ordeined in the Realme 28. Byshops, with two Archbishops Theo∣nus the Archbyshop of London, and Theodoceus Arch∣bishop of Yorke. Under those Byshops and Archbishops the church of Britaine was gouerned, after their conuer∣sion, almost. 300. yeares, till at length the Saxons being then infidels, with Hengistus their king, subdued y^e Bri∣tans by fraudulēt murder, and inuaded their land: which was about the yere of the Lorde. 440. After this the Bri∣tans being driuen into Cambria (which we now cal wa∣les) the Saxons ouerrunning the land,* 1.28 deuided thēselues into 7. kingdomes. And so being infidels and Paganes, cōtinued, til the time that Gregory Byshop of Rome, sent Augustinus, to preach vnto them: which Austen comming first to Douer, being then the head Citie of Kent,* 1.29 called in Latine Dorobernia, and there planting himselfe, conuerted first the king of Kent, called Edilbertus: who had thē sub∣dued certaine other kings vnto Hūber. By reason wher∣of Augustine was made Archbishop of Douer, by the ap∣poyntment of Gregorius, who sent him certaine Palles, with his letter from Rome, which before is expressed,* 1.30 pa. 158. Which letter being recited, then Thomas exposiding vpon the same, beginneth to declare for himselfe, howe the meaning of Gregory in this letter, was to reduce the new Church of Saxons, or Englishmen, to the order that was in the old time among the Britanes: that is, to be vnder 2. Metropolitanes, one of London, the other of York: for so the Church was ordered in the tune of the Britanes, as is before declared. Notw^tstanding, he geueth to Austen thys prerogatiue during his life time, to haue authoritie & iu∣risdiction, not onely ouer his 12. Byshoppes, but vpon all other Bishops and Priests in England. And after his de∣cease,

then these 2. metropolitanes, London and Yorke, to ouersee the whole Clergie, as in times past, amongest the Britaines: whō he ioyneth together after the death of Au∣gustine, to constitute Bishops, and to ouersee the Church. And that he so meaneth, London to be equall in authority with Yorke, it appeareth by 4. argumentes: First, that he wil London to be consecrate by no Bishop, but of his own Sinode. Secondly, in that he willeth no distinction of ho∣nor to be betwixt London and Yorke, but according only, to that as eche of them is elder in time. Thirdly for that he matcheth these two together in common coūsell, and with one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things, as they shall consult vpō in the zeale of Christ Iesus: and that in such sort, that one should not dissent nor discorde from the other. What meaneth thys, but that they should gouerne together, whome he woulde not to dissent together? Fourthly, where he wryteth, that the bishop of Yorke should not be subiect to the bishop of London: what meaneth this, but that the Bishop of London should be e∣quiualent with the Metropolitane of Yorke, or rather su∣periour vnto him?

And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory, to be in the foresaid letter.* 1.31 To whom Lanc••rancus, again aun∣swereth, that he was not the Byshop of London, and that the question pertained not to London. Thomas replieth, hauing on his part many fautours, y^t this priuiledge was graūted, by Gregory, to Augustine alone, to haue al other Byshops subiect to him: but after his discease, there should be equalitie of honor, betwixt London, and York, without all distinction of pryoritie saue the onely prioritie of time shuld make superiority betwene them. And although Au∣gustin translated the seat from London to Kent, yet Gre∣gory, if his mind had bene, to geue the same prerogatiue to the successors of Austen (which he gaue to him) would ex∣presly haue vttered it in the words of his Epistle,* 1.32 writing thus to Austen. That which I geue to thee Austen, I geue also and graunt to al thy successors after thee. But in that, he maketh heere no mention of his successors, it appeareth thereby, that it was not his minde so to do.

To this Lancfrancus argueth again. If this authori∣ty had bene geuen to Austen alone,* 1.33 & not to his successors, it had bene but a smal gift, proceeding from the Apostolike seate, to his speciall and familiar freno: especially seeing al∣so that Austen, in all his life, did constitute no Byshop of Yorke, neither was there any such Bishop to be subiect to him.* 1.34 Againe we haue Priuileges from the Apostolike sea, which confirme this dignitie in the successors of Austen, in the same seat of Douer. Moreouer, all Englishmen thinke it, both right and reason, to fetch the directiō of wel liuing, from that place, where first they tooke the sparkle of right beleuing. Farther, where as you say, that Gregory might haue confirmed with plaine wordes, the same thing, to the successours of Austen, which he gaue vnto him: all that I graunt: yet notwithstanding, this is nothing preiudiciall to the fear of Canterburie. For, if you know your Logike, that which is true in the whole, is also true in the parte: And what is true in the more,* 1.35 is also true in the les. Now the Church of Rome is, as the whole, to whome all other Churches be as partes thereof. And as Homo. i. mankinde is Genus i. the general, in a certaine respect to al his Indiui∣dua. i. to all particular persons, and yet in euery particular person lieth the propertie of the generall: so in like maner, the sea of Rome, in a certain respect, is the general and the whole, to other churches, & yet in euery particular church is contained the whole fulnes of the whole christian faith. That Church of Rome is greater then all Churches, that which is wrought in it, ought to worke in the lesse Chur∣ches also: so that the authority of euery chiefe head of the church, ought to stand also in thē, y^t do succede: vnles there be any precise exceptiō made by name.* 1.36 Wherfore, like as y^t Lord said, to al bishops of Rome, the same thing, which he said to Peter: so Gregory in like maner said to all the suc∣cessors of Austen that which he said to Austen. So thus I conclude, likewise as the bishop of Canterburie is subiect to Rome, because hee had his Faith from thence, so Yorke ought to be in subiection to Cant. which sent the first prea∣chers thether. Now, where as you alledge, that Gregorie would Austen to be resident at Lōdon: that is vtterly vn∣certaine. For how is it to be thought that suche a Disciple, wold do contrary to the mind of such a master? But graūt, as you say, that Austen remoued to London: what is that to me, which am not bishop of London? Notwithstāding, all this cōtrouersy ceasing betwixt vs, if it shal please you, to come to some peaceable composition with me (all con∣tention set apart) you shall finde me not out of the way, so farre as reason and equitie shall extend.

With these reasons of Lancfranke, Thomas gaue ouer, condescending that the first of his prouince shoulde begin at Number.

Whereupon it was then decreed,* 1.37 that Yorke from that time, should be subiect to Caunterbury, in all matters ap∣perteining to the rites & regiment of the catholike church: So that wheresoeuer within Englād, Canterbury shuld or would hold his Councel, the Byshop of Yorke shoulde resort thether, with his Byshops, and be obedient to hy•• decrees canonicall.

Prouided moreouer, that when the bishop of Canter∣bury should decease, Yorke should repair to Douer, there to consecrate with other, the Byshop that shoulde be elect. And if Yorke should decease, his successor should resorte to Cāterbury, or els, where the byshop of Cāterbury should appoint, there to receiue his cōsecration, making his pro∣fession there w^t an othe of Canonicall obedience. Thomas being content w^tall, Lancfrancus the Italian triumpheth with no small ioy: and putte••h the matter forthw^t in wry∣ting, that the memory therof might remain to the posteri∣ty of his successors. But yet that decree did not long stand. For shortly after, the same scar so superficially cured, brast out againe. In somuch y^t in the reigne of king Henrie the first. An. Domini 1121. Thurstinus Archbyshop of Yorke could not be cōpelled to sweare to the Archbishop of Can∣terbury: and yet notwithstanding, by the letters of Calix∣tus 2. was consecrate without any profession made to the sayde Byshop, wyth much more matter of contention: all which to recite it were too long. But this I thought to commit to historie, to the intent men might see the lamen∣table decay of true Christianitie amongest Christen By∣shops: who inflamed with glorious ambition, so conten∣ded for honor, that without mere forcemēt of law, no mo∣destie could take place.

Of such like contentions among Prelates of the Cler∣gie, for superioritie, we read of diuers in olde Chronicles: as in the history intituled Chronicon Hirsseldense, where is declared a bloudy conflict, which twise hapned in y^e church of Boslaria, betwene Hecelon bishop of Hildesheime, and Wederatus bishop of Fulda: and all for the superior place, who should fit next to the Emperour, the Emperour hym selfe being there present, and looking on them, and yet not able to stay them.

Thus I haue described the troublous contention be∣twene Lancfrancus, & Thomas Metropolitane of Yorke in the daies of Alexander, of which controuersie and of the whole discourse thereof: Lanfrancus writeth to Pope A∣lexander beginning thus.

Domino totius Christianae religionis summo speculatori A∣lex. Papae. Lancfrancus sanctae Dorobernensis Ecclesiae antistes, debitam cum omni seruitute obedientiam.* 1.38 In concilio quod An∣gliae per vestram autoritatem coactum est, vbi querelae Thomae Archiepiscopi prolatae & ventilatae sunt, allata est Ecclesiastica gétis Anglorum historia, quam Eboracensis Ecclesiae praesbyter, & Anglorum Doctor Beda composuit: and so foorth in a ••ong processe of wordes which followe. Among whiche in the middle of the epistle, speaking of Douer and Canterbury, he hath these words. Vrbs namque, quae nunc Cātuarberia no∣minatur, antiquis temporibus, ab ipsius terrae incolis Dorobernia vocabatur, &c. with many other wordes in the said Epistle, which for breuitie here I ouerpasse.

In the story before of king Egelrede, was declared a∣bout the yeare of our Lord.* 1.39 M. xvi. how the Bishoprik of Lindaffarne otherwise named holy lande, in the floude of Twede, was translated to Durham: so likewise in the dayes of this Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant. Anno M. lxxvi. diuers Bishops seates, were altered and remooued from towneships to greater Cities. As the Byshoprike of Selese was remooued to Chichester, out of Cornewall to Exeter, from Welles to Bathe: from Shyreburne to Salesbury: from Dorcester to Lincolne, from Lichfield to Chester: which Byshoppricke of Chester, Robert being then Byshop reduced from Chester to Couentrie. Like∣wise after that in the raigne of William Rufus. An. 1095. Herbert Bishop of Thetford, from thence reduced the fear to Norwige. &c.

As concerning Douer and Caunterbury, whether the sea, was likewise translated frō the towne of Douer to the City of Cant. in the time of Theodorns: or whether Can∣terbury by old time had the name of Dorobernia (as y^e let∣ter of Lancfrancus to Pope Alexander, aboue mentioned, doth pretend) I finde it not in histories expressely defined. Saue that I read by y^e words of William bring yet Duke of Normandie, charging then Harolde to make a welle of water for the kings vse in the Castel of Dorobernia: that the said Dorobernia then was taken for that which nowe we call Douer: but whether Dorobernia and the Citie of Cant, be both one or diuers, the matter is not great. Not∣withstanding

this I read in the epistle of Pope Bonifaci∣us to king Ethelbert,* 1.40 as also to Iustinus Archbish. Item in the epistle of pope Honorius, to bishop Honorius. Itē, of Pope Uitalianus, to Theodorus: of Pope Sergius to king Ethelred, Alfred, and Adulphus, and to the Bishops of england. Likewise of pope Gregory the 3. to y^e Bishops of England. Item of Pope Leo to Atherlard Archbyshop of Cant. Of Formosus to the bishops of England: and of Pope Iohn to Dunstane, that the name of Dorobernia & of Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter.

In this time (and by the procuring of this Lancfran∣cus) the 9.* 1.41 yere of this king: a councel was holden at Lon∣don, where among the actes thereof, these were the princi∣pall things concluded.

• 1. For the order of sitting: that the Archbishop of Yorke should sit on the right hand, and the Byshop of London of the left hand: or in the absence of Yorke, London shoulde haue the right, and Winchester the left hand of the Archby∣shop of Cant. sitting in counsell.
• 2. The seconde, that Bishops shoulde translate their sees from villages into cities: whereupon those sees aboue na∣med were translated.
• 3. That Monkes should haue nothing in proper. And if any so had, he dying vnconfessed, shoulde not be buried in the Churchyard.
• 4. That no Clerke or Monke of an other diocesse, should be admitted to orders, or retained without letters cōmen∣datorie or testimoniall.
• 5. That none should speake in the Coūcel except bishops and Abbots, without leaue of the Archmetropolitanes.
• 6. That none should marry within the 7. degree, with a∣ny either of his owne kinred, or of his wiues departed.
• 7. That none shoulde either buy or sell any office wythin the Church.
• 8. That no sorcerie nor any diuination, should be vsed or permitted in holy Church.
• 9. That no bishop nor abbot, nor any of the clergy: should be at the iudgement of any mans death or dismembring, neither should be any fautor of the sayd iudicantes.

* 1.42Moreouer, in the dayes of this Lancfrancus, diuers good bishops of the realme, began to take part with priests against the monkes, in displacing these out of their Chur∣ches, and to restore the maried Priests againe: in so much that walkelmus bishop of wint. had placed aboue 4.0. ca∣nons in stede of monkes for his part: but this godly enter∣prise was stopped by stout Lancfrancke the Italian Lom∣bard. This lustie Prelate sate 19. yeares, but at latter end, he was not so fauored of William Rufus, and ••••ed for sor∣rowe. Although this Italian Franke being A••••hbishop: had litle leisure to write, yet something he thought to doe, to set out his famous learning, and wrote a Booke against Berengarius,* 1.43 intituling it: Opus Scintillarum. The olde church of Cant. he plucked downe & builded vp the new.

After the death of Pope Alexander aboue mentioned, next to him folowed Hildebrād surnamed Gregory the 7. This Hildebrand as he was a sorcerer,* 1.44 so was he the first and principal cause of all this perturbation that is nowe & hath bene, since his time in the Church: by reason that through his example, all this ambition, stoutnes & pride, entred first into the church of Rome,* 1.45 & hath euer since con∣tinued. For before Hildebrandus came to Rome, working there his feares: setting vp and displacing what Byshops he lifted: corrupting them with pernicious counsell, and setting them against Emperors: vnder pretence of chasti∣tie destroying matrimonie: and vnder the title of libertie, breaking peace and resisting authoritie: before this (I say) the church of Rome was in some order, & bishops quietly gouerned vnder christen Emperors, and also were defen∣ded by the same. As Marcellus, Meltiades, and Siluester were subdued, and vnder obedience to Constantinus. an. 340.* 1.46 Syricus to Theodosius. Anno. 388. Gregorius to Mauritius. An. 600. Hilarius to Iustinian. An. 528. A∣drianus and Leo to Carolus Magnus: An. 801. Pascha∣lis and Ualentius to Ludouicus Pius. an. 830. Sergius 29. vnto Lotharius. An. 840. Benedictus the 3. and Io∣annes the 9. vnto Ludouicus sonne of Lotharius. an. 856. But against this obedience and subiection Hildebrād first began to spurne, and by his example taught all other Bi∣shops to do the like.

In somuch, that at length they wrought and brought to passe, to be lawful for a fewe curtisans & Cardinals (cō∣trary to auncient ordinance and statutes decretal) to chuse what Pope they list, without any consent of the Emperor at all. And where as before it stoode in the Emperors gift, to geue and graunt Byshoprikes, Archbishoprikes, bene∣fices and other Ecclesiasticall prefermentes within theyr owne limites,* 1.47 to whom they lift: now the Popes through much wrastling, warres, and contention, haue extorted al that into their owne hāds, and to their assignes: yea, haue pluckt in,* 1.48 all the riches & power of the whole worlde. And not cōtent with that, haue vsurped and preuailed so much aboue Emperors: that, (as before) no Pope might be cho∣sen w^tout the cōfirmation of the Emperor: so now no Em∣peror may be elected w^tout the confirmation of the Pope, taking vpon them more then Princes, to place or displace Emperours at their pleasure, for euery light cause: to put downe, or to set vp when, & whom they lifted: as Frideri∣cus Primus, for holding the left stirrup of the popes sadel, was persecuted almoste to excommunication.* 1.49 The which cause moueth me to straine more diligence here, in setting out the history, actes, and doings of this Hildebrand: from whom, as the first patron and founder, sprang al this am∣bition & contention, about the liberties & dominion of the Romane church: to the intent, that such as cānot read the Latine histories, may vnderstand in English, the original of euils: howe, and by what occasion they first began, and how long they haue continued.

And first howe this Hildebrand hetherto had behaued himselfe before he was Pope, I haue partly declared. For though he was not yet Pope in name, yet he was there Pope in deede, & ruled the Pope and all their doinges, as him listed. Item what waies and fetches he had attemp∣ted euer since his first comming to the Courte of Rome, to magnifie and maintaine false libertie, against true autho∣ritie: what practise he wrought by Coūcels, what factions and conspiracies he made, in stirring vp Popes against Emperours, striuing for superioritie: and what warres followed therof, I haue also expressed. Now let vs see fur∣ther (by the helpe of Christe) the worthy vertues of this princely prelate,* 1.50 after he came to be Pope, as they remaine in histories of diuers and sondry writers described.

The tragicall historie of Gregorie the vij. otherwise named Hildebrand.

THe words of the latine historie be these:* 1.51 Hactenus ponti∣fices Rom. comitijs curiatis, calatis, a sacerdotibus, equitatu, plebe, Senatu. &c. In English: Hetherto the Byshoppes of Rome haue bene elected by voyces, and suffrages, of all sortes and degrees, as well of the Priests and the Clergy, as of the nobilitie, people, and Senate, all conuenting and assembling together. And this election so I finde to stande in force, if so be it were ratified and confirmed, by the con∣sent of Romane Emperors: who had authoritie to call and to assemble all these, as well, as Byshops together, vnto councels,* 1.52 as case required. Under the authoritie and iuris∣diction of these Emperours, were contained both in Ger∣many, Fraunce, Italy, and through the whole dominion of Rome, all Patriarches, Bishops, masters of Churches and Monasteries, by the decree of Councels, according to the olde custome of our aunceters, as is declared in a cer∣taine storie, in the life of Carolus Magnus. The holy and auncient fathers (like as Christ our Lorde with his disci∣ples and Apostles both taught and did) honoured and e∣steemed their Emperours, as the supreame potestate next vnder God in earth, set vp, ordained, elected and crowned of God, aboue all other mortall men, and so counted them, and called them their Lords.* 1.53 To them they yelded tribute, and paide their subsidies. Also prayed euery day for their life. Such as rebelled against them, they tooke as rebelles and resisters against God his ordinance, and christian pie∣tie. The name of the Emperor then was of great maiestie, and receiued as geuen from God. Then these fathers of the Church neuer intermedled,* 1.54 nor intangled themselues with politike affaires of the common weale: muche lesse they occupied Martiall armes, and matters of cheualrie. Onely in pouertie and modestie, was all their contention with other Christians, who shoulde be poorest, and most modest amōgst them. And the more humblenes appeared in any, the higher opiniō they cōceiued of him. The sharpe and two edged sworde they tooke, geuen to the Churche of Christ, to saue, and not to kill: to quicken, & not to destroy: and called it the sworde of the spirite, which is the word of God, the life and light of men, and reuoketh from death to life, making of men, Gods: of mortall, immortall. Farre were they from that, to thrust out any Prince or Kyng (though he were neuer so farre out of the way, yea an Ar∣rian) from his kingdome: or to curse him, to release hys subiects from their oth and their allegeance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subuert empires, to pollute them∣selues with Christen bloude, or to warre with their Chri∣stian brethren for rule & principalitie. This was not their spirite & maner then, but rather they loued & obeyed their Princes. Again Princes loued them also, like fathers and fellow princes with them of the soules of men. Now this

Gregorius the seuenth, otherwise named Hildebrandus, trusting vpon the Normains which then rufled about A∣pusia,* 1.55 Calabria, and Campania, trusting also vpon the power of Machtilda, a stout woman thereabout Rome, & partly again, bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germains: first of all other (contrary to the maner of elders) contemning the authoritie of the emperour, inua∣ded the Cathedrall sea of Rome, vauncing himselfe as ha∣uing both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword committed to him by Christ, & that fulnes of power was in his hande to bind and loose what so he listed. Wherupon thus he pre∣sumed to occupy both the regiments, to chalenge all the whole dominion, both of the East & West church, yea and all power to himself alone, abiding none to be equal, much lesse superior to him, derogating from other, and arroga∣ting to himselfe their due right and honor, setting at light Cesars, kings, and Emperours, and who raigned but by his owne godamercy? Bishops and Prelates as his vn∣derlings, he kept in awe: suspending and cursing, & chop∣ping of their heads, stirring vp strife and warres, sowyng of discord, making factions, releasing othes, defeating fi∣delitie and due allegeance of subiects to their princes. Yea and if he had offended or iniured the Emperour himselfe, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he himselfe glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not erre, and had receiued of Christ our sauiour,* 1.56 and of Peter, authori∣tie to bynd and vnbind at his will and pleasure. Priestes thē in those daies had wiues openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary) as appeareth by the deede and writings of their chapter seales & donations, which were geuen to temples and monasteries, wherein their wyues also be cited with them for witnes, and were called praesbi∣terissae. Also for Bishops, Prelates, Persons of Churches, gouernors of the Clergy, maisters of monasteries, & reli∣gious houses, all these were then in those times in the em∣perors ordination, to assigne by voice or consent to whom he would. Now these two things Gregorius this Pope could not abide.* 1.57 For the which two causes onely, was all his striuing and driuing from his first beginning, to abo∣lish the mariage of Priests, and to translate the authoritie Imperiall to the Clergy. For to this scope only tended all his labour, practises and deuises, as appeared before in the councell of Lateran, vnder Pope Nicolas, and also in the councell of Mantua, vnder Alexander, making their ma∣riage heresie, and the other to be simonie. And that which before he went about by other, now he practiseth by hym∣self to condemne ministers that were maried,* 1.58 for Nicolai∣tans, and to receiue any spirituall regiment of secular per∣sons for simonie. Directing forth his letters vpō the same to Henricus the Emperour, to Dukes, Princes, Pote∣states, Tetrarkes: namely, to Berchtoldus, to Rodul∣phus of Sweuia, to Whelpho, Adalberon, & their wines. Item, to bishops, Archbishops, to Priests, and to all the people, in the which letters he denounceth them to bee no priests, so many as were maried, forbidding men to salute them, to talke, to eate, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey thē, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other, he directed special letters to Ottho bi∣shop of Constance, concerning this matter. But Ottho perceinyng the vngodlye and vnreasonable pretence of Hildebrand,* 1.59 would neyther seperate them that were ma∣ried from their wyues, nor yet forbid thē to marrie, which were vnmaried, &c.

The copy of the letter of Hildebrand, sent to the bishop of Constance against priests mariages.

GRegorius bishop, seruaunt of seruants of God, to the Clergie and laitie, both more and lesse within the Dioces of Constan∣cie, salutation and benediction. We haue directed to our brother Ottho your bishop, our letters exhortatory: wherin we enioined him, according to the necessitie of our duetie, by the authoritie Apostolicall, that he should vtterly abolish out of his Church the heresie of simonie, and also should cause with all diligence to bee preached the chastitie of priests. But he neither moued with reue∣rence of S. Peters precept, nor yet with the regard of his duty, ne∣glected to do these things, whereunto we so fatherly haue exhor∣ted him, incurring thereby a double offence, not onely of disobe∣dience, but also of rebellion, in that he hath gone and done cleane contrary to our commaundement (yea rather the commaunde∣ment of blessed S Peter) so that he hath permitted his clergy not onely such as had wiues,* 2.1 not to put them away, but also such as had none, to take vnto them. Whereupon, we beyng truely infor∣med thereof, and agrieued therewith, haue directed to him an o∣ther letter, declaring the motion of our displeasure and indigna∣tion. In which letters also we haue cited him vp to our Councell at Rome, there to appeare and geue account of his disobedience, in the audience of the whole Synode. And nowe therefore we thought it best to signifie this to you (our deare children) where∣by in this behalfe we might the better prouide for your health & saluation. For if your bishop shall continue so obstinately to re∣pugne aud resist against our commaundement, he is not meete to sit ouer you, &c. Wherfore these shall be to commaund you, & all them that be obedient to God,* 2.2 and to blessed S. Peter, by our A∣postolicall authoritie, that if this your Bishop shall persist in his obstinacie, you that be his subiects, hereafter geue to him no ser∣uice, nor obediēce. For the which thing doyng, we here discharge you before God and your soules. For if your bishop shall seeme contrary to the decreements & iniunctions Apostolicall. We through the Apostolicall authoritie of S. Peter, discharge and ab∣solue you frō the band of your allegeāce to him. So that if you be sworne to him, so long as he is a rebell against God, and the Apo¦stolike seat, we lose you from the peril of your othe, that you shall not need to feare therein no daunger, &c.

Ottho bishop of Constance thus being cited, whether he did appeare personally himselfe, I doe not reade. This I read and find, that in the sayd councel holden at Rome, Hildebrand with other bishops of Rome,* 2.3 did then enacte amongst many other, these three things most special. First that no Priest hereafter should marrie wiues. Secondly, that all such as were married should be diuorst. Thirdly, that none hereafter should be admitted to y^e order of priest∣hood, but should sweare perpetual chastitie, &c. This coū∣cell of Rome beyng ended, forthwith the act of Hildebrād, concerning the single life of Priests, was proclaymed and published in all places, and straight commaundement ge∣uen to bishops to execute the same.

The Copy of his Bull sent into Italie and Germanie, was this.

GRegory the Pope, otherwise Hildebrand, the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God, sendeth the Apostles blessing to all them within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, that shew their true obedience to S. Peter. If there be any Priests, Deacons and Sub∣deacons, that still will remayne in the sinne of fornication. We forbid them the Churches entrance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the aucthoritie of S. Peter, till tyme they amend and repent. But if they perseuere in their sinne, we charge that none of you presume to heare their seruice For their blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into sinne, as the Lord doth testifie to vs by his Prophets. I will turne your blessing, &c.

The bishops of France being called vpon daily, with the popes letters,* 3.1 were compelled to obey the decree of the councel, but the residue of the clergy manfully and stoutly withstanding the Popes decree, and inforcement of theyr bishops would not agree, but repined thereat, & sayd, that the councell did manifestly repugne agaynst the worde of God, & that the Pope did take from Priestes, that whiche both God and nature had geuen them, and therefore that person to be an heretike, and Author of a wicked doctrine, which ruled and gouerned not by the spirit of God, but by Sathan. The decree and act set forth, to tende directly a∣gainst the word of God, and the saying of Christ: Non om∣nes capiunt verbum hoc, all men haue not the gift and capa∣citie of the word. Item, to be against the sound doctrine of S. Paule writing these wordes: As concerning virgini∣tie, I haue no commaundement of the Lord, &c. Agayne, he that cannot otherwise liue continently, let him marrie. Item, that it was agaynst the Canons both of the Apo∣stles, and of Nicene councell. Moreouer, that it was a∣gainst the course of nature whiche he required, that men beyng sequestred from their naturall wiues, and wo∣men, shoulde be coacted to liue as aungels, that is, to performe that which nature doth not geue. And therefore the bishop therin did open a peruicious windowe to vn∣cleannes and to fornication. In summe, geuing vp theyr answer, thus they concluded, that they had rather geue vp their benefices, then to forsake their naturall and lawfull wiues, against the worde of Christ. And finally, if maried priests could not please them, they should call downe An∣gels from heauen to serue the Churches. But Hildebrand nothing mooued, neither with honest reason, nor with the authoritie of holy Scripture, nor with the determinatiō of Nicene councell, nor any thing els: followeth this matter, calleth vpon the bishops stil, with his letters and Legats doth sollicitate their mindes, accuseth them of negligence and dastardnes, threatneth them with excommunication, vnles they cause their priests to obey his decree enioyned them. Whereupon, a great number of bishops for feare of the Popes tiranny, laboured y^t matter with their priests, by all means possible to bereaue them of their accustomed matrimony.

Amongst other the Archbishop of Mentz, perceyuing

this acte of taking away Priestes mariage, might breede him no little trouble:* 3.2 talketh with his Clergy gently, ad∣monisheth them of the Popes minde & decree, and geueth them halfe yeres respite to deliberate vpon the case, exhor∣ting them diligently to shewe themselues obedient to the Pope and to him, and to graūt with good will that, which at length, will they, nill they, needes they must bee forced vnto, and therefore of their owne accord to stande, content therewith, least the Pope should be compelled to attempt wayes of sharper seueritie. The time of deliberation expi∣red, the Archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erspford, the month of October, and there willeth them according to the pontificall decree,* 3.3 either to abiure for euer all matrimony, or els to abrenounce their benefices and Ecclesiasticall li∣uings. The clergy agayne defend themselues, against the Popes decree with scriptures, with reason, with the actes of generall councels, with examples of auncestors, by di∣uers strong arguments, declaring the Popes decree not to be consonant, nor ought to take effect. But the Archbi∣shop sayd, he was compelled so of the Pope, and could not otherwise do, but to execute that was enioyned him. The clergy seeyng that no reason, nor prayer, nor disputation would serue, layd their heads together cōsultyng among themselues what was best to be done. Some gaue coun∣sail not to returne agayne to the Synode. Some thought it good to returne and to thrust out the Archbishop frō hys seat, & to geue him due punishment of death for his deser∣uing, that by the example of him, other may bee warned hereafter, neuer to attempt that thing any more to the pre∣iudice of the church, and the rightfull liberty of ministers. After that this was signified to the Archbishop, by certaine spies that were amongest them, what the clergy entended to do. The Archb. to preuent and salue the matter, sendeth to the priests as they were comming out, certaine messen∣gers, bidding them of good hope, and to returne againe to the Metropolitane, and they should haue that should con∣tent their myndes. So beyng perswaded, they come again to the Councel. The bishop promiseth he would doe hys indeuour what he could, to reuoke & turne the mind of the Bishop of Rome from that sentence, willing them in the meane tyme to continue as they had done in their cure and ministery. The next yeare followyng, Hildebrand y^• soul∣diour of Sathan, sendeth his Legate (a certaine Bishop called Curiēsis) vnto the Archb. of Mentz, and assembled there a Councell. In the which councel, the Archb. againe proposeth the matter, commaunding all the clergy vnder payne of the Popes curse, there, perpetually eyther to ab∣renounce their wyues, or their liuings. The clergy defen∣ded their cause againe with great constancy. But when no defension could take place, but all went by tiranny & mere extortiō, it burst in the end to an vprore and tumult, where the Legate and the Archbishop beyng in great daunger, hardly escaped with their lyues, and so the Councell brake vp. By this schisme and tumult it followed, that the chur∣ches after that in chusing their priests, would not send thē to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of Matrimo∣ny) to be confirmed and inducted, but did elect them with∣in themselues, and so put them in their office, without all leaue or knowledge of bishops, who then agreed & were determined to admit no priests, but such as should take an othe of perpetuall singlenesse, neuer to marrie after. And thus first came vp the othe and profession of single Priest∣hood. Notwithstanding,* 3.4 if other nations had followed the like constancie & concord of these Germain ministers, the ••iuelish drift and decre of this Hildebrand (or rather Hel∣brand) had bene frustrate and auoyded. But this greedi∣nes of liuings in weak priests, make them to yeld vp their godly liberty to wicked tiranny. Yet this remayneth in these Germains to be noted: what concord can doe in re∣pressing vnordinate requests of euil bishops,* 3.5 if they con∣stantly stand to truth, and hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony. Now let vs proceede to the contentions betwixt wicked Hildebrand, and the godly Emperour. But before by the way of digression it shal not be much wide from the purpose, to touch a little of the pro∣perties of this Pope, as we find them described in certaine epistles of Benno a Cardinall, writing to other cardinals of Rome. Which Benno lyued in the same tyme of Hilde∣brand, and detecteth the prodigious actes and doings of this monstrous Pope.

First, declaring that he was a Sorcerer most notable, and a Nicromanser,* 3.6 an olde companion of Siluester, of Laurentius, and Theophilactus, called otherwise Bene∣dictus nonus. Amongst other Benno Cardinals writeth this history of him. How vpon a certaine tyme this Gregorius com∣ming from Albanus to Rome, had forgot behynd him his familiar booke of Nicromansie, which he was wont commonly to cary al∣wayes with him. Whereupon remembring himselfe, entered the port of Laterane, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to set the booke, charging them at no hand to looke within it. But they beyng so restrayned, were the more desirous to open it, & to per∣use it, and so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the Sa∣thanicall booke, sodenly there came about them the messengers of Sathan, the multitude and terrour of whom, made them almost out of their wittes. At length they comming to themselues, the spirites were instant vpon them to know, wherefore they were called vp, wherfore they were vexed: Quickly (said they) tell vs what ye would vs to do, or els we will fall vpon you, if ye retaine vs longer. Then spake one of the yong men to them, bidding thē go and plucke downe yonder walles, pointing to certayne high wals there nigh to Rome, which they did in a moment. The yong men crossing them for feare of the spirites (scarse recouering thē selues) at length came to their maister. And it followeth more∣ouer in the epistle of the sayd Benno to the Cardinals.

We haue made mention to you before of diuers colledges of the church of Rome,* 3.7 which refused to communicate with him. As Leo then Archpriest of the Cardinals, Benno, Vgobaldus, Iohan∣nes the Cardinal, Peter Chauncellor and Cardinall, beyng all in∣stituted before this Hildebrand. These three also beyng consecra∣ted by him, that is, Natro, Innocentius and Leo, forsoke him, cur∣sing the detestable errours which he held. In like case Theodinus whom he constituted Archdeacon, and other Cardinals mo, Ioan∣nes surnamed Primicerius, Petrus oblationarius with all that ap∣pertayned vnto them, sauing one onely man. And now when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called vnto him the lay men, and made them priuy of his counsail, thin∣king thereby to separate the bishops, that they should haue no cō∣ference with the Cardinals.* 3.8 After that he called together those bi∣shops, and beyng garded with bandes of lay men, he enforced the bishops partly for feare, and partly for his manacing wordes, to sweare vnto him, that they should neuer disagre vnto that, which he would haue done, that they should neuer defend the Kynges quarell, and that they should neuer fauour or obey the Pope, that should in his stead be instituted. Which thing beyng done, he sent them by meanes of the Prince of Salernites, into Campania, and thus did he separate them, from the company of the Cardinals, & from the citie of Rome. And not onely the bishops, but also the Priests of the citie, and clarkes of inferior orders, as also the laye men, he bound by their othes, that at no tyme nor for any cause, they should condiscend vnto the king.

As soone as Pope Alexander was dead, which dyed somwhat before night,* 3.9 the same day contrary to the Canons, he was cho∣sen Pope of the laymen. But the Cardinals subscribed not to his election. For the Canons prescribe (vnder payne of cursing) that none should be chosen Pope before the third day, after the burial of his predecessours. But he (by sinister meane thus clyming to the seat) remoued the Cardinals of the sayd seat, from being of the counsail. But with what persons he consulted night & day, Rome well heard and saw. And he now puttyng the Cardinals from hys counsaile, his lyfe, fayth, and doctrine, no man could accuse or beare witnesse off: where as in the Canons is commaunded, that in euery place where so euer the Pope is, should be with him iij. Cardinals beyng priests, & ij. Deacons, because of his Ecclesiasti∣call testimony and stile of veritie, of whiche Canonical decree, looke gentle Reader before. He violently wrested the sacred scri∣ptures to couer his falshood, which kynd of Idolatry, how great it is, manifestly throughout all the Scripture it appeareth. Contra∣ry to the myndes and counsaile of the Cardinals, and besides the determinate order of pronouncing iudgement by the Canons, he rashly did excommunicate the Emperour,* 3.10 beyng in no Synode solemnly accused before. The sentence of which excommunica∣tion after rehersal of these presents, shal also be manifested (Christ willing) to the which excommunication saith Benno, none of the Cardinals would subscribe. As soone as he arose out of hys seate papall, to excommunicate the Emperour, the same seate (beyng made but a little before,* 3.11 with big tymber) sodainly by the appoint¦ment of God was rent and shiuered in pieces: so that all men might plainly vnderstand, what, and how great and terrible schis∣mes: that lubber had sowne against the Church of Christ, agaynst the seat of S. Peter: and how cruelly he had dispersed the chayre of Christ, in defilyng the lawes of the Church, ruling by might and austeritie, in that hys so perillous and presumptuous ex∣communication.

In the description of the same excommunication,* 3.12 he inserteth those things, wherin he himselfe erred, when he absolued the Em∣perour, being vniustly excommunicate, and the bishops also com∣municating with him, & to the vttermost thus cutting & mang∣ling the vnitie of the Church and those that communicated with them, did as much as in him lay to make two churches.

Also the same bold merchaunt, commaunded that the Cardi∣nals should fast, to the intent that God would reueale whose opi∣nion was better (eyther of the Church of Rome, or of Berengari∣us) touching the controuersie of the Lordes body in the Sacra∣ment. And hereby he prooued himselfe to be a manifest Infidell:

for that in the Nicene Councell it is written, he that doubteth is an Infidell.

Further, he sought after a signe to establish his fayth, concer∣ning the Article of the Lordes body, as did Gregory to confirme the womans fayth,* 3.13 when the consecrated bread was transubstan∣tiated into the forme of a fleshly finger. He also sent two Cardi∣nals (Attones and Cunones) vnto Anastasie, that with the•• Arch∣priest of the same Church, they should begin a fast of three dayes space. And that euery of them (euery day during those iij. dayes) should say ouer the Psalter, & sing Masses, that Christ would shew vnto them some such like signe of his body, as he did to the fore∣sayd Gregory, which thing they could not see.

The Emperour was oftentymes woont to goe to S. Maries church in the mount Auentine to pray. Hildebrand when he had by his espials searched out, and knew all the doyngs of the Empe∣rour, caused the place where the Emperour was accustomed (ey∣ther standing,* 3.14 or prostrate on his face to pray) to be marked, and for money he hired a naughty pact (like himselfe) to gather and lay together a heape of great stones, directly ouer the place, in the vault of the Church, where the Emperour would stande, that in throwyng the same downe vpon his head, he should slay the Emperour. About which purpose as the hireling hasted, and was busie remouing to the place, a stone of great hugenes & waight: it broke the planke whereon it lay, and the hirelyng standyng thereupon, both together fell downe from the roofe, to the paue∣ment of the church, and with the same stone was dasht all in pie∣ces. And after the Romaines had vnderstanding of the handlyng of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feete of this hire lyng, and caused him to bee drawen through the streetes of the Citie three dayes together in example of others. The Emperour notwithstanding according to his woonted clemencie, caused hym to be buried.

Iohannes the bishop of Portua (beyng one of the secret coū∣sail of Hildebrand) came vp into the pulpit of S. Peter, & amongst other things in the hearing, both of the Clergy and people, sayd: Hildebrand and we haue committed such a fact and so horrible,* 3.15 for the which we are all worthy to be burned alyue (meanyng of the Sacrament of the body of Christ) which Sacrament, Hilde∣brand when he thereof inquired a diuine aunswer agaynst the Emperour, and would not speake, threw into the fire and burned it contrary to the perswasion of the Cardinals, that were present and would haue resisted the same.

In the second holy day in the Easter weeke, when the clergy & the people were assembled at S. Peters Church to heare masse, after the Gospell, he went vp into the pulpit as he was in his pon∣tificall attire, and in the presence of diuers bishops & Cardinals (a great company both of the Senate and the people of Rome, be∣yng gathered together) openly preached (among manye other wordes of diuination) that the kyng whose name was Henry, should die (without all peraduenture) before the feast of S. Pe∣ter next ensuyng: or els at least wise, that he should bee so deie∣cted from his kingdome, that he should not be able any more to gather together aboue the number of vj. knights.* 3.16 This he preached to the bishops and cardinals, and all that were present, crying out of the pulpit in these wordes: Neuer accept me for Pope any more, but plucke me from the aulter, if this prophesie be not ful∣filled by the day appointed. About the same tyme he went about by helpe of priuy murtherers to kill the Emperour, but God pre∣serued him.* 3.17 And many there were euē at that tyme, which thoght Pope Hildebrand to be guiltie, and to bee the deuiser of the trea∣son, because that then he (before the deed put in execution) pre∣sumed of the death of the kyng, beyng by him falsly prophesied of before, which wordes of his, wounded many mens hartes. And it came to passe that Hildebrand by his wordes, was openly con∣demned in the congregation, which (as is sayd) gaue iudgement of himselfe to be no Pope, neither that he would be counted for Pope any longer, but thought to be both a belyer and a traitour, vnlesss that before the feast of S. Peter next comming,* 3.18 the Em∣perour should dye, or els should bee depriued of all kingly ho∣nour: In so much he should not be able to make aboue 6. knights on his part. And thus by the appoyntmēt of God it came to passe that by his owne mouth he was condemned for an heretike.

Thus sayth the Lord: The prophet which of arrogancie will prophesie in my name, those things I haue not commaūded him, or els will prophesie in the name of other Gods, let him be slaine. And if thou shall say with thy selfe, how shall I know what thyng it is that the Lord hath not commaunded to be spoken? This to∣ken shalt thou haue to know it by. Whatsoeuer thing the Prophet in the name of God shal prophesie, & the same come not to passe, that mayest thou be sure the Lord hath not spoken, but the Pro∣phet hath imagined through the hautinesse of his owne mynde, & therfore thou shalt not be afrayd of him.

* 3.19When the tyme was expired that Hildebrand in his diuinati∣on had set, and that neither the king was dead, neither the power of the Empire empayred: and fearing least by the wordes of hys owne mouth he should be reprehended and condemned, subtle••y turned his tale, saying, and perswading the ignorant people, that he ment not of the body of the king, but of his soule, as though the soule of the king had lost all,* 3.20 sauing 6. of his knights or souldi∣ours, or els had bene dead during that space, and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against such Prophets S. Gregory vpon Ezechiel sayeth: Betwene true Prophetes and false, this difference there is, that true Prophets, if they speake a∣ny thing vpon their owne mynd, they be soone rebuked, but the false prophets, both they tell lies, and not hauyng the spirite of truth, they perseuere in their falsitie.

Ouer and beside, the sayd Hildebrand iudged to death 3. men before they were conuict, or els confessed their crime wythout the sentence of any secular iudge, and caused them to bee hanged vpon a paire of gallowes,* 3.21 ouer against the Church of S. Peter in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or aduisement, con∣trary to the lawes, which commaund that euery publike offender should haue 30. dayes space, before he be put to execution. Which thing euen amongst the Paganes is in vre and obserued, as tea∣cheth the authoritie of S. Ambrose, and the Martyrdome of holy Marcelianus and Marcus.

He cast Centius the sonne of Stephen the Alderman into prison,* 3.22 beyng before his trusty friend, and in a vessell being thick set with sharpe nayles, he tormented him to the poynt of death: who after that he was escaped, apprehended the sayd Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was let at liberty, he openly for∣gaue all the conspiratours. Which thing afterwardes, contrary to his fidelitie, he brake and reuenged, & caused Centius, to whome he had forgeuen all offences, to be taken, and hanged him, & 9. of his men vpon the gallowes before S. Peters porch.

There was at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widowes sonne, to whom (and others moe for their penaunce) he enioyned a yeares banishment. Which tyme beyng explete or run out, the widow in tokē of more ample satisfaction, thinking ther∣by to haue appeased the mynd of Hildebrand, put a halter about her sonnes necke, and drawyng her sonne by the rope to the foot of Hildebrand, sayd: My Lord Pope at your hands will I receaue agayne my sonne, which one whole yeare hath endured banish∣ment, and other penaunce by your holynesse enioyned. Then the sayd Hildebrand, for that instant, because of those which were with him in company (dissembling his wrath) deliuered her, her sonne very churlishly, saying, get thee hence woman I bid thee, and let me be in rest. After this he sent his officers & apprehēded the widowes sonne, and gaue commaundement to the Iustices, to put him to death, who altogether makyng aunswer, sayd, that they could no more condemne or meddle with him,* 3.23 for that hee had for his crime committed, appealed once to the Pope, & abid∣den the banishment, and done the penaunce by him enioyned. Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand beyng displeased wyth the Iudges, caused the foote of the widowes sonne to be cut off: ma∣kyng neyther repentaunce, nor the lawes and ordinaunces to be of any estimation with hym. And thus his foote beyng cut off, he dyed within three dayes after with the payne thereof. Many other wicked deedes did this Hildebrand, vpon whom the bloud of the church cryeth vengeance, shed by the sworde (that is) the miserable trecherie of his tong. For which things (and that iustly) the church refused to communicate with him. Haec Benno.

An other Epistle of Benno to the Cardinals.

TO the reuerend fathers of the Church of Rome,* 4.1 and to hys beloued in Christ, and to his brethren that shall for euer be beloued: Benno the Cardinall of the Churche of Rome, wisheth faythfull seruice, health and communion with the seruaunts of the catholicke Church. Of the which communion, discipline and power, he vaynely braggeth, y^• by the presumption of hys authoritie shal vniustly bynd or lose any maner of persō. And he doth vniustly bynd what soeuer he be, that curseth any man, (being willing to make satisfaction, and bewayling hys boldnes, beyng al∣so vnco••••••et, and not confessing the crime) but rather cur∣sing that party in vayne: he curseth and condemneth him∣self, turning his weapon vpō his own persō to destructiō. O straunge and new found trechery, proceeding from the sanctuary: nay rather from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whiche as high Priest see∣meth to rule the church, & to be a Iudge ouer the Iudges.

Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the Emperor, that he should depriue those Bishops which came in by si∣monie. The Emperour (thinking as a zelous Prince,* 4.2 that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God) without delay obeyed the same, and forthwith without a∣ny consideration, or iudiciall order, depriued certayne Bi∣shops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hilde∣brand be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an acceptable sacrifice to God, not know∣yng the 〈…〉〈…〉. But Hildebrand then a∣gayne placed those, whom the Emperour for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at his commaundement had before deposed, and those whom by that meanes he made to bea•••• a hatefull heart to the

Emperour, he reconciled agayne vnto himselfe in great familiaritie, and by many and great othes taken of thē, for their fidelitie towards him, he promoted aboue al the rest. And thus by these prankes, the Imperiall seat of the king beyng shortly after empaired, & destitute almost of frends, he craftily purchasing the friendship and fauor of the grea∣test princes, the better to bring his matters to passe: so∣dainly agayne, without any lawfull accusation, without any canonicall vocation, without all iudiciall order, excō∣municated the Emperor (so obedient alwayes vnto him) & set the Princes of the Empire all agaynst him. And not∣withstandyng (as the Apostle sayeth) that no man ought to circumuent his brother in his busines, as much as in him lay, he rather mortified and killed him, then brother∣ly corrected him. Thus the Emperor beyng many wayes circumvented: as, excommunicate besides the canonicall order,* 4.3 and by the consent and counsail of Hildebrand, spoi∣led of the greatest part of his Imperiall honour, and ouer∣charged with great warres and slaughters of hys owne subiects, in vayne desired he and sued for, to haue the Ca∣non read and heard, causing him by force and violence at Canusium, in the presence of Hildebrand, to accuse him∣selfe by his owne confession.

Say you now (I pray you) all such as loue iustice, and loue not to leane either vpon the left hand, or els the right hand, in the fauour of any person. Say your mindes, whe∣ther that such a confession beyng inforced vpon neuer so poore a man (much lesse vpon an Emperor) ought at such a tyme to be preiudiciall or not. Or whether he which ex∣torted the same confession, is guilty of the Canon? Or els he, which beyng so peruersly iudged, suffered the iniury of a most peruerse iudge?* 4.4 Which also most paciently and pub∣likely suffred this violence with lamentable affliction vpō his bare feete, clothed in thinne garments, in the sharpe winter, which neuer was vsed, and was three dayes to∣gether at Canusium, made a spectacle both of angels and men, and a ludibrious mocking stocke to that proud Hil∣debrand. Neuer trust me, if that 14. Cardinals, the Arch∣deacon himselfe, and he that is called Primicerius, beyng all wise and religious men, besides many other of y^• clarks of Laterane, to the iudgement and priuiledge of whose holy seat the whole world is obedient (waying and considering his intollerable apostasie) departed not from participa∣ting, and refused from communicating with him.

This glorious Hildebrand & his affinitie by their new authoritie, breaking the decrees of the Calcedone Councel not onely in wordes, but also in publike writings haue a∣greed, that it is tollerable both to baptise and communi∣cate beyng out of the church of God, and how blynd these men were, and also what heretikes they be, their own wri∣tings do declare. What a mischiefe is this (saith Benno) they presume to iudge of the Church, which swarme them selues in all errours, who also esteeme the veritie, but as a lye, and least their poysoned falshood both in words & wri∣tings should appeare, they haue (like subtill poysoners, the sooner to deceiue) mixed hony therwithall. A lye sayth S. Augustine,* 4.5 is euery thing pronounced with the intent of deceauing other.

It were too long and tedious here to recite all the de∣testable doyngs, and diabolicall practises, of coniurings, charmes, and filthy sorceries, exercised betwene hym and Laurentius, & Theophilact, otherwyse named Pope Be∣nedict the 9. wherof a long narration foloweth in the fore∣sayd epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen,* 4.6 to whom the reader may repaire, who so hath either laisure to read, or mynd to vnderstand more of the abhominable partes, and diuelish artes of this Hildebrand.

Thus hauing sufficiently alledged the wordes and te∣stimonies of Benno and Auentinus, concerning the actes and factes of this Pope. Now let vs proceed (in the order as followeth in his story) to set forth the miserable vexati∣on which the vertuous and godly Emperour sustayned by that vngodly person.

About what time Hildebrand was made Pope, Hen∣ricus the 4. Emperour was incombred and much, vexed with ciuill dissention in Germany, by reason of certayne greuances of the Saxons against him & his father Henri∣cus the 3. Whereupon, the matter growyng to sedition, sides were taken, & great warres ensued, betwixt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Duke of Saxony, & Henricus the Emperour. This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tyme seemed to Hildebrand very opportune, to worke his feates, whose study & drift was euer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the beginning to aduaunce the dominion of the Romish fear aboue al other bishops, and also to presse down the authoritie of the tem∣porall enters, vnder the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men of the Church. And although he went about the same 〈…〉〈…〉 traynes and actes set forth to 〈…〉〈…〉 he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted thether where he would be. And therefore now bearing himselfe the bolder, by the authority of S. Peters throne,* 4.7 first he began to pursue the acte set out by his predecessor as touching simonie, cursing and excommunicating, whosoeuer they were, that receiued any spirituall liuing or promotion at lay mens hands, as all such as were the geuers therof. For this he called than Simonie, that vnder that colour he might defeat the tem∣poral potestates of their right, and so bring the whole cler∣gy at length to the lure of Rome. And forasmuch as y^• em∣perour was the head, thinking first to begin with him, he sendeth for him by letters and Legates to appeare in the councel of Laterane at Rome. But the Emperour busied in his warres against the Saxones, had no laysure to at∣tend to councels. Notwithstanding Gregorius the Pope, procedeth in his councel, rendring there the cause and rea∣son before the bishops, why he had excommunicate diuers of the clergy, as Herman bishop of Bamberge, counsellor to the Emperour,* 4.8 and other priests mo for Simony. And there moreouer in the sayd Councell, he threateneth to ex∣communicate likewise the Emperour himselfe, and to de∣pose him from his regall kingdom, vnlesse he would abre∣nounce the heresie of simonie, and do penance. The coun∣cel being ended, Guibertus Archbishop of Rauenna, per∣swadeth with one Centius (a Romaine,* 4.9 the captains son, whom the Pope had excommunicate) to take the Empe∣rours part against the Pope. Who watching his tyme in the temple of S. Mary, vpon Christmas day in the mor∣ning, taketh the Pope & putteth him fast in a strong tow∣er. The next day the people of Rome hearing this,* 4.10 harnes themselues with all erpedition to helpe the bishop, whom when they loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and pluckt it downe to the ground. His familie hauyng their noses cut off, were cast out of the Citie. Cen∣tius himselfe escaping, fled to the Emperour. Guibert the Archbishop pretending good will to the Pope,* 4.11 departed from Rome, who likewise had wrought with Hugo Cā∣didus Cardinall, and with Theobaldus Archb. of Mil∣laine, also with diuers other bishops about Italy, to for∣sake the Pope and take the Emperors part. Gregory the Pope called Hildebrand, hearing the conspiracie, layeth the sentence of excommunication vpon them all, and de∣priueth them of their dignitie. The Emperor beyng moo∣ued (and worthily) with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, calleth together a Councell at Wormes. In which Councell all the bishops not onely of Saxonic, but of all the whole Empire of Germaines, agree & conclude vpon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience hereafter should be geuen to him. This being determined in the Councel, Roulandus a Priest of Parmen, was sent to Rome with the sentence, who in the name of the coun∣cell should commaund Gregory to yeld vp his seate, & al∣so charge the Cardinals to resort to the Emperour for a new election of an other Pope. The tenor of the sentence sent vp by Rolandus, was this.

The sentence of the Councell of Wormes against Hildebrand.

FOr so much as thy first ingresse and comming in,* 5.1 hath bene so spotted with so many periuries, and also the Church of GOD brought in no little danger, through thine abuse and newfangle∣nes. Moreouer, because thou hast diffamed thine owne lyfe and conuersation, with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no little perill or slaunder to rise therof: therfore the obediēce which yet we neuer promised thee, hereafter we vtterly renounce, & ne∣uer entend to geue thee. And as thou hast neither taken vs yet for Bishoppes (as thou host openly reported of vs) so neither will we hereafter take thee to be Apostolike. Vale.

Gregory the Pope tickled with this sentence,* 5.2 first con∣demneth it in his councell of Laterane with excommuni∣cation. Secondarily, depriueth Sigifridus Archbishop of Mentz of his dignities, and ecclesiastical liuings, with all other bishops, Abbots and Priests, as many as tooke the Emperors part,* 5.3 Thirdly, accuseth Henricus the Empe∣rour himselfe, depriueth him of his kingdome and regall possession, and releaseth all his subiects of their oth of alle∣geance geuen vnto him, after this forme and maner.

The tenour of the sentence Excommunicato∣rie, agaynst Henricus the Emperour, by Hildebrand.

O Blessed S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, bowe downe thyne eares I beseech thee,* 6.1 and heare me thy seruaunt, whom thou

hast brought vp euen from myne infancie, and hast deliuered me vnto this day from the handes of the wicked, which hate & per∣secute me, because of my fayth in thee. Thou art my witnesse, and also the blessed mother of Iesu Christ,* 6.2 and thy brother S Paule, fellow partener of thy martyrdome, how that I entred this functi∣on (not willingly) but inforced against my will: not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascēd into this seat: but because that I had rather passe ouer my lyfe, like a pilgrime or priuate person, then for any fame or glory to clime vp to it. I do acknowledge (& that worthily) all this to come of thy grace,* 6.3 and not of my me∣rites, that this charge ouer christen people, and this power of bin∣ding and loosing is committed to me. Wherefore, trustyng vpon this assurance for the dignitie and tuition of holy church. In the name of God omnipotent, the father, the sonne, & the holy ghost, I do here depose Henry, the sonne of Henry once the Emperour, from his Imperiall seat, and princely gouernment, who hath so boldly and presumptuously layd handes vpon thy Church. And furthermore, all such as tofore haue sworne to be his subiectes, I release them of their othe, whereby all subiects are bound to the allegeaunce of their princes. For it is meete and connenient that he should be voyd of dignitie, whiche seeketh to diminish the ma∣iestie of thy Church. Moreouer, for that he hath contemned my monitions, tending his health and wealth of his people, and hath separate himselfe from the fellowship of the Churche (which he,* 6.4 through his seditions, studieth to destroy) therefore I binde him by vertue of excommunication, trusting and knowyng most cer∣tainly, that thou art Peter (in the rocke of whom, as in the true foundation Christ) our king hath built his church.

The Emperour thus assaulted with the Popes cen∣sure, sendeth abroad his letters thorough all nations, to purge himselfe, declaring how wrongfully, & agaynst all right he was condemned. The princes of Almany partly fearing the cracke of the Popes thunderclap,* 6.5 partly again reioycing that occasion was renued to rebell agaynst the Emperour, assembled a commencement, where they did consult and so conclude, to elect another Emperor, and to fall from Henry, vnlesse the Pope would come to Germa∣ny, and he there content to submit himselfe and obtayne his pardon.

Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germains in those dayes, so to forsake such a valiant Emperor, and so much to repute a vile Bishop. But this was the rudenes of the world thē, for lack of better know∣ledge. The Emperor seyng the chiefe princes ready to for∣sake him, promiseth them with an othe, that if the Pope would repayre to Germany, he would aske forgeuenes.

Upon this the bishop of Triers, was sen•• vp in com∣mission to Rome, to entreat the Pope to come into Ger∣many. The bishop (at the instance of the Legate, & of the Princes) was content. He entred into Germany, thin∣king to come to Augusta.* 6.6 After he was come to Uercellos (the bishop of that city beyng the Chancellor of Italy, and desirous to disturbe peace, for the old grudge he had to the Emperour) falsly perswadeth with the Pope, that he was certayn, the Emperor was comming with a mighty great army against him, counsailing him therfore to prouide be∣times for his owne safegard in some stronger place. Wher∣by the Popes mynde beyng altered, hee retyred backe to Canusium or Canossus, a Citie being subiect to Matilda, a Countesse of Italy, where he should not need to feare the Emperour.

Henricus vnderstanding the false feare of the Pope, & of his retire to Canusium, incontinent (commyng out of Spires with his wife and his young sonne, in the deepe & sharp of Winter) resorteth to Canossus. All his pieres and nobles had left him for feare of the Popes curse,* 6.7 neyther did any accompany him. Wherfore the Emperour beyng not a little troubled (laying apart hys regall ornamentes) came barefooted with hys wyfe and childe, to the gate of Canossus: where he from morning to night (all the day fasting) most humbly desireth absolution, crauing to be let in, to the speech of the Bishop. But no ingresse might be geuen him once within the gates. Thus he continuing 3. dayes together in hys petition and sute: at length answer came, that the Popes maiesty had yet no leysure to talke with him. The Emperour nothing moued therwith, that he was not let into the Citty, patient and with an humble minde abideth without the walles,* 6.8 with no litle greuance and paynefull labour: for it was a sharpe winter, and all frosen with cold. Notwithstanding, yet through his im∣portunate sute, at length it was graunted through the in∣treating of Matilda the Popes paramour, and of Arelaus Erle of Sebaudia, and the Abbot of Cluniake, that hee should be admitted to the Popes speach. On the 4. day be∣yng let in, for a token of his true repentance, he yeldeth to the Popes handes, his crowne, with all other ornaments Imperiall: and confessed himselfe vnworthy of the Em∣pire, if euer he doe against the Pope hereafter, as he hath done tofore, desiring for that tyme to be absolued and for∣geuen.

[illustration]

Henricus the Emperour with his wife and chyld, barefoote and barelegd, waiting on Pope Hildebrand, three dayes, and three nightes, at the gates of Canusium, before he could be suffred to come in.

The Pope answereth he will neither forgeue hym, nor release the bande of his excommunication, but vpon conditions.* 6.9 First, to promise, that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the councell, and to take such penance as he shall enioyne him, also that he shall be prest and redy to appeare, in what place or tyme the Pope shall appoint him. Moreouer, that he beyng content to take the Pope iudge of his cause, shall aunswer in the sayd councel to all obiections and accusations layd against him, & that he shall neuer seeke any reuengement herein.* 6.10 Item, that he (though he be quit and cleared therin) shall stand to the Popes mynd and pleasure, whether to haue his kingdom restored, or to loose it. Finally, that before the triall of hys cause, he shall neither vse his kingly ornaments, scepters, or crowne,* 6.11 nor to vsurpe the authoritie to gouerne, nor to exact any othe of allegeaunce vpon his subiects, &c. These things beyng promised to the bishop by an oth, and put in writing, the Emperour is onely released of excommuni∣cation. The tenour of the writing is this.

The forme and tenour of the othe, which Heniicus made to the Pope.

I Henricus King, after peace and agreement made to the mynde and sentence of our Lord, Gregorius the 7. promise to keepe all couenants and bandes betwixt vs, and to prouide that the Pope go safely wheresoeuer he will without any daunger eyther to him or to his retinue. Especially in all such places as be subiect to our Impery. Nor that I shall at any tyme stay or hinder him, but that he may doe that belongeth to his function, where & whensoeuer his pleasure shalbe. And these things I bynd my selfe with an othe to keepe. Actum Canos. 5. Calend. Februarij. indic. 15.

Thus the matter beyng decided betwixt them after the Popes owne prescribement, the Emperour taketh hys iourney to Papia. The Pope with his Cardinals, dyd vaunce and triumph with no little pryde that they had so quailed the Emperor, & brought him on his knees, to aske them forgeuenes. Yet notwithstanding mistrusting them∣selues & misdoubting tyme, what might befall them here∣after, if fortune should turne, & God geue the Emperour to enioy a more quiete kingdome: therfore to preuent such dangers betime, they study and consult priuily with them selues, how to displace Henry clean frō his kingdom. And how that deuise might safely be conueyed,* 7.1 they conclude and determine to deriue the Empire vnto Rodolphus, a man of great nobilitie amongst the chiefest states of Ger∣many, and also to incite and stirre vp all other princes and subiects (beyng yet free and discharged from their othes) against Henry, & so by force of armes to expulse the empe∣rour out of his kingdom. To bring this purpose the bet∣ter to passe, legates were sent downe from the Pope. Si∣gehardus Patriarch of Aquilia, and Altimanus Byshop of Padway, which should perswade through all Fraunce, that Henry the Emperor was rightfully excommunicate, and that they should geue to the bishop of Rome their con∣sents in chusing Rodolphus to be Emperor. This beyng done, there was sēt to the said Rodolphus duke of Swe∣nia, a crowne from the Pope with this verse.

Petra dedit Petro,* 7.2 Petrus diadema Rodolpho.

The rocke gaue the crowne to Peter, Peter geueth it to Rodolph.

Here by the way of digression (to make a litle glose v∣pon this barbarous verse) two notable lyes are to be no∣ted. One,* 7.3 where he lyeth vpon Christ, the other where he lyeth vpon S. Peter. First, that Christ gaue any temporal diademe to Peter, it is a most manifest lye, and against the scriptures, when as he would not take it, beyng geuen to himselfe, and sayth his kingdome is not of this world. A∣gayne, where he saith that Peter geueth it to Rodulph: Here he playeth the Poet,* 7.4 for neither had Peter any suche thing to geue, and if he had, yet he would not haue geuen it to Rodulph from the right heyre, neither is it true that Peter did geue it, because Hildebrand gaue it. For it is no good argument. Hildebrand did geue it: Ergo, Peter dyd geue it: except ye will say, Hildebrand stirred vp great warres & bloudshed in Germany, Ergo Peter stirred vp great warres in Germany. So Peter neyther could, nor would, nor did geue it to Rodolphus, but only Hildebrād the Pope: who after he had so done, he gaue in commaun∣dement to the Archbishop of Mentz and of Collen, to e∣lect this Rodulphus for Emperour, and to annoynt hym kyng, and also to defend him with all force & strength they might.

While this conspiracy was in hand, Henricus the em∣peror was absent, and the Popes ambassadors with hym also. In the meane space Rodulphus was elected Empe∣ror vnknowing to Henry. Upō this commeth the bishop of Strausborough vnto the emperor, certifiyng him what was done. He suspecting & seing the stomack and doyngs of the Saxōs so bent against hym, mustreth his men with expedition, & marcheth forward to defend his right. But first sendeth to Rome (trusting vpon the league betwixt hym and the Pope) and requireth the bishop to proceede with his sentence agaynst Rodulphus, for the rebellious inuasiō of his Imperye. But the bishop minding nothing lesse, sendeth word againe, not to be right to condemne a∣ny person (his cause beyng not heard) thus vnder the pre∣tence of the law, colouring his vnlawfull treatory. Henri∣cus thus disappointed and forsaken on euery side,* 7.5 with his men about him, attempteth battayle against Rodulphus. In which battaile, a meruailous great slaughter was on both sides, but the victory on neither part certain. So that both the Captaines yet chalenged the Empire. After the battayle & great murder on both sides, they sent to Rome both to know of the Popes determination, to whether of them two, he iudged the right title of the empire to apper∣tayne. The Bishop commaundeth them both to break vp their armies, and depart the field, promising that he short∣ly will call a councell where this matter should be dispu∣ted. In the meane time they should cease from warre. But before the messengers returned agayne (their armies be∣yng refreshed) they had an other conflict together,* 7.6 but no victory got on either part. Thus both the Captaines be∣yng weried in warres, the Romish beast the bishop which was the cause therof, perceiuing whether these cruel wars would tend, to the great calamitie not onely of the Ger∣mains, but also of other nations (trusting to find another way to helpe Rodulphus and his adherentes) sendeth downe a commission by Ottho Archbishop of Treuers, Bernardus Deacon, and Bernardus Abbot of Massilia: to whom he gaue in charge that they should call together a Councell or sitting in Almany, and there to be defined to whether part the Empire should pertayne, by most right and publicke consideration. Promising that what they should therein determine, he (looking vpon the matter, through the authoritie of God omnipotent, and of S. Pe∣ter, and Sainct Paule) would ratifie the same. Moreo∣uer, for that, no let nor impeachment should happen to the Legates by the way, he geueth with them letters, to the princes and nations of Germany. Whereof, the contents be declared briefly in Platina, if any list to read them.

But the Emperour would not so permit the Legates to haue any Councel within Germany, except they would first depriue Rodulphus of his kingdome. The Legates considering that to be against the drift and intention of the Pope, returned agayne frō whence they came. The Pope hearing this and seing his purpose so disappointed by the Emperour, draweth out another excommunication a∣gainst him, and agayne bereaueth him of his kingdome: sending about his letters excommunicatorie, throughout all places, thinkyng therby to further the part of Rodul∣phus the better. Platina hath in his booke the whole effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort.

The copy of the second excommunication of Hildebrand against the Emperour.* 8.1

BLessed S. Peter, prince of the Apostles, and thou Paule also the teacher of the Gentiles geue eare vnto me. I beseech you a lit∣tle, and gently heare me, for you are the disciples and louers of truth, the things that I shall say, are true. This matter I take in hand for truth sake that my brethren (whose saluation I seeke) may the more obsequiously obey me, and better vnderstand, how that I trusting vpon your defence (next to Christ and his mother the immaculate virgin) resist the wicked, and am ready to helpe the faythfull. I did not enter this seate of myne owne accorde, but much agaynst my will, and with teares, for that I accounted my selfe vnworthy to occupy so high a throne. And this I say, not that I haue chosen you, but you haue chosen me, and haue layed this great burthen vpon our shoulders. And now where as by this your assignement, I haue ascended vp this hill, crying to the peo∣ple, and shewing them their faults, & to the children of the church their iniquities, the members of Sathan haue risen vp agaynst me and haue layd hands together to seeke my bloud. For the kings of the earth haue risen vp against me, and the Princes of this world, with whom also haue conspired certaine of the Clergy subiectes against the Lord, and against vs his annointed, saying: let vs break a sūder their bands, & cast off from vs their yoke. This haue they done agaynst me, to bring me either to death, or to banishmēt. In the number of whom is Henricus, whome they call kyng, the sonne of Henry the Emperour, which hath lift vp so proudly hys

hornes and heele against the church of God, making conspiracie with diuers other bishops, both Italians; French & Germains. A∣gainst the pride of whom,* 8.2 hetherto your authoritie hath resisted, who rather being broken th••n amended, comming to me in Ci∣salpina, made humble sute to me for pardon & absolution. I thin∣king nothing els but true repentance in him, receaued him again to fauour, & did restore him to the communion only, from which he was excommunicate, but to his kingdome (from which in the Synode of Rome he was worthily expulsed) I did not restore, nor to the rentes and fruites therof (that he might returne to the faith againe) that I graunted not vnto him. And that I did for this pur∣pose, that if he should deferre to fall to agreement with certaine of his neighbours, whom he hath alwayes vexed, and to restore agayn the goods both of the church and otherwise, thā he might be compelled by the censures of the Church and force of armes therunto Wherby diuers and sundry bishops and princes of Ger∣many (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this oppor∣tunitie, elected Rodolphus their Duke to be king in the place of Henricus, whom they for his transgressions had remooued & dis∣patched from his empire. But Rodolphus first in this matter vsing a princely modestie and integritie, sent vp his messengers to me, declaring how he was constrained (wild he, nild he) to take that regall gouernment vpon him, albeit he was not so desirous ther∣of, but that he would rather shew himselfe obedient to vs, then to the other that offied him the kingdom, and whatsoeuer our arbi∣trement should be therin, he would be vnder obedience, both of God and of vs. And for more assurance of his obedience, he hath sent his owne children hither for pledges. Vpon this Henricus be∣gan to snuffe, and first entreated with vs, to restraine and inhibite Rodolphus through the paine of our curse,* 8.3 from the vsurpation of his kingdom. I aunswered againe, I would see whether of them had more right and title thereunto, & so send our Legates thither vpon the same, to know the whole state of the matter, and there∣upō I would decide betwixt thē, whither of them had truer part. But Henricus would not suffer our Legates to come to take vp the matter, and slew diuers both secular men, and of the Clergy, spoiling and prophaning churches, and so by this meanes hath; indangered himselfe in the bandes of excommunication. I there∣fore trusting in the iudgement and mercy of God, and in the sup∣portation of the blessed virgin, also vpon your authoritie, do laye the sentence of curse vpon the said Henricus, & all his adherents: and here againe I take his regall gouernment from him, charging and forbidding all christen men that haue bene sworne vnto him (whom I discharge here of their oth) that hereafter they obey him in nothing,* 8.4 but to take Rodolphus to their king, who is elected by many princes of the Prouince. For so right it is and conueni∣ent, that as Henry for his pride & stubburnes, is depriued of his dignitie and possession: so Rodolphus being gratefull to all men, for his vertue and deuotion be exalted to the Imperiall throne & domination.

Therfore O you blessed prince of the Apostles, graunt to this, and confirme with your authoritie that I haue sayd, so that all mē may vnderstand, if you haue power to bynd and loose in heauen, you haue also power in earth to geue & take away Empires, king¦doms, principallities, and whatsoeuer here in earth belongeth to mortall men. For if yov haue power to iudge in such matters as appertain to God: what then should we thinke you haue of these inferior & prophane things?* 8.5 And if it be in your power to iudge the angels, ruling ouer proud princes, what then shall it be seen •••••• you to do vpon their seruants? Therfore let the kings vnderstand by this example, & all other princes of the world, what you be a∣ble to do in heauen, & what you are with God, that thereby they may feare to contemn the commaundement of holy church. And now doe you exercise this iudgement quickely vpon Henricus, whereby all men may see this sonne of iniquitie to fall from hys kingdome,* 8.6 not by any chaunce, but by your prouision and onely worke. Notwithstanding, this I would craue of you, that he being brought to repentance through your intercession, yet in the day of iudgement, may finde fauour and grace with the Lord. Actum Romae. Nonis Martij, indictione, 3.

Furthermore, Pridebrand Driveur and not yet content with this, interditeth & deposeth also Guibertus Archb. of Rauēna, for taking the Emperors part, commaunding all priestes to geue no maner obedience to him, and sendeth thether to Rauenna an other Archb. with full authoritie.

After & vpon this, Henricus & Rodulphus to try the matter by the sword, coped together in battaile, not with∣out bloudshed, where Henricus by the fauour of God a∣gainst the iudgement of Hildebrand, had the victory. Ro∣dulphus there greatly wounded in the conflict, was had out of the army, and caried to Hyperbolis, where he com∣maunded the bishops & chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought before him,* 8.7 when they came, he listed vp his right hand, in which he had taken his deadly wound, and sayd: This is the hand which gaue the oth and sacrament vnto Henricus my Prince, and which through your instigatiō, so oft hath fought against him in vaine. Now go and per∣forme your first othe & allegeance to your king, for I must to my fathers,* 8.8 and so dyed. Thus the Pope gaue battaile, but God gaue the victory.

Henricus (after his enemy beyng thus subdued, and warres being ceased in Germany) forgate not the old in∣iuries receiued of Hildebrand by whom he was twise ex∣communicate, & expulsed from his kingdom, and iii. daies making humble sute (yea & that in sharpe winter) coulde find no fauour with him. Besides that, he incited moreo∣uer & aided his enemy against him, wherfore calleth toge∣ther a councell or assembly of diuers bishops of Italy, Lō∣bardy and Germany at Brixia, an. 1083. where he purged himself,* 8.9 & accused the bishop Hildebrand of diuers crimes, to be an usurper periured, a Necromanser & Sorcerer, a lower of discord, complaining moreouer of wrongs & in∣iuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church of Rome preferred the bishop before him, whē that his father being emperor before him, had inthronised & set in diuers & sundry bishops there by his assignment, with out all other electiō. And now this bishop contrary to his oth & promise made, thrust in himself, without the wil and knowlege of him, being their king and magistrate, For in the time of his father Henricus 3. This Hildebrand wyth other, bound themselues with a corporall oth, that so long as the Emperour and his sonne now beyng kyng,* 8.10 should liue, they should neither themselues presume nor suffer a∣ny other to aspire to the Papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the foresayd Emperours, which now this Hildebrand contrary to his corporal oth had done, wher∣fore the foresaid councel with one agrement condēned this Gregory, that he should be deposed. The tenor of which condemnation is thus expressed in Abbate Vrspergensi.

The Sentence of the Councell of Brixia, against Hildebrand.

BEcause it is not vnknown, this bishop not to be elected of God but to haue intruded himselfe by fraud and money, who hath subuerted all Ecclesiasticall order,* 9.1 who hath disturbed the go∣uernment of the Christian Empery, manasing death of body and soule against our catholike & peaceable king, who hath set vp & maintayned aperiured kyng, sowyng discorde, where concorde was, causing debate amongst friends, slāders, & offences amon∣gest brethrenne; diuorcementes and separation amongest the maried (for he tooke away the mariage of priests, as Henricus Mutius witnesseth) and finally disquieting the peaceable state of all quiet lyfe: therefore we here in the name & authoritie of God congregate together,* 9.2 with the Legates & handes of 19. Bishops, the day of Pentecost at Mentz, doe proceed in Canonicall iudge∣ment, against Hildebrand, a man most wicked, preaching sacri∣ledge and burning, maintaining periury and murthers, callyng in question the Catholike fayth of the body and bloud of the Lord, a follower of diuination and dreames, a manifest Necromancer, a Sorcerer, and infected with a Pythonicall spirite,* 9.3 and therefore departed from the true fayth, we iudge hym to be deposed & ex∣pelled. And vnlesse he hearyng this, shall yelde and depart the seate, to be perpetually condemned. Inacted vij. Calend. Iulij. fe∣ria. 5. indictione. 3.

This being enacted & sent to Rome, they elected Gui∣bertus Archbishop of Rauena in the place of Hildebrand, to gouerne the Church of Rome, named Clemens 3. But when Hildebrand neither would geue ouer his hold, nor geue place to Clement, the Emperour gathering an army to send to Italy,* 9.4 came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand sendyng to Matilda the Countesse before in ētioned, required (in remission of al hee sinnes) to withstand Henry the Emperor, and so she did. Notwithstanding Henricus preuailyng came to Rome, where he besieged the Citie all the Lent, and after Easter got it, the Romaines being compelled to open the gates vnto him: so he comming to the temple of S. Peter, there placeth Clemēt in his Papacy, Hildebrand straight flieth into Adrians tower with his adherents, where he beyng beset round about, at length sendeth for Robert Guiscar∣dus his frend a Norman, in the mean time, while Rober∣tus collecteth his power, the Abbot of Chiniake, coufer∣ryng with Gregory, exhorteth him to crowne Henricus emperor in Lateran, which if he would do, the other pro∣miseth to bring about, that Den. shuld depart w^e his army into Germany, whereunto the people of Rome also did lykewise mooue him. To whom Gregory answered, that he was content so to do (but vpon condition) that the em∣peror would submit himself to aske pardon, to amend hys fault, and to promise obedience. The Emperour not agre∣yng to those conditions went to Senas, taking Clement, new stalled Pope with hym.

After the returne of the Emperor, the foresayd Robert Buiscardus approching w^e his souldiours, brast in at one

of the gates, and spoileth the Citie. And not long after de∣liuereth Hildebrand out of his enemies hands,* 9.5 and caried him away to Campana, where he, not long continuyng, after dyed in exile.

Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dy∣ing, called to hym one of his chief Cardinals, be wailing to him his fault & misorder of his spirituall ministery, in stir∣ring vp discord, warre & dissension: wherupon he desired the Cardinall to go to the Emperor, and desire him of for∣geuenes, absoluing from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers both quicke and dead.

Thus hast thou (gentle Reader) the full history of pope Gregory 7. called Hildebrand, which I haue laid our more, at large,* 9.6 & desire thee to marke, because that frō this Pope (it thou marke wel) springeth all the occasion of mischiefe, of pride, pompe, stoutnesse, presumption & tiranny, which since that tyme hath raigned in his successours hetherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy for here came first the subiectiō of the temporal regiment, vnder the spi∣ritual iurisdictiō. And Emperors, which before were their maisters, now are made their vnderlings. Also here came in the suppression of priests mariage, as is sufficiently de∣clared. Here came in moreouer the authoritie of both the swords spiritual & secular, into spiritual mens hands. So that christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in geuing bishoprikes or benefices, in calling Councels, in hearing & correcting the excesses of the clergy, but only the Pope must do all. Yea moreouer, no bishop nor Pastor in his owne parish could excommunicate or exercise any dis∣cipline amongst his flocke, but onely the Pope chalenged that prerogatiue to himselfe. Finally, here came in the first example to persecute Emperors & kings, with rebellion & excommunication, as the clergy themselues hereafter doe testifie and witnes in proceeding against Paschalis. Thus these notes beyng well obserued, let vs (by the grace of Christ) now repaire again to our coūtry history of englād.

About the death of Pope Hildebrād (or not long after) folowed the death of king William Conqueror, in the yere of our Lord,* 9.7 1090. after he had raigned in Englād the space of 21. yeares and 10. moneths. The cause of his sicknes and death, is said to be this: For that Phillip the French king vpon a tyme (iesting sayd) that king William lay in child bed and nourished his fat belly. with this the foresaid wil∣liam hearing therof, aunswered againe and sayd, when he should be Churched, he would offer a thousand candels to hym in Fraunce, wherewithall the kyng should haue litle ioy. whereupon king William in the month of Iuly (when the corne, fruite, & grapes were most flourishing) entered into Fraunce, & set on fire many Cities and townes in the westside of Fraunce. And lastly commyng to the Citie of Meaux, where he burning a woman beyng as a recluse in a wall inclosed (or as some say, two mē Anachorites inclo∣sed) was so seruent and furious about the fire, that with the heate partly of the fire, partly of the tyme of yeare, ther∣by he fell into sicknes, and dyed vpon the same.

By the life & actes of this king, it may appeare true, as stories of him report, that he was wise but guilefull, riche, but couetous, a faire speaker, but a great dissembler, glori∣ous in victory, & strong in armes, but rigorous in oppres∣sing whom he ouercame, in leuiyng of tasks passing all o∣ther. In so much that he caused to bee enrolled & numbred in his treasury euery hide of land, and owner therof: what fruit & reuenewes surmounted of euery Lordship, of euery township, castel, village, field, riuer, & wood, within all the realme of England. Moreover, how many parish Chur∣ches, how many liuing cattell there were, what and how much euery Baron in the realme could dispend, what fees were belonging, what wages were taken, &c. The tenour & contents of which taskment,* 9.8 yet remaineth in rolles. Af∣ter this tasking or nūbring, which was the yere before his death, folowed an exceding moreine of cattell, & barennes of the ground, with much pestilence and hote feuers amōg the people,* 9.9 so that such as escaped the feuer, were cōsumed with famine. Moreouer, at the same season among certain other Cities, a great part of the City of London, with the church of Paules was wasted with fire, an 1085.

In hunting and in parkes, the foresayd king had such pleasure, that in the country of Southhamptō by the space of 36. miles, he cast downe churches and Townships, and there made the new forest, louing his Decre so dearely, as though he had bene to them a father, making sharp lawes for the increasing thereof, vnder payne of loosing both the eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so fauorable to his owne country,* 9.10 that as there was no English Byshop remainyng, but onely wolstane of Worcester, who beyng commaunded of the king and Lancfrank to resigne vp his staffe, partly for inhabilitie, partly for lacke of the French tongue, refused otherwise to resign it, but only to him that gaue it, and so went to the tombe of king Edward, where he thought to resigne it, but was permitted to enioy it stil: so likewise in his daies there was almost no English mā, that bare office of honour or rule.

In so much, it was half a shame at that tyme, to be cal∣led an English man. Notwithstanding he some deale fa∣uoured the citie of London, & graunted vnto the Citizens the first charter that euer they had, written in the Saxon, with greene waxe sealed, and conteined in few lynes.

Among his other conditiōs,* 9.11 this in him is noted, that so geuen he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or siluer, might passe thorough the whole realme, without harme or resistance. This William in his tyme builded two monasteries, one in England, at Bat∣tail in Suffex, where he wan the field against Harold, cal∣led the abbey of Battail:* 9.12 an other beside, named Barmōd∣sey, in his countrey of Normandy.

After the life & story of K. William thus briefly descri∣bed, with the acts & order of battail betwene him & K. Ha∣rold (although much more might haue bene written of y^t matter, if the booke had come sooner to my hands which af∣terward I sawe) now remaineth in the end of his story to describe the names of such Barons & nobles of Norman∣dy, which enterd with him into this land, as well of them which were embarked with him, & slaine also (as appea∣reth) in the battaile, as also of thē who were planted & ad∣uanced by the said Conqueror, in the lands & possessiōs of English Lordes, whome he either expulsed or els behea∣ded. The names of which Normands here folow vnder∣written.

¶ Out of the Annales of Normandie in French, wherof one very Auncient written Booke in Parchment, remayneth in the custody of the writer hereof.

THe day after the battaile, very early in the Morning, O do bishop of Bayeux song Masse for those that were depar∣ted. The Duke after that desirous to know the estate of his battaile, and what people he had therein lost, and were slaine, he caused to come vnto him a Clarke that had written their names when they were embarked at S. Valeries, and commaunded him to call them all by their names, who called them that had bene at the battaile, and had passed the seas with Duke William. And hereafter followeth their names.

The names of those that were at the Conquest of England.

• O Do Bishop of Baycuix.
• Robert, Conte de Mortaign. These two were bre∣thren to Duke William by their mother.
• Baudwin de Buillon
• Roger Conte de Beaumont, sur∣named with the beard, of whom descēded y^e lign of Meullent.
• Guillaume Malet.
• Le Sire de Monfort, fin Rille.
• Guill de Viexpont.
• Neel de S. Sauueur le Viconte.
• Le Sire de Fougiers
• Henry Seigneur de Ferieres.
• Le Sire Daubemare.
• Guillaume Sire de Romare.
• Le Sire de Lithehare
• Le Sire de Touque.
• Le Sire de la Mare.
• Le Sire de Neauhou.
• Le Sire de Pirou.
• Rob. Sire de Beaufou
• Le Sire Danou.
• Le Sire de Soteuille.
• Se Sire de Margne∣uille••
• Le sire de Tacaruille
• Eustace Dābleuille.
• le sire de Māgneuille.
• Le Sire de Grant∣mesnil.
• Guillaume Crespin.
• Le Sire de S. Martin.
• Guill. de Moulins.
• Le Sire de Puis.
• Geoffray Sire de Mayenne.
• Auffroy de Bohon.
• Auffroy & Maugier de Cartrait.
• Guill. de Garennes.
• Hue de Gournay, Sire de Bray.
• Le Conte Hue de Gournay.
• Euguemōt de l'aigle
• Le vicōte de Touars
• Rich. Dauuerēchin.
• Le Sire de Biars.
• Le Sire de Solligny.
• Le Bouteiller Dau∣bigny.
• Le Sire de Maire.
• Le Sire de Vitry.
• Le Sire de Lacy.
• Le Sire du val Dary.
• Le Sire de Tracy.
• Hue Sire de Mōtfort
• Le Sire de Piquegny
• Hamon de Kayen.
• Le Sire Despinay.
• Le Sire de Port.
• Le Sire de Torcy.
• Le Sire de Iort.
• Le Sire de Riuiers.
• Guillaume Moyōne
• Raoul resson de rin∣gueleiz.
• Roger Marmion.
• Raoul de Guel.
• Auenel des Byars.
• Paennel du Monsti∣er Hubert.
• Rob. Bertran le Tort
• ...

• Le Sire de Seulle.
• Le Sire de Doriual.
• Le Sire de Breual.
• Le Sire de S. Iehan.
• Le Sire de Bris.
• Le Sire du homme.
• Le Sire de Sauchoy.
• Le Sire de Cailly.
• Le Sire de Semilly.
• Le Sire de Tilly.
• Le Sire de Romell••••
• Mat. de Basqueuille.
• Le Sire de pruaulx.
• Le Sire de Gonis.
• Le Sire de Saince∣aul••.
• Le Sire de Moulloy.
• Le Sire de Mōceaulx
• The Archers du ••al de Reul, & Bresheul, & of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other places.
• Le Sire de S. Saen, i. de S. Sydonio.
• Le Sire de Kiulere.
• Le Sire de Salnar∣uille.
• Le Sire de Rony.
• Eude de Be••••ugieu.
• Le Sire de Oblie.
• Le Sire de Sacie.
• Le Sire de Nassie.
• Le Visquaius de Chaymes.
• Le Sire du Sap.
• Le Sire de Glos.
• Le Sire de Mine.
• Le Sire de Glāuille.
• Le Sire de Breen••••••
• Le Vidam de Baitay.
• Raoul de Mor••mont
• Pierre de Baillend, Sire de Fiscampi
• Le Sire de Beansault
• Le Sire de Tillieres.
• Le Sire de Pacy.
• Le Seneschalde. Torcy.
• Le Sire de Gacy.
• Le Sire Doully.
• Le Sire de Sacy.
• Le Sire de Vacy.
• Le Sire de Tour∣necut.
• Le Sire de Praeres.
• Guillaume de Cou∣lombieres.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sire de Bollebec
• Rich Sire Dorbec.
• Le Sire de Bōneboz.
• Le Sire de Tresgoz.
• Le Sire de Montsi∣quet.
• Huerle Bigot de Ma∣letor.
• Le Sire de la Haye.
• Le Sire de Brecy.
• Le Sire de Mombray
• Le Sire de Saye.
• Le Sire de la Ferte.
• Bouteuillain.
• Troussebout.
• Guillaume Patric de la Laund.
• Hue de Moltemer.
• Le Sire Danuillers.
• Le Sire Donnebaut.
• Le Sire de S. Cler.
• Rob. le filz Herneys Duc d'Orleans.
• Le Sire de Hare∣court.
• Le Sire de Creue∣coeur.
• Le Sire de Deyn∣court.
• Le Sire de Brimetot.
• Le Sire de Combray
• Le Sire Daunay.
• Le Sire de Fontenay
• Le Conte Deureux.
• Le Sire de Rebel∣chil.
• Alain Fergant Con∣te de Bretaigne.
• Le Sire de S. Vallery
• Le Conte Deu.
• Gaultier Giffard cō∣te de Longueuille.
• Le Sire Destoute∣uille.
• Le Conte Thomas Daubmalle.
• Guill. Cōte de Hoy∣mes & Darques.
• Le Sire de Bereuille.
• Se Sire de B••eante.
• Le Sire de Frean uille.
• Le Sire de Pauilly.
• Le Sire de Clere.
• Toustan du Bee.
• Le Sire de Maugny.
• Roger de Montgo∣mery.
• Amaury de Touars.

Ouer and besides the great number of Knights and Esquiers that were vnder them. In the same battail betwene the sayd William the bastard, Duke of Normandy on the one part, and King Harold on the other part, there were slain on King Harolds side of Englishmen, 66654. And on Duke Williams side there were slaine, 6013. men, as it is to bee found in the Chronicles of S. Peter of Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the Riuer of Thames.

When as the aboue named and many other great Lordes were so called, some of them appeared, other some did not: For some of them were slayne there in the held, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to shew themselues. Then gaue the Duke commaundement that the dead should be buried, and those that were sicke, comforted and eased the best that myght be, &c.

Out of the Auncient Chronicles of England, touching the names of other Normands which seeme to remayne aliue after the bat∣taile, and to be aduaunced in the Seignories of this land.

• IOhn de Maunde∣uile.
• Adam Vndenile
• Bernard de Freuile.
• Rich de Rochuile.
• Gilbard de Frakuile.
• Hugo de Douile.
• Symōd de Roteuile.
• R. de Euyle.
• B. de Kneuuile.
• Hugo de Moruile.
• R. de Coleuile.
• A. de Waruile.
• C. de Karuile.
• R. de Roteuile.
• S. de Stoteuile.
• H. Bonum.
• I. Monum.
• W. de Vignoum
• K de Vispount.
• W. Bailbeof.
• S. de Baleyne.
• H. de Marreys.
• I. Aguleyne.
• G. Agilon.
• R. Chamburlayne.
• N. de Vendres.
• H. de Verdon.
• H. de Verto.
• C. de Vernon.
• H. Hardul.
• C. Cappan.
• W. de Camuile.
• I de Cameyes.
• R de Rotes.
• R. de Boys.
• W. de Waren.
• T. de Wardboys.
• R de Boys.
• W. de Audeley.
• K. Dynham.
• R. de Vaures.
• G. Vargenteyn.
• I. de Hastings.
• G. de Hastank.
• L. de Burgee.
• R. de Butuileyn.
• H. de Malebranche.
• S. de Malemain.
• G. de Hauteuile.
• H Hauteyn!
• R. de Morteyn.
• R. de Mortimere.
• G. de Kanouile.
• E. de Columb.
• W. Paynel.
• C. Panner.
• H. Pontrel.
• I. de Riuers.
• T. Reuile.
• W. de Beauchamp.
• R. de Beaupale.
• E. de Ou.
• F. Louel.
• S de Troys.
• I. de Artel.
• Iohn de Monte∣brugg.
• H. de Mounteserel.
• W. Trussebut.
• W. Trussel.
• H. Byset.
• R. Basset.
• R. Molet.
• H. Malouile.
• G. Bonet.
• P. de Bonuile.
• S. de Rouile.
• N. de Norbec.
• I. de Corneux.
• P. de Corbet.
• W. de Mountague.
• S. de Mounfychet.
• I. de Geneuyle.
• H. Gyffard.
• I. de Say.
• T. Gilbard.
• R. de Chalons.
• S. de Chauward.
• H. Feret.
• Hugo. Pepard.
• I. de Harecourt.
• H. de Haunsard.
• I. de Lamare.
• P. de Mautreuers.
• G. de Ferron.
• R. de Ferrers.
• I. de Desty.
• W. de Werders.
• H de Borneuyle.
• I••de Saintenys.
• S. de Seucler.
• R. de Gorges.
• E. de Gemere.
• W. de Feus.
• S. de Filberd.
• H. de Turberuyle
• R. Troblenuer.
• R. de Angon.
• T. de Morer.
• T. de Roteler.
• H. de Spencer.
• R. de Saintpuinten.
• I. de Saint Martin.
• G. de Custan.
• Saint Constantin.
• Saint Leger & Saint Med.
• M. de Cronu & de S. Viger.
• S. de Crayel.
• R. de Crenker.
• N. Meyuell.
• I. de Berners.
• S. de Chumli.
• E. de Charers.
• I. de Grey.
• W. de Grangers.
• S de Grangers.
• S. Raubenyn.
• H. Vamgers.
• E. Bertram.
• R. Bygot.
• S. Treoly.
• I. Trigos.
• G. de Feues.
• H. Filiot.
• R. Taperyn.
• S. Talbot.
• H. Santsauer.
• T. de Samford.
• G. de Vandien.
• C. de Vautort.
• G. de Mountague.
• Tho. de Chamber∣non.
• S. de Montfort.
• R. de Ferneuaux
• W. de Valence.
• T. Clarel.
• S. de Cleruaus.
• P. de Aubermarle.
• H de Saint Ar∣uant.
• E. de Auganuteys.
• S. de Gant.
• G. de Malearbe.
• H. Mandut.
• W. de Chesun.
• L. de Chandut.
• R Filz vrs.
• B. viconte de Low.
• G. de Cantemere.
• T. de Cantlow.
• R. Breaunce.
• T. de Broxeboof.
• S de Bolebec
• B Mol de boef.
• I. de Muelis.
• R de Brus.
• S de Brewes.
• I. de Lylle.
• T. de Bellyle.
• I. de Wateruile.
• G. de Neuyle.
• R. de Neuburgh
• H. de Burgoyne
• G de Bourgh.
• S. de Lymoges
• L de Lyben.
• W. de Helyoun
• H. de Hildrebron
• R de Loges
• S. de Seintlow
• I de Maubank
• P. de Saint Malow
• R. de Leoferne
• I. de Louotot
• G. de Dabbeuyle
• H. de Appetot
• W. de Percy
• H. de Lacy
• G de Quincy
• E Tracy
• R de la Souche
• V. de Somery
• I. de Saint Iohn
• T. de Saint Gory
• P. de Boyly
• R de Saint Valery
• P. de Pinkeni
• S. de Pauely
• G. de Monthaut
• T. de Mountchesy
• R. de Lymozy
• G. de Lucy
• I. de Artoys
• N de Arty
• P de Grenuyle
• I. de Greys
• V. de Cresty
• F de Courcy
• T. de Lamar
• H. de Lymastz
• I de Monbray
• G. de Morley
• S de Gorney
• R. de Courtenay
• P. de Gourney
• R. de Cony
• I. de la Huse
• R. de la Huse
• V de Longeuyle
• P. Longespye
• I. Pouchardon
• R. de la Pomercy
• I. de Pountz
• R. de Pontlarge
• R. Estraunge
• Tho. Sauage.

A little aboue, mention was made of the Bishops sea of Shireborne,* 11.1 translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus & Normand, who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury. After whom succeded Osmūdus, who finished the worke and replenished the house with great liuing, & much good singing. This Osmundus first began the ordinarie, which was called Secundum vsum Sarum. an. 1076. The occasion whereof was this (as I find in an old story booke intituled Eulogium) a great contention chanced at Glastenbury be∣twene Thurstanus the Abbot,* 11.2 and his couent in the days of William Conqueror, which Thurstanus the sayd Wil∣liam had brought out of Normandy, frō the Abbey of Ca∣donum, and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury. The cause of this cōtentious battaile, was for that Thurstanus con∣teinning their Quier seruice, then called the vse of S. Bre∣gory, cōpelled his monkes to the vse of one Williā a monk of Fiscam in Normandy. Wherupon, came strife & conten∣tions amongst them: first, in wordes, then from words to blowes, after blowes then to armor. The Abbot with his gard of harnest men, fell vpon the monkes, & draue them to the steps of the high aulter: where ii. were slayne, viii. were wounded with shafts, swords & pikes. The monkes then driuen to such a straight & narow shift, were compel∣led to defend themselues with fourmes and candlestickes, wherwith they did wound certain of the souldiours. One monke there was (an aged man) who in stead of his shield tooke an Image of the Crucifice in his armes, for hys de∣fence, which image was woūded in the brest by one of the bowe men, wherby the Monke was saued. My story ad∣deth more, that the striker incontinent vpon the same fell mad, which sauoreth of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being brought before the king, the Ab∣bot was sent agayne to Cadonius, and the monks by the commaundement of the king were scattered in farre coun∣treys. Thus by the occasion hereof, Osmundus bishop of Salisbury, deuised that ordinary, which is called the vse of Sarum, and was afterward receiued in a maner through all England, Ireland and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of this king William.

Which William after his death, by his wife Matildis or Maulde, left iii. sonnes, Robert Courtley to whom he gaue the Duchie of Normandy: William Rufus his secōd sonne, to whom he gaue the kingdome of England: And Henry the third sonne, to whom he left and gaue treasor, and warned William to be to his people louing & liberall, Robert to be to his people sterne and sturdy.

* 11.3In the history called Iornalensis, is reported of a certain great man, who about this tyme of kyng William, was compassed about with Mise and Rattes, and flying to the middest of a Riuer, yet when that would not serue, came to the land agayne, and was of them deuoured. The Ber∣maines say, that this was a Byshop, who dwellyng be∣twene Colen and Mentz, in tyme of famine and dearth, hauyng store of corne and grayne, would not helpe the po∣uertie crying to hym for reliefe, but rather wyshed hys corne to be eaten of Myse and Rattes. Wherefore beyng compassed with Mise and Rattes (by the iust iudgement of God) to auoyd the annoiance of them, he builded a tow∣er in middest of the Riuer of Rheine (which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rattes tower) but all that would not helpe: for the Rattes and Myse swamme ouer to hym in as great aboundaunce as they did before. Of whome at length he was deuoured.

William Rufus.

* 11.4William Rufus the second sonne of William Cōque∣rour beganne his raigue, an. 1088. And raigned 13. yeares, beyng crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus, who after his coronation released out of prison, by the re∣quest of his father,* 11.5 diuers of the English Lords, which be∣fore had bene in custody. It chaunced that at the death of William Conquerour, Robert Courtsey his eldest sonne was absent in Almany. Who hearing of the death of hys father, and how William his yonger brother had taken v∣pon him the kingdome, was therwith greatly amoued, in so much that he laid his dukedome to pledge vnto his bro∣ther Henry, and with that good, gathered vnto him an ar∣my, and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to haue ex∣pulsed his brother from the kyngdom. But William Ru∣fus hearing thereof, sent to him sayre and gentle wordes, promising him deditiō and subiection as to the more wor∣thy and elder brother, this thing onely requiring, that see∣yng he was now in place and possession, he might enioy it during his life, paying to him yerely iii. thousand markes, with condition, that which of them ouerlyued the other, should enioy the kingdome. The occasion of this variance betwene these brethren, wrought a great dissentiō among the Normaine Lordes and Bishops, both in England & in Normandy. In so much that all the Normain bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king (takyng part with Duke Robert) except onely Lanfrancus, and Wolstane Bishop of Worcester, aboue mentioned an En∣glish man: who for his vertue and constancie was so wel liked and fauoured of his citizens,* 11.6 that (emboldned wyth his presence & prayer) they stoutly maintained the City of Worcester agaynst the siege of their enemies, & at last van∣quished them wyth vtter ruine. But Duke Robert at length by the aduise of his counsaile (hearing the wordes sent vnto him, and wagging his dead thereat, as one con∣ceiuing some matter of doubt or doublenes) was yet con∣tent to assent to all that was desired, & so returned shortly after into Normandy, leauing the bishops and such other, in the briers, which were in England taking his part a∣gainst the kyng.

This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normaines, that betwene him and his Lords was oft dissention. Wherfore (well nere) all the Normains tooke part agaynst him: so that he was forced of necessitie to drawe to hym the En∣glishe men. Agayne, so couetous he was, and so unmea∣surable in his taskes and takings; in selling benefites, Abbeys, and Bishoprickes, that he was hated of all En∣glish men.

In the third yere of this king, died Lancfrancus Arch∣bishop of Cant.* 11.7 from whose commendation and worthi∣nes as I list not to detract any thing (being so greatly ma∣gnified of Polidorus his countreyman) so neyther doe I see any great cause,* 11.8 why to adde any thing therunto. This I thinke, vnlesse that man had brought with him lesse su∣perstition, and more sincere science into Christes Church, he might haue kept him in his countrey still, & haue con∣futed Berengarius at home. After y^e decease of Lanfranke, the sea of Cant. stoode emptie iiii. yeares.

After the counsaile of Lancfrancus aboue mentioned: wherin was concluded for translating of Bishops seas,* 11.9 from villages into head cities: Remigius bishop of Dor∣chester, who (as ye heard, accompanied Lancfrancus vnto Rome) remooued his Bishops sea from Dorchester vnto Lincolne,* 11.10 where he builded the minster there situate vpon an hill within the sayd citie of Lincoln. The dedication of which church, Robert Archbishop of Yorke did resist, say∣ing that it was builded within the ground of his precinct. But after,* 11.11 it had his Romish dedication by Robert Blo∣cet, next bishop that followed. By the same Remigius also was sounded the cloister or monastery of Stow, &c.

In the iiii.* 11.12 yeare of this king, great tempest fell in son∣dry places of England, specially at Winchcombe, where the steeple was burned with lightning, the Church walle brast through,* 11.13 the head and right leg of the Crucifixe, with the Image of our Lady, on the right side of the Crucifixe throwen downe, and such a stench left in the Church, that none might abide it. At London the force of the weather & tempest ouerturned vi. hundreth houses. In which tem∣pest the roofe of Bowe church was whurled vp in y^e wind, and by the vehemence thereof was pitched downe a great deepenes into the ground.

King William (as ye heard an exceding piller or raue∣ner rather of Church goods) after he had geuen the Bisho∣prike of Lincolne to his Chauncellor Robert Bleuet (a∣boue minded) began to cauil, auouching the sea of Lincoln to belong to the sea of Yorke, till the Bishop of Lincolne had pleased him with a great summe of money of v. thou∣sand markes, &c.

And as nothing could come in those dayes without mo∣ny from the king, so Herbert Lolinga paying to the kyng a peece of money, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had payd a little before to be Abbot of Ramesey. who likewise the same time, remouing his sea from Thetford to the Ci∣tie of Norwich, there erected the Cathedrall Church with the cloister in the said citie of Norwith, where he furnished the Monkes with sufficient liuing and rentes of his owne charges, besides the Bishops landes. Afterward repen∣tyng of his open and manifest simonie,* 11.14 he went to Rome: where he resigned vnto the Popes hands his bishoprike: but so, that incontinēt he receiued it againe. This Herbert was the sonne of an Abbot called Robert, for whō he pur∣chased of the king to be bishop of Winchester, wherof run∣neth these verses.

Filius est praeful, pater Abba, Simon vter{que} Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus: Omnia nummus habet quod vultfacit, addit & aufert Res nimis iniusta, nummus fit praeful & Abba, &c.

Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrād, after the tyme of which Hildebrand, the Germain Empe∣rors began to loose their authoritie and right in the Popes electiō, and in geuing of benefices. For next after this Hil∣debrand,* 11.15 came Pope Victor by the setting vp of Matilda, and the Duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand,* 11.16 who likewise shewed himselfe stout against y^e emperor. But God gaue the shrewd Low short hornes: For Victor beyng poysoned (as some say in his chalice) late but one yeare and a halfe. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in thē that followed after. And like as the kings of Israel folow∣ed most part the steps of Ieroboam, till the tyme of theyr desolation: so for the greatest sort all Popes followed the steps and proceedings, of this Hildebrand their spirituall Ieroboam, in maintaining fals worship, and chiefly in vp∣holding the dignitie of the sea, against all rightfull autho∣ritie,* 11.17 and the lawful kingdom of Sion. In the time of this Victor, began the order of the Monkes of Charterhouse, through the meanes of one Hugo bishop of Gracionople, and of Bruno bishop of Colen.

Next to Victor sate Urbanus the ii. by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, & also new decrees enacted against Henricus the Emperour. In this time were two Popes at Rome, Urbanus and Clemens iii. whome the Emperor set vp.* 11.18 Under Pope Urbane came in the white Monkes of Cistercian order, by one Stephen Harding a monke of Shireborne (an Englishman) by whom this or∣der had his beginning in the wildernes of Cistery,* 11.19 within the prouince of Burgoyne, as witnesseth Cestrensis. Other write that this Harding was the ij. Abbot of that place, & that it was first founded by the meanes of one Robert Ab∣bot of Molisine in Cistercium,* 11.20 a Forest in Burgundy, an. 1098. (perswaded perchance by Harding) and afterward in the yere of our Lord, 1135. it was brought into England by a certaine man called Espek, which builded an Abbey of the same order called Merinale. In this order y^e monks did liue by the labour of their hands. They paid no tithes, nor offrings: they weare no furre nor lyning: they weare red shoes, their coules white, and coate blacke, all shorne saue a little circle: they eate no flesh but only in their iour∣ney. Of this order was Bernardus, &c.

* 11.21This Urbanus held diuers Councels: one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gaue in∣uestiture of any Ecclesiasticall benefice. Also all such of the Clergy as abiected themselues to be vnderlings or ser∣uants to lay persons for Ecclesiasticall benefices, &c.

An other Councell he held at Cleremount in France. Where among other things the bishop made an Oration to the Lords,* 11.22 being there present concerning the voiage & recouering of the holy land from the Turkes and Sara∣zens. The cause of which voiage first sprang by one Peter a monke or Hermite, who being in Ierusalem, & seing the great misery of the Christians vnder the Paganes, made therof declaration to Pope Urbane, & was therin a great sollicitor to all christian Princes. By reason whereof, after the foresaid Oration of pope Urbane 30000. men (takyng on them the signe of the crosse for their cognisaunce) made preparation for that voiage,* 11.23 whose Captains were God∣frey Duke of Loraine with his two brethren, Eustace, and Baldwine, the bishop of Pody, Bohemund duke of Puell and his nephew Tancredus, Raymund Erle of S. Egi∣dius, Robert Erle of Flaunders, and Hugh le Graund, brother of Phillip the French king. To whome also was ioyned Robert Courthoyle duke of Normandy, with di∣uers other noble men, with the foresayd Peter the Dere∣mite, who was the chiefe causer of that voiage.

At that tyme many of the sayd Noble men layed theyr lands & lordships to morgage, for to prouide for the fore∣named voiage: as Godfrey duke of Lorayne, who sold the Dukedome of Boloine to the Bishop of Eburone for a great sumine of money. Also Robert Courthoyse Duke of Normandy layd his Dukedome to pledge to his brother William king of England for x. thousand pounds, &c.

* 11.24Thus the Christians which passed first ouer Bospho∣rus, hauing to their captaine Peter the Heremite (a man perchance more deuout then expert to guide an army) be∣yng trapped of their enemies, were slaine & murthered in great number among the Bulgars, and nere to the towne called Ciuitus.

* 11.25When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople (where Alexius was Emperour) passing ouer by Hellespontus goyng to Ierusalem, they tooke the cities of Nicea, Eraclea, Tarsis, and subdued the country of Cicilia, appointing the possession thereof to certayne of their Captaines.

Antioch was besieged, and in the ix. month of the siege it was yelded to the Christians by one Pyrrhus: about which season were sought many strong battayles to the great slaughter and desolation of the Sarazens,* 11.26 and not without losse of man•• Christian men. The gouernance of this Citie was committed to Boamund Duke of Pucil,* 11.27 whose martiall knighthood was often prooued in tyme of the siege thereof.

And not long after, Corbona, maister of the Persians Chiualry,* 11.28 was vanquished and slayne, with an hundreth thousand Infidels. In which discomfiture were taken 15000. camels.

Ierusalem the 39. day of the siege was conquered by the Christians.* 11.29 Robert Duke of Normandy was elect to be king therof. But he refused, hearing of the death of king William of Eng. wherfore he neuer sped in all his affaires well after the same. Then Godfrey captaine of the christian army was proclaimed the first king of Ierusalem. At the taking of the City was such a murder of men,* 11.30 that bloud was congeled in the streete the thicknes of a foote. Then after Godfrey raigned Baldwine his brother. After hym Baldwine the second nephew. Then Gaufridus duke of Gaunt, and after him Gaufridus his sonne, by whom ma∣ny great battails there were fought against the Sarazens and all the countrey thereabout subdued saue Ascalon, &c. And thus much hetherto touching the voyage to the holy land. Now to our owne land agayne.

About this tyme (as Mathaeus Parisiensis writeth) the kinge of England fauoured not much the sea of Rome, because of their impudent and vnsatiable exactiōs,* 11.31 which they required, neither would he suffer any of his subiectes to go to Rome, alleaging these wordes in the author thus expressed: Quòd Petri non inhaerent vestigijs, praemijs inhian∣tes, non eius potestatem retinent, cuius sanctitatem probantur non imitari: that is, because they follow not the steppes of Peter, hunting for rewardes; neither haue they the power and authoritie of him, whose holinesse they declare them∣selues not to follow, &c.

By the same Urbanus,* 11.32 the seuen Houres whiche we call septem horas Canonicas, were first instituted in the Church.

Item, by this pope was decreed, no bishop to be made but vnder the name and title of some certaine place.* 11.33

Item, that Martins and Houres of the day, should e∣uery day be sayd.

Also euery Saterday, to be sayd the Masse of our La∣dy,* 11.34 and all the Iewes Sabboth to be turned to the seruice of our Lady, as in the Councell of Turon, to the which seruice was appointed the Antheme, Ora pro populo, inter∣ueni pro clero, intercede pro deuoto foemineo sexu.

Item,* 11.35 all such of the clergy as had wyues to be depri∣ued of their order.

Item, to be lawfull for subiectes to breake theyr othe of allegeaunce, with all such as were by the Pope excom∣municate.

Item,* 11.36 not to be lawfull both for husband and wyfe to christen one child both together, with matters many moe.

By the same Pope thus many chapters stand written in the Canon law. Dist. 7. Sanctorum, dist. 31. Eos qui 1. q. 1. Si qui dist. 56 praesbyterorum, 11. q. 3. quibus 15. q. 6. Iuratos, 16. q. 7. congregatio, 19 q. 2. Statuimus, 23. q. 8. Tributum. 30. q. 4. quod autem &c.

In the 6. yere of this kings raigne, Malcoline king of Scots which foure times before had made great slaugh∣ter of old & yong in the North partes,* 11.37 as is before shewed, braste into Northumberland with all the power he could make, and there by the right iudgement of God was slain with his sonne Edward, and also Margaret his wife, si∣ster to Edgar Adeling aboue mynded, a vertuous and de∣uout Lady, within 3. dayes after.

The same yeare he gaue the Archbishoprike of Caun∣terbury (after that he had detayned the same in hys owne bandes 4.* 11.38 yeares) to Anselmus Abbot of Becke in Nor∣mandie

This Anselme was an Italian in the Citie of Augu∣sta borne, and brought vp in the Abbey of Becke in Nor∣mandy: where, he was so straight a folower of vertue, that (as the story recordeth) he wished rather to bee without sinne in hell,* 11.39 then in heauen with sinne. Which saying and wish of his (if it were his) may seeme to proceede out of a mynde neither speaking orderly according after the phrase and vnderstanding of the scripture, nor yet sufficiently ac∣quainted with the iustification of a christen man. Further, they report him to be so farre from singularitie: that hee should say it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heauen,* 11.40 and man out of paradise.

Of this Anselme it is moreouer reported, that he was so ilwilling to take the Archbishoprike, that the kyng had

much adoe to thrust it upon him: and was so desirous to haue him take it,* 11.41 that the Citie of Caunterbury (which be∣fore Lanfrancus did holde but at the kings good wyll and pleasure) he gaue now to Anselme wholy, which was a∣bout the yere of our Lord, 1093. But as desirous as y^e king was then to place the sayd Anselme, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all maner of meane to defeate hym if he might. Such strife and contention rose betweene them two for certayne matters, the ground and occasion where∣of, first was this.

After that Anselmus had bene thus elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrate, the king com∣moned with him (assaying by all gentle maner of wordes to entreat him) that such lands & possessions of the church of Cant. as the king had geuen and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfrancus: they might still enioy the same,* 11.42 as their owne lawful possession, through his graunt and permission. But to this, Anselme in no case would a∣gree. Wherupon the king conceiuing great displeasure a∣gainst him, did stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long proces of time,* 11.43 the king enforced by the dai∣ly complaintes and desires of his people and subiects for lacke of an Archbishop to moderate the church, was con∣strained to admit and autorise hym vnto them. Thus An∣selme with much ado,* 11.44 takyng his consecration, and doyng his homage to the king, went to his see of Cant. And not long after, the king sailed ouer to Normandy.

About this time there were two striuing in Rome for the Popedome,* 11.45 as is afore touched. Urbanus & Guiber∣tus. Diuers realmes diuersly consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England taking part with theyr kyng was rather enclined to Guibertus, called Clemens the 3. but Anselmus did fully go with Urbanus, making so hys exception with the king, entring to his bishopricke. After the king was returned againe from Normandy, y^e Arch∣bishop commeth to him and asketh leaue to goe to Rome, to set his palle of Pope Urban: which when he could not at the first obtaine, he maketh his appeale from the king to the Pope. Whereat the king beyng iustly displeased, char∣geth the Archbishop with breach of his feaultie, contrary to his promise made: that is, if he, without his licence, would appeale eyther to Urbane or to any other Pope. Anselme aunswereth agayne, that was to bee referred to some greater councell, where it is to be disputed, whether this be to breake a mans allegeance to a terrene Prince, if he appeale to the vicar of S. Peter. And here much argu∣yng and contending was on both sides.* 11.46 The kings reason proceeded thus: The custome (sayth he) from my fathers time hath bene in England, that no person should appeale to the Pope without the kings licence. He that breaketh the customes of the realme, violateth the power and crowne of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my crowne, is a traitour and enemy a∣gainst me, &c. To this Anselme replieth agayne: The Lord (sayth he) easilie discusseth this question, briefly teachyng what fidelitic and allegeaunce we ought to geue to the vi∣car of S. Peter, where he sayth: thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke will I build my church, &c. And to thee I wyll geue the keyes of the kingdom of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt bynde in earth, it shall be bound in heauen, and whatsoeuer thou loosest in earth, shall be loosed in heauen, &c. Agayne to them all in general, he saith: he that heareth you, heareth me, and who despiseth you, despiseth me. And in an other place, he that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of myne eie. On the other side, what duety we owe to the king, he sheweth also. Geue (sayth he) to the Emperour, what belongeth to the Emperour, and to God, geue that to God belongeth. Wherefore in such things as belong to God, I will yeld and must yeld by good right and duetie, my obedience to the vicar of S. Peter, and in such thinges as belong agayne to terrene dignitie of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithfull helpe and counsell, so far as they can extend.

* 11.47Thus haue ye the grounded arguments of this Pre∣late, to stand so stifly agaynst his prince, wherunto perad∣uenture was ioyned also some piece of a stubburne hart. But in this conclusion, none of his fellow bishops durst take his part, but were all against him: namely, William Bishop of Duresine. To whom Anselme thus protesteth, saying: who so euer he were that would presume to proue it any breach of allegeaunce of feaulty to his soueraigne, if he appealed to the vicar of S. Peter, he was ready to aun∣swer at all tymes to the contrary: the bishop of Duresine aunswering againe, that he which would not be ruled by reason, must with force be cōstrained, &c. The king hauing on his part the agreement of the Bishops, thought to de∣priue the Archb. both of his pastorall sea, and to expell him out of the realme. But he could not performe his purpose, for Anselme as he was ready to depart the realme, he sayd: whensoeuer he went, he would take his office and autho∣ritie with him, though he tooke nothing els. Whereupon, that matter was deferred till a longer tyme. In the meane season the king had sent priuily two messengers to Pope Urbane, to intreat him to send his pall to the king for him to geue it where he would, which messengers by this time were returned againe, bringing with them from Rome Gualter bishop of Albane the popes Legate,* 11.48 with the pall to be geuē to Anselme. This Legate first landing at Do∣uer, from thence came priuily (vnknowing to Anselme) to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urbane was re∣ceyued pope in England, whatsoeuer the king required to be obtayned, he by his priuiledge from the Apostolicall sea would ratifie and confirme the same, saue onely that when the king required of the Legate that Anselme might be re∣moued,* 11.49 the Legate therunto would not agree, saying: that was vnpossible to be obtained, that such a man as he, be∣yng lawfully called, should bee expelled without manifest cause. In conclusion so it folowed, that although he could not obtain his request of the Legate, yet y^e Legate wroght so with the king, that Urbane was proclaymed lawfull Pope through all the realme.

Then were sent to Anselmus certain bishops to moue and prooue his mynd, declaring what charges and paynes the kyng had bene at in his behalfe, to procure the pall for hym from Rome, which otherwyse would haue stood him in great expences, and that all this the king hath done for his sake. Wherfore it were good reason and conueniēt, that he (to gratifie the king) should something condescend to his request againe.* 11.50 But with all this, Anselme the stoute Archbishop would not be moued, wherefore the kyng see∣yng none other remedy, was compelled to graunt vnto him y^e full right of his Archbishoprike. And so y^e day apoin¦ted when the palle should be brought to Canterbury (be∣ing caried with all solemnitie in a thing of siluer) the Arch∣bishop with a great concourse of people, came forth bare∣foot,* 11.51 with his priestly vestiments, after a most goodly ma∣ner to meete the same. And so beyng brought in, was layd vppon the aulter, whilest Anselme (spreading ouer hys shoulders his popish vestiments) proceeded vnto his po∣pish masse.

Thus agreement beyng made betwene the kyng and the bishop, so long as it would hold. It happened the yere following, the kyng with his army entred into Wales to subdue such as there rebelled against him. After the victo∣ry gotten, the king returned home agayne with triumph. To whom Anselme thought to haue come,* 11.52 to congratu∣late his prosperous successe. But the king preuented hym by messengers, laying to the bishops charge both the smal number & euil seruice of his souldiours sent to him at hys need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselme was dasht, who at the same present had thought to haue obtay∣ned & done many great matters with the king touching the state of the Church. But here all turned contrary to his expectation.* 11.53 In so much, that he was charged against the next court of parliament, to make his aunswer. But he a∣uoided that by appealing to Rome. Wherfore he made his sute and friendes to the king for lisence to go to the Pope. Unto the which sute, the king aunswered agayne, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do for that both he knew him to be of so sound a lyfe, y^t he had done no such offence where of hee needed to craue absolu∣tion at Rome, neither was there any such lacke of science & knowledge, that he neded to borrow any counsel there. In so much (sayth the kyng) that I dare say. Pope Ur∣bane, rather hath to geue place to the wysedome of An∣selme, then Anselme to haue neede of Urbane. Wherefore as he hath no cause to goe, so I charge hym to tary. And if he continue in his stubburnnes still,* 11.54 I wil assuredly season vpon his possessions, and conuert his Archbishoprike vn∣to my cofers: for that he transgresseth and breaketh hys fidelitie and obessaunce, promising before to obserue all the customes of my kyngdome. Neyther is it the fashion in this Realme, that any of my Nobles should goe to Rome without my sending. And therefore, let him sweare vnto me, y^t he shall neyther for any greuance, appeale hereafter to the sea of Rome, or els let him voyde my realme.

Against these wordes of the king, Anselme thinkyng not best to reply agayne by any Message, but by worde of mouth, comming himselfe personally to the kyng, placeth himselfe (after his order) on the right hand of the Prince, where he made his reply vnto the message sent to hym by the kyng.* 11.55 Where as ye say, I ought not to goe to Rome either for lacke of any trespasse, or for aboundance of coun∣saile and knowledge in me (albeit I graunt to neither of them as true) yet what the truth is therein, I referre it to

the iudgement of God. And whereas ye say that I promi∣sed to kepe and obserue your customes: that I graunt, but with a condition: so farre to keepe them, and such of them to obserue, as were consonant to the lawes of God, & ru∣led with right and equitie. Moreouer, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegeance, for that con∣trary to your customes I appeale to the Sea Apostolicke (my reuerence and dutie to your soueraigntie reserued) if an other would say it,* 11.56 that is vntrue. For the fidelitie and obeisaunce that I owe to thee (O King) I haue it of the faith and fidelitie of God, whose Vicare S. Peter is: to whose seat I do appeale. Farther, whereas ye require me to sweare, that I shal for no cause hereafter at any time ap∣peale to Rome: I pronoūce openly that a christian Prince requireth such an othe of his Archbishop vniustly. For if I should forsweare S. Peter, I should denye Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be con∣tent and ready to stand to my satisfaction of my transgres∣sion to you, for asking license to goe to Rome. And perad∣uenture when I am gone, the goodes of the Churche shall not so serue your temporal desires and commodities as ye wene for. At these wordes of the Bishop, the king and his nobles were not a little incensed: defending againe, that in obseruing the kinges customes, there was neither con∣dition nor any clause put in, either of God or right. No was, sayde Anselme? If so be that in your customes was neither mention made of God nor of right, whereof was there mention then? For God forbid that any Christian shoulde be bound to any customes, which goe contrary to God and to right: Thus on both sides passed much alter∣cation betwene thē. At length, the king after many threat∣ning wordes, tolde him he should cary nothing out of the realme with him. Well sayde the Bishop, if I may neyther haue my horse, nor garmentes with me, then will I walke on foote.* 11.57 And so addressed him toward his iourney (all the other bishops forsaking him) wherof none would take his part: but if he came to them for their counsaile, they sayd he was wise inough, and needed not their counsaile, as who for his prudence knewe best what was to be done, as also for his holines was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor wold stand against the king their Lord: whose fauour they could not lacke, for the peril that might happen both to thēselues and to their kinrede. But for him because he was both a stranger, and void of such wordly corruption in him: they willed him to goe forwarde as he had begon, their secrete consent he shoulde haue, but their open voice they woulde not geue him.* 11.58 Thus Anselmus remaining at Douer 15. daies tarying for winde: at last sped him towarde his pas∣sage. But his packing being secretly knowen in the court: the kings officer (William Warlwast) preuented hys pur∣pose:* 11.59 searching by the kings commaundement al his trus∣ses, coffers, satchels, sleeues, purse, napkin and bosome for letters, and for mony, and so let him passe. Who sailing in∣to Fraunce, first rested a while at Lions, from thence came to Rome to complaine to Pope Urbane, according to the tenor and forme of a certaine Epistle of his, wherin among many other thinges in the same Epistle conteined: these wordes he wryteth to Pope Paschalis, the third yere after his banishment, after the death of Urbane, and a little be∣fore the death of the king.

To the Lord and reuerend father Paschalis, high bishop: Anselme seruant of the Churche of Cant. offereth due sub∣iection from his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any stede. Ex Epist. 36. Paulò post initium.

* 12.1I See in Englād many euils, whose correction belongeth to me, and which I could neither amend, nor suffer with∣out mine owne fault. The king desireth of me, that vnder the name of right I shuld consent to his pleasures, which were against the lawe and wil of God. For he woulde not haue the Pope receaued nor appealed vnto in Englande, without his commaundement: neither that I should send a letter vnto him, or receaue any from him: or that I shuld obey his decrees. He suffered not a Councell to be kept in his realme, now these 13. yeares since he was king. In all these things, and such like, if I asked any counsaile, all my suffragane Byshops of his realme, denied to geue me any counsaile, but according to the kinges pleasure. After that I sawe these and such other thinges,* 12.2 that are done against the will and lawe of God: I asked license of him to goe to Rome, vnto the sea Apostolicall, that I might there take counsaile for my soule, and the office committed to me. The king sayd, that I offended agaynst hym for the onely asking of license: And propounded to me, that eyther I should make hym amendes for the same as a trespasse (as∣suring hym neuer to aske this license any more to appeale to the pope at anye tyme hereafter) or els that I shoulde quickly depart out of hys land.* 12.3 Wherefore chosen rather to goe out of the land•• then to agree to so wicked a thing: I came to Rome, as ye know, and declared the whole mat∣ter to the Lord Pope. The king by and by (as soone, as I went out of England) inuaded the whole Archbishoprike, and turned it to hys owne vse: taxing the monkes onely with bare moate, drinke, and clothe. The king being war∣ned and desired of the Lord Pope to amend this, he contē∣ned the same: and yet continueth in his purpose still.* 12.4 And now is the third yere since I came thus out of Englande and more. Some men not vnderstanding, demaund why I did not excommunicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as haue vnderstanding counsayle me, that I doe no: this thing: because it belongeth not to me both to com∣playne, and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by my frendes that are vnder the king, that my excommu∣nication (if it should be done) would be laughed to scorne and despised &c.

By these here aboue prefixed, appeareth how Anselme the Archbishop comming to Rome, made hys complaynt to the Pope Urbane of the king: and how the Pope wri∣ting to the king in the behalfe of Anselme: hys letters and commaundementes were despised. And now to our story. In the meane tyme while the popes letters were sent to the king, Anselme was byd to wayte about the Pope to looke for an aunswere backe. Who perceauing (at length) how little the king reputed the popes letters, began to be weary of hys office: desiring the pope that he might be dis∣charged thereof. But the Pope in no case woulde thereto consent, chargying hym vpon hys obedience, that where soeuer he went, he shoulde beare with him the name and honour of the Archbishop of Cant. Whereunto, Anselmus agayne sayd, hys obedience, he neyther durst nor woulde refuse, as who for Gods cause, was ready to suffer, what soeuer should happen (yea though it were death itselfe) as he thought no lesse would follow thereof. But what shold we think (sayth he) is there to be done, where not onely iustice taketh no place, but is vtterly oppressed? and where as my suffraganes not onely doe not helpe (for dread) the righteous cause: but also for fauour do impugne the same. Well (sayth the Pope) as touching these matters, we shal sufficiently prouide for at the next Councell at Baron: where as I will you the same tyme and place to be present.* 12.5

When the tyme of the Councell was come, Anselme a∣mong other was called for. Who first sitting in an vtter side of y^e Byshops, afterward was placed at y^e right foote of the Pope, with these wordes: Includamus hunc in orbe no∣stro tanquam alterius orbis Papam. Wherupon the same place after hym was appoynted to the successours of the sea of Cant. (in euery general Councel by the decree of Urbane) to sit at the right foote of the pope. In this Councell, great sturre and much reasoning there was agaynst the Greci∣ans, concerning the matter and order of proceeding of the holy Ghost.* 12.6 Where is to be noted that the Greeke Church hath of long tyme dissented from the Latine church in ma∣ny and sondry poyntes, to the number of xx. or almost xxi••. Articles,* 12.7 as I haue them collected out of the Register of y^e Church of Hereford. Whereof, lyke as occasion hereafter may serue (God willing) for a further & more ample trac∣tation to be made: so here by the waye partly I meane to touch some. The first is.

Wherein the Greeke Church dif∣fereth from the Latine.

THe first article wherein the Greeke Churche altereth from the Latine or Romish Church is this,* 12.8 Quòd sunt extra obedientiam Romanae ecclesiae, pro eo quòd ecclesia Con∣stantinopolitana non est subiecta, sed ei aequalis. 1. Dicunt Do∣minum Apostolicum non habere maiorem potestatem, q̄ iiii. Pa∣triarc hae. Et quicquid sit praeter scientiam eorum per Papam, vel sine eorum approbatione, nullius est valoris &c. In Englishe. First they are not vnder the obedience of the Churche of Rome, because that the Church of Constantinople is not subiect, but equall to the same.

2. They hold that the Bishop of the Apostolicke Sea of Rome,* 12.9 hath greater power then the 4. Patriarches. And whatsoeuer the Pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no valor.

3. Item they say, whatsoeuer hath bene done or conclu∣ded since the second generall Councell, is of no full autho∣ritie, because from that time they recount the Latines to be in errour, and to be excluded out of the holy Church.

4. Item Dicunt Eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam Ecclessam non esse verum corpus Christ:. 1. They hold the

Eucharist consecrated by the Churche of Rome, not to be the very body of Christ. Also where the Romish Churche doth cosecrate in vnleauened bread, they cōsecrate in bread leauened.

5. Item they say, that the Romish church doth erre in the wordes of Baptisme for saying, I baptise thee, when they should say: let this creature of God be baptised. &c.

6. They hold moreouer, to be no Purgatory, nor that the Suffrages of the Church do auaile the dead, either to lesse the paine of them, that be destinate to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to saluation.

7. Item they hold, that y^e soules out of the bodies depar∣ted (whether they haue done good or euill) haue not their perfect paine, nor glory: but are reserued in a certain place, till the day of iudgement.

8. Item they condemne the church of Rome, for mixting cold water in their sacrifice.

9. Item they condemne the Church of Rome, for that as wel women as priests annoynt children (when they bap∣tise them) on both shoulders.

10. Item Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam. i. They call our bread Panagia.

11. Item they blame the Church of Rome, for celebrating their Masse on other daies beside Sondaies, and certaine other feastes appoynted.

12. Also in this the Greeke Church varieth from the La∣tine, for they haue neither creame, nor oyle, nor sacrament of confirmation.

13. Neither do they vse extreme vnction, or anoyling after the maner of the Romane church, expounding the place of S. James of the spirituall infirmitie, and not corporall.

14. Item they enioyne no satisfaction for penance, but on∣ly that they shewe themselues to the Priests, annoynting them with simple oyle in token of remission of sinnes.

15. Item onely on maundy Thursday they consecrate for the sicke: keeping it for the whole yeare after, thinking it to be more holy vpon that day consecrate, then vppon any other. Neither doe they fast any saterday through y^e whole yeare, but onely on Easter euen.

16. Item they geue but onely 5. orders as of Clearkes, Subdeacons, Deacones, Priestes, & Byshops, when as the Romaine Church geueth ix. orders after the ix. orders of Aungels.

* 12.1017. Moreouer, the Greciās in their orders make no vow of chastitie, alledging for them the 5. Canon of N. *Ego praesbyter vel Diaconus, vxorem causa honestatis non reijciam. &c. i. I. N. Priest or Deacon will not forsake my wife for honestie sake.

18. Item, euery yeare the Grecians, vse vpon certaine dayes to excommunicate the Church of Rome, and all the Latines, as heretickes.

19. Item, among the sayde Grecians they are excommu∣nicate, that beate or strike a Priest. Neither doe their reli∣gious men liue in such Priestly chastitie, as the Romane Priests doe.

20. Item, their Emperour among them, doeth ordaine Patriarches, Bishops, and other of the Clergy, and depo∣seth the same at his pleasure, also geueth benefices to whō he lusteth, and retaineth the fruites of the same benefices, as pleaseth him.

* 12.1121. Item, they blame the Latine Churche because they cate not flesh, egges, and chese, on Friday, and do eate flesh on Saterdaies.

22. Item, they holde against the Latine men, for celebra∣ting without the consecrated Churche, either in the house or in the field: And fasting on the Sabboth day: And for permitting menstruous wemen, to enter into the Church before their purifying: Also for suffering dogges, and other beastes, to enter into the Church.

23. The Grecians vse not to knele in all their deuotions, yea not to the body of Christ (as the register termeth it) but one day in the whole yeare: saying and affirming, that the Latines be goates and beastes, for they are alwayes pro∣strating themselues vpon the ground in their praiers.

24. The Grecians moreouer permit not the Latines, to celebrate vpon their altars. And if it chaunce any Latine Priest to celebrate vpon their altar, by and by they washe their altare, in token of abomination & false sacrifice. And diligently they obserue, that whē soeuer they do celebrate, they do but one Liturgie or masse vpon one altar or table, that day.

25 Item, they dissent from the Church of Rome, touching the order and maner, of the proceding of the holy Ghost.

These Articles wherein is declared the difference be∣twene the East and West church, of the Grecians and Ro∣manes, as I found them articulate and collected in an an∣cient & autentical register of the churche of Hereforde: so I thought heere to inserte them, & leaue them to the conside∣ration of the Reader. Other foure articles moe in the same Register be there expressed, concerning sunonie, vsurie not w^e them forbidden, and touching also their Emperour, and how they teach their children to hurt or danify by any ma∣ner of way the Latine priestes, &c. Which articles, for that either they seme not truly collected out of their teachings, or els not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of Religion, I ouerpasse them. To the purpose now of our storie againe.

When certaine of these aboue prefixed, were mooued in the foresaid Councel to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of proceeding of the holy Ghost: and concerning leauened bread in the ministration of the Lords Supper. Anselme,* 12.12 as is aboue sayd, was called for, who in the trac∣ration of the same Articles so besturred him in that coun∣cell, that hee well liked the Pope, and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Wherupon, touching the matter of vnleauened bread how indifferētly he seemed there to rea∣son: and what he writeth to Valerane Byshop of Nuren∣burgh, therof ye shal beare by a pece of his letter sent to the sayd Byshop, the copie whereof here insueth.

¶ Anselme Seruant to the Church of Canterburie, to Valtram Bishop of Nurenburgh. Epistola 3 25. post initium.

AS concerning the sacrifice in which the Grecians thinke not as we doe:* 13.1 it semeth to many reasonable Catholike men: that which they do, not to be against the Christian faith, for bothe he that sacrificeth vnleauened and leauened sacrificeth breade. And where it is red of our Lord (whē he made his body of bread) that he tooke bread and blessed: it is not added vnleauened, or leaue∣ned. Yet it is certaine that he blessed vnleauened bread (peraduen∣ture) not because the thing that was done required that, but be∣cause the supper in which this was done, did geue that. And wher as in an other place he called himselfe and his flesh bread, because that as many as liue tēporally with this bread, so with that bread he liueth for euer. He sayth not vnleauened or leauened, because both alike are breade. For vnleauened & leauened differ not in substance as some thinke: like as a new man afore sinne, & an olde rooted man in the leanen of sinne, differ not in substance. For this cause therefore only, he might be thought to call himselfe and his flesh, bread, and made his body of breade, because that this breade (vnleauened or leauened) geueth a transitorie life: and his bodie of bread, because that this bread (vnleauened or leauened) giueth a transitorie life: and his body geueth euerlasting life, not for that it is either leauened or vnleauened. Although it be a cōman∣dement in the lawe, to eate vnleauened breade in the passeoner, where all things are done in a figure: that it might be declared, that Christ whom they loked for, was pure & cleane: and we that should eate his body were admonished to be likewise pure from al leauen and malice and wickednesse.* 13.2 But nowe, after we are come from the olde figure to the newe trueth, and eate the vnleauened flesh of Christ: that olde figure in breade (of which we make that flesh) is not necessary for vs. But manifest it is, to be better sacrifi∣ced of vnleauened then of leauened, &c.

To this letter I haue also adioyned an other Epistle of his to the sayd Valtrame, appertaining to matters not much vnlike to the same effect: Wherein is entreated tou∣ching the varietie and diuers vsages of the sacraments in the church. Wherby such as cal and cry so much for vnifor∣mitie in the Churche, may note peraduenture in the same, something for their better vnderstanding.

¶ A piece of on other letter of Anselme to the said Valtram bishop of Nur.

To the reverende father and his frend Valtram, by the grace of God the worshipful bishop of Nuren∣burgh, Anselme the seruant of the Church of Canterbury greeting. &c.

YOur worship complaineth of the Sacraments of the Church,* 14.1 that they are not made euery where after one sorte, but are handled in diuers places after diuers sortes. And truelie, if they were ministred after one sorte and agreeing through the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet notwithstanding, because there be many diuersities which differ not in the summe of the sa∣crament, in the strength of it, or in the saith, nor els can be gathe∣red into one custome: I thinke that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace, than to be condemned with offence. For we haue this from the holy fathers, thai if the vnitie of chari∣tie be kept in the Catholique faith, the diuersitie of customes hurt nothing. But if it be demanded whereof this diuersity of customes doe spring: I perceiue no other cause thereof, but the diuersitie of mens wits. Which although they differ not in strength and truthe

of the thing: yet they agree not in the fitnesse and comelinesse of the ministring. For that which one iudgeth to be meeter, often∣times an other thinketh lesse mete: wherefore not to agree in such diuersities, I thinke it not to swarue frō the truth of the thing. &c.

* 14.2Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the councell, when they had geuen foorth their determination vpon the same: And the Pope had blasted out his thundring excommunications against the Grecians, & all that tooke their parte: at length was brought in, touching the complaintes and accusation against the king of England. Upon the hearing whereof, Pope Urbane with his adherents was ready to proceede in excommunication against the king. But Anselme knee∣ling before the Pope, after hee had first accused his King, then after obtained for him longer time to be geuen vpon further triall.

Thus the councell breaking vp, the Pope returning againe to Rome, directeth downe his letters to the King, commaunding him that Anselme with all his partakers (in speedy wise) should be reuested againe into his archbi∣shoprick,* 14.3 and al other possessions therunto appertaining. To this the king sendeth answere againe by messengers, who comming to the Pope, declared in the kings behalfe on this wife. That the King their maister did not a little meruaile, what came in his minde to commaund Anselme to be reuested and relaised againe into his former Archby∣shopricke,* 14.4 seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leaue, he woulde so doe vnto him. Well saith the Pope, haue ye no other matter against Anselmus but onely this? No, quod they. And haue ye ta∣ken all this trauel (sayth the Pope) to come hether so farre to tell me this, that the Primate of your countrey is there∣fore seased and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the sea and iudgement Apostolicall? Therefore if thou louest thy Lord speede thee home and tell him, if he wil not be ex∣commoned, that he quickly reuest Anselme againe, to all y^e he had before. And least I make thee to be hanged for thy labour, looke to thy terme, and see that thou bring me aun∣swer againe from him into this citie,* 14.5 against the next coū∣cel the third weeke after Easter. The messenger or speaker being somewhat astonied at the hearing of this so ragicall aunswere: thinking yet to worke something for his King & master: came secretely to the Pope, saying that he would conferre a certaine mysterie from his king priuately wyth his holinesse betwene them two. What mysterie that was or what there passed from the king to the Pope & the court of Rome,* 14.6 mine author doth not shew. But so cunningly y^e mysterie was handled: that with a full consent both of the Pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was geuen (from Easter to Michaelmas) and the popes cholericke heate so asswaged: that when the councel came (which then was holden in S. Peters Church in Rome) albeit great complaintes were then denounced against the King:* 14.7 yet such fauour was found, that he toke no harme. Onely the sentence of excōmunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gaue inuesture of Churches, and them y^t were so inuested. Also against them that doe consecrate such, or which geue themselues in subiection to lay mē for ecclesiastical liuings, as is before touched, &c.

* 14.8This Councell being finished, the Archbishop seeing the vnstedfastnesse of the Pope (which pleased him but a little) tooke his iourney to Lions: where he continued his abode a long time, till the death first of pope Urbane, then after of the king.

Of this king William, many things be diuersly recor∣ded, some to his commendation, & some to his discommē∣dation: whereof this is one which some will ascribe to har∣dines, but I rather to rashnes in him. As this king vpon a time was in his disport of hunting: sodenly worde came to him, that Cenourona (a Citie in Normandy) was be∣sieged. The King without longer tarying or aduisement, tooke the straight way towarde the sea side, sending to his lordes, that they should followe after. They being come to hys presence, aduised him to staie, till the time his people were assembled, but he would not be stayed: saying, that such as him loued (he knew) wold follow him shortly, and so went to take ship.* 14.9 The shipmaster seeing the weather so darke and cloudie, was afraide, and counsailed the king to tarrie till the winde did turne about, and the weather more fauourable. But the King persisting in his iourney, commaunded him to make all the speede he might for his life (saying) that he neuer hearde, that any King yet was euer drowned. And so passed the sea in safetie, and came to Normandie.

The 13. yeare of his reigne the saide King William ha∣uing the same time in his hand three byshoprickes, Cant. Wint. and Saruin•• also 12. Abbeyes in farme: As he was in his disport of hunting in the new forest, by glaunsing of an arrowe (shot of a Knight named Walter Eyrell) was wounded to death:* 14.10 and so speachlesse was caried to West∣minster, and there was buried. Where also is to be noted, y^t Richarde the cosen Germaine of K. William, and sonne to duke Robert his brother, was likewise slaine in the for∣said forest.* 14.11 See the iust hand of god vpon kings, vsurping wrongfully vpon other mennes grounds, as did William Conqueror their father, in making this newe forest: pluc∣king downe diuers churches and towneships,* 14.12 the cōpasse of 30. miles about. Here therefore apeareth, that although men can not reuenge, yet God reuengeth either in thē, or in their posteritie, &c. This king as he alwaies died Con∣cubines, so left he no issue legitimate behinde him. His life was suche, that it is harde for a storie that shoulde tell truth, to say, whether he was more to be commēded, or re∣prooued. Among other vices in him,* 14.13 especially is to be re∣buked in him vnmeasurable and vnreasonable couetous∣nes: in so much y^e he coueted (if he might) to be euery mans heire. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I finde in him: that vpon a time, when a certaine Abbot of a place was deade, there came to his court two Monkes of the same house: who before had gathered much mony, and made their frendes to the king,* 14.14 and offered large offers ei∣ther of them to be promoted to that dignitie. There was also the third monke of the same place, which of meekenes and humility folowed the other two: to the intent that vp∣on him y^e the king had admitted for Abbot, he should geue attendance, and as his chaplaine to haue with him retur∣ned. The king called before him the two mōkes seuerally, of whom the either outprosered the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied the third Monke standing by, sup∣posing that his comming had bene also for the like cause. Then the King calling him, asked what he wold do, whe∣ther he would geue more then his brethren had offered, to be Abbot. He answered to the king, and saide: that he nei∣ther had (nor woulde if he might) offer any panic for it, by any such vnlawfull meane.

When the king had well pondered this third Monkes answere,* 14.15 he said that he was best worthy to be Abbot, and to haue the rule of so holy a charge: and so gaue vnto him that benefice without taking any penie.

Urbanus B. of Rome (who, as is saide succeeded after Victor) ruled the Churche of Rome, about the space of 12. yeres: and among his other actes, he excommunicated the Emperor Henricus the fourth of that name, as a man not much deuoute to that sea of Rome: But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was, in whome albeit some vice per∣chaunce might be noted: yet none such, wherefore any pre∣late or minister of Christ,* 14.16 ought to excite his subiects to re∣bell against publike authoritie of God appointed. This Emperour Henricus the iiii. was by 4. Popes seuerallye excommunicate: first by Hildebrand, by Victor, Urbanus, and Paschalis. Which excommunicatiō wrought so in the ignorant & blinde hearts of the people,* 14.17 that many (as well of the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworne alleageance) rebelliously conspired against their king and Emperor. In number of whom, among the rest, was one certaine Earle named Ludouicus: to whom Waltramus bishop of the Church of Mergburgh (a godly and a faith∣full man, as appeareth) doeth write letters of fatherly ad∣monition, exhorting and instructing him in the office of o∣bedience. Unto the which letters he likewise doth answer againe, by cauilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather disposed to discord, then seeking sinceritie of trueth. And forasmuch as in these two letters, y^e argument of chri∣stian obedience on both sides is so debated by proofes and reasons, as may be profitable for the Reader to peruse and vnderstande: I thought therfore not to defraud the Eng∣lish reader of the same, whereof peraduenture some vtility might be taken. The tenour of the Byshops letter to the Earle here foloweth.

¶ The Epistle of Waltramus B. of Mergburgh, to the earle Ludouicus, exhorting to concorde and obedience.

VAltramus dei gratia id quod est,* 15.1 Ludouico serenisimo prin∣cipi, cum instantia orationum, semetipsum ad omnia deuotis∣simum. Omni regno vtilis est concordia, desiderabilis est iustitia. &c. In English.

Valtrame by the grace of God being that he is:* 15.2 to Ludouike the noble prince, with instance of praier offreth himselfe seruice∣able to all things. To euery realme concord is a thing profitable, and iustice muche to be desired. For this vertue is the mother of godlines and the consecration of all honestie. Whosoeuer seeking after ciuile dissention, and incenseth other to effusion of bloude:

he is a murtherer, and partaker with him: who euer gaping and thrusting for an others bloud, goeth about seeking whom he may deuoure. You therefore, considering with your selfe (moste noble Prince) howe God is the God of peace,* 15.3 and not of dissention (so much as in you doth lie) haue peace with all men. God is charity, the deuil is hatred. The whole law and Prophets consist in loue & charitie. He that hateth and maligneth his brother, is a murtherer & hath no part with Christ in the kingdome of God. This we read testified and protested both by him which is the truth himselfe, & by him which was the scholer of the truth: who vpon the brest of the Lorde (drinking a more full draught of the gospel) reioyceth the citie of God with aboundance of plentiful floods. In like ma∣ner the worthy vessell of election, who being rapt vp to the thirde heauen (not by man but by reuelation of Iesu Christ) protesteth also, saying: let euery soule submit himselfe to higher powers. There is no power sayeth he, but of God. He that resisteth power, resisteth the ordinaunce of God. If that be true therefore, which certaine of our frendes do iangle among women, and the vulgare sort, that we ought not to be subdued to kingly power, then is it false which the Apostle teacheth, that euery soule must submitte himselfe vnder power and superioritie. But can the veritie lie? Or do we seke for experimēt of him, who spake in the Apostle, Christ the Lorde? Or do we prouoke the Lorde? Be we stronger then he? For what doth he but thinketh himselfe stronger then the Lorde, that resisteth the ordinance of God? for there is no power but of God. But what sayeth the Prophet? Confounded be all they that striue against thee O Lorde, and the men which repugne against thee, shall perish. Rodolphus, Hildebrandus, Egbertus, with many other Princes, resisted the ordinance of God in Henry the Empe∣rour.* 15.4 And lo, euen as they had neuer bene, so are they nowe peri∣shed, & as their end was euil, so their begīning could not be good.

Nowe therefore, for so much as they which be contrary to vs do earnestly striue against vs with their owne arguments, wheras of right (I dare referre me to your iudgemēt) we ought to vse the authoritie of Christ & ancient fathers, before that, which our ad∣uersaries take out of their owne treasurie. And because I will not refuse the order of lawe in this behalfe, let it be the ende of the strife: that either I may be openly shamed before the people, either els (the victory falling on my side) we may winne you to the obe∣dience of our soueraigne Lord the Emperour. Also take you hede to this saying, If any man do preach otherwise then that which is preached,* 15.5 let him be of you accursed. This curse, I say doeth not proceede from any newe prophane authoritie, but is thundered downe from the third heauen. And of them which knowe not the righteousnes of God, but goe about to stablish their owne righte∣ousnes, and therfore be not subiect to the righteousnes of God: I may boldly say, let such be accursed. So may you well say, con∣founded be al they that proudly rise vp against the Lorde but thy seruant (oh Lord) shall reioyce, for as thou hast wel saide, without me you can doe nothing,* 15.6 so in iudging of the wicked, thou doest not condemne the iust. Who art thou that iudgest another mans seruant to his owne Lord whether he doth stand or fall?* 15.7

The answere of the Earle Lewes, to Bishop Waltram.

THe Earle Lewys to the Lord Waltram, howsoeuer vnworthy or vnmeete he be for the name.* 16.1 Like as a good man from the good treasure of the hart bringeth forth good fruit, so doeth the euil man from the euil treasure of the heart bring forth euil fruit. What arrogācie hath so possessed you, to prouoke my displeasure, with such iniurious contumelies? for in dede, those my good lords and spirituall fathers, which strengthen me in the way of righte∣ousnes: you railingly, call them, bloudy men like vnto Sathan, and the wholesome lessons which they teache, you say they are but dreames of the common people amongest foolish women. Hath God any nede of your iudgement that you should speake leasings for him? Iniquity hath taught your mouth to folow blasphemous tonges, so that wel may the Prophet say of you, he would not vn∣derstand to do wel, he hath deuised wickednesse vpon his bed. Al∣though therfore you being altogether froward, haue only spoken frowarde things: yet we haue determined to set a watche before your mouth, like as if a shameles person shoulde stande vp before vs: and the worde of GOD dothe prouoke vs saying. An∣swere a foole according to his owne foolishnesse, least hee shoulde seeme wise in his owne opinion. Shall folly speake and wisedome holde his peace? Shall lies be freely vttered, and trueth compelled to kepe silence?* 16.2 Shall darkenes couer the earth, & shall not the Lorde arise and shine? yea rather the light hath lightened the darknes, and darknes hath not comprehended it. In conside∣ration hereof our harts haue melted, and our zealous medita∣tion hath set vs on fire. We therefore speake and crie, and the little foxes which vndermine the Lords vineyards (as much as in vs is) we driue away, fearing the threatning prophecie. You haue not withstanded our aduersaries, neither haue you made a bulwarke for the defence of the house of Israel, that you might be able to stand in battaile in the day of the Lorde. Let them heare (I speake not to you which haue cares and heare not, eyes & see not, which haue made darke the light that is in you) but let them heare (I say) that be wel disposed, and haue eares to heare withall As for you, you haue no vnderstanding,* 16.3 and if you haue you cloke it. Neither haue you any thing to say or to proue, by what reason we should be subiect to the Lord Henry whome you call Emperour. And yet (as it is giuen vs to vnderstand) you goe about to perswade, that of necessity we ought to be subiect to him, & that by the argumēt of S. Paule. Let euery soule be subdued to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, he therefore that doth withstande power, doth resist, Gods ordinance. The which sentence of the A∣postle, we say that you do euil conceiue, and therefore euil inter∣prete: for if euery power be of God (as you vnderstande) what is meant by that, that the Lord doth speake of some by the Prophet? They did raigne and were not made Princes by me,* 16.4 and I knewe them not. If euery power be of God as you take it, what is to be thought of that, that the Lorde doth say, If thine eye offende thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee. For what is power, but the eie? Certainly, Augustine in the exposition of this sentence of the A∣postle, let euery soule, &c. doth say that if the powers do commād any thing against God, then haue them in contempt: but yet ne∣uertheles feare thē. Is there any iniquitie with God? Is Christ the minister of sinne? God forbid. What shal we therfore say? doth the Apostle preach contrary to the truth? Augustinus sayeth no: one winde filleth many pipes of diuers tunes.* 16.5 Therfore let vs hear the Apostle agreeing and expounding himselfe, and destroying his enemie and auenger. There is (sayeth he) no power but of God. What followeth? He therfore (sayth he) that doth resist the power, &c. God forbid? doeth nothing followe? But what doeth followe? Those powers which be ordeined of god truely: that is it we look for. O craftie tongue, O heart imagining mischiefe, O consuming breath that shall not returne, why hast thou lied to the holy ghost? Thine owne conscience shall accuse thee. Behold the wicked fle∣eth and no man doth pursue him. Why woulde you suppresse the truth to the intēt to deceiue? Why haue you stolne away the pith and effect of this sentence? For if these wordes should be taken a∣way from the midst of the sentence, it shuld lie contrary to it selfe, inconuenient and halfe dead. The worde of the Lord is herein ful∣filled. He that diggeth a pit for his neighbour, shal fall therein him selfe. Verely you can neither excuse you of theft, neither auoid the punishment due for the same. What (O vnhappy man) what shall you answer to the iudge,* 16.6 when he shall require an accompt of his seruaunts whome he putteth in trust seeing you shal be set before him in the midst, and prooued a picker of your maisters treasure? Wherefore did you not feare the iudgement & executiō, whē as the giltines of offence doth require condigne punishment? The A∣postle through the holy Ghost did foresee that you and such he∣retikes as you are should spring in the Church, which should call good euil, and euil good: and that should put darknes in place of light, and light in place of darknes, which also should take occasi∣on by the sentences of truth to bring in error:* 16.7 When as he did set this before, there is no power but of God: to the intent that hee might take away the coniecture of false vnderstanding, for (sayeth he) those powers that be, are ordeined of God. Geue therefore an ordinarie power, and we doe not resist, yea we will forthwith doe our homage. But I do maruell (if at the least there remaine in you any one drop of bloud) that you are not ashawed, to call the Lord Henry a king, or to allow him any ordinarie place.

Is this a seemely order thinke you to geue place to wicked∣nes, and to make a generall confusion in mixing good and euill, Gods and mans deuises together? Either do you thinke this good order,* 16.8 for man to sinne against his owne body, as (Oh shamefull wickednes) to make his owne wife a common harlot, a mischiefe not heard of at any time since the beginning of the world before now: or do you alow this for good order, when as the Lord sayth, defend the widowes, especially such as require equitie of Iustice, and then them to send away most filthely defiled? Madde Orestes doth protest him to be out of his wit that will say these things to be orderly or well done. Vntill this most miserable time, nature hath euer loued secrecie, but your king geuē vp into a reprobate sense, hath vncouered the priuities of nature, who hath not let to lay abroade all shamefastnesse: we wil not speake of other thinges which cannot be numbred, that is to say, burning of Churches, robberies, fiering of houses, manslaughters, murders & such like, the number whereof he knoweth and not we: for let vs speake chiefly of those things which most greue the Church of God. Har∣ken therfore to true & not fained things.* 16.9 Hearken I say to matters of earnest and to no trifles. Euery one that doth tell spirituall dig∣nities, is an hereticke: But the Lord Harry, whom they cal a king, doth sell both Byshoprikes and Abbathies: for truely he solde for money the Byshoprikes of Constance, Babemberge, Mens. & ma∣ny others. The Byshopprikes of Ratisbone, Augusta, and Strafe∣brough, he sold for a sword: and the Abbey of Fulda for adulterie. And for filthy sodomitry he sold the byshopprike of Mon. A wic∣kednes it is to speake or heare of such a fact. The which things if without shame ye wil deny, he is to be condemned by the witnes of heauen and earth: yea and of the selie poore idiotes that come from the smithes forge. Wherfore the Lord Harry is an hereticke.

For the which most wicked euils he is excommunicate from the sea Apostolike, so that he may not exercise either kingdome or power ouer vs which be Catholicke And whereas you burden vs with hatred of our brethren,* 16.10 knowe you that we purpose not to hate any of affection, but of a godly zeale. God forbidde that we should thinke Harry worthy to be accompted amongst our chri∣stian brethren, who in deede is reputed for an Ethnike and Publi∣cane, in that he refused to heare the Church which so oft hath re∣proued him.* 16.11 The hatred of whome we offer vnto God for a great sacrifice, saying with the Psalmist: Lord shall not I hate them that hate thee▪ and shall not I triumph ouer thine enemies? I hate them with an inward hatred that be ennemies to me for thy sake. The truth it selfe commending the worthines of this hatred, doth say: If any do not hate father and mother, brethren and sisters for my sake, he cannot be my disciple. We are not therefore iustly to be reproued of hatred,* 16.12 which doe geue ouer our owne soule to be in the way of God: who in deede are commanded to hate father and mother, and euery affection which doth withstād vs for walking in the path of God. Hereof it commeth, that we labor withall our studie and endeuour to beware of the enemies of the church▪ and them to hate. Not for that they be our enemies, but gods. Father, where you doe perswade peace to be had with all men: you must remember what the Apostle doth put before, if it may be. But if it can be that we can haue peace with them, who can be contrary to God? who doth not know the Lord our Sauiour, to commend not onely peace, when as he sayth: my pe••ce I geue vnto you, my peace I leaue vnto you? but that he is the peace, as sayeth the A∣postle: he is the peace which made of both one: For he calleth him our peace, speaking in commendation of the peace: Thincke not (sayeth hee) that I came to sende peace. For I came not to send peace,* 16.13 but the sworde. What is meant by this? Why is peace called a sword? Or doth peace bid battel? Yea truely, to de∣stroy the peace of the deuill. For the deuil hath his peace, whereof the Lord speaketh: When as the strong man keepeth his house, he doth possesse all his substance in peace. Oh howe mightely doeth the deuil kepe his souldiours and his house in this time: who with the shield of falshood, and the helmet of vntruth, so doth defend him, that he will not suffer either arrow or dart of truth to pearse him. Neuertheles, our Lord being more strongly armed, & fierce∣ly comming vpon your Giaunt, is able to ouercome him, and to take away his weapons, wherein he putteth his trust. We are not therfore to be blamed, if we do detest that peace, more cruel then any warre▪ The which the truth it selfe did reproue, weeping ouer Hierusalem, and saying: Truely, it grieueth me this day to see sin∣ners in peace, being like vnto that peace, wherat the Psalmist was offended. Whereas you condemne Pope Gregory, king Rodol∣phus, and Marques Eggerbertus, as men that haue died of an vn∣happy death, & do magnifie your Lord, because he doth ouerliue them: it doth plainly (forsoth) appeare that you remaine voide of all spiritual consideration. Is it not better to die well, then to liue ill? They be truely happy, who suffer persecution for righteousnes sake▪ by the same reason may you esteme Nero, Herod, and Pilate happy, in that they ouerliued Peter, Paul, Iames Apostles, & Ie∣sus Christ. What can be said more foolish and wicked then this o∣pinion? Wherfore refraine your babling toung from this blasphe∣mie, least that you place your selfe in the number of them, which seeing the end of the iust to be glorious (themselues doing late & vnfruitfull penance, bewailing in the anguish of the spirite) shall say: These be they whom sometime we had in derision, & laughed to scorne: we being out of our wits, thought their liues madnes; and their end to be without honor. Behold howe they be allowed to be amongst the children of God, and their portion is amongst the Saints. Wherfore we haue erred from the way of truth, & the brightnes of righteousnesse did not shine vpon vs. What did out pride auaile vs? And what profit did the boasting of our richesse bring vnto vs? They are all vanished away like a shadowe. The which wordes we haue registred vp into perpetual memorie, & we do despise euery attēpt that shal lift vp it self against the truth of God. And reioycing in troubles, we may be reprooued, put to shame and rebuked, yea and finally be slaine and killed, but we wil neither yeeld, nor be ouercome. And with great triumph will we reioyce in our fathers doings: of whom, you (as a beardles boy, & of smal knowledge) haue not rightly conceiued: who in dede des∣pising Princes comandements, haue deserued euerlasting reward.

Wherby is to be noted what difference is to be sent be∣tweene the hose of Princes then, and the hose of seruing∣men now.

* 16.14There is a certaine Chronicle in olde English meter, which among other matters speaking of William Rufus, declareth him to be so sumptuous & excessiue in poinpous apparel, that he being not contented with a paire of hose of a lowe price which was iii. shillings: caused a paire to be bought of a marke, whereupon his chamberlaine procu∣ring a paire much worse then the other before, sayd: That they costenid a marke, and vnneth he them so bought, Ye belamy (quoth the king) these are well bought.

Appendix Historiae.

After the tune of this king William,* 16.15 the name of kings ceased in the country of Wales among the Britaines, since king Ris. who in the raigne of this king, the yeare of oure Lorde 1093. was slaine in Wales. Ex continuatione Roger. Houeden.

King Henry the first.

HEnry first of that name, the third sonne of W. Conque∣rour;* 16.16 succeeding his brother Rufus: began his raigne in England; the yere of our Lord 1100. who tor his know∣ledge & science in the 7. liberal arts, was surnamed Clerke or bewclerke.* 16.17 In whome may wel appeare, howe know∣ledge and learning doth greatly conduce, to the gouerne∣ment and administration of any realme or country. At the beginning, he reformed the state and condition of the cler∣gie: released the grieuous paiments: reduced againe king Edwards laws, with emendation therof: he reformed the old and vntrue measures, & made a measure after y^e length of his arme: he greatly abhorred excesse of meats & drinks: many things misused before his time he reformed: and v∣sed to vanquish more by counsaile then by sworde. Suche persons as were nice and wanton, he secluded from hys court. This man as appeareth, litle fauoured the vsurped power of the Bishop of Rome. Soone after he was King, he maried Matilde or Maude: daughter of Malcolin king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife: daughter of Ed∣ward the Dutlaw, as is before specified: being a profesied Nunne in Winchester,* 16.18 whom notwithstanding (wont the popes dispensation) he maried by the consent of Anselme: By the which Maude he receaued 2. sonnes, William, and Richard: & 2. daughters, Maude & Mary, which Maude afterward was maried to Henry the v. Emperour. &c.

In the second yere of his reigne, Robert his elder bro∣ther Duke of Normādy, who being occupied in the Chri∣sten warres against the Turkes, and being elect (as yee heard) king of Hierusalem,* 16.19 hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom therof. For the which (as is thought) he neuer sped wel after. Thus the saide Robert, leauing of the Lordes busines, and returning into Normandy, made there his preparation, and came ouer into England; with a great hoste to chalenge the Crowne. But by mediation of the Lordes it was agreed; that Robert shoulde haue yearely during his life iij. M. markes, as was likewise promised him before, by R. Rufus his brother. And whe∣ther of them ouer liued the other, to be others heyre. And thus Robert departed again vnto Normādy, to the great discontentation of his Lords there. But in few yeares af∣ter, the forenamed tribute of iij. M. Markes, through the meanes of Queene Maude, was released to the King his brother. In proces of time, variance falling betwene king Henry, and the sayd Robert his brother: at length Robert in his warre was taken prisonner and brought ouer into England,* 16.20 & was put into the Castel of Cardise in Wales, where he continued as prisoner while he liued.

In this time, as about the iij. yeare of this king: the ho∣spitall of S. Bartholomewe in Smithfield was founded (by meanes of a minstrell belonging to the King) named Rayer.* 16.21 And after was finished by Richard Whittyngton, Alderman and Maior of London. This place of Smith∣field was at that day, a lay stowe of all ordure or filth, & the place where the felones & other transgressors of the kings lawes were put to execution.

Diuers strait lawes were by this king prouided, espe∣cially against theeues and felones: that who so were taken in that fault, no money should saue him from hanging.

Item, that who so did counterfait false money, shoulde haue both his eyes, and nether partes of his body cut off.

Item, in the same Councell was decreed, an order for Priestes to be sequestred from their wiues, whych before were not forbidden; according as the wordes of mine au∣thor doe purporte,* 16.22 whose wordes be these: Anselmus pro∣hibuit vxores sacerdotibus Anglorum, ante non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculo∣sum, ne dutrimundicias viribus maiores appeterent, in immundi∣cias horrib••les ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus incide∣rent &c. Hen. Hunt.

Item, it was then decreed, that Monkes and Priests should beare no rule ouer lay persons.

Item, it was then decreed, concerning broydering of heare, and wearing of garments.

Item, that the secrete 〈◊〉〈◊〉 act betwene a yong lad and a yong maid should not stand: with other things mo con∣cerning the excommunication of Sodomites. &c.

In the storie of William Rūfus before, was declared how Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury departing out

of the realme, went vnto the Pope, who after the death of King William, was sent for againe by the foresayde King Henrie,* 16.23 and so returned againe, and was at the Councell of the King at Westminster: where the king in the presence of the Lordes as well temporall as spiritual, ordeined and inuested 2. Bishops, Roger Bishop of Salisburie, & Ro∣ger bishop of Hereford. During which parliament or coū∣cel of the king. Anselmus in his conuocation deposed and displaced diuers Abbots and other Prelates, from their roumes and dignitics: eitherfor that they lawfully came not by them, or vprightly did not administer the same.

After this councel, and the other before set forth by An∣selmus. Herbert bishop of Norwich,* 16.24 had much adoe with y^e priests of his diocesse. For they would neither leaue their wiues, nor yet geue ouer their benefices. Whereupon, hee wrote to Anselme the Archbishop for counsaile, what was to be done therein. Which Anselme required him (as he did other mo the same time, by wryting) to perswade the peo∣ple of Norfolke and Southfolke: that as they professed Christianitie,* 16.25 they shoulde subdue them as rebels against the church, and vtterly to driue both them and their wiues out of the countrey: placing Monkes in their rowmes, as by the Epistles of the said Anselme doth appeare. Whereof certaine parcels shall hereafter (by the grace of Christ) en∣sue for the better euidence of this and the other his actes a∣boue recited.

The like businesse also had Gerarde the Archbishop of Yorke, in depriuing the priestes of his prouince from their wiues: which thing with all his excommunications and thundrings he coulde hardly bring about. Upon this ruf∣feling of Anselme with maried priestes, were runing ver∣ses made to helpe the matter withall, when reason coulde not serue. Which verses for the folly therof, I thought here to annexe.

O malè viuentes, versus audite sequentes, * 16.26Vxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas: Linquite propter eum, tenuit qui mortetro phaeum, Quod si non facitis, inferna claustra petetis. Christi sponsa iubet, ne praesbyter ille ministrer: Qui tenet vxorem, domini quia perdit amorem. Contradicentem fore dicimus insipientem, Non ex rancore loquor haec, potius sed amore.

* 16.27About the end of the third yere of this king, which was the computation of our Lord 1103. a variance fell betweene king Henry and Anselme: the occasion whereof was this. Ye heard a little before how Henry the foresaid king had of his owne authority inuested 2. bishops, our Roger which was his Chauncelour,* 16.28 bishop of Salisbury: and another Roger bishop of Herford. Besides them diuers also he in∣vested, and diuers other like things tooke he vpon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully doe, Gods worde allowing wel the same: but because it was restrai∣ned by the bishop of Rome for him so to doe: this Anselme swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he woulde neither consent to it, neither yet confirme them: nor communicate nor talke frēdly with them, whome the king had instituted and inuested: but opprobriously called them abortiues, or children of destruction: disdainefully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of Religion and polluter of their holy ce∣remonies: as witnesseth Polydorus. With thys vncomely outrage the King was much displeased (as he myght full well) and required Gerard the Archbishop of Yorke,* 16.29 (as he ought him allegeance) to consecrate them: who wyth∣out delay did so, well performing the same, saning that one William Gifford to whom the king had geuen the Bisho∣prike of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the Archbishop of Yorke. For the which cause the King worthely with him offended, depriued him both of bishoprike and goods, and banished him the realme.

Moreouer, the king required of Anselmus the Archb. of Canterbury,* 16.30 to do vnto him homage after the maner of his auncetours, as witnesseth Guliel de gestis pontif. Anglo. Also, it was asked of the sayde Anselme, whether that yee wold be with the king in geuing inuestures as Lanfran∣cus his predecessor was with his father. To whome An∣selme said, that he promised not in any time, that he would enter into this order, to kepe the law or custome of his fa∣ther, as Lanfrancus did. Moreouer, as cōcerning homage to be done to the King, that he refused, alledging the Cen∣sures of the Popes excommunication: whom his councel of Rome a little before, had geuen foorth open sentence of excommunication, vpon all such lay persons (whatsoeuer they were) that shoulde from hencefoorth conferre or geue any spirituall promotions: also vpon them that receiued them at their hands, either yet should consecrate any suche receiuers,* 16.31 Moreouer, he accursed at them that for benofices or other Ecclesiasticall promotions, shoulde subiect them∣selues vnder the homage or seruice of any great mā, king, Prince, Duke, or Erle of the laitie. For it was vnseemely (sayd the Pope) and a thing very execrable: that the hands which were conuerted into so high working, as was grā∣ted to no Angell (that is, to create him with their Crosses, which created all, and to offer vp the same before the sighte of the father,* 16.32 for the saluation of the whole world) shoulde be brought to such a slauerie, as to be subiect to those filthye hands, which both day and night are polluted in shame∣full touchings, robberies, and bloudshed. &c. This decree of Pope Urban, Anselmus alleaging for himselfe: denyed to subiect himself to the kings homage, fearing (as he said) the Popes excommunication. Upō this, messengers were sent to Rome on both partes, vnto the Pope (then pascha∣lis) who stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urbane his predecessor, woulde in no case decide to the kings inuesting.

In the meane time while there was long disputation on both sides for inuesting: the nobles of the realme cōten∣ded, that inuestings did belōg to the kings dignity: wher∣fore the King calling for Anselmus againe, required him either to do homage to him, or els to voide his kingdome. To whom Anselmus replying again, required the popes letters to be brought forth: and according to y^e tenor there∣of, so the matter to be decided. For now the messēgers were returned from Rome with the Popes answer, altogether bearing with Anselmus: Then sayde the king: what haue I to do with the Popes letters.* 16.33 I wil not forgo the liber∣ties of my kingdome for any Pope. Thus the contention continued betwene them. Anselmus sayeth, he would not out of the realme, but depart home to his church: and there see who wold offer him any violence, and so did. Not long after, message came from the King to Anselme, requesting him after a gentle sort, to repaire to the Kings presence a∣gaine, to set an ende of the controuersie begun: whereunto Anselme graunted and came.* 16.34 Then were newe Ambassa∣dours sent againe to the Pope, that he woulde something qualifie and moderate (or rather abolish) y^e streitnesse of the Romaine decree before mentioned. On the part of Ansel∣mus went two monkes, Baldwinus and Alexander. On the kings behalfe were sent two bishops, Robert bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert bishop of Norwich, to the kings letters wrytten vnto the Pope, containing in forme as followeth.

Patri venerabili Paschali summo pontifici, Henricus dei gra∣tia rex Anglorum, Salutem. Promotioni vestrae in sedem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae plurimum congaudeo, petens vt amicitia quae patri meo cum antecessoribus vestris suit, inter nos quoque illi∣bata permaneat. Vnde, vt dilectio & benignitas a me videatur su∣mere initium, beneficium quod ab antecessoribus meis bea∣tus Petrus habuit, vobis mitto: eosque honores & eam obe∣dientiam quam tempore patris mei antecessores vestri in regno Angliae habuerunt, tempore meo vt habeatis volo, eo videlicet tenore, vt dignitatis vsus & consuetudines, quas pater meus tē∣pore antecessorum vestrorum in regno Angl. habuit ego, tempo∣re vestro in eodem regno meo integrè obtineam. Notum{que}; habe∣at sanctitas vestra quod me viuente (deo auxiliante) dignitates & vsus regni Angl. non minuentur. Et si ego (quod absit) in tanta me deiectione ponerem: optimates mei (imo totius Angl. populus) id nullo modo pateretur. Habita igitur (charissime pater) vtillori deliberatione ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra, ne quid inuitus faciam & a vestra me cogatis recedore obedientia.

In English.

To the reuerende father Paschal the chiefe bishop,* 16.35 Henrie by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. For this your pro∣motion into the see of the holy Church of Rome, as I am heartily glad: so my request is to you, that the friendship and amitie, which hath bene tofore betweene my father and your predecessours in times past, may now also betwene vs in like manner continue vn∣deminished. And that loue and gentlenes may first beginne of my part: heere I sende vnto you that gift that S. Peter had in foretime of my predecessors. And likewise the same honors & obedience, which your predecessours haue had in the realme of England be∣fore in the time of my father, I will you to haue the same in my time also: after this forme I meane, and tenour, that the vsage and maner of dignitie and such customes which my father hath had in this realme of England in the time of your auncetors,* 16.36 I in like ample maner also nowe in your time, may fully enioy the same in this the saide realme of England. Thus therefore be it knowen to your holines, that during this life of mine (God almighty abling me to the same) these aboue named dignities, vsages, & customes of this realme of England, shall in no part be lessoned. Yea, and if that I (as God forbid I should) would so much deiect my selfe in∣to such cowardnes: yet my Nobles, yea the whole people of Eng∣land

in no case would suffer it.* 16.37 Wherfore (deare father) vsing with your selfe a better deliberation in the matter, let your gentlenesse so moderate it selfe toward vs, least ye compell me (which I shall doe against my will) to receade and depart vtterly from your o∣bedience.

At the same terme also be sent an other letter or Epistle to the sayde Pope, crauing of him the passe for Girardus Archb. of Yorke, the forme wherof, here also followeth.

Reuerendo & diligendo patri vniuersali Papae Paschali. Hen∣ricus dei gratia Rex Anglorum, salutem. Amor quem plurimum erga vos habeo, & benignitas quae multum vestros actus exornat. &c.

In English.

* 16.38To the reuerend and welbeloued father, vniuersall Pope Pas∣chalis, Henry by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. The great loue which I beare to you, and the no lesse gētlenes in you, which not a little beautifieth your doings, ministreth to me bold∣nesse to write. And where as I thought to haue reteined still this Gerardus with me, and to haue craued your palle for him by let∣ters: yet, notwithstanding, when his desire coulde not otherwise be satisfied, but woulde needes present himselfe before your pre∣sence, by his owne hart to craue of you the same, I haue sent him vp vnto you. Desiring your benigne fatherhoode in this behalfe, that he obtaining the palle at your hands, may be sent home again to me. And thus requiring the assistance of your prayers, I praye the Lord long to conserue your Apostleship.

This second letter of the king in sending for the Palle, was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author sayth) procured such fauor to Girardus archbishop of Yorke, and bringer thereof: that no complaint of his ad∣uersaries afterward could hurt him with the Pope. Not∣withstāding he was accused grieuously for diuers things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of An∣selitic Archbishop of Cant.

Polidorus in his 11. booke of his English history, affir∣meth, that Anselmus also went vp to Rome with Birar∣dus,* 16.39 about the same cause. But both the premisses, and se∣quele of the story argueth that to be vntrue. For what nee∣ded the 2. Monks to be sent vp on Anselmus side, if he had gone vp himselfe.* 16.40 Againe, howe coulde the Pope wryte downe by the saide messengers to Anselme, if he had there bene himself present? For so procedeth the story by the nar∣ration of Malmesbury and others.

After the Ambassadours (thus on both sides sent vp to Rome) had laboured theyr cause with instante sute, one a∣gainst the other:* 16.41 the pope glad to gratifie the king (yet loth to graunt his request, being against his owne profite, and therefore more inclining to Anselmus side) sendeth downe his letters to the sayde Anselme, signifying that he woulde not repeale the statutes of his holy fathers for one mans pleasure: charging him moreouer, not only not to yeide in the cause of inuesting, but constantly to adheare to y^e fore∣said decreemēt of Pope Urban his predecessor. &c. Besides this letter to Anselme, he directed also an other to the king himselfe: which letter, mine author saith, the king suppres∣sed, and did not shewe: onely declaring by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had saide vnto him from the Pope. Which was, that he permitted vnto him the licence of In∣uesting vpon condition, that in other things he would ex∣ecute the office of a good Prince. &c. To this also y^e testuno∣ny of the 2. bishops aboue minded, did accord, which made the matter more probable. But the 2. monkes on the other side replied againe, bringeth foorth the letter of Anselme to the contrary. &c. To thē was answered againe, that more credite was to be geuen to the degree and testimonie of the Bishops, then to theirs: And as for monkes, they had no suffrage nor testimonie (saide they) in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their peace. But this is no secu∣lar matter, sayd Baldwine abbot of Ramesey. Whereunto the nobles again of the kings part, answered, saying: that he was a good man, and of such demeanor, as they had no∣thing to say against him, neither so woulde if they might: but yet both humane and diuine reason taught them so, to yelde more credite and confidence to the testimonie of 3.* 16.42 bi∣shops then of 2. monkes. Whereby may well appeare, that Anselme at that time wēt not with them. Then Anselmus seeing the king and his peres how they were set: and hea∣ring also the testimonie of the 3. bishops, against which he saw, he could not preuatle: And also hauing y^e popes seale, which he sawe to be so euident on the contrary side: made his answer again, that he would send to Rome, for a more certaintie of truthe.* 16.43 Adding moreouer, that he neyther would nor durst geue ouer his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceede against the determination of the Churche of Rome, vnlesse he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence, for his discharge. Then was it a∣greed by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himselfe to Rome.* 16.44 And much intreatie was made, that he wold take that iorney himself, in his owne person, to present himselfe to the Pope, for the peace of the Church and of his country. And so at the length by persuation was content, went to Rome, and spake with the pope. In short time after followeth also, the kings Ambassador (William Warlwast) new elect bishop of Exetor: who ther pleading on the kings side,* 16.45 for the ancient customes of the realme, & for the kings right of Inuesting. &c. First declared: howe England of a long continuance, had euer bene a prouince peculiar to the Church of Rome, and howe it paied dewly his yerely tribut vnto the same. Inferring moreouer how the king, as he was of nature very liberall, so also of cou∣rage a prince stout and valiant. Then what a shame wold hee thinke it be to him (as it were in deede) if hee, who in mighte and dignitie farre exceeded all his progenitours, should not defend and maintaine the liberties & customes by them procured? wherefore he desired the Pope to see to the matter, so as might stande both with the kings honor, and also with his owne profite and aduātage: who other∣wise no doubt, shoulde loose a great peece of money out of the realme, vnlesse he did remit some thing of the seueritie of his canons and lawes decretall.

With these and such other perswasions like to the same effect, the court of Rome was well cōtented: agreeing that the kings request ought with al fauor to be graunted. But the Pope & Anselme sate still marking their doings. The ambassadour supposing their silence to be halfe a yeelding to him,* 16.46 added moreouer and sayd: that the king, no not for the crowne of his realme, would loose the authority of In∣uesting or admitting his Prelates, within his Dominion: Whereunto the proude Pope answering againe, brast out in these wordes: Nor I (sayde he) for the price of his heade (as thou sayst) wil lose the geuing of spirituall promotiōs in Englande, and confirming it with an othe (before God sayth he I speake it) know it for a certaine. &c. Then it fol∣loweth in the storie of Malmesberie: with this word of the P. the mindes of the rest were chaunged, saying: Benedicta fit cordis tui constantia, benedicta oris tui loquela. The kings attourney also was therewith dashed: who notwithstan∣ding, yet brought to passe, that certaine of the Kinges cu∣stomes vsed before of his father, were released vnto hym. At the which tune, in the same court was decreed, that (the king onely, which had inuested them, being excepted) the other which were inuested by the king,* 16.47 to be excommuni∣cated: the absolution and satisfaction of whome was left to Anselme the archbishop.

Thus Anselme being dismissed from Rome, tooke his iorney toward England. But the ambassador pretending to go to S. Nicholas remained behinde, to see whether he could winne the popes mind to the kings purpose. Which when he saw it would not be, he ouertaketh Anselmus by the way, at Placentia, and opened to him the kings plea∣sure. The king (sayth he) geueth to you in charge and com∣maundement, that if you will come to England and there behaue your selfe to him, as your predecessours did to his father,* 16.48 you should be receiued and retained in the Realme accordingly: if not you are wise inough (sayth he) ye know what I meane, and what will followe, &c. And so to these wordes parting from him, retourned againe to the King. Anselmus remained at Lions a yeare and a halfe, writing diuers letters to the King, after this effect and wordes as followeth.

¶ To his reuerend Lord Henry king of England, Anselme Archbishop of Canterburie, faithful ser∣uice with prayers. Epist. 224.

Although ye vnderstand by William* 17.1 Warlwast what we haue done at Rome: oyet I shall shortly shewe you that belongeth to me. When I came to Rome, I declared the cause wherefore I came to the Lorde Pope. He answered that he woulde not swarue from the statutes of his predecessours. Furthermore, he comman∣ded me that I should haue no fellowship with them that receiued inuestings of Churches at your hands after the knowledge of this prohibition, except they woulde doe penaunce and forsake that they had receiued, without hope of recouerie, nor that they shuld not communicate with the other Byshoppes that had consecra∣ted suche menne, except they woulde present them selues to the iudgement of the Apostolike sea. The foresayde William can be a witnesse of all these things if he will. This William when we departed a sonder (reconing vp in your behalfe the loue and li∣beralitie which yee haue had alwayes towardes me) warned mee as your Archbyshoppe, that I shoulde shewe my selfe such a one; that if I would come into Englande, that I might be wyth you as my predecessoure was wyth your Father: and ye might en∣treate mee wyth the same honoure and liberalitie, that youre father entreated my predecessor. By which wordes I vnderstand,

that except I woulde shewe my selfe suche a one, you woulde not haue me come into England. For your loue & liberalitie I thanke you: but that I shoulde be with you as my predecessour was with your father, I cannot do it. For I dare not do homage to you, nor dare communicate with them that take inuestings of Churches at your hands:* 17.2 because of the foresaid inhibition made, I my selfe hearing it. Wherfore I desire you to send me your pleasure herein (if it please you) whether I may returne into England (as I sayde) with your peace and power of mine office.

In the meane while, great businesse there was, & much posting went to and fro, betwene y^e king, the archbishop, and the Pope, but nothing was done: for neither woulde the Pope agree to the king, neither woulde the King con∣descende to the Archbishop. At last, the Archbishop seeing by no meanes he could preuaile against the king: thought to reuenge himselfe by excōmunication,* 17.3 and so went about the same. The king hauing word thereof by the Countesse Adala his sister, desireth her to come to him to Normādie, and bring Anselmus with her: whereupon (through the meanes of the Countesse) reconcilement was made, & the archbishop was restored to his former possessions againe. Only his returne into England was differred,* 17.4 because he would not communicate with those whome the King had inuested. So y^e king tooke his passage ouer into England, and Anselme made his abode at the Abbey of Becke.

Then were ambassadors againe directed vnto Rome W. Warlwast, & Baldwin aboue named Abbot of Rame∣sey: who at length cōcluded the long controuersy betwene the king & the Pope,* 17.5 vpon this agreement, that the King should take homage of the Bishops elect, but shoulde not deale with inuesting them by staffe and ring. &c. While the Embassadours were thus in their sute at Rome, diuers complaintes were daily brought from Englande to An∣selme, against the Priestes and Chanons: who in his ab∣sence, contrary to the late councel holden at London, recei∣ued their wiues vnto their houses againe, & so were per∣mitted by the king,* 17.6 paying him certaine mony for y^e same. Anselme (the fore enemie against lawfull mariage) agree∣ued therwith: addresseth his letters vnto the King, requi∣ring hym to refraine from any more taking of suche exacti∣ons: declaring moreouer and affirming, that the offences of all such Ecclesiasticall ministers must be corrected by the instance of Byshops, and not of lay men. To this the king answereth gently againe by letters, tempering himselfe: howe he purposed shortly to come ouer into Normandie, and if he had done any thing amisse, either in these or other things he would reforme it by his obedience.

It was not long after (the messengers being nowe re∣turned from Rome) but the king as he had promised, sped him into Normādy: wher he warring against his brother Robert, brought both him & the Countrey of Normandie at last vnder his subiection.* 17.7 But first meting w^t Anselmus at the Abbey of Becke, he cōuented & agreed with him in al such poyntes as the Archb. required. As first, that all hys Churches which before were made tributarie vnto King William his brother, now should remaine free from al tri∣bute. Item, y^t he should require nothing of the sayd Chur∣ches or Prouinces,* 17.8 in the time of the seate being vacant. Moreouer, concerning such Priestes & Ministers, as had geuē money to the king for their company w^e their wiues: it was agreed that they shoulde surcease from all Ecclesia∣stical function, the space of 3. yeeres: and y^e the king shoulde take no more after such maner.* 17.9 Item, that all such goodes, feuitēs, and possessions, as had bene taken away before frō the Archbyshoppricke, should be restored at his comming againe into England. &c.

This Anselmus the stout champion of Poperie & su∣perstition, after this victorie gotten vpon the King, for the which he so long fought:* 17.10 with ioy and triumph faileth into England, hauing al his Popish requests obtained. Where first, he flieth like a Lion vpon the maried Priests, contra∣ry to the woorde of God, diuorsing and punishing that by mans authority,* 17.11 which the eternal and almighty God had coupled. Next he looketh to them, which did holde any Church by farme vnder the king. Against Simonie like∣wise, and against them that married within the 7. degree, he proceedeth with his full pontificall authoritie.

* 17.12Shortly after, as king Henry had finished his warre in Normandy, & with victory returned againe into Eng∣land, about the 6. yere of his raigne: Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury (by the permission of the king) assembled a great Councell at Westminster in London, of the Clergie and Prelates of England.

In the which (by the Byshop of Romes authoritie) he so wrought with the king, that at length, albeit (as the storie sayth not without great difficultie) it was newly cō∣firmed and enacted: that no temporall man after that day, shoulde make inuesture with crosse or with ring, or wyth pastoral hoke. In this Councel sondry and diuers iniune∣tions were geuen forth to priests and Deacons: as diuers other sinodall acts also by the same Anselme had bene con∣cluded in other Councels before. And because heere falleth in mention of the actes Synodall concluded in the time of this Anselme: I thought here good to packe them al in one general heape together, as I finde them in Malmesburie, and in other sondry authors scatteringly recited.

The first thing decreed by this Anselme in his synodal Councels,* 17.13 was touching the fault of Simonic: whereby diuers both Byshops and Abbotes (as is aforesayd) were at the same time deposed. And lay men forbidden to coufer any Ecclesiastical promotion.

Also it was decreed, that no Byshop should beare any office in secular mens businesse or meetings. And that such should not go apparelled as the lay mē did, but shuld haue their vestures decent,* 17.14 and mete for religious persons. And that in all places they shoulde neuer goe without some to beare witnes of their conuersation.

Item, y^t no Archdeaconries should be let out to ferme.

Item, that no Archdeacon should be vnder the degree of a Deacon.

Item, y^t no archdeacon,* 17.15 priest, deacon, subdeacon, colli∣gener, nor Chanon, should from thence forth mary a wife, nor yet keepe her, if he had bene maried to one before.

Item,* 17.16 that euery subdeacon, being vnder the degree of achanon (after the profession of chastitie, marrying a wife) should be subiect to the same rule.

They ordeined also that a Priest keeping cōpany with his wife, shuld be reputed vnlawful: and that he shuld say no Masse: and if he said Masse, it should not be heard.

They charged that none were admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a subdeacon, vnlesse he did professe chastitie.

That Priestes sonnes shoulde not claime by heritage the benefices of their fathers, as the custome had alwaies bene before.

Item, that no spiritual person should sit in any secular office: as to be procurators or iudges of bloud.

Item,* 17.17 that Priestes shoulde not resort to tauernes, or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fire side.

That the garmentes of Priestes shoulde be of one co∣lour, and that their shoes should be decent.

Item, that Monkes or any other of the Clergy (if they forsooke their order) eyther to come againe, or to be excom∣municate.

Itē, that mē of y^e clergy should weare broad crownes.

Item, that no tythes should be geuen, but to y^e church.

Item, that no Churches or prebends shold be bought.

That no new Chapels shoulde be made without con∣sent of the Byshop.

That no Church should be hallowed, before the neces∣sary prouision were made for the priest, and for the Church to be mayntayned.

That Abbots should set forth no men to warre, & that they must both sleepe, & eate in the same house with their monkes, vnlesse some great necessitie do let.

Item, that Monkes do inioyne no penaunce to anye man without the knowledge of hys Abbot. And that their Abbots may geue no licence therein,* 17.18 but onely for suche persons whose charge they haue of soule.

That no monkes should be Godfathers: Nor Nūnes Godmothers.

That Monkes should haue no Lordships to ferme.

Item, that Monkes should take no Churches but by the Byshop,* 17.19 neyther should so spoyle and oppresse y^e chur∣ches geuen to them, with their rentes, that sufficient were not left for the ministers of the same.

That priuy contract betwene man and women with∣out witnes should not stand,* 17.20 but be frustrate if each par∣ty doe goe from the contract.

Item, that such as were long heare of the clergy, be so roūded,* 17.21 that part of their eare appeare, and that their eyes be not couered.

Item,* 17.22 that there be no matrimoniall copulation, w^tin the vij. degree of kindered: nor so to cōtinue if they be ma∣ryed: but the maryage to be broken. And if any being priuy to that incest, doe not detect the same, he to be giltye of the same cryme.* 17.23

Item,* 17.24 that no funerall or buryenges be without theyr owne Parishe Church, so that the priest therof do lose that which to him is due.

Item, that no man vpon any new fangled rashnes, do attribute any reuerence or opiniō of holines,* 17.25 to dead mens bodyes: to fountaynes, or to any other thing (as the vse hath bene in tyme past) without authoritie of the Bishop.

Item, y^t no buying and selling be vsed hereafter in En∣gland of men, as of other cartell.

* 17.26Item, after the restreint of Priests mariage: when fil∣thy Sodomitry begā to come in the place therof, then were they forced also, to make an act for that, which was this.

With a greuous curse we condemne both them that oc∣cupy the vngratious vice of sodomitry, and them also that willingly assist them,* 17.27 or be wicked doers with them in the sauie: till such time, as they may deserue absolution by pe∣nance and confession.

So that whatsoeuer he be, that is noised or prooued to be of this wickednesse (if he be a religious person) he shall from thence foorth be promoted, to no degree of honor: and that which he hath, shalbe taken from him.

If he be a lay person, he shalbe depriued of all his free∣dome within the land, and be no better then a foreiner.

And because it shalbe known, the absolution of such as be secular to belong onely to byshops, it was therefore en∣acted: that on euery sonday, in euery parish church of Eng∣land the said excommunication should be published. &c.

But marke in this great matter what followed. For as Ranulphus Lestrensis witnesseth:* 17.28 this grieuous general curse was soone called backe againe, by the sute of certaine: which persuaded Anselme, that the publication or opening of that vice, gaue kindlings to the same in the heartes of lewde persons: ministring occasion of more boldnes to thē to do the like. And so to stop the occasiō of filthie Sodomi∣try, the publication thereof was takē away, but the forbid∣ding and restreinement of Priestes vnlawfull mariage (which chiefly was the cause thereof) remained still. And thus euer since, horrible Sodomitry remained in the cler∣gic, both for lacke of mariage more vsed, and for lack of pu∣blication, lesse punished.

Besides all these Synodall acts aboue comprehended, and geuen out by Anselmus in his Councels before: heer∣also in this present Coūcell at Westminster, and in the yere of this king aforesaid, he also directed other newe Iniunce¦tions to the Priests.

* 17.29First, that they and their wiues shoulde neuer more meete in one house, neither yet haue dwelling in their ter∣ritories.

Item, that the Priests, deacons, and subdeacons, shuld keepe no women in their house, vnlesse they were of their next kinne.

Item, for suche as had disseuered themselues from the societie of their wiues: yet for some honest cause they had to common with them, they might: so it were without doore, and with ij. or iij. lawfull witnesses.

Item, if any of them should be accused by ij. or iij. wit∣nesses,* 17.30 and could not purge himselfe againe by sixe able mē of his owne order (if he be a Priest, or if he be a Deacon by iiij. or if he be a Subdeacon by ij.) then he should be iudged a transgressor of the statutes, depriued of his benefice, & be made infamous, or be put to open reproche of all men.

Item, he that rebelled, as in contempt of this new sta∣tute held still his wife, and presumed to say masse: vpon the viij. day after (if he made not due satisfaction) should be so∣lemnly excommunicated.

Item, all Archdeacons and Deacons to be straightly sworne, not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, nor to beare w^t them for money. And if they would not be sworne to this, then to loose their offices without recouery.

* 17.31Item, such priests as forsaking their wiues, were wil∣ling to serue still and remaine in their holy order: first must cease 40. dayes from their ministration, setting Uitars for them in the meane time to serue: and taking such penaunce vpon them, as by their Bishop should be enioyned them.

Thus haue ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselmus: how superstitious in his Religion, how stubburne against his Prince he was, what occasion of warre and discorde he ministred by his complaintes (if they had ben taken) what zeale without right knowledge, what feruencie without cause he pretended, what paines without profite he tooke. Who if he had bestowed that time and trauel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he tooke in gadding to Rome, to complaine of his coun∣trey: in my minde he had bene better occupied. Moreouer, what violent and tyrannical iniunctions he set forth of in∣uesting and other thinges, ye haue heard: but specially a∣gainst the lawfull and godly mariage of Priests. Wherin, what a vehement aduersary he was: here may appeare by these minutes or peeces extracted out of his letters, which we haue here annexed in forme and effect as followeth.

A letter of Anselme.

Anselme archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sonnes the Lord prior, and other at Canterburie.

AS concerning Priests,* 18.1 of whom the king cōmanded that they should haue both their Churches & their women as they had in the time of his father, and of Lanfrancus Archbishop: both be∣cause the king hath reuested & reseazed of the whole Archbisho∣pricke: and because so cursed a mariage was forbidden in a Coū∣cel in the time of his father and of the saide Archbishop: Boldely I command by the authoritie which I haue by my Archbishoprike, not onely within my Archbishoprike, but also throughout Eng∣land: that all Priests which keepe women shalbe depriued of their Churches, and Ecclesiastical benefices.

A letter of Pope Paschalis to Anselme.

Paschal Bishop, Seruaunt of Gods Seruants, to his reuerend brother Anselme Archb. of Cant. greeting and Apostolical blessing.

WE beleue your brotherhode is not ignorāt,* 19.1 what is decre∣ed in the Romish Church concerning Priests children. But because there is so great multitude of such within the Realme of England, that almost the greater and better part of the Clerks are reckened to be on this side: therfore we commit this dispensation to your care.* 19.2 For we graunt these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life shal commēd among you) that yet not∣withstanding the preiudice of the Ecclesiasticall decree be taken heede to hereafter. &c.

An other letter of Anselme for Inuesting.

To the reuerend Lord and louing father Paschal high bishop, Anselme seruant of Canterbury church, due subiection and continual prayers.

AFter that I returned to my bishopricke in Englande, I shewed the Apostolicall decree: which I being present, heard in the romish Councel. 1. That no man should receiue inuesting of chur∣ches of the kinges hand, or any lay person, or shoulde become his man for it, and that no man shoulde presume to con∣secrate him, that did offend herein. when the K. and his nobles, and the bishops themselues and other of the lower degree hearde these things:* 20.1 they tooke them so grieuously, that they sayde: they woulde in no case agree to the thing, and that they woulde driue me out of the kingdome, and forsake the Romish Churche, rather than keepe this thing: wherefore reuerende father I desire your counsell by your letter. &c.

An other letter of Anselme.

Anselme Archbishop to the reuerend Gudul∣phus Bishop, and to Ernulphus Prior, and to William Archdeacon of Canterburie, and to all in his Dioces greeting.

WIlliam our Archdeacon hath writtē to me, that some priests that be vnder his custodie (taking againe their women,* 21.1 that were forbidden) haue fallen vnto the vnclennesse from the which they were drawne by wholesome counsel and commaundement: when the Archdeacon would amende this thing, they vtterly des∣pised with wicked pride his warning and worthy commādement to be receiued. Then he calling together many religious men and obedient Priestes, excommunicated worthely the proud & diso∣bedient, that beastly despised the curse and were not afraid to de∣file the holy Ministerie, as much as lay in them, &c.

Unto these letters aboue prefixed, I haue also adioy∣ned an order of the sayde Anselmus, touching a great case of conscience, of a Monkes whipping of himself. Wherein may appeare both the blind and lamētable superstition of those religious men, and the iudgement of this Anselmus in the same matter.

An other letter of Anselmus.

Anselmus Archbishop, to Bernard Monke of the Abbey of S. Warburg greeting, and prayer.

I Heard it sayde of your Lorde Abbot that thou iudgest it to be of greater merite,* 22.1 when a Monke either beareth himselfe, or desi∣reth himselfe to be beaten of an other: then when hee is beaten (not of his owne will) in the chapter, by the commaundement of the prelacie. But it is not so as you thinke. For that iudgement that any man commaundeth to himselfe is kingly. But that which he suffreth by obedience in the chapter is Monkish. The one is of his owne will, the other is of obedience, and not of hys owne will. That which I cal kingly, kings & rich proud men cō∣mād to be done to themselues. But that which I call mōkish, they take (not commaunding, but obeying) The kingly is so much

easier, by how much it agreeth to the will of the sufferer. But the monkish is so much the grieuouser, by how much it differeth frō the wil of the sufferer. In the kingly iudgement, the sufferer is iud∣ged to be his own: In the monkish he is proued not to be his own. For although the king or riche man when he is beaten, willingly sheweth himselfe humbly to be a sinner: yet he woulde not submit himselfe, to this humblenesse at any other commaundement, but would withstand the commander with all his strength. But when a Monke submitteth himselfe to the whippes humbly in the chap∣ter at the wil of the prelate: the truth iudgeth him to be of so much greater merite, by howe much he humbleth himselfe more, and more truely then the other. For he humbleth himselfe to God only, because he knoweth his sinnes. But this man humbleth himself to man for obedience. But he is more lowly that humbleth himselfe both to God and man for Gods cause, then he which humbleth himselfe to God only, and not to Gods commandement. Therfore if he that humbleth himselfe shall be extolled, Ergo, he that more humbleth himselfe shall be more exalted. And where I sayde that when a monke is whipped, that it differeth from his wil: you must not so vnderstande it, as though he woulde not paciently beare it with an obedient wil: but because by a natural appetite, he would not suffer the sorrow. But if ye say, I do not so much flie the open beating for the paines (which I fele also secretly) as for the shame: know then,* 22.2 that he is stronger that reioyceth to beare this for o∣bediēce, sake. Therfore be thou sure, that one whipping of a monke by obedience, is of more merite then innumerable whippings taken by his owne minde But where as he is such that alwaies he ought to haue his heart ready without murmuring obediently to be whipped: we ought to iudge him then to be of a great merite, whether he be whipped priuily or openly. &c.

* 22.3And thus much concerning Anselmus archb. of Cant. whose stout example gaue no litle courage to Thurstinus and Becket his successors: and other that folowed after to doe the like against their kings and princes, as in processe hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appeare.

About this time An. 1105. two famous Archbishops of Mentz, being right vertuous and wel disposed Prelates: were cruelly and tirannously delt withall, and intreated by the B. of Rome. Their names were Darry and Chri∣stian. This Darry hauing intelligence, that he was com∣plained of to the pope, sent a learned man (a special frend of his) to excuse him, named Arnolde: one for whome he had much done, and promoted to great liuing and promotiōs. But this honest mā Arnold, in steede of an excuser became an accuser,* 22.4 bribing the two chiefest Cardinalles with good gold: by which meanes he obtained of the Pope, those two Cardinals to be sent as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. The which (comming to Germany) somoned the sayd Henry, and deposed him of his Archbyshoppricke (for all he could doe) either by lawe or iustice: substituting in his place the foresaid Arnolde, vpon hope (truely) of the ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that vertuous & honorable Henry (as the storie telleth) spake vnto those his peruerse iudges on this wise. If I shuld appeale vnto the Aposto∣lik see for this your vniust proces had against me: perhaps the pope wold attempt nothing any more therein, then ye haue: neither should I win any thing by it, but only royle of body, losse of good, affliction of mind, care of heart, & mis∣sing of his fauour. Wherfore I do appeale to the Lord Ie∣sus Christ, as to the most highest & iust iudge, and cite you before his iudgement, there to answere me before the high iudge. For neither iustly nor godly (but by corruption as it pleaseth you) you haue iudged. Whereunto they scoffingly answered: Go you first, and we wil folow. Not long after (as the storie is) the saide Darry died:* 22.5 whereof the 2. Car∣dinals hauing intelligence, sayd one to the other testingly: behold he is goue before, and we must follow according to our promise: and verely they sayde truer then they were a∣ware off, for win a while they died in one day. For the one sitting vpon a ••akes to ease himselfe, voyded out all his in∣trails into the draught, and miserably ended his life. The other gnawing of the fingers off his handes, and spitting them out of his mouth (al deformed in deuouring himself) died. And in likewise, not long after the ende of these men, the foresaid Arnold (most horribly) in a sedition was slaine and certaine daies (lying stinking aboue the groūd vnbu∣ried) was open to the spoyle of euery rascall & harlot. The Hystoriographer in declaring hereof, crieth vpon the car∣dinals in this maner: O ye Cardinals, ye are y^e beginning and authors hereof. Come ye hether therefore, come ye he∣ther, and heape and cary vnto your coūtries the deuil:* 22.6 and offer yourselues to him with that money whereof ye haue bene most gluttonous and insatiable.

About the same time and yeare when king Henry be∣gan his raigne, Pope Paschalis entered his papacie, suc∣ceding after Urbanus: about the yeare of the Lorde 1100▪ nothing swaruing from the steps of Hildebrand his supe∣riour. This Paschalis, being elected by the Cardinals, af∣ter that the people had cried thrise,* 22.7 S. Peter hath chosen good Raynerus: He than putting on a purple vesture, & a∣tice vpon his head,* 22.8 was brought vpon a white palsray in∣to Laterane: where a scepter was geuen him, and a gir∣dle put about him (hauing vii. keyes, with vii. scales han∣ging there vpon) for a recognisance or token, of his vii. fold power, according to the vii. folde grace of the holy Ghost: of binding, loosing, shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, & iudging, &c. After this Paschalis was elected Pope: Hen∣ricus 4. the foresaid Emperour (of courage most valiant, if the time had serued thereto) thought to come vp to Italic to salute the newe Pope. But vnderstanding the Popes minde bent against him, he chaunged his purpose. In the meane time, Paschalis to shew himselfe inferior to Hilde∣brand in no poynt: began first to depose all such Abbates & byshops whome the Emperour had set vp. Also banished Albertus, Theodoricus, and Maginulphus striuing the same time for the papacie. I spake before of Guibert, whō Henricus the Emperour had made Pope against Hilde∣brād. Against this Guibert Paschalis made out an armie: who being put to flight, not long after departed.

About the same time,* 22.9 An. M. Li. the bishop of Fluence began to teach and to preach of Antichrist then to be borne & to be manifest, as Sabellicus restifieth: wherupon Pas∣chalis assembling a coūcell, put to silence the sayde bishop, and condemned his bookes. In this councell at Trecas: priestes that were maryed, were condemned for Nicolai∣tanes. Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, al such of what degree or estate soeuer they were (being lay men) y^t gaue any ecclesiasticall dignities, were cōdemned of Sy∣monie. Furthermore, the statute of priestes tithes, there he renued: coūting the selling away therof as a sinne against the holy ghost. Concerning the excommunicatiō and other troubles,* 22.10 that Hildebrand wrought against Henricus the 4. Emperour: it is declared sufficiently before. This excom∣munication, Paschalis y^e Pope renued a fresh, against the saide Henry. And not onely that, but also conuenting the Princes of Germanie into a generall assemble: set vp his owne sonne against him: causing the bishop of Mentz, of Colen, and of wormes, to depriue him of hys Imperiall crowne, and to place his sonne Henricus the fift, in his fa∣thers kingdome, and so they did. Comming to the place at Hilgeshem,* 22.11 first they required his Diademe, hys purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crowne, from him. The Emperor demandeth the cause, being ther excommunicate and voide of frendes. They pretending a∣gaine (I cannot tell what) for selling of Bishopricks, Ab∣bases, and other ecclesiasticall dignities for money: also al∣ledging the popes pleasure, and of other princes. Then re∣quired he first of the Bishop of Mentz (and likewise of the other two whom he had preferred to their bishopricks be∣fore) asking them in order, if he had receiued of them anye peny for his promoting thē to their dignities. This when they could not deny to be so: wel saith he, & doe you require me againe with this? With diuers other wordes of exhor∣tation, admonishing them to remember their othe & allea∣geaunce to their Prince.* 22.12 But the periured Prelates, ney∣ther reuerencing his maiestie, nor mooued with his bene∣fites, nor regarding their fidelitie, ceased not for this, but first plucked from him (sitting in throne) his crowne un∣periall: then disuestured him, taking from him his purple & his scepter. The good Emperour, being left desolate and in confusion, sayeth to them: Videat deus, & iudicet, that is, let God see, and iudge. Thus leauing him, they went to his sonne, to confirme him in his kingdom, and caused him to driue his father out, who then being chased of his owne sonne (hauing but 9. persones about him) did flee by the Dukedome of Limbrugh, where the Duke being then in hunting, perceauing and bearing of him, made after to fo∣low hym. The Emperor fearing no other but presēt death (for he had displaced y^t same Duke before out of his Duke∣dome) submitted himselfe, crauing of him pardon, and not reuengement.* 22.13 The Duke full of compassion, & pitiyng his state: not onely remitted all hys displeasure, but also recei∣ued him to his castle. Moreouer, collecting his souldiours and men of warre, brought him to Colen, and there was well receaued. His sonne hearing this, besieged the city of Colen. But y^e father by night escaping, came to Leodium: where resorted to hym all such as were men of compassion and of a constant heart. In so much, that hys power being strōg enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his ennemies, and so did: desiring his friends that if he had the victorie, they woulde spare hys sonne. In fine (the battail ioyned) the father had the victorie, the sonne was put to flight: many being slaine on both sides. But shortly after

the battell renued againe: the sonne preuailed, the father was ouercome, and takē, who then being vtterly dispos∣sessed of his kingdome,* 22.14 was brought to that exigent: that comming to Spire, was same to craue of the bishop there (whom he had done much for before) to haue a prebende in the Church: and for that he had some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his Booke, he desired to serue in our Ladies quire.* 22.15 Yet coulde he not ob∣taine so much at his hande: who swore by our Ladie, hee should haue none there. Thus the wofull emperour (most vnkindly hādled, and repulsed on euery side) came to Leo∣dium,* 22.16 and there for sorrowe died, after he had raigned 50. yeares: whose body Paschalis after his funerall, caused to be taken vp againe,* 22.17 and to be brought to Shires, where it remained 5. yeres vnburied. Haec ex Helmoldo.

After the decease of this Emperor Henricus the 4. his sonne Henricus the 5. raigned the space of 20. yeares. Who comming to Rome to be crowned of the Pope,* 22.18 coulde not obtaine before he would fully assent to haue this ratified, that no Emperour should haue any thing to doe with the election of the Romaine Byshop,* 22.19 or with other byshop∣prickes. Besides that (about the same time) suche a sturre was made in Rome by the sayd Byshop: that if the Em∣perour had not defended himselfe, with his owne hands, he had bene slaine. But as it happened, the Emperour ha∣uing the victorie: amongest many other Romaines (which were partly slaine, partly taken in the same skirmishe) he taketh also the Pope,* 22.20 and leadeth him out of the Citie: where he indenteth with him vpō diuers conditions, both of his coronation, and of recouering againe his right and title in the election of the Pope, & of other byshops: wher∣unto the Pope assenting, agreed to all. So the Emperour (being crowned of Paschalis) returned againe with the Pope to Rome.

All the conditions betwene the Emperour & the Pope (so long as the Emperour remained at Rome) stoode sirine and ratified. But asseone as the Emperour was returned againe to Germanie, forth w^t the Pope calling a Synode; not only reuoked all that he had agreed to before: but also excommunicated Henricus the Emperor, as he had done his father before, reproouing the former priuilegium for pra∣uilegium. The Emperor returning frō Rome to Franice, there maried Mathild daughter to king Henry. Who then hearing what the Pope had done (agreeued not a little) to all expedition marcheth to Rome, and putteth the Pope to flight:* 22.21 and finally placeth an other in his steade. In the meane time the Bishops of Germanie (the Popes good frendes) slept not their businesse, incensing the Saxons, al that they might against their Cesare: In so much that a great commotion was stirred vp, and grew at length to a pitcht field: which was fought in y^e moneth of Felnuarie, by the wood called, Silua Catularia. An. M. Cxv.

* 22.22The Emperour seeing no end of these conffictes (vn∣lesse he would yelde to the Pope) was fame to geue ouer, and forgoe his priuiledge: falling to a composition, not to meddle with matters perteining to the Popes electiō, nor with inuesting, nor such other thinges belonging to the Church, and Church men. And thus, was the peace be∣twene them concluded and proclaimed,* 22.23 to no smal reioy∣sing to both the armies, then lying by wormes, neare the riuer of Rine.

In the time of this Paschalis: liued Bernardus, cal∣led Abbas Clarauallensis, An. M. Cviii. of whom sprang the Bernadine Monkes.

About what time, the city of Worcester was consumed almost all with fire. An. M. Cix.

All this while Henricus the Emperour had no issue (hauing to wife Mathildis, the daughter of Henricus 1. king of England) and that by the iust iudgement of God, as it may appeare. For as he hauing a father, persecuted him by the Popes setting on, contrary to the part of a na∣turall sonne: so Gods providence did not suffer him to be the father of any childe, naturally to loue him, or to suc∣ceede him.

After the death of Paschalis, An. 1118. succeeded Pope Belasius (chosen by the Cardinals) but without the con∣sent of the Emperour:* 22.24 whereupon rose no little variance in Rome. And at length another pope was set vp by y^e Em∣perour called Gregorius viii. and Belasius driuen away into Fraunce,* 22.25 and there died. After whom came Calixtus the second (chosen likewise by a fewe Cardinals, wythout the voyce of the Emperour) who comming vp to Rome to enioy his seat, first sent his legat into Germanie to excom∣municate the Emperour Henricus: who then hauing di∣uers conflictes with his fellow Pope Gregorius, at lēgth braue him out of Rome. At this time by this occasiō, great disputation and controuersy was betwene the Emperors and the Popes court, whether of them in dignitie shoulde excell the other:* 22.26 wherof reasons and argumentes on both sides were alleadged, as in the verses here following are comprehended.

Allegatio Imperatoris contra papam.

Caesar lex viua stat regibus imperatiua, Legeq sub viua sunt omnia iura datiua, Lex ea castigat, soluit & ipsa ligat. Conditor est legis ne{que} debet lege teneri, Sed sibi complacuit sub lege libenter hab•••••• Quicquid ei placuit iuris adinstar erit. Qui ligar ac soluit deus ipsum protulit orbi, Diuisit regnum diuina potentia secum, Astra dedit superis, caetera cuncta sibi.

¶Responsio Romanae curiae contra Imperatorem.

Pars quoque papalis sic obuiat Imperiali, Sic dans regnare, quòd Petro subijciaris, Ius etenim nobis Christus vtrumque parit. Spiritus & corpus mihi sunt subiecta potenter, Corpore terrena teneo caelestia mente Vnde tenendo polum, soluo ligóque solùm. AEthers pandere, coelica tongere, papa videtur. Nam dare, tollere, nectere, soluere cuncta meretur, Cui dedit omne decus lex noua, léxque vetus. Annulus & baculus quamuis terrena putentur, Sunt de iure poli, quae significare videntur. Respice iura dei, mens tua cedat ei. &c.

In conclusion the Emperor being ouercome so much with the vaine reasons of the Popes, side, and scaring the dangerous thunderbolt of this curse (talking m^e Princes, and perswaded by his frendes, was faine to condescend to the vnreasonable conditions of the Pope. First to ratifie his election: notwithstāding (the other pope whō the said Emperour had set vp) yet was a liue: Secondly, that he should resign vp his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the Pope, and inuesture of bishops.

This being done & graunted,* 24.1 and the writings there∣offet vp in the Churche of Lateran for a triumphe, of the Emperour thus subdued: the pope maketh out after Gre∣gorius his fellow pope, being then in a towne called Su∣trium. This Sutrium, being besieged and taken, Grego∣ry also was taken. whom Calixtus the pope, sitting vpon a Camell (his face to the Camels taile) brought hym so through the streetes of Rome, holding the taile in his hād in stede of a bridle: and afterward being shorne, was thrust into a Monasterie.

Amongst many other acts done by this glorious pope, first he established the decrees of the papall sea against this Emperour. He brought in the 4. quarter fasts, called Im∣ber paies. Dist. 70. cap. ieiunium.* 24.2

By the same Calixtus,* 24.3 the order of monkes called Prae∣monstraterises, were brought in.

Farther, by him it was decreed to be iudged for adulte∣ry, if any person (by his life time) had put from him either Byshopricke or benefice:* 24.4 grounding vpon this Scripture of S. Paule to the Romaines: Alligata est vxor legi viri, quamdiu vir eius viuit: eo defuncto, soluta est a lege viri &c. That is: the wife is bounde to the lawe of her husbande, so long as the husband liueth: after he is dead, she is loose frō the law of her husband. &c.

Item, the same Calixtus holding a generall Councell at Rhemis, decreed: that priests, deacons, and subdeacons should put away their cōcubines and wiues: or els, who∣soeuer was founde to keepe his wife, to be depriued of be∣nefice, and al other Ecclesiastical liuings: wherupon a cer∣taine English writer made these verses following.

O bone Calixte, nunc omnis clerus odit te, Quondam praesbyteri poterant vxoribus vti Hoc destruxisti, postquam tu Papa fuisti. &c.

That is word for word.

The hatred of the Clergie, hast thou good Calixte, For some times Priests might vse their wiues right, But that thou hast reiected, since Pope thou wast elected.

And thus much of Romain matters, Now to our coū∣trey story againe. After the death of Anselme before menti∣oned (who deceassed the yeare of our Lorde.* 24.5 1109. after he had bene sit the sea 16. yeares) the Churche of Cant. stoode voyde 5. yeares: and the goodes of the Church were spent to the Kings vse. And when he was prayed to helpe the Church that was so long without a pastor, hys answere was: pretēding that where his father and brother, had ac∣customed

there to set the best, tried and approued men that might be found: to the entent therfore that he might do the same (in chusing suche, which either should equal y^e former examples of them before, or at least follow their footesteps as neare as they could) he tooke therein the more time and laisure.* 24.6 And so with shift of aunswere dalied out the time, while he had filled his cofers wyth the commodities of that benefice. The same yeare (after the death of An∣selme) the King conuerted the Abbey of Eley to a Bysho∣pricke, which before was vnder the Byshopricke of Lyn∣colne: placing there Henrie Byshop of Bangor the first bishop of that sea. And as of late yeares before this, diuers wonders were scene: as starres falling from heauen so thick, y^t they coulde not be nombred, at the setting soorth of the Christians to the holy lande: Iornalens. A blasing starre ouer Constantinople: A spring boyling out bloud (sene at Finchamstede in Barkeshire) three weekes together. An. 1090. Gisburnons. After that, the firmament appearing so red, as it had bene all on fire: Also two ful Moones appea∣ring together, one in the East, the other in the West (on maundy thursday) with a blasing starre in the same yeare appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, hauyng a white circle inclosing it. An. 1106. Iornalens. Also wyth an Eclipse of the Sunne darkned after that: so likewise about this present yere, An. 1110. was seene the floude of Trent, about Notyngham,* 24.7 so dryed vp from morning to 3. of the clocke at after noone, that men might go ouer it drishodde, Gisburnens. Also in Shrosbery a great earthquake happe∣ned:* 24.8 And after that followed a sharpe winter, great mo∣raine of beastes, and pestilence of men, as Gualterius Guis∣burnens recordeth: Moreouer the same author mentioneth that next about the same yeare, the like vading of water also happened in the floud of Medeway: And in Thamis (betwene the bridge & the tower, and vnder the bridge, frō midnight to the next euening) was so great an ebbe, that an vnnumerable forte of people and children waded ouer, scarce kne depe in the water,* 24.9 the sea withdrawing his tide x. miles from his accustomed course, Rog. Houeden, Gualter. Gisburneris.* 24.10 &c. In the which yeare also as the sayde author and Iornalens doe testifie, the Citie of Worcester, by casualtie was consumed with fire.* 24.11 Also the citie of Chester, An. 1114. Rog. Houed.

The next yere following, Rodolphus bishop of Roche∣ster (an Englishman) was promoted to be Archb. of Can∣terb.* 24.12 and Thurstinus the kings chaplaine was elect arch∣bishop of York, who being content to receiue his benedic∣tion or consecration of the see of Cant. yet because he refu∣sed to make his profession of obedience to the same See, he was by the king depriued of his dignitie.

Then Thurstin (by the instigation of certaine of his clerkes at York) tooke his iorney to Rome:* 24.13 who there ma∣king his complaint to Pope Paschalis, brought with him a letter from the Pope to the King: where among other woordes was conteined as followeth: Audiuimus electum Eboracensis Ecclesiae virum, sapientem & strenuum, fine iudicio ab Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia, quod nimirum diuinae iusti∣tiae & S. Patrum institutionib aduersatur. Nos quidem ne{que} Cant. ecclesiam minui, neque Eboracensem volumus praeiudicium pa∣ti, sed eam constitutionem quae a B. Gregorio Anglicae gentis A∣postolo, inter easdem ecclesias constituta est, firmam censemus il∣libatamque seruari. Idem ergo electus (vt iustitia exigit) ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis reuocetur. Si quid autem quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias nascitur, praesentibus vtrisque partibus in vestra praesentia pertractetur. &c.

In English thus.

We heare and vnderstand, that the Archbi. elect of the church of Yorke (a discrete and industrious man) is seque∣stred from the church of York: which standeth against both diuine iustice,* 24.14 and the institution of holy fathers. Our pur∣pose is, that neither the church of Cāt. should be empaired, nor againe that the church of Yorke should suffer any pre∣iudice, but that the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory (the apostle of the english nation) set and decreed betweene those two churches: should remaine still in force and effect inuiolate. Wherfore, as touching the forsaid elect let him be receaued againe by any meanes (as right and meere it is) vnto his Church. And if there be any questi∣on betwene the foresaid churches, let it be handled and de∣cided in your presence, both the two parties beyng there present. &c.

Upon the occasion of this letter, a solemne assemble there was appoynted at Salisbury,* 24.15 about the hearing of thys controuersy. The variance betwene these two prelates stil encreased more and more. Radulph Archbishop of Can. in no case would yeelde nor condiscend to geue imposition of handes vnto him,* 24.16 vnlesse he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstine againe saide he would willingly re∣ceiue & embrace his benediction, but as touching the pro∣fession of his subiection, that he woulde not agree vnto. Then the king declaring his minde therein,* 24.17 signified vnto Thurstin; that without his subiection and obedience pro∣fessed to the Archbishop of Cant. he shoulde not enioy hys consecration to be Archbishop, of York. Wherunto Thur∣stin (nothing replying againe) renounced his Archbisho∣pricke, promising moreouer to make no more claime vnto is nor molest them that should inioy it.

Shortly after this, it happened, that Pope Paschalis died: After whome (as is aboue rehearsed) succeeded Pope Gelasius, which liue prior past a yere, and died in France. Whereupon,* 24.18 the Cardinals (which then followed the sayd Pope Gelasius to Cluniake) created an other Pope of their chusing, whom they called Calixtus 2. The other car¦dinals which were at Rome did chuse an other Pope cal∣led Gregorie as mention before is made: About which 2. Popes much sturre there was in Christen Realmes. As this Calixtus was remaining in Fraunce, and there cal∣ling a general coūcell at Remis as ye heard before. Thur∣stinus the Archbishop of Yorke desired license of the King to goe to the Councel, purposing there to open the cause of his Church,* 24.19 which estsones he obtained: first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be preiudiciall to the Church of Cant. In the meane time, the king had sent secret word vnto the Pope, by Radulph and other procurators, that in no case he would consecrate Thurstinus. Yet (notwithstanding the faithfull promise of the Pope made to the King) so it fell out: that the sayde Pope, through the sute of his Cardinals, whome Thur∣stinus had wonne to him: was inclined to consecrate him, and gaue him the palle. For this deede the king was fore discontented with Thurstine, and warned him the entrie of his land.

In this councell at Rhemis (aboue mentioned) where were gathered 434. Prelates,* 24.20 these 5. principal actes were concluded.

• 1. That no man should either buy or sell any Bishoprike, abbotship, deanry, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebēdship, altar, or any Ecclesiasticall promotion, or benefice, orders, consecration, church halowing, seat or stall within y^e quire, or any office ecclesiasticall, vnder danger of excommunica∣tion, if he did persist.
• 2. That no lay person should geue inuesture of anye Ec∣clesiasticall possession: or that any spirituall men should re∣ceaue any such at any lay mans hand vnder payne of de∣priuation.
• 3. That no man shoulde inuade, take away or detayne the goodes or possessions of the Churche: but that they should remayne firme and perpetuall, vnder payne of per∣petuall curse.
• 4. That no Bishop or Priest should leaue any ecclesiasti∣call dignitie or benefice to any, by way of inheritance. Ad∣ding moreouer that for baptisme, chrisme, anoyling, or bu∣riall, no mony should be exacted.
• 5. Item that all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be vtterly debarred and sequestred from company of their wyues and concubines, vnder payne of excluding from al christian communion.

The actes thus determined, were sent estsoones to Hē∣ricus the Emperor,* 24.21 to see and try, before y^t breaking vp of the councell, whether he would agree to the canonical ele∣ctions, free consecration, and inuesting to spiritual persōs and to other Actes of the sayd Councell. The Emperour maketh aunswer agayne,* 24.22 that he would lose nothing that auncient custome of hys progenitours had geuē him. Not withstanding, because of the authoritie of the general coū∣cell, he was content to consent to the residue, saue only the inuesting of ecclesiasticall function to be taken from hym, to y^t he would neuer agree. Upō this, at the next returne of the Pope to the Councel, y^t Emperour was appoynted to be excommunicated.* 24.23 Which thing, when diuers of the Councell did not well like, and therefore did seperate thē∣selues from the rest, the Pope applying agaynst them the similitude of the 70. disciples which were offended at the Lord,* 24.24 when he taught them of eating his flesh and bloud, and therefore deuided themselues from him. Declaring moreouer to thē, how they which gathered not with hym scattered,* 24.25 and they that were not with him, were agaynst him: by these and such like perswasions reducing them a∣gayne to hys side, and so by that Councell Henricus the Emperour was excommunicated.

It was not long after, but the Pope came to Gisorti∣uin: where, Henry King of England, resorted to him, de∣siring & also obtayning of him, that he would send hence∣forth no Legate, nor permit any to be sent from Rome to England, vnlesse the king himselfe shoulde so require, by

reason of some occasion of strife, which els could not other∣wise be decided, by his owne bishops at home. The cause why the king required this of the Pope: was for that cer∣tain Romaine legates had bene in England a little before (to wiste) one Guido, and another Romaine named An∣selmus, and another also called Petrus, who had spoyled the realme of great treasure, as the customed maner of the Popes proud Legates is woont to do, Guliel de pont. lib. 1. Also he required of the Pope, that he might vse & retayne all the customes vsed before of his forefathers in England and in Normandy.

* 24.26To these petitions the Pope did easily consent, requi∣ring agayne of the king that he would license Thurstinus the Archb. aboue minded, no returne with fauour into his realme. But that the king vtterly denied vnles he would professe subiectiō to the church of Cant. as his predecessors had done before, and excused himselfe by his othe, which he before had made. To this the Pope answered againe, that he by his authoritie Apostolicall, both might and woud•• also easily dispense with him for his promise or othe. Then the king said that he would talke with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 therof; and so send him an answer of his mynd. Which aunswere was this. That for the loue and request of the Pope, hee was content that Thurstinus should receiue his realme, and quietly enioy his prelateship, vpon this conditiō that he would (as his predecessors did) professe his subiection to the church of Canter. Otherwise (sayd he) so long as he was king, he should neuer sit Archb. of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting betwne the king of englād, and the Pope for that tyme.

* 24.27The yeare following after that, which was, an. 1120. the foresaid pope Calixtus directeth his letters for Thur∣stinus to the king, and to Radulph Archbish. of Cant. In which epistle, by his full power Apostolical, he doth inter∣dict both the church of Cant. and the church of Yorke with all the parish churches within the same cities,* 24.28 from all di∣vine service, from the buriall also of the dead; except onely baptising of children, and absolution of them that he on di∣eng; vnlesse within a moneth after the rece••te of the same; Thurstinus (without any exaction of subiection made) were receiued and admitted to the sea of Yorke, and that the king likewise should doubtlesse bee excommunicated, except he would consent vnto the same. Whereupō Thur∣stinus for feare of the Popes curse,* 24.29 was immediately sent for & reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his Archiepiscopall see of Yorke.

* 24.30It followed not long after (within two yeares) Ra∣dulph Archbishop of Cant. departed: in whose see succee∣ded after him Gulielmus de Turbine. About which tyme (in the 27. yeare of the kings raigne) the gray friers by pro∣curing of the kyng,* 24.31 came first into England, and had theyr house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the kyng called a councel at London, where the spi∣ritualtie of England (not knowyng to what purpose it was required) condescended to the kyng,* 24.32 to haue the pu∣nishment of maried Priestes: by reason of which graunt (whereof the spiritualtie afterward much repented) the priestes paying a certayne to the kyng, were suffred to re∣tayne their wyues still, wherby the king gathered no smal summe of mony, Rog Houed. Guliel. Gisburnens. At this time beganne first the foundation of the Monastery called Gis∣burne in Cleueland.

It was aboue touched, how Matild or Maude daugh∣ter of king Henry,* 24.33 was maried to Henry the 5. Emperor, who after the decease of the said Emperor her husband, re∣turned about this present time with the Imperiall crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of S. James. For the ioy whereof, the king builded the Ab∣bey of Reading, where the sayd hand was reposed. This Matild was receiued by the sayd councell to be next heyre to the king her father, in possession of the English crowne, for lacke of issue male. And soone after vpon the same was sent ouer to Normandy, to mary with Geffrey Plantage∣net Erle of Angeow, of whō came Henry the second, who (after Stephen) was kyng of England. And about this tyme was also founded the priorie of Norton in the Pro∣uince of Chester, by one William the sonne of Nichelle. In the story of Polychron. Iornal. and Polydorus is declared, how the king was troubled greatly with 3. sundry visions appearing vnto him by night. The first was of a great multitude of husbandmen of the country,* 24.34 which appeared to flie vpon him with their mattocks and instrumēts, re∣quiring of him his debt which he did owe vnto them.* 24.35 In the second, he saw a great number of souldiers and harnes∣sed men to come fiercely vpon him. In the third, he sawe a company of prelates and churchmen, threatning him with their bishops staues, & fiersly approching vpō him. Wher∣upon (being dismayd) in all hast; ran & tooke his sword to defēd himself, finding there none to strike: who afterward asking counsaile concerning these visions, was mouthed by one of his p••ssitions (named Grimbald) by repentace, almes and amendment of life,* 24.36 to make some mends to god and to his countrey whom he offended. Which thre vowes thus being made, the next yere after he went to England: where he being vpon the seas in a great tempest with hys daughter Matild,* 24.37 remembred there his iii. vowes. And so comming to the land (for performance of the same) ••irst re∣leased vnto the conuitons the Danogelt which his father & his brother before had renued.* 24.38 Secondly, he went to S. Edmondesbury, where he shewed great benefites to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured iustice to be administred more rightly throughout his realme, &c. Also he ordayned and erected a new bishoprike at Carlile.

In the 33. yeare of this kinge raigne (as witnesseth a certayne author) a great part of the citie of London, wyth the Church of S. Paule, was burned with fire in Whition weeke.

After Calixtus (whose story and ryme is before dis∣coursed) succeeded Pope Honorius, ii. Notwithstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he by the means of certain citizens obtained the papacie, an. 1125. About the second yeare of his induction (as is to be red in Math. Paris.) there was a certaine legate of his called Ioannes-Cremensis, sent downe to England, from the Pope for the redresse I cannot well tell whoreof. But in deede the chiefest purpose of his commyng (as of all other after hym in those dayes) was to fill their pouches with English money, as may fur∣ther appeare by their procedings. This Legate commyng then with the Popes letters directed both into england & Scotland (after he had well refreshed himselfe in Bishops houses, and amongest the Abbotts) at length resorted to London, where he assembled the whole Clergy together, inquired of Priestes concubines (otherwise called theyr wiues) & making there upon a statute in the said Synode of London,* 24.39 after this tenor: Praesbyteris, diaconibus, subdi∣aconibus, & canonleis, vxorum, concubinarum, & omnium om∣nillo foeminarum concuberniat autoritate Apostolica inhibemus praeter matrem, aut sororem vel amitam, aut eiusmodi quae om∣nino careant suspitione. Et qui decreti huius violator extiterit (confessus vel convictus) ruinam-ordinis patiatur. Inter consan∣guineos, seu affinitate propinquos, vsque ad septimam generatio∣nem, matrimonia contrahi prohibemus. That is, vnto priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do vtterly inhibite by authoritie Apostolicall, all maner societie and conuer∣sation with all kynde of women, except onely their mo∣ther, sister, or Aunt, or such whereof can ryse no suspicion. And whosoeuer shall be found to violate this decree (be∣yng conuict thereof) shall sustaine thereby the losse of all that he hath by his order.* 24.40 Moreouer, amongst kindred or such as be ioyned in affinitie,* 24.41 we forbid matrimony, vnto the seuenth generation, &c. But see how God worketh a∣gainst such vngodly proceedings. The next night after, it happened, the same Cardinal (rufflyng & reuellyng wyth his concubines) to be apprehended in the same vice, wher∣of he had so straightly geuen out precepts the next day be∣fore, to the no little slaunder and shame (as Math. Paris doth write) of the whole clergy.

Unto this tyme liued Henricus the v. Emperor, after he had raigned 20. yeres, dying without issue as is before mentioned. Next after Henricus, the Imperiall crowne came to Lotharius Duke of Saxon. an. 1127.

Certayne historyes make mention of one Arnulphus in the tyme of this Pope Honorius.* 24.42 ii. Some say he was Archbish. of Lugduneias Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus. Trithe∣mius sayth, he was a priest, whose history, as it is set forth in Trithemius, I will briefly in English expresse. About this time (sayth he) in the dayes of Honorius, ii. one Ar∣nulphus Priest (a man zelous and of great deuotion, and a worthy preacher) came to Rome, which Arnulphus in his preaching rebuked the dissolute and lasciuious losenes incontinencie, auarice, and immoderate pride of the cler∣gy, prouoking all to follow Christ and his Apostles in the pouerty rather, and in purenes of lyfe. By reason whereof, this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobi∣litie of Rome, for a true disciple of Christ, but of the Cardi∣nals and the clergy no lesse hated; then fauoured of the o∣ther. In so much, that priuily in the night season they tooke hym and destroyed him. This his martyrdome (sayth he) was reuealed to hym before, from God by an Aungell, he beyng in the desert, whē he was sent forth to preach, wher∣upō, he sayd to them publikely with these words: I know (sayth he) ye seeke my lyfe, and know, ye will make me a∣way priuisy. But why? because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pryde, stoutnesse, auarice, incontinencie,

with your vnmeasurable greedines in getting and hea∣ping vp riches, therfore be you displeased with me. I take here heauen and earth to witnesse, that I haue preached to you, that I was commaunded of the Lord. But you con∣temne me and your creator, who by his onely sonne hath redemed you. And no meruaile if ye seeke my death beyng a sinfull person preaching to you the truth: when as if S. Peter were here this day, and rebuked your vices (which doe so multiply aboue all measure) you would not spare him neither. And as he was expressing this with a loude voyce, he sayd moreouer: For my part I am not afrayd to suffer death for the truth sake, but this I say to you, that God will looke vpon your iniquities, and will be reuen∣ged.* 24.43 You beyng full of all vnpuritie, play the blynd guides to the people committed to you, leading them the way to hell. A God he is of reuengeaunce. Thus the hatred of the Clergy beyng incensed agaynst hym for preaching truth, conspired agaynst him, and so laying priuy waite for hym, tooke hym and drowned him. Sabellicus & Platina say, they hanged hym.

In the second Tome of the general Councels imprin∣ted at Colen,* 24.44 is mentioned a certain booke called Opus tri∣partitum, written as the author supposeth, aboue 400. yeres ago, either of this Arnulphus, or iust about the same tyme. In this booke the writer complaineth of many enormi∣ties and abuses in the Church, First, of the number of holy dayes, declaring what occasion of vice groweth thereby, accordyng to the common saying of whores and naughty women (which say) they vauntage more in one holy day,* 24.45 then in 50. other dayes besides.

Item, complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches,* 24.46 whereby many bee occasioned to bestow much good tyme, yea many yeres about the same, which other∣wise they might geue to the learning of better sciences.

Likewise, he complaineth of the rable and multitude of begging Friers and religious men,* 24.47 & professed womē, shewyng what great occasion of idle & vncomely life com∣meth therof.

Also of the vnconsiderate promotion of euill Prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reformyng the euill demeanour of the people.

Item, of the great wantonnes & lasciuiousnes in their seruauts and families, concerning their excessiue wearing of apparell.

* 24.48Item, complaineth also of the outragious and exces∣siue gaynes, that Prelates and other vnder them take for their seale, especially of officials, scribes & such like, which geue out the seale they care not how, nor wherfore, so they may gayne money.

He complaineth in like maner, that prelates be so slack and negligent in looking to the residēts in their benefices.

* 24.49Farther lamenteth, for the rash geuing of benefices to parlons, vicars, and curates, not for any godlines or lear∣ning in them, but for fauour or friendship, or intercession, either els for hope of some gayne, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the Church.

* 24.50After this he noteth in prelates, how they wast and ex∣pend the goods of the church in supersluities or vpon theyr kinsfolke, or other worse wayes, which should rather be spent vpon the poore.

Nextly, in the x. chapter, he cōplaineth for that through the negligence of men of the church (especially of the church of Rome) the bookes and monuments of the old Councels & also of the new,* 24.51 are not to be found: which should be re∣serued and kept in all cathedrall Churches.

Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their du∣ties. Also reprocheth the vnchast and voluptuous demea∣nor of Ecclesiasticall persons by the example of Storkes,* 24.52 whose nature is (saith he) that if any of their company, lea∣uyng his owne mate, ioyneth with any other, all the rest flieth vpon him (whether it be he or she) beateth hym, and plucketh his fethers off: what then (sayth he) ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose fil∣thinesse and corrupt life both defileth so many, and stinketh in the whole Church.

Againe, forasmuch as we read in the booke of Esdras, lib 2. cap 9 that he purging Israel of strange womē, began first with the priestes:* 24.53 So now likewise in the purging & correcting of all sortes of men, first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is written by the prophet Ezechiel. Begin first with my sanctuary, &c.

Moreouer, how that in the tyme of Phillip kyng of Fraunce,* 24.54 the whole Realme was interdited, for that the kyng had but one woman in stead of his wife, which was not his wife by law. And againe, ••eyng in these our dayes, the king of Portingale hath bene sequestred from his do∣minion, by the authoritie of the church (being thought not sufficient to gouerne) what then ought to bee sayd to that Prelate, which abuseth other mens wiues, virgines, and Nunnes, which also is found vnable & insufficient to take vpon him the charge of soules?

About the yeare of our Lord,* 24.55 1128. the orders of the knights of the Rhodes called Joannites, also the order of Templars rose vp.

After Honorius, next in the same vsurpation succeded Pope Innocentius 2.* 24.56 an. 1130. But as it was with hys predecessours before hym, that at euery mutation of newe Popes, came new perturbations, and commonly neuer a Pope was elected, but some other was set vp against him, (sometymes 2. sometymes 3. Popes togethey) so likewise it happened with this Innocentius: for after he was cho∣sen, the Romains elected another pope named Anacletus. Betwixt these two Popes was much ado, and great con∣flicts through the partaking of Rogerius Duke of Sicile, takyng Anacletus part agaynst Innocentius,* 24.57 vntil Lo∣charius the Emperour came, who rescuing Innocentius, droue Rogerius out of Italy. Our stories recorde, that king Henry was one of the great helpes in setting vp and maintayning this Pope Innocentius against Anacletus, Gisburnens.

Amongst many other things this Pope decreed,* 24.58 that whosoeuer did strike a Priest or Clerke beyng shauen, he should be excommunicate, and not to be absolued, but on∣ly of the Pope himselfe.

About the tyme of doyng of these thynges (beyng the yeare of our Lord, 1135.) king Henry being in Normandy (as some say) by taking there a fall frō his horse (as other say) by taking a surfet in eating Lampries,* 24.59 fell sicke & died, after he had raigned ouer the realme of England 35. yeres and odde monethes,* 24.60 leauyng for his heyres Matilde the Empresse his daughter, with her young sonne Henry to succeed after hym, to whom all the Prelates and Nobili∣tie of the Realme were sworne. But contrary to their oth made to Molde in the presence of her father before: Willi∣am the Archbishop of Cant. and the nobles of the realme, crowned Stephen Erle of Boloyne, and sisters sonne to king Henry, vpon S. Stephens day in Christmas weeke. Which Archbishop, the next yeare after dyed: beyng (as it was thought) iustly punished for his periury.* 24.61 And many other lordes which did accordingly, went not quite with∣out punishment. In like iustice of punishmēt is numbred also Roger bishop of Salisbury, who contrary to his othe (beyng a great doer in the coronation of Stephen) was apprehended of the same kyng, and miserably (but iustly) extermined.

A certaine written English story I haue, which addeth more, and faith, that king Stephen (hauing many foes in diuers quarters,* 24.62 kepyng there holdes and castels agaynst him) went then to Oxford, & tooke the Bishop of Salisbu∣ry, and put a rope about his necke, & so led him to the castle of Uice (that was his) and commanded them to render vp the castle, or he would slay and hang their Bishop. Which Castle beyng geuen vp, the kyng tooke the spoyle thereof. The like also he did to the Bishop of Lyncolne named A∣lexander, whom in lyke maner he led in a rope to a Castle of the Bishops, that was vpon Trent, and bad them deli∣uer vp the Castle, or els he would hang their Lord, before the gate. Long it was before the castle was geuen vp, yet at length the king obtaining it, there entred and tooke all the treasure of the Bishop, &c. Roger Houeden. Fabian allea∣gyng a certayne olde Authors, whom I cannot finde, refer∣reth a great cause of this periury to one Hugh Bigot,* 24.63 Steward sometyme with king Henry. Who immediatly after the death of the sayd Henry, came into England, and before the sayd Archbishop and other Lordes of the land, tooke wilfully an othe and sware: that he was present a little before the kings death, when king Henry admitted for his heyre (to be king after him) Stephen his nephew, for so much as Molde his daughter had discontented him. Wherunto the Archbishop with the other Lordes gaue to hasty credence. But this Hugh (sayth he) escaped not vn∣punished, for he dyed miserably in a short tyme after. Ex Fabia. Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wroght not without the practise of Henry bishop of Winchester, & other Prelates (by his settyng on) which Henry was brother to King Stephen, &c.

King Stephen.

THus when king Stephen contrary to his oth made before to Molde the Empresse,* 24.64 had ta∣ken vpon hym the crowne (as is abouesayd) he sware before the Lordes at Oxford,* 24.65 that he would not hold the benefices that were voy∣ded

and that he would remit the Danegelt, with many o∣ther things,* 24.66 which after he little performed, Moreouer, because he dread the comming of the Empresse, he gaue li∣sence to his Lordes, euery one to build vpon theyr owne ground, strong castles or sorcresses, as them liked. All the tyme of his raigne he was vexed with warres, but especi∣ally with Dauid King of the Scottes, with whom he was at length accorded, but yet the Scottish king did hym no homage, because he was sworne to Mande the Empresse. Notwithstanding, yet Henry the eldest sonne to king Da∣uid, did homage to king Stephen. But he after repentyng therof, entred into Northumberland with a great host, & burnt and New the people in most cruel wyse, neither spa∣ring man, woman, nor chylde. Such as were with chylde they ript, the children they tost vpon their speare pointes, and laying the priests vpon the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces after a most terrible maner. But by the manhood of the English Lordes and souldiours,* 24.67 and through the meanes of Thurstine Archbishop of Yorke, they were met withall, and slaine a great number of them, and Dauid their king cōstrained to geue Henry his sonne hostage for suretie of peace. In the meane tyme king Ste∣phen was occupied in the South countreys, besieging di∣uers castles of diuers Bishops & other Lordes, and tooke them by force, and fortified them with his knights and ser∣uants, to the entent to withstand the Empresse, whose cō∣ming he euer feared.

About the vi. yeare of his raigne, Maud the Empresse came into England out of Normandy,* 24.68 & by the aid of Ro∣bert Earle of Gloucester, and Ranulph of Chester, made strong warre vpon kyng Stephen. In the ende whereof the kings partie was chased,* 24.69 and himselfe taken prisoner, & sent to Bristow, there to be kept in sure hold. The same day whē kyng Stephen should ioyne his battayle: It is sayd in a certaine old Chronicle before inyuded, that he be∣yng at the Masse (which then the bishop of Lincolne sayd, before y^e kyng) as he went to offer vp his taper, it brake in two pieces. And when the masse was done, (at what time the kyng should haue bene houseled) the Rope whereby the pyxe did hang, did breake, and the pixe fell down vpon the aultar.

After this field, the Queene (king Stephens wyfe, ly∣ing then in Kent) made great labour to the Empresse and her counsail, to haue the kyng deliuered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtayne. Also the Londi∣ners made great sure to the sayd Empresse, to haue and to vse agayne S. Edwardes lawes, and not the lawes of her father,* 24.70 which were more straight and strange to them then the other: which when they could not obtayne of her and her counsaile, the citizens of London (beyng therwith dis∣contented) would haue taken the Empresse. But she ha∣uing knowledge therof, fled priuily from London to Ox∣ford. But then the Kentishmen and Londiners taking the kings part, ioyned battaile against the Empresse: there the foresayd Robert Erle of Glocester, and base brother to the Empresse was taken. And so by exchange, both the King, and Erle Robert were deliuered out of prison.* 24.71 Then Ste∣phen (without delay) gatheryng to hym a strong army, straightly pursued the foresaid Matild or Mauld, with her friendes; besieging them in the Castell of Oxford. In the siege wherof, fell a great snow and frost so hard, that a man well laden might passe ouer the water. Upon the occasion wherof, the Empresse (bethinking herself) appointed with her friends & retinue: clothed in white shectes (& so issu∣ing out by a postern gate) went vpō the ise, ouer Thames and so escaped to Wallingford.* 24.72 After this, the king) the ca∣stle beyng gotten) when he found not the Empresse, was much displeased, and molested the countrey about diuer's wayes. In conclusion, he pursued the empresse & her com∣pany so hard, that he caused them to flee the realme, which was the vi. yeare of his raigne.

The second yeare after this, which was the viii. yeare of his raigne, there was a parliament kept at Londō, Un∣to the which, all the Bishops of the Realise resorted, and there denoūced the kyng accursed (and all them with him) that did any hurt to the Church, or to any minister therof. Wherupon the king began somwhat to amend his condi∣tions for a certain space: but afterward as my story sayth, was as euil as he was before: but what the causes were, myne author maketh no relation therof,* 24.73 &c. To returne a∣gayne to the story, the Empresse compesled (as is sayd, to flee the realme) returned againe into Normandy to Gef∣frey Plantagenet her husband. Who, after he had valiant∣ly wonne and defended the Duchy of Normandy, agaynst the puissance of king Steuen a long tyme, ended his lyfe, leauing Henry his sonne to succeed him in that dukedom. In the meane while, Robert Earle of Gloucester, and the Earle of Chester (who were strong of people) had diuers conflictes with the king. In so much, that at a battayle at Wilton betwene them, the king was well nere taken, but yet escaped with much payne.

It was not long after, but Eustace sonne to king Ste∣phen,* 24.74 who had maried the French kings sister, made war vpon duke Henry of Normādy, but preuailed not. Soone after, the sayd Henry Duke of Normandy (in the quarell of his mother Maude) with a great puissance entred into England,* 24.75 and at the first wan the castle of Mahnesbury, then the Tower of London, and afterward the towne of Notingham, with other holdes and castles, as of Walyn∣ford and other mo. Thus, betwene him and the king were foughten many battayles, to the great annoyaunce of the realme. During which tyme, Eustace the kings sonne de∣parteth. Upon the occasion wherof, the king caused The∣obald (which succeeded next after W. above mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury,* 24.76 to make meanes for the Duke for peace, which vpon this condition betwene them was concluded, that Steuen during his life tyme should holde the kingdome, and Henry in the meane tyme to bee pro∣claimed heyre apparant, in the chiefe cities throughout the Realme. These things thus concluded, Duke Henry ta∣keth his iourney into Normandy (king Steuen and hys sonne William, bringing him on his way) where Willi∣am the kings sonne, taking vp his horse before his father, had a fall and brake his leg,* 24.77 and so was had to Canterbu∣ry. The same yere king Stephen, about October (as some say for sorow) ended his life, after he had raigned 19. yeres periuredly.

As Theobald succeeded after William Archbishop of Canterb. so in Yorke after Thurstine succeeded William,* 24.78 which was called S. William of Yorke, who was poyso∣ned in his chalice by his chaplaines.

In the tyme of this kyng, which was the xvi. yeare of his raigne, Theobaldus Archbishop of Cant. and Legate to the Pope, did hold a councell at London. In the which councel first began new found appellatiōs, from councels to the Pope, found out by Henry Bishop of wint. For as the wordes of myne author doe recorde: In Anglla namq̄;, appellationes in vsu non erant, donec eas Henricus Wint. Epis∣copus dum legatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In eodem namq̄; concilio ad Rom. pontificis audientiam ter appellatū est, &c. That is, For appellations before were not in vse in England, till Henry Bishop of Winchester being thē the Popes Legate, brought them cruelty in, to his own hurt. For in that Councell thrise appeale was made to the Bi∣shop of Rome.

In the tyme of king Stephen died Gracianus a mōke of Bononie,* 24.79 who compiled the booke called the Popes de∣crees. Also his brother Petrus Lambardus bishop of Pa∣ris (which is called the maister of Sentences) compiled his foure bookes of the sentence. These two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and stablishing this blynde opinion of the sacrament, that the only simnitude of bread and wyne remayned, but not the substaunce of them: and this they call the spirituall vnderstandyng of the mysterie. And therefore no meruail if the sunne in those dayes were seene blacke and dimme.

Some also affirme,* 24.80 that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholasticall history was the third brother to these a∣boue named.

In the same tyme and raigne of the said king Stephen was also Hugo surnamed De sancto victore.* 24.81 About y^e which tyme (as Polychronicon reciteth) liued and died Bernardus Clareuallensis.

The author of the history (called Iornalensis) maketh al∣so mention of Hildegare the Nūne and propheresse in Al∣maine,* 24.82 to liue in the same age. Concerning whose prophe∣sie agaynst the Friers: hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shalbe said, when we come to recite the order and nū∣ber of Friers and religious men crept into the Church of Christ.

We read moreouer of one named Ioannes de tempori∣bus,* 24.83 which by the affirmaunce of most of our olde histo∣ries, lyued 361. yeares (seruaunt once to Carolus Magnus) and in the raigne of Stephen, king of England dyed, Po∣lychron. lib 7. Continuator, Henr. Hunt. Iornalens in vita Steph. Nicol. Triuet, &c.

In the dayes also of this king (and by him) was buil∣ded the Abbey of Feuersham, where his sonne & he were buried. He builded the monastery of Finerneys, & of Fo∣mitance, the castle of Walingford, with a number of other Castles mo.

During the tyme of the sayd kyng Stephen,* 24.84 the yeare of our Lord, 1144. the miserable Iewes crucified a child in the Citie of Norwich, N. Triuet & alij.

Much about the same tyme came vp the order of the Gilbertines, by one Gilbert sonne to Jacoline a knight of Lincolnshire, &c.

* 24.85Mention hath bene made before of certayne English Councels, holden in the tyme of this kyng, where it was (in one of them vnder Theolbald the Archbishop of Can∣terbury) decreed, that bishops should lyue more discretely, should reach their flocke more diligently, that readyng of scriptures should be frequented more vsually in Abbeys:* 24.86 that Priests should not be rulers of worldly matters, and that they should learne and teach the Lordes prayer, and Creede in English, Malmesb.

* 24.87Matth. Parisiensis writeth, how Stephen king of Eng∣land in these dayes reserued to himselfe, the right and au∣thoritie of bestowyng of spirituall liuyngs,* 24.88 and inuestyng Prelates, an. 1133.

At which tyme also, Lotharius the Emperour began to do the lyke in recouering agayne the right & priuiledge taken away from Henricus his predecessor, had not Ber∣nardus geuen him contrary counsaile.

* 24.89Here came into the Church, the maner of cursing with booke, bell, and candle, deuised in the Councell of London holden by William bishop of Winchester vnder Pope Ce∣lestinus, which succeeded after Innocentius, an. 1144.

* 24.90Also Lotharius succeeded in the Imperiall crowne, Conradus the nephew of Henricus the v. afore mentio∣ned, an. 1138. which only amongst many Emperors is not found to receiue the crowne at the Popes hand.

In the dayes of this Emperor (who raigned 15. yeres) were diuers Popes, as Celestinus 2. Lucius the 2. Eu∣genius the 3. at which time the Romaines went about to recouer agayne their former olde maner of chusing theyr Consuls and Senators. But the Popes thē being in their ruffe, in no case would abide it, wherupon rose many com∣motions, with much ciuile warre amongest them. In so much,* 24.91 that Pope Lucius (sending for ayde to the Empe∣rour, and he otherwise letted at that tyme could not come) armed his souldiours, thinking to inuade them or els to destroy them in their Senate house. But this comming to their knowledge before, the people was all in aray, and so much add was amongst them. Pope Lucius beyng also a∣mongst thē in the fight (wel pelted with stones & blowes) liued not long after. Likewise Pope Eugenius after him, an. 1145. (pursuing the Romains for the same matter) first did curse them with excommunicatiō. After, when he saw that would not serue,* 24.92 he came with his host: and so com∣pelled them at length to seeke his peace, and to take his cō∣ditions which were these: That they should abolish theyr Consuls, and take such Senators, as he by his Papall au∣thoritie should assigne them.

* 24.93Then followed Anastacius the 4. & after him Hadria∣nus 4. an Englishman, by his name (called Breakespere) belonging once to S. Albōs. This Hadrianus kept great stirre in like sort with the citizens of Rome for abolishyng their consuls and Senate, cursing, excommunicating, and warring agaynst them with all power he could make: to the tyme he remooued the Consuls out of their office, and brought them all vnder his subiection. The lyke businesse and cage he also styrred vp against Apulia, and especially against the Empire, blustering and thundering agaynst Friderieus the Emperour, as (the Lord graunting) you shall heare anone after we haue prosecuted such matter, as necessarily appertayneth first to the continuation of our English story.

King Henry the second.

* 24.94HEnry the secōd of that name, the sonne of Jef∣frey Plantagenet, and of Maude the Empresse and daughter of king Henry the first, beganne his raigne after king Stephen, and continued 35. yeares. The first yeare of his raign he sub∣dued Ireland,* 24.95 and not long after, Thomas Becket was made by him Lord Chauncellour of England. This king cast downe diuers Castles which were erected in the time of king Stephen. He went into the North partes, where he subdued William king of Scotland, who at that tyme held a great part of Northumberland vnto new Castell vpon Tyne, and ioyned Scotland to his owne kingdome from the South Ocenm to the North Iles of Orchades; Also he put vnder his dominion the kingdome of Wales, and there let to fall downe many great wooodes, and made the wayes playne. So that by his great manhood and po∣licie; the seignorie of England was much augmēted with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Iles Orchades, Britaine, Poytow, and Guyan. Also he had in hys rule, Normandy, Gascoyne, Angeow, and Chinon: also Al∣uerne and the Citie of Tholous he wan, and were to hym subiect. Ouer and besides (by the title of his wife Elenore daughter to the Erle of Poytow) he obtained the mounts Pyraine in Spayne: so that we read of none of hys pro∣genitours, which had so many countreys vnder hys do∣minion.

In England were seene in the firmament two sunnes,* 24.96 or as it is in Chronica Chronicorum, in Italy appeared thre sunnes by the space of iii. houres in the West, and the yere following, appeared iii. moones, wherof the middle moone had a red crosse ouertwart the face. Whereby was tokened (by the iudgement of some) the great schisme, that after fell among the Cardinals for the election of the Bishop of Rome:* 24.97 or else rather the businesse betwene Fridericus the Emperour and the Popes, wherof partly now incidently occasiō geueth vs to discourse. After that I haue first writ∣ten of Gerhardus and Dulcinus Nauarēsis, who in their tyme according to their gift, did earnestly labour & preach against the church of Rome, defending and maintainyng, that prayer was not more holy in one place then in an o∣ther, that the Pope was Antichrist, that the Clergy & pre∣lates of Rome were reiect, and the very whore of Babilon prefigured in the Apocalips, &c. Peraduenture these had receiued some light of knowledge of the Waldenses. Who at length with a great number of their folowers were op∣pressed and slaine by the Pope. And although some incon∣uenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assem∣blies be agaynst them alledged of some,* 24.98 yet these tymes of ours do teach vs sufficiently, what credite is to bee geuen to such popish slanders, forged rather vpon hatred of true religion, then vpon any iudgement of truth. Illyricus in his booke De testibus referreth the tyme of these two, to the yere of our Lord, 1280. but as I find in y^e story of Robert Guis∣burn: these ii. about y^e yeare of our Lord, 1158. brought 30. with them into England,* 24.99 who by the king and the Pre∣lates, were all burnt in the forehead, and so driuen out of the Realme, and after (as Illyricus writeth) were slayne by the Pope.

And now according to my promise premised, the tyme requireth to proceede to the history of Fredericus the first, (called Barbarossa) successor vnto Conradus in the Em∣pire,* 24.100 who marched vp to Italy, to subdue there certaine rebels. The Pope hearing that, came with his Clergy to meete him by the way, in a towne called Sutrium, thin∣king by him to find ayd against his enemies. The Empe∣ror seyng the Bishop, lighteth of his horse to receiue hym, holdyng the stirrup to the Prelate on the left side,* 24.101 when he should haue held it on the right, whereat the Pope shew∣ed himselfe somwhat agrieued. The Emperor smiling, ex∣cused himselfe that he was neuer accustomed to holde stir∣rops. And seyng it was done onely of good will, and of no duety, the lesse matter was, what side of the horse he held. The next day to make amends agayne to the Bishop, the Emperor sending for him, receiued him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, & so all the matter was made whole and he the Popes owne white sonne agayne.

After this, as they were come in and late together, Ha∣drianus the Pope beginneth to declare vnto him,* 24.102 how his auncestors before him (such as sought to the sea of Rome for the crowne) were woont alwayes to leaue behind them some speciall token or monument of their beneuolence, for the obtaining thereof, as Carolus Magnus in subduing the Lombards, Ottho the Berengarians, Lotharius the Normands, &c. Wherfore, he required some benefit to pro∣ceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring agayne the countrey of Apulia, to the Church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he for his part againe would do that which appertained to him to do: (meaning in ge∣uing him the crowne) for at y^e tyme the popes had brought the Emperors, to fetch their crowne at their hands.

Frederike with his princes perceiuing, that vnlesse he would of his owne proper costes & charges fetch in agayn Apulia out of duke Williams hands, he could not speed of the crowne, was fayne to promise to all that the Pope re∣quired, and so the next day after was crowned.

This done, the Emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subdu∣ing Apulia.* 24.103 In the meane while, Hadrianus not thinking to be idle, first geueth forth censures of excommunication against William duke of Apulia. Besides (not coutēt with this) sendeth also to Emanuel Emperor of Constantino∣ple, incensing him to warre against the foresayd William. The duke perceiuing this, sendeth to the Pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatsoeuer he would.

But the Pope through the malignant counsaile of his Cardinals, would grant to no peace thinking to get more

by warre. The Duke seyng nothing but warre, prepareth himselfe with all expedition to the same. To be briefe, ma∣king all his power out of Sicilia, he arriueth at Apulia, & there putteth Emanuell the Emperour to flight. This done,* 24.104 he proceedeth to the Citie Bonauentuee, where the Pope with his Cardinals were looking for victory. He planting there his siege, so straightly pressed the City, that the Pope w^e his Cardinals were glad to intreat for peace which they refused before. The Duke graunted to their peace vpon certaine conditions: that is, that neyther hee should inuade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the Pope should make him king of both Siciles. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop cōming to Rome was no lesse troubled there about their Consuls and Senators. In so much, that when his curses and excommunications could not preuayle nor serue, hee was sayne to leaue Rome, and remoued to Ariminum.

The Emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to consider with himselfe, how the Pope had extor∣ted from the Emperours (his predecessours) the inuesting and induyng of prelates: how he had pylied and poled all nations by his Legates, and also had bene the sower of se∣ditions through all his Empery, he began therfore to re∣quire of all the bishops of Germany homagium, and othe of their allegeance,* 24.105 commaunding also the Popes Legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be receiued. Charging moreouer all his subiectes, that none of thē should appeale to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set & prefixed his name before the popes name. Whereupon, the Pope beyng not a little offended, directed his letters to the foresayd Frederike Emperour, after this tenor and forme as foloweth.

The copy of Hadrianus the Popes letters, to Fredericke the Emperour.

HAdrianus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei, Friderico Impe∣ratori salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Caetera vide in priore aeditione.* 25.1 In English.

Hadrian Bishop, seruant of the seruants of God, to Friderike Emperour, health and Apostolicall benediction. The law of God, as it promiseth to them that honour father and mother long life, so it threatneth the sentence of death to them that curse father & mother. We are taught by the word of truth, that euery one which exalteth himselfe shalbe brought low. Wherfore (my welbeloued sonne in the Lord) we meruaile not a little at your wisedome, in that you seeme not to shew that reuerence to blessed S. Peter, and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to shew. For why? in your letters sent to vs, you preferre your owne name before ours, wherin you incurre the note of insolencie, yea (and rather to speake it) of arrogancie. What should I here recite vnto you, the othe of your fidelitie, which you sware to blessed S. Peter and to vs,* 25.2 and how you obserue and kepe the same? Seyng you so re∣quire homage and allegeaunce of them that be Gods, and all the sonnes of the high God, and presume to ioyne their holy handes with yours, working contrary to vs? Seyng also you exclude (not onely out of your churches, but also out of your cities) our Car∣dinals, whom we direct as Legates from our side: what shall I say then vnto you? Amend therefore I aduise you, amend: for while you go about to obtayne of vs your consecration and crowne, & to get those things you haue not. I feare much your honour will loose the things ye haue. Thus fare ye well.

The aunswer of Frederike the Emperour to the Pope.

FRederike by the grace of God, Romaine Emperour, euer Au∣gustus, vnto Adrian bishop of the Romaine church, and vnto all such that bee willing to cleaue vnto those things which Iesus began to worke and teach, greeting. The law of iustice geueth to euery person accordingly that which is his. Neither do we dero∣gate from our parents: of whom, according as we haue receiued this our dignitie of the Imperiall crowne and gouernance: so in the same kyngdome of ours, we doe render their due & true ho∣nour to them againe. And forasmuch as duety in all sortes of men is to be sought out, let vs see first in the tyme of Constantine (Sil∣uester then being Bishop of Rome) what patrimony or regalitie hee had of his owne, due to him that he might claime. Dyd not Constantine of his liberall benignitie geue liberty, and restored peace vnto the church? And whatsoeuer regalitie or patrimony the see of your papacy hath, was it not by the donation of Prin∣ces geuen vnto them? Reuolue and turne ouer the ancient chro∣nicles (if either you haue not red, or neglected that we do affirm) there it is to be found. Of them which be Gods by adoption, and hold our lord ships of vs: why may wee not iustly require theyr homage, & their sworne allegeāce, whē as he which is both your maister and ours (taking nothing of any king or any man, but ge∣uing all goodnes to all men) payd toll and tribute for hym & Pe∣ter, vnto Cesar? Geuing you example to do the like. And therfore salth to you and all men: Learne of me, for I am meeke and hum∣ble of hart, &c, Wherfore eyther render againe your lordships & patrimonies which ye hold of vs: or els if ye finde them so sweete vnto you, then geue that which is due to God, to God: and that which is due to Cesar, vnto Cesar. As for your Cardinals, we shut them out both of churches and cities. For that we see them not preachers, but proylers: not repairers of peace, but rakers for mony, not pillers and vpholders of the church, but polers insati∣able of the world, and moylers of mony and gold. What tyme we shall see them to be other men (such as the church requireth them to be) members and makers of peace shining forth lyke lightes to the people, assisting poore and weake mens causes in the way of equitie, &c. Then shall they finde vs prest and ready to relieue thē with stipends, and all things necessary. And where as you inferre such questions as these vnto secular men (little conducing to re∣ligion) you incurre therby no little note and blemish of your hu∣militie (which is keeper of all vertues) and of your mansuetude. Therfore let your fatherhood beware and take heede, least in mo∣uing such matters as seme to vs vnseemely for you, ye geue ther∣by offence to such as depend of your word (geuing eare to your mouth, as it were to an euening shower.) For we cannot but tell you of that we heare, seing now the detestable beast of pride, doth creepe into the seat of Peter, prouiding alwayes (as much as we may by gods grace) for the peace of the church. Fare ye well.

Upon this, Hadrianus the Pope directeth out a Bull against Friderike, excommunicating him with publike & solemne ceremonies, Moreouer (conspiring with William duke of Apulia) sought all maner of ways to insest the em∣perour, and to set all men agaynst him, especially the cler∣gy. Amongst many other writing to Hilituns Byshop of Driuers, to Arnulphus bishop of Mentz, & to Friderike bishop of Colen, seeketh first to make them of his side. His Epistle to them soundeth to this effect.

* 26.1THe Empire of Rome was transferred from the Greekes to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called Em∣perour, before he were crowned of the bishop Apostolicall. Be∣fore his consecration he is a king, afterward Emperour. Whence hath he his Empire then, but of vs? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king by our consecration he hath the name of the Emperour of Augustior of Caesar. Ergo, by us he raygneth as Emperor: Search ancient antiquities. Zacharias P. promooted Carolus, and made him a great name, that he was made and called Emperour. And after that, euer the king of Almaines was named Emperour and aduocate to the see Apostolicall, so that Apulia (conquered by him) was subdued to the bishop of Rome: which Apulia with the citie of Rome, is ours, and not the Emperours. Our seat is at Rome,* 26.2 the seate of the Emperour is at Aquis in Ar∣duenna, which is a wood in Fraunce. The Emperour whatsoeuer he hath, he hath it of vs. As Zacharias did translate the Empire frō the Greekes to the Almaines: so we may translate it againe from the Almains, to the Greekes. Behold it lyeth in our power to geue it to whom we will,* 26.3 being therfore set vp of God aboue Gentiles and nations, to destroy and plucke vp, to build and to plant, &c.

And yet further to vnderstand the ambitious presum∣ption of this proud see of Rome, it so chaunced this Em∣perour Fridericus at his first comming vp to Rome, dyd behold there in the palace of Lateraue, a certaine picture brought forth vnto him, how Lotharius the ii. Emperour was crowned of the Pope, with the inscription of certaine verses in Latin, declaryng how the foresayd Emperor cō∣ming to Rome, first did sweare to the city, after was made the Popes man, and so of him receiued the crowne. Fride∣ricus offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, for that it should be no cause of any dissention hereafter. The Pope vnderstanding the intent of the Em∣peror, how loth he was to come vnder subiectiō to his see, deuised by all crafty wayes to bring it to passe. And first ta∣king his occasion by the bishop of Laodicea (beyng thē de∣tained in custody,* 26.4 I cannot tell by whom) sent diuers and sharpe letters vnto him. And yet not so sharpe, as proud & disdainfull. Wherin the first saluration by his legates, was this in Latine: Salutat vos beatissimus pater noster Papa, & v∣niuersitas Cardinalium,* 26.5 ille vt pater, hij vt fratres. That is, our most blessed father the Pope greeteth you, and the vniuer∣sall company of the Cardinals, he as your father, they as your brethren. Meaning therby that he should vnderstād himselfe to be subiect and vnderlyng to the Pope, no lesse then the Cardinals were. Moreouer in his letters obiec∣ting diuers things against him, reciteth, how many and great benefites he had receiued of the church of Rome: by the which church he had obteyned the fulnesse of his honor and dignity, &c. The Emperour with his princes percei∣uing whereunto the Pope by his Legates did shoot: (be∣yng

a prince of courage) could not abide such intollerable presumption of a proud message: whereupon, much con∣tention fell betwene the Legates and the Princes. And of whom then (say the Legates) receyueth Cesar the Empe∣rie, if he take it not of the Pope; with the which word, the Germaine princes were so much offended, that had not the Emperour stayed them (with much ado) they would haue vsed violence against the Legates. But the Emperour not permitting that, commaūded the Legates away, straight∣ly charging them to make no turne by the way to any per∣son or persons, but straight to depart home. And he (to certifie the whole state of the Empire of the truth of the matter) direcreth forth these letters that follow.

The tenour of the Emperours letter sent through all his Empire.

FOrasmuch as the prouidence of God (whereof dependeth all power both in heauen and earth) hath committed to vs hys annointed, this our regiment and Impery to be gouerned, and the peace of his Churches by our Imperiall armes to bee protected, we cannot but lament and complaine to you with great sorrow of heart, seyng such causes of dissention (the roote and fountaine of euils, and the infection of pestiferous corruption) thus to rise from the holy church, imprinted with the seale of peace, and loue of Christ.

By reason wherof (except God turne it away) we feare the whole body of the church is like to be polluted: the vnitie there∣of to be broken, and a schisme and deuision to be betwixt the spi∣rituall and temporall regiment For we beyng a late at Bisunze, & there intreating busily of matters pertaining as well to the honor of our Empire, as to the wealth of churches, there came Embassa∣dors of the see Apostolicall, declaring they brought a legacie to our maiestie of great importaunce, redounding to no small com∣moditie of our honour and Empire.

Who then, the first day of their comming, beyng brought to our presence, and receyued of vs (as the maner is) with honour accordingly, audience was geuen them to heare what they had to say. They forthwith brusting out of the Mammon of iniquitie, hautie pride, stoutnesse and arrogancie, out of the execrable pre∣sumption of their swelling hart, did their message with letters A∣postolicall, whereof the tenor was this: That we should alwayes haue before our eyes how that our soueraign lord the Pope gaue vs the Imperiall crowne, and that it doth not repent him, if so be it, we haue receiued greater benefites at his hand. And this was the effect of that so sweete and fatherly legation, which should nourish peace both of the church and of the Empire, to vnite thē fast together in the band of loue.

At the hearing of this so false, vntrue, and most vaine glorious presumption of so proud a message, not only the Emperors maie∣stie, conceiued indignation, but also all the Princes (there pre∣sent) were mooued with such anger and rage the reat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they could not haue held their hands from these wicked priests, or els to haue procee∣ded with sentence of death against them.

Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (part∣ly written already, partly with seales ready signed, for letters to be written according as they should thinke good to the Chur∣ches of Germany) were found about them: whereby to worke their conceiued intent of iniquitie here in our churches, to spoile the aultars, to cary away the iewels of the church, and to fley the limmes and plates of golden crosses, &c. To the intent their aua∣ricious meaning should haue no further power to raigne, we gaue them commaundement to depart the same way,* 27.1 they came. And now, seyng our raigne and Empery standeth vpon the election of Princes, from God alone, who in the passion of his sonne, subdu∣ed the world to be gouerned with two swords necessary. And a∣gaine, seyng Peter the Apostle hath so informed the world with this doctrine, Deum timete, Regem honorificte that is, Feare God honour your king. Therfore, who so sayth that we haue & possesse our imperiall kingdom by the benefite of the Lord Pope, is con∣trary both to the ordinance of God,* 27.2 and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shalbe reproued for a lyer.

Therfore as our endeuour hath bene heretofore to helpe and to deliuer the seruile captiuitie of churches out of the hand, and from the yoke of the Egyptians, and to maintayne the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you all with your compas∣sion to lament with vs, this slaundrous and ignominie inferred to vs and our kingdome, trusting that your faithfull good wil which hath bene euer trusty to the honour of this Empire (neuer yet blemished from the first beginning of this citie, and of religion) will prouide, that it shall haue no hurt through the strange nouel∣tie and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing, rather than it should come to passe, know you this for certaine: I had rather incurre the danger of death, then to suffer such confusion to hap∣pen in our dayes.

This letter of Cesar fretted the Pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the em∣peror, and willing them to worke against him what they could: they answer againe with all obedience to the Pope submitting themselues, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather. And exhorted him henceforth to tem∣per his letters and legacies with more gentlenes and mo∣destie, the which counsaile he also followed, perceiuing o∣therwise, that he could not preuayle.

Much trouble had good Fridericus with this Pope: but much more with the other, that followed. For this Pope continued not very long, the space only of 4. yeres & odde months. About whose tyme rose vp the order of the Hermites by one William once duke of Aquitania,* 27.3 and af∣terward a Frier. This Hadrianus walking with his car∣dinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum, (as Volateran calleth it) chaunced to be choked with a flie getting into his throte,* 27.4 and so was strangled, who in the latter tyme of his papacie, was woont to say, that there is no more miserable kynd of lyfe in the earth, then to bee a Pope,* 27.5 and to come to the papacie by bloud, that is (said he) not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who to raigne alone, did slay his brother.

Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, one Alexander the 3. of that name. Who yet was not elected alone: for beside him the Emperor w^t 9. Cardinals (albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3.) did set vp another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soule schisme and great discord, and long cō∣tinued. In so much, that the Emperour being required to take vp the matter, sent for them both to appeare before him, that in hearing them both, he might iudge theyr cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander (disdaming that his matter should come in controuersie) refused to appeare. Whereupon the Emperour with a full consent of his Bi∣shops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the elec∣tion of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the Citie there to be receiued & placed. Alexander (flying into Frāce) accused them both, sending his letters to all christendom a∣gainst them, as men to be auoided and cast out of all chri∣stian company.* 27.6 Also to get him frendes at Rome by flatte∣ry and mony got on his side the greatest part of the Citie, both to the fauouring of him, and to the setting vp of such Consuls as were for his purpose. After this, Alexander comming from France to Sicile, and frō thence to Rome, was there receiued with much fauour, thorough the helpe of Phillip the French king.

The Emperour hearing this rebellion and conspira∣cie in Rome,* 27.7 remooued w^t great power into Italy, where he had destroyed diuers great cities. Comming at length to Rome, he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might bee decided, and that he which had y^e best right, might be takē. If they would so do, he would restore agayne that which he tooke from them before. A∣lexander mistrusting his part, and doubtyng the willes of the Citizens, (hauing shippes ready prepared for hym, from William Duke of Apulia) fetcht a course about to Venice.

To declare here the difference in histories, betweene Blondus Sabellicus, and the Venetian chronicles, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will ouerpasse. In this most do agree, that the Pope beyng at Venice, and required to be sent of the Venetians, to y^e Em∣perour, they would not send him. Wherupon, Fridericus the Emperour sent thither his sonne Otho with men and ships well apointed, charging him not to attēpt any thing before his comming. The yong man more hardy then cir∣cumspect (ioyning with the Venetians) was ouercome, & so taken was brought into the city. Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to worke his feates.

The father to helpe the captiuitie and miserye of hys sonne, was compelled to submit hymselfe to the Pope, and to intreat for peace. So the Emperour commyng to Ve∣nice (at S. Markes Church, where the bishop was, there to take hys absolution) was bidde to kneele downe at the Popes feete.

The proud Pope setting his foote vpon the Emperors necke,* 27.8 sayd the verse of the Psalme: Super aspidem & basilis∣cum ambulabis & conculcabis Leonem & Draconem: That is, Thou shalt walke vpon the Adder and the Basiliske, and shalt tread downe the Lion and the Dragon,* 27.9 &c. To whō the Emperour aunswering agayne, sayd: Non tibi sed Pe∣tro, that is, not to thee but to Peter. The Pope agayne, Et mihi, & Petro, both to me and to Peter. The Emperor fea∣ring to geue any occasion of further quarelling, held hys peace and so was absolued, and peace made betwene thē: the conditions wherof were these. First, that he should re∣ceiue Alexāder, for the true Pope. Secondly, that he should

[illustration]

[illustration]

Pope Alexander treading on the necke of Fre∣dericke the Emperour.

restore agayne to the Church of Rome, all that he had ta∣ken away before. And thus the Emperour obtayning a∣gayne hys sonne, departed.

Here, as I note in diuers writers, a great diuersitie and varietie touching the order of this matter (of whome some say that the Emperour campt in Palestina before he came to Venice,* 27.10 some say after) so I meruell to see in Vola∣terane (so great a fauourer of the pope) such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith: y^e Otto (the Emperours sonne) was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of y^e peace betweene, his father and the pope: And in his 23. booke a∣gayne saith, that the Emperour himselfe was taken priso∣ner in the same battayle: & so (afterward peace concluded) tooke his iorney to Alia & Palestina:* 27.11 This P. in the time of his papacie (whiche continued 21. yeares) kept sundry councels both at Turo & at Lateran, where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand,* 27.12 and other his pre∣decessors. As to binde all orders of the clergy to the vowe of chastitie, which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastitie aright. For who so liueth not a chaste lyfe (sayth he) is no fit person to be a minister. But herein lyeth an error full of much blindnes: and also peril, to thinke that matrimony immaculate (as S. Paul calleth it) is not chastitie, but onely a single life, that they esteeme to be a chaste life.

Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr, cal∣led Thomas Becket, happened also in the same tyme of this pope Alexander, let vs somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seeme worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth. To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lyes of such popishe writers as paynt out his story: men may the better iudge both of hym what he was, and also of hys cause.

The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.

* 27.13IF the cause make a Martyr (as is sayd) I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr, more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here tem∣porally punish for their temporall desertes. To dye for the Church,* 27.14 I graunt is a glorious matter. But the Church, (as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church) so it stan∣deth vpon causes spirituall, and vpon an heauenly foun∣dation, as vpon sayth, religion, true doctrine, sincere dis∣cipline, obedience to Gods cōmandements. And not vpō things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, priuileges, dignities, patrimonies, and su∣periorities. If these be geuen to the Churche, I pray God churchmen may vse them wel, but if they be not geuen, the church cannot clayme thē: or if they be takē away, that sta∣deth in the princes power. To contend to Princes for the same, it is no matter (in my minde) materiall, to make a martyr, but rather a rebellion agaynst them, to whom we owe subiection. Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr (neyther can he be ex∣cused, from a playne rebell against his prince) so yet would I haue wished agayne, the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault: then the swords of men (not biddē not sent) to haue smitten him, hauing no speciall commande∣ment, neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe. For though the indignation of the Prince (as the wise Prince sayth) is death: yet it is not for euery priuate persō straght∣wayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince, ex∣cept he be publikely authorised thereunto. And thus had bene (as I suppose) the better way, the lawes first to haue executed their iustice vpon him. Certes, it had bene the sa∣fest way for the king, as it proued after: who had iust mat∣ter inough, if he had prosecuted his cause agaynst him. And also thereby, hys death had bene without all suspicion of martirdome, neyther had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did. Albeit, the secret proui∣dence of God (whiche gouerneth all thinges) did see this way percase to be best, and most necessary for those dayes. And doubtles (to say here what I thinke, and yet to speak nothing agayne charitie) if the Emperours had done the like to the Popes, contending agaynst them what tyme they had cooke them prisoners: that is, if they had vsed the lawe of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their trayterous rebellion: they had broken the necke of much disturbaunce, whiche long tyme after did trouble the Churche. But for lacke of that, because Emperours hauing the sword, and the trueth on their side, woulde not vse their sworde: but standing in awe of the Popes vayne curse, and reuerencing his seat for Saint Peters sake, durst not lay hand vppon hym: though he were neuer so abhominable and trayterous a maletactour. The Popes perceauing that, tooke so much vpon them (not as the scripture would geue) but as much as the superstitious feare of Emperors and kings woulde suffer them to take: which was so much, that it past all or∣der, rule, and measure. And all because the superior pow∣ers (eyther would not, or durst not) practise the authoritie geuen to them of the Lord, vpon those inferiours, but suf∣fered them to be their maisters.

But as touching Thomas Becket, what soeuer is to be thought of them that did the acte: the example therof yet bringeth this profite with it, to teach all Romish Pre∣lates not to be so stubborne (in such matters not pe••tay∣ning to them) against their Prince, vnto whom God hath subiected them.

Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, by those source who tooke vpon thē to expresse the life and processe of Thomas Becket: it appeareth by al coniectures that he was a man of a stout nature,* 27.15 seuere, & inflexible. What perswasion or opinion he had once cōcea∣ued: from that he would in no wise be remoued, or very hardly. Threatnings & flatterings were to him both one. In this poynt singuler, following no mans counsayle so much as hys own. Great helpes of nature were in him (if he could haue vsed them well) rather then of learning. Al∣be it, somewhat skilful he was of y^e ciuile law, which he stu∣died at Bonomie. In memory excellent good, and also wel broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and straite lyfe, if the historyes be true. Al∣though in the first part of hys life (being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chauncellor) he was very euill, courtlike, pleasaunt, geuen much both to hunting & hauking, according to the guise of the court. And highly fauored he was of his prince, who not only had thus pro∣moted him: but also had committed hys sonne & heyre to hys institution and gouernaunce. But in this his first be∣ginning he was not so wel beloued: but afterwarde hee was again as much hated (& deseruedly) both of the king, and also of the most part of his subiects: saue onely of cer∣tayne Monke•••• and priestes, and suche other as were per∣swaded by thē: who magnified him not a little, for vphol∣ding the liberties of the church (that is) the licentious life and excesse of Churchmen. Amongest all other, these vices he had most notable, & to be rebuked. Full of deuotion, but wythout all true Religion. Zelous, but cleane without knowledge. And therfore as he was stiffe and stubborn of nature, so (a blinde conscience being ioyned w^tall) it turned to playne rebellion.* 27.16 So superstitious he was to the obedi∣ence of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to hys natu∣rall and most beneficiall king. And in mayntayning (so cō∣tentiously) the vayne constitutions and decrees of men: be neglected the commandementes of God. But herein most of all to be reprehended, that not onely (contrary y^e kings knowledge) he sought to conuey himselfe out of the realme (being in that place and calling) but also (being out of the realme) set matter of discord betweene the Pope & hys K. and also betwene the French king and him: contrary to al honesty, good order, naturall subiection, and true christia∣nitie. Wherupon folowed no little disquietnesse after, both to the king and damage of the realme, as here (in processe and in order following by the grace of Christ) we will declare. First beginning with the first rising vp of hym, & so consequently to prosocute in order hys storye as fol∣loweth.

And first here to omitte the progenie of him and of his mother named Rose, whom Polyd. Virgilius fasly nameth to be a Saracen: when in deede she came out of the partes bordering neer to Normandy. To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother,* 27.17 mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis, of a burning torche issuing out of her body and reaching vp to heauen: his first preferment was to the Church of Bran∣field, which he had by the gift of S. Albous. After that, he cutred in the seruice of the Archb. of Cant. by whō he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon. And after by the sayd Theobald was put (as a mā most metest for his purpose) to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. y^e he should not be fierce agaynst the clergy: whom in processe of time, the K. made lord Chauncellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the Chauncellor. He facioned his con∣ditions like to the kinges both in waighty matters & tri∣fles. He would hunt with him, and watch the tyme when the Kyng dyned and and slept. Furthermore hee began to loue the mery gessinges of the court, to delight himselfe in the great land of mē & prayse of the people. And y^e I may passe ouer hys houshold stuffe, he had his bridle of siluer, & the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure. At his table and other expences, he passed any earle: That on the one side, men would iudge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon: and on the other side would iudge hym to vse wicked doyngs. He played also the good souldiour vnder the K. in Gascon, and both wan and kept townes. When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into Englād (ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb.) he willed Rich. Luci (one of the chiefest) to commend in his name, this Thomas to the couent of Cā∣terbury, that they might chose him archbish. Which thing he did diligētly. The monks sayd, it was not meet to chuse a courtier and a souldior to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend (sayd they) all that they had. Other had this surmise also, because he was in so great fauour with the prince, the kinges sonne, & was so sodenly discharged. of the Chancellorship which he had borne fiue yeares. In the 44. yeare of hys age (on the Saterday in the Whitson∣weeke) he was made priest, and the next day consecrated Byshop.

As touching the priesthoode of this man, I finde the histories to vary in thēselues,* 27.18 for if he were beneficed, and chaplaine to Theobald, & afterward archdeacon (as some say) it is no other like, but that he was priest before, & not (as our most English storyes say) made priest in one day, and archbishop the next.

But howsoeuer this matter passeth, here is in y^e meane tyme to be seene, what great benefites the K. had done for him, and what great loue had bene betweene them both. Now after that Becket was thus promoted, what vari∣aunce and discord happened betweene them, remayneth to be shewed: The causes of which variaunce were diuers and sondry.

As first when (according to the custome) the Kinges officers gathered,* 27.19 of euery one, hyde mony through the Realme, for the defence of their owne country: the Kyng would haue taken it to hys cofers. But the Byshop sayd, that which euery man gaue willingly, he should not co••••t as his proper rent.

An other cause was, that where a Priest was accused of murther, and the kinges officers and the friendes of the dead, accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salis∣bury his Diocesan to whō he was sent, desiring iustice to be done on him: the priest was put to his purgation. But when he was not able to defend himselfe, the Byshop sent to the archbishop to aske what he should do. The Archb. commaunded he should be depriued of all ecclesiastical be∣nefices, & shut vp in an abbey to doe perpetuall penance. After the same sort were diuers other handled for like cau∣ses, but none put to death, nor lost ioynt, nor burned in the hand, or the like payne.

The third cause was, that where a Chanon of Bruis did reuile the kinges iustices: the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such lyke, the Archbishop (to pacifie the kinges anger) commaunded the Chanon to be whipped, & depriued of his benefices for certain yeares. But the king was not content with this gentic punishe∣ment, because it rather increased their boldnes: and ther∣fore he called the Archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster. Whē they were assembled toge∣ther: the king earnestly commaunded, that suche wicked Clerkes should haue no priuilege of their Clergy, but he deliuered to the Iaylers, because they passed so little of y^e spiriturll correction: and this he sayd, also their own Ca∣nons and lawes had decreed. The Archbishop counsai∣ling w^e his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired hartely the kinges gentlenes (so: the quietnes of himselfe and his realme) that vnder Christ our new king, and vnder the new law of Christ, he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm (vp∣on the new chosen people of the Lord) agaynst the old de∣crecs of the holy fathers: And oft he sayd, that he neyther ought nor could suffer it. The king moued therwith (and not without cause) alledgeth agayne and exacteth the olde lawes and customes of his grandfather, obserued and a∣greed vpō by archbishops, bishops, prelates, & other pri∣uileged persons: inquiring likewise of hym, whether hee would agree to the same, or els now (in his raigne) would condēne that which in the raigne of his graūdfather was well allowed. To which lawes & customes, the said Tho∣mas did partly graunt, and partly not graunt. The copy of the which foresayd lawes are contayned in the number of xxviii. or xxix. whereof I thought here to recite certain, not vnworthy to be knowne.

The copy of the old lawes and customes, wher∣unto Thomas Becket, did graunt.

1. That no order should be geuen to husbande mennes children and bondmens Childrē,* 28.1 without the assent or testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the country where they were borne and brought vp: & if their sonnes become Clerkes, they shall not receaue the order of priest∣hoode without licence of their Lordes.

2. And if a man of holy Churche, hold any lay fee in hys hand:* 28.2 he shall do therefore, the king the seruice that belon∣longeth therto, as vpon iuries, assise of landes, and iudge∣mentes: sauing onely, at execution doing of death.

3. If any man were the kinges traytour, and had taken the Church: that it should be lawfull to the king and hys officers to take him out.

4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church,

that there should none such keepe there: for euery fellons goodes bene the kinges.

5. That no land should be geuen to the Church, or to any house of religion, without the kinges license.

These articles folowing, Thomas agreed not vnto.

1. IF that betweene a clerke and a lay man, were anye striuing for Church goodes: they would y^e ple should he done in the kinges court.

2. That there should neyther bishop nor clerke, go out of the land without the kinges licence: And then hee shoulde sweare vpon a booke, he should procure no hurt agaynst the king nor none of his.

3. If any man were denounced accursed, and were come agayn to amendment: the king would not that he should be sworne, but onely finde sureties to stand to that, y^e holy Church should award.

4. The fourth, that no man that held of the king in chiefe or in seruice, should be accursed without the kings licence.

5. That all the Bishopprickes & Abbayes that were va∣cant, should be in the kings handes, vntill suche time that he should chuse a prelate thereto: and he should be chosen out of the kinges chappels, and first before he were confir∣med, he should doe his homage to the king.

6. If any ple were to consistory brought, they should ap∣peale from thence to the archdeacon: and from thence to y^e Byshops court: and from the Byshops court, to the arch∣byshops: and from thence to the king, and no further: So that in conclusion the complayntes of holy Church, must come before the king and not the pope.

7. That all debtes, that were owing through trouth∣plyght, should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court.

8. That the Peter pence, which to the Pope were gathe∣red should be taken to the king.

9. If any clerke for felony were taken, and so proued: he should be first disgraded, and then through iudgement, to be hanged, or if he were a traytour to be drawne.

Other lawes and constitutions made at Clare∣doun in Normandy, and sent to England, wherunto Becket and the Pope would not agree. He be∣ing then fled out of the Realme.

1.* 30.1IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbish. of Canterb, any writing, con∣teining any indicte or cursse agaynst the realme of Eng∣land: the same man to be apprehended without delay, for a traytour, and execution to be done vpon the same.

2. That no monke, nor any Clerke shall be permitted to passe ouer into England, without a passport from the king or his Iustices: who so doth the contrary, that man to be tached and imprisoned.

3. No man to be so bould once to appeale to the Pope, or to the Archbishop of Canterbury, out of England.

4. That no decree, or commandement proceeding from y^e authoritie of the pope or the Byshop of Canterbury, to be receaued in Englād vnder payne of taking & imprisoning.

5. In generall, to forbid any man to cary ouer anye com∣maundement or precept (eyther of clerke) or layman to the Pope or to the archbishop of Canterbury, vnder payn of imprisonment.

6. If any Bish., clerke, abbot, or lay man shal do contra∣ry to this inhibitiō: or wil keep the sentence of interditing: the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land, with all their kinred, and to leaue all their goodes behinde them.

7. All the possessions, goodes & cartell of such as fauour the pope, or the Archbishop of Cāterbury, to be ceased and confiscate for the king.

8. All such of the clergye, as be out of the realme hauyng their contes and profites out of the land: to be sommoned and warned through euery shyre, within three mōthes to repayre home: eyther els their rentes and goods to re∣turne to the king.

9. That S. Peters pence, should be no more payd to the Apostolicall see: but to be reserued diligently in the kinges cofers, and there to be at hys cōmmaundement. Arq•• haec ex Quadrilogo.

10. That the Byshops of Salisbury and Norwicht, be at the kings mercy: and be somoned by the Sheriffe and be∣dels, that they before the kings iustices, do right to the K. and hys iustices: because, (contrary to the statutes of Cla∣rendon) by commaundement they interdicted the land of Hugh Earle, and published the same in their Dioces with out licence of the kinges iustices.

By these and such other lawes and decrees it may ap∣peare that the abolyshing of the pope, is no newe thing in the realme of England. This onely difference there is, y^e the P. being driuen out then, could not be kept out so long as now he is. The cause is, that y^e tyme was not yet come, that antechrist should so fully be reueled. Neither was his wickednes then so fully ripe in those dayes, as it hath bene now in our time. Nowe these premised, let vs returne where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Tho∣mas becket.

The communication and controuersie betweene the king and Thomas Becket with hys Clergye.

THe king as is aforesayd, conuenting hys Nobles and clerkes together, required to haue y^e punishmēt of cer∣tayne misdoers of the Clergy. But Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto: the king came to this poynt: to know whether he would consent with his clergy, that the custo∣mes then set forth in the realme (meaning by the first part of those decrees aboue specified) should be obserued. To which the Archbishop consulting together with hys bre∣thren, geueth aunswere agayne, that he was contented y^e kings ordinaunces should be obserued, adding this with∣all,* 30.2 Saluo ordine suo: that is, sauing his order. And so in like maner all the other byshops after, being demanded in or∣der, answered w^t the same addition, Saluo ordine suo. Onely Hillarius bishop of Chichester, perceauing the king to be exasperate with that addition,* 30.3 instede of Saluo ordine, a∣greed to obserue them Bona fide. The king hearing thē not simply to agree vnto him but with an exceptiō, was migh¦tely offended: who thē turning to the Archbishop and the Prelates sayd: that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Saluo ordine suo, which he sayd, was capti∣ous and deceitfull: hauing some maner of venine lurking vnder, & therfore required an absolute graunt of them w^t∣out any exception to agree to the kinges ordinaunces. To this the Archbishop answered agayne, that they had sworn vnto him their fidelitie, both life, body, and earthly honor, Saluo ordine suo: and that in the same earthly honour, also those ordinances were cōprehended: and to the obseruing, they would bynde themselues after no other forme, but as they had sworne before. The king with this was moued, & all his nobilitie not a little. As for y^e other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easely haue relented, had not the stoutnes of the Archb. made thē more constant then otherwise they would haue bene. The day being wel spēt: the king (when he could get no other aunswere of them) departed in great anger: geuing no word of salutatiō to y^e bishops. And likewise, the bishops euery one to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester (amongest the rest) was greatly rebuked of his fellowes, for chaūging y^e exception cōtrary to the voice of al the other. The next day following, the king took from the archbishop all such ho∣nours & Lordships, as he had geuē him before, in the tyme that he was chauncellor: wherby appeared the great dis∣pleasure of the king agaynst him and the clergy. Not long after this, the king remouing from London (vnknowing to the bishops) sayled ouer to Normandy, whither the bi∣shop of London called Gilbert (not long after) resorted to craue the Kinges fauour: & gaue him councell withall to ioyne some of y^e bishops on his side, least if al were against him, peraduenture he might sooner be ouerthrowne. And thus the greatest nūber of y^e bishops were by this meanes reconciled agayn to the King: onely the archbishop with a few other remayned in their ••••outnes still.* 30.4 The K. (thin∣king to try all maner of wayes) when he sawe no feare not threates could turne hym: dyd assay him with gē••lenes, it would not serue. Many of the nobles labored betwixt thē both, exhorting him to relent to the King, it would not be. Likewise the archbishop of Yorke with diuers other By∣shops and abbots (especially the bish. of Chester) did the same. Besides this his own houshold dayly called vpon him: but no man could perswade him. At lēgth vnderstā∣ding (partly by them y^e came to him) what daunger might happen not onely to himselfe, but to al the other clergy vp∣on the kings displeasure:* 30.5 partly considering the old loue & kindnes of the king towardes him in tyme past, was con∣tent to geue ouer to the kinges request: & came to Oxeford to him, reconciling himselfe about the addition, which dis∣pleased the king so much. Wherupō, the king (being some∣what mittigate) receiueth him with a more cheerful coun∣tenance: but yet not all so familiarly as before, saying: that he would haue his ordinaunces and proceedinges after y^e forme confirmed in the publike audience & opē sight of his Byshops and all his Nobles. After this the K. (being at

Clarendon) there called all his pieres and prelates before him: requiring to haue that performed which they had pro¦mised, in consenting to the obseruing of his grandfathers ordinaunces and proceedings. The archbishop suspecting (I cannot tell what) in y^• kings promise, drew backward, & now would not that he would before. At last with much a doe he was enforced to geue assent. First, came to him the byshop of Salisbury and of Norwiche, who (for old mat∣ters indangered to the king long before) came weeping & lamēting to the archbishop, desiring him to haue some cō∣passion of them, & to remit this pertinacy to the king: left if he so continued (through his stoutnes to exasperate the kinges displeasure) happely it might redound to no small daunger, not onely of thē which were in ieoperdy already: but also of himselfe to be imprisoned, and the whole Clergy to be indaungered. Besides these two byshops, there wet to hym other two noble pieres of the realme labouring w^e him to relent & condiscend to the kings desire. If not, they should be inforced to vse violence, as neither would stand with the kinges fame, and much lesse with his quietnes. But yet the stout stomack of the mā would not geue ouer. After this, came to him ij. rulers of the temple called Tem¦plars: one Richard de Hast: an other Costans de Heuerio with their company: lamenting & bewayling their great peril which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head: yet neyther with their teares nor with their kneelinges, would he be remoued. At length came y^e last message from the kyng, signifying vnto him with expresse wordes (and also with teares) what he should trust to, if he woulde not geue ouer to the kinges request.

By reason of which message, he (either terrified or els perswaded) was content to submit hymselfe.* 30.6 Whereupon, the king incontinent assembling the states together: the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission vnto his custome,* 30.7 and that Cum Bona fide leauing out of hys former addition, Sal∣uo ordine, mentioned before: in steede whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis, to obserue and keep the kings customes and sweare to the same. After him the other Byshoppes likewise gaue the like othe. Whereupon, the king com∣maunded incontinent certayne instruments obligatory to be drawne: of y^e which: the king should haue one: the arch∣bishop of Canterbury an other: the Archbishop of Yorke the third: requiring also the sayde Archbishop to set hys hand and seale. To the whiche, the Archbishop (although not denying but that he was ready so to do) yet desired re∣spite in the matter, while that he (being but newly come to hys bishoppricke) might better peruse with himselfe the foresayd customes and ordinaunces of the king. This re∣quest as it seemed but reasonable, so it was lightly graun∣ted: and so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and brake vp.

* 30.8Alanus one of the iiij. writers of y^e life of this Thomas Becket, recordeth: that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester, begā greatly to repēt that he had done before, partly through the instigation of certayne about him, but chiefly of hys crossebearer, who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him, for geuing ouer to the kings request agaynst the priuelege & liberties of the Church: polluting not onely his fame and consciēce, but also geuing a pernitious example to them that should come after, with many like wordes. To make the matter short: the Archbishop was so touched vpon the same with such repentaunce, that keeping himselfe from al company, lamenting with teares, with fasting, and with muche pe∣naunce macerating and afflicting himself, did suspend him selfe from all deuine seruice: and would not receaue com∣fort, before that (word being sent to hys holy graundfather the pope) he shoulde be assoild of him: who tenderyng the teares of hys deare chicken, directed to him letters agayne by the same messenger which Thomas had sent vp to hym before. In whiche letters not onely he assoyled hym from hys trespasse: but also with words of great consolation did incourage him to be stout in the quarrel he tooke in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket, here follow vnder written.

* 30.9ALexander Byshop &c. Your brotherhoode is not ignoraunt that it hath bene aduertised vs, how that vpon the occasion of a certayne transgression or excesse of yours: you haue deter∣mined to cease henceforth from saying of Masse, and to abstayne from the consecration of the body and bloud of the Lord. Which thing to doe, how daungerous it is (especially in such a perso∣nage) and also what inconuenience may rise thereof: I will you aduisedly to consider, and discreetly also to ponder. Your wise∣dome ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which aduisedly and willingly doe offend, and those whiche through ignoraunce, and for necessitie sake do offend. For as you reade, so muche the more greater is wilfull sinne: as the same not being voluntary is lesser sinne. Therefore if you remember your selfe to haue done any thing that your owne cōscience doth accuse you of, whatsoeuer it be: we coūsell you (as a prudent and wyse prelate) to acknowledge the same. Which thing done, the mercifull and pittifull God, who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done, will remit and forgeue you the same according to his accustomed great mercy. And we trusting in the merites of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paule doe ab∣solue you from the offence committed, and by the authoritie A∣postolicall we release you vnto your fraternitie, counsailing you and commaunding you, that henceforth you abstayne not (for this cause) from the celebration of the Masse.

Thys letter with other moe after like sort, the pope thē wrote to him: animating and comforting him in this quarrell so neerely pertaining to the popes profite. By the occasion whereof, Becket toke no small hart and consola∣tion In so much, y^t thereof seemeth to me to proceed, al the occasiō y^e made him so stout & malipart against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seene by his doynges. What y^e other letters were that the pope wrote vnto hym, shortly after (when we come to the appellatiōs made to the pope) shall appeare God willing. In the meane season (as he sat thus mourning at home) the king hearing of hym, & howe be denyed to set hys seale to those sanctions, which he con∣desceded to before, tooke no little displeasure against him. In so much that he (threatning to him and hys, banishmēt & death) began to call hym to reconinges, and to burden hym with paymentes: that all men might vnderstand that y^e kings minde was sore set agaynst him.* 30.10 The Archbishop hereupon (whether more for the loue of the pope, or dread of hys prince) thought to make an escape out of the realme, and so wēt about in the night (with two or three with hym stealing out of hys house) to take the sea priuely. Now a∣mongest other the kinges ordinances and sanctions, this was one: that none of the prelacy or nobilitie without the kinges licence (or of his iustices) shoulde depart out of the realme. So Becket twise attempted the sea, to flee to the see of Rome: but the wether not seruing, was driuē home agayne, and hys deuise for that tyme frustrated. After his departure began to be knowne and noysed abroad, the kinges officers came to Canterbury to season vppon hys goodes in the kinges behalfe. But as it chanced the night before their comming, Becket being returned and founde at home, they did not proceede in their purpose.

Upon this, the Archbishop (vnderstanding the kyng sore bent agaynst hym,* 30.11 and the seas not to serue hym) made hast to the court, lying then at woodstock. Where the king receaued him (after a certayne maner) but nothing so fa∣miliarly as he was wont: taunting him gestingly & meri∣ly, as though one realme were not able to hold them both. Becket (although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court) yet could not obtaine the fauour that he would: perceiuing both in himselfe, and confessing no lesse to other, how the matter would fall out: so that eyther he should be cōstrayned to geue ouer with shame, or stout∣ly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand. The Archbishop of Yorke in the meane time (going betweene y^e kyng and the Archbish.) laboured to make a peace & loue betweene them, but the King in no case would be reconci∣led, vnlesse the other would subscribe to his lawes. So the while, neyther the K. would otherwise agree, nor yet the archb. in any wise would subscribe: there was a foule dis∣corde. Where the fault was, let the reader here iudge be∣twene thē both. The K. (for his regall authoritie thought it much, that any subiect of hys, should stand agaynst him. The Archb. agayne (bearing himselfe bold vppon the au∣thoritie, & especially vpon the letters of the P. lately writ∣tē to him) thought hym strong inough agaynst the king & all hys realme. Againe, such was his quarell for the main∣tenance of liberties and glory of the Church, that he could lacke no setters on, & fauourers in that behalfe, in so swete a cause amongest the clergy. Wherfore the Archb. (trusting to these thinges) would geue no place, but by vertue of his Apostolike authoritie gaue censure vpon these lawes and constitutions of the king: condemning some, & other some approuing for good and catholicke, as is before declared. Besides this,* 30.12 there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbi∣shop of Rotomage (sent from the Pope) to make peace be∣tweene the K. and Canterbury. Whereunto the king was well content, so that the Pope would agree to ratifie hys ordinances. But whē that could in no wise be obtayned at the Popes handes: then the king beyng stopped and fru∣strate of hys purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolike legacie (being Legatus a Latere) thought good to send vp to the pope and so dyd: to obtayne of hym that the same au∣thoritie

of the Apostolike Legacy might be conferd to an o∣ther after his appointment, which was the Archbishop of Yorke.* 30.13 But the pope denied. Notwithstanding at the re∣quest of the kings Clergy, the Pope was content that the king should be Legate hymselfe: whereat the kyng tooke great indignation (as Houeden writeth) so that he sent the Pope hys letters agayne. Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides.

If he should haue denied the kyng, that was to hote for him. For the Pope vseth always to hold in with kings howsoeuer the world speedeth. Agayne, if he should haue forsaken such a churchly chaplen (the cause being so sweete and so gainefull) that should haue bene agaynst himselfe: what did he thē?* 30.14 Here now commeth in the old practise of popish prelacy, to play with both hands: priuily he cōspi∣reth with the one, and openly dissembleth with the other. First, he granted to the kings ambassadors their request, to haue the Legate remooued, and to place in that office the Archbishop of Yorke, after his owne contentation, and yet notwithstanding (to tender the cause of Tho. Becket) he addeth this promise withall, that the sayd Becket should receiue no harme or damage therby. Thus the Pope craf∣tily conneying the matter betwene them both (glad to fur∣ther the Archbishop for his owne aduantage, and yet lothe to deny the king for displeasure) writeth to the king open∣ly, and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket: the contents wherof here follow.

Alexander the Pope, to Thomas Archb. of Caunterbury.

ALthough we condescending to the kings request, haue graū∣ted the gifte of our legacie after his minde from you,* 31.1 yet let not your minde therby be discomforted, nor brought into sighes of dispaire. For before that we had graunted that, or gaue oure consent thereunto: the kings ambassadours firmely promised in the word of trueth (ready also to be sworne vpon the same, if I would haue so required) that their letters also, which he had ob∣tained, should not be deliuered to the Archbishop of York, with∣out our knowledge and consent therein. This is certaine, and so perswade your self boldly without any scruple, doubt or mistrust, that it was neuer my minde or purpose, nor euer shalbe God wil∣ling, to subdue you or your Church vnder the obedience of any person, to be subiect saue onely to the Bishop of Rome. And ther∣fore we warne you and charge you, that if you shall perceiue the king to deliuer these foresaide letters, which we trust he will not attempt, without our knowledge to doe, forthwith by some tru∣stie messenger or by your letters, you will geue vs knowledge therof: wherby we may prouide vpō the same, both for your per∣son, your Churche, and also your citie committed to you, to be clerely exempt by our authoritie Apostolicall, from all power & iurisdiction of any legacie.

Upon these letters and such other, as is sayd before: Becket seemed to take all his boldnesse to be so stoute and sturdy against his Prince as he was. The Pope (beside these) sent secretly this Chaplaine of hys, and directed an other letter also vnto the king: granting and permitting at his request, to make the Archbishop of Yorke Legate Apostolicall.

The king (after he had receiued his letters sent from the Pope) beganne to put more strength to his purposed procedings against the Archbishop: first beginning wyth the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders agaynst his lawes, as fellons, robbers, quarellers, breakers of peace,* 31.2 and especially such as had committed homicide and murders, wherof more then an hundred at that time were prooued vpon the clergy (as witnesseth Guliel. Neuburgēsis, in his booke de gestis Anglorum, lib. 2. cap. 16) vrging and cō∣straining them to be arreigned after the order of the lawe temporall, and iustice to be ministred to them according to their deserts: as first to be depriued, and so to be commit∣ted to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to dero∣gate frō the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should passe in causes criminall, or sit in iudgemēt against any ecclesiasticall person. This law, the roisters (then of the clergy) had picked and forged out of Anacletus & Euari∣stus by whole falsly alleaged and pretensed authoritie, they haue deduced this their constitution from the Apostles, which geueth immunity to all ecclesiasticall persons to be free from secular iurisdiction. Becket therfore like a valiāt champion (fighting for his liberties, and hauing the Pope on his side) would not permit his clerkes infamed, other∣wise to be conuēted, then before ecclesiastical iudges, there to be examined & depriued for their excesse, and no seculare iudge to proceede against them. So that after their depri∣uation, if they should incurre the like offence agayne, then the temporall iudge to take hold vpō them, otherwise not. This obstinate and stubburne rebellion of the Archb. stir∣red vp much anger and vexation in their king, & not only in him, but also in the nobles and in al the bishops (for the greater part) that almost he was alone a wonderment to all the realme.

The kings wrath daily increased more and more a∣gainst him (as no meruaile was) and caused him to be ci∣ted vp to appeare by a certaine day at the town of North∣hampton,* 31.3 there to make answer to such things as should be layd to his charge. So when the day was come (all the Pieres and nobles, with the prelates of the Realme vpon the kings proclamation beyng assembled in the Castle of Northhampton) great fault was sound with the Archb. for that he (personally cited to appeare) came not hym∣self, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not, Houeden assigneth to be this: for that the king had pla∣ced his horse and horsemen in the Archb. lodging (whiche was a house there of Chanons) wherwith he being offen∣ded, sent word agayne that he would not appeare,* 31.4 vnlesse hys lodgyng were voyded of the kynges horsemen, &c. Wherupon (by the publike sentence as well of all the No∣bles, as of the bishops) all his moueables were adiudged to be confiscate for the kyng, vnlesse the kyngs clemency would remit the penaltie. The stubburne Archbishop a∣gayne (for his part) quarellyng agaynst the order & forme of the iudgement, complayneth: alleagyng for himself (se∣yng he is their Primate and spirituall father not onely of all other in the realme, but also of the king hymselfe) not to be conuenient, the father so to be iudged of his children, nor the pastor of his flocke so to be condened: saying more∣ouer that the ages to come should know what iudgement was done, &c. But especially he complaineth of his fellow bishops (when they should rather haue taken his part) so to sit in iudgement against their Metropolitane, and this was the first dayes action.

The next day following, the king layd an actiō against him in the behalfe of one that was his Marshall (called Iohn) for certaine iniury done to hym, and required of the said Archb. the repaying agayne of certayne money, which he (as is sayd) had lent vnto him being Chauncellor, the summe wherof came to 500. markes. This mony y^e Archb. denyed not but he had receiued of the kyng, howbeit (by the way and title of gift as he tooke it) though hee coulde bring no probation thereof. Wherupon, the king required him, to put in assuraunce for the payment therof: whereat the Archbish. makyng delayes (not well contented at the matter) was so cald vpon, that either he should be counta∣ble to the kyng for the mony,* 31.5 or els he should incur present daunger, the king beyng so bent against hym. The Arch∣bishop being brought to such a straite (and destitute of his owne suffragans) could here by no meanes haue escaped, had not v. persons of their owne accord stepped in, beyng bound for him, euery man for one C. markes a piece. And this was vpon the second day concluded.

The morrow after (which was the third day of the councell) as the Archb. was sitting below in a certain cō∣claue with his fellow bishops about him consulting toge∣ther (the dores fast locked to them, as the king had willed & commaunded) it was propounded vnto him in the be∣halfe of the king, that he had had diuers bishoprikes & Ab∣barikes in his hand which were vacant (with the fruites and reuenues therof due vnto the king for certaine yeres) whereof he had rendred as yet no accompt to the kyng: wherfore it was demaunded of him to bring in a full and a cleare reckoning of the same. This (with other such lyke) declared to all the councel great displeasure to be in y^e king and no lesse danger toward the Archbishop.

The aduise of the bishops for Thomas Becket.

THus while the bishops and prelates were in councell,* 31.6 (aduising and deliberating what was to bee done) at length it came to voyces, euery man to say his mynd, and to geue sentence what were the best way for their Archb. to take. First began Henry bishop of Winchester, who thē tooke part with Becket so much as he durst for feare of the king, who sayd, he remembred that the sayd Archb (first be∣yng Archdeacon, and then Lord Chancellor, at what time as he was promooted to the church of Caunterbury) was discharged from all bandes and reckonings of the tempo∣rall court, as all the other bishops could not but beare re∣cord to the same.

Next spake Gilbert bishop of London,* 31.7 exhortyng and motioning the Archbishop that he should cal with himself to mynde, from whence the kyng tooke hym, and set hym vp, what and how great things he had done for him, also

that he should consider with himselfe the dangers and pe∣rils of the tyme, and what ruine he might bring vpon the whole church (and vpon them all there present) if he resi∣sted the kings mynde in the things he required. And if it were to render vp his Archbishoprike (although it were x. tymes better then it is) yet he should not sticke with the kyng in the matter. In so doing it might happen, the kyng seyng that submission and humilitie in him, would release him peraduenture of all the rest.* 31.8 To this the Archbishop aunswering, well, well (sayth he) I perceiue wel inough my Lord, whether you tend, & where about you go. Then spake Winchester, inferring vpon the same. This forme of councell (sayth he) seemeth to me very pernicious to the Catholike Church,* 31.9 tending to our subuersion, and to the confusion of vs all. For if our Archbishop and Primate of all England do leaue to this example, that euery Byshop should geue ouer his authoritie and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commaundement & threatning of the prince: to what state shall the Church be brought thē, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitre∣ment, and nothing to stand certaine by any order of lawe, and so as the priest is, so shall the people be:

* 31.10Hilarie the bishop of Chichester replieth again to this saying: If it were not, that the instance and the great per∣turbation of tyme did otherwise require and force vs,* 31.11 I would thinke this counsail here geuen were good to be fo∣lowed. But now seing the authoritie of our canon fayleth, & cannot serue vs, I iudge it not best to go so straightly to worke, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensa∣tion with suffrance may win that which seuere correction may destroy. Wherfore my counsaile and reason is, to geue place to the kings purpose for a tyme, least (by ouer hastie proceeding, we exceede so farre) that both it may redounde to our shame, & also cannot rid our selues out again when we would.

* 31.12Much to the same end spake Robert the bishop of Lin∣coln after this maner: Seing (sayth he) it is manifest that the lyfe and bloud of this man is sought, one of these two must needes be chosen: that eyther he must part with hys Archbishoprike, or els with his lyfe. Now what profite he shall take in this matter of his Bishoprike, his life being lost, I do not greatly see.

* 31.13Next followed Bartlemew bishop of Exceter, with his aduise, who (inclining his counsaile to the state of tyme) confirmed their sayings before, affirmyng how the dayes were euill and perillous. And if they might so escape that violence of that raging tempest vnder the couer of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused. But that he sayd could not be, except straight seueritie should geue place to tractabilitie, and so the instance and condition of tyme then present, required no lesse, especially seyng that persecution was not generall, but personall and perticular, & thought it more holy and conuenient, one head to run in some part of danger, then the whole church of England to be subiect and exposed to inconuenience ineuitable.

The answer of Roger bishop of Worcester was deui∣ded in a double suspence, neither affirming the one, nor de∣nying the other, whose saying was this: that he would geue no answer on neither part. For if I (saith he) shal say that the pastorall function & cure of soules, ought to be re∣linquished at the kings will or threatning, then my mouth shall speake against my conscience to the condemnation of myne owne head. And if I shal geue againe contrary coū∣sail to resist the kings sentence, here be they that will heare it, and report it to his grace, and so I shall be in danger to be thrust out of the sinagoge, and for my part to be accō∣pted amōgst the publike rebels (with them to be condem∣ned) wherfore neither do I say this, nor counsaile that.

And this was the consultation of the Bishops in that place,* 31.14 assembled together by the kings commaundement. Against these voyces & censures of the bishops Becket the Archbishop replyeth agayne, expostulatyng and checking them with rebukefull wordes. I perceiue (sayth 'he) and vnderstand ye go about to maintaine and cherish but your owne cowardnes, vnder the colorable shadow of suffrāce: and vnder pretence of dissembling softnes, to choke the li∣berty of christes church. Who hath thus bewitched you, O vnsatiable bishops? What meane ye? Why do ye so vnder the impudent title of forbearing, beare a double heart, and cloke your manifest iniquitie? What call ye this bearing w^e tyme, the detriment of the Church of Christ? Let termes serue the matter, why peruert you the matter that is good, with vocables & termes vntrue? For that ye say we must beare with the malice of tyme, I graunt with you, but yet we must not heape sinne to sinne. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinnefull dissimulatiō of the teachers, of the church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me (I pray you) whether should the gouernors of the church put themselues to dā∣gers for the church in time of tranquillitie,* 31.15 or in tyme of di∣stresse? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary but in di∣stresse. And now then (the church lying in so great distresse and vexation) why should not the good pastor put himselfe into perill therfore? For neither do I thinke it a greater act or merite for the auncient bishops of the olde tyme, to lay the foundation of the church then (with their bloud) then now for vs to shed our bloud for the liberties of the same, And to tel you plain, I thinke it not safe for you to swarue from an example, which you haue receiued of your holy el∣ders. After these things were spoken, they sate all in silence a certayne space, beyng locked in together. At length (to find a shift to cause the dore to be opened) I will sayth the Archbishop speake with two Earles which are about the kyng, and named them whome they were. Which (beyng called) opened the dore and came in with hast, thinking to heare some thyng which should appease the kyngs mynd. To whom the Archbishop spake in this maner: As tou∣ching and concerning the matters betwene the king & vs, we haue here conferred together. And for as much as we haue them not present with vs now, which know more in the matter then we do (whose aduise we would be glad al∣so to followe) therefore we craue so much respite as to the next day followyng, and then to geue vp our answer vnto the king. With this message two bishops were sent to the kyng, which was the bishop of London, and the bishop of Rochester.

London (to helpe the matter, and to set quietnesse as I take it, addyng somethyng more to the message) sayd to the king, that the Archb. craued a litle delay of tyme to prepare such writings and instruments, wherin he should set forth and declare his mynd, in accomplishing the kings desire, &c. Wherfore, two barons were sent to hym from the king to graunt him that respite or stay, so that he would ratifie that which the messengers had signified to the kyng. To the which the Archb. aunswereth, that he sent no such mes∣sage as was intimate in his name: but only, that the next day he would come and geue aunswer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the conuocation of the bishops was dissolued, and dismissed home: so that the most part of them that came with the Archb. and accompanied hym before, (for feare of the kings displeasure) seuered thēselues from him.* 31.16 The Archb. thus forsaken and destitute (as hys story sayth) sent about for the poore, the lame, and the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he might sooner obtaine his victory, than by the other which had so slipt from him.

On the next day following, because it was sonday, no∣thing was done.* 31.17 But the nyght before (beyng taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the co∣licke) all that day he kept his bed, and was not able, as he sayd, to ryse. Euery man supposing this to be but a fayned sickenes, as it semed no lesse, certayne of the chiefe Nobles were sent to try the matter, and to cite hym to the Court: namely, Rob. erle of Leicester, and Reginald Erle of De∣uonshire. To whom the Archb. answered, that as that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea though he were brought in an horse litter. So that day passed ouer. The morow after certayne that were about hym, fearyng no lesse, but that some danger would happen to him, gaue him counsaile in the morning to haue a masse in the honor of the holy Martyr S. Steuen,* 31.18 to keepe him from y^e hands of his enemies that day. When the morrow was come (beyng Tuesday) there came to hym the Bishops & Pre∣lates, counsailyng and perswadyng hym couertly by insi∣nuation (for apertly they durst not) that he would submit hymselfe with all hys goodes (as also his Archbishoprike) to the wyll of the kyng, if peraduenture his indignation by that meanes myght swage. Adding moreouer, that vn∣lesse he would so do, periury would be layd agaynst hym: for that he beyng vnder the othe of fidelitie to keepe the kyngs lawes and ordinaunces, now would not obserue them.* 31.19 To this, Becketh the Archbishop answereth again: Brethren ye see and perceyue well how the world is set a∣gaynst me, and how the enemy riseth and seeketh my con∣fusion. And although these things be dolorous and lamē∣table, yet the thing that grieueth me most of all, is this: the sonnes of mine owne mother be pricks & thornes agaynst me. And albeit I do holde my peace, yet the posteritie to come will know and report how cowardly you haue tur∣ned your backs, and haue left me your Archbishop & Me∣tropolitane alone in this conflict. And how you haue sittē in iudgemēt against me (although vnguilty of crime) now ii, dayes together, and not that only in the ciuil & spirituall

court, but also in the temporal court ready to doe the same. But in generall this I charge and command (by the ver∣tue of pure obedience,* 31.20 and in peril of your order) that ye be present personally in iudgement against me. And that yee shal not faile so to do, I here appeale to our mother (the re∣fuge of all such as be oppressed) the church of Rome: and if any secular men shall lay hands vpon me (as it is rumord they will) I straightly enioyne and charge you in the same vertue of obedience, that you exercise your cēsure ecclesia∣stical vpon them, as it becommeth you to doe for a father & an Archbishop. And this I doe you to vnderstande: that though the world rage, & the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth (for the flesh is weake) yet God so fauoring me, I will neither cowardly shrinke, nor vily forsake my flock committed to my charge, &c.

But the bishop of London, contrary to this comman∣dement of the archbishop: did incōtinent appeale frō him. And thus the bishops departed from him to the court,* 31.21 saue only two (Henry Winchester and Ioceline of Salisburie, who returned with him secretly to his chamber and com∣forted him. This done, the Archbishop (which yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stirre out of his bed) now addresseth him to his masse of S. Steuen with all solemni∣ty, as though it had bene an hie festiual day, with his Me∣tropolitane Pall, which was not vsed but vpon the holy day to be worne, &c. The office of his masse began, Sederunt principes, & aduersum me loquebantur: that is, Princes sate and spake against me,* 31.22 &c. (the kings seruauntes being also there and beholding the matter). For this masse, Gilbert bishop of London accused Becket afterward, both for that it was done per artem magicam, & in cōtemptum regis (as the wordes of Houeden purport) that is, both by arte, magike, and in contempt of the king, &c.

The masse being ended, the Archbyshop (putting of his pall, his miter and other robes) procedeth to the kings Court:* 31.23 but yet not trusting peraduenture so greatly to the strength of his masse (to make the matter more sure) he ta∣keth also the sacrament priuily about him, thinking there∣by himselfe sufficiently defenced against al bugs. In going to the kings chamber (there to attend y^e kings comming) as he was entring the dore, he taketh from Alexander his crosier, the crosse with the crosse staffe, in the sight of al that stoode by, and carieth it in himselfe (the other Bishops fol∣lowing him & saying) he did otherwise then became him. Amongst other Robert bishop of Hereford offred himselfe to beare his crosse rather then he shoulde so doe, for that it was not comely: but the Archbish. woulde not suffer him. Then sayde the bishop of London to him: if the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchaunce hee will drawe out his sworde against you, which is stronger then yours:* 31.24 and then, what shal this your armour profite you? The Archb. aunswereth againe: if the kings sworde do cut carually, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, & striketh down to hell. But you my lord as you haue plaid the foole in this matter, so you will not yet leaue of your folly for any thing I can see: and so he came into the chamber. The king hea∣ring of his comming and of the maner thereof, taryed not long but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other Bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lordes of the temporaltie together. That being done, (and euery one placed in his seate, accor∣ding to his degree) the king beginneth with a great com∣plaint against the Archb. for his maner of entring into the court: not as (sayeth he) a subiect into a kings court: but as a traitor, shewing himself in such sort, as hath not ben sene before in any christen kings court, professing christiā faith. To this, all (there present) gaue witnes with the king, af∣firming him alwaies to be a vain & a proud man, and that y^e shame of his fact did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realme. Moreouer they sayde that this had so happened to the king, for that he had done so much for such a beast, aduauncing him so highly in such a place and roume next vnder himself.* 31.25 And so altoge∣ther with one crie called him traitor on euery side, as one that refused to geue terrene honour to the king, in keeping (as he had sworne) his lawes and ordinaunces: at whose handes also he had receiued such honour and great prefer∣ments: and therefore was well worthy (sayde they) to be hādled like a periured traitor and rebell. Wherupon, great doubt and feare was what should befall vpon hym. The Archb. of Yorke comming downe to his men said, he could not abide to see what the archb. of Cant. was like to suffer. Likewise, the Tipstaues and other ministers of the assem∣blie comming downe with an outcrie against him, crossed them to see his hauty stubburnnesse, and the busines there was about him. Certaine there were of his disciples sit∣ting at his feete, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse vppon them. Other (contrary) bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgeue them, and if he lost his life in the quarell of the church and the liberty therof, he should be happy. Afterwarde, one of them named Ioannes Stephani,* 31.26 desired to speake something in his care, but could not be suffred by the kings Marshal, who forbade, that no man should haue any talke with him. Then he (because he could not otherwise speake to him) wrought by signs, ma∣king a crosse, and looking vp with his eies & wagging hys lips, meaning that he shoulde pray, and manfully to stand to the crosse. In the meane time commeth to him Bartle∣mew B. of Excetor: desiring him to haue regard and com∣passion of himself, and also of them, or els they were all like to perish for the hatred of him:* 31.27 for there commeth out (saith he) a precept from the king that he shalbe taken, & suffer for an open rebel, that heereafter taketh your part. It is sayde moreouer, that Iocelinus B. of Salisburie, and William B. of Norwich, are to be had to the place of execution for their resisting and making intercession for the B. of Can∣terbury. When he had thus saide, the Archbyshop (looking vppon the sayde Bishop of Exceter) auoide hence from me (sayth he) thou vnderstandest not, neither doest sauor those things that be of God.

The Byshop and Prelates then going aside by them∣selues from the other nobles (the king so permitting them to do) tooke coūsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stoode in a doubtful perplexitie, for either must they incur the daungerous indignation of the king, or els with y^e Nobles they must procede in condemnation against the archbishop for resisting the kings sanctions:* 31.28 which thing neither, they themselues did fauor. In this straight neces∣sitie (they deuising what way to take) at length agreed vp∣pon this: that they with a common assent shoulde cite the Archb. to the sea of Rome vppon periurie. And that they should oblige and bind themselues to the king with a sure promise, to work their diligence in deposing the Archbish. (vpon this condition) that the King should promise their safetie, & discharge them from the peril of that iudgement, which was toward them. So all the bishops obliging thē selues thus to the king, went foorth to the Archbishop: of whom, one speaking for the rest (which was Hillarie Bi∣shop of Chichester) had these wordes: Once you haue bene our Archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obe∣dience: but nowe for asmuch as you (once swearing your fidelitie to the king) do resist him: neglecting his iniuncti∣ons and ordinaunces concerning and appertaining to his terrene honor and dignitie:* 31.29 we here pronounce you periu∣red, neither be we bounde to geue obedience to an Archbi∣shop thus being periured. But putting ourselues and all ours in the popes protectiō, do cite you vp to his presence. And vpon the same,* 31.30 assigned him his day and time to ap∣peare. The Archbishop aunswering againe, said: he heard him wel inough. And vpon this sendeth vp to Rome in al hast to y^e pope, signifying to him by letters the whole mat∣ter, how and wherefore, and by whome he was cited. To whom the Pope directed againe his letters of comfort (as he had done diuers before) the copie whereof here insueth.

Alexander Pope, to Thomas Archb. of Canterburie.

YOur brotherly letters which you directed to vs, & such other matters which your messenger by word of mouth hath signi∣fied vnto vs, we haue diligently heard the reading therof: & ther∣by fully vnderstand the grieuous vexations and dolorous griefes wherewith your minde is daily encombred: by reason wherof, we hearing and vnderstanding, are not a litle disquieted in our spirit for your sake: in whose prosperities we do both gladly reioyce, & no lesse do sorrow in your aduersities as for our most deare bro∣ther. You therefore (as a constant and wise man) remember wyth your selfe that which is written: The Apostles departed away (re∣ioysing) from the face of the Councel. &c. With like pacience doe you also sustaine that mans molestations, and let not your spirite be troubled therein more then needeth, but receaue in your selfe consolation: that we also together with you, may be comforted in the Lord, who hath preserued you to the corroboration of his Catholike and Christen veritie, in this distresse of necessitie: and from whome also it hath pleased him to wipe away the blotte of such things which haue bene vnorderly of you cōmitted, & heere to punish the same through sundrie afflictions: whereby (in the strait iudgement of God) they might not be called to accoūt here after. But hencefoorth let not this much grieue you: neither let your hart be so deiect or timerous in the matter (for that you are cited vp to the Apostolike sea) which to vs is both gratefull and accepted. And this we wil you, that if they which haue cited you shall chaunce to come: draw not you backe, but folow the appele (if ye please) and spare not (all doubt and delay set aparte) for the authoritie of the Church tendring this your constancie, may not

do that which may put you either in feare, or doubt. But our dili∣gence shalbe withall labour and studie, to conserue the right and preheminence (God willing) of that Church committed to you, so muche as in vs lieth (sauing our iustice and equitie) as to one whom in working for the Church, we finde to be both a constant and a valiant champion. Further, this I brotherly require you, to repaire vnto ••he Church of Canterburie: and reteining but a fewe Clerkes about you (such onely as serue your necessitie) make no excurses out (as litle as you can) in that countrey: but in this espe∣cially I thought to premonish you (that in no case) neither for fear or any aduersitie, whatsoeuer may happen: yee be brought to re∣nounce and geue vp the right and dignity of your Church.

Writ∣ten at Sene the vij before the Kalendes of Nouember.

As the Archbyshop was thus cited vp to Rome (sit∣ting with his crosse waiting in the Court, neither geuing place to the k••ngs request, nor abashed with the clamor of the whole court against him calling him traitour on euery side, neither following the aduertisement of his fellow Bi∣shops) at length the king by certaine Earles and Barons sent commandement to him, (Robert Earl of Lecester do∣ing the message) that he should without delay come & ren∣der a full accompt of all things that he had receiued,* 32.1 as the profites and reuenues of the Realme, in the time he was Chauncelor: and especially for the 30000. Markes, for the which he was accōptable to the king.* 32.2 To whom the arch∣bishop aunswereth againe: the king knew, how oft he had made his reckening of those things which nowe were re∣quired of him. Farther and besides, Henry his sonne and heire of his realme, with all his Barons, and also Richard Lucie chief Iustice of England, told him: that he was free and quit to God and to holy Church, from al receipts and computations, and from al secular exactions on the kings behalfe. And so he taking thus his discharge at their hāds, entred into his office, and therefore other accompt besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king,* 32.3 he required his Barons to do the law vppon him. Who so doing, iudged him to be apprehended, & laide in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reignalde Earle of Cornewall & Deuonshire, and Robert Earle of Leycester, to declare to him what was his iudgement. To whom the Archbyshop answereth: heare (my sonne & good Earl) what I say vnto you: how much more precious the soule is more then the body, so much more ought you to o∣bey me in the lord, rather then your terrene king. Neither doth any law or reason permit the children to iudge or cō∣demne their father.* 32.4 Wherfore, to auoid both the iudgement of the king, of you, and all other: I put my selfe only to the arbitrement of the Pope, vnder God alone to be iudged of him, and of no other. To whose presence heere before you all, I doe appeale: committing the ordering of the Church of Cant. (my dignitie, with all other things appertaining to the same) vnder the protection of God and him. And as for you my brethren & fellow Byshops (which rather obey man,* 32.5 then god) you also I call and cite to the audience and iudgement of the pope, and depart hence foorth from you, as from the ennemies of the Catholike Church, and of the authoritie of Apostolike see.

While the Barons returned with this aunswere to the king, the Archbishop passing through the throng, taketh to him his Palfrey (holding his Crosse in one hande, and his bridle in y^e other) the courtiers following after and crying: traytor,* 32.6 traytor, tary & heare thy iudgement. But he passed on till he came to the vttermost gate of the Courte, which being fast locked there had ben staid, had not one of his ser∣uants, called Peter (surnamed Demunctorio) finding ther a bunche of keyes hanging by: first prooued one key, then an other (till at last finding the true key) had opened the gate, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of Chanons, where hee did lie, calling vnto hym the poore, where they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed (which he caused to be made betwixt two altares) priuely while the king was at supper, prepareth his iorny secretly to escape away: and chaunging his garment and his name (being called Der∣man) first went to Lincolne,* 32.7 from thence to Sandwiche, where he tooke ship, and sailed into Flaunders: and from thence iourneyed to Fraunce, as Houedenus sayth. All be it Alanus differing something in the order of his flight, sayth: that he departed not that night, but at supper time came to him the bishop of London,* 32.8 & Chichester (declaring to him) that if he would surrender vp to the king his two maners of Oxforde & wyngecham, there were hope to recouer the kings fauour, & to haue all remitted. But when the Arch∣bishop would not agree therunto (forasmuch as those ma∣ners were belonging to the Churche of Canterburie) the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken: In so much that the next day, Becket was faine to sende to the king two bishops and his chaplein, for leaue to depart the realme. To the which message the king answered, that he would take a pause therof til the next day, & then he should haue an answere. But Becket not tarying his answere, the same day conueied himselfe away secretely (as is afore∣sayde) to Ludouicus the French king. But before he came to the king, Gilbert the bishop of London, & William the earle of Arundel (sent frō the king of England to Fraunce) preuented him: requiring of the said French king (in y^e be∣half of the king of England) that he would not receiue nor retaine in his dominion the archb. of Canterbury. More∣ouer (that at his instance) he wold be a meanes to y^e pope, not to shewe any familiaritie vnto him. But the King of England in this point semed to haue more confidence in y^e French king, then knowledge of his disposition. For thin∣king that the French king would haue bene a good neigh∣bour to him (in trusting him to much) he was deceiued. Neither considered he w^e himselfe inough the maner & na∣ture of the Frenchmen, at that tyme agaynst the realme of England: who then were glad to seeke and take all maner of occasions to doe some act agaynst England.

And therefore Ludouicke the French king, vnderstan∣ding the matter:* 32.9 & thinking (percase) therby to haue some vauntage against the king, and realme of England, by the occasion hereof: contrary to the kings letters and request: not onely harboreth and cherisheth this Derman: but also (writing to the pope by his Almener and brother) entrea∣teth him (vpon al loues, as euer he would haue his fauor) to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the kinges Ambassadours repulsed of the French king,* 32.10 retur∣ned, at what tyme he sent an other ambassage (vpō the like cause) to Alexander the pope thē being at Sene in France. The Ambassadours sēt in this message were Roger arch∣bishop of Yorke, Gilbert bishop of London, Henry Bish. of Winchester, Hilary Bish. of Chichester, Bartholomew byshop of Exceter, with other doctors & clerkes: also wil∣liam Earle of Arundell, with certayne moe Lordes & Ba∣rons. Who comming to the popes court, were friendly ac∣cepted of certayne of the Cardinals: amongst y^e which car∣dinals, rose also dissention about the same cause: some iud∣gyng the Bishop of Canterbury, in y^e defence of the liber∣ties of the Church (as in a good cause) to be mayntayned: Some thinking agayn, that he (being a perturber of peace and vnitie) was rather to be bridled for hys presumption, then to be fostered & incouraged therein. But the P. partly bearing with his cause (which onely tended to his exalta∣tion and magnificence) partly again incensed with the let∣ters of the French king: did wholy incline to Becket as no maruell was. Wherfore (y^e next day following) the pope sit∣ting in consistory with his Cardinals, the ambassadours were called for, to the hearing of Beckets matter: and first beginneth the bishop of London: next, the Archbishop of Yorke: then Exceter: and the other Bishops, euery one in their order to speake. Whose orations being not well ac∣cepted of the Pope, and some of them also disdayned: the Earle of Arundel perceauing that (and somewhat to qua∣lifie and temper the matter to the Popes eares) began after this maner.

ALthough to me it is vnknowen (sayth he) which am both vn∣lettered and ignorant,* 32.11 what is that these Byshops heere haue sayde, neither am I in that toung so able to expresse my minde as they haue done: yet being sent and charged thereunto of my Prince, neither can nor ought I but to declare (as well as I may) what the cause is of our sending hether. Not (truely) to contende or striue with any person, nor to offer any iniurie or harme vnto any man (especially in this place) and in the presence here of such a one, vnto whose becke and authoritie all the world doth stoupe and yeelde. But for this intent is our legacie hether directed, to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole church of Rome, the deuotion and loue of our king and maister, which euer he hath had, and yet hath still toward you. And that the same might the better appeare to your excellencie: he hath assigned & appointed to the furniture of this legacie, not the least, but the greatest: not the worst but the best and chiefest of al his subiects: both Archbishops, Bishops, Earles, Barons, with other potentates mo: of such worthines and parentage, that if he could haue found greater in all his Realm, he would haue sēt thē, both for the reue∣rence of your person, and of the holy Church of Rome. Ouer and besides this, I might adde to more (which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proued already) the true and hartie fidelitie of this our king and soueraigne toward you Who (in his first en∣trance to his kingdome) wholy submitted himselfe, with all that is his besides, to your will and pleasure. And truely to testifie of his maiestie howe hee is disposed to the vnitie of the Catholike faith: we beleue there is none more faithful in Christ then he, nor

more deuout to God, nor yet more moderate in keeping the vnitie of peace whereunto he is called. And as I may be bold this to protest for our king & maister: so neither do I denie the Arch∣bishop of Caunterbury, to be a man destitute or vnfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kinde of calling: but to be a man both sage and discrete, in such things as to him appertaineth: saue one∣ly that he seemeth to some more quicke and sharpe then needeth. This blotte alone if it were not, and that the breach betweene our king and him had not so happened: both the regiments together, (of the temporaltie & spiritualtie) might quietly haue flourished one with the other in much peace and concorde: both vnder a prince so worthy, and a pastor so vertuous. Wherfore (the case so standing as it doeth) our message hether, and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is, that (through your fauour & wisedom) the necke of this dissention may be broken: and that reformation of vnitie and loue (by some good meanes) may be sought.

¶ This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softnesse and moderation therof: yet it could not so perswade the Romish Bishop to condescende to their sute and request. Which sute was, to haue two legates or arbi∣ters to be sent from his Popish side into England,* 32.12 to exa∣mine and take vp the controuersie betweene the king and the Archbyshop. But the pope incensed (as is sayd before) would not graunt to their petition: forasmuch as it shuld be (sayeth he) preiudiciall, and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to graūt vnto it, he being not present. And therefore he willed them to tarrie his comming vp, other∣wise (he being absent) he would not (he sayde in any case) proceede against him. But they (alledging againe their time to be expired appointed them of the king, hauing be∣sides other lets and causes as they alledged) sayd that they coulde not there waite for the comming of Becket: but re∣tourned backe (their cause frustrated) without the Popes blessing to the king.* 32.13 Within iiij. daies after, Becket com∣meth to the Popes courte, where he prostrating himselfe at his feete, brought out of his bosome a scrolle conteining the customes and ordinances of the king, afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiuing the foresayd scrolle, and rea∣ding it in the open hearing of his Cardinals, condemned and cursed the most parte of the sayde decrees of the King, which he called consuetudines auitas,* 32.14 that is, hys grandfa∣thers ordinaunces. Besides this: the Pope moreouer bla∣meth Becket, for that he so much yelded to them at the be∣ginning, as he did: yet notwithstanding (because he was repentant for his vnaduised fact) he was content to absoil him for the same, and the rather because of his great trou∣bles, which he for the liberties of holy church did susteine: and so with great fauour for that day dimissed him.

The next day (Alexander the Pope assembling hys cardinals together in his secret chamber) appeareth before them archbyshop Becket, hauing this oration to the pope and his popelings: which here I thought to set out in our vulgare English tongue (translated out of Latine) to the entent that the posteritie heereafter may vnderstand, ey∣ther the vaine superstition or vile slauery of the Churchmē in those dayes: who (being not content with their owne naturall Prince and king geuen them of God) must secke further to the Pope: thinking no ecclesiasticall liuing to be geuen, which is not taken at his handes. The wordes of his Oration be storied rightly thus.

¶ The Oration of Becket, resigning his By∣shopricke to the Pope.

FAthers and Lordes, I ought not to lie in any place, much lesse before God, and in your presence here. Wherefore with much sighing and sorrowe of heart I graunt and confesse, that these per∣turbations of the Church of England,* 33.1 be raised through my mise∣rable fault. For I entred into the folde of Christ, but not by the dore of Christ for that, not the canonical election did cal me law∣fully thereunto, but terrour of publike power drone me in. And albeit I against my will tooke this burden vpon mee, yet not the will of God, but mannes pleasure placed me in the rowme. And therefore no maruell though all things haue gone contrary and backward with me. And as for the resigning vp againe thereof: if I had so done, & geuē vp to their hands, the priuiledge of my by∣shoply authoritie which I had graunted to me at the commaun∣dement of the king (so as my fellow Byshoppes did instantly call vpon me to doe) then had I left a pernicious and daungerous ex∣ample to the whole catholike Church.* 33.2 By reasō wherof, I thought to deferre that vnto your presence. And now therefore (recogni∣sing with my selfe my ingresse not to be Canonicall, and there∣fore fearing it to haue the worse end: and againe pondering my strength and abilitie not to be sufficient for such a charge) lest I should be found to susteine that roome to the ruine of the flock, to whome I was appointed a pastor vnworthy: I render vp to your fatherly handes the Archbishopprike here of Canterburie. &c. And so putting of his ring from his finger, and offering it to the Pope: desired a Byshop for the Church of Caunterburie to be prouided: seeing he thought not himself meete to fulfil the same, and so (with teares, as the storie sayth) ended his oration.

This done, the Archbyshop was bid to stande a parte. The Pope conferring vpon this with his Cardinals, a∣bout the resignation of Becket what was best to be done:* 33.3 some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the kinges wrathe might easely be swaged if the church of Cāterbury were assigned to some other person, and yet the sayd Becket otherwise to be prouided for not∣withstanding. Cōtrary, other againe thought otherwise, whose reason was: If hee (which for the liberties of the church had ventred not onely his goodes, dignitie and au∣thority, but also his life) should now at the kings pleasure be depriued: like as it might be a president heereafter to o∣thers in resisting their king in like sort (if hys cause were maintained) so contrariwise if it quailed: it shoulde be an example to all other heereafter, none to resist his Prince in the like case. And so, might it redounde not onely to the weakening of the state of the Catholike Churche, but also to the derogation of the Popes authoritie. Briefly, this sentence at length preuailed: and so Becket receaueth hys pastorall office of the Popes hand againe, with commen∣dation and much fauour. But for somuch as he coulde not be well placed in England:* 33.4 in the meane while, the Pope sendeth him with a monkes habite into the abbay Ponti∣niak in Fraunce: where he remained 2. yeres, from thence he remoued to Senon where he abode 5. yeares. So the time of his exile continued a 7. yeares in all. &c.

Uppon this, the King being certified by his Ambassa∣dours of the Popes aunswere, howe his fauoure enclined more to Becket then to him: was mooued (and woorthely) with wrathful displeasure. Who vpon the same sailing frō England vnto Normandy, directed ouer certain Inunc∣tions against the Pope, and the Archbishop of Canterbu∣rie, as were recited aboue. Fol. 207. The contents wherof were declared to be these.

If any person shalbe found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbishop of Canterburie. &c.

Of these and suche other iniunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certaine letter, writing to a frend of his in this maner.

THomas Archbishop of Canterburie, to his welbeloued frend. &c.

Be it knowen to your brotherly goodnes, that we with al ours heere (by Gods grace) are safe and in good health. Hauing a good hope and trust to your faithfull amitie, I charge you and re∣quire you: that either by the bringer heereof or by some other, (whome ye know faithfull and trusty to our church of Canterbu∣rie,* 34.1 and to vs) you write with al spede, what is done. As touching the kings decrees here set out, these they be: that all hauens and portes shoulde be diligently kept: that no letters of the Popes in∣terdict or curse be brought in. And if religious men bring them in, they shall haue their feete cut off: if he be a priest or clearke, he shall lose his priuie members: If he be a lay man, let him be han∣ged: If he be a leper, let him be burned. And if any bishoppe, for feare of the Popes interdict, will depart (besides his staffe onely in his hand) let him haue nothing els. Also the kings will is: that all scholers and students beyonde the seas shall repaire home, or else lose their benefices. And if they yet shall remaine still, they shall lose the libertie of all returning. Further if any such Priests shalbe found (that for the Popes suspense or interdict wil refuse to sing) they shall lose their priuie members. In summe, all such Priests as shew themselues rebels to the king, let them be depriued of their benefices. &c.

Besides these and such like iniunctions, it was also set forth by the Kings proclamation.* 34.2 An. 1166. that all maner of persons (both men and wemen, who soeuer were foūd of the kindred of Thomas Becket) should be exiled wyth∣out taking any part of their goodes with them and sent to him,* 34.3 where he was: which was no litle vexatiō to Becket to behold them. Moreouer, for so much as he then was ly∣ing with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke (to whome the pope as is aforesaid had cōmended him) therefore the king wryting to the same Abbote, required him not to retaine the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house:* 34.4 for if he did, he would driue out of his realme, all the monks of his order. Whereupon Becket was enforced to remoue from thence, and went to Lewes the French King, by whome he was placed at Senon, and there founde of him the space of fiue yeares, as is aboue mentioned.

In the meane time, messengers went daily with let∣ters betwene the king and the pope, betwene the Pope a∣gaine

and him, and so betwene the Archbishop and other. whereof if the Reader (peraduenture) shalbe desirous to see the copies:* 34.5 I thought here to expresse certaine of them, to satisfie his desire: first beginning w^e the Epistle of Bec∣ket complaining of his prince, to the Pope in maner and forme as foloweth.

The copie of an Epistle sent of Thomas Becket, to Pope Alexander.

TO your presence and audience I flee (moste holy father) that you, who hath bought the libertie of the Churche with your so great daunger: might the rather attend to the same (either be∣ing the onely or chiefest cause of my persecution) vsing and fol∣lowing therein the example of you. It grieueth me that the state of the Church should fall to any decay, and that the liberties ther∣of should be infringed thorough the auarice of princes. For the which cause, I thought to resist betime that inconueniencie be∣ginning so to grow. And the more I thought my selfe obliged to the same my Prince (vnto whome next vnder God, I am moste chiefly bound) the more boldnesse I tooke to me, to withstand his vnrightfull attempts: till such that were on the contrary part (my aduersaries) preuailed, working my disquietnesse, and incensing him against me. Whereupon (as the maner is amongst Princes) they raised vp against me citations and slaunders, to the occasion of my persecution: but I had rather to be proscribed, then to sub∣scribe. Besides this, I was also called to iudgement, and cited be∣fore the king to make answere there as a lay person, to secular ac∣comptes: where as they whome I most trusted did most forsake me. For I saw my fellow brethren the Bishops, through the insti∣gation of some, ready to my condemnation. Wherupon all being set against me, & I thus oppressed on euery side, tooke my refuge to appeale to your goodnesse, which casteth off none in their ex∣tremities: being ready to make my declaration before you, that I ought neither to be iudged there in that place, nor yet of them. For what were that (father) but to vsurpe to thēselues your right? and to bring the spiritualtie vnder the temporaltie?* 35.1 Which thing (once begon) may breede an example to many. And therefore, so much the more stouter I thought to be in withstanding this mat∣ter: how much more prone and procliue, I saw the way to hurt: if they once might see vs to be faint and weake in the same. But they will say to me here againe: geue to Cesar, that which belongeth to Cesar. &c. But to answere againe therunto (albeit we are boūd to obey our king in most things) yet not in such maner of things, whereby he is made to be no king: neither were they then things belonging to Cesar, but to a tyrāt. Concerning the which points, these Bishops should (not for me onely, but for themselues) haue resisted the king. For if the extreme iudgemēt be reserued to him which is able to iudge both body and soul: is it not then extreme pride for men there to iudge, which iudge but by themselues? If the cause of the bishops and of the clergie, (which I maintaine) be right: why be they set against me? Why do they reprehēd me? For if that I appealed to him, before whome either it was not lawfull, or els not expedient for me to do: what seeme they by this, but ei∣ther to blame me causelesse, or els to distrust your equity? For me to be conuicted before your holinesse: it had bene a double con∣fusion. Or wherein haue I deserued to be persecuted of them, for whose cause I haue set my selfe to stande in their behalfe? And if they had willed, I had preuailed: but it is ill with the head, when he is left of his members and forsaken: as if the eyes shoulde take the toung to speake against the head. If they had had eyes to haue foresene the matter, they might vnderstand themselues to speake their owne destruction: and that the Princes did vse their helpe, but to their owne seruitude. And what so great cause of hatred had they against me, to procure their owne vndoing, in vndoing of me? So, while they neglected spirituall things in steade of tem∣porall, they haue lost them both. What shoulde I speake more of this, that I repugning them and appealing to your audience (yet notwithstanding) they durst presume to stand in iudgement and condemnation against me, as children against their father? Yea, and not against me onely, but against the vniuersall Church of God (conspiring together with the Prince) being with me offen∣ded. And this suspection might also as well pertaine to you holy father. But to this they will say: that they owe their duety and ser∣uice vnto the king,* 35.2 as their Lord: to whom they are bound, vpon their allegeance. To whom I answer, that to him they stand bound bodely, to me spiritually. But to whom ought they rather to stand bound, then to themselues? And were it not better to sustaine the losse of corporall, then of spirituall things? But here they wil say a∣gaine: at this time the Prince was not to be prouoked. Howe sub∣tily do these men dispute for their owne bondage? Yea, they them¦selues prouoke him by their owne excesse, ministring wings vn∣to him to fight against them, for he woulde haue rested if they had resisted. And when is constancie more to be required, then in per∣secution? Be not a mans chiefe frendes most tried in persecution? If they geue ouer still, how shall they obtaine the victorie? Some∣time they must needes resist. Condescend therefore (holy father) to my exile and persecution.* 35.3 And remember, that I also once was a great man, in the time when it was: and now for your sake thus iniuriously I am intreated. Vse your rigour and restraine them, by whose instigation the name of this persecution began. And let none of these things be imputed to the king, who rather is to be counted the repairer then the author of this businesse.

Besides this Epistle sent vnto the Pope: he wryteth also an other letter, sent to the King in Latine: the tenour whereof (he that is disposed to read) may peruse in our for∣mer edition, with the notes adioyned withall.

Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin, he sent al∣so one or two mo, to the said king Henry the second, much after the like rate & sort. The one thus beginning: Loqui de Deo, liberae mentis est & valdè quietae. Indè est quòd loquar ad Dominum meum, & vtinam ad omnes pacificum. &c. which Epistle, for that I woulde not ouercharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous, I thought hore to omit. The other he sent afterward, wher∣of the wordes be these.

¶ An other letter of Becket, Archbishop of Canterburie, sent to the king.

TO his Lorde and frende Henry by the grace of God, king of England, Duke of Normandy & Aquitane, Earle of Angeow: Thomas by the same grace, humble minister of the church of Cā∣terburie (sometime his temporally, but now more his in the Lord) health and true repentaunce with amendement. I haue long loo∣ked for, that the Lord would looke vpon you: and that you would conuert and repent, departing from your peruerse way: and cutte off from you your wicked and peruerse counsellours, by whose instinction (as it is thought) you are fallen into that deepe, wher∣of the Psalme speaketh. A sinner when he commeth to the depth of mischiefes, is without all care or feare. And albeit, we haue he∣therto quietly suffred and borne: considering and earnestly loo∣king if there woulde any messenger come that woulde say: Your soueraigne Lorde the king (which nowe a long time hath erred and ben deceiued, and led euen to the destruction of the church) through Gods mercy with aboundant humility, doth now againe make speede for the deliueraunce of the Church, and to make sa∣tisfaction and amendement. Yet notwithstanding, we cease not (day by day continually) to call vpon almightie God, with most humble deuotion: that, that which we haue long desired for you and by you, we may speedely obtaine with aboundant effect And this is one poynte, that the care of the Church of Canterburie, whereunto God hath presently appoynted vs (albeit vnworthy) you being K. doeth specially constraine me (in that as yet, we are deteined in exile) to write vnto your maiestie letters commoni∣torie, exhortatorie, and of correction. But I woulde to God they were fully able to correct least that I be to great a cloker of your outragies (if there be any) as in deede there are: for the which we are not a litle sorie. I meane specially of them which are done by you in euery place, about the Church of God and the Ecclesiasti∣call persons, without any reuerence either of dignitie or person: and least also that I appeare negligent to the great danger of my soule: for without doubt hee beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence: who neglecteth to correct that, which an other ought to amend. For it is written not onely they which doe commit euill, but also they which consent therunto are coū∣ted partakers of the same. For they verely do cōsent, which when they both might and ought, doe not resist or at the least reproue. For the errour which is not resisted is alowed, and the truth whē it is not defended is oppressed: neither doth it lacke a priuie note of society in him, which ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief. (2) For like as (most noble Prince) a small Citie doeth not dimi∣nish [unspec 2] the prerogatiue of so mighty a kingdome as your is: so your royal power ought not to oppresse or chaunge the measure of the religious dispensatiō. For it is prouided alwaies by the lawes, that al iudgemēts agaynst Priests, should proceede by the determinati∣on of Priestes. For whatsoeuer Byshoppes they are: albeit that they do erre as other men do, (not exceeding in any poynt con∣trary to the religion of faith) they (3) ought not, nor can in any [unspec 3] case be iudged of the seculare power. Truely, it is the parte of a good and religious Prince, to repaire the ruinous Churches, to builde newe, to honour the Priestes: and with great reuerence to defend them (after the example of the godly prince of most hap∣py memory. (4) Constantinus which sayd, when a complaint of [unspec 4] the Clergy was brought to him. You said he, can be iudged by no secular iudge, which are reserued to the only iudgement of God. And for so much as we doe read that the holy Apostles and their successors (appoynted by the testimonie of God) cōmanded that no persecution nor troubles ought to be made, nor to enuie those which laboure in the fielde of the Lorde: and that the stewardes of the eternall King shoulde not be expelled and put out of their seates. Who then doubteth, but that the Priestes of Christ

ought to be called the fathers and maisters of all other faithfull princes? Is it not a miserable madnesse then, if the sonne shoulde [unspec 5] go about to bring the (5) father vnder obedience?* 36.1 or the scholer [unspec 6] his maister?* 36.2 and by (6) wicked bondes to bring him in subiection by whome he ought to beleue, that he may be bounde and loosed, not only in earth, but also in heauen? If you be a good and a ca∣tholike king and will be such a one as we hope, or that we rather desire you should be, (be it spoken vnder your licence) you are the childe of the church, and not the ruler of the Church. You ought to * 36.3 [unspec 7] learne of the priestes, and not to teach them: you ought to (7) folow the Priests in ecclesiasticall matters, and not to goe before them, hauing the priuiledge of your power geuen you of God to make publike lawes: that by his benefites you shoulde not be vn∣thankfull against the dispensation of the heauenly order, and that you shoulde vsurpe nothing, but vse them with a wholesome dis∣position.

Wherfore, in those things which contrary vnto that, you haue (through your malitious counsel, rather then by your own mind) wickedly vsurped: with all humilitie & satisfaction speedily geue place, that the hande of the most highest be not stretched out a∣gainst you, as an arrowe against the marke. For the most highest hath bended his bowe openly to shoote against him, that will not confesse his offences. Be not ashamed (whatsoeuer wicked men say vnto you, or that traitors do whisper in your eare) to humble your selfe vnder the mightie hande of God. For it is he which ex∣alteth the humble, and throweth downe the proude: which also reuengeth himselfe vpon Princes: he is terrible, and who shall re∣sist him? You ought not to haue let slip out of your memorie, in what state God did finde you: howe he hath preferred, honoured, and exalted you: blessed you with children: enlarged your king∣dome: and established the same in despite of your enemies. In so much, that hetherto (in a maner) all men haue sayd with great ad∣miration, that this is he whome God hath chosen. And howe will you reward (or can you reward) him for all these things which he hath done vnto you? Will you (at the prouocation and instaunce [unspec 8] of those which are about you: that (8) persecute the Church and the ecclesiasticall ministers, and alwaies haue according to their power persecuted them, rendring euil for good, bringing oppres∣sions, tribulations, iniuries and afflictions vpon the Church and church men) do the like? Are not these they of whome the Lorde speaketh: he that heareth you heareth me, he that despiseth you despiseth me, & he that toucheth you toucheth the apple of mine eie? Verely forsaking al that thou hast, take vp thy crosse, that thou maist folow thy God our Lorde Iesus Christ. Yet wil it scarsely be (or not at all) that thou shalt appeare a thankefull recompencer of the benefits receaued at his hand Search the scriptures of such [unspec 9] as are learned,* 36.4 and you shall vnderstande: that (9) Saul (albeit he was elect of the Lord) pearished with his whole house, because he departed from the waies of the Lord.

Ozias also king of Iuda (whose name is spoken of and spread ouer all) through the manifould victories geuen him of God, hys heart was so puffed vp to his destruction (because the Lorde did helpe and strengthen him in euery place) that he contemning the feare and reuerence of the Lord would vsurpe vnto himselfe, that which was not his office (that is to say, the priesthoode) & to of∣fer incense vpon the altar of the Lord, for the which he was stric∣ken with a leprosie, and cast out of the house of the Lorde: Manie other kings and holy men of great substaunce (because they haue walked aboue their estate in the meruails of the world, presuming to rebel against God in his ministeries) haue perished: and at the last, they haue founde nothing of their substance in their power. Also king Achaz (because he did vsurpe the office of Priesthoode) was likewise striken with a leprosie by God.

Oza also (albeit he was not king) yet for somuch as he tou∣ched the arke and held it, when it would haue fallen by the vnru∣lines of the Oxen (which thing perteined not vnto him, but vnto the ministers of the Church) was striken by the wrath of God & fell downe by the Arke. O king, it is a famous prouerbe: that a man forewarned by an other mans misfortune, will take the bet∣ter heede vnto himselfe For euery man hath his owne busines in hand, when his neighbours house is on fire.

Dearely beloued king, God woulde haue the disposing of those things which pertaine vnto the church, to belong only vn∣to priests, and not vnto the secular power. Do not chalenge vnto thy selfe therefore, another mans right: neither striue against him, by whom al things are ordained, least thou seeme to striue against his benefites, of whome thou hast receiued thy power. [unspec 10] For by the common (10) lawes and not by the seculare power, and by the bishops and priests: almighty God would haue the cleargie of the christen religion to be ordered and ruled. And Christian Kings ought to submit al their doings vnto ecclesiastical rulers, and not to preferre themselues: for it is written, that none ought to iudge the bishops but onely the Church, neither doeth it pertaine vnto mans law to geue sentence vpon any such. Christian princes are accustomed to be obedient vnto the statutes and ordinaunces of the church, and not to prefer their owne power. A prince ought to submit himselfe vnto the bishops, & not to iudge the bishops: for there are two things wherwith the world is chiefly gouerned (that is to say) the sacred authoritie of bishops and royall power. (11) In the which, the bishops charge is so much the more waigh∣ty, [unspec 11] in that they shal at the latter iudgement render accompt, euen of the kings themselues. Truely you ought to vnderstande, that you depend vpon their iudgement, and can not reduce them vnto your owne will: for many Bishops haue excommunicated both Kinges and Emperours. And if you require an especiall example thereof, Innocentius the Pope did excommunicate Arcadius the Emperour, because he did consent that Iohn Chrisostome should be expulsed from his seate: and S. Ambrose also did excommuni∣cate (12) Theodosius the great Emperour, for a fault (which see∣med [unspec 12] not so waighty vnto other Priestes) and shut him out of the Church: who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued.

There are many other like examples: for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther, the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him, and he was soone corrected. And the king (laying aside his scepter and Diademe, and setting apart all princely maiestie) was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte, & to require forgeuenes for his offence: what wil you more? he being stricken with repentance asked mercy, and obtained forgeuenes So like∣wise you (most beloued king and reuerend Lord) after the exam∣ple of this good king Dauid (of whom it is sayde: I haue founde a man after mine owne heart) with a contrite and humble heart, turne to the Lorde your God: and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions. For you are fallen and erred in many things; which yet I kepe in store still, if (peraduenture) God shall inspire you to say with the prophet: haue mercy on me O god, according to thy great mercye, for I haue sinned much against thee, & don•• euil in thy sight. Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present, passing other things in silence, till I may see whether my wordes take place in you, and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance: and that I may heare and re∣ioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say: Oh king, thy sonne was dead, and is aliue againe, was lost and is founde againe. But if you will not heare me: looke where I was wont* 36.5 before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares & sighes: There in the same place I will crie against you, and say: Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause, forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine: forget not the ignominie of thy Church, which thou hast builded in thy bloud. Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt: re∣uenge (O Lord) the afflictions of thy seruants, of whome there is an infinite number. For the pride of them which hate & persecute thee, is gone vp so highe, that we are not able to beare them any longer. Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do, all those things shall be required at your handes: for he seemeth to haue done the harme, which hath geuen the cause thereof. Doubtlesse, the sonne of the most highest (except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie, and keepe your hand from troubling of them) wil come in the rod of his furie, at the voices of such as cry to him, and at the sighes of them that be in bands: when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost. For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes, and is terrible among kings of the earthe•• Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare. Thus fare ye well againe and euer.

¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle: which by the figures you may finde out, and their places.

1. The scope of this Epistle is this, to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and cōtrol∣ment of temporall power.

2. This similitude holdeth not. For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome: yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie, doth worthely ble∣mish his owne prerogatiue.

3. So sayth the Popes decrees, Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise. Abiathar the Priest was de∣posed of king Salomon, not for any heresie, but for other causes. 3. Reg. 1.2. Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander. And Simon of Demetrius. 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter. Also Peter sayeth: be ye subiect to euery humaine creature: and it fol∣loweth, whether it be to the king as to the chiefe. &c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words: And if we do any thing incompetently, and do swarue from the path of righteousnes, we wil stand to your re∣formation, or of them whom you shall send. 2.9.7. Hos.

4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops, cōgregated at Tyrus, first chideth them, then commādeth them to resort vnto his presence, to haue their cause iudged and decided. Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7.

5. The father vnder obedience, &c. If fatherhoode goe by age, I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket.

If fatherhoode consist in authoritie, I iudge the authoritie of a king, to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop. If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode: yet had Bec∣ket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king, seeing the sonne ordeined the father (that is) seeing the king made him his Archbishop, and not he made him his king.

6. By wicked bonds. Al is wicked with the Papists, that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes.

7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche, as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge, for the institution of the soule, and information of conscience. In which both Prin∣ces and subiects ought to followe their pastors, so long as they go truely before them without error, or els not. But what maketh this for the lands & liberties of churchmen?

8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles, is not to be called persecution, but due correction.

9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was re∣iected. Ozias cōtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest, and was striken. Oza against the ex∣presse word of the law put his hand toy arke, & was puni∣shed. But what expresse word had k. Hēry, why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes, and wicked priests within his owne realme? wherefore these simili∣tudes accorde not. As for Achas he was not so much pu∣nished for taking the priests office, as for spoyling the tem∣ple of the Lord, and offering to Idoles.

10. Common lawes. S. Augustin wryting to Boniface, sayeth thus: Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor (being made for the veritie of God) procureth to himselfe great punishment. For in the time of the prophets, all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God, are rebuked. And such as did with stand them, are commended aboue the rest. August.

11. Isidorus hath these wordes. Let temporal princes know, that they must render accōpt to God for the church, which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne &c.

12. The case of Archadius, Theodosius, Dauid, & of this king (as touching this mater) hath no similitude. In them was murder: This king doeth nothing, but claime that which is his due. And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted: yet it argueth not therefore, that the persons of them which haue the vse of the spirituall sword, are aboue the persons of them which haue the temporall sworde.

Besides these letters of the Archbyshoppe sent to the king, the Pope also in the same cause wryteth to the king, beginning after this sort:

Alexander Papa ad Henricum regé. Et naturali ratione, & forma iuris dictante, prouidentiam tuam credimus, edoctam fuisse, quòd quanto quis ab aliquo maiora su∣scepisse dignoscitur, tanto ei obnoxior & magis obligatus tene∣tur. &c.

The whole tenour of the letter as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wrote it to the king I would heere expresse, but for treating of the time & straightnesse of rowme, hauing so many things els in this storie (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect: to exhort and charge the king to shew fauour to Thomas Becket. Where, in the processe of the Epistle, it followeth in these wordes:

Ea propter seue∣ritatem tuam per Apostolica scripta rogamus, monemus, & ex∣hortamur in domino: nec non in remessionem peccatorum ex parte dei omnipotentis, & beati Petri principis Apostolorum antoritate nostra iniungimus, vt memoratum Archiepiscopum pro deo & ecclesia sua & honore tuo, nec non & totius regni tui in gratiam & fauorem tuum recipias. &c.

That is: therfore we desire you, monish and exhort your honor by these our A∣postolical wrytings, and also enioyne you vpō the remis∣sion of your sinnes, in the behalfe of almighty God, and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, by our authoritie, that you will receiue againe the foresayde Archb. into your fa∣uour and grace, for the honour of God, his Church, and of your owne Realme, &c. Thus you heard the Popes in∣treating letter: nowe here is an other letter sent vnto the foresaid king, wherein he doth manace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth.

Bishop Alexander, seruant of the seruants of God, to king Henry king of England, health and blessing Apostolicall.

HOw fatherly and gently we haue oft times entreated and ex∣horted both by Legates and letters your princely honour, to be reconciled againe with our reuerend brother Thomas Archb. of Cant. so that he and his may be restored againe to their Chur∣ches and othe•• possessions to them appertaining: your wisdome is not ignorant, seeing it is notified and spred almost throughout all Christendome. For so much therefore, as hetherto we coulde not preuaile with you, neither moue nor stirre your minde with faire and gentle wordes: it lamenteth vs not a little, so to be fru∣strate and deceiued of the hope and expectation which we had conceiued of you. Especially seing we loue you so dearely, as our owne dearely beloued sonne in the Lorde, and vnderstanding so great ieopardie to hang ouer you.

But forasmuch as it written, Cry out and cease not, lift vp thy voice like a trumpe, and declare to my people their wickednesse, and their sinnes to the house of Iacob. Also for as much as it is in Salomon commaunded, that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of Oxen: we haue thought good therefore, not to forbeare or supporte your stubburnes any longer against iustice and saluation. Neither that the mouth of the foresaid Archbishop shoulde be stopped from hencefoorth any more: but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duetie, to reuenge with the sworde of Ecclesiasticall discipline, the iniuries both of himselfe, and of his Church committed to his charge.

And here I haue sent vnto you two Legates, Petrus de ponte dei, and Bernardus de Corilio, to admonish you of the same. But if ye wil neither by vs be aduertised, nor geue eare to them in obey∣ing: it is to be feared (doubtles) least such things as they shall de∣clare to you from vs in our behalfe, may happen & fal vpon you.

Datch at Beneuent, the 9. day before the kalends of Iune.

To aunswer these letters againe: there was an other certain wryting drawne out & directed to the Pope, made by some of the Clergy, as it seemeth: but not without con∣sent of the king, as by the title may appeare, inueying and disprouing the misbehauior of the Archbishop. The tenor whereof here followeth, and beginneth thus.

An answere to the Pope.

TIme nowe requireth more to seeke helpe then to make com∣plaints.* 39.1 For so it is nowe that the holy mother Churche (our sinnes deseruing the same) lieth in a dangerous case of great de∣cay, which is like to ensue, except the present mercy of the Lord support her.

Such is the wickednes now of schismatikes:* 39.2 that the father of fathers Pope Alexander (for the defence of his faith, and for the loue of righteousnes) is banished out of his countrey: not able to keepe free residence in his owne proper see, by reason of the in∣durat•• heart of Fredericke the Pharao.

Farther and besides, the Church also of Canterburie is mise∣rably impaired and blemished, as well in the spirituall as in the temporall estate: much like vnto the ship in the Sea, being desti∣tute of their guide, to fled in the floudes, and wrasteling wi••h the windes, while the pastor being absent from his prouince d••re not there remain through the power of the king. Who being ouer wise (to the ieoperdie both of himselfe, his Churche, and vs also) hath brought and intangled vs likewise with himselfe in the same partaking of his punishments and labours: not considering howe we ought to forbeare, and not to resist superior powers And also sheweth himselfe to vs vnkinde, which with al our affections bear the burden with him of his afflictions, not ceasing yet to perse∣cute vs which stand in the same condemnation with him. For be∣twixt him, and our soueraigne prince, king of Englande, arose a certaine matter of contention: wherupon they were both agreed that a day shoulde be appoynted, to haue the controuersie discus∣sed by equitie and iustice.

The day being come, the king commaunded all the Archby∣shops, Bishops, and other prelates of the Church to be called, in a great and solemne frequencie: so that the greater and more ge∣nerall this councell was, the more manifest the detection of this stubburne malice should appeare and be espied.

At the day therefore aboue mentioned, this troubler of the realme and of the Church presenteth himselfe in the sight of our Catholicke king: who not trusting the qualitie and condition of his cause, armeth him with the armour of the crosse, as one which should be brought to the presence of a tyrant. By reason whereof, the kings maiestie, being something agreeued (yet because hee would be deliuered from all suspition) committeth the matter to the hearing of the Bishops. This done, it rested in the bishops to decide and cease this contention, and to set agreement betweene them, remouing all occasion of dissention Which thing they go∣ing about: commeth in this foresayd Archbishop, forbidding and commaunding, that no man proceede in any sentence of hym before the king.

This being signified to the kings hearing, his minde was gre∣uously prouoked thereby to anger: whose anger yet notwithstā∣ding had bene easily swaged, if the other woulde haue submitted himselfe, and acknowledged his default. But he adding stubburn∣nesse to his trespasse, through the quantitie and greatnesse of his excesse, was the author of his owne punishment: which nowe by the law ciuill he sustaineth, and yet shameth to craue pardone for his desert,* 39.3 at the kings hande whose anger he feared not to sturre vp, in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church, greatly against the profite of the same: augmenting & increasing therby the persecution which now the Church lieth vnder. Much

better it had bene for him to haue tempered himself with the bri∣dle of moderation, in the high estate of his dignitie: least in excee∣ding too farre, in straining the straite poyntes of things by ouer much presumption (peraduenture through his presumption be∣ing not in meane and tollerable things) might fall from higher. And if the detriments of the Church woulde not moue him: yet the gre••t benefits and preforments of riches, and honours ought to perswade him, not to be so stubburn against the king. But here peraduēture his friend and our aduersary wil obiect: that his bea∣ring and submitting to the king in this behalfe, were preiudiciall against the authority and sea Apostolical: as though he did not or might not vnderstand that although the dignity of the Church, should suffer a little detriment in that iudgement: yet he might & ought to haue dissimuled (for the time) to obtaine peace into the Church. He will obiect againe, alleaging the name of father, that it soundeth like a poynt of arrogancie, for children to procede in iudgement of cōdemnation against the father: which thing is not conuenient. But he must vnderstand againe: that it was necessary that the obedience and humilitie of the children shoulde temper the pride of the father: least afterwarde, the hatred of the father might redounde vpon the children. Wherefore, of these promises your fatherhoode may vnderstand: that the action of this our ad∣uersary ought to fall downe (as void and of none effect) who only vpon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against vs, ha∣uing no iust cause nor reason to ground vpon.

And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches (as ye•• knowe) lieth vpon vs: it standeth vs vpon, to prouide concerning the state of the Churche of Canterbury, by our diligence and cir∣cumspection: so that the sayd Church of Canterbury through the excesse of his pastor, be not driuen to ruine or decay.

By this Epistle it may appeare to the Reader therof: that Becket (being absent from Englande) went about to worke some trouble against certaine of the Clergy and of the laitie (belike) in excommunicating such as he tooke to be his euill willers.

Now to vnderstand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate: this let∣ter (sent to William Bishop of Norwitch) shall better de∣clare the matter.

A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch.

* 40.1HE bindeth himselfe to the penalty of the crime, whosoeuer re∣ceiuing power and authoritie of God, vseth and exerciseth not the same with due seueritie, in punishing vice: but (wincking & di••simuling) doth minister boldnesse to wicked doers, maintai∣ning them in their sinne. For the bloud of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest, which is negligent or dissembleth. And as the Scripture sayth, thornes and brambles grow in the handes of the idle dronkard. Wherfore, least (through our too much suf∣ferance and dissembling) the transgressions of manifest euil doers should also be laid to our charge, and redound to the destruction of the Church through our giltie silence: We therfore (following the authoritie of the Popes commaundement) haue laid our sen∣tence of curse & excommunication, vpon the Earle Hugo: com∣maunding you throughout all your Diocesse publickely to de∣nounce the sayde Earle as accursed: so that (according to the dis∣cipline of the Church) he be sequestred from the fellowship of all faithfull people. Also, it is not vnknowen to your brotherhoode, how long we haue borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London. Who (amongest other his factes) I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schisme, and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church.* 40.2 Wherefore, we (being suppor∣ted with the authoritie of the Apostolicke sea) haue also excom∣municated him, besides also the Bishop of Salesbury, because of his disobedience and contempt: and others likewise (vpon diuers and sundrie causes) whose names here followe subscribed. Hugo Bernardes sonne, Radolph of Brocke, Robert of Brocke a clearke, Hugode of S Cleare, and Letardus a clearke of Northfolke, Nigel∣lus of Scacauil, and Richard Chapleine, William of Hasting, and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote. We therfore, charge and commaunde you by the authoritie Apostolicall and ours, and in the vertue of obedience, and in the perill of saluation, and of your order: that yee cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate, throughout all your Diocesse, and to command all the faithful to auoide their companie. Fare ye wel in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled, nor feare: for we stande sure tho∣rough the assistance of the Apostolike sea (God being oure bo∣rowe) against the pretensed shiftes of the malignant sorte, and a∣gainst all their appellations. Furthermore, all such as haue bene solemnely cited of vs: shall sustaine the like sentence of excom∣munication (if God will) in the Ascension day: vnlesse they shall otherwise agree with me. That is to witte: Geffray Archdeacon of Canterburie and Robert his vicare, Rice of Wilcester, Richard of Lucie, William Gifferd, Adam of Cheringes, with suche other moe: which eyther at the commaundement of the king, or vppon their own proper temeritie, haue inuaded the goods and posses∣sions either appertaining to vs, or to our clearkes about vs. With these also we doe excommunicate all suche as be knowen eyther with aide or counsel, to haue incensed or set forward the procee∣ding of our king against the liberties of the Churche, and exiling of the innocents. And such also as be knowen to Impeche or let by any maner of way the messengers (sent either from the Pope, or from vs) for the necessities of the Churche. Fare you well a∣gaine and euer.

Hetherto hast thou seene (gentle reader) diuers & sun∣dry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou maist col∣lect a sufficient historie of his doings & demeanor (though nothing els were said further of him) concerning his lusty and hauty stomack, aboue that beseemed either his degree or cause which he tooke in hand. And here peraduenture I may seme in the story of this one man to tary t••o long, ha∣uing to write of so many others better then it: yet for the weaker sort (which haue coūted him, and yet do count him for a Saint, hauing in themselues little vnderstanding to iudge or discerne in the causes of men) I thought to adde this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a forreine power: doing what in him did lie, to stirre for hys owne cause mortall warre to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had bene offred him of his Prince: was it not inough for him to flie? What cause had he for his owne priuate reuēge, to set potentates in publike discord? Now hauing no iust cause but rather offering iniurie in a false quarell, so to complaine of his prince: what is to be said of this, let euery man iudge, which seeth this letter.

¶ An Epistle of Thomas Archbyshop of Canterburie to Pope Alexander.

A Mantissimo patri & D. Alexandro,* 41.1 Dei gratia sum∣mo pont. Thomas Cant. Ecclesiae humilis minister, debi∣tam & deuotam obedientiam.

In English thus.

To our most louing father and Lord, Alexander by the grace of God bishop: Thomas the humble minister and seruaunt of the Church of Canterburie due & reuerend obedience. Long inough and too long most louing father haue I forborne, still loking after amendement of the king of England. But no fruite haue I reaped of this my long patience: Nay rather, whilest that vnwisely I doe thus forbeare: I augment and procure the detriment and dimini∣shing of my authoritie, as also of the Church of God. For often∣times haue I by deuout and religious messengers, inuited him to make condigne satisfaction, as also by my letters (the Copies whereof I haue sent you) intimate and pronounced, Gods seue∣ritie and vengeaunce against him, vnlesse he repent and amende. But he (that notwithstanding) groweth from euill to worse: op∣pressing and conculcating the Church and sanctuarie of God: persecuting both me & those which take part with me: In somuch that with fearefull threatning woordes his purpose is to terrifie such, as (for Gods cause and mine owne) seeke any way to relieue and help me. He wrote also his letters vnto the Abbot of the Ci∣stercian order, that as hee fauoured the Abbacie of that his order (which was in his power sayde he) he would not accept me into the fellowship thereof, nor doe any thing els for me. What should I vse many woordes? So much hath the rigour and seueritie as well of the king as of his officers, vnder our patience and suffe∣raunce shewed it selfe: that if a great number of men yea and that of the most religious sort, should shewe vnto you the matter as it is in deede (and that vpon their othe taken) I partly doubt whe∣ther your holinesse woulde geue credite vnto them or not With heauinesse of minde therefore I considering these things, and be∣holding as well the pearill of the king as of our selfe, haue pub∣liquely condemned not onely those pernitious customes: but all those peruersities and wicked doings wherby the church of Eng∣land is disturbed and brought to confusion: as also the wryting whereby they were confirmed: Excommunicating generally as well the obseruers and exactours thereof, as also the inuentours and patrones of the same, with their fauourers, counsailours, and coadiutors whatsoeuer,* 41.2 either of the clergie or laitie: absoluing also, our Bishops from their othe, whereby they were so straightly inioyned to the obseruation of the same. These are the Articles which in that wryting I haue principally condemned. First that [unspec 1] it is inhibited to appeale vnto the sea Apostolicall, for any cause but by the kings licence. That a bishop may not punish any man [unspec 2] for periurie or for breaking of his troth. That a bishop may not [unspec 3] excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite, or [unspec 4] els to interdicte either their land or offices without the kings li∣cence. [unspec 5] That Clerkes and religious men may be taken from vs to [unspec 6] secular iudgement. That the king or any other iudge may heare and decide the causes of the church and tithes. That it shal not be lawfull for any Archbishop or bishop to goe out of the realme, and to come at the Popes call without the kings licence: and di∣uers

others such as these. Namely also I haue excommunicated Iohn of Oxenforde, who hath communicated with the schisma∣ticke and excommunicate persone (Reginalde Coloniensis) the which also contrary to the commandement of the Lord Pope & ours, hath vsurped the Deanrie of the Church of Salisb••••••: and hath (to renew his schisme) taken an oth in the Emperors court. Also I haue denoūced & excommunicate Richard of Worceter, because he is falne into the same damnable heresie, and cōmuni∣cated with that famous schismatike of Colen: deuising & forging al mischiefe possible, with the schismatikes and Flemings to the destruction of the church of God, & especially of the Church of Rome, by composition made betweene the king of England and them. Also Richard de Lucy, and Ioceline de Baliol, which haue furthered the fauourers of the kings tiranny and workers of their heresies. Also Ranulphe de Broe; and Hugo de Sancto Glaro, and Thomas the sonne of Bernard which haue vsurped the possessiōs and goods of the Church of Canterbury without our licence & consent. We haue also excommunicated all those which without our licence do stretch out their hāds to the possessions & goods of the church of Caunterburie. The king himselfe we haue not yet excommunicated personally: still waiting for his amendement: whome (notwithstanding) we will not defer to excommunicate: vnlesse he quickly amende and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore that the authoritie of the sea Apostolike, and the libertie of the Church of God (which in these partes are almost vtterly lost) may be by some meanes restored: it is meete and ve∣ry necessary that what we herein haue done, the same be of your holinesse ratified and by your letters confirmed. Thus I wish your holinesse long to prosper and flourish.

By this Epistle, hee that listeth to vnderstande of the doings & quarels of Becket, may partly iudge what is to be thought thereof. Which his doings, although in some part may be imputed either to ignorāce of mind,* 41.3 or blind∣nes of zeale, or humain fragilitie: yet in this point (so vile∣ly to complaine of his naturall Prince, for the zeale of the Pope) hee can by no wise be defended. But such was the blindnesse then of the prelates in those daies, who measu∣red and estemed the dignity and liberty of Christes church by no other thing, then only by goods and possessions flo∣wing and abounding in the clergy: and thought no grea∣ter point of religion to be in the church then to maintaine the same.* 41.4 For the which cause they did most abhominably abuse christian discipline & excommunication of the church at that time: as by this foresaid Epistle may appeare. And what maruaile if the acts and doings of this Archb. seeme now to vs in these daies both fond and strange: seeing the suffraganes of his owne church & clergy wryting to him: could not but reprehend him, as in this their Epistle tran∣flated out of Latin into English may be seene.

An effectuall and pithie letter, full of reason and perswasion, sent from all the Suffraganes of the Church of Cant to T. Becket their Archb.

QVa Vertro (pater) in longinquo discessu inopinata rei ipsias no∣••itate turbata sunt: Vestra sperabamus humilitate. &c.

In English thus.

* 42.1Suche trouble and perturbations as happened through the strangenesse of your departure out of the Realme: we hoped by your humilitie and prudence shoulde haue bene reduced againe (Gods grace working with al) into a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no litle ioy to vs, to heare so of you in those partes where you are conuersant, howe humbly you there behaued your selfe, nothing vaunsing your selfe against your prince and king: and to attempt no risings of wrastlings against his kingdome: but that you bare with much patience the burden of pouertie, and gaue your selfe to reading and praier, and to redeme the losse of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and teares: and so being oc∣cupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise vp to the perfection of vertue, &c. But now through the secrete relation of certaine, wee heare (that wee are sorie of) that you haue sent vnto him a threatning letter, wherein there is no salutation premised: In the which also, ye pretende no intreating nor prayers for the obtai∣ning of fauour, neither doe vse any friendly maner in declaring what you write: but manasing with much austeritie, threaten to interdict him, & to cut him frō the society of the churche. Which thing if you shall accomplish, with like seueritie as in wordes ye threaten to doe, you shall not onely put vs out of all hope of any peace, but also put vs in feare of hatred and discord without mea∣sure, and without all redresse amongest vs. But wisedome will consider before, the ende of things: labouring and endeuouring to finish that which shee wisely beginneth. Therfore your discre∣tion shall doe wel diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend, & what end may ensue therof, & where about ye go. Certes we (for our parts) hearing that we do heare, are discouraged from that we hoped for, which before hauing some good comfort of tranquilitie to come, are cast from hope to dispaire: so that while one is drawen thus against an other, almost there is no hope not place left to make entreaty or supplication. Wherfore, writing to your fatherhoode, we exhort and counsel you by way of charitie, that you adde not trouble to trouble, & heape iniury vpon iniu∣ry. But so to behaue your selfe, that al manasses set aside, ye rather geue your selfe to patience and humilitie, & to yeld your cause to the clemency of God & to the mercy of your Prince: which in so doing shall heap coales of charity vpon the heads of many. Thus charity shalbe kindled, & that which manasings can not doe (by Gods help and good mens counsel) pitie peraduenture & godli∣nes shall obtaine. Better it were to sustaine pouertie with prayse, then in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well knowen vnto all men, howe beneficiall the king hath ben vnto you, from what basenes to what dignity he hath aduan∣ced you, & also into his owne familiaritie hath so much preferred you, that from the North Ocean, to the mount Perineus he hath subdued all things to your authoritie: in so much that they were amongst all other accounted for men right fortunate, whosoeuer coulde finde any fauour with you.

And furthermore, least that your estimation should be ouer∣matched by any nobilitie: he (against the minde of his mother, and of his realme) hath placed and ratified you substantially in ecclesiasticall dignitie, and aduaunced in this honour wherein ye stand: trusting through your helpe and counsaile to reigne more safely and prosperously. Now, if he shall finde disquietnes, wherin he trusted to haue quietnes: what shall al men say or think of you? What recompence or retribution shall this be thought to be for so many and great benefits taken? Therefore (if it shal please you) ye shall do wel to fauor and spare your fame & estimation and to ouercome your lord and soueraigne with humilitie and charitie. Whereunto, if our aduertisement cannot moue you, yet the loue and fidelitie you beare to the bishop and holy churche of Rome, ought to incline you therunto, & not to attempt any such thing, wherby the troubles of the church our mother may encrease: or wherby her dolor may be augmented in the losse of them; whose disobedience nowe she doeth bewaile. For, what if it so happen through prouocatiō, that the king (whom all his subiects & king∣doms obey) should relinquish the Pope, which God forbid: and should deny all obedience to him, as he denieth to the king helpe or aide against you: what inconuenience would growe thereof? And thinke you, hee hath not great instigations, supplications, gifts, and many faire promises so to do? Yet he (notwithstanding) abideth firme hetherto in the rocke, despising with a valiāt minde all that the worlde can offer. This one thing feareth vs, least his minde (whome no wordly offers can assaile: no glory, riches, nor treasure can ouerturne) only through indignation of vnkindnes, be subuerted. Which thing if it chaunce to happen through you, then may you sit downe and sing the song of lamentation of Ie∣remie, and weepe your belly full.

Consider therefore (if it shal please you) and foresee well with your selfe, this purpose of yours (if it proceede) how hurtfull and perillous it wil be: not only to the Pope, & to the holy church of Rome, but also to your selfe most especially. But some peraduen∣ture about you (of hauty and high minded stoutnes, more stoute percase thē wise) wil not suffer you to take this way: but wil giue you contrary counsaile to proue rather and declare what yee are able to do against your Lord and Prince, and to practise agaynst him and al his, the vttermost of your power and authority: which power and authoritie of yours (to him that offendeth) is fearfull: and to him that will not amende, terrible. Such counsell as this, some peraduenture wil whisper in your eare. But to these againe, this we say and answer for our king, whome notwithstanding to be without fault, we doe not affirme. But yet alwaies that hee is ready to amend and make satisfaction, that we speake confident∣ly and protest in his behalfe.

The king (appoynted for the Lords annoynted) prouideth for the peace of his subiectes all that he is able: and therefore, to the intent he may conserue this peace in his Churches and amongst his subiects committed to him: he willeth and requireth such or∣dinances due to kings, and exhibited to them before time, also to be exhibited to him.* 42.2 Wherein, if there hath any contradiction sprong betwixt him and vs, he (being thereupon conuented and admonished from the Pope by the reuerende Bishops of London & Herf.) brast not out in any defiance: but meekely & humbly an∣swered, that wherin soeuer the church or any ecclesiastical persō can shew himself grieued, he wold therin stād to the iudgemēt of the church of his kingdom Which also, he is ready no les to per∣form in dede: thinking nothing more swete vnto him then to be admonished of his fault (if he haue offended the Lord,) and to re∣forme the same: and not only to reforme and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the vttermost, if the law shall so require him. Wherfore, seing he is so willing to recōpēce & satisfy the iudge∣mēt of the church in al things appertaining to the church: refu∣sing no order that shalbe takē, but in al thīgs submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ: with what right, by what canon or reason can you interdict him, or vse excommunication against him? It is a thing laudable & a vertue of great cōmendation in wise men:

wisely to goe with iudgement and reason, and not to be caried with puffes of hasty violence. Whereupon this is the onely and common petition of vs all: that your fatherly care will diligent∣ly prouide for your flocke and sheepe committed to you: so that they miscary not, or runne to any ruine through any inconside∣rate, or to much heady counsell in you: but rather through your softnes and sufferance, they may obtayne life, peace and security. It doth moue vs all, that we heare of late to be done by you a∣gaynst the Byshop of Salisbury, & the Deane of the same church, (prosperously) as some men suppose, against whom you haue ge∣uen out the sentence of excommunication and condemnati∣on, before any question of their crime was: following there∣in (as seemeth) more the heat of hastynesse, then the path of righ∣teousnesse. This is a new order of iudgement (vnheard of yet to this day in our lawes and canons) first to condemne a man, and then to enquire after of the fact committed. Which order, least ye should hereafter attempt to exercise in like maner agaynst our soueraigne and king, or agaynst vs and our Churches and Pari∣shes committed to vs, to the detriment of the Pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of vs all: therefore we lay here agaynst you for our selues, the remedy of appellati∣on. And as before, openly in the publicke face of the Church with liuely voyce, we appealed to the Pope for feare of certayne perils that might haue happened: So now agayn in writing, we appeale to the same, assigning the terme of our appellation, the day of the Lordes Ascention. Most humbly and reuerently beseching your goodnesse, that you (taking a better way with you in this mat∣ter) will let your cause fall: sparing herein both the labours and charges as well of your selfe, as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare (reuerend) in the Lord.

The rescript or aunswere agayne of Thomas Becket, to all his suffraganes, not obeying, but confuting their counsayle sent.

FRaternitatis Gestra scriptum, (quod tamen prudentia Gestra cō∣muni consilio non facilè credimus emanasse) nuper ex insperat•• suscepimus. &c.

Your brotherly letters sent (albeit not by the whole assent of your wisedomes written, (as I suppose) of late I receiued vpon a sodayne: the contentes whereof, seeme to contayne more sharpe∣nesse then solace. And would to God they proceeded more of sincere zeale, of godliness, or affection of charity: then of disobe∣dience or froward wilfulnesse. For charity seketh not the thinges that be his owne, but which appertayne to Iesus Christ. It had bene your duety (if there be truth in the Gospel, as most vndoub∣tedly there is) and if you would faythfully haue accomplished his busines, whose person you represent: rather to haue feared him, which can cast both body and soule to hell: then him, whose po∣wer extendeth no further then to the body, rather to haue obey∣ed God then man: rather your Father then your Maister or Lord: after the example of him who was to his Father obedient vnto the death. Which dyed for vs, leauing vs example to follow hys steps. Let vs dye therefore with him, and lay downe our liues for the deliueraunce of his Church, out of the yoke of bondage and tribulation of the oppressor: which Church he hath founded, and whose libertye he hath procured,* 43.1 with his owne proper bloud: Least if we shall do otherwise, it may happely fall vpon vs, whiche is written in the Gospell: Who so loueth his owne life more then me, is not worthy of me. This ye ought to know, that if it be right which your captayne commaundeth: your duety requireth to o∣bey his will: if not, ye ought then, rather to obey God then men.

* 43.2One thing I will say (if I may be so bolde to tell it vnto you) I haue now suffered and abstayned a long space, wayting if the Lord had geuen you to take a better hart vnto you, which haue turned away cowardly your backes in the day of battayle: or if a∣ny of you would haue returned againe to stand like a wall for the house of Israel: at least if he had but shewed himselfe in the field, making but the countenaunce of a warrier agaynst them, which cease not dayly to infest the Lambe of God. I wayted and none came: I suffered, and none rose vp: I held my peace & none would speake: I dissembled and none would stand with me in like sem∣blance Wherefore seing I see no better towardnesse in you: thys remayneth onely, to enter action of complaynt agaynst you, and to cry agaynst mine enemies. Rise vp (O Lord) and iudge my cause, reuenge the bloud of the church which is wasted and op∣pressed.* 43.3 The pride of them which hate his libertye, riseth vp euer: neyther is there any that doth good, no not one. Woulde God (brethren beloued) there were in you any minde or affection to defend the libertye of the Churche: for she is builded vpon a sure rocke, that although she be shaken, yet she can not be ouer∣throwne. And why then seek ye to confoūd me? Nay rather, your selues in me, then me in you? A man which hath taken vpon me all the peril, haue sustained all the rebukes, haue sustained all the iniuries, haue suffered also for you all, to the very banishment.

And so it was expedient one to suffer for that Church, that thereby it might be released out of seruitude. These thinges dis∣cusse you simply with your selues and weigh the matter.* 43.4 Attend I say dilligently in your mindes for your partes: that God for his part remouing from your eies, all maiesty of rule and impery (as he is no accepter of persons) may take from your hartes the veile, that ye may vnderstand and see what ye haue done, what ye entend to do, and what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say I haue taken from him since the time of my promotion, either Oxe or Asse: if I haue defrauded him of any peny: If I haue misiudged the cause of any man wrōgfully: Or if by the detrimēt of any person I haue sought my owne gaine, let him complayn & I will restore him fourefolde. And if I haue not offēded you, what then is the cause that ye thus leaue and forsake me in the cause of God?

Why bend ye so your selues agaynst me in such a cause, that there is none more speciall belonging to the Church?

* 43.5Brethren seeke not to confound your selues and the church of God (so much as in you is) but turne to me & you shalbe safe.

For the Lord sayth, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather he should conuert and liue. Stand with me manfully in the warre take your armour and your shield to defend me. Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may with∣stand more valiauntly the malignant enemies,* 43.6 such as goe about to take away the soule of the church, which is her liberty: without which liberty, she hath no power agaynst them that seeke to in∣croche to their inheritaunce, the possession of Gods sanctuary. If ye will heare and follow me, know ye that the Lord will be with you, and with vs all in the defence of the libertye of his church. Otherwise if ye will not, the Lord iudge betwixt me and you, and require the confusion of his Church at your handes. Which church (whether the world will or no) standeth firmely in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is builded, and euer shall till the houre come that she shall passe from this world to the Fa∣ther. For the Lord euer doth support her with his hand.

Wherefore, to returne to the matter: brethren remember well with your selues (which thing ye ought not to forget) what daunger I was brought vnto,* 43.7 and the Church of God also while I was in England: at my departing out of England, and after my departure from thence: also in what daunger it standeth at thys present day: But especially at that time, when as at Northampton Christ was iudged agayne in my person, before the iudgement seat of the high president.* 43.8 Who euer heard the Archb. of Canter∣bury (being troubled for iniuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the Pope of Rome to be iudged, condemned appealed and put to his sureties, and that of his owne suffra∣ganes? Where is this law seene or the authority (nay rather per∣uersity) of this Canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at this your enormity? Why are ye not confounded? Or why doth not this confusion worke in you repentaunce, and repentance driue you to due satisfaction before God and men? For these and suche other iniuries done to God and to his church, and to me for gods cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer,* 43.9 because that without daunger of soule I ought not to dissemble them) I choose rather to absent my selfe for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, then in the tabernacle of sinners: vntill the time that (their iniquity be complete) the hartes of the wic∣ked and the congitations of the same shalbe opened. And these iniuries were the cause both of my appeale from the king, and of my departure from thence, which ye terme to be sodaine. But if ye will speake the truth which ye know, it ought no lesse then to be sodaine: least (being foreknowne) it might haue bene preuen∣ted and stopped. And as God turned the matter it happened for the best, both for the honor of the king ard better safety of them, which (seeking my harme) should haue brought slaunder to the king.* 43.10 If such troubles followed vpon my departing as ye say, let them be imputed to him which gaue cause: the fault is in the wor∣ker, not in the departer: in him that pursueth, not in him that a∣uoydeth iniuries: what would ye more? I presented my selfe to the court, declaring both the causes of my comming and of my appeale: declaring also the wronges and iniuries done to me & to my Church, and yet could haue no aūswere: neither was there any that layd any thing agaynst me, before we came to the king. Thus while we stood wayting in the court, whether any would come agaynst me or not, they sent to my officials: charging them not to obey me in my temporalities, nor to owe any seruice to me, or to any of mine. After my appellation made in the Court: my Church was spoyled: we (and they about vs) depriued of our goods: out••awed both of the Clergy, and of the layty, men, wo∣men, and infantes: the goods of the Church (that is, the patrimo∣ny of the crucifix) confiscate: and part of the mony turned to the kinges vse, part to your owne cofers. Brother Byshop of London, if this be true that we here of you: and that to the vse of your owne Churche, ye conuert this money: we charge you and require you forthwith by vertue of obedience: that within fourtye dayes after the sight of these letters (all delaye and ex∣cuse set a••ide) ye restore agayne within the time aforesayd: all suche gooddes and percelles as you haue taken away. For it is vnmeete and contrarye to all lawe, one Churche to be en∣riched

with the spoil of an other church. If ye stand vpon the au∣thoritie that set you a worke: you must vnderstand, that (in mat∣ters concerning the church goods) he can geue no lawfull auto∣ritie, which committeth violent iniurie &c.

* 43.11What authoritie, and what scripture geueth this prerogatiue to Princēs vpon Church goodes, which you would attribute to them? What? will they lay for them the remedie of appeale? God forbid It were euill with the Church of God, if when the sacrile∣gious extorcioner hath violently inuaded other mennes goodes (especially the goods of the church) he shoulde after defend him with the title of appeale &c.

Doe not brethren, so confounde altogether the right of the Church and of the temporall regiment: For these two are muche differēt, one borowing his authority of the other. Read the scrip∣tures, and ye shall finde what and how many kings haue perished for taking vpon them the priestly office. Therefore, let your dis∣cretion prouide: least for this your doing, Gods punishmēt light vpon you: which if it come, it will be hard for you very easely to escape. Prouide also and see to your king, whose fauour ye prefer before the wealth & profit of the Church: least if it happen (which God forbid) that he doth perish with all his house, after the exam∣ple of them, which for the like crime were plagued. And if yee cease not off from that ye begin: with what conscience can I dis∣semble or forbeare, but must nedes punish you? let him dissemble with you who list (hauing authoritie so to doe, truely I will not) there shalbe no dissimulation found in me. And where you write in your letters, cōcerning my promotion, that it was against the voice of the whole realme, & that the church did reclaime against it: What should I say to you, but that ye knowe right well: the lie which the mouth doeth willingly speake, killeth the soule: but es∣pecially the wordes of a Priestes mouth ought euer to goe with verity. As touching this matter, I appeale to your own cōsciēce, whether the forme of my election stoode not fully with the con∣sent of them all to whome the election belonged: hauing also the assent of the prince by his sonne, & of them which were sent ther∣to. And if there were some that repugned the same, hee that was troubled and is giltie, let him speake.

Ye say moreouer, that I was exalted and promoted from a base and lowe degree, to this dignity by him. I graunt that I came of no royall or kingly bloud: yet notwithstanding, I had rather be in the number of them whome the vertue of the minde, then of birth maketh noble. Peraduenture I was borne in a pore cotage: of poore parentage, and yet through Gods clemencie, which kno∣weth howe to worke mercie with his seruants, and which cheri∣sheth the humble and low things, to confound the hie and migh∣tie: in this my poore and lowe estate, before I came to the Kings seruice, I had aboundantly and wealthely to liue withall (as yee know) amongst my neighbours and frends. And Dauid euen from the shepefold,* 43.12 was taken vp and made a king. Peter of a fisher was made a prince of the church: who for his bloud being shedde for the name of Christ, deserued to haue in heauen a crowne, and in earth name & renowne: would to God we could do the like. We be the successors of Peter, and not of Kings and Emperors.

And where ye seeme to charge me (by insinuation) wyth the blot of ingratitude. This I answere: there is no offence capitall or infamous, vnlesse it proceede from the heart and intention. As if a man commit a murther vnwillingly (although he be called a murtherer) yet he is not thereby punishable: And so, although I owe my duetie & seruice with reuerence to my king: yet if I haue forborne him as my Lorde, if I haue warned him, and talked with him fatherly and gently as with a sonne, and in talking with him could not be heard: If therefore (I say) being enforced thereunto, and against my wil, doe exercise vpon him the censure of due se∣ueritie: in so doing (I suppose) I make rather with him, then a∣gainst him, and rather deserue at his hande thanke for my corre∣ction, then note or suspicion of vnkindnesse or punishment for the fact. Sometimes a man against his will receiueth a benefite: as when necessitie causeth a mā to be restrained from doing that which he ought not: he that doth so restrain him (though he stop him) doeth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for hys soules health.* 43.13 An other thing that defendeth vs from ingratitude, is our father & patron Christ. Which, in that he is our father (to whome we as children owe obedience) then are we bounde as children by necessitie to obey his commaundement, in warning the euill doer: in correcting the disobedient: and in brideling the obsti∣nate: which if we do not, we runne into danger to haue his bloud required at our hands. Ye set foorth likewise and shew, what losse we thereby may sustaine of our temporalties. But yee speake no worde of the losse of our soules.

Moreouer, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the Church of Rome (which in your letters ye seme to pretende, or rather threaten) God forbid I say, that the deuotion or faith of our king should euer swarue away from the obedience and reuerence of the church of Rome, for any temporal commo∣ditie or incommoditie: which thing to doe is very damnable in any priuate subiect, much more in the prince which draweth ma∣ny other with him: therefore, God forbid, that euer any faithfull man should once thinke so hainous a deede. And you according to your discretion take heede, left the wordes of your mouth in∣fect any persone or persons therein: occasioning them by your wordes to such dangerous and damnable matter: like to the gol∣den cup which is called the cup of Babylon, which for the out∣warde golde no man will refuse to drinke of, but after they haue dronke thereof, they are poysoned.

And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending out of the reuerende father bishop of Salisburie, and for excommunicating of Iohn, Deane of the same Churche for a schismatike (by know∣ledge and processe had of the matter) to this I answere:* 43.14 That both these are iustly and condignely excommunicate, and if ye vnder∣stande perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of iudgements, yee will say no lesse. For this standeth with good authoritie (as ye know) that in manifest & notorious crimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding is not requisite. Perpende with your selues diligently, what the bishop of Salisburie did (cō∣cerning the Deanrie) after that he was prohibited of the Pope & of vs, vnder paine of excommunication: and then shall you better vnderstand (vpon so manifest disobedience) suspension did right∣ly followe: as ye read in the decree of S. Clement, saying: If they do not obey their Prelates,* 43.15 all maner of persons of what order so euer they be, whether they shall be Princes of high or lowe de∣gree, and all other people: shall not onely be infamed, but also ba∣nished from the kingdome of God, and the fellowship of the faith∣full. As concerning Iohn of Oxford, this we say: that excommu∣nication commeth diuers wayes: Some are excommunicate, by the lawe denouncing them excōmunicate. Some by the sentence of the Prelate. Some by communicating with them which are excommunicate.* 43.16 Nowe, he that hath fallen into this damnable heresie, in participating with schismatikes, whome the Pope hath excommunicate: he draweth to himselfe the spot and leprosie of like excommunication. Wherefore, seeing hee (contrary to the Popes expresse commaundement and ours, being charged vnder paine of excommunication to the contrary) tooke vpon him, the Deanrie of Salisburie: we haue denounced him, and holde hym excommunicate:* 43.17 and all his doings we disanull, by the authoritie of the viij. Synode, saying. If any man either priuely or apertly shall speake or communicate with him that is excommunicated, he draweth vnto himselfe the punishment of like excommunica∣tion. And nowe for so much as you (brother bishop of London) which ought to know that saying of Gregorie vij. if any bishoppe shal consent to the fornication of Priests, Deacons, &c. within his precinct: for reward, fauour, or peticion, or doth not by authori∣tie of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his of∣fice. And againe that saying of Pope Leo, which is this: If any bi∣shop shall institute or consecrate such a priest as shall be vnmeete and vnconuenient: if he scape with the losse of his owne proper dignitie, yet he shall lose the power of instituting any more. &c.

Therefore, forsomuch I say, as you (knowing this) haue dou∣ble wise offended against the sentence of these Canons: we com∣maunde you, and in the vertue of obedience enioyne you, that if it be so: within three monethes after the receite hereof, you will submit and offer your selfe to due correction and satisfaction to the counsell of our fellowbishops, for these your so great excesses: Least other (through your example) runne into the like offence, and we shall be constrained to proceede against you with seuerer sentence.

Finally (in the closing vp of your letter) where ye bring in for your appellation against me, a safegarde for you: which rather in deede is an hinderance to you: that we shoulde not proceede a∣gainst the inuaders of the Churche goodes, nor against the King in like censure, as we haue done against the bishoppe of Salisbu∣rie (as yee say) and hys Deane. To this I aunswere, God forbidde that we haue, or els shoulde heereafter proceede or do any thing against the king or his lande, or against you or your Churches, inordinately or otherwise then is conuenient. But what if you shall exceede in the same or like transgression, as the Byshoppe of Salesburie hath done: thinke yee then your appellation shall helpe you from the discipline of our seueritie, that ye shall not be suspended? Marke yee diligently whether this be a lawful ap∣peale, and what is the forme thereof. We knowe that euery one that appealeth, eyther doeth it in his owne name, or in the name of an other, if in hys owne name, either it is for some greeuance inferred alreadie, or els for that he feareth after to be inferred against him.* 43.18 Concerning the first, I am sure there is no greuance that you can complaine of as yet (God be thanked) that you haue receiued at my hand, for the which you should ap∣peale frō me: neither haue you (I trust) any cause speciall against me so to doe. If ye doe it for feare that is to come, least I shoulde trouble you and your Churches: consider whether this be the appeale which ought to suspende or stay our power and autho∣ritie that we haue vppon you and your Churches. It is thought therefore, of wise men (and we also iudge no lesse) your appeale to be of no force.

First, for that it hath not the right forme of a perfect appella∣tion,

and also because it is not consonante to reason,* 43.19 and lacketh order and helpe of the lawe.

Furthermore, if your appellation be in an other mans name, either it is for the King (as moste like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, than ye ought first to vnderstande, that appellati∣ons are woont to be made to repell, and not to inferre iniurie: or to release such as be oppressed, that they shoulde not be oppressed any more.

Wherefore, if any man shall enter any appellation (not trusting to the suretie of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not geuen vpon him) that appellation is not to be receaued. For what state will there be of the Church, if the libertie therof being taken away: the goods of the Church spoyled: the bishops driuen from their places: or at least not receiued with full restitution of their goodes: the inuaders and spoylers therof, may defend them∣selues by appealing, thereby to saue themselues from the penalty of their desert?

What a ruine of the Church will this be? See what ye haue done, and what ye say. Be you no•• the vicares of Christ, represen∣ting him in earth? Is it not your office to correcte and bridle ill doers, whereby they may cease to persecute the Church? And is it not inough for them to be fierce & to rage against the church, but that you should take their part, setting your selues against vs, to the destruction of the church? Who euer heard of so monstrous doings? Thus it shall be heard and sayde of all nations and coun∣tries: that the Suffraganes of the Church of Caunterburie (which ought to stande with their Metropolitane vnto death in defence of the Churche) nowe goe about by the kings commaundement so much as in them doth lie, to suspend his autoritie: least he shuld exercise his Discipline of correction vppon them that rebell a∣gainst the Church. This one thing I knowe, that you cannot su∣staine two sortes of persons at once:* 43.20 both to be the appeale ma∣kers, and to be appealed vp your selues. You be they which haue made the appellation, and you be they against whome the appel∣lation is made. Is there any more churches then one, and the bo∣dy of the same? And howe meete were it than, that you being the members of the Churche, shoulde holde together with the heade therof▪ I am afraide brethren least it may be sayde of vs: These be the Priestes which haue sayde where is the Lorde? and hauing the lawe doe not knowe the law. Furthermore this I suppose you (be∣ing discrete men) are not ignoraunt of: that such as enter any ap∣pellation there, are not wont to be hearde: vnlesse the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselues, or except spe∣ciall commaundement force them thereunto, or else vnlesse they take an other mannes cause▪ vpon them. First, that it belongeth nothing vnto you, it is plaine: for so muche as the contrary ra∣ther pertaineth to your duetie: that is, to punish and to correct all such as rebell against the Church. And if he which subuerteth the libertie of the Churche, and inuadeth the goodes therof (con∣uerting them to his owne vse) be not heard appealing for hys owne defence: much lesse is an other to be heard appealing for him. Wherefore, as in this case neither he can appeale for himself, not yet commaund you so to do: so neither may you receiue the commaundement to appeale for him.

Thirdly, as touching the taking of an other mannes cause or businesse vpon you, to this I say and affirme: that yee ought in no maner of wise so to doe, specially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the Church, and whereupon ensueth great da∣mage to the same.

Wherefore, seeing it neither appertaineth to you, neither ought yee to receiue any such commaundement, nor yet to take vppon you any such cause as that is: your appeale is neither to be hard, nor standeth with any lawe. Is this the deuotion and consolati∣on of brotherly loue which you exhibite to your Metropolitane, being for you in exile? God forgeue you this clemencie. And how nowe? will ye looke for your letters and messengers to be gent∣ly receiued heere of vs? Neither doe I speake this, as though there were any thing in hande betwixt your part and oures: or that we haue done any thing inordinately against the person of the king, or against his lande, or against the persones of the Church, or in∣tende (by Gods mercie) so to doe. And therefore we say briefly & affirme constantly: that our Lorde the king can not complaine of any wrong or iniurie to be done vnto him, if he (being often called vpon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault, neither will confesse his trespasse nor yet come to any satisfacti∣on for the same) haue the censure of seueritie by the Pope and vs laide vpon him.* 43.21 For no man can say that he vniustly is entreated, whome the lawe doeth iustly punish. And briefly to conclude, knowe you this for certaine: that extortioners, inuaders, detail∣ners of the Church goodes, and subuerters of the liberties therof: neither haue any authoritie of the lawe to maintaine them, ney∣ther doth their appealing defend them. &c.

¶ A briefe Censure vpon the former rescript of Becket to his Suffraganes, in the page be∣fore with a generall resolution of the reasons therein contained.

If the king of England had bene an idolater, couetous, an adul∣terer, an incest, a murderer, with such like: than the zeale of this Archbishop (threatning the king and such as tooke his part) had deserued praise in this Epistle, & the scripture would haue borne him out therein. For these and suche causes, should byshops pro∣secute the authoritie of the Gospell against all persones. But the matter standing onely vpon Church goods, libertie (or rather li∣centiousnes of Priests) making of Deanes, titles of Churches, su∣perioritie, of crowning the king, with such other: to stand so stiffe in these, is not to defend the church: but to rebel against the king. Againe, if the principles which hee heere groundeth vpon, were true: to witte that the Pope were to be obeied before Princes: that the liberty of Church standeth vpon the immunitie of priests exempted from princes lawes: or vpon ample possessions of the Churche: or that the Popes lawe ought to preuaile in all forreine countreis: and to binde all princes in their owne dominions: or that the sentence of the Pope & his Popelings, (how, or by what affection so euer it is pronounced) may stande by the vndoubted sentence of God: Then all the arguments of this Epistle doe pro∣ceede and conclude wel. But if they stand not ratified vpon gods worde: but tottering vpon mans traditions: Then whatsoeuer he inferreth or concludeth thereupon (his assumpt being false) can not be true, according to the schoole saying: One inconuenience being graunted in the beginning, innumerable follow thereupon. So in this Epistle it happeneth as is aboue noted, that the Maior of this man is true, but the Minor is cleane false, and to be denied.

¶ The letter of Matild the Empresse and mother of the king, To Thomas Becket.

MY Lord the Pope commanded me (and vpon the forgeuenes of my sinnes inioyned me)* 44.1 that I should be a mediatour and meanes of peace and concorde betweene my sonne and you, by reconciling of your selfe to him: wherunto (as you know) ye re∣quested me. Wherefore, the earnester and with more affection (as well for the diuine honour as for holy Church) I tooke the en∣terprise vpon me. But this by the way I assure you, that the king, his Barons, and counsell, taketh it grieuously: that you, whome he entirely loued, honored, and made chiefest in al his Realme (to the intent to haue more comfort and better trust in you) should thus (as the report is) rebell and stirre his people against him. Yea and further, that (asmuch as in you lieth) you went about to disherite him, and depriue him of his crowne. Vpon the occasion whereof, I sent vnto you our trustie and familiar seruant Laurence Arch∣deacon, by whome I pray you that I may vnderstand your minde herein, and good wil towarde my sonne: and howe you meane to behaue your selfe (if my prayer and petition may be heard of him in your behalfe) toward his grace. But this one thing I assure you off, that vnlesse it be through your great humilitie and moderati∣on (euidently in you appearing) you can not obtaine the fauour of the king. Heerein what you meane to do, I pray you sende me word by your proper letters and messengers.

But to proceede farther in the order of the historie:* 44.2 Af∣ter these letters sent to & froe (the yeare of our Lorde 1169) which was the 15. of the raigne of Henry the 2. The King misdoubting and fearing wyth himselfe that the Archby∣shop would proceede (or exceede rather) in his excommu∣nication against his owne person (to preuent y^• mischiefe) made his appeale to the presence of the pope: requiring to haue certaine Legates sent downe from Rome from the popes side, to take vp the matter betwene the Archbishop and him: requiring moreouer that they might also be ab∣solued, that were interdicted, whereupon, two Cardinals (being sent from Alexander the Pope with letters to the King) came into Normandie: where they appoynted the Archb. to meete them before the King vpon S. Martines day. But the Archb. (neither agreeing wyth the day nor place) delaied his comming to the vi••j. day after: neyther would any further go then to Brisorlium. Where (the two Cardinals and the Archb. with other bishops conuenting together) had a certaine intreatie of peace and reconcilia∣tion, but came to no conclusion. The cōtents of which in∣treatie or action (because it is sufficiently contained in the Cardinals letters, who were called Bulie••nus & Otho, written to the pope) it shal require no further labour, but to shew out the wordes of the letter, where the summe of the whole may appeare. The wordes of the letter be these.

¶ The copie of the Epistle written and sent by two Cardinals to the Pope, concerning the matter of the Archbishop Becket.

WIlliam, & Otho, Cardinals of the Church of Rome, to Alex∣ander the Pope, &c. Cōming to the land of the K. of Englād we founde the controuersie betwixt him and the Archb. of Can∣terburie, more sharpe and vehement then we would. For the king and the greater part of them about him said, that the Archbyshop

had stirred vp the French king grieuously against him.* 45.1 And also, the Earle of Flāders his kinsman (who bare no displeasure to him before) he made his open aduersary, ready to warre against him, as is by diuers euidences most certaine. Thus when we came to Cadomus first to the kings speach, we gaue the letters of your fa∣therhode to his hands: which after that he had receiued and con∣sidered (bringing foorth withall other letters receiued from you before, something diuers and altering from these which he recei∣ued of vs (was moued & stirred with no litle indignation, saying▪ that the Archbishop after our departure from you, had receiued of you other contrary letters, by the vertue whereof he was ex∣empted from our iudgement: so that he should not be compelled to aunswere vs. Moreouer the said king to vs added and affirmed (and so did the bishops there present testifying the same) that cō∣cerning the old and ancient customes of his progenitors, (wher∣of complaint, was made to you) al that, for the most part was false & vntrue which was intimate to you. Offering farther to vs, that if there were any such customes or lawes in his time that seemed preiudicial or disagreeable to the statutes of the Church, he wold willingly be content to reuoke and disanul the same. Whereupon, we with other Archbishops, Bishops, & Abbotes of the land (hea∣ring the king so reasonable) laboured by al meanes we might that the king should not vtterly breake from vs, but rather should in∣cline to vs to haue the matter brought before vs betwixt him & the forenamed Archbishop: By reason whereof, we directed out our own Chapleins with letters vnto him, appoynting him both time and place where safely hee might meete with vs in the feast of S. Martin. Neuerthelesse, he pretending certaine excuses made his dilatories, driuing of the time from the day of S. Martin to the Octaues following: which thing stirred the kings hart more then is to be thought.

* 45.2Thus, although we offered to the Archbishop safe comming, yet when he refused to meete vs in the borders of the king: we to satisfie his minde, condescended to meete him within the land of the French king, in the place where hee himselfe appoynted: be∣cau••e there shoulde be no let in vs whereby to stoppe his profite. After we had entred communication, we began to exhort him all that we coulde, to submit and humble himselfe to his soueraigne and king, who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities: wherby matter might be geuen vs to further occasion of recon∣ciling them together. He being thus moued and exhorted by vs, departed aside to consult with his counsell vpon the matter. At length after counsel taken, he commeth againe answering in this maner. That he woulde submit and humble himselfe to the King, Saluo honore Dei, & ecclesiae libertate, salua etiam honestate per∣sonae fuae, & possessionibus Ecclesiarum: & amplius, sua & suorū in omnibus salua iusticia.* 45.3 That is: Sauing the honour of God, and libertie of the Church: sauing also the honestie of his person, and the possessions of Churches: and moreouer, sauing the iustice of him and of all his in all things &c. After which communication had among vs: we moued & required him more instantly, tha the wold come to the specialities: whēas yet he had broughtnothing in, either which was certaine or particular. Likewise we deman∣ded of him, if he would in all such things contained and compre∣hended in our letters, stand & submit himselfe to our letters, so as the king and the bishops before were contented to doe. To the which he answering againe said, that he had receiued from you a cōmmandement, not to answere before he and all his were resto∣red full to all their possessions. And then he would so procede in the matter according as he should receiue cōmandement frō the sea Apostolicall. Thus, we breaking of cōmunication (seeing that he neither would stand to iudgement, nor come to conformitie) thought to make relation thereof to the king, and so did: decla∣ring that which he had expressed to vs: yet not vttering all, but keeping backe a great part of that which we had heard and seene. Which when the king and his nobles had vnderstanding of, affir∣med to vs againe: that he therein was cleared so much the more, for that the Archbishop would not stand to their iudgement nor abide their triall.* 45.4 After much heauinesse and lamentation of the king, the archbishop, bishops, and abbots of the Realme requiring of vs, whether we had any such power by vertue of our commis∣sion, to withstand him and proceede against him: and perceiuing that our authoritie would not serue thereunto, and fearing least the foresaid Archbishop (refusing all order of iudgement) woulde woorke againe disquietnesse to some noble personages of the Realme: and seeing our authoritie could not extend so far to help them against him (taking a consultation among themselues) agre∣ed together with one assent, to make their appellation to your audience, prefixing accordingly the terme of their appeale.

And this is the Epistle of these two Cardinals sent to the pope: wherein, may sufficiently appeare at the discourse and maner of that assembly (although particularly euery thing not expressed) concerning the talke betwixt the Car∣dinals and the Archbishop. As whē that William (who of the two Cardinals was the more eloquent) amōgst other commun••cation had, reasoned long w^t him concerning the peace of the church: which Becket said he preferred aboue all things, well then (sayeth the Cardinall) seeing all this contention betwene the king and you,* 45.5 riseth vpon certain lawes & customes to be abrogate, and that you regard the peace of the Church so much: then what say you: will you renounce your Bishopricke, and the king shall renounce his customes? The peace of the Church now lieth in your handes, either to retaine or to let goe, what say you? To whom he answereth againe, that the proportion was not like. For I saith he (sauing the honour of my Church and my person) can not renounce my Byshopricke. Contrary, it standeth the king vpon, for his soules health and honor, to renounce these his ordinaunces and customes. Which thing he thus prooued, because the Pope had condemned those customes, and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same. &c.

¶ The talke betweene the French king, the king of England, and Becket.

After the Cardinals were returned: the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to haue peace (or at least wise pretending to set agreeme••t betweene them) brought the matter to a communication among them. In which communication the French king made himselfe as umpeare betweene them. The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himselfe to his arbitrement, was y^• more willing to admit his pre∣sence. Whereupon, many being there present, the Archb. prostrating himselfe at the Kings feete, declared vnto him kneeling vpon his knees that he would cōmit the whole cause (whereof the dissention rose betwene them) vnto his owne arbitrement:* 45.6 adding thereto (as he did before) Saluo honore Dei, that is, sauing the honour of God. The king, who (as is said before) being greatly offēded at this word: hearing & seeing the stiffenesse of the man sticking so much to this worde Saluo honore. &c. was highly therewith dis∣pleased: Rebuking him with many grieuous words as a man proude and stubburne,* 45.7 and also charging him with sondry & great benefites bestowed vpon him, as a person vnkinde & forgetting what he had so gently done and be∣stowed vpon him.

And speaking to the French king there present: See sit (if it please you, sayth the king of England) whatsoeuer displeaseth this man: that he sayeth, to be contrary to the honor of God. And so by this meanes, he will vendicate & chalenge to himselfe both that is his and mine also. And yet notwithstanding: for that I will not seeme to doe any thing contrary or preiudiciall to Gods honor, this I offer him. There hath bene kings in England before, both of greater and les puissance then I am: Likewise there hath bene bishops of Cant. many,* 45.8 both great & holy men: what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessours before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predeces∣sors before me, let him do the same to me & I am content. They that stoode by hearing these wordes of the king, cry∣ing all w^t one voice: the king hath debased himselfe inough to the byshop. The Archb. staying a little at this with si∣lence: what (saith the French king to him) my lorde Arch∣bishop, will you be better then those holy men? will ye be greater then Peter? What stand you doubting? Here now haue you peace & quietnes put in your owne handes, if ye will take it.* 45.9 To this y^• Archb. answered againe: truth it is (sayth he) my predecessors before me were much both bet∣ter and greater then I, and of them euery one for his time (although he did not extirpe and cut off all) yet something they did plucke vp and correct which seemed aduerse & re∣pugnant against Gods honor. For if they had taken alto∣gether away: no such occasion then had bene left for any man to raise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fire of temptation now against vs, as is nowe raised to proue vs with all: that we being so pro∣ued w^t them might also be crowned with them being like∣wise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their la∣bour and trauaile. And though some of them haue bene slacke, or exceeded in their duetie doing: in that we are not bounde to follow their example.

Peter, when he denied Christ, we therfore rebuke him: but whē he resisted y^e rage of Nero, therin we cōmēd him. And therfore, because he could not finde in his cōscience to cōsent vnto y^t he ought in no wise to dissemble: neither did he: by reason thereof he lost his life.* 45.10 By such like oppressi∣ons the church hath alwaies growne. Our forefathers & predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name & honor of Christ, therfore they suffred. And shall I, to haue the fauour of one man, suffer the honor of Christ to be sup∣prest? The nobles standing by (hearing him thus speake) were greatly agreeued with him: noting in him both ar∣rogancy & wilfulnes,* 45.11 in perturbing and refusing suche an honest offer of agreemēt. But specially one among the rest

was most agreeued, who their openly protested: that seing the Archbishop so refused the counsaile and request of both the kingdome, he was not worthye to haue the helpe of eyther of them: but as the kingdome of Englande had reiected, so the kingdome of Fraunce shoulde not enter∣tayne him.

Alanus, Herbertus, and certayne other of his Chap∣laines that committed to story the doynges of Becket, doe record (whether truely or no I cannot say) that the French king sending for him as one much sorrowing and lamen∣ting the wordes that he had spoken: at the cōming of Bec∣ket did prostrate hymselfe at his feete: confessing his fault in geuing counsel to him in such a cause (pertayning to the honor of God) to relent therein & to yeld to the pleasure of mā: wherfore declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolued thereof. So that after this, the French king and Becket were great frendes together: in so much, that kyng Henry sending to the king to entreate him, and desire him that he would not support nor maintayn his enemy with∣in his Realme: the French king vtterly denyed the kinges requeste, taking part rather with the Archbishop then with him.

Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the kyng and the Archbishop aboue mentioned: there followed yet moreouer an other, which was this. Shortly after this cō¦munication recited betweene the king and Becket: the K. of England returning againe frō Normandy to England (which was the yeare of our Lord, 1170. and the 16. yeare of his raigne) about Midsomer,* 45.12 kept his court of Parlia∣ment at Westminster, In y^e which Parliament he (through the assent both of the Clergy, and the Lordes temporall) caused hys sonne Henry to be crowned king. Which coro∣nation, was done by the hands of Robert Archb. of York with the assistāce of other bishops ministring to the same, as Gilb. of Londō, Goceline of Salisbury, Hugo of Du∣resme and Gualter of Rochester. By reason whereof Bec∣ket of Cant. beyng there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure: and so did Lodouike the French king, hearing that Margaret hys daughter was not also crowned w^t her husband. Whereupon he gathering a great army forthwith marched into Normādy. But the matter was soone cōpassed by the king of England, who sending hys sonne to him in Normandy, intreated there and con∣cluded peace with him: promising that his sonne should be crowned agayne, & then hys daughter to be crowned also. But the Archb. not ceasing his displeasure and emulatiō, sent vnto the Pope complaining of these four bishops, es∣pecially of the Archb. of Yorke, who durst be so bold in his absence & without his knowledge or his licence, to inter∣medle to crowne the king, being a matter proper and pe∣culiar to his iurisdiction.* 45.13 At the instaunce of whom the P. sent downe y^e sentnce of excommunication against y^e B. of London. The other 3. bishops with the Archb. of York, he suspended: whose sentence and letters thereof, for auoy∣ding prolixitie, I here omit.

Besides these foresayd bishops excommunicated diuers other clerks also of the court he cited to appeare before him by vertue of his large commission whiche he gate from the Pope, to whō they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices, And some he commanded in vertue of obediēce, to appeare in payne of forfeting their order and benefices. Of which, whē neyther sort would appeare, he cursed thē openly. And also some lay men of the court & the kings fa∣miliars: some as intruders, and violent withholders of Church goodes, he accursed: as Richard Lucy, and Ioce∣lin Balliot, and Rafe Brocke which tooke bels and goods that belonged to the Church of Caunterburye, and Hugh Sainctcleare, and Thomas the sonne of Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goodes without hys consent, so that almost all the court was accursed eyther by the name, or as pertakers.

This being done, the Archb. of Yorke with the foresaid bishops, resorted to the king with a greuous cōplaint: de∣claring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustayned, for fulfilling his commaundement. The kyng hearing this,* 45.14 was highly moued as no maruell was. But what remedy. The tyme of the ruine of the Pope was not yet come? and what Prince then might withstand the in∣iurious violence of that Romish potestate?

In the meane season the Frenche King for his parte his clergy, and courtiers, stackt no occasion to incite, and sollicite Alexander the Pope agaynst the king of England to excōmunicate him also: seeking thereby and thinking to haue some vauntage agaynst the realme. Neither was the king ignorant of thes, which made him more ready to ap∣ply to some agreement of reconciliation. At length cōmeth downe from the Pope two Legates (the Archb. of Rho∣tomage and the Byshop of Nauerne) with direction and full commission eyther to driue the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the popes cēsures out of the church. The king vnderstanding himselfe to be in greater straites then he coulde auoyde: at length (through the mediati∣on of the Frenche king, and of other Prelates and great Princes) was content to yeld to peace and reconciliation with the Archbishop whome he receaued both to hys fa∣uour, and also permitted and graunted him free returne to his Church agayne. Concerning hys possessions and landes of the Churche of Canterburye, although Becket made great labour therefore: yet the king (being then in Normandy) would not graunt him, before he should re∣payre to England, to see how he would there agree with hys subiectes.* 45.15

Thus, peace after a sort concluded betwene the king & him, the Archb. after sixe yeares of his banishment, retur∣ned to England: where he was right ioyfully receiued of the church of Cant. albeit, of Henry the yong king he was not so greatly welcomed. In somuch that comming vp to London to the king,* 45.16 he was returned back to Canter∣burye and there bid to keepe hys house, Roger Doueden maketh mention in hys Chronicle, that the Archbishop (vpō Christmas day) did excōmunicate Robert de Broke, for cutting of the tayle of a certayne horse of hys the day be∣fore. In the meane tyme, the foure bishops before mentio∣ned whom the Archb. had excōmunicate (sent to him, hū∣bly desiring to be released of their censure. To whō when the archb. would not graunt clearly and simplye, without cautels and exceptions: they went ouer to the king, decla∣ring to him and complayning of their miserable state and vncurtuous handling of the archbishop, wherupō the K. conceaued great sorrow in hys minde,* 45.17 and displeasure to∣ward the party. In so much, that he lamented oft & sundry times to thē about him, that (amōg so many y^t he had done for) there was none that would reuenge him of his enemy by the occasion of which wordes, certayne that were about the king (to the number of foure) hearing him thus to cō∣playne and lament: addrest thēselues in great heat of hast, to satisfye the agreeued minde and quarrell of their prince.* 45.18 Who within foure dayes after the sayde Christenmas day (sayling ouer to England, & hauing a forward and a pros∣perous wynde in their iorney, being in y^e deepe of winter) came to Caunterbury, where Becket was commaunded to keepe. After certayne aduisement and consultation had among themselues, they preased at length into the pallace where the archbishop was sitting with his companye a∣bout hym: first to assay hym with wordes, to see whether he would relent to the kinges minde, & come to some con∣formitie. They brought to him (sayd they) commaunde∣ment from the king: whiche whether he had rather open∣ly there in presēce, or secretly to be declared to him, they had hym chuse. Then the company being bid to auoyde, as hee sat alone, they sayd: you are commaunded from the Kyng beyond the sea, to repayre to the king here is sonne, and to do your duety to him: answering to him your fidelitie, for your baronage and other things, & to amend those things wherein you haue trespassed agaynst him, whereupon, the archbishop denying to sweare, and perceauing their intēt,* 45.19 called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops which were excommunicate for the coronation of the king, whom they commaunded in the kinges name, he shoulde absolue and set free agayne. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope: wher∣fore, if that were the matter that greued them, they should resort to the Pope, he had nothing to doe with the matter. Then sayd Reignald, one of the foure: although you in your own persō did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done. To whom the Archbishop sayd againe: and if the Pope (said he) tendring the iniuries done to me and my Church, wrought this reuenge for me: I confesse it offendeth me nothing. Thus then (sayd they) it appeareth wel by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well (in contempt and contumely of the kinges ma∣iesty) to sequester his bishops from their ministery, who at the commaundement of the king did seruice in the corona∣tion of hys sonne. And seeing ye haue so presumed thus to stād against the exaltation of this our soueraigne, our new K. it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown frō him, & to be exalted king your selfe. I aspire not sayd he, to y^e crown & name of the K. But rather if I had 4. crownes (to geue him more) I would set them all vpon him: suche good will I doe heare him, that onely (his father the king excepted) there is none, whose honour I more tender and loue. And as concerning the sequestring of those Bishops this I geue you to vnderstand: that nothing was done in

that behalfe, without the knowledge & assent of the king himselfe. To whom when I had made my complaynt, at the feast of Mary Magdalen, of the wrōg and iniury done to me and my Church therein: he gaue me his good leaue to obtayne at the Popes hand suche remedy therein as I could, promising moreouer his helpe to me in the same. What is this, quoth they, that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a trator, and betrayer of the king his owne son? that when he had commaunded the bishops to crown his sonne, he would geue thee leaue afterward to suspend thē for so doyng? certes it had bene better for you not to haue accused so the king of this prodition. The Archb. sayde to Reignald, that he was there presēt at that tyme, and hard it himselfe. But that he denyed, and swore it was not so: and thinke you (say they) that we the kinges subiectes wil or ought to suffer this? And so approching nearer to hym, sayd: he had spoken inough agaynst hys own head, wher∣upon followed great exclamation and many threatning wordes. Then sayd the archb. I haue syth my comming ouer, sustayned many iniuries and rebukes, conceruyng both my selfe, my men, my cattel, my wynes, and all other goodes: notwithstanding, the kinge (writinge ouer to hys sonne) required hym that I shoulde lyue in safe∣ty and peace: and now besides all other, you come hither to threaten me. To this Reignald answering agayn said: if there be any that worketh you anye iniury otherwise then right is, the law is open: why do you not complayn▪ To whom, said Becket should I complaine? To the yong king sayd they. Then sayd Becket, I haue complayned i∣nough if that would helpe, and haue sought for remedy at the kinges handes, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speach: but now seeing that I am stopt from y^t, nei∣ther can find redresse of so great vexations and iniuries as I haue and do dayly sustayne: nor can haue the benefite of y^• law or reason: such right and law as an archb. may haue that will I exercise, and let for no man. At these wordes one of thē bursting out in exclamation, cryed, he threatneth he threatneth, what, will he interdict the whole realme & vs altogether? Nay y^t he shall not sayth an other, he hathe interdicted to many already. And drawing more neare to hym, they protested and denounced him to haue spoken wordes to y^t ieoperdy of hys own head. And so departing in great fury and many high words, rushed out of y^t dores: who by the way returning to the Monkes, charged them in the kings name to keep him forth comming, y^t he shold not escape away. What quoth the archb. thinke ye I wyll flee away? Nay neyther for the king, nor any man alyue, will I stirre one foot from you.* 45.20 No say they thou shalt not anoyd, though thou wouldest, and so the departing with many wordes, the arch. followeth them out of the cham∣ber dore crying after them: here, here here, shall you finde me, laying his hand vpon hys crowne.

The name of these foure souldiours aboue mentioned were these. 1. Reignald Beresō. 2. Hugh Morteuil. 3. Wil∣liam Thracy, and 4. Richard Brito: who going to har∣nesse themselues, returned the same day agayne. But fin∣ding the hall dore of the palace of Canterbury shut against them: they went to an inward backe dore leading into the Orcharde: there brake they vp a window and opened the dore, and so issued into the place. The Monkes (beyng about Euensong tyme) had got the Archbishop into the Church:* 45.21 who beying perswaded by them, caused hys crosse to be borne before hym, and so through the Cloyster (by a doore which was broke vp for him) proceeded into the quire. The harnest men following after, at length came to the Church doore:* 45.22 whiche doore the monkes woulde haue shut agaynst them, but (as the story sayth) the Arch∣bishop would not suffer them. So they approching into y^e Church, and the Bishop meeting them vpon the stayres, there was slayne: euery one of the foure souldiors striking him with his sword into the head. Who afterward flying into the North, at length with much adoe obtayning their pardon of the Pope (through the kinges procurement, as some storyes recorde) went to Ierusalem.* 45.23

Thus you haue heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket: of whom what is to be iudged, let his owne actes and facts declare. And albeit the scripture ought to be one∣ly the rule to vs to iudge all thinges by: yet if any shall re∣quire farther testimony (partly to satisfy their minds ther∣in) ye shal heare the iudgementes of certayn men, in yeres and tymes almost as auncient as himself, what they writ, and affirme of him.* 45.24

And first to begin with the testimony of one of his owne religion, and also not farre (as it appeareth) frō hys owne tyme: who writing of his martyrdome & myracles, thus testifieth of the iudgement and sentence of diuers cō∣cerning his promotion and behauiour. The Chronicle be∣ing written in lattin, & hauing the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth:

Quoniam verò multi. &c. And in the first booke, cap. 8. it follo with in this maner: Nonnullis ta∣men id circa promotionem eius visum est minus canonicū, quòd ad eam magis operata est regis instantia, quàm cleri vel populi vota. Praesumptionis quo{que} vel indiscretionis fuisse notatum est, quòd qui remū tenere vix idoneus videbatur, primum guberna∣culi locum suscepit, &c. & mox: magis etiam secularia tū sapiens, tam sanctum tantae dignitatis fastigium non horrens renuiise, sed vltroneus ascendisse creditus.* 45.25 Aliter dei amicus Moses &c. With much more as in latine insueth, whiche for the Englishe Reader here foloweth translated. Diuers notwithstāding there be, which as touching his promotion, suppose the same not to be canoni∣call. For that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his vtilitie) then by the assent eyther of the clergy or of the people.* 45.26 Farther it is noted in him for a poynt of presumption, and lack of discre∣tion: for that he beyng scarce worthy to take the Ore in hand and play the boteswane, would take vpō him to sit at the healm, and guide the ship: namely in that church, where the Couent be∣ing in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to haue their pre∣late taken out of the same profession. Where as he, scant bearing the babite of a Clarke,* 45.27 and goyng in hys chaunges and soft ap∣parell, is more conuersaunt among the delicate rufflers in the court, sauoring rather of wordly thinges: not refusing moreouer without any dread, to clime vp to the high preferment of suche an holy dignitie, but rather willingly of hys owne accord, to as∣pire vnto it. Moles, we read did otherwise, who beyng the frend of God and sent of him to cōduct his people Israell out of Egipt, trembled at the message, and sayd. Who am I Lord, that I shoulde goe to Pharao: and bring thy people Israell out of Egipt? And a∣gayne, I pray thee (sayth hee) O Lorde: I am nothing elo∣quent, send him whome thou wilt send. Likewise Ieremias al∣so being sent to the Lord to prophecy agaynst Ierusalem, was a∣bashed to take the office vpon hym, answering agayn with much dread of hart, A, a, a. Lorde I cannot vtter my minde for I am a Childe.

After like maner we reade of the saintes of the newe testament,* 45.28 wherof many were preferred oftētimes to their bishopriks, and functions of the Churche by meere ••orce∣ment and compulsion rather of other, then by their owne willes. So was blessed Gregory after hys flight, and go∣yng away, brought backe agayne, and placed in the sea & chayre of Rome. Likewise S. Ambrose fore agaynst hys mynde, who also of purpose accusing and contessing hys owne defectes, because he would be repealed: yet by the cō∣maundement of Valentinian the Emperour was infor∣ced to take the burden vpō him, which he could by no wise shake of S. Martine in like sorte vnknowing of any such matter: was circumuented by a certayne godly trayne and wile of the Citizens, before he could be brought to hys cō∣secration, which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it, with much pensiuenes and sorrow of hart. By these and such other exāples this Chancellour likewise shoulde haue rather excused himselfe as vnworthy and vumeet for that romthe, shewing himselfe more willing to refuse then to take it. To the which this archbishop is iudged to doe cleane contrary, &c. Haec ex Chronico. Cui tutulus. De passio∣ne & miraculis beati Thomae.

And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age (being all blinded and corrupted with superstittiō) yet let vs heare what Neuburgensis an auncient Historio∣grapher sayth: who in the dayes of the sonne of thys K. Henry the ij. prosecuting his history vnto King Richard the first hath these wordes:* 45.29 writing of Thomas Becket:

Sanè cum pleri{que} soleant in his quos amant & laudant affec••u quodam propensiori, sed prudentia parciori, quicquid ab eis ge∣ritur, approbare: planè ego in viro illo venerabili ea quae ita ab ipso acta sunt,* 45.30 quum nulla exindè proueniret vtilitas sed feruor tantùm accenderetur regius, ex quo tot mala postmodum pul∣lulasse noscuntur, laudanda nequaquam césuerim, licet ex lau∣dabilizelo processerint: Sicut in beatiff▪ apostolorum principe, quòd gentes suo exemplo iudaizare coegit: in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem declaret fuisse, licèt cum constet Lau∣dabili hoc pietate fecisse &c.

That is in English.

Whereas many be wont, in them whome they loue or prayse (iudging them more by affection, then prudence) to allow & approue, what soeuer they do: yet for me to iudge vpon this reuerend man: verily I think not his doings & acts to be prayse worthy, or to be allowed. Forasmuch as therof came no vtilitie but onely the anger and stirring vp of the king, whereupon afterwarde sprong so great mis∣chiefes (although the king that he did, might proceede of a certayne laudable zeale) like as in the blessed Prince of the Apostles, in that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the Iewes: Paule the doctor of the Gentiles, did de∣clare him therein to be rebukeable: albeit it cannot be de∣nyed

but that he did it of good affection, &c.

And in the same author, in an other place it followeth to the like effect, in these wordes:

Literas has in Angliam ad suspensonem E∣piscoporum praemissas ipse sequebatur, zelo iustitiae feruid••s, v••∣rùm an plene secundum scientiam nouit Deus: Nostrae enim par∣uitati nequaquam conceditur, de tanti viri actibus temerè iudica∣re. Puto enim quòd in molli ad huc tenera{que} regis cōcordia mi∣nus prouidè egisset, & ea quae sine fidei Christianae periculo tole∣rari potuissent, ratione temporis & cōpēsatione pacis dissimu∣landa dixisse+, iuxta illud propheticum: prudens in tempore illo tacebit, quia tempus malum est. Ita{que}, quod a venerabli pontifice tunc actum est, nec laudandum esse iudico, nec vituperare prae∣sumo: sed dico si vel modice in huiusmodi a sancto viro per zeli immoderatiorē impetū est excessū, hoc ipsū est sacrae, quae cōse∣cata noscitur, igne passionis excoctū. Ita quippe sāccti viri vel a∣mādi vel laudādi sūt a nobis, qui nos illis lōgè impares esse cog∣noscimus, vt ea, in quibus homines fuerunt, vel fuisse noscuntur nequaquam vel amemus vel laudemus: sed ea tantū, in quibus eos sine scrupulo imitari debemus. Quis enim eos dicat in omnibus, quae ab ipsis fiant, esse imitabises? Non igitur in omnibus, quae faciūt, sed sapientèr & cautè debent laudari, vt sua Deo prae∣rogatina seruetur, in cuius vti{que} laudib{us} nemo potestesse nimius, quantumcun{que} laudare conetur &c.

That is in English.

The letters which were sent before for the impending of the Bishops, hee pursued with burning zeale of iustice but whether according to knowledge, god knoweth it. It is not for my rude and slender witte to iudge of the doings of such a periō. But yet thys I suppose: that he did not be∣haue himselfe so circumspectly as hee ought (considering the tyme) and that the concorde betwene him and the king as yet was but soft and tender. Who for the consideration of the time, and for the recompēce of peace: might haue for∣borne or dissembled such things, which without any perill of Christian religion might be tollerate wel inough accor∣ding to the propheticall saying: A wise mā in his time wil keepe silence, because y^e tyme will not serue him, wherfore, as the doings of that reuerend Prelate I iudge in that be∣halfe not to be commēded: so neither did I presume to dis∣commend them. But this I say, that if that holy man tho∣rough immoderate violence of zeale, did exceede in a part therin: the same was excocted again and purged by the fire of his suffering: which afterward ensited. And so far, holye mē are to be loued or praised of vs, which know our selues much inferiour to their vertues: that in such things wher∣in they haue bene men & also knowne to be men: therein, we neyther hold with them nor commend them, but onely such thinges wherein without all daunger or scruple we ought to imitate thē. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they doe, and therefore are not to be esteemed and praysed in al things generally whatso∣euer they do: but considerately & with aduisement: wherin they deserue prayse: so that the onely prerogatiue in this behalfe be reserued to God, in whose prayse no man can exceede how seruent foeuer he be in his praysing. &c.

And heare yet more what the sayde author writeth in the same cause of the kinges wrath & Beckets faults.

Plus∣quam 100. homicidia a clericis commissa sub Hen, ij. dicuntur. In quibus plectendis rex aliquanto vehementior. Sed huius immo∣derationis regiae, nostri temporis Episcopos tantum respicit cul∣pa, quantum ab eis processit & causa. Cumenim sacri praecipiūt canones, clericos nō solùm facinorosos & grauioribus irretitos, criminibus, verùm etiam leuiorum criminum reos degradari, & tot millia talium, tanquam innumeras inter pauca grana paleas Ecclesia Anglicana contineat, tamen quam paucos a multis retro annis clericos in anglia contigit officio priuari. Nempe Episcopi dū defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus quam corum vitijs corrigendis tesecandisque inuigilant••arbitrā∣tur obsequiū se praestare Deo & Ecclesiae, sifacinorosos clericos quos pro officij debito canonicae vigore censurae coercere debe∣ant, contra publicam tucantur disciplinam. Vndē clerici qui in sortem domini vocati, tanquam stellae in firmamento coeli posi∣tae, vita & verbo lucere deberent super terram, habentes pro im∣punitate agendi quodcunque libuerit, licentiam & libertatem, neque Deum, cuius iudicium tardare videtur, nēque homines potestatem habētes reuerentur, cum & Episcopalis circa eos sol∣licitudo sit languida, & seculari eos iurisdictioni sacri eximat or∣dinis praerogatiua.

That is.

More then 100. murders are sayd to be committed by the Clergy vnder king Henry the 2. In punishing of whō the king was somewhat to vehement: but the fault (sayth he) of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the Bishops of our tyme: for as much as the cause thereof proceedeth of them. For where it is de creed and commaū∣ded by the Canon law (concerning the spirituall men of y^e clergy) that not onely such as be notorious, but suche as be spotted with lighter crunes should be disgraded: wher∣of, haue we so many thousandes and whole swarmes of such now in England, as innumerable chasse among the little good grayne? and yet how few do we see these many yeares in England depriued of their office? For why? the Byshops while they labour more to mayntayne the liber∣ties and dignities of Church men, then to correct their vi∣ces: thinke they do God and the Churche great seruice, if they rescue and defend the enormities of the Church men agaynst publike discipline, whome they ought rather to punish by the vertue of the censure ecclesiasticall. Where∣upon, the Church men: such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and ought like starres to shyne in earth by worde & example, taking licence and libertie to doe what they iust: neyther reuerence god (whose iudgement seemeth to tary) neyther men set in authoritie: when as both the Bishops are slacke in their charge doyng, and also the prerogatiue of their order exempteth thē frō the secular iurisdictiō. &c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis.* 45.31

To this matter also pertayne the words of Cesarius the monke, in hys 8. booke of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. yeare after the death of Thomas Becket, which was the yeare of the Lord.* 45.32 1220. whose wordes in summe come to this effect.

Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit, v∣trum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas. Dixerat Rhogerius tunc Normānus, fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum, quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem. Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis, & magne sāctitatis es∣sent eius miracula:* 45.33 & quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat. &c.

In English.

There was a question moued among the maisters of Paris, whether Tho. Becket were saued or damned. To this question answereth Roger a Norman: that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate agaynst Gods minister hys K. Contrary, Peter Cantor a Persian disputed, saying & affirming that his miracles were great signes and tokens of saluatiō, and also of great holines in that man: affirming moreouer that the cause of the Church did allow and confirme hys martyrdome, for the which Church he dyed.

And thus haue ye the iudgement, and censure of the schole of Paris touching this question, for the saincting of Thomas Becket. In which iudgement for so much as the greatest argumēt resteth in the miracles wrought by him after hys death: let vs therefore pause a little vpon y^• same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the tryall wher∣of we shall finde one of these two to be true, that eyther if they were true, they were wrought not by God, but by a cōtrary spirit: of whō Christ our Lord geueth vs warning in his gospell, saying: whose comming shal be with lying signes and wonders to deceiue,* 45.34 if it were possible, the elect. Math 24. for els we shall finde that no suche were euer wrought at all, but fayned and forged of idle Monkes and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches, & pro∣fit of their powches: whiche thing in deede seemeth rather to be true: And no lesse may appeare by the miracles thē∣selues, set forth by one of his own Monks & of his owne time, who in fine solemne books hath comprehended all the reuelation, vertues, and miracles of this archb. the which bookes (as yet remayning in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London) I haue seen and perused: wherein is contayned the whole summe of all his mira∣cles to the number of 270, being so far of from all trueth & reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vayne, absurd, some also blasphemous & some so impudēt:* 45.35 that not onely they deserue no credit (altogether sauoring of mere forge∣ry) but also for very shame will abash an honest penne to write vpō thē. First if miracles serue for necessity & for in∣fidels: what cause or necessity was there (in a Christian realme hauing the word of God) for God to worke such miracles after his death, who neuer wrought any in all his life? Thē to consider the end of these miracles: whether do they tend, but onely to bring men to Canterbury, with their vowes and offeringes to enrich the couent?

Beside the nūber of the miracles which he sayd so ma∣ny, that they lose theyr owne credit: what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof, some miracle hath not bene wrought by this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: as fe∣uers, fistula, the gout: toothache: palsey, consumption, fal∣ling sicknesse,* 45.36 leprosie, headache, broken armes, maymed legs, swelling throates, the raysing vp of the dead, which haue bene two dayes departed, with infinite other. And as all these haue healed (for the most part) by one kinde of salue (as a certayne panacea) which was, with the water onely of Caunterbury, like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all maner of lockes: so agayne in reading of the story of these miracles, ye shall finde the matter so conueyed, that the power of this dead Saynt, was neuer twise shewed vpon any one disease, but euery

diuers disease to haue a diuers miracle.

To recite in order all these prodigious reuelatiōs and phātasticall miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop: were nothing els, but to write a legend of lies, & to occupy the people with tristes. Which, because it per∣taineth rather so y^e idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers, that haue nothing els to maintain that re∣ligion withal: I will not take their profession out of theyr hands. Wherfore, to omit all suche vayne & lying appari∣tions and miracles, as how this angry sainct (3. dayes af∣ter his death) appeared by vision at the altar in his pon∣tificalibus, commaunding the quere not to sing,* 45.37 but to say this office of his masse: Exurge, quare obdormis Domine. &c. Which vision the author himselfe of y^e book doth say he did see. To omit also y^e blasphemous lye, how in other vision the sayd Archbishop should say: that hys bloud did cry out of the earth to God,* 45.38 more then the bloud of iust Abell. Itē, in an other visiō it was shewed to a monk of Lewes, how S. Thomas had hys place in heauen appoynted with the Apostles: aboue Stephen, Laurence, Uincent, and al the other Martyrs.* 45.39 whereof of this cause is rendered, for that ••. Stephen. Laurence, and such other, suffered only for their own cause. But this Th. suffered for the vniuersal church. Item, how it was shewed to a certayne young man (Or∣mus by name) xij. yeares before the death of this Becket:* 45.40 that among the Apostles & martyrs in heauen, there was a vacaunt place left, for a certayne priest, as he sayd of Eng∣land: which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Bec∣ket. Item, how a certain knightes sonne being two dayes dead, was reuiued agayne so soone as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth, & had by his parentes 4. peeces of siluer bended, to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalfe. All these, I say, with such other like, to o∣mit (the number wherof commeth to an infinite varietie) onely this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to expresse the vanitie and impudent forgery of all the rest.

* 45.41In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contayned of a certayn country∣man of Bedfordshire in kinges Weston, whose name was Gilwardus: which Gilwardus in his dronkēnes brusting into an other mans house,* 45.42 which was his debter, took out of his house a great whetstone, & a paire of hedging gloues: The other party seyng this value not sufficient for hys cō∣demnation (by the councell of the towneclerk) entred an a∣ction of felony agaynst him for other thinges besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, nette, and other clothes. Wherupon, Gilwardus being had to y^t Iaile of Bedford, and afterward condemned for y^e same: was iudged to haue both his eyes put out, & also those members cut of, which nature with secret shame hath couered. Which punishmēt by the malice of his aduersary being executed vpon him, he lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was coūsayled to make his prayer to this Tho. of Caunterbury. Whiche done (sayth the myracle) appeared one to him by night, in white apparell, bidding him to watch and pray, & put his trust in God, and our Lady, and holy S. Thomas. In conclusion,* 45.43 the miracle thus sel out: the next day at the eue∣ning, y^e man rubbing his eye lids began to feele hys eyes to be restored agayne: first in a litle, after in a greater mea∣sure: so y^t one was of a gray colour, y^e other was of a black. And here was one miracle rong. After this folowed an o∣ther miracle also vpon the same person. For going but the space of 4. myles whē his eyes were restored, he chaunced (in like maner) to rubbe the place,* 45.44 where his secret partes were cut of. And immediately vpon the same, his pendēda (to vse the wordes of my story) were to him restored, Prin∣cipio parua quidem valdè, sed in maius proficientia, whiche he permitted euery one to feele, that woulde and shamed not to deny. In so much that he comming vp to S. Thomas: first at London was receaued with ioy of the B. of Dirchā, who then sending to the burgers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, receaued from thē again letters testimonial: wherein the Citizens there (sayth this fabulous festiuall) confirmed first to the byshop, thē to the couent of Canter∣bury, the relation of this to be as hath bene told. This one miracle (gentle reader) so shamelesse & impudēt, I thought here to expresse, that by this one, thou mightst iudge of all y^e residue of his miracles: & by the residue thereof mightst iudge moreouer of al the filthy wickednes of all these lying monks and cloysterers, which count it a light sport so im∣pudently to deceiue the simple soules of Christes Churche with trifling lyes and dreaming fables. Wherefore, (as I sayd) if the holy saynting of Thomos Becket, standeth vp∣on no other thing but vpon his miracles: what credite is to be geuen thereto, & vpon what a weak groūd his shrine so lōg hath stand, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, an other fable as notable as this, and no lesse worthy of y^e whetstone, we read in the story of Geruasius: That Tho∣mas Becket appearing to a certayne priest, named Tho∣mas, declared to him that he had so brought to passe, that all the names of the Monks of the Church of Caunterbu∣ry, with the names of the priestes and Clerkes, & with the families belonging to that citty and church of Cant. were written in the booke of lyfe, Ex Geruas. fol. 6.

But whatsoeuer is to be thought of hys miracles, or how soeuer the testimony of the schole of Paris, or of these auncient tymes went with him or agaynst hym: certayn it is, that this Antheme or Collect lately collected & prime∣red in hys prayse, is blasphemous, and derogateth frō the prayse of him, to whome al prayse onely and honor is due, where it is sayd.

* 45.45Tu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impedit, Fac nos Christe scandere quò Thomas ascendit.

That is. For the bloud of Thomas, which he for thee did spend, Graunt vs (Christ) to climbe, where Tho. did ascend.

Wherein is a double lye contayned: first, that he dyed for Christ. Secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his bloud could purchase heauē. Which thing, neyther Paul nor any of the apostles durst euer chalēge to themselues. For if any mans bloud could bring vs to heauen, then the bloud of Christ was shed in vayne.

And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certayne auncient tymes concerning the cause of Thomas Becket. In the explication of whose history I haue stoode now the longer (exceding peraduenture in ouermuch pro∣lixitie) to the intent that his cause beyng fully opened to the world and duely weyed on euery part: mens mindes (therby long deceiued by ignoraunce) might come vnto the more pexiect certayntie of the truth therof, and thereby to iudge more surely what is to be receaued, and what to be refused.

Wherby the way is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crikeladensis, which in him I finde: that the Pieres and nobles of this land neere about the king, gaue out in straight charge vpon payne of death, and confiscating of al their goodes, no man to be so hardy to name Tho. Becket to be martyr, or to preach of hys miracles. &c. Ex Crike∣ladensi.

After the death of Thomas Becket,* 45.46 the king fearing y^t Popes wrath and curse to be layd vpon him (whereunto Ludouike the French king also helped what he could to set the matter forward) sent to Rome the archb. of Rotomage with certayn other bishops and Archdeacons vnto the P. with hys excuse, which, the Pope would in no wise heare. And after other messengers beyng sent, whome some of the Cardinals receaued, it was shewed to them that on good Friday (beyng then nye at hand) the pope of custome was vsed to assoyle or to curse, & that it was noysed, how the king of Englād with his bishops should be cursed and his land interdicted,* 45.47 and that they should be put in prison. After this certaine of the Cardinals shewed the pope, that the messengers had power to sweare to the Pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penaunce. Whiche was taken both of the King and the Archb. of Yorke. So that in the same day the pope cursed the deede doers, with such as were of their consent, eyther that ayded or harbou∣red thē. Concerning these deede doers it is touched briefly before:* 45.48 how they fled vnto Yorkeshire lying in Gnarsbo∣borough. Who after hauing in penaunce to go in their li∣nen clothes barefoot (in fasting and prayer) to Ierusalem: by reasō of this hard penance are sayd to dye in fewe yeres after.

The kinges Ambassadours lying as is said in Rome: could finde no grace nor fanor a long tyme at the Popes handes. At length with much ado it was agreed, that two Cardinals shuld be sent down to enquire out the matter, concerning them that were consenting to Beckets death. The king perceauing what was preparing at Rome, nei∣ther being yet certayne: whereto the intent of the Pope, & comming down of the Cardinals would tend: in y^e incane tyme addressed hymselfe with a great power to enter into Ireland,* 45.49 geuing in charge and commaundement (as Ho∣uedenus writeth) that no bringer of any brief or letter shuld come ouer into England or passe out of y^e realme (of what degree or condition so euer he were) without special licēce and assuraunce to bring nothing that should be preiudici∣all to the realme.

This order being set and ordained,* 45.50 the king with 400. great shippes taketh hys iourney to Irelande: where he subdued in short tyme the whole land vnto hym, which at that tyme was gouerned vnder diuers kings to the num∣ber of v. Of whome foure submitted themselues vnto the sayd kyng Henry; onely the fifth (who was the kyng of

Ionacta) denyed to be subdued, keeping him in woodes and Marishes.

In the meane season while the king was thus occu∣pied in Ireland,* 45.51 the two Cardinals that were sent from y^e Pope (Thedinus and Albertus) were come to Normā∣dy. Unto whom, the king the next yeare following resor∣ted, about the month of October, an 1172. But before (du∣ring the time of the kinges being in Ireland) the Bish. of London, and Ioceline v. of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The K. re∣turning out of Ireland by Wales into England, & from thence to Normandy: there made his purgation before the Popes legates, as touching the death of the foresayd Bec∣ket: to the which he sware he was neither ayding or con∣senting, but onely that he spoke rigorous wordes against hym, for that his knightes would not auenge him against the sayd Thomas. For the which cause, this penaunce was ouioyned him vnder his othe.

* 45.52First, that he should send so much to the holy lande, as would find two C. knightes or souldiours for the defence of that land.

Also, that frō Christmas day next folowing, he should set forth hys owne person to light for the holy land y^t space of 3. yeares together, vnlesse he should be otherwise dispe∣sed withall by the Pope.

Item, that if he would make hys iorney into Spaine (as hys present necessitie did require) there he to fight a∣gaynst the Saracens: And as long tyme as he shuld there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his iorney toward Ierusalem.

Item, y^• hee should not hinder nor cause to be hindred by hym, any appellations made to the Pope of Rome.

Item, that neyther he nor hys sonne, should depart or disseuer from pope Alexander, or from his catholicke suc∣cessors: so long as they should recount him or his sonne for kinges catholike.

Item, that the goodes and possessions taken from the Church of Caunterbury, should be restored agayne (fully and amply) as they stode the yeare before Thom. Becket departed the realme, and that free libertie should be graū∣to all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to returne agayne.

Item, that the foresayd customes & decrees by him esta∣blished against the Church, should be extinct and repelled (such onely except, y^t concerned his own person) &c besides other secret fastinges and almes enioyned hym.

All these former conditions, the king with his sonne did both agree vnto: debasing himselfe in such sorte of sub∣mission before the two Cardinals: by the occasion wherof, the Cardinall took no little glory, vsing thys verse of the Psalme:* 45.53 Qui respicit terram, & facit eam tremere: qui tangit montes & fumigant. That is, which looketh vpon the earth, and maketh it to tremble: which toucheth the hilles, and they smoke &c. Moreouer it is mētioned in histories of the sayd king:* 45.54 that a little after William king of Scots with hys army had made a rode into y^e realme, he returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Caunterbury: who by the way (so soone as he came to the sight of Bec∣kets church, lighting of his horse and putting of hys shoes went barefoote to his tombe: whose steppes were found bloudy through the roughnes of the stones. And not onely y^t, but also receaued further penance by euery mōke of the cloyster certayn discipline of a rod. By whiche so great de∣iection of the K. (if it were true) y^u mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those daies. If it were pretensed (as might so be in tyme of warre, to get the hartes of the people) yet mayest thou learned Reader see,* 45.55 what slauery kinges and Princes were brought into at y^t tyme, vnder the popes Clergy. The same yeare (as Houe∣den writeth) which was 1174. the whole citty of Caunter∣bury, was almost al consumed with fire, and the sayd min∣ster Church cleane burnt.

The next yeare insuing, which was 1175. a conuocati∣on of Bishops was holden at Westminster by Rich. arch∣bishop of Cant. In which conuenticle, all the byshops & Abbots of the prouince of Canterbury and of Yorke being present,* 45.56 determined (as it had done a little before in king Henry. 1, dayes, an. 1113.) about the obedience that Yorke should doe to Caunterbury. That is, whether the Archb. of Yorke might beare hys Crosse in the diocesse of Cant. or not: whereof something was touched before in the for∣mer processe of this history. Also about the Bishopricke of Lincolne, of Chichister, of Worcester, & of Herford: whe∣ther these churches were vnder the iurisdiction of the see of Yorke or not, &c. Upon these and other like matters: rose such controuersie betweene these 2. seas, that the one ap∣pealed the other to the presence of the Bishop of Rome.

In these and suche causes like, howe much better had it bene, if the supremacy had remayned more nere in the kinges handes at home, whereby not onely much labour & trauell had bene saued, but also the great and was••full ex∣pences bestowed at Rome, might with muche more fruite and thanke haue beene conuerted to their cures and flockes committed vnto thē, and also percase their cause no lesse indifferently heard (at least more speedely might haue bene decided) but to the purpose again. In this cōtrouersie diuerse of y^t bishop of Yorks clergy (such as were of Glou∣cester,* 45.57 belong to the church of S. Oswald) were excōmu∣nicate by the Archb. of Cant. because they being sommo∣ned, refused to appeare before hym. &c. At length the same yeare which was 1175. there was a Cardinall sent downe from Rome by the kinges procurement: who studyed to set a peace betwene the two archbishops.* 45.58 Whereupon, this way of agreement was takē (by the meanes of the king) at Winchester: that as touching the church of S. Oswald at Glocester, the Archbishop of Canterb. should cease of hys clayme therof, molesting the see of Yorke no more therein. Also should absolue agayne the Clerkes thereof, whom he had excommunicated before. And as concerning the bea∣ring of the crosse and all other matters: it was referred to the Archbishop of Rhotomage, and of other Bishops in Fraunce: so that for fiue yeares, a league or truce was ta∣ken betwixt them, till they should haue a full determina∣tion of their cause.

The next yeare following,* 45.59 the foresayd king Henry the 2. (deuiding the realme of England into 6. partes) ordey∣ned vpon ouery part 3. Iustices of assise. The circuit or li∣mitation of which Iustices was thus disposed. The first vpon Northfolke,* 45.60 Suffolke, Cantebridshire, Huntendū∣shire, Bedfordshyre, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hert∣fordshire. 2. Vpon Lincolnshire. Notinghamshire, Dar∣bishire, Stamfordshyre, Warwickshire, Northampton∣shire, Leicestershire. 3. Upon Kent, Surrey, Southamp∣tonshyre, Southsaxe, Barkeshire, Oxfordshire. 4. Upon Herefordshyre, Gloucestershyre, Wyrcestershyre, Salops¦shyre. 5. Upon Wiltshyre, Dorcetshyre, Somercetshyre, Deuonshyre, Cornwall. 6. Euerwickshire, Richmond∣shire, Lancaster, Copland, Weshnarland, Northumber∣land, Cumberland.

In the which yeare also,* 45.61 Richard Archb. of Caunter∣bury, made 3. Archdeacons in his dioces, where as before there was but one. About which tyme also it was graun∣ted by the kyng to the popes legate, that a Clerke shoulde not be called before a temporall iudge, except for offence in the forest, or for hys say see that he holdeth.

Item,* 45.62 that no Archbishop or Bishoprick, nor Abbey should remayne in the kings handes ouer one yeare w^tout great cause. It chaunced the same yeare, y^t this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Austen named Albert: who made great labor and sute vnto the Archbishop that he would come to hys Church, and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Austens. To whome the archb. sent word agayne, that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repayre to the Metropolitane church of Caunterbury, there to re∣ceiue hys consecration. Whereupon (controuersie rising be∣twene them) the foresaid new Elect appealed vp to the au∣dience of the Pope, and so laboured vp hymselfe to Rome. Where, he so handled the matter (by what meanes I can∣not tell, vnles with his golden bottle, wherewith he quē∣ched the popes thirsty soule, for Abbots neuer trauel light∣ly without far purses to Rome) that with short dispatche he procured letters from Alexander the pope,* 45.63 to Roger bi∣shop of Worcester: Signifying to hym, that he had geuen in charge and commaundement to the archb. of Cant. (in the behalfe of hys deare sonne Albert) that he should con∣secrate hym within hys own monastery: which monastery properly and soly without mediation, belonged to the iurisdiction of Rome, and so likewise should do to his suc∣cessors after him, without any exaction of obedience of thē. Which thing further he sayd if the archb. woulde refuse to do, within the terme appoynted: that then he the foresayd B. of Worcester (should by the authoritie committed vnto him) execute the same, al maner of appellatiō or other de∣cree whatsoeuer should come notwithstāding. This letter being obtayned, the Abbot (that would be) returneth home supposing with hymselfe all things to be sure. The archb. vnderstanding the case, and seeing hymselfe so straightly charged, and yet lothe to yeld and stoupe to the Abbot, took to him pollicy where authoritie would not serue: and both to saue himselfe, and yet to disapoynt the Abbot, he wat∣cheth a tyme when the Abbot was about busines of hys house. And comming the same tyme to the monastery (as he was cōmaunded to do) with all things appointed, that

to suche a busines appertayned: called for the Abbot, pre∣tending no lesse but to geue him his consecration. The Abbot beyng called for, was not at home. The archb. fay∣ning hymselfe not a little agreued at his labour & good wil so lost departed, as one in whome no redy diligence was lacking: if in case that the Abbot had bene at home. Wher∣upon, the Abbot (being thus disapoynted) was fayne to fill his siluer stagon a fresh, & make a new course to Rome to hys father the pope, of whome he receiued his consecra∣tion, and so came home agayne with as much witte as he went forth: but not with so much mony perad••enture as he went withall.

We haue declared a little aboue, pag. 175. touching the actes and doynges of this Pope Alexander the 3. howe he had brought the Emperours head vnder hys foote in S. Markes Church at Uenice: at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made betweene the P. and the sayd Fredericke the Emperor. Which pacificatiō, Rog. Houedenus,* 45.64 and Gualterus Gisburgensis, referre to this tyme beyng the yeare of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two seuerall letters sent from the sayd Pope to Richard Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and to Roger Archbishop of York, and Hugh byshop of Duresme. Out of the whiche letters (so much as serueth to our purpose) I haue taken and here inserted.

The letter of Pope Alexander, sent to Roger Arch∣byshop of Yorke, and to the Byshop of Duresme.

ALexander, seruaunt of the seruaunts of God, to his reuerend brethren Roger Archbishop of Yorke, and Hugh Byshop of Duresme greeting, and Apostolicall blessing.

The obsequy and seruice of your kinde deuotion, which hitherto you are knowne to haue geuen, bothe deuoutly and laudably to vs and to the Church: requireth that we should describe to you as to our spe∣ciall frendes, the prosperous successe of the Churche: and to let you know as spirituall children of the Churche, what hath hap∣pened to the same: For meete it is, conuenient and also honest, that you whome we haue had so firme, and sure in our deuotion: should now be cherished and made ioyous in the prosperitie of vs, and of the Churche. And about the end of the Epistle it followeth thus.

The next day following, which was the feast of S. Iames (the sayd Emperour so requesting) we came to the foresayd Churche of S. Marke,* 46.1 there to celebrate our solemne Masse: where (as we were comming in the way) the sayd Emperor met vs without the Church, and placing vs agayne on his right hand, he brought vs so into the sayd Church. After the masse was done, placing vs a∣gayn on his right hand,* 46.2 he brought vs to the Church dore. And moreouer, when we should take our palfrey: he held our stirrup: exhibiting to vs such honor and reuerence as hys progenitours were wont to exhibite to our predecessors. Wherefore these shal be to incite your diligence and study towardes vs: that you re∣ioyce with vs and the Church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other de∣uout childrē of the church: that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate & reioyce also in the Lord, for the great working of peace which he hath geuen.

Geuē at Venice in the deepe riuer, the xxvi. of Iuly.

This yeare the contention reuiued agayne, spoken of little before, pag. 173. betwene the 2. archbishops of York and Canterb. The occasion whereof was this. The ma∣ner and practise of the pope is, when he beginneth to lacke money, he sendeth some limitting Cardinall abroad, to fetch his harnest in. So there came this yeare into Englād (as lightly few yeares were without them) a certayn Car∣dinall from Rome called Hugo, or as Houedenus nameth him, Hugezun, who would needes keepe a Councell at Westin. To this Councel resorted a great cōfluence (about middle of Lent) of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Doctors, & such other of the Clergye. As euery one was there placed in his order, and after his degree: first commeth the archb. of Yorke named Roger:* 46.3 who (thinking to present y^e other Archbishop) came something sooner, & straighway pla∣ced hymselfe on the right hand of the Cardinall. Richard y^e Archbishop of Cant. following shortly after: and seing the first place taken vp, refuseth to take the second: complay∣ning of the Arch. of York, as one preiudicial to his sea. So, while the one wold not rise, & the other part not sit down, rose no small contention betweene them two. The archb. of Canterb. claymed the vpper seate by the preheminence of hys church. Contrary y^e archb. of York alledged for hym the old decree of Gregory, wherof mētion is made before, pag. 118. By which this order was taken betweene the 2. Metropolitanes of Canterbury and York: that, which of them two should be first in electiō, he should haue the pre∣heminence in dignitie, & goe before the other. Thus they contending to and fro, waxed so warme in wordes, that at last they turned to hote blowes. Now strong the Archbi∣shop of Yorke was in reason and argument I cannot tell: but the Archbish. of Cant, was stronger at the armes end. whose seruauntes beeing moe in number (like valiaunt men) not suffering their maister to take such a foyle: so pre∣uailed agaynst York (sitting on the right hand of the Car∣dinall) that they pluckt him downe from the hand, to the foote of the Cardinall vpon the ground: treading & tram∣pling vpon him with their feete, that maruel it was he es∣caped with life. His Casule, Chimer, and Rochet, were all to be rent and torne from his backe. Here no reason woulde take place, no debating would serue, no praying could be heard, such clamour and tumulte was there in the house among them: much like to the tumulte, which Uir∣gill describeth.

Ac veluti in magno populo, cum saepe coorta est Seditio, saeuit{que} animis ignobile vulgus, Iam{que} faces & saxa volant, furor arma ministrat.

Now, as the first part of this description doth well a∣gree, so some peraduenture will looke agayne, that accor∣ding to the latter part also of the same: my Lord Cardinall with sagenesse and grauitie (after the maner of the olde Romaynes standyng vp) should haue ceased and aley∣ed the disturbaunce: according to that whiche followeth in the Poete.

Tum pietate grauem meritis si fortè virum quem Conspexêre, silent, arrectif{que}, auribus astant: Ille regit mentes dictis, & pectora mulcet. &c.

But what did the noble Romaine Cardinall: Like a pretty man of hys handes (but a pretier man of hys seete) standing vp in the midst, & seing the house in such a broyle, committed himselfe to flight, and (as Houedenus writeth) abscondit se a facie illorum. The next day after, the Arch∣bishop of Yorke bringeth to the Cardinall his Rochet, to beare witnes what iniury and violence he had sustayned: appealing and citing vp the Archbishop of Caunterbury with certayne of hys men, to the Bishop of Rome. And thus the holy counsell (the same day it was begon) brake vp and was dissolued.

Under the raygne of this K. Henry the 2. the domini∣on and crowne of England extended so farre as hath not bene seene in this realme before him,* 46.4 whome histories re∣corde to possesse vnder hys rule and iurisdictiō, first Scot∣land, to whom William king of Scots, with all the lords temporall and spiritual did homage,* 46.5 both for them and for their successors (the seale where of remayneth in the kyngs treasury) as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aqui∣tane, Gaunt, &c. vnto the moūtaynes of Pireney, which be in the vttermost partes of the great Ocean in the Brit∣tish sea:* 46.6 being also protector of Fraunce, to whom Phillip the French king yelded both himselfe and Realme wholy to his gouernaunce, an. 1181. Moreouer, he was offred al∣so to be the king of Ierusalem, by the Patriarch & maister of the hospital there:* 46.7 who then being distressed by the Sol∣dane, brought him the keyes of their Citty, desiring hys ayd agaynst the infidels: which offer he thē refused, alled∣ging the great charge which he had at home, & the rebelliō of hys sonnes, which might happen in hys absence.

¶ And here, the olde historyes finde a great fault with the king for hys refusall, declaring that to be the cause of Gods plagues, which after ensued vpon him, by his chil∣dren: as the Patriarche (in hys Oration, beyng offended with the king) prophecied should so happen to him for the same cause. Which story if it be true, it may be a lesson to good Princes:* 46.8 not to deny their necessary helpe to their di∣stressed neighbors, especially the cause appertayning vn∣to God.

The wisedome, discretion, manhood, and riches of thys Prince was so spred and renoumed through all quarters: that messages came from Emanuell Emperour of Con∣stantinople, Fredericke Emperour of Rome, and Willi∣am Archbishop of Treuer in Almayne, & Duke of Sax∣on, and from the Earle of Flaunders, and also from the French K. (vpon determination of great questions and strifes) to aske councell & determination therof, of this K. Henry: as of one most wise and scholemayster of al wise∣dome & iustice, to haue solutiō of their questions & doubts. Moreouer, Alphonsus king of Castile, and Sauncius king of Nauerue, being in strife for certayne Castels, and other possessions: submitted them (of their free accord) and by their othe, to abide the award of this king Henry: who

* 46.9made 〈…〉〈…〉 whereby it is to be 〈…〉〈…〉 resort, as to they arbitrer & 〈…〉〈…〉 to any 〈…〉〈…〉 the acres of this 〈…〉〈…〉 kish writers 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Among many other thinges 〈…〉〈…〉 this one is to be 〈…〉〈…〉 35. yeares: and hauing such warres with his enemies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon his subiectes put any 〈…〉〈…〉 vpon the spiritualty, first unites, and appropriations 〈◊〉〈◊〉 benefices, 〈…〉〈…〉 And yet his treasure 〈…〉〈…〉 chard his sonne) 〈…〉〈…〉 safid pound,* 46.10 〈…〉〈…〉 furniture. Of the which 〈…〉〈…〉 thousand pound came do him by the death of 〈…〉〈…〉 who had practiced a 〈…〉〈…〉* 46.11 〈…〉〈…〉 dyed within 〈…〉〈…〉 haue all his goods. And shortly after the Archbishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the king had all his goods 〈…〉〈…〉 to eleuen thousand pound beside plate 〈…〉〈…〉

But as there is no felicitye•••• or wealth in this mortall world so perfect, which is not darkenes 〈…〉〈…〉 of incombraunce and aduersity: So it happened to this king, y^e among his other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 successours: this incom∣modity followed him withal: that his sonnes rebelled & stood in armor agaynst him, taking the part of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king against theyr father. First 〈◊〉〈◊〉 coronation of Henry his sonne, whom the Father ioyned with him as king, he being both Father and king, tooke vpon him (that not∣withstanding) as but a steward: and set downe the first dish as Shower vnto his sonne: renouncing the name of a king. At what time, the foresayd Archbishop of Yorke, sitting on the right hand of y^e young king sayd: sir ye haue great cause this day to ioy.* 46.12 For there is no Prince in the world that hath such an officer this day, &c. And the yong king disdayning his wordes, said: my father is not disho∣nored in this doing. For I am a king and a Queenes sonne, and so is not he. And not onely this, but after he al∣so persecuted his father. And so in his youth, whē he had raigned but a few yeares, dyed: teaching vs what is the price and reward of breaking the iust commaundement of God.

* 46.13After him likewise Richard his sonne (who was cal∣led Richard Coeur de Lyon) rebelled agaynst his father: And also Iohn his youngest sonne did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren. In somuch that this fore∣sayd Richard (like an vnkinde childe, persecuting and ta∣king part agaynst his father) brought him to such distresse of body and minde? that for thought of hart he fell into an ague, and within foure dayes departed, after he had raig∣ned 35. yeares, whose corps as it was caried to be buried, Richard his sonne cōming by y^e way & meeting it, & begin¦ning for compassion to weepe:* 46.14 the bloud brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the comming of his sonne: geuing therby a certayne demonstration how he was the onely author of his death.

After the death and raigne of which king: his children after him (worthely rewarded for their vnnaturalnesse a∣gainst their father) lacking the successe which their father had: lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before.

And thus much concerning the raign of Henry the se∣cond, and the death of Thomas Becket: whose death (as is aforesayd) happened in the dayes of pope Alexander the thyrd: which pope vsurping the keies of Ecclesiasticall re∣giment 21. yeares (or as Gisburgensis writeth, 23. yeares) gouerned the Church with much tumult: striuing and contending with Fredericke the Emperour not shaming like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foote vpon the necke of y^e sayd Emperour, as is aboue described pag. 205.

* 46.15This Pope among many other his acres, had certain Councels (as is partly before touched) some in Fraunce, some at Rome in Laterā, by whom it was decreed: that no Archbishop should receiue the palle, vnlesse he should first sweare. Concerning the solemnity of which palle: for the order and maner of geuing and taking the same with obe∣dience to the pope, as it is cōteined in their own words: I thought it good to set it forth vnto thee, that thou mayest well consider and vnderstand their doings therein.

¶ The forme and maner how and by what wordes the Pope is wont to geue the p••lle vnto the Archbyshop.

* 47.1AD honorem omnipotentis Dei, & beatae Mariae virginis & beatorum Petri & Pauli, & Domini nostri N. Papae, & sanctae Romana Ecclesiae see non N. Ede•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 tradimus 〈…〉〈…〉 pon∣〈…〉〈…〉 diebus, qui 〈…〉〈…〉 concessis.

That is in English.

To the honor of almighty God, and of blessed Mary the virgine, and of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••. Peter and Paule, and of our Lord Pope ••. and of the holy Church of Rome, and also of the Church of •• committed to your charge, we geue to you the 〈…〉〈…〉 frō the body of S. Peter, as a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the office 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which you may weare ••in your owne church, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dayes, whiche be expressed in the priuiledges of the sayd church, graunted by the sea Apo∣stolicke.

¶ Notes vpon the same.

¶To the honour. &c. with what confidence durst the Pope ••••uple the honor of almighty God, and the honor of Mary. of S. Peter, and of the Pope, and of the Romish Church altogether if he had not bene a presumptuous Lucifer, equalling himselfe not onely with faith Saints, but also euen with him which is God a∣len̄e, to be blessed for euer.

Taken from the body. &c. If S. Peters body be not all consu∣med, let him shew it if he can•• if he can not shew ••t, how then is this palle t••••en from the body of S. Peter ••or if he meane it to be of S. Peters owne wearing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S Peter had a godly war∣drop of palles, when euer Archbishop in all Christondome re∣ceiueth from the Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 palle.

As a fulnes of the office &c. Rather he might say, the fulnesse of his owne purfe, when as Archbishops payd so sweetly for it. In so much that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Archbishop of Mentz, as is aboue tou∣ched pag. 172. a litle before in the councell of Basile where the price was wont to be but a thousand florences, could not obtein it without 26. thousand florences.* 48.1

Vpon certayne dayes. &c. This difference there was betwene the Pope and other Archbyshops. For the Pope might weare the palle at all times and in all places at his pleasure. Archbishoppes might not weare it, but vpon certayne dayes, and in their church onely within their prouince. Moreouer, this posse should not be asked but with great instaunce, and within three monethes with out which palle he is not to be named. Archbishop, But may be deposed, hauing it not after three monethes. And the same palle must also be buried with him when he dieth And when it is geuē, some priuiledge must be geuen withall, or the olde renued.

In like-maner proceedeth the othe of euery By∣shop swearing obedience to the Pope, in like wordes as followeth.

EGo N Episcopus N ab hac hora in a••tea fidelis & obediēs e∣ro beato Petro,* 49.1 sanctaequè Apostoneae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Domino meo. D N. Papae, suis{que} succelloribus canonicè intran∣tibus. Non ero in consilio, seu auxilio, cōsensu, vel faeto, vt v••am perdant, aut membrum, seu capiantur mala capatione. Consiltrum verò quod mihi credturi sunt, per se aut per ••uncium, feu literas corum,* 49.2 me sciente nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum & Rega∣lia S. Petri adiutor eis ero ad retinendum & defendendum saluo meo ordine, contrá omnem hominem. Legatum Apostolicae sedis in cundo & redeundo honorificè tractabo, & in suis necessitati∣bus adiuu••bo. Vocatus ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fue∣ro canonica praepeditione Apostolorum limina singulis trenni∣is visitabo, ••ut per me, aut per meum nunclum, •••••• Apostolica absoluar licentia. Possessiones verò ad mensam mei Episcopatus pertinentes non-vendam, ne{que} donabe, ne{que} oppignorabo, ne{que} de nouo infeudabo, nec aliquo modo alienabo, inconsulto Rom. pontifice, sic me Deus adiuuel, & sancta Dei Euangelia.

That is in English.

IN. Bishop of N. from this houre henceforth, wilbe faythful and obedient to blessed S. Peter, and to the holye Apostolicke Churche of Rome, and to my Lord N. the pope. I shalbe in no councell, nor help, either with my cō∣sent or deed: whereby either of them or any member of thē may be unpayred, or wherby they may be taken with any euill taking. The councell which they shall commit to me, either by thēselues or by messenger or by their letters, wit∣tingly or willingly I shall vtter to none, their hindraūce and damage. To the remining and maintening the papa∣cy of Rome, and the regalities of S. Peter I shalbe an ar∣der (so mine order be salued) agaynst all persons. The Le∣gate of the Apostolicke sea both in going and comming, I shal honorably entreat and help him in all necessities, Be∣ing called to a ••••hode I shalbe ready to c••me, vnlesse I be let by some lawfull & canonicall ••••peehment. The pa∣lace of the Apostles onery thied yeare I shall visi••e either by myselfe, or my messenger, except other wise being licen∣sed by the sea Apostolicke, All such possessio••s as belōg to

the table and dyet of my Bishopricke:* 50.1 I shall neither sell, nor geue, nor lay to morgage, nor lesse out, or ••••••due a∣way by any maner of meanes, without y^t consent & know¦ledge of the Byshop of Rome, so God help me and the ho∣lie Gospels of God.

A note vpon the same

¶Hereby thou hast by the way (gentle Reader) to note and consider among other thinges which here may be vnderstand, that since the time the othe began to be layd and must vpō By∣shops, all generall Coūcels began to loose they robery. For how could any freedome remayn for men to speake theyr knowledge in redresse of things: being by their othe so bound to the▪ Pope to speake nothing but on his side, to maintayne the Papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places? Coniecture by thy selfe (Christen Reader) what is more hereby to be considered.

BEsides this it was also decreed in the sayd Councell at Rome of 310. Byshops, by pope Alexander: that no mā should haue any spirituall promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish Church should be voyd aboue 6. moneths. That none within or∣ders should meddle with temporall busines. That priests should haue but one benefice. And that the Bishop should be charged to finde the priest a liuing till he be promoted.

That open vsurers should not cōmunicate at Easter, ••or be buried within the Churchyard.

That nothing should be taken for ministring Sacra∣ments, or burying.

Item, that euery cathedrall church should haue a ma∣ster to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same.

* 51.1In this councell the vow of chastitye was obstruded & layd vpon Priestes. Thomas Becket also, and Bernard were canonised for Saintes.

During the raigne and time of this king Henry the second: the City of Norwich was destroyd and burnt by the men of Flaunders. Also the town of Lecester. Noting∣ham wasted, and the Burgeses slayne by the Earle of Fe∣rers. The towne of Barwick destroyd by the Scots. The king of Scottes was taken in warre by Englishmen, an. 1174. The towne of Huntington taken and burned. The towne of Canterbury by casualty of fire, burnt with all y^e Churches, specially with the Trinity church, where Bec∣ket was worshipped. an.eod. The yeare of our Lord. 1170 Willia king of Scots with Dauid his brother, and all the Barons of the realm did homage to the king of England. Ireland made subiect to England. Decreed in a councell in Normandy, that no boyes or childrē should posses any benefice. A coūcell of Lateran was holdē at Rome, where were 33. articles cōcluded. an. 1179. The French king came in pilgri••nage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way. an. 1184. After the death of Ri∣chard Archbishoppe of Caunterbury,* 51.2 who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwinus, who of a Cister∣cian monk being made a byshop, is sayd neuer to eat flesh in his life. To whom a certein poore woman (bare & lean) meeting him in the street: desired to know of him whether it were true that was sayd of him, that he neuer eat flesh. Which thing when he had affirmed to be true: Nay, sayth she that is false: for ye haue eaten my flesh vnto the bone. For I had but one cow wherewith I was sustayned, and that hath your Deanes taken from me. True, true sayd the Bishop and thou shalt haue an other Cow as good as that. &c. Iornalens.

Moreouer, in the raigne of y^e sayd king Henry, about the yeare of our Lord. 1178. I find in the story of Rog. No∣ueden and other, that in the city of Tholouse was a great multitude of men and womē, whom the popes Commis∣sioners, to wit, Peter Cardinal of S. Crisogoim, and the Popes Legate: with the Archbishops of Narbone & By∣turiensis: Reginald Bishop of Bathe, Iohn Bishoppe of Pictauia, Henry Abbot Clareuallēsis. &c. did persecute & condēne for hereticks: Of whom some were scourged na∣ked, some chased away, some compelled to abiure. Concer∣ning whose articles & opinions I haue no firme groūd to make any certain relation: for so much as I see y^e Papistes many times so false in their quareling accusatiōs, vntruly collecting mens sayinges, not as they ment, & meanings, not as they sayd: but wresting and deprauing simple mēs assertions after such a subtle sort as they iust themselues to take them. But this I finde how one of the sayd com∣missioners or Inquisitors (Henry the Abbot) in a certaine letter of his, writ thus of them: Nam & panem sanctum vitae aeternae sacerdotis ministerio in verbo Domini consecratum non esse corpus Domini, nouo dogmate contendebat asserere. That is: After a new 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he affirmed, that the holy bread of eternall life, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the ministery of the Priest, was not the body of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

In the time of this Alexander Sprung vp the doctrine and name of them: which were then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pauperes de Lug∣duno which of one waldus a chiefe Se••••tour in Lyons were named Wilden ••item Leonishae & Infabbatati:* 51.3 about the yeare of our Lord, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us writeth) an. 1170.

Not long before this time (as is exprest aboue) rose •••• Gratianus maister of the decrees, & Petrus Lombardus, mai••••er of the sentence, both arch••ilers of all papistry. Af∣ter whom followed also two as cuill, •• worse then they, Franci••eus and Domi••cus, maintayning blinde hypo∣crisie, no lesse thē the other maintayned proud prelacy. As these labored one way, by superstition and worldly aduaū cement to corrupt the sincerity of Religion: So it pleased Christ the contrary way, laboring against these, to cause vp therfore the sayd Maldēsians, against he pride and hy∣pocrisy of the other.

Thus we neuer see any great corruptiō in the church, but that some sparkle, yet of the true light of the Gospell, by Gods prouidence doth remayne. Whatsoeuer Doctor Augustinus, Remerius, Siluius, Cranzius with other in their popish histories, do write of them (defaming them through misreport) and accusing them to Magistrates, as disobedient to orders, rebels to the Catholick church, and contemners of the virgin Mary: yee they that cary iudge∣ment indifferent, rather trusting trueth then wauer••ng with times, in weying their Articles, shall finde it other∣wise: that they mayntayned nothing els, but the same do∣ctrine, which is now defended in the Church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as they did with the Articles of Wickliffe, and Hus: so the Papists did in like maner with their articles also, in gathering and wrasting them other∣wise then they were ment.

The history of the Valdenses, concerning their originall, and doctrine, with their persecutions.

THe first originall of these Valdenses came of one Wal∣dus,* 51.4 a man both of great substance, and no lesse calling in the City of Lyons: the occasion whereof is declared of diuers writers, thus to come. About the yeare of the Lord 1160. it chaunced that diuers of the best and chiefest heades of the Citty of Lyons, talking and walking in a certayne place, after their olde accustomed maner, especially in the Sommer time, conferred and consulted together vpon matters, either to passe ouer time, or to debate thinges to be done. Amongst whom it chaunced one (the rest looking vpon) to fall downe by sodeine death. In the number of whom this foresayd Waldus there being amongest them was one. Who beholding the matter more earnestly then the other, and terrified with so heauy an exāple, being (as is sayd) a rich man, and Gods holy spirit working with∣all: was stroken with a deepe & inward repētance where∣vpon folowed a new alteratiō, with a carefull study to re∣forme his former life. In somuch that first he began to mi∣nister large almes of his goods, to such as needed. Secōdly to instruct himselfe and his familye, with the true know∣ledge of Gods word: Thirdly, to admonish all that resor∣ted to him, by any occasion, to repentaunce and vertuous amendment of life.

Wherby, partly through his large geuing to the poore, partly through his diligent teaching, & wholesome admo∣nitions: more resort of people daily frequēted about him. Whom when he did see ready and diligent to learne, begā to geue out to them certayne rudi••ents of the Scripture, which he had translated himselfe into the French tongue. For as he was a man welthy in riches, so he was also not vnlearned.

Although Laziardus Volateranus, with other: note him vtterly vnlearned, & charge him with ignoraunce, as who should procure other to write and translate for him, By other that haue seene his doings, yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and translate the books of scripture, also did collect the doctors mind vpon the same.

But whatsoeuer he was (lettred,* 51.5 or vnlettred) the by∣shops and prelats seing him so to intermeddle with scrip∣tures, and to haue such resort about him: albeit it was but in his own house, vnder priuate conferēce: could not abide either that the scriptures should be declared of any other, neither would they take the paines to declare it thēselues. So being moued w^t great malice against the man: threat∣ned to excommunicate him, if he did not leaue so to doe.

Ualdus seing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred vp vpō no iust nor godly cause neglecting y^• threa∣minges & frettinges of the wicked, said, that god must be obeied more then man: to be brief, the more diligēt he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the er∣rors of Antichrist: the more maliciously their fiercenes in∣creased. Insomuch that when they did see their excommu∣nication to be despised, & would not serue: they ceased not with prison, with sword and banishment to persecute, till at length they had driuen both Ualdus, and all the fauou∣rers of his true preaching out of the city.

Wherupon came first their name, that they were called Ualdenses, or pauperes de Lugduno, not because the would haue all things cōmon amongst them: or that they profes∣sing any wilfull pouerty, would imitate to liue as the A∣postles did (as Siluius did falsly belie them) but because they being thrust out both of coutrey and goods, were cō∣pelled to liue poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintayning the true doc∣trine of Christs gospell, agaynst the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles: whiche I finde in order, and in number to be these.

SOlis sacris literis credendum esse in ijs, quae ad salutem. &c.

That is: Onely the holy Scripture is to be beleued in matters pertayning to saluation: and no mans writing, or man besides.

2. All things to be contayned in holy Scripture necessary to saluation:* 51.6 and nothing to be admitted in religion, but what onely is commaunded in the word of God.

3. To be one alonely mediator. Other saintes in no wise to be made mediators, or to be inuocated.

4. To be no purgatory, but that all men either by Christ are iustified to life: or without Christ to be condemned: and besides these two, neither any third or fourth place to be.

5. That all masses, namely such as be song for the dead to be wicked, and to be abrogate.

6. All mens traditions to be reiected, at least not to be re∣puted as necessary to saluation: and therefore this singing & superfluous chaunting in the chauncell to be left: con∣strained & prefixed fasts, boūd to dayes & tunes: difference of meates: such variety of degrees and orders of Priestes, friers, monkes, & nunnes: superfluous holidayes: so ma∣dy sundry benedictions & hallowing of creatures: vowes peregrinations: with all the rabblement of rites & cere∣monies brought in by man to be abolished.

7. The supremacy of the Pope, vsurping aboue all chur∣ches, and especially aboue all politick realmes, & gouern∣ments, or for him to occupye or vsurpe the iurisdiction of both the swordes to be denied neither that any degree is to be receiued in the Church, but onely Priests, Deacons, and Bishops.

8. The communion vnder both kindes to be necessary to all people, according to the institution of Christ.

9. Item, the church of Rome to be the very Babilon spo∣ken of in the Apocalips: And the Pope to be the fountaine of all error, and the very Antichrist.

10 * 51.7 The popes pardons and indulgences they reiect.

11. The mariage of Priestes, and of ecclesiasticall persons, to be godly and also necessary in the Church.

12. Such as heare the word of God, & haue a right fayth, to be the right Church of Christ. And to this Church the keyes of the church to be geuen, to driue away wolues, & to institute true pastors, to preach the word, and to mini∣ster the Sacraments.

These be the most principall articles of the Uladenses albeit some there be, that adde moe to them: some agayne deuide the fame into moe partes. But these be the princi∣pall to which the rest be reduced.

The same Ualdenses at length exiled, were dispersed in diuers & sundry places: of whom many remayned long in Bohemia, which writing to theyr king Uladislaus, to purge themselues agaynst the slaundrous accusations of one D. Augustine, gaue vp theyr confession with an Apo∣logy of theyr christian profession: defending with strong & learned argumēts, y^e saine which now is receiued in most reformed churches: both concerning grace, fayth, charitye, hope,* 51.8 repentaunce, and workes of mercy. As for purgato∣ry, they say, that Tho. Aquinas is the author thereof.

Concerning the Supper of the Lord, their fayth was, that it was ordayned to be eaten, not to be shewed & wor∣shipped: for a memoriall, not for a sacrifice: to serue for the presēt ministration, & not for reseruation: to be receiued at the table, not be caryed out of the dores: according to the auncient vse of the primitiue church, when they vsed to cō∣municate sitting. And this they proue both by an old chro∣nicle called Chronica gestorum:* 51.9 as also by auncient Origen vpon the third booke of Moses: bringing in his wordes which be these: prouing that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserued: Quicunque hunc panem coenae Christi, se∣cunda, vel tertia die sumpserit, non benedicitur anima eius, sed inquinabitur: Propterea Gabaonitae, quia antiquos panes por∣tauerūt ad filios Israel,* 51.10 oportuit eos ligna, ac aquam portare. &c. That is, whosoeuer receiueth this bread of the Supper of Christ vpon the second or iii. day after: his soule shall not be blessed but polluted. Therfore the Babaonites, because they brought olde bread to the children of Israel, it was enioyned them, to cary wood and water. &c.

D. Austen (of whom mētion is made before) disputing agaynst them,* 51.11 about this matter of the holy Eucharist, vr∣geth them with this interrogation: whether it be the same Christ, (present in the Sacrament) which is present at the right hand of the father: If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, Vna fides, vnus Dominus nostet Iesus Christus.* 51.12 One fayth, one Lord Iesus Christ? If it be the same Christ, thē how is he not to be honored and wor∣shipped here as well as there?

To this the Ualdenses aunswere againe, and graunt that Christ is one, and the same with his naturall body in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his Father: but not after the same existence of his body. For y^• existence of his body in heauen is not personall and locall, to be ap∣prehended by the fayth and spirit of men. In the sacramēt the existence of his body is not personall or locall, to be ap∣prehēded or receiued of our bodies,* 51.13 after a personal or cor∣porall maner, but after a sacramētal maner: that is, where our bodies receiue the signe, & our spirit the thing insigni∣fied. Moreouer in heauen the existence of his body is di∣mensiue, and complete with the full proportion and quāti∣ty of the same body where with he ascēded: here the existēce of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure & stature thereof:* 51.14 doth not, neither can stand in the sacramēt. Briefly, the existence of his body in heauen is naturall not sacramentall: that is, to be sene, and not remembred: here it is sacramentall, not naturall: that is, to be remembred, not to be sene.

That aunswere being made to the captious propositiō of D. Augustine.* 51.15 The Ualdenses (retorting the like inter∣rogation to him againe) demaund of him to answere them in the like obiection: whether it be all on christ substātially & naturally, which sitteth in heauen: & which is vnder the formes of bread and wine, and in the receiuers of the Sa∣crament▪ If he graunt to be: Then they did him say, seing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heauen, & as well in the receiuer as in the sacrament, & all one Christ in sub∣stance & nature: why then is not the same Christ as well in the brest of the receiuer to be worshipped, as vnder the formes of bread and wine in the sacramēt? seing he is there after a more perfect maner in man, then in the sacrament: for in the sacrament he is but for a t••••e, and not for the sa∣craments sake, but for the mans cause. In man he is not for the sacraments cause: but for his owne, and that not for a season but for euer: as it is written: Qui manducat hunc panem viuet in aeternum, that is: he that eateth this breade shall liue for euer, &c.

Moreouer and besides, seing trāsubstantiation is the going of one substance into an other: they question againe with him, whether the formes of bread and wine remay∣ning, the substaūce thereof be chaūged into the whole per∣son of our Lord Christ Iesus: that is, both into his body, soule, and diuinitye: or not into the whole Christ? If he graunt the whole: Then say they, that is impossible (con∣cerning the diuinity) both to nature and to our fayth, that any creature can be chaūged into the creator. If he say, the bread is chaunged into the body and soule of Christ, not to his diuinity: then he seperateth the natures in Christ. If he say into the body alone, and not the soule: then he sepa∣rateth the natures of the true manhood. &c. And so can∣not be the same Christ that was betrayed for vs: for that he had both body & soule. To conclude, to what part soeuer he would aunswere: this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great incōueniēce of al sides.

Ouer and besides,* 51.16 Eneas Syluius writing of theyr doctrine and assertions (perchaunce, as he foūd them, per∣chaunce making worse of them, then they taught or ment) reporteth them after this maner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin.

ROmanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse. Inter sa∣cerdotes, nullum discrimen. Praes byterum non dignitatem fed vitae meritum efficere potiorem. In English.

The byshop of Rome to be equall with other bishops.

Amongst priestes to be no difference of degree. No Priest to be reputed for any dignity of his order, but for the wor∣thinesse of his life.

The soules of men departed, either to enter into paine euerlasting or euerlasting ioy. No fire of Purgatory to be found. To pray for the dead to be vayn••, and a thing one∣ly found out for the lucre of Priestes.

The images of God (as of the Trinity and of saintes) to be abolished. The halowing of water & palmes to be a mere ridicle. The religion of begging Fryars to be found out by the deuill. That priestes should not incroch riches in this world, but rather follow pouerty, being content with their tythes, and mens deuotion. The preaching of the word to be free to all men called thereunto.

That no deadly sinne is to be tollerate, for whatsoeuer respect of a greater commodity to insu•• therupon. The cō∣firmation which bishops exercise with oyle, and extreme vnction: are not to be counted amongst the sacraments of the Churche. Auriculare confession to be but a toy: to suf∣fice for euery man to confesse himselfe in his chamber, to God.* 51.17 Baptisme ought to be ministred ouely with pure water, without any mixture of halowed oyle. The temple of the Lord to be the wide world. The maiesty of God not to be restrayned more within the walles of temples, mo∣nastaries and chappelles, so that his grace is rather to be found in one place then in an other.

Priestes apparell ornaments of the high aulter, vesti∣mentes, corporaces, chalices, patines, and other Churche plate to serue in no stead. For the difference and respect of the very place: to make no matter, where the priest doth consecrate, or doth minister to them which do require. To be sufficient to vse onely the sacramentall words without all other superfluous ceremonies.

The suffrages of saintes reigning with Christ in hea∣uen, to be craued in vayne, being not able to helpe vs. In saying or singing the houres and Mattens of the day, the time to be but lost. A man ought to cease from his labour no day, but onely vpon the Sonday.

The feastes and festiuals of saintes, ought to be reice∣ted. Item, such fastes as be coacted and inioyned by the Church, haue no merite in them.

These assertions of the Ualdenses, being thus articled out by En••as Siluius, I thought to geue them abroad in English as they are in Latine: to the intent, that as they are the lesse to be doubted, being set out of a popes pen: so we may the better know both them hereby, what they were: and also vnderstand how this doctrine now prea∣ched and taught in the Church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost 400, yeares agoe. And as I haue spoken hetherto sufficiently concer∣ning theyr doctrine: So now we will briefly somewhat touch, of the order of theyr life and conuersation, as we finde it registred in a certayne olde written booke of In∣quisition.

¶ Ex Inquisitorio quodam libello.

MOdus autem Valdensium talis est. &c. The whole proces commeth to this effect in English.* 51.18 The maner of the Ualdenses is this: They kneeling vpon their knees, lea∣ning to some banke, or stay, doe continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a mā may say 30. or 40. times Pater noster. And this they doe euery day with great reuerence, being amongest thēselues, & such as be of their owne reli∣gion, & no straungers with thē, both before dinner & after: likewise before supper and after: also what time they go to bed: and in the morning when they rise, & at certain other times also, as well in y^e day as in y^e night. Itē, they vse no other prayer but the prayer of y^e Lord, & that without any Aue Maria and the Creed, which they affirme not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by y^• church of Rome. Albeit they haue and vse y^• seuē articles of fayth cōcerning the diuinity: and seuen articles concerning the humanity, and the x. commaundements, and seuen workes of mercy, which they haue compiled together in a cōpendious book, glorying much in the same, & therby offer themselues, rea∣dy to answere any man for theyr fayth.

Before they go to meate, they haue this grace, Benedi∣cite Korieeleyson.* 51.19 Christe eleyson. Kyrieeleyson. Pater noster: Which being sayd, then the elder amongest them begin∣neth thus in their owne tongue: God which blessed the fiue barely loaues and two fishes in the desert, before his disciples, blesse this table & that is set vpon it, or shalbe set vpon it. In the name of the father, of the sonne, and of the holy Ghost. Amen. And likewise agayne when they rise from meat, the seniour geueth thankes: saying the words of the Apocalips: Blessing, and worship, and wisedome, & thankesgeuing, honor, vertue, and strength to God alone for euer and euer, Amen. And addeth moreouer: God re∣ward them in their bosoms, and be beneficiall to all them, that be beneficial to vs, and blesse vs. And the God which hath geuen vs corporall feeding, graunt vs his spirituall life, and God be with vs, and we alwayes with h••m. To which they answere agayn. Amē. And thus saying grace, they hold their hands vpward, looking vp to heauē. Alter their meat and grace sayd, they teach and exhort amongest themselues conferring together vpon their doctrine. &c.* 51.20

In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent & painefull, that Reinerius a writer about their time, (an extreme enemy agaynst them) in a long proces, wherin he describeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth: y^t he heard of one which did know the party, that a certayne heretick (sayth he) onely to turne a certaine person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, (in the night, and in y^• win∣ter time) swamme ouer the riuer called Ibis, to come to him and to teach him: moreouer so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the sayd Reinerius sayth, he did heare and see a man of the coūtry vnlettered, which could recite ouer the whole booke of Iob word by word, with∣out booke: with diuers other, which had the whole new testament perfectly by hart.

And although some of them, rather merely then vn∣skilfully, expounded the wordes of 1. Ioan.* 51.21 Sui non recepe∣runt eum, Swine did not receiue him: yet were they not so ignoraunt and voyd of learning, nor yet so few in num∣ber but that they did mightely preuayle. In somuch that Reinerius hath these wordes.

Non erat qui eos impedire au∣deret propter potentiam & multitudinem fautorum suorum In∣quisitioni & examinationi saepe interfui. Et computatae sunt 40. Ecclesiae, quae haeresi infectae fuerunt••ac in yna parochia Cam∣mach fueruut decem eorum scholae. &c.

That is, There was none durst stoppe them, for the power and multitude of their fauourers. I haue often bene at their inquisition. & examination. And there were numbred 40. churches, infe∣cted with their heresie, insomuch that in one parish of cā∣mach, were x, open scholes of them. &c. Haec ille.

And the sayde Reinerius, when hee hath sayd all he can, in deprauing and impugning them: yet is driuen to confesse this of them, where he doth distinct their sect frō other sectes and hath these wordes:* 51.22

Haec verò Leonistarum secta magnam habet speciem pietatis, eò quòd coram hominibus iustè viuant, & benè omnia de Deo credant, & omnes articulos, qui in symbolo continētur. Solam Romanam Ecclesiam blasphe∣māt & oderūt.

That is. This sect of Leonistes, hath a great shew of holynesse: in that both they liue iustly before men and beleue all things well of God, and holde all the arti∣cles conteined in the Creed. Onely they blaspheme y^• Ro∣mish church, and hate it, &c.

Now to touch somewhat their persecutiōs. After they were driuen out of Lions, they were scattered into diuers & sundry places (the prouidence of God so disposing) that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world: Some, as I sayd, went to Bohemia. Many did fli•• into their prouinces of Fraunce. Some into Lombar∣dy, other into other places, &c. But as the crosse common∣ly foloweth the verity & sincere preaching of Gods word:* 51.23 so neither could these be suffered to liue in rest. There are yet to be seen, the consultations of Lawiers, Archbishops and byshops of Fraunce, as Narbonensis, A relatensis, Aquē∣sis and Albanensis, deuised amongst themselues, and yet re∣mayne in writing,* 51.24 for the abolishing, & extirping of these Ualdenses. written aboue 300. yeres agoe: wherby it ap∣peareth, there was a great number in Fraunce.

Besides, there was a whole councell kept in Theo∣louse about 355. yeares to fore, and all agaynst these Ual∣denses: The which also were condemned in an other coū∣cell at Rome before that.

What great persecutions were raysed vp agaynst thē in Fraunce. by these 4. Archbishops before mentioned, it appeareth by their writings, whereof I will recite some of their words, which towardes the end be these:

Quis e∣nim est solus ille peregrinus, qui condemnationem haereticorū Valdensium ignoret a longe retro annis factam, tam famosam, tā publicam, tot & tantis laboribus, expensis, & sudoribus fidelium insecutam, & tot mortibus ipsorum infidelium solemniter dam∣natorum, publice{que} punitorum tam fortiter sigillatam. &c.

That is: Who is such a straunger, that knoweth not the con∣demnation of Ualdenses the heretickes, done and past so many yeres ago: so famous, so publick, followed vpon so great labours, expences, and trauayle of the faythfull, and sealed with so many deathes of these Infidelles, so solemnelye being condemned and openlye punished. Whereby we may see persecution to be no newe thing in the Churche of Christe, when Antechrist so long be∣fore

(euen 300. yeares) began to rage agaynst these Ualdē∣ses. In Bohemia likewise after that,* 51.25 the same called by the name of Thaborites (as Siluius recordeth) suffred no lit∣tle trouble. But neuer persecution was stirred vp against them, or any other people more terrible, then was in these latter yeares in Fraunce by the French king, an. 1545. which lamentable story is described in Sleidan: and here∣after in the proces of this booke, as we come to the order of yeares, shall be set forth (by the grace of Christ) more at large.* 51.26 In the which persecution is declared in one towne Cabriera to be slayne by the Captayne of Sathan (Mine∣rius) eight hūdred persons at once, without respect of wo∣men or children of any age: Of whome 40. women (and most of them great with childe, thrust into a barne and the windowes kept with pikes, and so fire set to them) were all consumed. Besides in a caue not farre from the towne Mussium, to the number of xxv. persons, with smoke and fire were the same time destroyed: At Merindolum, the same tyraunt (seing all the rest were fled away,* 51.27 finding one yong man) caused him to be tyed to an Oliue tree, & to be destroyed with tormentes most cruelly: with much other persecution as may appeare hereafter, in the history tran∣slated out of Sleidan into English.

But to returne agayne to higher times from whence we digressed.* 51.28 Besides that, Rinerius (aboue mentioned) speaketh of one in the towne of Cheron, a glouer, which was brought in this time to examinatiō, & suffred. There is also an olde Monument of proces, wherein appeareth, 443. brought to examinatiō in Pomerania, Marchia, and places there about: about the yeare of our Lord 1391.

And thus much touching the originall doctrine, and the lamentable persecutions of the Ualdenses: who (as is declared) first began about the time of this king Henry the second.

Other incidences happening in the raigne of this Henry the second.

* 51.29COncerning the first origine of Waldēses, springing in the daies of this king, is sufficiently hetherto declared. Now remayneth in like order of time, to story also such o∣ther incidencies, as chaunced vnder the raigne of the sayd king, not vnworthy to be obserued: keeping the order of y^• time, so neare as we may, & as authors do geue vnto vs.

Mary the daughter of king Stephen (being the Abbes of Ramessey) was maryed in this kinges dayes to Ma∣thew Earle of Bolon,* 51.30 which maryage Thomas Becket did worke agaynst and did dissolue: by reason whereof he procured him great displeasure with the sayd Earle &c. an. 1161. Ex Chronico Bibliothecae Cariensis.

The same yeare a certayne childe was crucified of the Iewes in the towne of Glocester.* 51.31 an. 1161. Iornalens. After the same maner the wicked Iewes had crucified an other child befo••e in the City of Norwich, in the dayes of Kyng Stephen. an. 1145.

A collection was gathered through all England and Fraunce (two pence of euery pound) for the succour of the East Christians agaynst the Turkes. an. 1167. Ex eodem,

Babilon was taken and destroyed, and neuer since re∣payred, by Almaricus king of Hierusalem.* 51.32 an. 1170. Ex ve∣tusto manuscripto exemplari historiae Cariensis.

An. 1173. almost all England was diseased with the cough, Ex vetusto Chron. acephalo. About which yeare also William king of Scots was taken in battayle, and impri∣soned in England.

* 51.33Great warre happened in Palestina: wherein, the Ci∣ty of Ierusalem with the crosse and the king of the City, & other of the temple was taken of the Sarasines, and most part of the Christians there either slayne or taken. Cruell murther and slaughter there was vsed by the Turke, who caused all the chief of the Christiās to be brought forth and beheaded before his face. In so much that Pope Urbanus the iii. for sorrow dyed: & Gregory the viii next pope after him, liued not 2, monethes. Thē in the dayes of pope Cle∣ment iii. (newes and sorrow growing dayly for the losse of Palestina, and destruction of the Christians) K. Henry of England, & Phillip the french king, the duke of Burgun∣dy, the Earle of Flaunders,* 51.34 the Earle of Campania, with diuers other Christian Princes, with a generall consent: vpon S. Georges day, tooke the marke of the crosse vpon thē, promising together to take their voyage into the holy land. At which tyme the storyes say, the king of England receiued first the redde crosse,* 51.35 the French king tooke the white crosse, the Earle of Flaunders the greene crosse, & so other princes diuersly, diuers coulors: therby to be discer∣ned euery one by his proper crosse. But king Henry (after the three yeres were expired, in which he promised to per∣forme his voyage) sent to the Pope for further delay of his promise, offering for the same to erect three Monasteries. Which thing he thus performed:* 51.36 In the Church of Wal∣tham he thrust out the seculer Priestes, and set in Monkes for them. Secondly, he repayred agayne & brought in the Nunnes of Amesbury, which before were excluded for theyr incontinent life. And thus performed he his promise made before to the Pope. an. 1173.

The king of Scots did his homage and alleageaūce to the King of England and to his sonne,* 51.37 and to his chiefe Lordes: promising that all the Earles and Barōs of scot∣land should do the like with theyr posterity. Item all the Byshops and Abbots of the Church of Scotland promi∣sed subiection and submission to the Archbishop of Yorke.* 51.38 an. 1175. Nic. Triuet.

The custome was in this realme, that if any had killed any Clerke or Priest: he was not to be punished with the temporall sword, but onely excommunicate & sēt to Rome for the Popes grace and absolution. Which custome in the dayes of this king began first to be altered by the procu∣rement of Richard Archbishop of Caunterbury, an. 1176. Triuet.

London bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter Priest of Colechurch. an.* 51.39 1176. Ex Chron. cuius initiū: In diebus sanctis. regis Edouardi. &c. ex Bibliot. Cariensi.

S. William of Paris was slain of the Iewes on maū∣dy thursday,* 51.40 wherefore the Iewes were burned, & he coū∣ted a Saint. an. 1177.

Ireland subdued to the crowne of England by thys king. an.* 51.41 1177. Ex varijs Chron.

Under the raigne of the sayd king Henry about the 25 yeare of his raigne, Ludouicus the frenchking (by the vi∣sion of Thomas Becket,* 51.42 appearing to him in his dreame. & promising to him the recouery of his sonne if he would resort to him at Canterbury) made his iourney into Eng∣land to visite S. Thomas at Caunterbury with Phillip Earle of Flaunders: where he offered a rich cup of golde, with other pretious iewels, & a 100. vessels of wine yeare∣ly to be geuen to the Couent of the church of Caūterbury: notwithstanding the sayd Phillip in his return from En∣gland taking his iourney to Paris,* 51.43 to visite S. Deuis, in the same his pilgrimage was strickē with such colde, that he fell into a palsey, and was benumbed of the right side of his body. an. 1178. Iornalensis & alij.

Stephanus Episcopus Redomonsis, was wont to make many rimes, and gaudish prose, to delite the eares of the multitude, to whom a litle before his death, this verse was founded in his care. Desine ludere temerè, nitere pro∣perè surgere de puluere. an. 1178. Nic. Triuet.

Albingenses denyed transustantiation in the Sacra∣ment of Christes body and bloud,* 51.44 about the city of Tho∣louse, also that matrimony was not a Sacrament, &c. an. 1178, ibidem.

King Henry separated himselfe from his wife Alio∣nor, and held her many yeares in prison,* 51.45 as some think for the loue of Rosamūde. Which semeth to me to be the cause, why God afterward stirred all his sonnes vp to warre a∣gaynst him, and to worke him much sorrow. an. 1179. Nic. Triuet. Notwithstanding the sayd Alionor was shortly af∣ter reconciled to him.

S. Frideswide was translated vnto Oxford. an. 1179.

An. 1180. There came to the councell of Pope Alexan∣der, one Pisanus Burgundio, a man very cunning both in Brecke and Latin, which brought and presented to the counsell the Homelyes of Chrisostome vpon the Gospell of S. Iohn,* 51.46 translated out of Greeke into Latin, and sayd that he translated likewise a great part of his exposition v∣pon Genesis, saying moreouer that the sayd Chrisostome had made expositions in Greeke vpon the whole olde te∣stament, and also the new. an. 1180.

The Monkes of Charterhouse,* 51.47 first entred into this land. an. 1180.

An. 1181. Richard Pech Byshopp of Couentry, before his death renounced his bishoprick,* 51.48 and became a Chanō, in the Church of S. Thomas, by Stafford. Ex Chronico peruetusto, cui initium: In diebus sanctis. Regis. &c.

About the latter time of this king Henry, one Hugo (whō men were wont to call S. Hugh of Lincolne) borne in Burgundy,* 51.49 and Prior of the Monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the Bishopricke of Lincoln, who after his death is said to do great miracles, and ther∣fore was counted a Saynt. an. 1186. Flores Hist.

Baldwinns Archbyshop of Caunterbury began the building of his new house and Church of Lambeth,* 51.50 but by the letters of pope Clement 3. he was forbid to proceed in the building thereof. an. 1187. Triuet.

I do finde likewise in y^e foresaid written Chronicle re∣maining

in the hands of one Williā Cary Citizen of Lō∣dō: that this forenamed king Henry y^e 2.* 51.51 gaue to the court and church of Rome, for the death of Becket 40. thousand markes of siluer. And 5. thousand marks of gold. an. 1187.

Mention was made a little aboue of Amalrike king of Ierusalē, which destroyed Babylon, so that it was ne∣uer after to this day restored, but lyeth wast and desolate: wherein was fulfilled that, which in the Prophets in so many places was threatened to Babylō before.* 51.52 This A∣malrike had a sonne named Baldwin, & a daughter cal∣led Sibilla. Baldwine from the beginning of his raigne was a Leoper, and had the falling sickenesse, being not a∣ble for feeblenesse of body (although valiaunt in hart and stomacke) to satisfy that function.

Sibilla his sister was first maried to one Willermus, Marques of Moūt Ferrat, by whom she had a sonne cal∣led also Balwinus. After him she was maried to another husband, named Guido de Liziniaco, Earle of Ioppe and of Ascalon. Upon this befell, that the foresaid Baldwine the Leoper sonne of Amalricus, being thus feeble & infirme, as is sayd: called his nobles together with his mother & the Patriarche, declaring to thē his inability, and by the consentes of them, committed the vnder gouernement of the City to Guido the husband of Sibilla his sister. But he being found insufficiēt or els not lucky in y^e gouerning thereof: the office was translated to another, named Rai∣mundus Earle of Tripolis. In the meane time the Sol∣dan with his Sarasins mightely preuayled agaynst the Christiās, & ouerran the countrey of Palestina. In which meane time Baldwine the king departed. Whereby the kingdome fell next to Baldwinus the sonne of Sibilla by her first husband Willermus. The which Baldwinus be∣ing but fiue yeares olde, was put to custody of Raimun∣dus aforesayd. Who also in his minority, before he came to his crowne, dyed: whereby the next succession by dissent fell to Sibilla, the wife of Guido aboue mentioned. To whom the pieres and nobles ioyning together in coūsell, offred to the sayde Sibilla as to the lawfull heyre to the crowne, to be theyr Queene: with this condition, that she should sequester from her by solemne deuorsement the foresayd Guido her husband. But she refused the kingdōe offered to her on that condition:* 51.53 till at last, the Magistrats with the nobles ingenerall graunted vnto her, & by theyr othes confirmed the same, that whomesoeuer she woulde choose to be her husband, all they would take and obey as theyr king.* 51.54 Also Guido her husband with like petition a∣mong y^e rest, humbly requested her: that the kingdom not for his sake, or for his priuate losse, might be destitute of gouernement. At length she with teares consenting to theyr entreaty was contented, and solemnely was crow∣ned theyr Queene: who after the maner, agayne receiued theyr fidelity by theyr othe. Whereupon Guido without all hope both of wife and kingdome, departed home qui∣etly to his owne. This done, the Queene assembling her states and prelates together,* 51.55 entred talke with thē about the choosing of the king, according to that which they had promised and sworne vnto her: and to obey him as theyr king, whom she would name to be her husbande. Thus, while they were all in great expectation wayting euery man whome she would nominate: The Queene with a loud voyce sayd to Guido that stood amongst them: Gui∣do my Lord, I choose thee for my husbād, and yelding my selfe and my kingdome vnto you, openly I protest you to be the king. At these words al the assembly being amased, wondred that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men. And worthy no doubt was she to be commended and extolled for her singuler vertue both of faythful chastity and high prudēce: so tempering the mat∣ter that both she obtayned to her husband the kingdome, and retayned to her selfe agayne her husband, whom she so faythfully loued. an. 1186. Ex Historia manu scripta, cui ini∣tium: Rex Pictorum ex Bibliotheca Cariensi mutuata.

As I haue hetherto described the publick acts of king Henry, so now I meane to touch something of his priuat conditions. He was of meane stature, eloquent and lear∣ned, manly and bolde in chiualry. Fearefull of the muta∣bility and chaunce of warre, more lamenting the death of his souldiars dead, thē louing them aliue, none more cur∣teous & liberall for the obtayning of his purpose: in peace and tranquility none more roughter: stubberne agaynst the stubberne: sometimes mercifull to those whom he had vanquished: straight to his householde seruauntes, but li∣berall to straūgers: publickly of publick thinges liberall, sparing of his owne: whom once he tooke a displeasure a∣gaynst, hardly or neuer would he receiue agayne to fauor: somewhat lauash of his tongue, a willing breaker of hys promise, a louer of his ease, but an oppressor of his nobili∣ty: a seuere reuenger and furtherer of iustice: variable of word, and crafty in his talke: an open adulterer: a nouri∣sher of discord amongst his children. Moreouer the Pa∣pistes bearing him (for Thomas Beckets quarell & such like, as may be gathered) no good will: terme him to be an aduersary of the sayth, the maule and beetle of the church.

Also in the Chronicle intituled Scala mundi, I finde of him: that he followeth the steppes, maners and conditiōs of Henry the first his graūdfather in euery poynt. He pre∣serued firme peace, & executed straight iustice through all his dominions. He loued marueilous well his forrest: & agayne those that were transgressors either to his crown or person, he most seuerely punished.

Moreouer, in a certayne history intituled De regibus Angliae, I finde that this king was sondry times admo∣nished to reforme and amēd his life. And first by one that was an olde man at the castle of Card••f in Wales, at that time of the yeare called Dominica in albis, the eight day af∣ter Easter. Where also, after that he had heard masse, and was going to take his horse: there stood a certayne man by him, somewhat yelowish (his heare being rounded, leaue, and illfauoured) hauing on a white coat, and being barefoote, looked vpon the king, and spake in this wise: good olde king. That done, thus he proceedeth. The king saluteth you and his blessed mother, Iohn Baptist, & Pe∣ter: straightly charging you,* 51.56 that vpon the Sundayes throughout all your dominions there be no buying & sel∣ling or other seruile businesse (those onely except, which appertayne to the preparation of meat and drinke) which thing if thou shalt obserue, whatsoeuer thou takest in hād thou shalt happely finish and bring to passe.* 51.57 Then spake the king in French to the knight that held his horse by the bridle: Aske of this chourle whether he dreamed this or not. And in the meane while that the knight should haue interpreted the kinges wordes and message, he spake be∣fore, and said. Whether this be a dreame or not, mark wel what day this is: for vnlesse that thou do these things, and amend thy life: such newes shalt thou heare within these 12. monethes, that will make thee lament and mourne, till thy dying day. And when these wordes were spoken the man vanished out of his sight. And within one yeare next after: Henry, Bawfride, and Richard his sonnes, for sooke him their father, and took part with the French king. The king of Scottes, the Earle of Chester, and Earle of Leciter, made an insurrection agaynst the king. Many o∣ther premonitions were geuen also to the king, but all these did he little esteme. The second which did admonish him was a certayne Irish man,* 51.58 geuing him certayne se∣cret signes. And thirdly, a certayne knight of Fyndesey, named Phillip de Easterby: sayling with him ouer into Fraunce, declared vnto the king in Normandy seuen ar∣ticles, which he should amend. Which thing if he wold do, he should raigne seuē yeares most honorably, and should take the holy crosse from his enemies: or els he, in y^e fourth yeare should dye in great ignominye.* 51.59 The 3. first thinges were these, which he at his coronation sware to obserue (that is) to defend the Church, to mayntayne good lawes, and to condemne no man to death without iudgement. The fourth was, for the restoring of inheritaūce wrong∣fully takē. The fift was in doing iustice without reward. The sixt was of ministers & officers wages and stipēdes. The seuenth was of expelling the Iewes, leauing them some money to depart withal.* 51.60 But the king not amēding his life, there rose vp agaynst him 3. strong enemies, that is to say his three sonnes with the Frenchking. But af∣ter that the king (forsooth) had gone a pilgrimage to the Martys tombe, barfoote: William the king of Scots, the Earles of Chester and Lecester, were taken at Alnewick.

In the 35. yeare of his raigne, being in the Castle of Chiuen in Normandy, he dyed: at whose death those that were presēt, were so greedy of the spoyle, that they left the body of the king naked, and not so much could be foūd as a cloth to couer it: till that a Page comming in, and seing the king so ignominiously to lye, threw his cloke vpō his nether partes, wherein (sayth the author) was verified the surname, which from his youth he bare, being called Hē∣ry court Mantill.

¶ King Richard.

IN this yeare of the Lord aboue recited,* 51.61 which was 1189. King Richard the eldest sonne of Henry 2. succeeding his Father, entred his crowne: at which time Pope Clement sate at Rome, succeeding after Gregory which dyed a litle before with sorrow for the losse of the holy crosse.

* 51.62During the time of whose coronatiō it befell, that not withstanding the king the day before his coronation, and by publicke edict commaunded both the Iewes and their wiues not to presume either to enter the church, or els his pallace, during the solemnization of his coronation amō∣gest his nobles and Barons: yet (whilest the king was at dinner) the chiefetayne of the Iewes with diuers other of his Iewish affinity and supersticious sect, agaynst the kings prohibition (together with other prease) entred the court gates. Wherat a christian man being offēded, stroke one of them with his hand or fist, & bad him stand further from the court gate, as the king had geuen in commaun∣dement: whose example others also following being dis∣pleased agaynst the Iewes, offered them the like contu∣inely. Other also, supposing that the king had so cōmaun∣ded in deed (as vsing the authority of the king) fel vpō all the Iewes that stood by without the court gate. And first they bet them with theyr fistes: but afterward they tooke vp stones and such other thinges, as they could get, and threw at them, and bet them therewith. And thus driuing them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead.

* 51.63There was amongst this number of the Iewes, one which was called the blessed Iew of Yorke: which was so fore wounded and beaten with the rest, that for feare of his lyfe-he sayd he would become a christian: and was in deed of Williā the Prior of the church of S. Mary of York baptised: whereby he escaped the great perill of death he was in, and the persecutors hands. In the meane whyle, there was a great tumor spred throughout all the City of London, that the king had cōmaunded to destroy all the Iewes. Whereupon, as well the Citizens as innumera∣ble people more, being assembled to see the kings corona∣tion: armed themselues and came together.* 51.64 The Iewes thus being (for the most part) stayn, the rest fled into their houses: where, for a time through the strōg and sure buil∣ding of them, they were defēded. But at length, theyr hou∣ses were set on fire, and they destroyed therein.

These thinges being declared to the king, whilest he with his nobles and Barons were at dinner: he sendeth immediately Ranulph de Glanuile, the Lord high Stu∣ard of England, with diuers other noble men to accom∣pany him:* 51.65 that they might fray and restrayne these so bold enterprises of the Londiners, but all was in vayne. For in this so great a tumult, none there was that either re∣garded what the nobility sayd, or els any whit reuerēced theyr personages: but rather with sterue looks and threa∣tning wordes, aduised them and that quickely to depart. Whereupon, they with good deliberation thinking it the best so to do, departed: the tumult and insurrection conti∣nuing till the next daye. At which time also the king sen∣ding certayne of his officers into the Citty, gaue them in commaundement to apprehend and present some such as were the chiefest of the malefactours: of the which, three were condemned to be hanged, and so were. The one, for that he had robbed a Christiās house in this tumult: and the other two, for that they fired the houses to the greate daunger of the City. After this the king sent for him that from a Iew was conuerted to Christiannitye: and in the presēce of those that saw where he was baptised, the king asked him whether he was become a Christian or not.* 51.66 He aunswering the king sayd no: but to the intent he might escape death, he promised to do whatsoeuer the christians would haue him. Then the king asked the Archbishop of Caunterbury (other Archbishops and Byshoppes being present) what were best to be done with him: who vnad∣uisedly aunswering said:* 51.67 If he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the deuill: and so reuolted he agayne to Iewdaisme.

Then the king sent his writs to the shiriffes of euery country to enquire for the authors & stirrers of this out∣rage. Of whom 3, were hanged, diuers were imprisoned. So great was thē the hatred of Englishmen agaynst the Iewes, that as soone as they began to be repulsed in the court the Londiners taking example thereof, fell vpon them, set theyr houses on fyre, and spoyled theyr gooddes. The country agayne following the example of the Lon∣diners semblably did the like. And thus the yeare, which the Iewes tooke to be theyr Iubily, was to them a yeare of confusion.* 51.68 In so much as in the city of Yorke y^e Iewes obtayning the occupying of a certayne Castle for theyr preseruation, and afterward not willing to restore it to the Christians agayne, when they saw no other remedye but by force to be vanquished, first they offered much mo∣ny for theyr liues: when that would not be taken, by the counsell of an olde Iew among them, euery one with a sharpe razer cut an others throate, whereby a thousand & fiue hundred of them were at that present destroyd.* 51.69 Nei∣ther was this plague of theyrs vndeserued. For euerye yeare commonly theyr custome was to get some christen mans childe from the parentes, and on good Fridaye to crucify him in despite of our religion. Ex chron. Westm.

King Richard after the death of his father,* 51.70 comming to remembraunce of himselfe, and of his rebellion against hys father, sought for absolution of his trespasse, and in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with Phillipp the French King about Easter next ensuing to take his voy∣age with him for the recouerye of Christes patrimonye, which they called the holy land. Whereupon the sayd king Richard immediatly after his coronation, to prepare him selfe the better toward his iourny, set to sale diuers of his manors. Wherof Godfrey Lucy then B. of Wint.* 51.71 bought a couple for 2. M. markes, to witee, Wergraue, and Me∣lenge. The Abbot of Bury bought another for a M. mar∣kes, called Middlesaie. Hugh Pusaz B. of Durhā, bought the Lordship of Seggesfield, or Sedberga with the wa∣pintake, and all the appertenaunce thereto belonging. He bought also the Earledome of Northumberland. Whome When the king should solemnize after the maner of secu∣lar Earles, merily with a mocking iest, loe (sayd he) of an olde Byshop I haue made a young Earle. And because the sayd Bishop had professed before by a solemme vow to visite the holy land, to be released of his vow, he compoū∣ded with the Pope for a great summe of mony therefore, and moreouer gaue to the King a thousand Marks to re∣mayne at home, as chiefe Iustice of England. Ouer and besides, the King set out all that he had to sale, wooddes, castles,* 51.72 townships, Lordships, Earledoms, Baronages. &c. ordayning also diuers new Byshops, & not without some aduantage (as appeared) to his purse: fayning moreouer, his olde seale to be lost, that they which had landes to hold, might be driuen to renew their writinges agayne by the new seale, wherby great substaunce of mo∣ny was gayned.

Aboue all this,* 51.73 by the commaundement of Pope Cle∣ment. 3. a tenth also was enacted of the whole Realm, in such sort as the Christians should make to the king 70000 pound, the Iewes 6000. Ex Geruas. fol. 134. King Richard after his coronation sent certayne Earles and Barons to Phillip the French King in the tyme of his parliament at S. Denis, desiring him to remember his promise made for the recouery of Christes holy patrimony out of the sa∣racens handes.* 51.74 Unto whom he sent word agayne in the moneth of December, certifying him how he had bound himself by solemne othe, deposing vpon the Euangelists, that he the next yeare following about the time of Easter, had certaynly perfixed to addresse himselfe toward that iourney, requiring him likewise not to fayle but to be re∣dy at the terme aboue limitted, appoynting also the place where both the Kinges should meet together.

The next yeare then ensued, which was 1190 in the be∣ginning of which yere,* 51.75 vpon I welfe euen, fel a foule nor∣thren brawle, which turned welnere to a fray, betweene the Archbyshop new elected of the Church of Yorke, and his company on the one side, and Henrye Deane of the sayd Church, with his Catholicke partakers on the other side, vpon occasion as followeth. Gaufridus or Geffray, sonne to King Henry 2. and brother to King Richard, whom the King had elected a little before to the Archby∣shoprick of Yorke, vpon the euen of the Epiphany, which we call Twelfe day, was disposed to heare Euēsong with all solemnity in the Cathedrall church, hauing with him Hamon the Chaunter, with diuers other Canons of the church. Who tarying something long, belike in adour∣ning and attyring himselfe: in the mean while Henry the Deane,* 51.76 and Bucardus the treasurer, disdayning to tary his comming, with a bolde courage lustilye began theyr holy Euensong, with singing theyr Psalmes, ruffling of descant, and mery piping of Organs. Thus this Catho∣licke Euensōg with as much deuotion begon, as to gods high seruice proceeding, was now almost halfe complete, when as at lenth (they being in the midst of theyr myrth) commeth in the new elect, with his trayne and gardeui∣aunce, all full of wrath and indignatiō, for that they durst be so bolde, not wating for him to begin gods seruice, and so estsoones commaunded the Duyre to stay & holde theyr peace.* 51.77 The Chaunter likewise, by vertue of his office, cō∣maūdeth the same. But the Deane and Treasurer on the other side willed them to proceed, and so the song on, and would not stint. Thus the one halfe crying agaynst the o∣ther, the whole Duyre was in a roare, theyr singing was turned to scolding, theyr chaunting to chiding, and if in stead of the Organes they had had a Drumme, I doubt, they would haue solsede by the eares together.

* 51.78At last, through the authority of the Archb. and of the Chaunter, the Queare began to surcease and geue silence. Then y^e newe elect not contented with that had bene song before, with certayne of the Quire beganne the Euensong new agayne. The Treasurer vpō the same caused by ver∣tue of his office, the candles to be put out. Wherby y^e euen∣song hauing no power further to proceede, was stopped forthwith. For like as without the light and beames of the sun there is nothing but darcknes in all the world:* 51.79 euen so you must vnderstand, the Popes church can see to do no∣thing without candle light, albeit the sun do shine neuer so cleare and bright. This being so the archb. thus disapoin∣ted on euery side of his purpose, made a greeuous plaint, declaring to the clergy and to the people, what the Deane, and Treasurer had done, and so vpon the same suspended both them and the church from all diuine seruice, till they should make to him due satisfaction for their trespasse.

The next day which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people of the City were assembled in the Cathedrall church (as theyr maner was, namely in such feasts) deuout¦ly to heare diuine seruice (as they call it) of the church,* 51.80 there was also present the Archb. and the Chaunter with the residue of the Clergy, loking when the Deane and Trea∣surer would come and submit themselues, making satisfa∣ction for theyr crime. But they still cōtinuing in their stout¦nes, refused so to do, exclaiming & vttering contemptuous wordes agaynst the Archb. & his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a great rage would haue fallē vp∣on them,* 51.81 but the Archb. would not suffer that. The Deane thē & his fellowes perceiuing y^e stirr of the people for feare like prety men were fayne to flye, some to the tombe of S. William of Yorke, some ran to the Deanes house, & there shrowded themselues: whom the Archb. then accursed. And so for that day the people returned home without any seruice. Ex veteri Chronico manu scripto, cui initium: Anno gratiae Milles. &c.

After this King Richard preparing to set all thinges in an order before his going,* 51.82 committed the whole gouer∣nement of the realme principally to William Bishoppe of Ely his Chauncellor, & to Hugh B. of Durhā, whom he ordayned to be the chiefe Iustice of all England in his ab∣sence, the one to haue the custody of the tower, with the o∣uersight of all other parts of the land on this side of Num∣ber: the other (which was y^e B. of Durham) to haue charge vpon all other his dominions beyond Number: Sending moreouer to Pope Clement in the behalfe of the foresayd William B. of Ely, to be made the Popes Legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtayned. Thus the B. being aduaunced in high authority, to fur∣nish the king toward his setting forth, prouideth out of e∣uery city in England ij. Palfreys, and ij. sumpters, & out of euery Abbey, one palfrey, and one sumpter.

These thinges and other thus set in a stay, the king ac∣cording to his former appointment, about the time of Ea∣ster, sailed to Fraunce, where the French king and he con∣ferring together, because they could not make redy at that time of Easter, concluded to take a longer day, proroging their voyage till after midsommer. In which meane time y^e king occupying himselfe in redressing & stablishing such things as further were to be ordred, there determined, that Baufridus & Iohn his brethrē shuld not enter into Eng∣land in 3. yeres after his departure: Neuertheles he relea∣sed that band afterward to his brother Iohn.* 51.83 Thēn he ap∣poynted the Captaynes & Constables ouer his nauy, & set lawes to be obserued in his iourney vpon the seas. But es∣pecially his care was to make vnity and concord betwene parties that were at variaunce, and to set them together at one.* 51.84 At which time the long contētion began also to be ap∣peased which so many yeres had continued betwene Bald winus Archb. of Cant. and his monkes of Christs church. The discourse whereof, although it be some what tedious to be set forth at large being enough to make a whole tra∣gedy, yet to y^e intent y^e age now present may see what great conflictes and disquietnes, vpō what litle trifles hath bene stirred vp,* 51.85 what litle peace & vnity hath bene not onely in this church, but commōly in all other churches, vnder the popes catholicke regiment: I thought it labour not ill be∣stowed, somewhat to intermeddle in opening to y^t eyes of the Reader, the consideration of this matter. Wherein first is to be vnderstood that the Archbishops of Cant. cōmon∣ly being set vp by the pope, especially since y^e time of y^e con∣quest, haue put the Kinges of this land to much sorrow & trouble: as appeared by William Rufus & Lanfrāck, and also Anselme. By Henry 1. and Anselme, King Stephen & Theobald, Henry 2. & Becket. &c For which y^e Kinges of this land haue vsed the more care & circumspectiō, to haue such Archbishops placed in that sea, as either should stand with them, or at least should not be agaynst them.

Now to the purpose of our matter entended. First af∣ter Laufrancus who was Archb. xx. yeares, the sea stan∣ding vacant v. yeares, succeded Anseimus, & sat 17. yeares. After whom the sea stāding vacant 4. yeres, succeded Ra∣dulphus, and continued 9. yeares. Then followed Williā, who sat 12. yeares,* 51.86 and dyed, an. 1137. After whom came Theobaldus in the time of king Stephen. This Theo∣baldus being no great fauourer of the monkish generatiō, fell out with Ieremias Prior of the house of Cant. for cer∣taine causes betweene them: for which the Archb. taking stomack against the Prior, would lay the sentence of inter∣diction against him.* 51.87 The Prior, seing that, to saue himself, made his appeale to Pope Innocent. The Archb. prouo∣ked the more by that, deposed him from the Priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. Ieremias notwithstāding making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obteined let∣ters from the Pope to Henry B. of Wint. being the popes Legate: by the vertue wherof, he against the hart of y^e Arch¦bishop was restored, and Walter displaced. Neuertheles, the sayd Ieremy not willing there to continue w^t displea∣sure of the Archb, shortly after of his owne accord, renoū∣ced his Priority, and Walter againe was receiued in hys stead. Not long after this followed the generall councel of Rhemes, an. 1140. To y^c which councell Theobald cōtrary to the commaūdement of the king, would needs resort, to shew his obedience to the pope, wherfore at his returning home again the king tooke such displeasure with him, that within a while after the Archbishop was driuen to voyde the realme, and flie into Fraūce: where he by censure of in∣terdiction suspended diuers churches, and religious hou∣ses which refused to come to the councell, and also hearing how the king had seized vpon all his goods, he interdicted likewise all the kings lands, whatsoeuer belonged to the crown, so that the king in conclusion was fain to cōpound with him and fall to agreemēt, which was about the yere. 1148. Ex Geruasio.

After this in the yeare of our Lord 1151. after the death of Hugh Abbot of S. Austens in Cant.* 51.88 Siluester was e∣lected by the Couent to be their Abbot, in the raigne of R. Stephen. Which Siluester when he came to Theobald y^e Archb. to make his profession of subiction vnto him, and to receiue of him consecration: the Archb. was contented, so that the Abbot would come to christes church in Cant. and there make his profession. But to this Siluester in no case would graūt to take his consecration there, but els in any other church wheresoeuer the Archbishop would, he was contented. Wherunto when the Archbish. in no wise would agre, Siluester making a great bag of mony, went to Rome, where he obtained of y^e pope for mony, (for what can not money do at Rome?) letters that the Archbishos should consecrate the Abbot in his own church of S. Au∣sten, and also not exact of him any profession of canonicall subiection. Whereupon the Archb. was compelled against his will, to come to the Abbots Churche, and there at the popes commaundement to consecrate him simply, & with∣out any further profession to be required.

Then Walter Prior of Christes Churche in Cant.* 51.89 se∣ing that, and perceiuing how preiudiciall and derogatory the example therof would be to y^• honor & maiesty of theyr church, through counsell of his brethren, went thither, and notwithstanding the dores were straitly watched & kept, yet by meanes he at last gate in. And as he saw the Archb. attired in his Pontificalibus, ready to minister consecration to the Abbot, he stepped straighte to the Archb. & estsoones appealeth him vp to Rome, for the great iniury wrought against the church of Cant. forbidding him in the name of him to whom he appeled, not to proceed any further. And so this holy consecration was for the presēt time stayd. For the which Siluester with a new purse of mony was faine to trauell & trot againe to Rome. Where he complayning of the Archb. and accusing him of contempt to the Pope in not executing the commaundement sent down,* 51.90 obteineth again new letters with more effectuall charge to the fore∣sayd Archb. that he without any profession, simply should geue to Siluester his consecration in his own church: om∣ni occasione & appellatione remota, all maner of stay or let, or appellation to the contrary notwithstanding, and so in conclusion the Abbot contrary to whatsoeuer the Archb.* 51.91 & al the Monks of Cant. would do, was in his own church made Abbot, and had the victory for that time. Notwith∣standing the Archb. left not the matter so, but within fiue yeres after obtained of pope Adrian, that Siluester should make profession of his obedience to the Archb. and so did. Ex Geruas.

In few yeres after this, dyed king Stephen. an. 1154. and after him Theobald the Archb. an. 1159. after he had

sit 23. yeres. After whom through thinstant procurement or king Henry the 2. was placed Tho. Becket, the kinges Chaūcellor. an. 1162. of whose sturdy rebellion against the king, because sufficient hath bene sayd before, it shall not need to make a double labor now about the same.

* 51.92After the death of Becket, much adoe there was be∣twene king Henry and Odo Prior of Cant. about the e∣lection of a new Archb. For the king seing the Realme so oftentimes encombred by those Popish Archbishops, and fearing least the Monkes of Cant. should elect such an o∣ther as would follow the steps of Tho. Becket, most hū∣bly with cappe in hand & curtesy of knee, desired Odo the Prior, that at his request, & for contentation of his minde, such a one might be elected, whom he would appoint (ap∣pointing and naming a certayn bishop, which was a good simple man after the kinges liking:* 51.93) but the Prior diffē∣blingly answering the king agayne, that he neither could nor would without y^e consent of his Couent geue promise to any man, in fine contrary to the kinges so humble re∣quest, agreed to the electiō of an other, which was the pri∣or of Douer, called Richard. an. 1173. who continued in y^t seat xi. yeares.

* 51.94And here was renewed againe the like variaunce be∣twene this Archbyshop and Roger Abbot of the Austen monkes in Canterbury as was before mētioned betwene Theobaldus, and Siluester. For when the said Roger af∣ter his election to be Abbot. must needes take his cōsecra∣tion at the Archbishops hand, neither would the Archby∣shop graūt it vnto him vnlesse he made profession of obe∣diēce, according to the aūcient custome of his predecessors: then Roger consulting with his Monkes, first denyed so to do but at length was contēted, so it might not be done in the Archbishoppes Church, but in any other Churche where he would, vnder writing this clause withall: Saluis vtrius{que} Ecclesiae priuilegijs, that is, sauing the priuileges of both Churches.* 51.95 To this the Archbishop sayd agayn, first that he should make his due, & canonicall profession & that he should not come to him with writing or vnderwriting but should say in his hart: Salue sancta parens: or Salue festa dies: not Saluis priuilegijs, or any such like thing. Wherunto when the Austen Monkes in no case would consent, nor the Archbishop otherwise would graunt his benediction: Roger the Abbot ••as fayn to post to Rome, and there to bring the Archb. in hatred in the Court of Rome, made his Abbay tributary to Pope Alexander.

The Pope well contented with this, not onely graun∣teth the Abbot his desire, but also in cōtumely of the arch∣bishop dubbeth the Abbot with all such ornaments as to a Prelate apperteined,* 51.96 and so in the yeare. 1178. sent home the Abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, and o∣ther ensignes of victory, with letters also to the Archbi∣shop inioyning him immediatly vpon the sight thereof to consecrate the Abbot in his own Church, & without ma∣king any profession. Although with these letters the arch∣bishop was shrewedly pressed, yet notwithstanding hys stout hart would not stoupe for this, but layd his appeale against the same: and so the consecratiō for that time was suspended.

* 51.97Then Roger for his more defence, getting the kings letters, trauailed vp the second time to Rome, where gre∣uously he complayned to Pope Alexander of the Archby∣shop. At the same time a generall councell was summo∣ned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard y^e foresayd arch bishop was also looked for amongst other Bishops to be present. Who thē came as farre as Paris, but being there, durst approch no further, & so retyred home again. Wher∣upon the Pope being offended with his contēpt, without any more delay exalted the Abbot with his own consecra∣tion,* 51.98 and inuested him with all pompe and glory: howbeit prouiding before that the sayd consecration should redoūd to no preiudice agaynst the liberties of the mother church of Canterbury, and so vpon the same wrot to the Archbi∣shop his letters of certificate, with this additiō annexed, Saluo iure & dignitate Cant. Ecclesiae, that is to say, Sauing the liberties and dignity of the Church of Cant. &c.* 51.99

After the counsell ended, Roger the Abbot returneth home, although with an empty purse, yet full of victory & triūph. The Archbishop againe thinking to worke some greuaunce to the Austen Monkes, had procured in this meane time letters from Pope Alexander to the Bishop of Durhā, and Abbot of S. Albons, that they should cause the sayd Roger Abbot of the Austen monks, to shew vn∣to the Archbishop at y^• old priuiledges of his house, which in deed being shewed seemed to be rased,* 51.100 & new written, with Bulles of lead not after the maner nor stile of that age, nor pretending no such antiquity as should seeme to reach frō the time of Austen, but rather newly coūterfeit.

All this notwithstanding,* 51.101 the Abbot bearing him bold vpon the Popes fauour, ceased not stil to disquiet & ouer∣crow the Archbishop by all wayes he could, in exempting all his Priestes and laimen belonging to his iurisdiction, from the archb. obedience: forbidding also that none of his should come to his Chapters or Sinods, nor to feare any sentence of his curse or excommunication. Wherupon the Archbishop about the month of Nouember the same yere sayling ouer to Normandy where the king was, thought to take his iourney to the pope,* 51.102 to complain of the Abbot: but being stayd by the king was not suffered to passe any further, the king labouring what he could, to bring them to agreement, neuerthelesse the Pope and his Romaines (sayth my story) Aurum & argentum magis quàm iusticiam si∣tientes, seditiones inter eos & litigia commouebant, that is, ca∣ring more for golde and siluer, then for iustice, still stirred coales of sedition and debate betweene them. Ex Historia Geruasij.

The next yere after this insuing,* 51.103 which was the yeare of our Lord 1184. dyed Richard the Archbishop aforesaid: in the 38, yere of king Henry 2. After whose dicease much trouble happened about the election of a new Archb. be∣twene the king and monkes of Canterbury. And now to enter here into the story of Baldwin aboue mētioned, first the king sēt to the monks, that they should consider with themselues about the election of their Archbishop and to be ready agaynst the time that he would send for them to the court.* 51.104 Vpon this the Couent gladly assembling toge∣ther, agreed in themselues vpon one, whom they thought chiefly to preferre, yet naming foure moe, that if the king would refuse one, the other yet might stand. Now y^e pra∣ctise in the monkes was, first to keepe the election only in their owne handes, as much as they could.* 51.105 And secondly euer to geue the election either to some Prior or Monk of their own house, or to some Abbot or Bishop, which some time had bene of theyr company. Wherby as much incon∣uenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England: so the same disliked both the king and the By∣shops not a litle.

As this past on,* 51.106 the king when he saw his time willed the monks of Canterbury, to be cited or sent for, to vnder∣stand what they had concluded in their election. Wherupō the Monkes sent vp their Prior called Alanus, with cer∣taine other Monks to Reding, where the king thē lay, a∣bout the moneth of August. Who at first were curtuously enterteined:* 51.107 but after the king had intelligēce whom they had nominated & elected: they were sēt home agayne with cold cheare, the king willing thē to pray better, and to ad∣uise more earnestly vpon the matter amongst themselues. Alanus the Prior, with his felowes thus departed, who comming home, in conclusion so concluded amongst them selues, that they would remitt no iote of their liberties to the king, without the popes consent and knowledge. The king vnderstanding hereof, sent his Ambassadours like∣wise to the Pope, for the fortefying of his cause, being in y^t mean time grieuously offēded with the Prior: saying: that he was proud & would make archbishop whom he listed. and would be the second Pope in England. &c.

Not long after this,* 51.108 as these letters were sent vp to Rome, the king sent for Alanus the Prior, and moe of the monks, to come to him. Whom he entreateth, desiring thē in gentle speech, that they would shew so much gentlenes & fauor to him being their Lord & King as becōmeth hys frendes and subiects to doe, as to conferre with the By∣shops of the Realme about this matter, and to take some better councel, so as might redoūd to Gods glory, his ho∣nor, & wealth of the publicke state, with other like words to the same effect.

To whom when y^e Prior agayne had answered with thankes & due reuerence, according to the kinges request, the Bishops and Monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the Bishoppes maruelled why the monks should exclude them out of the election,* 51.109 seing they were professed & Suffraganes to the sayd church of Can∣terbury: Neither is there any Prince, quoth the bishop of Bathe, that will refuse our counsell. There be some coun∣sels, sayd the Monkes, whereat you may be called: but as touching y^e doing of this electiō, it pertaineth nothing vn∣to you further then to publish onely and denounce y^• party whō we haue chosen, The bishop of London then asked, if they had already made any election.* 51.110 No election, sayd y^e Prior, as yet, but onely we haue denominate the persons. Thē haue ye proceeded further, quoth he, thē ye ought, ha∣uing a cōmaundement from the pope not to proceed with out vs. And with that was brought forth the popes letter commaunding that within xl. dayes the bishops of Eng∣land and the Prior, & Couent of Canterbury should elect

an able and fitte person to be their Archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much a doe. The Byshops sayd, they were first named, & therfore ought to haue most interest in this election. The Mōks said agayne. that they also were not excluded, and required to haue a transcript of the letter, wherof much doubt was made.

* 51.111After long concertation, whē they could not agree, the king comming betwene them both, called away the By∣shops from the Monks, supposing by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties to his sentence. But that would not be, for the Monks stifly stāding to their li∣berties, would loose no preeminēce of their church,* 51.112 still al∣ledging how by the auncient priuiledges of the church of Canterbury the Couent should choose their Pastor & By∣shop, and the Prior to publish and denoūce the persō. The Byshops again replied, that it was their right to appoint their Archbishop & Metropolitane, which were Bishops and Suffraganes, and namely the byshop of London also being Deane of the saide church of Canterbury. The king thē as vmpere betwene them, yet fauoring rather the side of the Bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. Whē that would not preuaile, he set the Lord Stuard, and other noble mē to entreat the Prior, to draw to some agre∣ment: at least to be conteuted with this forme of election, which was that the Bishop of London or some other Bi∣shop should declare the election in these wordes.

We Byshoppes, and the Prior and Couent of Christes Chur∣che in Caunterbury,* 51.113 with the assent of our Lord our Kyng doe choose suche a person to be Archbishop. &c. or els thus, that the Prior shoulde pronounce forth the election in these wordes say∣ing: The Byshoppes of England and I Prior and the Couent of Caunterbury, with the assent of our Lord & King do choose such a person. &c.

* 51.114Vpon this the Prior sayd, he would conuent with his Couent. Who with much ado were contēt to graūt to the kinges desire, but afterward being required to put downe y^e same in writing, that they refused to do: yet notwithstā∣ding relented at last to the king. But when the Byshops made excuses for the absēce of theyr felow Byshops,* 51.115 so the matter for that time stayd. And the king sending home the Monkes agayne to their house in peace, deferred that bu∣sines to a further day, which was till y^t first day of Decēber cōmaunding the Prior with his felowes the same day not to fayle but to be at London about the choosing of y^e Arch∣byshop.

As the day prefixed came, the Prior with his company were also present, who geuing attendance all that day and the next day also following, so were driuen off till the third day after. At lēgth the Lord Stuard with other nobles of the realme,* 51.116 were sent to them from the king, to declare, that where as the king before had deuided the bishops frō the Monkes, that they both might haue theyr election by themselues after the forme of a bill, which was put downe in writing: now the minde of thel King was, that the Monks taking an other way, should ioyne with the By∣shops, and so hauing the matter in talke together, shoulde proceed ioyntly in the election.

Agaynst this, many things were alledged by the prior & his mates, complaining much vpon the bishops, which sayd that the Byshops had euer holden with the kings a∣staynst the liberties of their Church and Archbyshops. As first they stood agaynst Anselme, for king William: Then agaynst Theobalde for king Stephen: After that agaynst Thomas Becket for king Henry: And after him did sup∣plant the election of Richard their Archbyshop: And now again went about to practise and worke against this their election present. &c. At last the Prior with his felows con∣cluding, desired they might speake with the king himselfe. Who estsoones comming to them, willed them as good mē to be contented,* 51.117 and goe talke with the Byshoppes about the election, promising that whō they agreed vpon, he also would graunt his assent to the same. To whom when the Prior agayne had obiected the writinges that before were made: truth it is sayd the king, such writings were made: but I neither may, nor will go agaynst the councell of my realme: and therfore agree sayd he, with my Bishops and Abbots, and remember, that the voyce of the people is the voyce of God.* 51.118

Vpon this the Prior with his Monkes seing no other remedy, went to the Byshops to confer according to the kinges request about the election. Who then were willed by the bishops to nominate whom they would, & the By∣shops would likewise name theirs. So that whē the Pri∣or with his cōplices had named three after their choosing, the Bishops said they woulde nominate but one, & so did, which was the Bishop of Worcester: willing the Prior to go home, and to cōferre with his Couent about the same. To whom shortly after the Bishops sent certeine Priests to signify to the Couent, that they, according to the Popes letters, should repayre to the Bishops concerning the ele∣ction of the Archbishop, also to declare moreouer to them, that the persons whom they had named were good mē, but he whom they had nominated, was a more worthy man, whom they both had nominated & also would elect. The Monkes maruelling hereat, sent two Monkes,* 51.119 with the Arcedeacon of Canterbury to the king.

This done, immediatly after the returne of the priests, the Bishops caused all the bels of the city to be rong, and Te Deum to be song for the Archbishop new elect. Whereof when the two Monkes brought tidings to the Couent at Canterbury what was done at Londō, they were all in a maruellous dumpe. The king hearing this & perceiuing the stifnes of the monks, in all haste sēt messēgers to Caū∣terbury with gentle wordes to will the Prior to come to the king, & certify him of the purpose of his Monks. Vn∣to whom the Prior estsoones being come,* 51.120 declareth in the name of the whole Couēt, that in no case he nor y^e Monks would neuer while y^e world stood, agree to that election of the bishops, vnles the king in his own persō would come to Canterbury, and there ouenly before the whole Couēt, protest by his own month y^• forsayd election to be nought and voyd: and so returning to London again openly like∣wise before y^c Clergy & the people would repudiate and re¦iect the same: And furthermore that the partye also elected should openly in the same place protest, & say, that he nei∣ther would nor ought to take that functiō vpon him, vn∣les he entred by the consent of the Prior & Couent of can∣terbury: And all this to be done in the same place where the bishops had made their election before & so peraduen∣ture (sayd they) at the kinges so earnest sute and request,* 51.121 they would gratify his will & ratify the said election with the voyces of theyr consent. To make the story short, after great holde betwene the seculare Clergy on the one side, & the regular order on the other side, and after the kinges in∣dignation agaynst the Prior, and the swonding of the Pri∣or before the king, at length the king to take vp y^e matter, and to saue the Priors life was fayne to performe in hys owne person all these conditions aboue prescribed by the Monkes. Ex Geruas. fol. 100.

And thus haue ye heard the tradgicall election of y^e bi∣shop of Worcester, named Baldwinns made Archbishop of Cant. Now what a troublesome time the sayd Bald∣win had with the Monks, in gouerning y^e church of Cāt. here followeth likewise not vnworthy to be considered.

The troubles betwene Baldwine Archbishop of Caunterbury and, the Monkes of the same Church.

IN the first yeare the Archbishop shewed himselfe frend∣ly and louing to the Monks:* 51.122 the next yere following he began to appeare some what rough vnto them. The ma∣ner then was of the house of Christes Church toward the time of the Natiuitye and of Easter, to receiue certayne presentes or giftes of theyr fermers or tenauntes, whiche the cellarer should take & lay vp. Those presents the arch∣bishop began first to intercept from the Monkes, & to be∣stow them vpon his seculare Clerkes. After this he tooke three Churches or benefices (which the Monkes claymed as proper to themselues) and placed in them 3. of his chap∣laines. After this he encroched to his handes certein tene∣ments, reuenewes & victuall belōging before to y^e monks (as they sayd) and committed the custody therof to certayn of his own Clerkes and housholde seruaunts.

The monkes which had borne so much with the arch∣bishop before seing this, could forbeare him no longer, but needes would make their appeale against him. The arch∣bishop not much regarding y^t,* 51.123 waxed thereby more fierce agaynst them, insomuch that such fermes and tenements, as he before had let alone, now he receiued to his own oc∣cupying: w^. many other greuaunces, wherwith he greatly vexed the Monkes, so that 3. Abbots were fayne to come and reconcile the Archbishop and the Monkes. Which re∣conciliatiō was this, y^• the Monks should let fall their ap∣peale, and the archbishop should restore again to thē their fermes and tenementes. But as touching the benefices & the presentes, the archbishop still kept thē in his hands for a further triall of their obedience and patience. Neuerthe∣lesse some there were of the auncient monkes, which in no case would geue ouer the foresayd appeale before the arch∣bishop made a full restitution of all together.

After this agremēt, such as it was, betwene y^t Monks

and him,* 51.124 the archbishop soon after sent vp to Rome one of his chaplaines (to whō he had geuen one of the benefices afore mētioned) partly for cōfirmatiō of his benefice, part∣ly also to obtein licence for y^e archbishop to build a church, which he entended to erect of secular Priests neare to the town of Canterbury. Which being obteined of the Pope, the archbishop not a litle glad thereof, began now more & more in ware fierce against the monks,* 51.125 not only in taking from thou their churches & oblations, but also in aggra∣uating the whole state of their house, which he entōded ei∣ther to subuert, or greatly to diminish, to pluck down the pride & stubbernes of the Monks. Wherfore taking with him certaine other bishops (whom he knew bare no good will to, y^t Monkish generatiō) he wēt to y^e king, declaring how he had a good purpose in his minde, to erect a new & a solemne Church in the honor of S. Tho. of Cant. of se∣cular priests or Canons,* 51.126 and therfore desired of the king, to haue his fauorable licence to the same. The king right well perceiuing the purpose of the archbishop whether it tended: as to y^e brideling of the stifnecked monks, was the more willing to geue assent, if he were not also the chiefe worker of that matter himselfe.

The intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church was to found there diuers pre••ends, and to make both the king and euery Bishop being his Suffraganes, prebendaries therof, so that euery one of them should cō∣fer one prebendship to the same foūdation, minding there to consecrate Bishops, to make his Chrismatory, to cele∣brate his Sinodes, and to administer all other things be∣longing to the function of his Sea, and the same to be cal∣led Hakington Church.* 51.127 The Monkes not ignorant how the Archb. priuily intended the desolation and subuersion of theyr house & liberties, consulting vpon the matter,* 51.128 de∣termined at length among themselues to appeale to y^c sea of Rome, namely for these 3. causes against the Archbish: First for spoyling them of their gifts & oblations: Secōd∣ly, for depriuing them of their Churches & benefices: And thirdly for erecting a new foūdation of secular Canons to the derogation & ouerthrow to their religious order ge∣uing admonition to the archb. before by their Monks sēt vnto him of this theyr appellation.* 51.129 To whom the Archb. answered, that the foundation which he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification and honor of their house. Who answered agayne that it was & could not otherwise be, but to theyr subuersiō. And what should let me then (sayd the Archb.) but I may builde in myne owne ground what I will?* 51.130 No (sayd they) no ground of yours, but your ground is our groūd, as all other things that you haue, by right are ours, for somuch as you haue them not of your selfe, but of the church & for the churches cause: all which things haue bene geuē neither to you, nor to the archbishops, but to the church of Christ: and there∣fore (said they) al such as appertain vnto vs inwardly and outwardly,* 51.131 with the persons also, & the whole state of our church we submit vnder the popes protectiō: & now here make our appeal to the Sea Apostolick, assigning also the terme when to prosecute the same.

The Archbishop receiuing this appellation, & saying that he would answere to the same either by himself or by his responsall,* 51.132 so within 3. dayes after, which was the 10. of December, he came to Canterbury: where the Monks vnderstanding how he was in mind to place new secular Priests in the church of S. Stephen, where the Monkes had serued before, came to the Church to stoppe the proce∣ding of the archbishop by way of appeal.* 51.133 Wherof the arch bishop hauing warning before, deferred that matter till y^e next day after. On which day the Monks again being sēt by Honorius the Prior into the Church, charged y^e Arch∣bishop in the name of almighty God, & by vertue of theyr appeale made to the Apostolick Sea, to surcease those his doinges, forbidding also the Parson of the Church in no wise to suffer those secular Clerks to be admitted into the Church. All which yet notwithstanding the Archb. proce∣deth in his businesse. And first placing in his Clerkes he suspendeth the Prior from his administration.* 51.134 Thē he ad¦iureth the Porters of the gate vpon theyr othe to let none of y^e Monks passe out of the house without his licēce. The Monks likewise he cōmaūded by vertue of obediēce, not to stray any where abroad without his leaue. And further more one of the foresayd Monks, which serued the appeal against him, he vtterly banished from that Couent. Vpon this, the day next folowing Honorius the Prior trusting (sayth the story) on God, and S. Thomas, tooke his way to Rome, sent in commission by the Couent, to prosecute the appeale agaynst the Archbishop.

* 51.135In this meane season a new iar began betwene y^t said Archb. and the Monkes, about their rents and reuenues, which the Archb. would haue committed to the receiuing & keeping of 3. Monkes, but the Supprior Geffray, with the Couent, in no case would suffer that: wherabout there was a foule stirre. The Archb. crauing the ayd of the king first had 3. Bishops sent downe to him, of Couentry, Nor∣wich and Worcester. Who being instant with the Monks to submitte their cause into the kinges handes, like as the Archb. had done, they vtterly refused it, especially seing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to y^• determinatiō of y^e Apostolicall sea.* 51.136 The king seing no o∣ther remedy came himselfe with the Archb. into the chap∣ter house, where he commaunded first the dores to be kept fast, that none should enter but which by name were cal∣led for.* 51.137 Amongst whō were two Bishops, to wit, of Nor∣wich, and Durham, and one Petrus Blesensis a learned man (whose Epistles be yet extant in Libraries) a chiefe worker in this matter against the Monkes. Then was called in Geffrey the Supprior, with a few other Monks whom he brought with him.* 51.138 The king then first talking with the Archb. and his companye, & afterward with the Monkes, labored to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitremēt of him and of the Bishops, concerning the cause which was betwene y^• Archb. and them in trauers.

To this the Monkes answered, that these were good wordes, but serued not for that time, for somuch as theyr cause was alredy translated to the court of Rome, & now was presently in hearing before the Popes holinesse: and therfore they could not, ne would that iniury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter to the iudgemēt of any other.* 51.139 Then was it required of the Monkes, that they would put the matter in comprimise, in case the prior would consent thereto, vpon this entent, that if the Prior consented and the Monks not, then should they runne in contempt and disobedience: or if the Monkes would con∣sent, and the Prior not, then should the Prior be excluded the Realme. The wily Monkes being not vnprouided of this subtlety, made theyr answere, that seing they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with their honesty, to geue any determinate consēt, without y^e know∣ledge and before the returne of the sayd Prior,* 51.140 vnlesse the Archb. first would promise to make full restitution of all y^t he had wrongfully wrasted from thē. When the king could get no other answere of the Monks, neither could moue the Archb. to release the sentence of their suspension, vnles they would confesse and knowledge theyr fault, he so par∣ting from them passed ouer into Fraunce.

Not long after this,* 51.141 came a messenger frō Rome, brin∣ging letters from Pope Vrbanus to the Archb. wherin y^e pope considering & tendering (as he sayd) the enorme gre∣uaunces done against the Monkes, straightly enioined & commaunded him, within x, dayes after y^e receiuing ther∣of, to release the sentence of his suspension against y^t Prior and other of the sayd Couent, and also to retract & restore agayne to the Monkes whatsoeuer he plucked from them since the time of their appeale first made. Who in case he should deny, or forslack the doing hereof, commission was geuen to 3. Abbots, of Bartaile, of Feuersham, of S. Au∣stens, with ample authority to performe the same.* 51.142 &c. The Archb. receiuing these letters brought to him by a Monk of the foresayd house, first made his excuse, that the Pope was misinformed. But the Monkes not contented wyth that excuse, when they would needs know what answere he would make to y^e Popes nuncio: his answere was that he had yet x,* 51.143 dayes geuen him of the pope. In which mean time the Archb. went to Lōdon and there in the church of S. Paul. consecrated his holy oyle & creame (making one of the Popes 7. Sacraments) which was grieuously takē in the church of Cant. At last, the x. daics being ended whē the Archb. refused to accōplish that was in the popes let∣ter enioyned him,* 51.144 the 3. Abbots aforesayd to execute the Popes commaundement, came at their day assigned, to Cant. and there assoyled all such as the Archb. before had suspēded, and in the end certified pope Vrbane by letters, what they had done.

The Archb. hearing this,* 51.145 within 4. dayes after sent. 2. of his Clerks, which appealed the 3. Abbots aforesayd vp to Rome, and he himselfe in the mean time prepared busi∣ly for the building vp of his church, sending to al churches in England, vpon releasement of their sinnes, to confer to the same: and to make the more haste, for lack of free stone, he made vp his building with timber, and such other stuff as he could get.

The prior Honorius all this while remayned still at y^• court of Rome,* 51.146 geuing attendaunce vpon the Pope, who hauing intelligēce of the archbishops doings, procured an other letter of Pope Vrbane to the whole clergy of Eng∣land

straightly enioyning them, that none should confer to the new fraternity of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry. To these letters the Archbish. shewed such reuerence, that where before he had planted his chappell of wood and boordes, now he prouided the same to be builded of lyme and stone.

* 51.147By this time Petrus Blesensis, with other messen∣gers of the Archb. seing Honorius the Prior to be gone, from the court to Fraunce, resorted to the court of Rome, bringing with them letters of credite from the king, from the Archb. & also frō other Bishops of the realme: but the pope reading onely the kings letters & the archbishops, y^e residue he cast into a window by,* 51.148 saying he would read thē at further leisure. Thē the pope geuing audience in his cō∣sistory to heare their cause: first came in Petrus Blensensis with the agents of the Archb. exhibiting their letters and propounding their requests to the Pope, which were that restitution should be made by the Monkes to the Archb. wherin they had iniuried him: Itē that the thinges which had bene graunted before to the Prior in the Court, might be called in againe. Thirdly, that the archb. might haue li∣cence to proceed in building his Colledge of Canons. &c. After this was called in M. Pilleus,* 51.149 the attourney for the Monkes of Cant. Who alledging many great thinges a∣gainst the archb. for his contempt and disobedience to the popes precepts, required that he rather should make resti¦tution to the Monks for his iniuries done to them: & also that his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the ouerthrow of the conuentuall Church of Cant. should be vtterly rased and throwne down to the ground.* 51.150 Thus be∣tweene these two parties pleing & repleing one against y^e other, much hard hold there was, But in conclusiō for al y^t kings letters, & for all that the Archb. and Bishops could do, the matter wēt on the Monks side. So that there was no remedy, but the pope would nedes haue y^• archbishops new building to come down,* 51.151 and the Monks to be resto∣red agayne to their full possessions. The executiō whereof was committed to the 3. Abbottes aforesayd, to witte, of Battail, of Feuersham, of S. Austens in Cant. & to Bef∣frey Supprior of Cant.

Which things being thus determined at Rome, then Raduph Granuille Lord Stuard of England writing to the sayd Abbot of Battaile, and to the Supprior and Co∣uent of Cant. commaundeth them in the kings name, and vpon their othe & fealtie geuē vnto him, that they nor any of them do proceed in this controuersy betwene the mon∣kes and the archbishop of Cant. before they come and talk with him, there to know further of the kinges pleasure: & furthermore charging the Couent of Cant. not to enter further in any examinatiō concerning the archb. matters, and also citing the Supprior of the sayd house, to appeare before him at London, at the feast of S. Iames the same yere, which was 1187. Notwithstanding he excusing him selfe by sicknes, sent two Monkes in his sted, and so kept himselfe at home. To whom commaūdement was geuen that the Monks of Cant. within 15. dayes should saile o∣uer to Normandy to the king,* 51.152 and there to shew the tenor and euidences of their priuiledges: And also that such stu∣ards and Balifs whom they had placed in their farmes & lordships, cōtrary to the wil of the archb. should be remo∣ued. And likewise the 3. Abbots in the kings name, were commaunded in no wise to execute the popes commaun∣dement agaynst the archb. Not long after this, the Archb. took shipping at Douer, and went ouer to the king, where he ordeyned three principall officers ouer the Monkes of Christs Church: the Sacrist, the Cellarer and Chamber∣laine, contrary to the will of the Couent, with other gre∣uances mo: wherby the Monks were not a little offended so that vpon the same,* 51.153 they made a new appellation to the Pope. Wherupon pope Urbane, by the setting on of Ho∣norius the prior, who was now come agayn to the court, wrote to him another letter after a sharper and more ve∣hement sort, to the effect as followeth.

The Tenor of Pope Vrbanes letters to Bald∣wine Archb. of Cant.

VRbanus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei Baldwino Centuar. Archiepiscopo & Apostolicae sedis Legato,* 52.1 salutem & Apo∣stolicam benedictionem &c.

In that we houe borne with your brotherhood hitherto, and haue not proceeded in such grieuous maner agaynst you, as wee might, although being thereto greatly prouoked, the chiefest cause was this, that we supposed your hart would haue relented from the oppression of the conuentuall church of Cant. commit∣ted vnto you, if not for our reuerence, which you seeme to haue contemned more then became you, yet at least for feare of Gods iudgemēt. For well we hoped, our conscience perswading vs to the same, that after you had obteined that high state & dignity in the church of England, you would haue bene an example to o∣ther of obedience and reuerence to be geuen to the sea Aposto∣lick,* 52.2 of all Ecclesiasticall persons. Wherfore at the first beginning both of our, and also of your promotion we did not spate to ad∣uaunce and honor you as we haue done few other besides, think∣ing no lesse, but that we had found a faithfull frend of the church, for our honor.* 52.3 Wherein We perceiue now (which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vs not a litle to maruell) our expectation greatly deceiued. And whome we well trusted to be a sure stay for the maintenaunce of our e∣state, him now we finde a persecuter agaynst vs in our members.

For where as we sondry times haue written to you in the be∣halfe of our brethren,* 52.4 and the church committed to your charge, that you should desist from disquieting them, and not vexe or disturbe their liberties, at least for reuerence of vs: you not one∣ly in this but in other thinges moe (as commonly is reported of you in all places) setting at light our letters and appellations made to the Apostolicall Sea, what you haue wrought agaynst them after their so manifolde appellations layd vnto vs, and our inhibitions agayn vnto you, we are ashamed to vtter. But reuolue and consider in your minde, if ye haue well done, and aduise in your owne conscience what you haue done. We for our part be∣cause we may ne ought not with deafe eares to passe ouer the cla¦mours mours of the brethren, and such contempt of the Apostolick Sea, although our biddings and warninges geuen to you seeme to be all in vayne, yet notwithstanding we send our mandates agayne to your brotherhood, in these Apostolicall writinges, districtly, and in vertue of obedience commaunding you, that whether ye be present in your Church, or absent, all that notwithstanding, whatsoeuer you haue done in building of your Chappell (which you to the destruction of the Monastery of Cant.* 52.5 haue erected) after the time of their appeale made to vs or our inhibition sent to you, you fayle not of your proper costes and charges to de∣molish, vndoing agayne, and making voyde, whatsoeuer ye haue begon and innouated concerning the institution of the canons, and other things belonging to the erection of the sayd Chappell: accounting moreouer and reputing the place where the Chap∣pell was, to be accused and prophane: and also that all such who∣soeuer haue celebrated in the same place, shall stand suspended, till the time they appeare before our presence: Commaunding furthermore, that all those Monkes whom you haue presumed to remoue from their office or to excommunicate, since the tyme of their appeale made, you shall restore and affoyle agayne, ren∣dring also and restoring all such farmes, manors, tenementes, and oblations, as you alter their appeale made, haue inueigled from them: And finally that you innouate nothing touching the state of that Monastery, during the time of this controuersye depen∣ding before vs. Geuing you to vnderstand, that in case you shall continue in your stubbernesse and rebellion vpon this present warning, or differre the execution of this precept 30. dayes after the receiuing herof, we shall appoint others to execute the same, inioyning also your Suffraganes, that as you shall shew your selfe disobedient and rebelling to vs: so they all shall refuse likewise to geue any obedience or reuerence vnto you. &c.

Geuen at Ferraria 5. non. Octob.

An other letter beside this,* 52.6 the Pope also sent to the 3. Abbots aforesayd for the correction of these enormities. Likewise an other letter was sent to king Henry 2. wher∣in the pope enioyneth and requireth him vpon remissiō of his sinnes, not to dissemble and beare with the Archb. in his oppression of his Monks, but to help those things to be amended, where he hath trespassed agaynst them.

These pontificall letters were written an. 1187. the 3.* 52.7 day of Octob. and in the 19. day after, the same moneth the sayd pope Urbane died. In the which yere, and about the which month, Baldwinus king of Ierusalem was taken with many noble men of Saladine the Saracen: and Ie∣rusalem lost, after it had bene in the possession of the Chri∣stians, and so continued the space of 88. yeres, & 80. dayes, from the time that Godfridus Bolonius did first win it from the Infidels.

After the receiuing of those letters of pope Urbane a∣boue specified, both the king and archb. with all y^• bishops of y^• realme wer marueilously quailed, glad now to please. and speake fayre to the Monks, promising al things to be done and restored to them aster the best sort.* 52.8 Neither was the king now and Archb. so submisse: but the Monkes on the other side, were as brag and iocant, being fully assured that all now was their own. In the narratiō of which hi∣story (as it is set in Geruasius at large) this we haue to note by the way in what feare & thraldome kings in those daies were vnder the Pope, who could not be maisters o∣uer their owne subiectes, but y^t euery pild Monke, or pel∣ting Prior, vpon vertue of theyr appeale to the Court of Rome, & making theyr house tributary to the Pope, was

able not onely to match,* 52.9 but to geue checkmate to the best king Christened, as not in this story onely may appeare.

It followeth then in the story of these Monkes, that as they were thus in the midst of theyr ioy and iolity, sodenly commeth newes of the death of Pope Urbane their great Calypha, and also how that Gregory 8. was placed in his roome, who was a speciall frend & fauourer of the archb. which as it did greatly encourage the king and the Archb. so the Monkes on the other side were as much discomfor∣ted, so that now all was turned vpside down. For wheras the king and the archb. before thought they had lost all, & were glad to compoūd with the monks, and to seek their fauour: now were the Monkes an the contrary side fayne to crouch to the king, and glad to haue a good coūtenance, who thē resorting to him, and finding him altered both in word and gesture, desired he would confirme & graūt that which of late before he had promised. To whom it was aū¦swered againe by the king,* 52.10 that seing the archb. had graū∣ted to them their Sacrist, their Chamberlain, & their Cel∣lerar, they should haue no more restored of him, neither would he suffer the liberties and priuiledges of the archb. to be empayred or take any wrong. And as touching the new Chappell of S. Thomas (sayd he) whereaboutes ye striue so long, with the Canonships and other buildings, belonging thereto, the same I receiue into my handes, so that none shall haue any thing to doe therein but my selfe. &c. In like maner of the archb. such an other like aūswere they receiued, & of the bishops little better. So y^e monkes sent away with a flee in their eare, went home agayne out of Normandy vnto their Celle.

Nowe the Archb. hauing the Monkes where as hee would, wrought them much greuance, but that continued not very long. For within two monthes after & lesse, died pope Gregory 8.* 52.11 about the 16. day of December folowing. After whom succeded Pope Clement 3. who folowing the steps of Urbane, bent all hys power with the Monkes a∣gainst the Archb. sending diuers precepts and mandates in the yere next following, which was 1188. with an Im∣perious letter, willing & commanding him to desist from his oppression of the monkes,* 52.12 & to throw downe his new chappel. Wherupon the archb. made his appeale and min∣ded to go to Rome: but was called back of the king, being ready to saile ouer. In the which yere Honorius the prior died at Rome of the plague,* 52.13 which was some help & com∣fort to the archb. For whom the archb. made Roger No∣ris Prior, against the wils of the Couent. After this about the latter end of the same yere, Pope Clement sent downe his Legate called Radulfus a Cardinal,* 52.14 to Cant. with an other letter more sharpely written to the same effect vnto the Archb. Ex hist. Geruasij.

Furthermore, in the yeare next after, which was 1189. he wrote also the thirde letter to him. In the which yeare also died king Henry 2.* 52.15 After whome succeeded king Ri∣charde his sonne, who ioyning likewise with the Archby∣shop, tooke his part strongly agaynst the sayde Monkes.* 52.16 At last, after much a do on both partes, and after great di∣sturbance, and imprisoning diuers of the Monkes, king Richard preparing his viage toward Ierusalem, and stu∣dying first to set peace betwene them, consulted and agre∣ed with the Bishops and Abbots about a finall concorde in this matter, betweene the Archb. and monkes of Cant. which at length on both partes was made, vpon these cō∣uentions as follow.

1. First,* 52.17 that Roger Noris should be deposed, whom the Archbishop had made Prior against their willes. Whome the king then at the request of the Archb. promoted to be Abbot of Eusham. 2. Item, that the Archbishop shoulde plucke down his chappel, which he builded in y^e suburbes of Cant. against the mindes of the Monkes. 3. Item, that the foresaid monks should make profession of their obedi∣ence and subiection to the Archb. as they had done to hys other predecessors before him.* 52.18 4. Itē, as touching al other complaintes and iniuries (except onely the Chappel, and deposition of Roger Noris the Prior) the monkes should stand to the arbitrement of the king, of the Archb. and the Prelates. 5. Item, that the monkes kneeling downe be∣fore the king in the Chapter house,* 52.19 should aske the Archb. forgeuenesse. Which being done, they went altogether to the Church, & sang Te Deum for this reformation of peace. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto & ex Geruasio.

The next day after y^e Archb. comming into the Chap∣ter, restored to the Couent their manors & farmes againe: also discharged the Prior which he had made before, desi∣ring them likewise, that if hee had offended them either in worde or deede, they would from their heart remitte him. This reconciliation being made betwene the Archb. and y^t couent, then the Archb. going about to dissolue the buil∣dyng of hys new Church,* 52.20 though he chaunged the place, yet thought not to chaunge his intent, and therefore ma∣king exchaunge of landes with the Byshop and Monkes of Rochester, purchased of them their ground in Lambeth an. 1191. which done, he came to hys Clerkes whome he had placed to be Canons in his new Colledge of Haking∣tō, and willed them to remoue al their goodes & furniture to Lambeth ouer agaynst Westminster, where he erected for them an other church, and there placed the said Canōs. About which colledge of Lambeth afterward much trou∣ble likewise ensued by the styrring of the sayd Monkes of Cant. in the time of Hubert the archbish. in the reygne of the sayd King Richard, and in the yeare of our Lord. 1196. Furthermore after the deposing of Roger Norys Pryor of Cant. aforesaid, Baldwyn the archb. enforesaid to graūt them an other Pryor by the assent of the king and of the Couent, assigned Olbernus to theyr Pryor, who had takē part before with the archbish, but the monkes not pleased with him, after the death of Baldwine the Archb. remoued hym agayne.

And thus haue you the tedious discourse of this Ca∣tholike tragedy, betweene the monkes of Cant. and theyr Archb. scarse worth the rehearsall,* 52.21 Notwithstanding, thys I thought to geue y^t reader to see, of purpose first to shewe forth vnto the world the stout sturdines of this monkishe generatiō, who professing profoūd humilitie in their coat, what little humilitie they had in their hart, what pride & arrogancie in their conuersation, and what hipocrisie in theyr religiō, this one example amongst a thousand other may geue some experience,* 52.22 Secondly, that the posteritie nowe may see, how little kinges coulde then doe in theyr owne Realmes, for the Pope. And thirdly, to the entent it may more notoriously appeare to all readers,* 52.23 what stryfe and debate, what dissention and deuision, what little vnity and concord hath alwaies followed the popes Catholicke church,* 52.24 wheresoeuer the corrupt religiō and vsurped am∣bition of the pope preuayled. For not to speake onely of this monkishe house of Cant. what Churche Cathedrall, Collegiate, or Conuentuall, what sea, Church Monastery or Chappell was vnder all the popes gouernement, but euer there happened some variance, eyther betweene the king and the archb. as betwene K. William & Lancfranck king Henry 1. and Anselme, king Stephen and Richard, king Henry 2. and Becket, king Iohn & Stephen Lanc∣ton, king Henry 3. and Boniface &c. or els betwene archb. and archb. for making profession, for caryeng y^• Crosse, for sitting on the right hād of the popes Legate. &c. or els be∣tweene archbishops and their Suffraganes, or betweene Archbishops and their Couentes, or betweene Byshops and monkes, betweene Deane and the Chapter, be∣tweene monkes and seculer Priestes, monkes of one sorte agaynst an other, Fryers of one order agaynst an other, students against Friers, townes men against scholers. &c.* 52.25 As for example, what discord was betweene the archb. Of Canterbury, and Richard archbish. of York. Betweene Lancfrancus and archb. Thomas, betweene Theobalde archb. of Cant. and Siluester Abbot of S. Austens, be∣tweene Walter of Christes Church, and Siluester Abbot aforesaid, betwene William archb. of Cant. and Ieremias Prior of Cant. an. 1144. betweene the monkes of Cant. and O do their Prior for translating the reliques of Dun∣stane, betweene King Stephen and Roger bishop of Sa∣lisbury, the byshop of Lincolne, and Roger byshop of Ely hys sonne. an. 1138. betweene Pope Innocent, and Ana∣cletus the space of seuen yeares, the Cardinals for money (sayth Gernasius) sometyme holdyng with the one, some∣tyme with the other, at at last the election was determined by a sore battayle betwene Lotharius Emperour, & Ro∣gerius Duke of Apulia. an. 1137. Also betwene pope In∣nocent. 4. and Fredericke Emperour 2. betweene R. Hē∣ry 3. and William Rale byshop of Winchester, when the kyng had the gates of Winchester towne to be shut against hym. an. 1250. betweene Boniface Archbishop of Canterb. and Canons of S. Paule. Item,* 52.26 betweene the sayd Boni∣face and Monkes of S. Bartholomew, who sate there in harnes in hys visitation. an. 1250. betweene the Abbot of Westminster, and monkes of the same house. an. 1251. Itē, betweene the foresayd William Rale Byshop of Winche∣ster and Boniface archbishop of Canterbury for a priest of the Hospitall in Soutwarke. an. 1252. betweene the sayde Boniface, and Canons of Lincolne after the death of Ro∣bert Grosthead, for geuing of Prebends. an. 1253. betwene the monkes of Couentry, and Canons of Lichfield, for chusing their byshop in the time of R. Henry 3.

And what should I speake of the discord,* 52.27 which cost so much money betweene Edmund archbishop of Canterb. and the monkes of Rochester, for chusing Richard Wan∣dour

to be their bishop. an 1238. betwene Robert Grosted Byshop of Lyncolne, and Canons of the same house, for which both he and they were driuen to trauaile to Rome, an. 1244. betwene Gilbert byshop of Rochester delegate to archbishop Baldwine, and Robert the Popes Legate for sitting on the right hand of the Legate in his councell at Westminster, an. 1190. betwene the Abbot of Bardeney and the sayd Grosted, about the visitation of their Abbay. an. 1243. Item betwene the Couent of Canterb. & the sayd Robert byshop of Lyncolne. an. 1243. betwene Hugo B. of Durham, and Hubert Byshop of Sarum: and Geffrey Archbishop of Yorke, an. 1189. betwene William Byshop of Ely the kings Chancellor, & the Canons of Yorke, for not receauing him with procession. an. 1190. betweene the Abbot of Westminster, and hys Couent of Black monks, whom king Henry the 3. had much adoe to still and agree. an. 1249. Item, betweene the foresayd bishop of Lincolne, & the Abbot of Westminster. Likewise betweene Nicolas bysh. of Durhā, and Iohn Abbot of S. Albones. an. 1246. Also betweene Hubert archbishop of Canterbury and the monks there for the house of Lābeth. an. 1146. And what a styrre was betwene the preaching Fryers, and the gray Friers mentioned In. Math. Paris. for superioritie, an. 1243. Also betweene the sayd gray Friars, and the Prelates and Doctors of Paris about ix. conclusions, and condemned of the Prelates to be erroneous.

• * 52.281. Concerning the deuine essence, that it can not be seene of the aungels or men glorified.
• 2. Concerning the essence of the holy Ghost.
• 3. Touching the proceeding of y^e holy ghost, as he is loue.
• 4. Whether men glorified shalbe in coelo Empyreo, or in coelo Christallino.
• 5. That the euill Aungell at his first creation was euill and neuer good.
• 6. That there haue bene many verities from the begin∣ning, which were not God.
• 7. That an angel in one instant may be in diuers places.
• 8. That the euill angell neuer had wherby he might stād. no more had Adam in his state of innocencie.
• 9. That he whiche hath meliora naturalia, y^t is to say more perfect strength of nature working in him, shal haue more full measure of necessitie to obtayn grace and glory. To the which article the Prelates aunswering, did excommuni∣cate the same as erroneous,* 52.29 affirming, that grace and glory shall be geuen according to that God hath elected and pre∣destinate. &c. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 167.

In like maner betweene y^• sayd Dominicke Fryers, & the gray Fryers, what a braule and tumulte was about y^• Conceptiō of our Lady, whether she was without origi∣nal sinne conceaued or not, in the raigne of R. Henry vii & Kyng Henry viii. an. 1509. Ad moreouer to these the 24. haynous schismes & not so few, which happened betwene Pope and Pope in the Churche and Sea of Rome. But what doe I stand to recite the deuisions and dissentions the popes Church,* 52.30 which is as much almost as to recken the sandes of the sea? For what Church, Chapter, or Co∣uent was in all that Religion, which either had not some variaunce with themselues, or with others? Upon which continuall strife and variaunce among them, the readers hereof may iudge of them & their religion as pleaseth thē: In the meane time,* 52.31 my iudgement is this: that where such dissention dwelleth, there dwelleth not the spirit of Christ.

These thinges thus discoursed touching the tragicall dissention betweene Baldwyne archbishop and monks of Canterbury.* 52.32 Now to proceed (by the Lords assistance) in conuocatiō of our story: After king Richard had thus, as is declared, set the monkes and the Archbishop in some a∣greement, & had composed such thinges as were to be re∣dressed within the realme, he aduaunceth forward his ior∣ny,* 52.33 & came to Turon, to meete with Phillip the Frenche king: & so after that went to Uizeliace, where the French R. and he ioyning together for y^t more continuance of their iourney, assured them selues by solemne othe, swearing fi∣delitie one to the other: the forme of whose othe was this:

That eyther of them should defend and mayntayne the honour of the other, and beare true fidelitie vnto hym, of lyfe, members, and worldly honour, and that neyther of them shoulde fayle one the other in their affayres: but the Frenche king shoulde ayde the king of England in defending hys land and dominions, as hee would hymselfe defend hys owne Citie of Paris if it were besie∣ged: and that Richard King of England likewise shoulde ayde the French king in defending his land and dominions, no otherwise then he woulde defend his owne Citty of Roan, if it were besie∣ged. &c.

* 52.34 But how slenderly thys othe dyd holde betweene these 2. kinges, and by whose chiefe occasion first it fell a∣sunder, the sequele of the story (the Lord willing) shall de∣clare hereafter.

Furthermore touching the lawes and ordinances ap∣pointed by the king Richard for his nauy, the forme ther∣of was this.

• 1. That who so killed any person on shypbord, should be tyed with hym that was slayne and throwne into the sea.
• 2. And if he killed him on y^t land, should in like maner be tyed with the party slayne, & be buryed w^t him in the earth.
• 3. He that shalbe cōuicted by lawful witnes to draw out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or y^t hath strickē any to the drawing of bloud, shal lose his hād.
• 4. Also, he that striketh any person with his hand, w^tout effusion of bloud, shall be plunged three times in the sea.
• 5. Itē, who so speaketh any opprobrious or contumelius words, in reuiling or cursing one an other, for so oftētimes as he hath so reuiled, shall pay so many vnces of siluer.
• 6. Item, a theefe, or felon that hath stolne, being lawfully conuerted, shall haue his head shorne and boyling pitche poured vpon his head, & fethers or downe strawed vpon the same, wherby he may be knowne, & so the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast vp. &c.

These thinges thus set in a readines,* 52.35 kyng Richard sending his nauy by the Spanish seas, and by the straytes of Iubaltarie betweene Spayne and Africa, to meet hym at Marsilia, he himselfe went (as is sayd) to Uizeliace, to the French King. Which two kinges from thence went to Lyons, where the bridge ouer the floud Rhodanus, for presse of people brake, and many both men & womē were drowned. By reason whereof the two. kinges for the com∣braunce of their traynes, were constrayned to deceiuer thē∣selues for tyme of their iourny, appoynting both to meete together in Sicilia: and so Phillip the French king tooke his way to Genua,* 52.36 & king Richarde to Marsilia, where he remayned 8. dayes, appoynting there his nauy to meet him. Frō thence crossing ouer to Genua, where y^e Frenche king was, passed forward by the coast of Italy, and ente∣red into Tyber not farre from Rome, where meeting w^t Octomanus Cardinall and Byshop of Hostia,* 52.37 he did cō∣playne greatly of the filthy Symonye of the pope and the Popes Court, for receauing vii. hundred Markes for cō∣secrating the Bishop Cenomanensis: Also a thousand and fiue hundreth Markes of William Byshop of Ely for hys office Legatiue. And likewise an infinite summe of money of the Byshop of Burdeaux, for acquiting hym when hee should be deposed for a certayne cryme layd to hys charge by hys Clergye. &c.

The vii. day of August,* 52.38 in the yeare aforesayd, R. Ri∣chard departed out of Marsilia, after he had there wayted viii. dayes for hys nauy, which came not, & so hyeryng xx. Gallyes, and x. great Barkes, to ship ouer hys mē, sayled by the Coast of Italy, and came to Naples, & so partly by horse and wagon, partly by the sea passing to Falernum, came to Calabria, where after that he had heard, his ships were arriued at Messana in Sicilia, he made y^e more speed and so the xxiii. of September sent to Messana,* 52.39 with suche a noyse of trumpets and shalmes, with suche a route and shewe, that it was to the great wonderment and terrour both of the French men, and all other that did heare and behold the sight.

To the sayd towne of Messana the French kyng was come before the xvi. of the same month of September,* 52.40 and had taken vp the Pallace of Tancredus R. of Sicilia, for hys lodging. To whom R. Richard after hys arriual est∣soones resorted, and when the two kings had communed together, immediately the same day the Frenche R. tooke shypping and entring the seas, thinking to sayle towarde the land of Hierusalē.* 52.41 But after he was out of the hauen, the wynd rising contrary agaynst hym returned him back agayne to Messana. Then R. Richard (whose lodgyng was prepared in the suburbes without the City) after he had resorted agayne, & talked with the French R. and al∣so had sent to Tancredus R. of Sicilia for deliueraunce of Ioane his sister (who had bene sometymes Queene of Sicilia) and had obtayned her to be sent vnto hym,* 52.42 the last day of September passed ouer the floude of Del far, and there getting a strong hold called De la Bagmare, or Le Bamre, and placing therein his sister with a sufficient ga∣rison, he returned agayne to Messana. The second of Oc∣tober R. Richard wanne an other cercayne strong holde called Manasterium Griffonum, situated in the midst of the Riuer of Del far, betweene Messana and Calabria, frō whence the Monkes beyng expulsed, he reposed there all hys story and prouisiō of victuals which came from Eng∣land or other places.

The Citizens of Messana seeing that the R. of Eng∣land had won the Castle and Island in De la Bagmare,* 52.43 and also the Monastery of the Griffones, & doubting lest the king would extēd his power farther to inuade their ci∣tie,

& get if he could the whole Isle of Sicilia, begā to stirre agaynst the kinges army, and to shut the Englishe men out of the gates, and kept ther walles agaynst them. The Englishmen seing that, made to the gates, and by force would haue broken them open, in so muche that the King riding among them with his staffe, & breaking diuers of their heads, could not asswage their fiercenes. Such was the rage of the Englishmen agaynst the Citizens of Mes∣sana.* 52.44 The king seeing the fury of the people to be suche as he could not stay them, tooke boate, & went to the Palace of K. Tancred to talk of the matter with the French king. In which meane tyme the matter was so taken vp by the wise handling of the auncient of the citty, that both partes laying downe their armour went home in peace.

The fourth day of the sayd month of October came to king Richard the archbishop of Messana, with two other archbishops also with the French king, and sondry other Earles, Barons, and Bishops, for intreataunce of peace. Who as they were together consulting,* 52.45 & had almost con∣cluded vpō the peace, the Cittizens of Messana issuing out of the towne, some went vp vpon the mountaynes; some with open force inuaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brunne an English captayn. The noyse wherof cōming to the eares of the king, he sodenly breaking of talke with the French king and the rest, departed from them, & com∣ming to his men, commaunded thē forthwith to arme thē selues.* 52.46 Who then with certayne of his souldiours making vp to the top of a mountayne (which seemed to passe theyr power to clime) there put the Citizens to flight, cha∣sing thē down the mountayn, vnto the very gates of y^e Ci∣tie, whom also certayne of the kinges seruauntes pursued within the Citty, of whō fiue valiaunt souldiours, and xx. of the kings seruaunts were slayne, the French king loo∣king vpon, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his othe and league before made with the king of Eng∣land. For the French king with hys men being there pre∣sent,* 52.47 rode in the midst of them safely & without any harme, to and fro, and might well haue eased the kinges party, more then he, if it had so liked him.

This beyng knowne to the English hoast, how theyr fellowes were slayn, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, & that they were excluded, & the gates barred against them, being also stopped frō buying of vittayle and other things,* 52.48 they vpon great indignation gathered themselues in armes, brast opē the gates, and scaled the walles, and so winning the Citty, set vp their flagges with the Englishe armes vpon the walles. Which when the French king did see, he was mightely offended, requiring the king of Eng∣land, that the armes of Fraūce might also be set vp & ioy∣ned with his. But king Richard to that would in no case agree. Notwithstanding to satisfie hys minde, he was cō∣tented to take downe his armes, and commit the custodie of the City to the Hospitallaries and Templaries of Hie∣rusalem, till the time that Tancrede king of Sicilia and he should agree together vpon conditions.

These thinges being done, the v. & vi. day of October, it followed thē vpō the viij, day of the same month of Oc∣tober,* 52.49 that peace among y^e kings was cōcluded. In which peace first king Richard and Phillip the French king, re∣newed agayne their othe and league before made concer∣ning their mutuall ayd and society during the time of that peregrination. Secondly, peace also was concluded be∣tweene king Richard, and Tancred king of Cicilia afore∣sayd with the cōditions, that the daughter of Tancreda in case (King Richard should die without issue) should mary to Arthure Duke of Britaine,* 52.50 the kings nephew, and next heyre to his crown. &c. whereof a formal charte was drawn and letters sent thereof to Pope Clement being dated the the ix. day of Nouember.

In this meane time, as these two kinges of Fraunce and England were thus wyntering at Messana,* 52.51 Frede∣ricke Emperor first of that name (the same, on whose neck Pope Alexander did treade in the Church of Uenice, say∣ing the verse of the Psalme Super aspidem & basiliscum am∣bulabis &c. whereof read before pag. 205.) and his sonne Conradus, with a mighty army of Almanus and others, were comming vp likewise toward the land of Hierusalē, to the siege of Achon: where by the way the good Empe∣rour, through a great mischaunce falling of his horse into a Riuer called Salef, was therin drowned. After whose de∣cease Conradus his sonne taking the gouerment of hys army, came to the siege of Achō, in which siege also he died. Upon whose comming such a dearth followed in the camp whiche lasted two monthes, that a loafe of bread, whiche before there cōming was sold for i. peny, was afterwarde sold for iij. pound, By reason whereof many Christiā soul∣diours did there perish through famine. The chiefest foode which the princes there had to feede vpon was horse flesh. This famine being so miserable,* 52.52 some good bishops there were in the campe, namely Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, with certayne other good Byshops; who making a gene∣rall collection through the whole campe for y^e poore; made such prouision,* 52.53 that in such penury of all things, yet no mā was so destitute, & needy, but somewhat he had for hys re∣lief, till within a fewe dayes after by the mercifull proui∣dence of God (who is the feeder of all creatures) shyppes came vnto them with a boūdance of corne, wine and oyle.

The siege of this towne of Achon endured a long sea∣son,* 52.54 which as it was mightely oppugned by the Christiās, so it was strongly defended by the Saracens, specially by helpe of wild fire,* 52.55 which the Latines do call Ignem Graecū, so that great slaughter there was on both sides. During the tyme of which siege, many noble personages & also by∣shops died, among whō was Conradus the Emperours sonne, Rādulph Earle of Fougeres, the Earle of Pericio, Robert Earle of Leicester, Baldwine archbishop of Can∣terbury with foure Archbishops, and diuers other By∣shops and Abbots and Earles and Barons to the nūber of 34. and not so few. All this while king Richard & King Phillip of Fraunce, stil kept at Messana in Sicilia, from the month of September till Aprill,* 52.56 for lacke (I suppose) of wynde or weather, or els for necessitie of repayryng their shyppes. In which meane tyme king Richard hearing of Ioachim Abbot of Curacio a learned man in Calabria (who was thē thought to haue y^e spirit of prophesie, & told many thinges of a people that should come) sent for hym, with whom he & his Bishops had much conference about the cōming & tyme of Antichrist.* 52.57 This Ioachim belike in his booke and Reuelations vttered some things agaynst the Sea and pride of Rome: for the whiche he was lesse fa∣uoured of the popes, & iudged an enemy to their Sea, and so by pope Innocent the 3. was condemned w^t his bookes for an heriticke, in his Idolatrous generall Councell of Laterane. an. 1215. as ye may read in Antoninus.

After this Henricus king of Almanes,* 52.58 sonne of Fre∣dericke the Emperour hearing of the decease of his father, standing now to be Emperor, first restoreth to Hen. Duke of Saxonie, and to others, whatsoeuer his father before had takē from them. That done he sent to Clement & hys Cardinals, promising in al thinges to confirme the lawes and dignities of the Church of Rome, if they would graūt hym their assent to be Emperor. Wherupon pope Clemēt by aduise of the Romaines assigned him the terme of Ea∣ster in the next yeare insuing for his coronation.* 52.59 But be∣fore y^t Easter came. P. Clemēt died, after he had sit 3. yeres and about 4. monthes. After whome succeeded Celestinus the 3. Of whom more hereafter, God willing.

The time thus passing ouer in the month of February,* 52.60 the next yeare following, which was of the Lord. 1191. king Richard sent ouer hys Galleyes to Naples, there to meet his mother Alinore, and Berengaria the daughter of Sā∣ctius king of Nauarre, whom he was purposed to mary. Who by that tyme were come to Brundusium, vnder the conduct of Phillip Erle of Flanders, & so proceeding vn∣to Naples, there found the kings ships, wherin they say∣led to Messana.* 52.61 In this meane space king Richard shew∣ed hymselfe exceeding bounteous and liberall to all men. To the French king first he gaue diuers ships: vpō others likewise he bestowed rich rewardes, and of hys treasures and goodes he distributed largely to hys souldiours and seruauntes about hym. Of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one month, then euer any of hys pre∣decessors did in a whole yeare: by reason whereof he pur∣chased great loue and fauour, which not onely redounded to the aduauncement of his fame, but also to his singular vse and profite, as the sequele afterward proued.

To proceede then in the progresse of king Richard it followeth.* 52.62 In the first day of the month of march, he lea∣uing the citty of Messana where the Frenche king was, went to Cathniensium, a City where Tancredus Kyng of Sicilia then lay, where he was honourable receaued, & there remained w^t king Tancred 3. dayes & 3. nightes. On the fourth day when he should depart,* 52.63 the foresayd Tan∣credus offered him many riche presentes in golde and sil∣uer, and precious silkes, whereof king Richarde woulde receiue nothing, but one little ryng for a token of his good will. For y^e which king Richard againe gaue to him a rich sword. At length when R. Richard should take his leaue, king Tancredus would not so let him part, but needes would geue him 4. great ships, and 15. Galeys: and fur∣thermore, he himselfe would needes, accompanye him the space of two dayes iourney to a place called Tauenium.

Then the next morning when they should take their leaue, Tancredus declared vnto him y^e message which the

French king a little before, had sent vnto him by the Duke of Burgundy,* 52.64 the contentes whereof was this:

That the king of England was a false traytour, aud would neuer keepe the peace that was betweene thē. And if the sayd Tancredus would warre agaynst hym, or secretly by night woulde inuade him, he with all his power would assiste him, and ioyne with him to the destruction of him and all hys army, &c.

To whome Richard the king protested agayne, that he was no traytour, nor neuer was: and as touching the peace begon betweene them, the same shoulde neuer be broken thorough hym: neyther could he beleue, that the French king, being hys good Lorde and his sworne compartiner in that voyage, would vtter any such wordes by him.* 52.65 Which when Tan∣credus heard, he bringeth forth the letters of the Frenche R. sent to him by the Duke of Burgundy, affirming more∣ouer, that if the Duke of Burgundy would deny the brin∣ging of the sayd letters, he was ready to try with hym by any of hys Dukes. King Richard receiuing the letters & mu••ing not a little vpō the same, returneth again to Mes∣sana. The same day that king Richard departed, y^e French king cōmeth to Tauermum to speake with Tancredus, & there abode with him that night, and on the morrowe re∣turned to Messana againe.

From that tyme king Richard moued in stomacke a∣gainst king Phillip,* 52.66 neuer shewing any gentle countenāce of peace and amitie, as he before was wont. Whereat the French K. greatly marueiling, and enquiring earnestly what should be the cause therof, word was sent him again by Phillip Erle of Flaunders, what words he had sent to the king of Sicilia, & for the testimony thereof the letters were shewed which he wrote by the Duke of Burgundy, to the king of Sicilia.* 52.67 Which when the Frenche king vn∣derstoode, first he held hys peace as gilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to aunswere. At length turning his tale to an other matter, he began to quarrell with king Richard, pretending as though he sought causes to breake with him,* 52.68 and to maligne him: and therefore he forged these lyes (sayd he) vpon him, and all because he by that meanes would voyde to marry with Alice his sister, ac∣cording as he had promised: Adding moreouer, that if he would so do, and would not mary the sayd Alice his sister, according to his othe, but woulde marry an other, he woulde be an enemy to hym and hys, while he lyued.

To this king Richard sayd agayn, that he could by no meanes mary that woman,* 52.69 for so muche as his father had carnall copulation with her, & also had by her a sonne: for proofe wherof he had there presently to bring forth diuers and sondry witnesses to the kings face, to testifie with him. In conclusion through counsell and perswasion of diuers about the French king, agreement at last was made, so y^t king Phillip did acquire king Richard from his bonde of marying hys sister, and king Richard agayne shoulde be bound to pay to him euery yeare for the space of v. yeares, two thousand marks, with certayne other conditions be∣sides, not greatly materiall in this place to be deciphred. And thus peace beyng betweene them concluded, the 28. day of the said month of March,* 52.70 the Frēch king launching out of the hauen of Messana, in the 22. day after in Easter weeke came with hys army to the siege of Achon.

After the departure of the French king from Messana, (king Richard with his army yet remayning behynd) ar∣riued Queene Alinore y^e kings mother, bringing with her Bernegera the king of Nauarres daughter to be espoused to king Richard.* 52.71 Which done, Alinore leauing Bernege∣ra behinde her, departed, taking her iorny toward Rome, to intreate the pope for Gaufrious her other sonne aboue mētioned, to be consecrated in the archbishoprick of York, beyng before elected by the procurement of king Richard his brother, as ye heard. In which meane time as Queene Alinorie was trauiling toward Rome, Pope Clement a∣boue mentioned dyed about the 6. day of Aprill, in whose roume succeeded pope Celestinus the 3. who the next day after hys consecration,* 52.72 came from Laterane to S. Peters church, wherein the way meeteth him Henricus the Em∣peror, & Constantia his wife, with a great route of armed souldiours. But the Romanes making fast their gates, would not suffer them to enter their Cittye.* 52.73 Then pope Celestine standing vpon the stayres before the church dore of s. Peter, receiued an othe of the sayde Henricus king of the Almains (hys army wayting without) that he should defend the church of God, & al the liberties therof, & main∣tayne Iustice, also to restore agayne the patrimony of S. Peter full and whole, what soeuer hath bene diminished therof, & finally y^t he should surrender to y^e church of Rome agayne, the citty of Tusculanū. &c. Upon these conditions and grauntes then the pope took hym to the Church, and there annoynted him for Emperour, & hys wife for Em∣presse, who there sitting in his chayre pontificall, held the crowne of gold betweene his feete, and so the Emperoure vowing downe his head to the popes feete: receaued the crown:* 52.74 and in like maner the Empresse also. The crowne thus being set vpon the Emperours head, the Pope est∣soones w^t his foot stroke it off agayn frō his head vnto the groūd, declaring therby that he had power to depose hym againe, in case he so deserued. Then the Cardinals taking vp the crowne set it vpon his head agayne. Ex veteri Chro∣nico manuscripto anonimo, De gestis Richardi regis cui initiū: Anno gratiae &c. Item ex alio eiusdem vetustatis Chronico ma∣nuscripto, cui initium. Aeneas cum Ascanio. &c.

Not long after the departure of king Phillip frō Mes∣sana, which was in the month of march, king Richard in Aprill following, about the xx. day of the sayd month, say∣ling frō the hauen of Messana, with an 150. great ships, & 53 great Baleis wel manned and appointed, took his ior∣ny toward Achon. who being vpō the seas, on good Fri∣day about the 9. houre rose a mighty Southwinde with a winpest, which disseuered and scattered all his nauy,* 52.75 some to one place, and some to an other. The king with a fewe ships was driuen to the Ile of Creta, and there before the hauen of Rhodes cast an anker. The ship that caryed the kings sister Queene of Sicilia, and Bernegera the king of Nauarres daughter, with 2. other ships were driuē to the Ile of Cyprus. The king making great mone for the shyp of his sister, & Bernegera his wife y^t should be, not know∣ing where they were become, after the tempest was ouer∣blowen sent forth his Galleys diligently to search y^e rest of his nauy dispersed, but especially for the ship wherein hys sister was, & the maydē whō he should mary, who at lēgth were founde safe and mery at the porte of Lunszem in the ile of Cyprus. Notw^tstanding the ij. other ships whiche were in their cōpany before in the same hauē, were drow∣ned, with diuers of the kings seruants & men of worship, amongst whom was M. Roger, called Maws Catulus, the kings Uice chauncellor, who was founde hauing the kings seale hanging about his necke.* 52.76 The king of Ciprus was then Isakius (called also the Emperour of the Grif∣fones) who tooke and imprisoned all Englishmen which by shipwracke were cast vpon hys land: also inuegled into hys hands the goods & prises of them whiche were found drowned about his coastes, neyther would suffer the ship wherein the two Ladyes were to enter within the porte.

The tidinges of this beyng brought to king Richard,* 52.77 he in hys great wrath gathering hys Galleys & ships to∣gether, bordeth the land of Cyprus, where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius, howe he with his Eng∣lishmen, comming as straungers to the supportation of y^e holy land, were by distresse of wether driuen vppon hys bounds, & therfore with all hūble petion besought hym in Gods behalfe, and for reuerence of the holy Crosse: to let goe such prisoners of his which he had in captiuitie, and to restore agayne the goodes of them whiche were drowned, as he deteyned in hys handes,* 52.78 to be employed for the be∣house of their soules. &c. And thus the king once, twise, & thrise, desired of the Emperour. But he proudly aunswe∣ring agayne, sent the king word, that he neyther woulde let the captiues goe, nor render the goodes of them which were drowned &c.

When king Richard heard this, how little the Empe∣rour Isakius made of hys so humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could be gotten without violent force,* 52.79 estsoones geueth commaundement through all hys hoast, to put themselues in armour and to follow him, to reuenge such iniuries receiued of that proud and cruell K. of Cyprus, willyng them to put their trust in God, and not to misdoubt but the Lorde woulde stand with them, and geue them the victory.* 52.80 The Emperoure in the meane tyme with hys people stoode warding the Sea coastes, where the Englishmen should ariue, with swords, billes, and launces, and such other weapons as they had, settyng boardes, stooles, and chestes before thē in stead of a walle. Nowheir but few of them were harnessed, and for the most part all vnexpert, & vnskilfull in the feates of warre.* 52.81 Thē king Richard w^t hys souldiours issuing out of their ships, first set his bowmen before, who with their shotte made a way for other to follow. The Englishmen thus winning the land vpon them, so fiercely pressed vpō the Griffones, that after long fighting and many blowes,* 52.82 at last the Em∣perour was put to flight, whom king Richard valiaunt∣ly pursued, and slue many, and diuers he tooke alyue, and had gone neare also to haue the Emperoure, had not the night come on & parted the battaile. And thus K. Richard with much spoyle & great victory returning to the Porte towne of Lym••zem, whiche the townesmen had lefte for feare, found there great aboundaunce of corne, wyne, oyle,

and vittayles.

The same day after the victory got, Ioane the kinges sister, and Bernegera the mayden, entered the Port and towne of Lyme••zem, with L. great ships, and xiiij. Gal∣liots: So that all the whole nauye there meeting together were CCLiiij. talle shippes, and aboue 60. Galliots. Thē Isakius the Emperour seeing no way for him to escape by the Sea, the same night pitched his tentes v. myles of from the Englishe army, swearing that the third day after he would sure geue battayle to king Richard. But he pre∣uenting hym before, sodenly the same morning before the day of battayle should be, setteth vppon the tentes of the Griffones early,* 52.83 they being vnwares and a sleepe, & made of them a great slaughter, in so much that the Emperour was fayne naked to run away: leauing his tentes and pa∣uilions to the English men, ful of horses and rich treasure, also with the Imperiall standard,* 52.84 the lower part wher∣of with a costly stremer was couered and wrought al with gold. King Richard then returning with victory and tri∣umph to hys sister, and Bernegera, shortly after in the moneth of May next following, and the 12. day of the sayd moneth, maryed the sayd Bernegera daughter of Rācon king of Nauarre, in the Isle of Cyprus, at Lymeszen.

The king of Cyprus seeing himselfe ouermatched,* 52.85 was driuen at length to yeld himselfe with conditions, to geue king Richard xx. thousand markes in golde, for a∣mendes of such spoyles, as he had gottē of them that were drowned: Also to restore all hys captiues agayne to the king: And furthermore he in hys owne person to attende vpon the kyng to the land of Hierusalem, in Gods seruice and hys, with CCCC. horsemen, and v. hundreth foote∣men: in pledge whereof he would geue to hys handes his Castles, and hys onely daughter, & would hold his king∣dome of hym. This done, and the Emperour swearing fi∣delitie to king Richard, before Guido king of Ierusalem, and the Prince of Antioche (who were come thither to king Richard a little before) peace was taken,* 52.86 and Isaki∣us committed to the warde of certaine keepers. Notwith∣standing shortly after he breaking from his keepers, was agayne at defiance with the king. Whereupon K. Richard besetting the Ileland of Cyprus round about with ships and Galleyes, did in such sort preuayle, that the subiectes of the land were constrayned to yeld themselues to the K. and at length the daughter also of the Emperour,* 52.87 & at last the Emperour hymselfe, whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of siluer and gold, and to be sent to the City of Tripolis.

These thinges thus done, and all set in order touching the possession of the Isle of Cyprus: the keeping whereof he committed to Radulfe sonne of Godfrey Lord Cham∣berlayne, being then the first day of Iune, vpon the v. of y^e sayd moneth,* 52.88 king Richard departed from the Isle of Cy∣prus with hys ships and galleyes toward the siege of A∣chon, & on the next morow came to Tyrus, where by pro∣curement of the French K. he was constrained by the citi∣tizens to enter. The next day after, which was the vi. day of Iune, crossing the Seas, he mette with a great Barke, fraught with souldiours and men of warre to the number of a thousand and fiue hundreth,* 52.89 which pretendyng to be Frenchmē, and setting forth their flagge with the Frenche armes, were in deede Saracens secretly sent with wilde fire & certayn barrelles of vnknowne serpentes, to the de∣fence of the town of Achon. Which K. Richard at lēgth per¦ceauing, estsoones set vpō them, and so vanquished them, of whō the most were drowned, & some taken aliue. Which beyng once known in the Citty of Achō, as it was a great discomfort to them, so it was a great helpe to the christians for winning the citty. The next day after, whiche was the vii. of Iune, Kyng Richard came to Achon, which at that tyme had bene long besieged of the Christiās. After whose cōming it was not long,* 52.90 but the Pagans within the Cit∣ty, seing their walles to be vndermined and towers ouer∣throwne, were driuen by cōmposition to escape with life & lymme, to surrender the Citty to the two kings. An other great helpe, to the Christians in winning the Cittye was this. In the sayd Citty of Achon there was a secret Chri∣stian amōg the Saracens, who in tyme of the siege there, vsed at sondry tymes to cast ouer the walles into the camp of the Christians certayn billes writtē in Hebrue, Greek, and Latine, wherin he disclosed to the Christians, frō time to tyme, the doynges and counsels of the enemies, aduer∣tising them how and what way they should work,* 52.91 & what to beware. And alwayes his letters began thus: In nomi∣ne patris, & filij, & spiritus sancti. Amen. By reason whereof y^e Christians were much aduantaged in their proceedings. But this was a great heauines vnto them, that neither he would vtter his name, or when the Cittye was got they could euer vnderstand who he was. Ex Chronico manu∣scripto, De gestis Richardi.

To make of a long siege a short narration, vpon the 12. day of Iuly the yeare aforesayd, the Princes and cap∣taines of the Paganes, vpon agreement resorted to y^• tent of the Templaries, and to common with the two kinges touching peace, & geuing vp of their city: y^e forme of which peace was this:* 52.92 That the kings should haue the city of A∣chon freely, and fully deliuered to thē with all which was therin, and fiue hundreth captiues of the Christiās shoulde be restored to them, which were in Achon. Also the holye Crosse should be to thē rendered, and a thousand Christiā captiues, with 2. hundreth horsemen, whosoeuer they thē selues would chuse out of all thē which were in the power of Saledine. Ouer and besides, they shoulde geue to the kings 200. thousand Bysāts, so y^t they thēselues would re∣mayne as pledges in the kings hands, for the performāce hereof, that if in xl. dayes these foresayd couenaunces were not accomplished, they would abide the kings mercy tou∣ching life and limme.* 52.93 These couenaunces being agreed v∣pon, the kinges sent their souldiours and seruauntes into the City, to take a C. of the richest and best of the City, to close them vp in towers vnder strong keeping, and the re∣sidue they cōmitted to be kept in homes and streetes, mi∣nistring to them according to their necessities: to whome notwithstanding this they permitted, that so many of thē as would be baptised & receuie the fayth of Christ, shoulde be free to go whether they would.* 52.94 Wherupon many there were of the Paganes, which for feare of death, pretēded to be baptised, but afterward so soone as they could, reuol∣ted agayne to the Saladine. For the which it was after∣ward commaunded by the kinges, that none of thē should be baptised agaynst their willes.

The 13. day of the sayde month of Iuly,* 52.95 King Phillip of Fraunce, and king Richard, after they had obtained the possession of Achon, deuided betweene thē, al things ther∣in contayned, as well the people as gold & siluer, with all other furniture what soeuer was remayning in the Citty: who in deuiding the spoile were so good caruers to them∣selues, y^t many Knightes and Barons with other souldi∣ours, who had there sustayned the whole trauaile 2. yeres together about the siege, seing the kings to take all to thē∣selues and there part to be but little, retracted themselues without the vttermost trench, and there after consultation had togither, sent word to the kings that they would leaue and forsake them, vnlesse they were made partakers also of the gaynes, for the whiche they had so long trauailed. To whom aunswere was sent agayne by the kinges, that their wills should be satisfied. How beit because of lōg dif∣ferring of their promise, many constrayned by pouerty de∣parted from them.

The xx. day of Iuly king Richard speaking with the French king,* 52.96 desired him that they two with their armies, would binde thēselues by oth to remayne there still in the lād of Hierusalē the space of 3. yeares, for the winning and recouering again of those coūtryes. But he would sweare (he sayd) no such oth: and so the next day after K. Richard with his wife and sister entreth into the citty of Achon, and placed there himselfe in the kinges Palace: the French K. remayning in the houses of the Templaries, where he cō∣tinued till the end of y^t month. So about the beginning of the month of August, Phillip the Frenche king, after that he and king Richard had made agreemēt betwene Guido and Conradus the Marques, about the kingdome of Hie∣rusalem, went frō Achon to Tyrus: notwithstāding kyng Richard, & al the Princes of the Christiā army with great entreaty desired him to tarye, shewing what a shame it were for him to come so far, & now to leaue vndone y^t, for which he came, & on the 3. of August frō Tyrus departed, leauing his halfe part of the citty of Achon in the handes of the foresayd Conradus Marques. After whose departure the Paganes refused to keep their couenaunts made, who neither would restore y^e holy crosse nor the mony, nor their captiues, sending worde to king Richard, y^t if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon, they would chop of the heads of such captiues of y^e christians: which were in their handes. Shortly after this the Saladine sendyng great gifts to king Richard, requested y^e times limited for behea∣ding of the captiues to bee proroged: but the king refused to take his giftes, and to graunt his request. Whereupō the Saladine caused all the christian captiues within his pos∣session forthwith to be beheaded:* 52.97 which was the xviii. day of August. which albeit K. Richard vnderstode, yet would not he preuent the time afore limitted for the execution of his prisoners, being the xx. day of August.* 52.98 Upō which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens, opēly in the sight of the Saladines army to lose their heads: the number of

whom came to two thousand and fiue hundreth, saue only that certayne of the principall of thē he reserued for purpo∣ses & considerations, especially to make exchaunge for the holy crosse, and certayne other of the Christian captiues.

After this king Richard purposed to besiege the Citty of Ioppe. ••o hereby the way betweene Achou and Ioppe, neare to a Town called Assur: Saladine with a great mul¦titude of his Saracens, came fiercely agaynst the kinges reareward, but through Gods merci••ull grace; in y^e same battayle the kinges warriours acquited them so well, that the Saladine was put to flight (whom the Christiās pur∣sued the space of iii. myles) & lost the same day many of his nobles and captaynes,* 52.99 in such sort (as it was thought) that the Saladine was not put to such confusion xl. yeares be∣fore: and but one Christian captaine called Iames Auer∣nus in that conflict was ouerthrowne.* 52.100 From thence kyng Richard proceeding further wēt to Ioppe and thē to As∣calon, where he found first the city of Ioppe forsaken of y^• Saracens, who durst not abide the kinges comming. As∣calō the Saladine threw downe to the ground, & likewise forsooke the whole land of Syria, through all which land the king had free passage without resistaunce:* 52.101 neither durst the Sarazen prince encounter after that with K. Richard. Of all whiche his acheuances the sayd king Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England, as also to the Abbot of Clara Ualle in Fraunce, well hoping that he (God willing) should be able to make his repayre agayne to them by Easter next.

A briefe story of William Byshop of Ely the Kynges Chauncellour.

* 52.102ANd nowe to leaue king Richard a while in the field, let vs make a step into Englande, and looke a little what is done at home while the king was abroad, and so returne to the king agayne. Yee heard before how king Richard at his setting forth, committed the gouernement of the realme to Hugo Byshop of Durham, and to Williā Bishop of Ely, so that to the byshop of Durham was cō∣mitted the keeping of the Castle of Wyndsore: the other, which was the Bishop of Ely,* 52.103 had the keeping of y^e tower of Londō, about which he caused a great ditch with a rā∣pear to be cast, which is yet remayning. Furthermore to these 2. Bishops, the king also assigned 4. other chiefe Iu∣stices, whiche ioyntly with them should haue the hearyng and ouersight of all causes as well to the clergy as the lay∣ty appertaining: to witte, Hugh Bardolfe, William Mar∣shall, Geffrey Peterson, and William Bruer. But the by∣shop of Ely was the principal, or at least, he that took most vpon him. Who both was the kinges Chauncellour, and bought with hys money to be the popes Legate through England, Ireland, & Scotlād, as is before specified. Tou∣ching the excessiue pride and pompe of which Byshop, hys ruffings outragious, & fall most shameful, it would make a long tragedie to discourse the whole circumstāces at full: Onely to demonstrate certayne specialties thereof for our present purpose, it may suffice.

* 52.104First, this William called Longchamp being thus ad∣uaunced by the king to be his high Chauncellor, and chiefe Iustice of the realme, and also the popes Legate, to shew abroad the authoritie of his Legatshyp, began to suspend the Canons, Clerkes, & Uicares of the Church of s. Pe∣ter in York, because they receiued him not with processiō: vnder which interdiction he held them, til they were fayne at last, both Canons, Clarkes, and Uicares to fall downe at his foote, causing al their belles to be let downe out of y^e steple. After this commeth Hugo bishop of Durham, whō the king sent home out of Normandy w^t hys letters, who meeting with the foresayd William Byshop of Ely in the towne of Blye, shewed hym y^e kings letters, wherin was graunted to him the keeping of Windsore Castle, and to be the kinges Iustice from the riuer of Humber, to the bor∣ders of Scotland. To the which letters the Chauncellour answered, that the kings commaundemēt should be done, and so brought him with him to Suwell,* 52.105 where he tooke him and kept him fast, til he was forced at last to surrender to him the Castle of Wyndsore, & other things whiche the king had committed to his custody, & moreouer was con∣strayned to leaue with the sayd Chauncellour Henry de Puteaco hys own sonne, & Gilbert Ley for pledges & ho∣stages of his fidelitie, to be true to the king and the realme. And thus the bishop of Durham being set at liberty, went to his town of Houedē. Where after he had made his abode a few dayes, cōmeth thether Osbert Longchamp y^e Chan∣cellours brother, and William Stutiuill, with a great cō∣pany of armed men sent by the Chauncellor to apprehend him. But the sayd Byshop of Durham putting in sureties not to depart that towne without the licence of the king & of the Chauncellour, there still remayned, till he got let∣ters to be sent to the Kyng, signifying how he was vsed. Wherupon the king writing his letters from Marsilia to the bish. of Ely, set the sayd byshop of Durham free, & con∣firmed to hym all the possessions and grauntes that he be∣fore had geuen hym.

It is almost incredible to think how intemperatly this byshop and Chauncellor misused himselfe after the kings departure into Siria in excesse of pride,* 52.106 and in cruell ex∣actions and oppressions of the kinges subiectes. First his felow Iustices, whō the king ioyned with him for gouer∣nement of the realme, he vtterly reiected & refused to heare their counsaile, reputing none to be equall with him in all the realme. Neither was he contented with the authoritie of a Prelate, but playd both king and priest in the realme. All Castles, Lordships, Abbayes, Churches, and al other appropriations belonging to the right of the king, he clay∣med to hymselfe, and by vertue of hys Legatship, whē he came to any byshops house, Abbay, Priory, or anye other Religious house, he brought with him such a superfluitie of men, horses, dogges, & hauks, that the house was worse for it 3. yeares after.* 52.107 For commonly he rode neuer vnder a 1500. horses of Chaplaynes, Priestes, and other seruing mon wayting vpon hym. From the clergy & laytie he took away their Churches, their vow••ans, their liuinges, and landes, to bestow vpon hys nephewes, & other wayting Chaplaynes to serue hys vayne glory,* 52.108 or els conuerted thē to his own vse, to mayntaine his pompe & vanitie. In getting and gathering of treasures he had no measure, in mispending the same he kept no order. And that no vyce should be wanting where such auarice taketh roote, the money whiche he wrongfully got, he committed to the banke,* 52.109 to be increased by vsury. What wantonnes and laciuiousnes was vsed in that so riotous life, the stories do shame to declare it.* 52.110 All ruffenly runagates, idle belyes, & light persons, wheresoeuer he went, hanged vppon hys Court. To increase the vaine iolity of this royall Prelate, there was lacking no kynde of Musicall instrumentes & melodious noyse, to refreshe belike hys weryed senses to much beaten and macerated with continuall labour and study of hunting, hauking, and gaming: of preaching, and reading I should haue sayd.

Briefly this foresayd Prelate,* 52.111 bearing the authoritie both of the king and of the pope, kept such a stirre in Eng∣land, that all the whole realme was at hys beck, with cap and knee crouching to him, Neither durst any man rich or poore displease hym. Yea none in all the realme so noble or worshipfull, but was glad to please him, accounting thē∣selues happy if they might stand in his fauor. At his table all noble mens children did serue and wayte vpon hym, w^t whome he coupled in mariage his nieces and kinswomē. And when any that stoode wayting before him, durst once cast vp hys eyes, or did not dimurely looke downward vpon y^e groūd, he had a staffe in hand with a pricke, wher∣with he vsed to prick thē, learning belike by the carter hys father,* 52.112 which vsed at the plough or carte to driue his oxen. Furthermore, as kings vse to haue their gard about thē, so hee because hee woulde not also be vngarded, refusing men of the English nation, had his wayters and warders most of Frenchmen and Fleminges.

It happened after this,* 52.113 in the yeare 1191. that a great discord rose betwene Iohn Erle of Mortō the kings bro∣ther, with other states of the realme,* 52.114 and the sayd William bishop of Ely, so that vniuersally they all wrote ouer to y^e king concerning the misgouernmēt & enormities of y^e sayd Bishop. Who vnderstanding of the case, sent from Mesia∣na into Eng. Walter archb. of Roan, and William Mar∣shall Earle, vnto the Bish. of Ely with letters, comman∣dyng him that in all hys doynges he should associate vnto hym the sayd Archb. of Roan, W. Mareshall, Geffry Pe∣terson, W. Bruer, and Hugh Bardolfe aboue mentioned. Who whē they came into England, durst not deliuer their letters, dreading the displeasure of the Chauncellor: for he despised all the commaundements of the king, nor would suffer any fellow to ioyne with him in hys kingdome.

Hitherto haue you heard of the glorious vanitie of this lordly Legate and Chauncellor of the realme, now ye shal heare of his shamefull fall, after hys shamelesse exaltation. For shortly after this followeth another breach betweene the sayd Erle Iohn the kinges brother and hym,* 52.115 about y^• besieging of the Castle of Lincolne. Concerning y^t whiche castle the sayde Iohn sent him word, y^t vnles he raised his siege the sooner frō thēce, he would send him away by force of sword. The bish. either not able to make his party good, or not daring to resist, thought best to fal to some composi∣tion with the Erle, and so did. In which composition, he

was contented against his wil, by mediation of diuers bi∣shops and others, to make surrender, not onely of the ca∣stle of Lincolne, but also of Notingham, of Tickhill, Wa∣lingford & many moe, which were then committed to the custody of sondry men of worship and honour. And thus was that controuersie agreed, wherein the bishop of Ely began a little to be cut shorter.

It followed then not long after in the same yeare, that another like busines began to kindle betwene Geffrey the Archb. of Yorke the Kings brother,* 52.116 and the foresaid glori∣ous bishop of Ely, vpō this occasion. Ye heard before how the king at his setting out, left order that Earle Iohn and Geffrey his brethren, should not enter into the realme the space of iii. yeres after his departure (howbeit his brother Iohn was shortly after released of that bond:) and also af∣ter that howe K. Richard being at Messana, sent his mo∣ther Alinore to the Pope for his brother Geffrey (elected before to the See of Yorke) to be consecrated Archbishop. wherupon the said Geffrey being consecrated through li∣cence of Pope Celestine by the Archb. of Turon, the sayde Geffrey ••••••••oones after his consecration differred no time, but would nedes come into England. Wherof the bishop of Ely hauing intelligence, sent him worde being at Wis∣sand in Flaunders not to presume to aduenture into the realme, contrary to his othe made to K. Richarde before: commaunding moreouer, that if he came, he should be ap∣prehended. All which notwithstanding the Archb. letted not for all that, but nedes would repaire to his sea, & so ar∣riued at Douer in the moneth of September, where the Chancelours men stoode on the sea side to apprehend him. But he by changing his apparel and swiftnes of his horse escaped their hands, & came to the mōks house of Douer. But the Chancelors men whom he sent to take him, beset the church of the Monkes round about, so that in no wise he could auoid their handes.

* 52.117To make the story short, as the archb. on a day, when he had said masse was standing at the altar, with his gar∣mēts yet about him, the rude souldiors hauing little good manners, & lesse deuotion, spared not boldly to rush into y^e church, and there laid hands vpon the Archb. as he stoode: tooke him, bound him & dragged him through dirt & mire, (and as we vse to say) through thick and thin, and so com∣mitted him to Mathew Clerke their constable to be kept: wherat the people greatly disdained, seeing him that was a kings sonne, and the brother of a king so to be entreated. The hearing whereof when it came to the ••ares of Earle Iohn his brother, he being not a little offended therwith, sent to knowe of the Chancelor whether this was his do∣ing or not. To whome when the Chancellor sent answere againe, & stoutly confessed the fact to be his, then the Earle sent commandement that his brother should be deliuered,* 52.118 and so he was. Who then comming to London, made hys complaint to the Erle his brother, and to other nobles of the realme, of the iniuries done to him by the Chancelor. Wherupon the Erle sent for the said Chancelor, & appoin∣ted a day peremptorie for him to appeare before the whole body of the Counsell, to make answere to such iniuries as he had done, both to the Archb. of York, and also to the bi∣shop of Durham aboue mentioned. But the Chancellour driuing of the time with delayes, would neither come nor send. Then the Earle with the Bishops about him, made their iourney towarde London, to haue the matter there handled in greater audience.

* 52.119The Chancelor seeing that, withdrewe himselfe from Windsore to the Citie of London. Where by the way it happened that the seruants of the Erle and of the Chan∣celor, meting, did skirmish together. In which fray one of the Erles family was slaine, but yet his men had the bet∣ter, and the Chauncelor w^t his men were put to flight, and so fled to the tower, where they did hide themselues. The next day after (which was about the 12. day of October) Erle Iohn the kings brother, and the Archb. of Roan, w^t all the bishops, Erles and Barons, and citizens of Lon∣don assembled together in Paules Churche, where many & great accusations were laid against the sayd Chancelor,* 52.120 so that in fine it was agreed in that assembly, that the sayd Chancelor should be deposed, and in his place was substi∣tute the Archb. of Roan, according to the tenor of y^e kings letters sent from Messana, which was, that certaine other persons should be associated with y^e Chancelor for the go∣uernement of the realme, by whose counsaile if he woulde not be directed, the Arch. of Roan shuld be set in his place, and he to be deposed. The thirde day after this, the Chan∣celor firmely promised, not to depart out of the realme be∣fore he had deliuered out of his handes all such castles, the keeping whereof he co••mmitted to certaine forreiners and strangers, & for assurance therof, he gaue his two brethren and Chamberlain for pledges, and so went to Canterbu∣ry, where he saide he would take the crosse of a Pilgri••••, and leaue the crosse of his Legateship.

Now when he was come to the Castle of Douer, and there had remained a fewe daies, contrary to his promise made, his purpose was to take shyp, and to passe ouer the Seas.* 52.121 And because he durst not doe it openly, he deuised a new kind of disguising, decking himselfe in the apparell of a woman, and so as gouty as he was, wēt to the sea side in his womans weede, hauing in his hand a met ya••de, and on his arme a piece of linnen cloth. And thus as hee was sitting vpon a rocke waiting for his ship to come, and to conuey him ouer, a certaine fisherman cipying him, and supposing the same to be a harlot, came to him, & so with struggling with him, found him, as he was in deede to be a man in likenesse of a woman. Whereat he wondred, and began to make an outcry vpon him. But the bishops ser∣uants being not farre off, came rūning and stilled him as well as they could.

The fisherman then going to the next village,* 52.122 & there belike declaring what he had s••ne, to try out y^• matter fur∣ther, came out certain women, who seing the linnen cloth hanging at his arme, began to question wyth him of the price of his cloth, & what he would take for it. But to this he would answer neuer a worde, but smiled vppon them. Whereat they musing with themselues, & whispering one w^t another,* 52.123 at last with their hands were so bold to plucke downe his nui••••ler, and there by his beard newe shauen, found him in deede to be a man, & so with a loud exclama∣tion raised the village vpon him, and woulde haue fallen vpon him with stones. Then came running a great mul∣titude both of men and women, who wondering at him, as birds are wont at an Owle,* 52.124 laid hands vpon him, and pluckt him downe to the ground, hailing & drawing him by the sleeues and collar of his gowne through stones and rocks, whereby he was shreudly hurt. His seruants once or twice made out to rescue their olde maister, or new mi∣stres, but coulde not for the preace of the people, who bea∣ting him with their fistes,* 52.125 and spitting at him, drewe hym through the whole towne, and so with shame inough at length laide him in a darke cellar in steade of a prison. Of whom al the country about wondred & cried out. In con∣clusion Earle Iohn hearing therof, within 8. dayes after sent word, that they should deliuer him, and let him go.

The bishop then set at libertie,* 52.126 sailed ouer as he could, to Flaunders, where he had but cold welcomming. From thence he went to Paris, where he gaue Mauricius theyr bishop 60. Markes of siluer, to be receiued in, with proces∣sion, & so he was. Then returned he into Normandy. But the Archbishop of Roan there gaue commandement, that the Church dores should be locked, and no seruice sayde so long as he there remained.* 52.127 The bishop seeing that, direc∣teth his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to king Richard into Syria, signifying to them howe Iohn the erle of Morton and his complices had handled him, and expulsed him out of the realme, requiring that he might be restored againe to that was taken from him: and also offring himselfe to be tried by the lawe for that he had done, so that if the king should dislike in any thing that he had done, he was ready to satisfie the kings contentation in all things wherein iustly he could be charged.

Upon this pope Celestine inflamed with an Aposto∣lical zeale in the behalfe of the sayd Bishop of Ely his Le∣gate,* 52.128 wrote a sharpe and thundering letter to the Archb. bishops, and prelates of England, commanding them by his authority Apostolical, that for so much as the iniuries done to his Legate, did redounde to the contumelie of the whole mother church of Rome, they should not faile ther∣fore, but with seuere censures of the Church, that is, wyth booke, bell, and candle, procede as wel against the foresayd Iohn Erle of Morton, as also all other, who so euer had, or should attempt any violence or iniury against the sayd his legate B. of Ely, with no lesse seuerity, then if the sayd iniury should be offred to the person of the Pope himselfe, or any other of his brethren the Cardinals. &c.

The bishop of Ely the popes Legate,* 52.129 bearing himselfe bold vpon the fauour and letters of the Pope which tooke his part, writeth to Henry B. of Lincolne, charging & re∣quiring, that he in vertue of obedience shoulde execute the Popes sentence & mandate, in excommunicating all such as were offenders in y^t behalfe,* 52.130 & there reciteth the names of diuers against whome he should procede, as the Archb. of Roan, y^• B. of Wint. W. Mareschal, Geffrey Peterson, Bruer, and Bardo••f, the Earle of Salisbury, the Earle of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, the Archdeacon o•• Oxforde, and especially Hugh B. of Couentry. Also M. Benet, & Ste∣uen Ridle, Chancelor to Erle Iohn the kings brother, to

the which Earle he reserued a further day of respite, before he should be excommunicate, with a number of other moe beside these. Howbeit the saide B. of Ely could finde none to execute this commandement of the Pope. Then they w^t a generall consent wrote againe to K. Richard, complai∣ning of the intollerable abuses of the sayd B. his Chaun∣cellor. In like sort the sayd Chancelor also complaining of them,* 52.131 wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earle Iohn his brother, went about to vsurpe his kingdome, & woulde also shortly set the crowne vpon his owne heade, vnles he made the more spede homeward. The king then was busie in repulsing the Saladine, and prepared to lay siege against Hierusalem, and got Sclauonia, with diuers other townes from the Saracens, which was in the yere of our Lord 1192. hauing diuers conflicts in y^• meane space with the Saladine,* 52.132 and euer put him to the worse. As the king thus was preparing to lay his siege against Ierusa∣lem, the Saladine glad to fall to some composition w^t the king, sent vnto him, that if he would restore to him againe Sclauonia, in as good state as it was when he tooke it, hee would graunt to him, and to all Christians in the lande of Ierusalem truce for 3. yeres, and offred himselfe thereunto to be sworn. The king seeing the Duke of Burgundy and the frenchmen to shrinke from him, and his owne men to decay, and also his mony & health to diminish, but especi∣ally for that he vnderstode by the B. of Ely his Chancelor, the French king to set vp Iohn hys brother to possesse his kingdome, being counsailed thereto by the Templaries, tooke the truce offred of the Saracens, & so began to draw homeward.

In this meane while much grudge and strife increased more and more betwene the B. of Ely,* 52.133 and the archbishop of Roan aboue specified, in so much that the Archb. being excommunicate, sent vp his Clerkes to Pope Celestine to complaine of the Bishop. But the Pope euer stoode in his purgatiō.* 52.134 At last he sent two of his Cardinals, to wit, Ot∣tomannus Bishop of Hostia, and Iordanus de fossa noua, to breake the strife betwene the B. of Ely, and the Archbi∣shop of Roan.

After this, king Richard being taken, and in the custo∣dy of Henry the Emperor, the B. of Ely resorting to him, was sent by him into England to Alinor his mother,* 52.135 and other nobles. Who then returning into England againe, not as Chauncelour, nor as Legate (as he sayde) but as •• simple plaine Bishop, so by that meanes was receiued. Ex Matt. Paris. Et ex alijs incerti nominis manuscriptis codicibus.

But of this vaine glorious prelate inough & too much. Nowe to returne againe to Richarde,* 52.136 concerning whose worthy actes done abroad in getting of Cyprus, Achon & Ptolemaida in pacifying Ioppe &c. partly is spoken of before. Many other valiant & famous actes were by him and the French king atchieued, and mo should haue bene, had not those two kings falling into discord, disseuered thē selues:* 52.137 by reason whereof Philip y^e French king returned home againe wythin short space. Who being retourned a∣gaine eftsones inuaded the coūtry of Normandy, exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of England in his brothers absence. Who then made league (vpon the same) with the French king, and did homage vnto him, which was about the fourth yere of king Richard. Who then being in Syria, & hearing there∣of made peace with the Turkes for 3. yeres. And not long after,* 52.138 king Richard the next spring following returned al∣so. Who in hys returne driuen by distresse of weather a∣bout the parties of Histria,* 52.139 in a towne called Synaca, was there taken by Limpold duke of the same country, and so sold to the Emperor for 60000. markes. Who for no small ioy thereof, writeth to Phillip the French king these let∣ters here following.

The letter of the Emperour to Phillip the French king, concerning the taking of king Richard.

HEnricus dei gratia Romanorum Imperator, & semper Augu∣stus, dilecto & speciali amico suo Philippo, illustri Francorū Regi salutem, & sincerae dilectionis affectum.

Quoniam Impera∣toria celsitudo non dubitat regalem magnificentiam tuam laetio∣rem effici, de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos & Rom. imperiū honorauerit & exaltauerit, nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus, quòd inimicus imperij nostri & turbator regni tui Rex Angliae, quum esset in transeun∣do mare ad partes suas reuersurus, accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat, induceret eum in partes Histriae, ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam & Venetias. Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium, cum paucis euasit. Quidam itaque fidelis noster co∣mes Maynardus de Gooxce, & populus regionis illius audito quòd in terra erat, & considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis, proditionem & traditionem, & perdi∣tionis suae cumulum exercuerat, insecuti sunt, intendentes eum captiuare: Ipso autem rege in fugam conuerso, ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archie∣piscopatu Salseburgensi, qui vocatur Frisorum, vbi Fridericus de Betesow, rege cum tribus tantùm, versus Austriam properante, noctu, sex milites de suis cepit. Delectus autem consanguineus noster Limpoldus Dux Austriae, obseruata strata, saepe dictum Regem iuxta, Denam in villa vicinori in domo despecta captiua∣uit. Cum ita{que} in nostra nunc habeatur potestate, & ipse semper tua molestauit, & turbationis operam praestiterit, ea quae praemi∣simus, nobilitati tuae insinuare curauimus, scientes ea d••••ectioni tuae beneplacita existere, animo tuo vberrimam importare laeti∣tiam.

Datum apud Ritheountum, V. Kalendas Ianuar.

King Richard thus being traiterously, taken and sold to the Emperor by the duke of Austrige for 60000. marks, was there kept in custodie a yeare ano iii. monethes. In some stories it is affirmed, that K. Richard returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosperous winde, where hee desired of the pope to be absolued frō an othe made against his will, and could not obtaine it. And so letting out from thence toward England, passing by the coūtry of Conra∣dus the Marques, whose death (he being slaine a little be∣fore) was falsely imputed by the French king, to the king of England, and there traiterously was taken as is before saide by Limpoldus Duke of Austrige. Albeit in an other story I find the matter more credibly set forth, which saith thus that king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpol∣dus, playing with him at chesse in the french kings court. And Limpoldus taking his vauntage was more cruel a∣gainst him,* 53.1 and deliuered him, as is ••aid, to the Emperor. In whose custody he was deteined, during y^• time aboue mentioned, a yere and 3. months. During the which time of the kings endurance, the French king in the meane sea∣son stirred warre in Normandy. And Erle Iohn y^• kings brother made stir and inuaded England, but the barons and bishops of the lande mightely w^tstode him. And besie∣ged him in the Castell of Windsore, where they tooke from him all the castels & munitions, which before hee had got. Thus the Erle seeing no hope to preuaile in England, & suspecting the deliuerance of the king his brother made in to France, & kept with the French king. At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperor, that K. Rich. should be released for 14000. pounds. Of the which mony part should remaine to the duke of Austrige, the rest shuld be the Emperors. The summe of which money was here gathered & made in England, of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks and other church plate, also w^t publik contri∣bution of friers, abbeis, and other subiectes of the realme. Wherof parte was presently paid, & for the residue remai∣ning, hostages and pledges was taken:* 53.2 which was about the 5. yeare of his raigne. And then it was obtained of the Pope that priestes might celebrate w^t chalices of latin and tinne.* 53.3 And so was granted & continued long after, which mine author (in his Chronicle entituled Eulogium) doeth testifie himselfe to haue scene. At what time this foresayde mony was paid, and the hostages geuen for the ransom of this king. I haue an old storie that saith how the foresaide duke of Austrige shortly after was plagued by God with v. sondry plagues: First with burning of his chief towns. Secondly, with the drowning of x. M. of his menne in a floud happening no man could tell how.* 53.4 Thirdly, by tur∣ning all the eares of his corne field into wormes. Fourth∣ly, by taking away almost all the Nobles of his lande by death. Fiftly, by breaking his own legge, falling from his horse, which leg he was compelled to cut off with his own hands, & after died vpon the same. Who then at his death is said to forgeue K. Richard 50000. Markes, & sent home the hostage, that was with him, ex varijs Chron. The booke intituled Eulogium before mentioned, declareth thus, that the sayde Limpoldus Duke of Austrige fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome,* 53.5 and died excōmunicate, the next yeare after. An. 1196.

Thus the sayde King Richarde being raunsomed, as hath ben declared from the couetous captiuity of the Em∣perour, was restored againe, and made his repaire into Englande. At whose returne, Erle Iohn hys brother re∣sorting to him with humble submission: desired to be par∣doned of his transgressions.* 53.6 To whom king Richard an∣swering againe: would God (saith he) this your trespasse, as it dieth with mee in obliuion, so it may remaine wyth you in remembraunce. And so gentlely forgaue him. And after he had againe recouered his holdes and castles, cau∣sed himselfe to be crowned againe. Whych done, he made hys power agaynst the French king, and draue hym out of Normandy. After that he turned his viage against the Welshmen, and subdued them.

The next yeare following:* 53.7 which was the 1197. yere of the Lord, Philip y^• french king brake truce made betwene him and king Richarde, whereuppon the king was com∣pelled to saile ouer againe to Normandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time, my story recordeth of one called of some Fulco: some say, he was the Archby∣shop of Roane called Gualter. This Fulco being then in England, and comming to the kings presence, sayde vnto him with great courage & boldnes. Thou hast O mighty King,* 53.8 three daughters very vicious and of euill dispositi∣on: take good heede of them, and betimes prouide for them good husbandes: least by vntimely bestowing of the same, thou shalt not onely incurre great hurt and damage, but also vtter ruine and destruction to thy selfe. To whom the king in a rage sayde: Thou lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or what thou sayest: I thinke thou art mad or not well in thy wittes, for I haue neuer a daughter as all the world knoweth, and therefore thou opē li••r get thee out of our presence. To whom Ful∣co aunswered: no, and like your grace I lie not, but say truth: for you haue iii. daughters, which continually fre∣quēt your court, and wholy possesse your person: and such iii. whoores & naughty packes as neuer the like hath bene heard off. I meane mischieuous pride, gredy couetousnes and filthy luxurity. And therfore againe I say, O king, be∣ware of them, and out of hand prouide mariages for them, least in not so doing, thou vtterly vndoe both thy selfe and all the whole realme.

The which his wordes, the King tooke in good parte: with correction of himself, & confession of the same. Wher∣upon incontinently he called his Lordes and Barons be∣fore him, vnto whome he declared the cōmoning and mo∣nition of Fulco, who had willed hym to beware of his iii. daughters: pride, auarice, and luxurie, with counsel out of hand to marrie them: least further discommoditie shoulde ensue both to him and the whole realme, whose good coū∣sell (my Lordes) I entende to follow, not doubting of all your consents therunto. Wherefore here before you all, I geue my daughter swelling pride to wife, to the proude Templars: my greedie daughter auarice to the couetous order of the Cistercian Monkes, and last of all, my filthie daughter luxurie, to the riotous prelates of the Churche, whom I thinke to be very meete men for her: and so seue∣rally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like mat∣ches in this our Realme are not to be found for them. And thus much concerning Fulco.

Not long after this, it befell that a certaine noble per∣sonage (Lord of Lemonice in litle Britaine, Widomarus by name) found a great substance of treasure both of golde and siluer hid in the ground: wherof a great part he sent to king Richard, as chiefe Lorde and Prince ouer the whole countrey.* 53.9 Which the king refused, saying, he would either haue all or none, for that he was the principall chiefetaine ouer the land. But the finder woulde not condescende to that. Wherefore the king laide siege to a Castell of hys called Galuz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the Castel, seeing themselues not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castell, desiring to depart with life and armour. To this the king woulde in no wise graunt,* 53.10 but bid them to reenter the ca∣stell againe, and to defende it in all the forceable wise they coulde. It so befell, that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castel, vewing the places therof: a souldiour wythin,* 53.11 named Bertandus Cordoun, stroke the king with an arrow in the arme, whereupon the yron remaining and festering in the wound, the king within 9. daies after died: who because he was not content with the halfe of the treasure that another man founde, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king being thus wounded caused the man that stroke him, to be brought vnto him, and asked the cause of him, why he so wounded him. Who answered againe (as the storie sayeth) that he thought to kill rather then to be killed. And what punishment soeuer he should susteine, he was cōtent, so that he might kil him, which had before killed his father and brethren.* 53.12 The king hearing his words, frely forgaue him, and caused an hun∣dreth shillings to be geuē him. Albeit (as the story addeth▪) after the death of the king, the duke of Brabāce, after great torments caused hym to be hāged. Ex historia Regis Richar∣di 2. cui initium. De patre istius Bruti. &c. The storie of Gis∣burne sayeth, that the killer of king Richarde, comming to the French king, thinking to haue a great rewarde, was commanded to be drawen a sonder w^t horse, and his quar∣ters to be hanged vp.

An other story affirmeth, and Gisburn partly doth te∣stifie the same, that a litle before the death of K. Richarde: 3. Abbotes of the order Cistercian came to him, to whome he was confessed. And when he sawe them somewhat stay at his absolution, had these wordes: that he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of wormes: and his soule to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented til the iudgement,* 53.13 in the hope of God his mercy. Ex Iornalens. Gisburn. & alijs.

About the raigne of this king, the sayd Iornalensis ma∣keth mention of Roger archbish. of Yorke, which put out of his Churche the Monkes,* 53.14 and placed for them seculare Priests: saying that he woulde rather with Ecclesiasticall benefices to be geuen to wanton Priests then to abhomi∣nable Monkes, & that Thurstinus did sinne neuer worse in al his life, then in building that house for monks &c. An¦other story I haue which sayth, that this was the Byshop not of Yorke, but of Couentrie.

The king not long after departed without issue: and Iohn his brother reigned after him: in whome, although some vices may worthely be reprehēded: especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life, yet was he farre from that deseruing, for the which he hath bene so il repor∣ted of diuers wryters: who being led more with affection of Poperie, then with true iudgement and due considera∣tion, depraued his doings more then the sincere trueth of the historie will beare them. Concerning which historie, after so many wryters we thought also to bestowe a little labour: although in this matter we can not be so long as I would, and as the matter requireth.

Kyng Iohn.

AFter the death of king Richarde called Coeur de Lyon,* 53.15 reigned his brother Iohn Earle of Morton. Afterward the Archbyshop put the crowne on his head, and sware him to defend the churche, and to maintaine the same in her good lawes, and to destroy the euil. And except he thought not in his minde to do this, the Archb. charged him, not to presume to take on him this dignitie. And on Saint Iohn Baptists day next following, king Iohn failed into Nor∣mandy & came to Roan: where he was royally receiued, and truce concluded betweene him & the French king for a time. And thether came to him the Earle of Flaunders, and all other Lords of Fraunce that were of K. Richards band and frendship, and were sworne vnto him.

Not long after this, Philip the French king made Ar∣thur Knight,* 53.16 and tooke his homage for Normandie, Bri∣taine, and al other his possessions beyond the sea: and pro∣mised him helpe against K. Iohn. After this King Iohn and the French king talked together wyth theyr Lordes,* 53.17 about one houres space: And the Frenche King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur, that king Iohn would graunt him none, and so departed in wrath.

The same yeare, a legate came into Fraunce, and com∣maunded the King in paine of interdiction, to deliuer one Peter out of prison, that was elect to a Bishoppricke, and thereupon he was deliuered.

And after that, the Legate came into England, & com∣maunded K. Iohn vnder paine of interdiction, to deliuer the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. yeares: which the King denied to do, till he had payd him 6000. markes. Because he tooke him in harnes in a field against him, and sware him vpon his deliuerance, y^t he should neuer weare harnesse against any Christen man.

This time,* 53.18 diuorce was made betweene K. Iohn and his wife, daughter of the Earle of Glocester, because they were in the iii. degree of kinred. And after, by the counsell of the French king,* 53.19 King Iohn wedded Isabel daughter of the Earle of Anguilla, and then Arthur of Britaine did homage to king Iohn for Britaine and other.

At this time fell strife betwene K. Iohn and Geoffrey the Archbishop of Yorke for diuers causes: first, because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriffe of Yorke in such affaires as he had to do for the King within his Diocesse. Secondly, because hee did also excommunicate the sayde sheriffe. Thirdly, because he would not saile with him in∣to Normandie, to make the mariage betwene Lewes the French kings sonne and his niece. &c.

After this,* 53.20 in the yeare of our Lorde 1202. Phillip the French king (in a communication betwene K. Iohn and him) required: that the saide K. Iohn should depart with all his landes in Normandy and Pictauia which he had beyond the sea, vnto Arthur his nephew, and that incon∣tinent, or els he would warre against him, and so did. For when king Iohn denied that request, the next day folow∣ing, the French king with the sayde Arthur, set vpon cer∣tain of his townes and castels in Normandy, and put him

to much disquietnes.* 53.21 But he (the Lord so prouiding, which is the geuer of all victory) had such repulse at the English∣mens handes: that they pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight, did so follow them to their hold, & so enforced vpon them: that not onely they tooke the sayd Arthur prisoner w^t many other of the Frenchmen: but also gaue such an ouer∣throw to the rest, that none was there left to beare tidings home.* 53.22 This Arthur was nephewe to king Iohn, & sonne to Geffrey, which was the elder sonne to Iohn. For king Henry the 2. (to make the matter more euident,) had viij. children: one W. which died in his childhoode: the seconde Henry, which died also his father being yet aliue: the third Geoffrey Erle of Britain, which likewise deceassed in his fathers daies, leauing behind him two children, Arthur & Brecca. The fourth, Richard coeur de Lyon King: the v. Iohn now reigning: and 3. other daughters besides. The same Arthur being thus taken in warre, was brought be∣fore the King at the castell of Falesic in Normandie: who being exhorted w^t many gentle words to leaue the French king, and to incline to his vncle, answered againe stoutly & with great indignation: requiring the kingdom of En∣gland withal the other dominions therto belōging, to be restored to him as to the lawfull heire of the crowne. By reason whereof he (prouoking y^e kings displeasure against him) was sent to y^e tower of Roan: where at length (whe∣ther by leaping into the ditch thinking to make his escape, or whether by some other priuy hand, or by what chaunce els: it is not yet agreed vpon in stories) hee finished his life. By occasion whereof, the foresaide K. Iohn was had after in great suspicion: whether iustly or vniustly, the Lord knoweth.

The yere folowing, Historiographers write that king Iohn for lacke of rescue,* 53.23 lost all his holdes and possessions in Normandy, through the force of the French king.

* 53.24After these losses, came other troubles vpon him: with other as great or more greater enemies (that is wyth the Pope and hys Popelings) by occasion of chusing of the Archb. of Cant. as in this history followeth by Christ hys grace, to be declared.

The yeare of our Lord 1205. about the moneth of Iu∣ly, Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury deceased,* 53.25 whose decease after it was in Cant. to the Monks knowen: and afore his body was yet committed to the earth: the yonger sort of the monkes there gathered themselues together at midnight,* 53.26 and elected their superior Reignold, and with∣out the kings licence or yet knowledge priuely placed him in the Metropolicall seate, singing Te deum at midnight. And because the king shuld not make their electiō of none effect, they charged him by vertue of his othe to kepe al se∣cret by the way, and to shew nothing what was done be∣fore he came to the pope: but he contrary to his oth, so sone as he came in Flanders opened all abroad the matter, and vttered their counsel: whereupon the monkes being not a litle agreued w^t him, sent him priuely to the court of Rome out of hand. The next day, the elder monks sent to y^e king: desiring him of his gracious licence Canonically to choose their Archb. The king most gently & fauorably graunted their petition: requiring them instantly and desiring, that for his sake they would shewe fauour to Iohn Gray then B. of Norwich, as they did in dede: erecting him into that seat of their high primacy. Moreouer, because the authori∣ty of kings and princes was then but small in their owne dominion without the Popes consent, & confirmation to the same: he sent also to Rome of his own charges, to haue the foresaid election ratified by the pope. The suffraganes of Canterbury then (being not a litle offended at these two elections) sent speedely to Rome to haue them both stop∣ped: for that they, had not bene of counsell with them. And hereupon at the last grew a most prodigious tumult.

The next yeare after, the suffraganes of the prouince of Canterbury on the one side,* 53.27 and the Monkes of Canter∣bury on the other side: came afore the Pope w^t their braw∣ling matter.* 53.28 First the Monkes presenting Reignold their superiour, desired that their election might be confirmed. The Suffraganes likewise complained that the Monkes wold presume to chuse the Archbishop without their con∣sent, and therefore desired by diuers reasons the first electi∣on to be of none effect. The Pope deciding the matter be∣twene both, pronounced with the Monkes, charging the suffraganes and Bishops, to meddle no more w^t that elec∣tion, but to let the monkes alone. The monkes of Cant. nowe hauing the whole election in their owne hands, fell also at square among themselues, the yonger sort with the elder. The yonger sort which had chosen Reignolde theyr superior, would that election to stand. The elder sort of the Monks replied againe, saying: that the first election was done by stealth and by night and by the yonger part, also without the counsell of other monkes:* 53.29 ouer and besides it was done wythout the kings licēce or appoyntment, and without the one solemnitie therunto belonging.

And as concerning our election (said they) it was done in the cleare light of the day,* 53.30 by which it had authoritie in presence of our liege Lord the king and his counsell being willing to the same.

This allegation thus proponed: the suffraganes pro∣ctour or man of law stode ••orth, & proued the former electi∣on to be good, and this latter, to be voyde and of no value, after this sort. Whether the first election (saith he) were iust or vniust, ye ought first by the law to haue condemned it, afore ye should haue presumed to the second, but thus yet did not. Therefore is this your latter doing no election at al: and the first therfore is rather to be ratified than yours. When they had thus multiplied talke on both sides, with many friuolous allegations a long time, and coulde not agree vpon one person: Pope Innocent condemned both their elections, cōmaunding them to chuse Stephen Lāg∣ton, then Cardinal of S. Chrisogone for their Archb. The monkes then answered, that they durst not so do, without cōsent of their king, and for that it was preiudiciall to their ancient liberties. The Pope by and by (sayeth the text) as one in a furie, taking the words out of their mouthes, said thus vnto them. We wil ye to know, that we haue ful po∣wer and authority ouer the church of Cant. neither are we wont to tary the consent of princes:* 53.31 therfore we command you in paine of our great curse y^t ye chose him only whom we haue appoynted.

The Monkes at these wordes abashed and terrified, though they much murmured in their hearts, yet consen∣ted they all in one,* 53.32 and therupon sang Te Deum. Only doc∣tour Helias Brantfield withdrew himselfe from that elec∣tion, whome the king had sent for the admission of the Bi∣shop of Norwich.

Thus was Stephen Langton (in the high Church of Uiterby, by the popes hand) made archbishop of Canter∣bury. From thenceforth therefore (sayth Mathew Paris) the pope could do no lesse but mightily defend him from al vexation and daunger: considering that he was his owne deare deareling, and a childe of his owne creation.

Upon this occasion, king Iohn conceiued an exceding displeasure against the Clergie, and Monkes of Canterb. (as he had good cause) they doing so many euils against his Princely prerogatiue. Without his licence they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich, whome he had apointed. They wasted a great part of his treasure for the warres: and to bring all to y^e deuil, they made Ste∣phen Langton their high Metropolitane, whom he tooke for a greuous enemy vnto the whole realm, being alwais so familiar w^t the French king. Wherefore in his anger hee banished them out of the lād, to the number of 64. for this their contumacie and contempt of his regall power.

•• The monkes of Canterburie thus being expulsed, the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope wyth his letters, wherin he doth sharply and expressely expostulate with the Pope:* 53.33 First, for that so vncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set vp one Ste∣phen Langton, a man vnknowne to him, and brought vp amongest hys ennemies a long time in the kingdome of Fraunce, consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other goe. Also (which is more) it redoundeth to the sub∣uersion and derogatiō of the liberties appertaining to his crowne: for notwithstāding his consent past (being before of the monks not made priuy, which should so haue done) yet he rashly presumed to promote and preferre another. Wherfore, he can not maruaile (he sayth) enough, that nei∣ther the sayd Pope, nor the Court of Rome doth consider and reuolue with themselues, how necessary his loue and fauour hath bene alwayes hetherto to the sea of Rome: & that they consider not what great profite and reuenewes, hath proceeded hetherto to them out of the realme of En∣lād: the like wherof hath not ben receiued out of any other countrey besides, on this side the Alpes. He addeth more∣ouer and sayth, that for his liberties he wil stande (if neede be) vnto death, neither can he be so remooued and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich, which hee seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable. Finally, hee thus concludeth, saying: that in no case in this his request he be not heard, hee will so prouide by the seas, that there shalbe no such gadding & coursing any more ouer to rome suffring the riches of the lande no more to be transported ouer, whereby he shoulde be himselfe the lesse able to resist his enemies. And seing he hath of his own at home, arch∣bishops, bishops, & other prelates of the Churche (both of English men & of other) sufficiently prouided & instructed in all kinde of knowledge: therfore he shal not nede great∣ly

to seeke for iudgement and iustice farther abroad.

When these came to the Popes intelligēce, he directeth letters to t•••• king againe in this forme.

* 54.1INnocentius P. seruant of the seruants of God, to our welbelo∣ued sonne in Christ, the king of England health, & Apostolicall blessing.

Where as we haue written to you heretofore, exhorting and entreating you after an humble, diligent, and gētle sort (con∣cerning the Church of Cant.) you haue written to vs againe after a threatning sort and vpbraiding manner: both spitefully and also frowardly. And where, as we more and aboue that oure right and duety required,* 54.2 haue borne and g••uen to you: you againe for your part haue geuen to vs not so much as by right & duety you are bound to do. And though your deuotion as you say, hath ben to vs very necessary, yet consider againe that ours also is not a li∣tle opportune & expedient for you. And where as we, in such like cases haue not shewed at any time the like honor to any prince as we haue vnto you: you againe haue so much derogated our ho∣nor, as no prince els hath presumed to do besides you alone: pre∣tending certaine friuolous causes & occasions I cānot tel what, why you would not condescend to the election of Steuen Lang∣ton Cardinall of S. Chrysogono, chosen by the Monkes of Cant: for that the said Stephē as you say hath ben cōuersant & brought vp amongst your enemies, and his person to you vnknowne. But you knowe what is the prouerbe of Salomon: the net is cast, but in vaine in the sight of the flying birdes, &c.

* 54.3With much other matter in the same Epistle, wherein he falleth into the commendation of Steuen Langton his Cardinall, declaring howe learned he was in the liberall artes, and in diuinitie, in so muche he was p••ebendated at Paris: also come of an honest stocke and an Englishman borne, and not vnknowen to the king, seeing the king had written his letters thrise to him before. Declaring moreo∣uer in the said letter, how the messengers of the King had specified to him an other cause: which was, for y^c the mōks of Cant. which had to doe in the election, came not to hym before for his cōsent, declaring moreouer in the said letter, how the said messengers of the king, intreated in the kings behalfe: that for so much as the popes letters (wherein the king was commaunded to send his proctors to Rome for the same matter) came not to the kings hande, neither did the Monkes direct any such letters or message to the king to haue his consent: therefore the Pope considering the same, woulde graunt so much for the regarde of the kings honor, that the monkes of Cant. should not procede with∣out the kings assent therein. And for as much, as that hath not bene done as yet, therefore they desired some delay therein to be geuen, sufficient for the doing therof. where∣unto he said, that he had graunted, & fulfilled their request, in sending hys letters and messengers once or twise to the king for the same purpose, although he sayd it was not the maner of the sea Apostolique, (who had the fulnesse of po∣wer ouer the Church of Cant.) to waite for Princes con∣sents in such elections, who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for. wherefore in knitting vp his letter, he thus concludeth in these wordes.

And therfore seeing the matter so standeth, we see no cause why we should require or tary for the kings fauour, or consent a∣ny more therein: but intend so to procede in this matter, neither enclining on the right hand nor on the left, according as the ca∣nonicall ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct vs: that is (that al impediments & delaies set aside) so to prouide, that the church of Canterburie be no longer destitute of her pastour. Wherefore be it knowne to your discretion or kingly prudence, that for so much as this election of Stephen Langhton hath orderly & con∣cordely thus proceeded without fraud or disceit, vpon a persone meete for the same: therefore, we will not for no mans pleasure, neither may we without daunger of fame and of conscience, de∣ferre or protract any longer the consummation of the sayde ele∣ction. Wherefore my well beloued sonne, seeing we haue had res∣pect to your honour, aboue that our right and duetie requireth: studie to honour vs so much as your duetie requireth againe, so that you may the more plentifully deserue fauour, both at Gods hands and ours: least that by doing the contrary, you bring your selfe into such a pecke of troubles, as afterwards you shall scarce rid your selfe of againe. For this know for a certaine, in the end it must needes fall out, that hee shall haue the better, vnto whome euery knee (of heauenly, earthly, and infernall creatures) doeth bowe: whose turne I serue in earth, though I be vnworthy. Ther∣fore settle not your self to obey their perswasions,* 55.1 which alwayes desire your vnquietnesse: whereby they may fish the better in the water when it is troubled: but commit your selfe to our pleasure, which vndoubtedly shall turne to your praise, glory, and honor. For it shoulde not be much for your safetie in this cause to resist God and the Church, in whose quarel that blessed Martyr & glo∣rious bishop Thomas hath of late shed his bloud:* 55.2 especially seeing your father and your brother of famous memorie, then kings of Englande, did geue ouer those three wicked customes into the hands of the Legates of the see Apostolique.* 55.3 But if you yeld your selfe humbly into our hands, we will looke that you & yours shall be sufficiently prouided for, that no preiudice may arise hereup∣on to you warde.

Geuen at Laterane the x. yere of our Popedom.

Thus hast thou (Gentle Reader) the glorious letter of the proud Pope: I beseeche thee marke it well. Now to the story.

After this letter was sent out, not long after proceedeth a charge and commaundement, sent into England, vnto certayn bishops there: requiring them by authoritie Apo∣stolicall, that if the sayd kyng would not receaue the sayde Prior of Cant. & his mōkes, thē they should interdict hym throughout all hys realme. For the executing whereof 4. Byshops were appoynted by the vsurped power of the popes bulles:* 55.4 namely william B. of London. Eustace B. of Ely, Walter B. of Winchester. and Giles B. of Herford. Which sayd foure bishops went vnto the kyng, and shew∣ed theyr commission from the pope as is abouesayd, wil∣ling hym to consent thereto. &c.

But the sayd kyng refused the same, and woulde by no meanes graunt to theyr request. Wherupon the departing from hys grace, went the morow after the Annuntiacion of our Lady, and pronounced the sayd generall interdicti∣on throughout all England:* 55.5 so that the church dores were shutte vp with keyes and other fasteninges, and with walles &c.

Now when the king heard of this he begon to be mo∣ued agaynst them, and tooke all the possessiōs of the 4. by∣shops into hys hands: appoynting certayne men to keepe the liuings of the clergy throughout the realme,* 55.6 and y^• they should enioy no part therof. Which being done, y^• bishops (seeing the same) cursed all them that kept or should med∣dle with Church goodes, agaynst the will of them y^t ought them: and vnderstandyng of all that, that the K. nothing regarded their doyngs, they went ouersea to the Byshop of Canterbury, & informed hym what had happened. Who hearing the same, willed them againe to returne to Caun∣terbury and he would come thither to them, or els sēd cer∣tayne persons thither in hys steed, that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the bishops heard this, they returned agayne to England, to Caunterbury, which tidings came shortly to the K. that they were come agayne thither. And because he might not hymself trauaile to thē, he sent theyr Byshops, Earles, & Abbots to intreat them that the archb. Stephen whom he had chosen might be admitted, promising the Prior and all the Monkes of Caunterbury in his behalfe, that he should neuer take any thing of the church goodes, agaynst the will of them that owe them, but would make amendes to them of whom he had taken any such goodes: and that the Church shoulde haue all her fraunchises in as ample maner as in S. Ed∣wardes tyme the Confessor it had.

When the forme of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed of payre Indentures, which the foresayd 4. Byshops,* 55.7 to the one part therof set their seales: & the other part the sayd bishops, Erles & abbots, caried to shew the king. When the K. saw the order therof, he liked it wel: sa∣uyng he would not agree to make restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the 4. byshops agayne, y^t they should put out that point of restitution. But they answered stout∣ly y^t they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the Archb. by the 4. bishops, that he should come to Cant. to speake w^t him, and for his safe conduit to come and goe againe at his will: he sent his iustices as pledges, Gilbert Peiteuin, William de la Bereuer, and Iohn Let∣fitz. Which thing thus done,* 55.8 the Archb. Stephen came to Cant. and the K. (hearing therof) came to Chilham: from whence he sent his treasurer the B. of Winchester to him, to haue him put out of the indentures the clause of restitu∣tion aforesaid: who denying to alter any word of the same moued y^t k. in such sort, that immediatly it was proclaimed throughout england at the kinges commaundement, that all those that had any churchliuing and went ouer the sea, should come agayne into England a certaine day, or els lose their liuings for euermore. And further in that procla∣mation he charged al Shirifs within the realm, to enquire if any Bishops, Abbots, Priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) receiued any commaūdemēt that came from the pope, and that they should take his or their body and bring it before him. And also that they shold take into theyr hands for the kings vse,* 55.9 al the churchlands that were geuen to any man through the Archbishop Stephē, or by the priors of Cant. from the time of the election of y^e Archb. And further charged, that all the woods that were the Archb. should be cut downe and solde.

When tidings came to the Pope that the K. had thus done, being moued thereby with firy wrath•• sent to y^• king two Legates (the one called Pandulph,* 55.10 and the other Du∣rant) to warne him in the popes name that he should cease his doinges to holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the Archb. of Cant. and to the priors & the monks of Cant. and to all the Clergy of England. And further, y^t he should restore the goods agayne that he had taken of thē agaynst their wil, or els they should curse the K. by name: & to do this, y^• pope tooke them his letters in Buls patent. These two Legates comming into England, resorted to y^e king to Northhampton,* 55.11 where he held his Parliament, & saluting him, sayd: they came from the Pope of Rome, to reforme y^t peace of holy church. And first sayd they we mo∣nish you in the popes behalfe, that ye make full restitution of the goods & of the land that ye haue rauished holy church of: and that ye receiue Stephen the Archb••. of Cant. into his dignity, and Prior of Cant. and his monkes. And that ye yelde agayne vnto the Archb. all his landes and rentes without any withholding. And sir, yet moreouer, that ye shall make such restitution to them, as the Church shall thinkk sufficient,

Then aunswered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monkes of Cant. all that ye haue said I would gladly do, and all thing els that ye would ordaine: but as touching y^e Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my hart. Let the Arch∣bishop leaue his bishopricke: and if the pope then shal en∣treat for him, peraduenture I may like to geue him some other bishopricke in England. And vpon this condition I will receiue and admit him.

Then sayd Pandulph vnto the K. holy Church was wont neuer to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable: but euer she was wont to correct princes that were diso∣bedient to her.

What? how now (quoth the K.) threaten ye me? Nay sayd Pandolph, but ye haue now opēly told vs as it stan∣deth in your hart: and now we will tell you what is the popes will, and thus it standeth. He hath wholy interdic∣ted & cursed you, for the wrongs ye haue done to the holye church and to the Clergy. And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and will come to no amendement, ye shall vnderstand: that from this time forward, the senten∣ces vpon you geuen haue force and strength. And all those that with you haue commoned before this time, whether that they be Earles, Barons or Knightes (or any other whatsoeuer they be) we assoyle them safely from their sins vnto this day.* 55.12 And from this time forward (of what con∣dition soeuer they be) we accurse them openly: and special∣ly by this our sentence, that do with you common. And we assoyle moreouer Earles, Barons, knightes and all other maner of men of theyr homages, seruice, and sealties, that they should do vnto you. And this thing to confirme, we geue playne power to the B. of Winchester, and to the B. of Norwich. And the same power we geue agaynst Scot∣land to the B. of Rochester, & of Salisbury. And in Wales, we geue the same power to the Bishops of S. Dauid, and of Landaffe, and of S. Asse.

Also Sir K. (quoth Pandolph (all the kinges, princes and the great Dukes christened,* 55.13 haue labored to the pope to haue licence to crosse themselues, and to warre agaynst thee, as vpon Gods enemy, and winne thy lande, and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope. And we here now as∣soile all those of their sinnes that will arise agaynst thee here in thine owne land.

Then the K. hearing this, answered: What shame may ye do more to me then this.

Pandolph agayne: we say to you in verbo Dei: that nei¦ther you nor any heir that you haue, after this day shall be crowned. So the king sayd: by him that is almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this lād, and that he had brought me such newes: I should haue made you tary out these xii. monthes.

Then aunswered Pandolph. Full well we thought (at our first comming) that ye would haue bene obedient to God, and to holy church: & haue fulfilled the popes com¦maundement, which we haue shewed and pronounced to you, as we were charged therewith. And now ye say, that if ye had wilt the cause of our comming, ye would haue made vs tary out a whole yere: which might as well say, that ye would haue taken a whole yeares respite without the popes leaue: But for to suffer what death that ye can ordeine, we shall not spare to tell you all the popes mes∣sage and will that he gaue vs in charge.

In an other chronicle I finde the wordes betwene the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his comming in.* 55.14 To whom pādolph againe should answer, that he loked for nothing els at his hand, but to suffer for the Churches right. Wherupon the K. being mightely incēsed, departed. The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the shirifs and bailifes to bring foorth all the prisoners there, y^t such as had deserued shoulde be put to death: to the entent (as some thinke) to make Pandolfus afraide. Among whome was a certaine Clerke, who for counterfaiting the kings coyne, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, & quartered. And more∣ouer, by the king was commanded (therby to anger Pan∣dolfus, the more as may be thought) to be hanged vp hiest aboue the rest. Pādolphus hearing therof, notw^tstanding he somwhat began to feare least he should be hanged him∣selfe,* 55.15 yet w^t such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out booke, bel, and candle, charging that no man vnder pain of accursing, should lay hands vpon the cleark. Vp∣pon this the K. and the Cardinall departed in no litle an∣ger. And Pandolfe went to Rome, & reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had bene done.

Then the pope summoned al the bishops, abbots, and clarkes of England to come and repaire to Rome, to con∣sult what was to be done therein. This councel began the first day of October. In the which councel it was decreed by the pope and his assembly, that Iohn king of England should be accursed with all such as helde with him, euery day so long as that Councel endured. Albeit this was not yet graunted, that the people shoulde be crossed to fight a∣gainst him, because as yet he had shed no bloud. But after∣ward, the sayd Pope Innocent seeing that K. Iohn by no meanes would stoupe vnder his subiection, nor vnder the rule of his popish see, he sent vnto the French king, vpon remission of all his sinnes, and of all that went with hym that he should take with him all the power he might, and so to inuade the realme of England to destroy K. Iohn.

This occasion geuen,* 55.16 Pope Innocent yet once againe commanded in paine of his great curse: that no man shuld obey King Iohn, neither yet keepe company with him: he forbad all persons to eate and drinke with him, to talke with him: to commune or coūsell with him: yea, his owne familiar houshold to do him any kinde of seruice, either at bed or at boord: in church, hall or stable. And what folow∣ed therof. The greater parte of them which after such sort fled from him (by the ordinance of God) of diuers and sun∣dry diseases the same yeare died. And betweene both nati∣ons (English and French) sell that yeare great amitie:* 55.17 but secret, subtil, and false: to the bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content onely with this, but more∣ouer the said Pope Innocent gaue sentence definitiue (by counsell of his Cardinals) that King Iohn should be put from his seat regall and deposed, and an other put in hys roume. And to the speedie execution thereof, he appoynted the French king Philip,* 55.18 promising to geue him full remis∣sion of al his sinnes, & the cleare possession of al the realme of England, to him and his heires: if he did either kill him or expell him.

The next yeare,* 55.19 the French king began his attempt in hope of the crowne of England: being well manned wyth the Bishops, Monkes, Prelates, and Priestes, and theyr seruauntes to maintaine the same: bragging of the letters which they had receiued frō the great men there.* 55.20 But be∣hold the worke of God: the English nauie tooke 300. of the French kings ships w••ll loden with wheat, wine, meale, flesh, armour, and such other like, meete for the warre: and an 100. they brent within the hauen, taking the spoyle with them. In the meane time the priests w^tin Englande, had prouided them a certain false counterfait prophet cal∣led Peter Wakefield of Poiz: who was an idle gadder a∣bout, and a pratling marchant.* 55.21 This Peter, they made to prophecie lies: rumoring his prophesies abroade, to bring the king out of all credite with his people. They noysed it daily among the commons of the Realme, that Christ had twise appeared to this prophet of theirs, in shape of a child betwene the Priests handes, once at Yorke, another time at Pomfret: and that he had breathed vpon him thrise, say∣ing, peace, peace, peace, and teaching many things which be anone after declared to the Byshops, and bid people a∣mend their naughty liuing. Being rapt also in spirit (they sayd) he behelde the ioyes of heauen, and sorrowes of hell. For scant were there three (sayeth the Chronicle) among a thousande that liued Christianly. This counterfeit sooth∣sayer prophesied of king Iohn: that he shoulde raigne no longer then the ascension day, within the yere of our Lord 1213. which was the 14. yere from his coronation, and this (he sayde) he had by reuelation.* 55.22 Then was it of him de∣maunded, whether he shoulde be slaine or be expelled, or should of himself geue ouer the crown: He answered, that he coulde not tell. But of this he was sure (he sayde) that

neither he, nor any of his stock or linage should raign, that day once finished. The K. hearing of this, laughed muche at it, and made but a scosse thereof. Tush (sayth he) it is but an idiote knaue, and such a one as lacketh his right wyts. But when this foolish prophet had so escaped the daunger of the kings displeasure, & that he made no more of it, he gate him abroade and prated thereof at large (as he was a very idle vagabund) and vsed to rattle and talk more then inough: so that they which loued the king, caused hym a∣none after to be apprehended as a malefactor, & to be thro∣wen in prison, the king not yet knowing therof.

Anone after, the same of thys phantasticall Prophet went all the realme ouer, & his name was knowen euery where (as foolishnesse is much regarded of people, where wisdom is not in place) specially because he was then im∣prisoned for the matter, the rumor was the larger: theyr wonderings were the wantonner: their practising the fo∣lisher: their busy talks & other idle occupying the greater. Continually from thence (as the rude maner of people is) old gossips tales went abroad, new tales were inuented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew vpon lyes. So that euery day, new ••anders were raised on the king, and not one of them true: rumours arose, blasphemies were spred, the enemies reioysed, & treasons by the priests were maintained, and what likewise was surmised, or other subtiltie practised, all was then fathered vpon this foolishe prophet. As, thus sayeth Peter Wakefielde: thus hath hee prophesied: and thys shall come to passe: yea many times when he thought nothing lesse. When the Ascension day was come which was prophesied of afore:* 55.23 king Iohn cō∣manded his regal Tent to be spred abroad in y^c open field, passing that day with his noble counsel and men of honor, in the greatest solemnitie that euer hee did afore, solacing himselfe with musicall instruments & songs, most in sight amongst his trusty frends. When that day was past in all prosperity and myrth, his enemies being confused, turned all to an allegorical vnderstanding, to make the prophecy good, and sayd: he is no longer king, for the Pope raigneth & not he, yet raigned he stil, & his sonne after him, to proue that prophet a lier. Then was the king by his coūsel per∣swaded, that this false prophet had troubled al the realme: peruerted the hearts of the people, and raised the commōs against him. For hys woordes went ouer the Sea by the helpe of his Prelates, and came to the French kings eare, & gaue vnto him a great encouragement to inuade y^c land, he had not els done it so sodenly. But hee was most fouly deceiued, as all they are & shall be, y^t put their trust in such darke drousy dreames of hypocrits.* 55.24 The king therfore cō∣manded that he should be drawen & hanged like a traitor.

After that, the Popish Prelates, Monkes, Chanons, Priests. &c. sawe this their crafty iuggling by their famed prophet would not speed, notwithstanding they had done no little harme thereby, to helpe the matter more forward, they began to trauail and practise with pope Innocent of the one side, and with the Frēch king on the other side, be∣side subtile treasons, which they wrought w^tin the realme, & by their confessions in the eare, whereby they both blin∣ded the nobility and commons. The king thus compassed abou•• on euery side with enemies,* 55.25 and fearing the sequele thereof, knowing the conspiracies that were in working against him, as wel by the Pope (in al that euer he might) as also by Phillip the French king by hys procurement: and moreouer his owne people, especially hys Lords and Barons being rebelliously incited against him, as by the Popes curses and interdictions against such as tooke hys part, and by his absolutions & dispensations withal those that would rebel against him, commaunding them to de∣taine from him such homage, seruice, duties, debts, and al other allegiance that godly subiects owe and are boūde to yeld and giue to their liege lord & prince. Al which things considered, the King in the 13. yeare of his raigne, for that the French king began to make sharp inuasion vpon him within his own Realme,* 55.26 sent speedy Embassadors to the pope (as to the fountaine of al this his mischief pretensed) to worke & intreat his peace and reconciliation with him, promising to do what soeuer the pope should wil him and commaund him in the reformation of himself, and restitu∣tion of all wrongs done to holy Church, and to make due satisfaction therfore vnto all men that could complaine.

Then sent the Pope againe into England his Legate Pandulphe wyth other Embassadours: the king also at Canterb. (by letters as it should seeme certified from hys owne ambassadors) waited their comming. Where the 13. day of May the king receaiued them, making vnto them an othe, that of and for al things wherin he stode accursed, he woulde make ample restitution and satisfaction. Vnto whom also all the Lords & Barons of England (so many as there were w^t the king attending the Legates cōming) sware in like maner, and that if the king would not accō∣plish in euery thing the othe which he had taken, that then they wold cause him to hold and confirme y^• same whether y^t he wold or not (or by strength) to vse the authors words.

Then submitted the king himselfe vnto the Court of Rome and to the pope:* 55.27 And resigning gaue vp his domi∣nions and realmes of Englande & Ireland from him and from his heires for euermore y^• should come of him. Wyth this condition, that the king and his heirs should take a∣gaine these two dominions of the Pope to forme, paying yearely therfore to the Court of Rome a 1000. Markes of siluer. Then tooke the King the crowne from hys heade, kneeling vpon his knees in the presence of all his Lordes & Barons of England to Pandulphe the popes chiefe le∣gate, saying in this wise. Here I resigne vp the crowne of the realme of England to the Popes hands Innocent the third, & put me wholy in his mercy and ordinance. Then tooke Pandolphe the crowne of king Iohn, and kept it 5. daies as a possession & seazon taking of these two realmes of England and Ireland. Continuing also al things pro∣mised by his charter obligatorie as foloweth.

The copie of the letter obligatorie that K, Iohn made to the Pope, concerning the yelding vp of the crowne and the Realme of Englande into the Popes hands, for a cer∣taine summe of money yearely to be paide.

TO al christen people throughout the world dwelling,* 56.1Iohn by the grace of God K of England, greeting.

To your vniuersitie known be it, that forasmuch as we haue greeued & offended God & our mother church of Rome: & forasmuch as we haue neede of the mercy of our Lord Iesu Christ: & we may nothing so worthy offer, & cōperent satisfactiō make to God & to holy church (but if it were our own body) as with our realms of Englād & of Ire∣land: Then, by the grace of the holy ghost we desire for to meke vs for the loue of him, that meked him to the death vpon the crosse. And through counsell of the nobles, earles & Baro•••• we offer & frely graunt to God & to the apostles S. Peter & Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, & to our holy father Pope Innocēt the 3. & to al the popes that come after him, all the realme: patrona∣ges of churches of England & of Ireland, with all the appurtenā∣ces, for remission of sins, & helpe & health of our kings soules, & of al christē soules: So that frō this time afterward, we wil receiue & hold of our mother church of Rome, as in ferme, doing sealtie to our holy father the Pope Innocent the 3. and to all the Popes that come after him in the maner abouesayd And in the presence of the wise man Pandolphe the Popes Southdeacon, wee make liege homage, as it were in the popes presence & we before him were, & that he himselfe shuld haue done al maner things aboue∣said: and therto we bind vs, & all that come after vs & our heires for euermore without any gainsaying to the pope, & eke the ward of the church vacant. And in token of this thing euer for to last, we will, confirme, & ordaine, that he be our speciall renter of the foresaide realmes (sauing S. Peter pence) in all thing. To the mo∣ther church of Rome paying by yere a 1000. markes of siluer at 2. times of the yere for al maner customes that we should do for the saide realmes: that is to seine, at Michelmas & at Easter, that is for England 700: markes and 300. markes for Ireland. Sauing to vs & to our heires, our iustices and our other franchises. And all these things that before ben said, we will that it be firme & stable with∣out end: & to that obligation we & all our successors, & our heirs in this maner, beth bound: that if we or any of our heirs through any presumption fal in any point againe these things aboue sayd (and he bene warned and wi••l not right amend him, he shall then lese the foresaid realmes for euermore: and this charter of obliga∣tion and our warrant for euermore be firme and stable without gainsaying. We shal from this day afterward be true to God & to the mother church of Rome, & to thee Innocent the 3. and to all that commen after thee: and the Realmes of Englande and of Ire∣land, we shall mainteine trewlich in all maner pointes against all maner men by our power, through Gods helpe.

Upon this obligation, the king was discharged the 2. day of Iuly,* 56.2 from that Tirannicall interdiction, vnder which he continued 6. yeares and 3. monethes. But before the releasement therof, first he was miserably cōpelled (as hath bene declared) to geue ouer both hys crowne & scep∣ter to that Antichrist of Rome, for the space of 5. daies: and his client, vassall, feudary, and tenant, to receiue it againe of him, at the handes of an other Cardinall, being bounde obligatorily, both for himselfe, & for his successours to paie yerely (for a knowledge therof) a M. marks, for England & Ireland. Then came they thether, from all partes of the Realme so many as had their consciences wounded for o∣beying their liege king (as blind Idiotes) and there they were absolued, euery one of his own bishop, except y^• spi∣rituall fathers and Ecclesiastical souldiours, for they were compelled to seake to Rome, as captiues reserued to the

popes owne fatherhoode. In this new ruffeling the King easily graunted, that abbots, deanes and curates, shoulde be elected freely euery where, so y^t the lawes of the realme were truly obserued. But against that, were the bishops, alledging their Canonical decrees and rules synodal, de∣termini••g the king therein to haue nothing a do: but only to geue his consent after that they had once elected. But among this shauen rable, some there were which consen∣ted not to this wicked errour. A sort also there were of the prelates at that time, which were not pleased that y^t lands interdiction shoulde cease, til the king had paid al y^• which their Clergy in all quarters of the realme had demaunded without reason: yea, what euery saucie sir Iohn for hys part demāded, euen to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing of theyr appels, and their other occasional da∣mages, which grew to an incredible summe, and impossi∣ble to be answered. Such was the outragious cruel noyse of that mischieuous progenie Antichrist, against their na∣turall king.

Notwithstanding, that which is vttered afore concer∣ning the bitter malice of the Clergye against their Prince: yet did the Popes Legate, and Cardinall Nicolaus Tus∣culanus, much fauor his doings, & allow his procedings. Wherfore they reported of him, that he was exceding par∣cial, & regarded not their matters ecclesiastical as he shuld haue done, for leauing the accompt of their restitiōs. He went with the kings officers (as the kings pleasure was) to the Cathedral minsters, abbeys, priories, deanries, and great Churches vacant. And there, for the next incumbent alwaies he appointed two: one for y^t king, an other for the parties. But vpon him only whome the king nominated, he compelled most commonly the election to passe: whych vexed them wonderfully. Upon this therefore, they raised a new cōspiracy against the kings person, by helpe of their bishops, seditious prelates, & such noble men as they had drawen to their parties, We beheld (sayth Houeden) about the same time many noble houses and assemblies deuided in many places: the fathers and the aged men stoode vpon y^t kings part, but the yonger sort contrary. And some there were, that for loue of their kindred, and in other sondry re∣spects, forsoke the king again: yea, and the same went that time (sayth he) that they were cōfederated with Alexander the Scottish king, and Ieoline the Prince of Wales, to woorke him an vtter mischiefe. A councell at Oxforde the Archb. called: where at some would not tary, considering the confusion therof: the other sort (hauing very obstinate hearts) reuiled the king most spitefully behind his backe, and sayd: that from thenceforth he ought to be taken for no gouernour of theirs. Their outragious and franticke cla∣mours so much preuailed in those daies, that it grewe to a grieuous tumult, and a most perillous commotion.

* 56.3In the yeare of our Lorde 1215. as wytnesseth Paulus Aemilius & other hystories: Pope Innocent the third helde a general Synode at Rome, called the councell Laterane. The chiefe causes of that councell were these:* 56.4 In the daies of this Innocent, heresie (as he calleth the truth of God, or the doctrine that rebuketh sinne) began to rise vp very high, and to spread forth his braunches abroad. By reason wherof, many Princes were excommunicate as Otho the Emperour, Iohn the king of England, Peter king of A∣ragon, Raimund the Earle of Tholouse, Aquitania, Sa∣taloni, and such other like, as is said afore. So that it could be no otherwise, sayth Doueden, but with the sharp axe of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they ought of necessitie to haue bene cut off from the Churche. Therfore was this coūcell prouided, proclaimed, and pre∣lates from al nations therunto called. And to colour those mischiefes which he then went about: hee caused it by hys Legates and Cardinals (very craftie marchauntes) to be noised abroad, that his entent was therin only to haue the Church vniuersally reformed: and the holy land from the Turkes handes recouered. But all this was craft & false∣hode, as y^t sequele therof hath manifestly declared. For hys purpose thereby was to subdue all Princes, and to make himselfe rich and wealthy, for there he made this antichri∣stian act, and established it by publicke decree, that y^t pope should haue from thenceforth the correction of all christian Princes,* 56.5 and that no Emperor should be admitted, except he were sworne before, and were also crowned of him. He ordained moreouer, that whatsoeuer he were that should speake euil of the pope, he shuld be punished in hel w^t eter∣nall damnation. Conradus, Vrspergensis, Hieronimus Marius. He prouided confession to helpe these matters: he alowed theyr bread a pixe to couer him, and a bell when hee goeth abroad, and made the masse equal with Christes Gospell.

In this Councell was first inuented and brought in Transubstantiatiō:* 56.6 of which Ioannes Scotus, whō we call Dims, maketh mention in his 4. Booke, wryting in these wordes. The words of the scripture might be expounded more easily,* 56.7 & more plainly without transubstantiatiō. But the church did chuse this sense, which is more hard, being mooued thereto, as it seemeth chiefly: because that of the Sacraments men ought to holde as the holy Churche of Rome holdeth. &c. And in the same place maketh mention of Innocentius the third.

Moreouer, in the said Councel was stablished and ra∣tified the wretched and impious act, compelling Priestes to abiure lawful Matrimonie. Whereupon these meeters or verses were made the same time against hym, whych here folow vnder wrytten.

Non est Innocentius, imo nocens verè, Qui, quod facto docuit, verbo vult delere. Et quodolim inuenis voluit habere, Modò vetus pontifex studet prohib••re. Zacharias habuit prolem & vzorem, Per viru••n quem genuit adeptus honorem, Baptizauit etenim mundi saluatorem: Pereat qui teneat nouum hunc errorem. Paulus coelos rapitur ad superiores, Vbi multas didicit res secretiores. Adnos tandem rediens instruens{que} mores. Suas inquit, habeant quilibet vxores, Propter haec & alia dogmata doctorum, Reor esse melius & magis decorum, Quisque suam habeat & non proximorum, Ne incurrat odium vel iram eorum. Proximorum foeminas, filias, & neptes Violare nefas est, quare nil doceptes, Verè tuam habeas, & in hac delectes Diem vt sic vltimum tutiùs expectes.

Nocent,* 56.8 not innocent, he is that seeketh to deface, By word the thing, that he by deed hath taught men to embrace Which being now a Bishop old, doth study to destroy The thing, which he a young man once did couet to enioy. Priest Zachary both had a wife, and had a childe also, By mean of whō there did to him great praise and honour grow, For he did baptise him, which was the sauer of mankinde, Ill him befall that holdeth this new error in his minde. Into the higher heauens, good Paul was lifted from below, And many secrete hidden things he learned there to know. Returnde at length from thence to vs, and teaching rules of life, He said, let eche man haue his owne and onely wedded wife: For this and other documents of them that learned be, Much better and more comely eke it seemeth vnto me. That eche should haue hys own alone, & not his neighbors wife, Least with his neighbour he do fall in hate and wrathfull strife. Thy neighbours daughters or their wiues, or nieces to defile, Vnlawfull is: therefore beware, do not thy selfe beguile. Haue thou thine owne true wedded wife, delite in her alway, With safer minde that thou maiest looke to see the latter day.

Now let vs returne to K, Iohn againe, & marke how the priests & their adherents were plagued for their hum∣ble handlings of his maiesties wil. In y^• forsaid councel of Laterane, and the same yeare, was Steuen Langton the Archb. of Cant. excommunicated of pope Innocent, w^t all those bishops, prelates, priests, barons, & cōmons, which had bene of counsail with him in the former rebellion. And when the sayde Archb. had made instant sute, of him to be absolued: anone he made him this answer w^t great indig∣nation. Brother mine, I sweare by s. Peter, thou shalt not so soone at my hande obteine the benefite of absolution: for why, thou hast not only done harme to the K. of Englād, but also thou hast in a great many of thinges iniured the church of Rome here, & therfore thou shalt tary my leyser. The archb. was also at y^t time suspended out of y^e Church, and commanded to say no masse at all,* 56.9 neither yet to exer∣cise any other ecclesiasticall office, because he would not at time cōuenient execute the popes curse vpon y^c rebellious Barons. With them the said pope had ben so depely offen∣ded & angred a litle before, y^t the great charter of the liber∣ties of England (w^t great indignation & countenance most terrible) he rent and destroyed, by sentence definitiue con∣demning it for euer. And by and by therupon cursed all the other rebels, with booke, bel, and candle. The greater cap∣taines of them (with the citizens of London) for that assay were pronounced excōmunicate by name,* 56.10 & remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the councel general.

In the same yere 1215.* 56.11 were those great men also sum∣moned to appear at Rome in that general Sinode: which

would not consent to their kings expulsion, nor yet tiran∣nical deposing. Though they were called (they sayd) ther∣unto by the Archb. of Cant. and others: and required by othe to subscribe to the same, yet coulde they not of consci∣ence do it, because he had humbled himselfe, and also gran∣ted to keepe peace with all men. Thus was the whole realme miserably then deuided into two factions through malice of the clergie, so strifes encreased in the lande euery where. Yet were there of the Lordes & gentlemen a great number at that time, that followed the king and alowed his doings. But they which were on the otherside (not a little suspecting the state that they were in) fled speedely to the French K. Phillip:* 56.12 desiring him that he would graunt to them his eldest sonne Ludowike, and they would elect him to be their K. and that without much tariance. They besought him moreouer, that he would sende with him a strong and mighty power, as were able to subdue him vt∣terly, that they might (they said) be deliuered of such a wic∣ked tyrant. Such was the reporte, that those most wicked papists gaue their christian gouernor, appoynted to them of God: whome they ought to haue obeyed, though he had bene euill, euen for very conscience sake. Rom. 13. And as certaine of the Lords and Barons were busie to chuse the sayde Ludowike for their king, the Pope sent thether one Gualo the Cardinal of S. Martin to those rash and cruel attempts,* 56.13 charging the French king vpon his allegeance, that he with all power possible, should fauour, maintaine, and defend king Iohn of England, his feudary or tenant. The French king therto made answer, as one not cōten∣ted with that arrogant precept. The realme of Englande sayd he, was neuer yet any part of S. Peters patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet any time shalbe hereafter. Thys spake he, for that he was in hope to obtain it for his sonne, by treason of the Barons.

No prince of potentate (said Phillip the French king) may pledge or geue away his kingdome:* 56.14 which is (beside the realme) the gouernment of his whole cōmon wealth, w^tout the lawful consent of his Barons, which are bound to defend the same. If y^e pope shal introduce or set vp such a president in christianitie, he shall at his pleasure bring all christian kings, and their kingdoms to naught. I like not this example, in these daies begon. I cānot therfore allow this fact of king Iohn of England: though he be my vtter aduersarie, yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realme, & hath brought that noble ground and Duene of prouinces, vnder miserable tribute. The chiefe Lordes and men of his nobilitie stāding by, when he vttred these wordes (being as it were in a fury) cried with one voyce: By the blud of God, in whom we trust to be saued, we wil sticke in this article to the loosing of our heads. Let the K. of England do therein what him liketh: no king may put his land vnder tribute, & so make his nobility captiue ser∣uants, with y^t came in Ludowike the kings eldest sonne, and so sayd vnto them all there present. I beseeche you, let not my purposed iourney: The Barons of England haue elected me for theyr Lorde and king, and I will not surely lose my right: but I wil fight for it euen to the very death, yea so long as hart shall stir within my brest: and I doubt not but I shall well obtaine it: for I haue frendes among them. Hys father the king stoode still as he had bene in a dompe, & answered neuer a word, but fared as though he had dissembled y^e matter. Be like he mistrusted some thing therein, as he might well inough: for all was procured by the priestes, that they might liue licentiously in all wealth and fredome from the kings yoke.

About the same time were such treasons and conspi∣racies wrought by the Bishops,* 56.15 Priestes, and Monkes, throughout all the realme, that the king knew not where to become, or finde trusty frendes: he was then compelled by the vncertaintie of his subiectes to trauaile from place to place, but not without a great armie of men: looking euery day when his Barons & their confederates would cruelly set vpon him. At last he came to Douer, and there looked for aide from other quarters, which loued him bet∣ter then did hys owne people. And thether to him resorted from Flaunders, Brabant & Holland, on the one side: and from Guiane, Gascoine, & Poitiers, on the other side: and from other countries more, a wonderfull number of men. The report then went, that the pope had wrytten to those countreis, mightely to assist him for diuers cōsiderations: one was, for that he had both submitted himselfe, and hys dominion to his protection. An other was, because he had taken on him (a little before) the liuery of the crosse, to win againe Hierusalem. The third was, for that he had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland, and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the space of 3. moneths he remained in the Isle of Wight, abroade in the aire, to quiet himself for a time from al manar of tumults: and led there a solitary life, among riuers and watermen: where as hee rather counted to die then to liue, being so traiterously handled of his Bishops and Barons, and not knowing howe to be iustly aduenged of them. Uppon the Purification day of our Lady therfore, he tooke vpon him the crosse or viage against the Turks for recouery of Hie∣rusalem: mooued therunto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, then for any other deuotion else. And thus he said to his familiar seruāts: since I submitted my selfe and my lands, England and Ireland to the church of Rome (sorow come to it) neuer thing prospered with me, but all hath gone against me.

In the next yeare after 1216. was Symon Langton chosen Archbishop of Yorke:* 56.16 but that election anon arter was dissolued: for informatiō was geuen to the pope, that the said Simon was brother to Steuē Langton the arch∣bishop of Cant. which had bene the occasion of all the tu∣mults which were that time in England. And the Pope had the more hate vnto him,* 56.17 for that he had brought hym vp of nought, and did finde him at that time so stuvburne: wherefore he placed in hys brothers place Walter Graie, the bishop of Winchester.

In the same yere,* 56.18 Gualo the popes legate renued hys great curse vppon Lewes the French kings sonne, for v∣surping vpon king Iohn. Likewise vpon Simon Lang∣ton and Gernais Hobruge, for prouoking him to y^• same, and that wyth a wonderfull solemnitie: for in that doing hee made all the belles to be rong, the candles to be lyght, the doores to be opened, and the boke of excommunicatiōs and interdictions publikely to be read, committing them wholy to the deuil, for their contumacie and contempt. He also commanded the Bishops and Curates, to publishe it abroad ouer at the whole realm, to the terror of ad his sub∣iects. The said Simon & Geruais laughed hym to scorne,* 56.19 and derided much his doings in that behalfe, saying: that for the iust title of Ludowick, they had appealed to the ge∣nerall councell at Rome.

The magistrates of London and citizens of the same,* 56.20 did likewise vilipende and disdainously mocke all that the Pope had there commanded and done. And in spight both of him and hys legate, they kept company with them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church, shew∣ing themselues thereby, as open contemners, both of him and his lawes. Ludowicke at London taking himselfe for king, constituted Simon Langton for hys high Chancel∣lor, & Geruais Hobruge for his chiefe preacher. By whose daily preachings, as well the Barons, and the Citizens themselues, being both excommunicated, caused all the church dores to be opened, and the seruice to be song, & the said Ludowicke was in all poynts fit for their handes. A∣bout this time,* 56.21 was Pandulphus (then Cardinal) collec∣ting the Peter pence, an olde pillage of the Pope: taking great paines therin. And for his great labours in those af∣faires of holy Church, & for other great myracles besides: he was then made bishop of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignitie and expenses.

It chaunced about this time,* 56.22 that the Uicount of Me∣lun (a very noble mā of the realme of France, which came thether wyth the Prince Ludowicke) to fall deadly sicke at London: and also moued of conscience to cal certaine of the English Barons vnto hym (such as were there ap∣poynted to the custodie of that citie) sayd vnto them. I la∣ment your sorrowful case,* 56.23 and pitie with my heart the de∣struction y^t is comming towards you and your countrey. The daungerous snares which are prepared for your vt∣ter cōfusion, are hidden from you: ye do not behold them, but take ye hede of them in time. Prince Ludowicke hath sworne a great oth, & 16. of his Earles and noble men are of counsel with him, that if he obtaine the crowne of Eng∣land, he will banish all them from seruice, & depriue them of lands and goods, as many as he findeth nowe to goe a∣gainst their liege king, and are traitours to his noble per∣son. And because yee shall not take thys tale for a fable, I assure you on my faith (lying nowe at the mercy of God) that I was one of them, which was sworn to the same. I haue great conscience therof, and therfore I geue you this warning. I pittie poore England, which hath bene so no∣ble a region, that now it is come to so extreme misery. And when he with teares had lamented it a space, hee returned againe vnto them, and said: my frends, I counsel you ear∣nestly, to looke to your selues, and to prouide the remeady in time, least it come vpon you vnwares. Your king for a season hath kept you vnder: but if Ludowicke preuaile, he will put you from all. Of two extreeme euilles, chose the more easy, and keepe that secret which I haue tolde you of good will, with that he gaue ouer and departed this life.

When this was once noysed among the Barons, they were in great heauinesse: for they saw themselues betrap∣ped euery way, and to be in exceeding great daunger. And this daily augmented that feare which then came vpō the Barons. They were extremely hated of the Pope and his Legates, and euery weeke came vpon them newe excom∣munications. Daily detriments they had besides: in theyr possessions and goodes, in their lands & houses, corne and cattell, wines and children: so that some of them were dri∣uen to such neede, that they were enforced to seeke prayes and booties for sustaining theyr miserable liues. For looke whatsouer prince Ludowick obtained by his warres, ei∣ther territories or castels: he gaue them all to his French men (in spight of their heads) and said that they were but traitours, like as they had warning afore, whych greeued them worst of all. At the last, they perceiuing that they in seeking to auoid one mischief were ready to fall into an o∣ther much worse: they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit themselues wholy with al humility, to the mercy of their late soueraigne, & natural liege Lord, king Iohn. And for that they were somewhat in doubt of their liues for the treason afore committed: many of the friendes of them which were of most credite w^t him, made sute for them. So were a great number of them pardoned, after instant great suit made for them. I heere omit his re∣couery of Rochester castle and citie, w^t many other dange∣rous aduentures against the foresayd Ludowicke, both at London, Yorke, Lincolne, Winchester, Norwiche & other places els, as things not perta••ning to my purpose. And now I returne to my matter againe.

Into Suffolke and Norffolke hee consequently iour∣neyed, with a very strong armie of men: and there, wyth great mischiefe hee afflicted them, because they had geuen place & were sworne to his enemies. After that, he destroi∣ed the Abbeis of Peterborough & Crowland, for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him, and so he departed from thence into Lincolneshire.

In this yeare, about the 17. day of Iuly, died Pope Innocent the 3. and was buried in a citie called Perusium in Italie:* 56.24 where as hee had trauailed to make a peace be∣tweene the Genouaies and the Pyses, for his owne com∣moditie and aduauntage. After hym anone succeeded one Ciatius, otherwise called Honorius Tertius, a man of very great age: yet liued he in the papacy 10. yeres and an halfe & more. When this was once known in England: great∣ly reioyced all they which were king Iohns enemies, spe∣cially the priests: yet had they small cause, as will appeare hereafter. They noised it al the realme ouer, that this new Pope would set a new order, and not rule al things as the other Pope did: th••nking therby that he would haue done all thyngs to their commoditie: but they founde it other∣wise. For he made al them which were excommunicate, to pay double and treble, ere they could be restored againe to their former liuings.

And in the selfe same yeare, as king Ihon was come to Swinestead Abbey, not farre from Lincolne, hee rested there two dayes:* 56.25 where (as most writers testifie) he was most traiterously poisoned by a monke of that Abby, of the secte of the Listercians or S. Bernardes brethren, called Simon of Swinsted. As concerning the noble personage of this Prince, this witnes geueth Roger Houeden therein: Princeps quidem magnus erat sed minus foelix: atque vt Marius vtram{que} fortunam expertus.* 56.26 Doubtles (sayth he) king Iohn was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate as many were. Not altogether vnlike to Marius the noble Romaine, he rasted of Fortune both wayes: bountifull in mercie: in warres sometime he wanne, sometime againe he lost. Mu∣nisicus ac liberalis in exteros fuit, sed proditionis causa suorum depraedator, plus aduenis quam suis confidens Hee was also very bounteous & liberal vnto strangers, but of his owne people (for their daily treasons sake) hee was a great op∣pressor, so that he trusted more to foreiners then to them.

Among other diuers and sundry cōditions belonging to this king, one there was which is not in him to be re∣prehended but commended rather: for that being far from the superstition which kings at that time were common∣ly subiect vnto, regarded not the popish Masse, as in cer∣taine Chronicles wryting of him may be collected:* 56.27 for so I finde testified of him by Mat Parisiensis, that the king vp∣on a time in his hunting, comming where a very fat stag was cut vp and opened (or howe the Hunters terme it I cannot tell) the king beholding the fatnesse and the lyking of the stagge:* 56.28 See saith he, how easily and happily he hath liued, and yet for all that he neuer heard any Masse.

It is recorded and founde in the Chronicle of Willi∣am Caxton,* 56.29 called fructus temporum, and in the 7. Booke. The foresayde monke Simon, being much offended with certaine talke that the king had at his table, concernyng Ludouicke the Frenche kings sonne (which then had en∣tred and vsurped vpon him) did cast in hys wicked heart, howe he most speedely might bring him to his ende. And first of all he counselled with his Abbot, shewing hym the whole matter, and what hee was minded to doe. Hee al∣ledged for himselfe the Prophecie of Cayphas, Iohn 11. saying: It is better that one man die, then all the people should perish. I am well contented (sayeth he) to loose my life, and so become a Martyr, that I may vtterly destroy this tyraunt.* 56.30 With that the Abbot did weepe for gladnes, and much commended hys feruent zeale, as hee tooke it. The Monke then being absolued of his Abbot for doyng this acte (aforehand) went secretely into a garden vppon the backe side, and finding there a most venemous Toad, he so pricked hym, and pressed him with his penknife: that he made him vomit all the poyson that was wythin hym. This done, he conueyed it into a cuppe of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance, he sayde thus to the King: If it shall like your Princely maiestie, here is inch a cuppe of wine, as yee neuer dronke a better before in all your life time. I trust this Wassail shal make al England glad.* 56.31 And with that he dranke a great draught thereof, the king pledging him. The Monke anone after went to the farmerye, and there died (his guts gushing out of his bel∣ly) and had continually from thence foo••th three Monkes to sing Masse for his soule, confirmed by theyr generall chapter. What became after that of king Iohn, yee shall knowe right well in the processe following. I woulde ye did marke well the wholesome proceedings of these holy votaries, howe vertuously they obey their kings, whome God hath appoynted: and howe religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions and masses.

The king within a short space after (feeling great griefe in his body) asked for Symon the monke: and aunswere was made, that he was departed this life. Then god haue mercy vpon me (sayd he) I suspected as much, after he had sayd, that al England should therof be glad: he ment now I perceiue then of his owne generation. With y^t he com∣manded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So went he from thence to Slaford Castel, and from thence to Newerke vpon Trent:* 56.32 and there w^tin lesse then 3. daies he died. Upon his death bed he much repented his former life, and forgaue all them with a pitifull heart, that had done him iniury, desiring that his elder sonne Beurie might be admonished by his example,* 56.33 and to learne by his misfortunes, to be natural, fauourable, gentle, and louing to his natiue people. When his body was enbaumed and spiced (as the maner is of kings) his bowels or intrailes were buried at Cropton Abbey, which was of the secte of Premonstratenses or Chanons of S. Norbert.* 56.34 His hired souldiours, both Englishmen and straungers were still about him, and folowed his corpes triumphantly in their armour, till they came to the Cathedrall Church of Wor∣cester: and there honourably was he buried by Siluester the bishop, betwixt S. Oswalde and S. Wolstane, 2. By∣shoppes of that Church.* 56.35 He died in the yeare of our Lord 1216. the 19. day of October, after he had raigned in suche calamitie, by the subtile conueyaunce of his Cleargie 18. yeares 6. monethes, and odde dayes. So soone as Kyng Iohn was dead and buryed (as is said afore) the Princes, Lordes and Barons, so many as were of his part (as wel of straungers as of them that were borne heere) by coun∣saile of the Legate Gualo: gathered themselues together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henrie his sonne for their king. Of whome more shall followe the Lorde wil∣ling) hereafter.

Many opinions are among the Chroniclers of the death of king Iohn.* 56.36 Some of them doe wryte that he died of sorrowe and heauinesse of heart, as Polydorus: some of surfetting in the night, as Radulphus Niger: some of a bloudy flixe, as Roger Houeden: some of a burning agewe, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating peares, some plummes, &c.

Thus you see what varietie is among y^e wryters con∣cerning y^e death of this king Iohn. Of which wryters, al∣though the most agree in this that he was poysoned by the Monke aboue named:* 56.37 yet Math. Parisiensis, (something dif∣fering from the other) wryting thus concerning his death. That he going frō Linne to Lincolnshire, and there hea∣ring of the losse of hys cariage, & of his treasures vpon the washes, fell in great heauines of minde: in so much that he fel therby into a feruēt feuer being at the abbey of Swin∣sted. This ague he also encreased through euil surfetting & noughty diet, by eating peaches and drinking of new Ci∣ser, or as we cal it Sider. Thus being sicke, he was caried from thence to the Castel of Laford, and from thence to the

[illustration]

[illustration]

* The Description of the poysoning of King Iohn, by a Monke of Swinestead Abbeye in Lincolneshire.

Castell of Newerke: where calling for Henry his sonne, gaue to him the succession of his crowne & kingdom, wry∣ting to all his Lordes and nobles to receiue him for theyr king. And shortly after vpō S. Lucies euen, departed this life, being buried at Worcester. &c.

In Gisburn, I finde otherwise, who dissenting from o∣ther, sayeth:* 56.38 that he was poysoned with a dish of Peares which the Monke had prepared for the king therewith to poison him. Who asking the king whether he would taste of his fruite, & being bid to bring them in, according to the kings bidding so did. At the bringing in whereof, saith the said story, the pretious stones about the K. began to swete. In somuch y^t the king misdoubting some poyson, deman∣ded of y^c monke, what he had brought. He said: of his frute, and that very good, the best that he did euer tast. Eate, said y^c king: and he toke one of the peares, which he did know, and did eate. Also being bid to take an other, did eate lyke∣wise sauerly. And so likewise the third. Then the king re∣fraining no longer, tooke one of the poysoned peares, and was therewith poysoned, as is before. &c.

* 56.39In the raigne of this king Iohn the citizens of Lon∣don, first obtained of the king to chose yerely a Maior. In whose time also the bridge of London was first builded of stone: which before was of woode. Rastall.

* King Henry the third.

* 56.40AFter this king Iohn had raigned as some say 17. yeres, or as some say, though falsly 19. yeres was (as is abouesaid) poisoned & died. Thys king left behinde him 4. sonnes, and 3. daugh∣ters, first Henry, second Richard, and he was Earle of Cornwall: Third William of Valentia: Fourth, Guido Disenay. He had also an other sonne, who after∣ward was made bishop. Of his daughters first was Isa∣bel, maried afterward to Fredericke the Emperour. The second named Alinour, maried to William earl Marshal. The third to Mounfort the Earl of Leicester.* 56.41 &c. An other story sayth that he had but two daughters, Isabel and E∣lionore, or as an other calleth her Ioane, which was after Queene of Scotland, Ex Chronico vetusto Anglic.

This king Iohn being deceased, which had many ene∣mies, both of Earles, Barons, & especially of the Popish Clergie, Henric hys eldest sonne was then of the age of 9. yeares. At what time the most of the Lordes of England did adhere to Ludouike or Lewes y^• French kings sonne, whom they had sent for before,* 56.42 in displeasure of king Iohn to be their king, and had sworne to him their allegeaunce. Then William Earle Marshall a noble man, and of great authority, and a graue and a sound coūseller, friendly and quietly called vnto him diuers Earles and Barons: and taking this Henry the young prince, sonne of king Iohn, setteth him before them, vsing these words:

Behold (saith he) right honourable and well beloued: although we haue * persecu∣ted the father of this yong Prince for his euil demeanour, & wor∣thely: yet this yong childe, whome here ye see before you, as he is in yeres tender, so is he pure and innocent from these his fathers doings. Wherfore in as much as euery man is charged only with the burthen of his owne workes and transgressions: neither shall the childe (as the Scripture teacheth vs) beare the iniquity of his father: we ought therefore of duetie and conscience to pardone this young and tender Prince, and take compassion of his age, as ye see. And now for so much as he is the kings natural and eldest sonne, and must be our soueraigne and king, and successor of this kingdom, come and let vs appoynt him our king and gouernour: and let vs remoue from vs this Lewes the French kings sonne, & suppresse his people which is a confusion and a shame to our na∣tion, and the yoke of their seruitude let vs cast off from our shoul∣ders.

To these words spake & answered the Earle of Glo∣cester.

And by what reason or right (sayd he) can we so do, seeing we haue called him hether, & haue sworne to him our feaultie.

Whereunto the Earle Marshall inferred againe and sayd:

Good right and reason we haue, and ought of duety to do no lesse, for that he contrary to our minde and calling hath abu∣sed our affiance and feaulties. Truthe it is, we called him, &c ment to prefer him to be our chieftaine and gouernor: but he estsones surprised in pride, hath contemned and despised vs: and if we shal so suffer him, he will subuert and ouerthrow both vs and our na∣tion, and so shall we remaine a spectacle of shame to all men, and be as outcastes of all the world.

At these words all they, as inspired from aboue, cried altogether with one voice: be it so, he shalbe our king. And so the day was appoynted for his coronation,* 56.43 which was the day of Simon & Iude. This coronation was kept not at Westminster, for as much as Westminster y^c same tune was holde•• of the Frenchmen, but as Glocester: the safest place (as was thought) at that time in the realme. an. 1216. by Swallow the Popes Legate through counsel of all the Lords and Barons that held with his rather king Iohn,* 56.44 to witte, the Bishop of Winchester, Bishop or Barn, Bi∣shop of Chester, and Bishop of Worcester, the Earle Ra∣dulph of Chester, William Earle Marshal, William Earl of Pembroke, William Tren Earle of Feres, William de Bruer, Serle or Samarike de mal Baron. These were at the crowning of the king at Glocester. Many other lords and Barons there were, which as yet helde wyth Lewes the French kings sonne, to whom they had done their ho∣mage before. And immediatly after the crowning of thys king, he held his coūcell at Bristow at S. Martines least: where were assembled 11. Byshops of England & Wales, with diuers Earles & Barons and knights of England. All which did sweare feaultie vnto the king. After which homage thus done to the king, the legate Swalo interdic∣ted Wales because they held with the foresaid Lew^•es: and also the Barons & al other as many as gaue help or coun∣sell to Lewes, or any other that moued or stirred any war against Henry the new king, he accursed them. All which notwithstanding, the sayde Lewes did not cease, but first laid siege to the Castel or Douer xv. daies:* 56.45 when he could not preuaile there, he tooke the castel of Berkhamsted, and also the castel of Hartford, doing much harme in the coun∣treis, in spoiling & robbing the people where they went: by reason wherof, the Lordes and Commons which held w^t the king, assembled thēselues together, to driue Lewes and his men out of the land. But some of the Barōs with the Frenchmen,* 56.46 in the meane season went to Lincoln and tooke the Citie, and held it to the vse of Lewes. Which be∣ing knowen, ensoones a greate power of the kinges parte made thether, as the Earle Ranolfe of Chester, William Earle Marshal and William de le Brues, Earle of Feres, w^t many other Lords,* 56.47 and gaue battaile vnto Lewes and his party: so that in conclusion Lewes lost the field, and of his side were slaine the Earle of Perchis, Saer de Quin∣cy Earle of Winchester, Henry de la Bohon Erle of Her∣ford, and syr Robert le Fizwater, with diuers other moe. Wherupon Lewes for succour fled to London, causing the gates there to be shut & kept, waiting there for more suc∣cour out of France. Which assoone as the king had know∣ledge off, immediatly sent to the Maior and Burges of the Citie, willing them to render them and their Citie to him as their chiefe lord and king, promising to graunt to them againe all their fraunchises and liberties as in times past, & to confirme the same by his great Charter and seale.* 56.48 In this meane time on Bartholmew euen, Eustace a French Lord, accompanied with many other Lordes and nobles of Fraunce, came with a great power, to the number of a 100. shippes,* 56.49 to aide and assist the sayd Lewes. Who before they arriued, were encountred vppon the seas by Richard king Iohns bastarde sonne, who hauing no more but 18. shippes to kepe the Cinque portes, set egerly vpon them, and through Gods grace, ouercame them. Where present∣ly he smote of the heade of Eustace, the rest of the Frenche Lordes to the number of 10. hee brought with him to the lande, where he imprisoned them in the Castell of Douer, and slewe almost all theyr men that came with them, and sonke their ships in the sea, onely 15. ships (sayeth some of my stories) escaped away. Ludouike or Lewes hearing this losse of his ships and men, and misdoubting his own life for the great mischief he had done to the realme, sought meanes by Swalo, and the Archbishop of Caunterburie, and by other Lordes, to be at accorde with the king. With whome at length it was so concluded and agreed, that for his costes and expenses he to haue a thousande pounde of siluer geuen.* 56.50 Paris. speaketh of 15. thousand markes (which he borowed of the Londiners) that he shoulde departe the realme, neuer to returne into England againe, neither he nor none of his.

This done, and vppon the same, he with all the other Barons y^t tooke his parte,* 56.51 was assoiled of Swalo the Le∣gate. And thus peace being confirmed at Merton, Lewes tooke his leaue, and being brought honorably to the Sea with the Bishop of Canterbury & other bishops, Earles, and Barons, returned home into Fraunce.

And here sayth Gisburn. it was truly verified, that was before spokē of the Frēch king, father of Lewes: At what time y^e said Lewes was in Englād, his father the French king demanded of his messengers comming into France, where his sonne was, and they said at Stamforde: And he asking againe,* 56.52 whether he had got the Castell of Douer, and they said no: Then the father swearing by the arme of s. Iames: My sonne (quoth he) hath not one foote in Eng∣land, as afterward wel proued true. Ex Gisburn.

But the chiefest help that repelled Lewes & the Frēch

men out of y^e realme, and that most preferred king Iohns sonne to the crowne, was the singular working of Gods hand, whereof ment: on was made before, pag. 250. which was through the confession of a certaine gentleman of the French host (as Florilegus doeth testifie.)* 56.53 Who lying sore sicke at the point of death, & seeing no hope to escape, was touched in cōscience for danger of his soules health, open∣ly to confesse & vtter to the barons of England, what was the purpose of y^e Frenchmen to do: who were conspired & sworn together among themselues, with a priuy compac∣tion, y^t so soone as they subdued the land, they should thrust all the chiefe & nobles thereof, into perpetuall exile out of the realme, where out they should neuer returne againe. This, cōming to the eares of the Barons, as is said: gaue them to consider more with themselues, whereby many of them were the more willing to leaue Lewes,* 56.54 and apply to their naturall king and prince. Which no lesse may also be an admonition to all times and ages, for English men to take heede, not to admit or to place forreine rulers into the realme, least perhaps it followe that they be displaced themselues.

* 56.55After the happy departure of this Lewes & his French men out of the land, whereby the state of this realme long vexed before, was now somewhat more quieted: immedi∣atly Swalo the Legate looking to his haruest, directeth forth inquis••tors through euery shire, to search out all such Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Canons & Secular priestes, of what order or degree so euer they were, that with any suc∣cor or counsail, did either help, or els consented to Lewes. For all these were exempted out of the charter of pardon & absolution made before,* 56.56 betweene the king & Lewes. By reason whereof no small gaine grewe to the Pope and the Cardinall: for all such were either put out of their liuings and sent vp to the Pope, or els were fame to fine sweetely for them. Among whome (besides a great number of other clerkes, both religious and seculare) was Hugo bishop of Lincolne: who for the recouerie of his bishoprike, disbur∣sed 1000. markes to the Pope, and 100. markes to the fore∣said Swalo the Legate,* 56.57 who nowe (as Paris. recordeth) by this time had gathered in a faire crop of that, which he did neuer sowe. Ex Mat. Paris. &c.

About this season, or not much before, died Pope In∣nocent the 3. in the 19. yere of his popedome: to whose cu∣stodie, Fredericus the nephewe of Fredericke Barbarossa being yet yong, was committed by the Empresse his mo∣ther, of whom more shal follow (the Lord willing) hereaf∣ter. After this Innocent,* 56.58 next succeeded Pope Honorius the 3. who wryting to yong king Henry in a special letter, exhorteth him to the loue of vertue, & to the feare of God, namely to be circumspect with what familiars & resort,* 56.59 he acquainted himselfe: but principally aboue al other moni∣sheth him to reuerence the Churche which is the spouse of Christ, and to honor the ministers therof, in whom Christ himselfe (saith he) is both honored or despised. And this se∣meth the chiefest article of that his wryting to him.

* 56.60Of this Pope Honorius, Abbas Vrspergensis, (who li∣ued in the same time) reporteth a straunge wonder, more strange peraduenture then credible, which is this: Hono∣rius being priest in Rome (whose name was then Centi∣us) and procurator to Iacinthus a Cardinal. So it befell, that his maister sent him abroad about Rome, to borowe & procure mony for him against his iourny into Spaine: for pope Clement then intēded to send the said Iacinthus his Legate vnto Spaine. As this Centius was walking by himselfe all sad and sollicitous to speede hys maisters message, commeth to him a certain aged and reuerend fa∣ther, and asketh him what cause he had to walke so heauie and carefull. To whom he answered againe, and signified the occasion of his busines, what then he had to doe. Then the old father said to him: Go and returne home again: for thy maister saith he, shall not at this time goe to Spayne. Now so quoth the other, how is that true? As true (sayde he) as it is certaine that the pope shall die, and the sayd thy maister shall be Pope after him. Centius thinking that to be vnlikely, sayd: he could not beleeue that to be true. To whome the other inferreth againe. So know this, said he, to be as certaine, as it is true that the citie of Ierusalē this day is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recouered from them, before the time of thy Papacie. And thus spea∣king, sayeth Vrsperg. he voided sodenly away. Ex Abbate Vrsperg.* 56.61 All which sayth the sayd author came afterward to passe: and were testified of the same Honorius being pope afterward in his publike sermons at Rome. All which I graunt may be, and yet notw^tstanding this fabulous nar∣ration may be a piece of the popes old practises subtilly in∣uented, to driue men forth to Ierusalē to fight, &c. Againe, after Honorius (when he had gouerned x. yeres) followed Gregorius the ix. Whiche two popes were in the tyme of this king Henry 3. and of Fredericke the Emperour, of whome we mynde (Christ willing) farther to touch, after that we shall haue prosecuted more, concerning the histo•••• of kyng Henry and matters of England.

After that it so pleased the mercifull prouidence of al∣mighty God, to worke this great mercy vpon the stock of K. Iohn (which notwithstanding the vnkinde prelates w^t their false prophetes had declared before, that neuer none should succeed in the throne after that K.) and also vnto the whole common wealth of the realme, in deliuering them frō the dāgerous seruice of Ludouike & the foresayd Frēch men. After their departure, the next yeare following: anno. 1218. which was the third of this kyngs raigne,* 56.62 the Arch∣byshop, S. Lancton and the bishops, Erles and Barons, resorted to Londō vnto the kyng at Michaelmas next fol∣lowing: and there held a great parliament,* 56.63 wherein were confirmed and graūted by the king all y^• franchises, which were made & geuē by K. Iohn his father at Ronemedow: and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter, whiche long tyme after, sayth my author, vnto hys dayes did con∣tinue and were holden in England. For the which cause, by the nobles and the commons was geuen & graūted a∣gayn vnto the K. ij. shillinges for euery plow lād through England.* 56.64 And Hubert of Burgh was made chiefe Iustice of Englad, of whose troubles more is to be said hereafter. And this was the third yeare of K. Henry, and 50. yeare after the death of Tho. Becket: wherefore the said Becket, the same yeare or next following was takē vp and shryned for a new S. made of an old rebell. Thether came such re∣sort of people of England and of Fraunce, that the coun∣try of Kent was not sufficient to sustaine them. Ex histor. De Scales.* 56.65 About the same tyme Isabell the kinges mother was maryed to the Earle of March. And William Mar∣shall the good Erle dyed, whiche was the gouernour of y^t king and the realme, not without great lamentation of the people of England. Then was the king committed to the gouernment of Peter B. of Winchester. This noble Erle left behinde him v. sonnes, and v. daughters.

The yere next insuing an. 1219.* 56.66 It was ordeined and proclaimed through all the lād, that all aliens & foreiners should depart the realme, and not to return to the same a∣gayn: onely such excepted,* 56.67 as vsed trafick or trade of mar∣chaundise, vnder the kings safe conduct. This proclama∣tion was thought chiefly to be set forth for the cause to a∣uoid out of the land Faukes de Breute, Phillip de Markes, En∣gelardus de Ciconia, William Erle Albemarke, Robert de veteri ponte, Brihenne de insula, Hugo de Bailluel, Robert de Gaugi, with diuers other straungers mo, which kept castles and holdes of the kinges agaynst his will.* 56.68 Of whom the fore∣sayd Faukes was y^e principal, who fortefied & held the ca∣stle of bedford, which he had by y^t gift of K. Iohn, w^t might and strength against the K. and his power, nere the space of 3. monthes. Moreouer he went about to apprehend the kings iustices at Dunstable, but they being warned ther∣of, escaped all, except Henry Braibrocke, whom he impri∣soned in the said castle. The K. hearing therof, & cōsulting with his clergy and nobles, made his power against the same. Which after long siege and some slaughter at length he obteined it, & hanged almost all that were within, to y^e nūber of 97, which was (as Parisiens. writeth) about y^c 7. or 8. yere of his raigne. Faukes the same time was in wa∣les, who hearing of the taking of the castle, conueyed him∣selfe to the church of Couētry. At length submitting him∣selfe to the kings mercy, vpon consideration of his seruice done before to the kings father, was committed to the cu∣stody of Eustace bishop of London, and afterward being depriued of all his goods, possessions & tenements within the realme, was forced to perpetuall banishment, neuer to returne to England agayne.

Here (by the way) I finde it noted in Parisiens.* 56.69 that af∣ter this foresayd Faukes, had spoyled and rased y^c church of S. Paule in Bedford, for the building vp of his Castle: the Abbase of Heluestue hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the Image of S. Paule standing in the Church so long as he remayned vnpunished. Afterward, she hearing him to be cōmitted to the custody of S. Paule in Londō, caused the sword to be put into the hands of the Image agayne. Mat. Parisiens. in vita. Henr. 3.

About this yeare the young king the second time was crowned agayne at Westminster,* 56.70 about which time begā the new building of our Ladye Churche at Westminster.* 56.71 Shortly after Gualo the Legate was called home againe to Kome. For the holy Father (as Math. Pariens. reporteth) being sicke of a spiritual dropsie, thought this Gualo (ha∣uing so large occupying in england) to be able somewhat to cure his disease. And so that Legate returned with all

hys bagges well stuffed, leauing Pandulphe behynde h••m to supply that Baliwike of hys great graundfather the Pope.

The lyfe and Actes of pope Innocentius the 3. are partly described before, how he intruded Stephē Langhtō against the kings wil into the archbishopricke of Canter∣bury, stirring vp also 64. Monkes of the same Church of Canterbury,* 56.72 priuily to work agaynst the king. Moreouer how he did excommunicate the sayd kyng as a publike e∣nemy of the Church, so long as the sayd King withstoode his tirannical doyngs: putting hym and his whole king∣dome vnder interdiction, for the space of 5. yeares and 3. monthes. And at length deposed and depriued hym from hys scepter, keeping it in his owne handes for v. dayes. Now he absolued hys subiectes from their due obedience & subiectiō vnto hym. Now he gaue away his kingdōes & possessions vnto Lewes the Frenche kyngs sonne, com∣maunding the sayd Lewes to spoyle hym both of landes & lyfe. Whereupon, the K. (being forsakē of hys nobles, pre∣lates, & commons) was enforced agaynst hys will to sub∣mit himself, and sware obedience vnto the P. paying vnto him a yearely tribute of a M. markes by yeare, for recea∣uing hys kyngdome agayne, wherby both he & his succes∣cessors after him, were vassals afterward vnto the P. And these were the Apostolicall actes of this holy Vicar in the realme of England. Moreouer he condemned Almericus a worthy learned man & a byshop, for an hereticke, for tea∣ching & holding agaynst images. Also he condemned the doctrine of Ioachim Abbas (whō we spake of before) for heritical. This pope brought first into the church the pay∣ing of priuate tythes. He ordayned the receauing once a yeare at Easter.* 56.73 Vnto the papal decretals he added the de∣cree. Omnis vtrius{que} sexus. &c. Also the reseruation of the sa∣crament, and the goyng with the bell, and light before the Sacrament was by hym appoynted. In the sayd Coun∣sell of Laterane, he also ordayned that the Canon of the Masse should be receaued w^t equall authoritie as thoughe it had proceeded from the Apostles thēselues. He brought in transubstantiation, looke in the decretals. Titulo 1. De summa Trinit & fide Catholica. cap. firmiter credimus.

Item, the sayd Innocentius the 3. ordayned that none should mary in the third degree, but only in the fourth de∣gree, and so vnder.

The sayd Pope styrred vp Otho agaynst Phillip the Emperor, because the sayd Phillip was elected Emperor agaynst his will. Vpon y^t occasion wherof followed much warre and slaughter in Germany. And afterward against the sayd Otho, whome he had made Emperour, he set vp Fredericke K. of Cicile,* 56.74 and caused the archb. of Mayence to pronounce hym excommunicate in all hys titles, and to be deposed of hys Empire. For the which cause the Prin∣ces of Germany did inuade hys byshopricke, spoyling and burning hys possessiōs. The cause why the pope so did ac∣curse and depose hym, was for that the sayd Otho did take and occupy cittyes, townes, & castles, which the pope said appertayned to hym.

Item, the sayd pope ordayned that if any prince offen∣ded one an other, the correction should appertayne vnto y^e Pope. In thys Councell of Laterane were Archbishops and Primates 61. Byshops, 400. Abbots 12. Priors and Conuentuals 800. besides other Embassadors, Legates Doctors and Lawyers an innumerable sort &c.

In the history of Hermanus mutius, we read how in the yeare of our Lord.* 56.75 1212. in thys popes tyme diuers noble men, and other in the countrey of Alsatia, contrary to the tradition of the Romish Popes dyd holde, that euery day was free for eating of flesh,* 56.76 so it be done soberly. Also that they did wickedly which restrayned Priests and ministers from their lawfull wyues, for the which cause (as is in the foresayd author) by this poore Innocentius the 3. and hys byshops, an hundreth of them in one day were burned and Martyred.

Some other historyes (as Nauclerus) recordeth also, y^t at the same tyme many were in the Cittye of Millaine of the sayd doctrine, which vsed to send collects, vnto the foresayd sainctes of Alsatia. Ex Nauclero.

* 56.77In the cronicle of Gualter Hemingford otherwise cal∣led Gisburnensis, it is recorded that in the dayes of this K. Iohn, and pope Innocent, began y^e two sectes & orders of Friers, one called the preachers order, or black Fryers of S. Dominike. The other called y^e Minorites of S. Fran∣ces. The preachers or blacke Fryers order began of one Dominike a Spaniard, about the parts of Tholous, who after he had laboured 10. yeares in preaching agaynst the Albingenses,* 56.78 and such other as did hold agaynst y^c churche of Rome: afterward comming vp to the Councell of La∣teran with Fulco B. of Tholouse, desired of the foresayd Innocent the 3. to haue his order of preaching Fryers cō∣firmed, which the pope a great while refused to graunt: at length he had a dreame, that the Church of Laterane was ready to fall. Which when he beheld, fearing & much forro∣wing thereat, commeth in this Dominicke: who with his shouldiours vnderpropped the church, and so preserued y^e building therof frō falling: &c. And right well this dreame may seeme verified, for y^t Fryers haue bene alwayes the chief pillers & vpholders of y^e popes church.* 56.79 Vpon this, y^e pope (waking out of hys dreame) called Dominike to him and graunted his petition. And so came vp this Woluish order of the Dominickes. I call it Woluish, for that hys mother when she was great with this Dominicke, drea∣med that she had in her wombe a wolfe, which had a bur∣ning torch in his mouth. The which dreame, the preachers of that order do greatly aduaunce, and expounded to their orders glory, as well as they can. Neuerthelesse, howsoe∣they expound it: they can make a wolfe but to be a wol••e, and this a Woluish order. The rule which they follow se∣meth to be taken out of S. Augustine, as who should say, that Christes rule were not inough to make a Christian man. Their profession standeth vpon 3. principall pointes as thus described. Charitatem habentes, humilitatem seruan∣tes, & paupertatem voluntariam possidentes: That is, hauing charitie, holding humilitie, and possessing wilfull pouerty. Their habite and clothing is blacke.

The order of the Minors or Minorite Friers descen∣ded from one Francis an Italian, of the city Asisiū. This Assisian Asse, whō I suppose was some simple and rude Idiot, hearing vpon a tyme how Christ sent forth his dis∣ciples to preach:* 56.80 thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left of shoes, had but one coate, & that of a course clothe. In steade of a latchet to hys shoe, and of a girdle: he tooke about him a hempen corde, and so ap∣parelled his disciples, teaching them to fulfil (for so he spea∣keth) the perfection of the gospell, to apprehend pouerty, & to walke in the way of holy simplicitie. He left in writing to hys disciples and followers, hys rule whiche he called Regulam Euangelicam. 1. the rule of the Gospell, as though the Gospell of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Chri∣sten men, but it must take hys perfection of Frantick Frā∣cis. And yet for all that great presumtion of this Francis, and notwithstanding this hys rule, sounding to the dero∣gation of Christes Gospell, he was cōfirmed by this pope Innocent. Yea and such fooles this Frauncis sound a∣broad, that not onely he had followers of hys doltish reli∣gion (both of the nobles, and vnnobles of Rome) but also some there were, which builded mansions for hym & hys Fryers. This Frauncis, as he was superstitious in ca∣sting all things from hym as hys girdle, girding a corde abouthim, so in outwarde chastising of himselfe, so straight he was to hys fleshe (leauing the ordinary remedye ap∣poynted by God) that in wynter season, he couered hys body with Ise and Snow. He called pouerty hys Lady, he kept nothing ouer night. So desirous he was of Mar∣tyrdome, that he went to Syria, to the Souldane, whiche receaued him honourably: wherby it may be thought, that (surely) he told him not the truth, as S. Iohn Baptist dyd in Herods house. For truth is seldome welcome in courts aud in the world. But it is hard to make a martyr of hym which is no true confessor. I will here passe ouer the fable, howe Christ and hys sayntes dyd marke hym with fiue woundes. These Franciscane or beggyng Fryers, although they were all vnder one rule and clothing of S. Frauncis:* 56.81 yet they be deuided in many sectes, and orders: some go on treen shoes or Pattins, some barefooted, some regulare Franciscanes or obseruauntes, some Minors or Minorites, other be called Minimi, other of the Gospell, o∣ther de Caputio. They all differ in many things, but accord in superstitiō & hipocrisie. And for somuch as we haue here entered into the matter of these 2. orders of Friers: by the occasion hereof, I thought a little by the waye to digresse from our story, in reciting the whole catologue or rable∣ment of Monkes, Fryers, and Nunnes, of al sectes rules, and orders set vp and confirmed by the Pope. The names of whome here in order of the Alphabet followe vnder written.

The rablement of religious orders.

* 56.82AVstinians, the first order.
Ambrosians two sortes.	490
Antonies heremites.	324
Austines heremetes.	498.
Austines obseruauntes.	490
Armenians sect.
Ammonites and Moabites.
Basilius order.	384
Benets order.	524
Bernardus order.	1120
Barefooted Friers.	1222
Brigits order.	1370
Beghartes or white spirites.	1399
Brethren of Ierusalem.	1103
Brethren of S. Iohn De Ciuitate blacke Frier.	1220
Brethren of wilfull pouertie.
Cluniacensis order.	913
Canons of S. Augustine.	1080
Charterhouse order.	1086
Cisterciensis order.	1098
Cros bearers or crossed Friers.	1216
Carmelites or white Friers.	1212
Clares order.	1225
Celestines order.	1297
Camaldulensis order.	950
Crosse starred brethren.
Constantino politanish order.
Crosse bearers
Chapter monkes.
Dutch order.	2216
Dominicke blacke Friers.	1220
Franciscanes.	1224
Graundmontensis order.	1076
Gregorian order.	594
Georges order.	1407
Guilhelmites.	1246
Gerundinensish order.
Galilei or Galileans.
Heremites.
Helenes brethren. Humiliati.	1166
Hospitall brethren.
Holy Ghost order.
Ieromes orders two sortes.	1412.
Iohns Hermites.
Iustines order.	1432.
Iohns order Ioannites.	380
otherwise knightes of the Rodes.	1308
Iniesuati.	1365
Ieromes heremites.	490
Iosephes order.
Iacobites sect.
Iames brethrens order.
Iames brethren with the sword.
Indians order.
Katherine of Senes order.	1455
Keyed Monkes knightes of rhodes.
Lazarites or Mary Magdalens our Lady brethren.	1034
Lordes of Vngary.
Minorites. which be deuided into. Conuentuales. Obseruauntes. Reformate. Collectane. De Caputio. De Euangelio. Amedes. Clarini, and other.
Minors or Minorites.	1224
Maries seruaunts.	1304
Monkes of mount Oliuete.	1046
Marouinies sect.
Moronites sect.
Monachie and Monache.
Morbonei and Merestei.
Menelaysh and Iasonish sect.
New Chanons of S. Austen.	1430	Nestorini.
Nalharte brethren.
New order of our Lady.
Nazarei.
Paules Hermites.	345
Premonstratensis order.	1119
Preacher order, or blacke Friers.
Peter the Apostles order.	1409
Purgatory bethren.
Rechabites.
Sarrabaites.
Sambonites.	1199
Scourgers the first sect.	1266
Souldiours of Iesus Christ.	1323
Scopenites, or Sainct Saluators or∣der.	1367
Specularij or the glasse order.
Sepulchers order.
Sheere order.
Swerdes order.
Starred Monkes.
Starred Fryers.
Sclauony order.
Scourgers the second sect, called Niniuites.
Stoole brethren.
Scotland brethren order.
Sicarij.
Sainct Sophis order.
Templar Lordes.	1110
Templar knightes.	1120
The vale of Iosophat hys order.
Vallis vmbrose.	1400
Waldensis sect.
Wentzelaus order.
Wilhelmer order.
White Monks of mount Oliuet.	1406
Zelotes order.

Thus hast thou, if thou please (gentle reader) to know what orders and what sectes of religion haue bene set vp by the pope, the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could search them out: not onely in bookes printed of late in Germany, namely by the reuerend father Mar∣tine Luther: but also conferred with an other english book which came to our handes, containing the same like notes of auncient antiquitie, the number of whiche rablement of religious persons came to 101. Now as I haue reckoned vp the names and varieties of these prodigious sectes: it commeth to minde consequently to inferre the prophecie of Hildegardis, as well agaynst the whole route of Ro∣mish prelates, and the fall of that Church, as especially a∣gaynst the begging Fryers and suche other vnprofitable bellyes of the Church. Thus Hildegardis is holden of the papistes themselues to be a great Prophetisse, whose pro∣phecie proceedeth in this maner, first agaynst the Priestes and prelates of the Romishe Church, as followeth.

The prophecie of Hildegardis, of the ruine of Rome, and agaynst the begging Friers.

HIldegardis a Nonne, and (as many iudged a prophe∣tisse) liued in the yeare 1146. In her prophecies she doth most greeuously reprehend, not only the wicked and abhominable lyfe of the spirituall papistes: but also the cō∣tempt of ecclesiasticall office, & also the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certayne place shee hath these wordes. And now is the law neglected among the spiri∣tuall people, which neglecte to teach and doe good things The mayster lykewise and the prelates do sleep: despising iustice & laying it aside. In a certayne vision: the Churche appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complayning y^t the priestes had berayed her face with dust, & rent her coat &c. and that they did not shyne ouer the people, neyther in doctrine, neyther in exāple of lyfe: but rather contrariwise, that they haue driuen the innocent lambe from them. She sayd moreouer, that all ecclesiasticall order did euery daye become worse and worse, and that priestes did not teache but destroy the law of God. And for these horrible crimes and impieties, she threatneth and prophecieth vnto them Gods most heauy wrath and displeasure, and dolefull pu∣nishmentes. There is no cause why the spirituall papists should flatter themselues vpon this: that she promised a∣gayne to the ministers of the Church those good things to follow, lyke as Ioannes de Rupe scissa doth, and other suche like prophetes: for they say it will come to passe, that they must repent before the tymes be amēded. By which thing (vndoubtedly) they meane, the godly ministers in y^e re∣formed Churches, which for the most part were of the spi∣rituall nūber, and yet did forsake the dishonest lyfe, & those wicked idolatries. Now, where as the priestes & monks, that is, the whole rable and spiritualtie doe account Hil∣degard for a true prophetisse: howe they ought to consider that by her they are more seuerely accused: not as by a wo∣man, but as by God hymself. And I pray you, what abho∣mination, impiety, and idolatry hath bene committed since that tyme by the spiritualitie? I wil note heare a certaine prophecy of hers, taken out of the common places of Hen∣ry Token▪* 56.83 because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophecieth of the reformation of religion, and sayth that it shall be most godly.

Then shall the crowne of Apostolicall honour be deui∣ded, because there shalbe found no religion among the A∣postolicall order, & for that cause shall they despise the dig∣nitie of that name, and shal set ouer them other men and o∣ther Archbish. In so much, that the Apostolike sea of that tyme (by the diminution of hys honour) shall haue scarse Rome, and a fewe other Countryes thereabout vnder hys crowne. And these thinges shall partly come to passe by incursion of warres, and partly also by a common coū∣cell, and consent of the spiritual and seculer persons. Then shall iustice florish, so that in those dayes men shall honest∣ly apply themselues to the ancient customes and dicipline

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of auncient men, and shall obserue them as the auncient men did. The glose agreeth &c.

These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophec••e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friers aboue metioned: reciting her words: not only as they are printed in a book, printed of late in Ger∣many, but also as my selfe haue seene and read, agreeing to the same booke word for worde, and yet haue the same to shew: written in old partchment leaues, in such sort as the thing it selfe most euidently declareth a great iniquitie of tyme. The wordes of her prophecie be these.

In those dayes shal rise a senceles people, proud, gree∣dy, without fayth,* 56.84 & subtile, the which shall eare the sinnes or the people, holding a certayne order of foolish deuotion vnder the tayned cloke of beggery: preferring themselues aboue all other, by their fayned deuotion: arrogant in vn∣derstanding, and pretending holines: walking without shamefastnes, or the feare of God: in inuenting many new mischiefes strong and stout. But this order shall be accur∣sed of all wyse men, and faythfull Christians: they shall cease from all labour, and geue themselues ouer vnto idle∣nes: chusing rather to liue through flattery, and begging. Moreouer, they shall together study, how they may per∣••er••y resist the teachers of the truth, & stay them together to the noble men. How to seduce and deceiue the no••ilitie, for the necessitie of their liuing, and plesures of this world, for the deuill will graft in them foure principall vices (that is to say) flattery, enuy, hipocrisie, and ••launder. Flattery, that they may haue large giftes geuen them. Enuy, when they see giftes geuen vnto other, and not vnto them. Hy∣pocrisie, that by false dissimulation, they may please men. Detraction, that they may extoll and commend them∣selues, and bacbite others, for the prayse of men, and se∣ducing of the simple. Also, they shall instantly preache, but without deuotion or example of the Martyrs: and shall ••etracte the secular Princes, taking awaye the Sa∣cramentes of the Church from the true pastors, receauing almes of the poore, diseased, and miserable, and also asso∣ciating themselues with the common people: hauing fa∣miliaritie with women, instructing them how they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flattery and deceitfull wordes, and to robb their husbandes to geue it vnto them: for they will take all these stolne and euill got∣ten goodes, and say: geue it vnto vs, and we will pray for you, so that they being curious to hide other mens faults, do vtterly forget their owne. And alas, they will receaue all thinges, of rouers, pickers, spoylers, theeues and rob∣bers, of sacrilegious persons, vsurers, adulterers, here∣tickes, schismatickes, apostataes, whores and baudes, of noble men, periurers, marchantes, false iudges, souldiors tyrauntes, Princes, of such as liue contrary to the lawe, & of many peruerse and wicked men, following the perswa∣sion of the deuill, the sweetenes of sinne, a delicate & tran∣sitory life, and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation.

All these thinges shall manifestly appeare in them vn∣to all people, and they (day by day) shall waxe more wicked & hard harted: and whē as their wickednes & deceits shal be found out, then shall their giftes cease, & then shal they goe about their houses hungry, & as mad dogges looking down vpō the earth, & drawing in their neckes as doues, that they might be satisfied with bread: then shall the peo∣ple cry out vpon them. Wo be vnto you ye miserable chil∣dren of sorrowe, the world hath seduced you, and the deuill hath bridled your mouthes, your fleshe is frayle, and your hartes without fauour, your mindes haue bene vnstedfast and your eyes delited in much vanitie & folly, your dainty bellies desire dellicate meates, your feet are swift to runne vnto mischiefe. Remember when you were apparantly blessed, yet enuious: poore in sight, but rich, simple to see to, but mighty flatterers: vnfaythfull betrayers: peruerse de∣tracters: holy hipocrites: subuerters of the truth: ouer∣much vpright: proud, vnshamefast, vnstedfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gayne: meeke, but slaun∣derers: religious, but couetous: humble, but proud: piti∣full, but hard harted lyers: pleasaunt flatterers, peacema∣kers, persecuters, oppressors of the poore, bringing in new sectes newly inuented of your selues: mercifull thought but found wicked, louers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoylers of benefices, vnprofitable orators, seditious con∣spirators, dronkardes, desirers of honours, maintainers of mischiefe, robbers of the worlde, vnsatiable preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord, of whom Moyses the glorious prophet, spake very wel in his song. A people without counsell or vnderstanding: would to God they did know, and vnderstand and foresee the end. You haue builded vp on high, and whē you could ascend no higher, then did you fall euen as Simon Ma∣gus, whome God ouerthrew, and did strike with a cruell plague, so you likewise through your false doctrin, naugh∣tines, lyes, detractions, & wickednes, are come to ruine. And the people shall say vnto them, goe ye teachers of wickednes, subuerters of truth, brethrē of the Sunamite, fathers of heresies, false Apostles, which haue fayned your selues to follow the lyfe of the Apostles, and yet haue not fulfilled it in part: ye sonnes of iniquity, we will not folow the knowledge of your wayes, for pride and presumption hath deceiued you, and insatiable concupiscence hath sub∣uerted your erroneous hartes. And when as you would ascend higher then was meete or comely for you (by the iust iudgement of God) you are fallen backe into perpetu∣all opprobry and shame.

This Hildegardis whose prophecie we haue mentio∣ned, lyued about the yeare of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini.

About the same tyme that these Franciscans, and Do∣minicke Friars began (which are aboue mentioned) sprāg vp also the crossebearers,* 56.85 or crouched Friers, taking their originall & occasion or Innocent y^e third: which Innocent raysed vp an army (signed with a Crosse on their 〈◊〉〈◊〉) to fight agaynst the Albingenses, whom the pope and his sect accompted for heretickes, about the partes of Tholouse. What these Albingenses were,* 56.86 it cannot be well gathered by the olde popish historyes: For if there were any that did hold, teach, or mayntayne agaynst the Pope, or his papal pride: or withstand & gainsay his beggarly traditiōs, ••••es and religions. &c. the historicians of that time (for the most part in writing them) do so repraue and misreporte them (suppressing the truth of their articles) that they make thē and paynt them forth to be worse then Turkes and Infi∣dels. And that as I suppose, caused Mathew Parisiensis and other of that sort, to write so of thē as they did: Otherwise, it is to be thought (and so I finde in some reco••e••••) that the opinions of the said Albingenses were sound inough: hol∣ding and professing nothing els, but only agaynst the wā∣ton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the Prelates: denying the Popes authoritie to haue gro••••d of the Scriptures: neyther coulde they away with their ceremonies and tra∣ditions, as Images, Pardons, Purgatory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say) blasphemous occupy∣inges. &c. Of these Albingenses were slayne (at times) and burned, a great multitude, by the meanes of the Pope, and Symon Ecclesiasticus with other moe. It seemeth that these Albingenses were chiefly abhorred of the Pope, because they set vp a contrary Pope against him, about the coastes of Bugarorum. For the which cause, the Byshop called Portinensis beyng the popes Legate in those quar∣ters, writeth to the Archbishop of Roan and other By∣shops in this wise.

VEnerabilibus patribus Dei gratia Rothomagensi Archiepis∣copo & eius suffraganeis Episcopis. Sal. in Domino Iesu Christo.* 57.1

Dum pro spōsa veri crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potiùs compellimur lacerari singultibus & plorare. Ecce quòd vidimus loquimur, & quod scimus testificamur. Ille homo perditus qui extollitur super omne quod colitur, aut dici∣tur Deus, iam habet persidiae suae praeambulum haeresiarcam, quē haereteci Albingenses Papam suum nominant, habitantem fini∣bus Bugarorum & Croaticae, & Dalmitiae, iuxta Hungariorum nationem. Ad eam confluunt haeretici Albingenses, vt ad eorū consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus, haereticorum Episcopus, fune∣stam ei exhibendo reuerentiam, sedem & locum cōcessit, in villa que Porlos appellatur, & seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosa∣nas. Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum vndique discurren∣rentium tenore, se in primo salutationis alloquio, intitulat in hūc modum: Bartholomaeus seruus seruorum. M••sanctae fidei salutē. Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos, & Ecclesias perfidè ordinare contendit. Rogamus igitur attentiùs, & per a∣spertionem sanguinis Iesu Christi, & propensiùs obsecramus, au∣thoritate Domini Papae qua fungimur, in hac parte districtè prae∣cipientes, quatenus veniatis Senonas in oct. Apostorum Petri & Pauli proximè futuris, vbi & alij praelati Franciae, fauente Domi∣no congregabuntur, parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto, & cum alijs qui ibidem aderunt prouidere super negotio Albin∣gensi. Alioqui inobedientiam vestram. D. Papae curabimus signi∣ficari.

Datum Apud Plauuium. 6. Nonas Iulij.

For somuch as mention is here made of these supersti∣tious sectes of Fryers, and such other beggerly religions, it might seeme not much impartinent, being moued by the occasion hereof, as I haue done in Hildegardis before: so now to annexe also to the same, a certayne other auncient

treatise compyled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moued in the person of a certayne vplandish and simple ploughman of the country. Whiche treatise for the same,* 57.2 the author intituled Iacke vpland: wherein is to be seene and noted to al the world, the blind ignoraunce and variable discord, of these irreligious reli∣gions, how rude and vnskilfull they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution. As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth, the wordes wherof in the same old English, wherein first it was set forth, in this wise doe proceede. Wherein also thou mayst see, that it is no new thing that theyr blasphemous doyngs hath by di∣uers good men in old tyme bene detected, as there are ma∣ny and diuers other olde bookes to shew.

A treatise of Geoffrey Chawcer Intituled Iacke vpland. (Book Jack Upland)

* 58.1I Iacke vpland make my mone to very God and to all true in Christ, that Antechrist and his Disciples (by co∣lour of holines) walking and deceauing Christes Church by many false figures: where through (by Antechrist and hys) many vertues bene transposed to vices.

But the felliest folke that euer Antechrist found, bene last brought into the church and in a wonder wise: for they bene of diuers sectes of Antechrist, sowne of diuers coun∣treys and kindreds.* 58.2 And all men knowne well, that they be not obedient to Byshops, ne liege men to kinges: ney∣ther they tyllen, ne sowne, weden, ne repen, woode, corne, ne grasse, neither nothing that man should helpe: but one∣ly themselues their lyues to sustayne. And these men han all maner power of God as they seyn in heuyn & in yerth, to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches were neuer where to bene themselfes.

* 58.3And therfore (Frere) if thine order & rules bene groun∣ded on Goddys law, tell thou me Iacke vpland: that I aske of thee: and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christes side keepe thy paciens.

SAint Paule teacheth, that all our deedes should be do in charite:* 58.4 and els it is nought worth, but displeasing to God and harme to our owne soules. And for that Freres challenge to be greatest Clerkes of the Churche, and next following Christ in liuing: men should for charite axe thē some questions, and praye them to grounde theyr aun∣sweres in reason and in holy write, for els their aunswere woulde nought bee worth, be it florished neuer so fayre and as mehinke men might skilfully axe thus of a Frere.

1. ¶ Frere, how many orders be in erth: and which is the perfitest order? of what order art thou? who made thyne order?* 58.5 what is thy rule? Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himselfe made? If Christes rule be most perfite why rulest thou thee not therafter? without more why, shall a Frere be more punished if he breke the rule that hys patron made, then if he breke the heestes that God hym∣sefe made?

2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one, that S. Iames speaketh of?* 58.6 If he approueth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest an other? why is a Frere apo∣stata that leuyth his order & taketh an other sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ.

* 58.73. Why he ye wedded faster to your habites then a man is to hys wife: For a man may leaue hys wife for a yeare or two as many men done, and if you leue your abitea quar∣ter of a yeare, ye shuld beholden apostatase.

4. Makith your habite you men of Religion or no? If it do,* 58.8 then euer as it wereth, your religion wereth, and after that that your habite is better, your religion is better: and when ye haue liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion be∣side you, and byn apostatase, why bye ye you so precious clothes, sith no man seekith such but for vayne glory, as S. Gregory sayth.

What betokeneth your great hood, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and your wide cope?

5. Why vse ye all one colour, more then other Christen mē do? what betokeneth that ye bene clothed all in one maner clothing?

If ye say, it betokenith loue and charite: certes, then ye be oft hipocrites,* 58.9 whē any of you hateth other, and in that that ye woole be sayd holy by your clothing.

Why may not a Frere weare cloathing of an other sect of Freres, sith holines stondeth not in the clothes.

6. Why hold ye silence in one house more then an other, sith men ought ouer all to speke the good & leaue the euil?

Why eate you flesh in one house more then in an other? if your rule and your order be perfite, and the patron that made it?

7. Why gete ye your dispensatiōs to haue it more esy:* 58.10 cer∣tes, other it seemeth that ye be vnperfite, or he that made it so hard: that ye may not hold it. And seker, if ye holde not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her Fryers and so ye lye vpon your selues.

8. Why make ye you as dede men,* 58.11 when ye be professed, and yet ye be not dede, but more quicke beggers then ye were before? and it seemeth euill a dede man to goe about and begge.

9. Why will ye not suffer your Nouices, heare your coū∣sels in your chapter house ere that they haue bene professed if your counsels byn true and after Gods law?

10. Why make ye you so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so,* 58.12 and dede men should haue but graues, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye haue more Courtes then many Lordes of England. For ye mowe wenden through the realme, and each night well nigh lyg in your owne courts, and so mow but right few Lordes do.

11. Why heyre ye to ferme your limitors, geuing therefore ech yeare a certayne rent, and will not suffer one in an o∣thers limitation, right as ye were your selfes Lordes of countreys.

Why be ye not vnder your Bishops visitations,* 58.13 and liege men to our king.

Why are ye no letters of brether heds of other mens prayers, as ye desire that other men shoulde aske letters of you?

If your letters be good, why graunt ye them not ge∣nerally to all maner of men for the more charitie?

12. Mow ye make any man more perfite brother for your prayers then God hath by our beleeue?* 58.14 by our baptisme and hys owne graunt? if ye mow, certes then ye be aboue GOD.

Why make ye men beleue that your golden trentall song of you to take therefore x.s. or at the least. v.s. wole bring soules out of hel,* 58.15 or out of purgatory? if this be soth, certes ye might bring al soules out of payne, and that wull ye nought, and then ye be out of charitie.

13. Why make ye men beleue, that he that is buryed in your habite shall neuer come in hell, and ye wyte not of your selfe whether ye shall to hell or no: and if this were sothe, ye shuld sell your hye houses to make many habites, for to saue many mens soules.

14. Why steale ye mens Children for to make hem of your sect sith that theft is against Gods hestes,* 58.16 and sith your sect is not perfite: ye know not whether the rule that ye bynde hym to, be best for him or worst.

15. Why vnderneme ye not your brethrē for their trespas after the law of the Gospell: sith that vnderneming is the best that may be. But ye put them in prison oft when they do after Gods law, and by Saint Augustines rule: if anye did amisse and would not amend him, ye should put hym from you.

16. Why couete ye shrifte and burying of other mens pa∣rishens, and none other Sacrament that falleth to Chri∣sten folke.* 58.17

Why bussy yee not to here to shrift of pore folk as wel as of rich Lords and Ladyes? sith they mowe haue more plē∣ty of shrift fathers then poore folke mow.

Why say ye not the gospell in howses of bededred men? as ye do in riche mens that mow go to Churche and heare the Gospell.

Why couete you not to bury poore folke among you?* 58.18 sith that they bene most holy (as ye sayne that yee, beene for your pouerty.)

17. Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye haue bene at rich mens? sithe God prayseth him more then he doth o∣ther men.

What is thy prayer worth?* 58.19 sithe thou wilt take there∣fore: for of all chapmen ye nede to be most wise for dread of simonie.

What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gos∣pell, as God sayth that thou shouldst? sith it is the best lore and also our beleue.

Why be ye euill apayd that secular priests shuld preach the Gospell? sith God himselfe hath bodden hem.

18. Why hate ye the gospell to be preached, sithe ye be so much hold therto: for ye wyn more by yere with In princi∣pio, then with all the rules that euer your patrons made, and in this minstrels bene better then ye, for they contra∣rien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the Gospell both in word and deede.

19. Frere, when thou receiuest a peny for to say a Masse: whether sellest thou Gods body for that peny, or thy pray∣er or els thy trauell? if thou sayest thou wolt not trauell for

to say the Masse,* 58.20 but for the peny, that oertes if this be soth then thou louest to little mede for thy soule, and if thou sel∣lest Gods body, other thy prayer: then it is very simonie, and art become •• chapman worse then Iudas that solde it for thirty pence.

20. Why writest thou her names in thy tables that yeueth the mony? sith God knoweth all thing: for it seemeth by thy writing:* 58.21 that God would not reward him, but thou write in thy tables, God wold els forgetten it.

Why bearist thou God in honde and s••laundrest hym, that he begged for hys mete? sithe he was Lorde ouer all, for then had he bene vnwyse to haue begged, and haue no neede thereto?

Frere after what law rulest thou thee? where findest thou in Gods law that thou shouldest thus beg?

21. What maner men needeth for to beg?

For whom oweth such men to beg? Why beggest thou so for thy brethren?

If thou sayest, for they haue neede, then thou doest it for the more perfection, or els for the lest, or els for the meane. If it be the most perfection of all: then should al thy brethren do so, and then no man needed to beg but for himselfe: for so should no man beg but him neded. And i•• it be the lest per∣fection, why lonest thou then other men more then thy self▪ For so thou art not wel in charitie, sith thou shouldst seeke the more perfection after thy power, liuing thy selfe most after God: and thus leauing y^t imperfectiō thou shouldest not so beg for them. And if it is a good meane thus to beg as thou doest, then should no man do so, but they bene in this good meane, and yet suche a meane graunted to you may neuer be grounded on Gods law: for then both ler•••• and lewd that bene in meane degre of this world,* 58.22 shoulde goe about and beg as ye do. And if all shoulde doe so, cer∣tes well nigh all the world should goe about and beg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggers against one ye••••

Why procurest thou men to yeue thee their almes, and sayest it is so needefull, and thou wilt not thy selfe wynne thee that mede?

22. Why wilt not thou beg for poore bedred men that ben•• poorer then any of youe sect: that liggen and mow not goe about to helpe himselfes, sith we be all brethren in God, & that bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any mā coulde make, and where most neede were, there were most per∣fection, either els ye hold them not your pure brethren but worse: but then ye be vnperfite in your begging?

Why make ye so many maysters among you: sithe it is agaynst the teaching of Christ and his Apostle.

23. Whose bene all your rich courtes that ye han and all your rich inells? sith ye seyne that ye han nought ne in pro∣perue in common. If ye sayne they bene the popes? why gether ye then of poore men and Lords so much out of the kinges hand to make your pope riche.* 58.23 And sithe ye sayne that it is great perfection to haue nought in proper ne in commen? why be ye so fast about to make the Pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection? sithen ye sayne that your goodes bene all hys, and he should by rea∣son be the most perfite man, it seemeth openlich that ye ben cursed children so to sclaunder your father and make hym imperfect.* 58.24 And if ye sayne that the goodes be yours, then do ye ayenst your rule: and if it be not ayenst your rule, thē might ye haue both plough and cart and labour as other good men done, and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say, that it is more perfection to beg them to trauell or worch with your hand, why preach ye not o∣penly and teach all men to doe so? sithe it is the best & most perfite life to the helpe of their soules, as ye make children to beg that might haue bene riche heyres.

23. Why make ye not your festes to poore men and yeueth hem yeftes, as ye done to the rich? sith poore men han more nede then the rich.

What betokeneth that ye go tweyne and tweyne toge∣ther? If ye be out of charitie, ye accord not in soule.

Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other priestes? sith he that most taketh, most charge hath.

24. Why hold ye not S. Frauncis rule and his testamēt? sith Frauncis sayth,* 58.25 that God shewed him this liuing and this rule: and certes if it were Gods will, the Pope might not fordoe it: or els Frauncis was a lyer that sayd on this wise. And but this testament that he made, accorde with Gods will: or els erred he is a lyer that were out of chari∣tie, and as the law sayth, he is cursed that letteth the right∣full last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will of Frances that is a dead man: it seemeth therefore that all his Freres bene cursed.

25. Why will ye not touch no coyned mony with the crosse ne with the kings hed, as ye done other iuels both of gold and siluer? Certes if ye despise the Crosse or the kinges h••d then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the king:* 58.26 and sith ye will receiue mony in your harts, and not with your handes, and it seemeth that ye holde more holines in your hands than in your hartes, and then be false to God.

26. Why haue ye exempt you from our kinges lawes, and visiting of our byshops more then other Christen men that liuen in this realm: if ye be not gilty of traitory to our realme,* 58.27 or trespassors to our Bishops? But ye will haue the kinges lawes for the trespasse do to you, and ye wyll haue power of other Byshops more then other priestes, and also haue leaue to prison your brethren as Lordes in your courtes more then other folkes hau••, that bene the kinges liege men.

27. Why shall some sect of you Freres pay eche a yeare a certayne to her generall prouinciall or minister,* 58.28 or els to her souereignes: but if he steale a certayne number of chil∣dren (as some men sayne) and certayne if this bene sothe, then ye be constre••••ed vpon certayne payne to do theft a∣gaynst Gods commaundement. Non furtum facies.

28. Why be ye so hardy to graunt by letters of fraternitie to men and women,* 58.29 that they shall haue part and merite of all your good dedes, and ye witen neuer whether God be apayd with your dedes because of your sinne? Also ye witten neuer whether that man or woman be in state to be saued or damned, then shall he haue no merite in heuyn for hys owne dedes ne for none other mans. And all were it so, that he should haue part of your good dedes: yet shuld he haue no more then God woulde geue him after that he were worthy:* 58.30 and so mich shal ech man haue of Gods yeft without your limitation. But if ye will say that ye bene Gods fellowes, and that he may not doe without your as∣sent, then be ye blasphemers to God.

29. What betokeneth that ye haue ordeyned, that whē such one as ye haue made your brother or sister,* 58.31 and hath a let∣ter of your scale, that letter mought be brought in your holy chapter, and there be rad, or els ye will not praye for him. And but ye willen pray especially for all other that were not made your brethren or sistren? then were ye not in right charitie: for that ought to be commen, and name∣ly in Ghostly thinges.

30. Frere, what charitie is this to ouercharge the people by mighty begging vnder color of preaching, or praying, or masses singing? sith holy write biddeth not thus, but euen the contrary: for all such ghostly dedes shuld be done freely, as God yeueth them freely.

31. Frere, what charitie is this to beguile children or they commen to discretion, and bynde hym to your orders that byn not grounded in Gods law, against her frendes will: sithen by this folly bent many Apostataes both in wil and dede,* 58.32 and many bene Apostataes in her will, during al her lyfe that would gladly be discharged if they wist how, and so many bene Apostataes, that shoulden in other states haue byn true men.

32. Frere, what charitie is this to make so many Freres in euery country to the charge of the people: sith persons & vicares alone, ye secular priests alone, ye monkes & Cha∣nons alone, with bishops aboue them: were inough to the church to doe priestes office? And to adde moe then inough is a foule error, and great charge to the people, and this o∣penly agaynst Gods will that ordayned all thinges to be done in weight,* 58.33 number and measure, and Christ himselfe was apayd with 12. Apostles and a few disciples to preach and doe priestes office to all the whole worlde, then was it better do then is now at this tyme by a thousand dele: and right so as foure fingers with a thumbe in a mans hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one hand should let hym more: and so the more number y^e there were passing the measure of Gods ordinaunce, the more were a man letted to worke. Right so (as it seemeth) it is of these new orders that ben added to the church with∣out grounde of holy write and Gods ordinaunce.

33. Frere,* 58.34 what charitie is this to the people to lye and say that ye follow Christ in pouerty more then other mē done, and yet in curious and costly howling, and fine and preci∣ous clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, & in trea∣sure and iewels, & rich ornamentes, Freres passen Lordes and other rich worldly men: and soonest they shold bryng her cause about (be it neuer so costly) though Gods lawe be put abacke.

34. Frere what charitie is this to gather vp the books of holy write and put hem in treasory,* 58.35 and so emprison them from secular priestes and curates, & by this cautell let hem to preach the Gospell freely to the people without world∣ly mede, and also to defame good priestes of heresie & lyen on hem openly for to let hem to shew gods law by the ho∣ly gospell to the Christen people?

35. Frere, what charitie is thys to fayne so much holines

in your bodely clothing (that ye clepe your habite) that ma¦ny blynd fooles desiren to die therein more then in an o∣ther: and also that a Frere that leuith his habite late foun∣den of men,* 58.36 may not be assoyled till he take agayne, but is Apostata as ye seyn, and cursed of God and mā both. The Frere beleueth truth, and patience, chastitie, meeknes and sobriety:* 58.37 yet for the more part of his life, he may soone be assoyled of his Prior, and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the yeare (be it neuer so fal••y begged & pilled of the poore and nedy people in in countries about) he shal behold a noble Frere,* 58.38 O Lord whether this be charitie?

36. Frere, what charitie is this to prease vpon a rich•• man, and to entice him to be buryed among you from hys parish Church, and to such riche men geue letters of fra∣ternitie confirmed by your generall seale, and thereby to beare him in hand that he shall haue part of all your mas∣ses, mattens, preachinges, fastinges, wakinges, and al o∣ther good dedes done by your brethren of your order (both whiles he liuith, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wyt∣ten neuer whether your deedes be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be able by good li∣uing to receiue any parte of your deedes: and yet a poore man (that ye wyte well or supposen in certaine to haue no good of) ye ne geuen to such letters, though he be a better man to God then such a rich man: neuerthelesse this poore man doth not retche thereof.* 58.39 For as men supposen suche letters and many other that Freres behotten to men, be full false deceites of Fryers: out of all reasō, and gods law and christen mens fayth.

37. Frere, what charitie is this, to be Confessours of Lordes and Ladies and to other mighty men, and not a∣mend hem in her liuing: but rather as it seemeth, to be the bolder to pill her poore tenauntes, and to liue in lechery, & there to dwell in your office of confessour for wynning of worldly goodes,* 58.40 and to be holde great by colour of suche ghostly offices: this seemith rather pride of Freres than charitie of God.

38. Frere, what charitie is this to sayne, that who so li∣uith after your order, liuith most perfitely, and next follo∣weth the state of Apostles in pouertie and penaunce: & yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you, wend or sēd or pro∣cure to y^e court of Rome to be made Cardinals, or bishops or the popes chaplaines, and to be assoyled of the vowe of pouertie and obedience to your ministers in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merite of your or∣ders: and thus ye faren as Phariseis that sayen one and do an other to the contrary.* 58.41

Why name ye more the Patrone of your order in your Confiteor when ye beginne masse: then other Sayntes, A∣postles or Martyrs, that holy Churche hold more glori∣ous, then hem? and clepe hem your Patrons and your auowries.

Frere, whether was S. Frauncis in making of hys rule, that hee set thine order in, a foole & a lyer, or els wyse and true?* 58.42 If ye sayne that he was not a foole, but wise, ne a lyer, but true: why shewe ye contrary by your doyng? whan by your suggestion to the pope ye sayde, that your rule that Fraunces made was so harde, that ye might not liue to hold it, without declaration and dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deede: ne lete your Patrone a foole that made a rule so harde, that no man may well keepe: and eke your dede proueth him a lyer, where he saith in his rule, that he tooke and learned it of the holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the Pope vndoe that the ho∣ly ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardnes of your order.* 58.43

Frere, whiche of the foure orders of Friers is best to a man that knoweth not which is the best, but would fayne enter into the best, and none other? If thou sayst that thine is the best, then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as thine: and in this ech Frere in the 3. other orders wolle say that thou lyest, for in the selfe maner eche other Freere woll say that hys order is best. And thus to eche of the 4. orders bene the other three contrary in this poynt: in the which if anye sayth sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best of foure: so followeth it that if each of these orders aunswered to this question as thou doest, iij. were false, and but one true: and yet no man should wyte who that were.* 58.44 And thus it seemeth, that the most part of Freeres, byn or should be lyers in this poynt, and they should aunswere thereto. If you say that an other order of the Freres is better then thine, or as good: why tooke ye nat rather therto as to the better, when thou mightst haue chose at the beginning: And eke why shouldest thou be an Apostata to leaue thine order, and take thee to that is bet∣ter, and so why goest thou not from thine order into that?

Frere, is there any perfiter rule of religion than Christ Gods sonne gaue in his Gospell to his brethren? Or then that religion, that Sainct Iames in his Epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that is the wisedome of God the father) vnkunning,* 58.45 vn∣power, or euill will: for than he could not make his rule so good as an other did his. And so he had be vnkunning, that he might not so make his rule so good as an other man might, and so were he vnmighty, and not GOD, as he would not make his rule so perfite as an other did his, and so he had bene euill willed, namely to himselfe.

For if he might, and could, and would haue made a rule perfite without default, & did not: he was not Gods sonne almighty. For if any other rule be perfiter then Christes, then must Christes rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had fayled in making of his rule: but to put any de∣fault or failing in god is blasphemie. If thou say y^t Christs rule, and that religion of that S. Iames maketh mention of, is the perfitest: why holdest thou not thilke, rule w^tont more. And why clepest thou the rather of S. Fraunces or S. Dominikes rule or religion, or order, then of Christes rule, or Christes order?

Frere, canst thou any default or assigne in Christs rule of the Gospell (with the which he taught al men sekerly to be saued) if they kept it to her ending? If thou say it was to hard,* 58.46 then sayest thou Christ lyed: for he sayd of his rule: My yoke is soft, and my burthen light. If thou say Chri∣stes rule was to light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou sayest that there is no default in Christes rule of the Gospell, sith Christ himselfe saith it is light and easy: what neede was it to patrons of Freres, to ad more thereto? and so to make an hardar re∣ligion to saue Fryers, then was the religion of Christes Apostles and his disciples helden and were saued by. But if they wolden that her Freres saten aboue the Apostles in heauen for the harder religion that the kepen here: so wold they sitten in heauen aboue Christ himself,* 58.47 for they mo and straight obseruations: than so should they bee better then Christ himselfe with mischaunce.

Goe now forth & frayne your Clerkes, and ground ye you in Gods law, & gyf Iack an aunswere: and when ye han assoiled me that I haue sayd sadly in truth, I shal so••e thee of thine ordes, and saue thee to heauen.

If Freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these que¦stiōs asked of hem: it seemeth that they be horrible gilty a∣gainst God, and her euen Christen. For which g••tes & de∣faultes, it were worthy that the order that they call theyr order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustayne hem or suffer hem lyue in such maner. For holy writ bid∣deth that thou doe well to the meke, and geue not to the wicked, but forbed to geue hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through you.

After these digressions, now to returne to the course of our story agayne. As Henry this king succeeded K. Iohn his father,* 58.48 so after Innocent the Pope, came Honorius 3. then Gregorius 9. &c. And after Otho the Emperoure (whom the Pope had once set vp, & after depriued agayn) succeeded Fredericke the second, as is partly before tou∣ched. In the dayes of these kinges, popes and Emperors: it were to long to recite al that happened in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt Pope Honorius, Grego∣rius and Fredericke the Emperour: the horrible tragedy wherof, were inough to fill a whole booke by it selfe. But yet we meane God willing, somewhat to touche concer∣ning these Ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realme of England.

After that the kingdome of England had bene subiec∣ted by K. Iohn, as hath bene sayd, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish Church: it is incredible how the insatiable auarice and greedines of the Romaines did op∣presse and wring the commons and all estates & degrees of the realme, especially beneficed men and such as had a∣ny thing of the Church. Who, what for theyr domesticall charges within the realme, what for the pope, what for the Legates, what for contributing to the holy land, what for relaxations, and other subtile sleightes to get away theyr money, were brought into such slauery, captiuitie, and pe∣nury, that where as the king neyther durst nor might re∣medy their exclamations by himselfe: yet notwithstanding by his aduise, Symon Mounfort, and the Earle of Leicei∣ster, and other noble men (not forgetting what great gre∣uances and distresses the realme was brought into by the Romaines) thought to worke some way, how to bridle & restrayne the insatiable rauening of these greedy wolues. Wherefore they deuised their letter, geuing straight com∣mandement to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to terme: that hēceforth they should not answere

the Romaynes of such fermes and rentes anye more, but should pay the sayd fermes or rents vnto their own proc∣tors appoynted for the same purpose, as by their writings sent abroad to byshops or chapters, & other Ecclesiasticall houses, may appeare in this forme and effect as followeth.

TO such and such a byshop, and suche a chapter: all the vni∣uersitie and company of them, that had rather dye then to be confounded of the Romaines, wisheth health. How the Romaines and their Legates haue hitherto behaued themselues toward you, and other Ecclesiasticall persons of this realme of England,* 58.49 it is not vnknowne to your discretions, in disposing and geuing a∣way the benefices of the Realme after their owne lust, to the in∣tollerable preiudice and greuaunce both of you and all other Englishmen. For where as the collation of benefices shoulde and doe properly belong to you and other your fellow byshops (Ec∣clesiasticall persons) they thundring agaynst you the sentence of excommunication, that you should not bestow them vppon anye person of this Realme, vntill in euery Diocesse and Cathedrall Churche within the Realme, fiue Romaines (such as the Pope shall name) be prouided for, to the value of euerye man an hun∣dred poundes by yeare. Besides these, many other greuaunces the sayd Romanistes doe inflicte and inferre, both to the Laitie and Nobles of the Realme, for the patronages and almoise bestowed by them and their auncestours: for the sustentation of the poore of the Realme, and also to the Clergy and ecclesiasticall persons of the Realme, touching their liuinges and benefices. And yet the sayd Romanistes not contented with the premisses, do also take from the Clergy of this Realme, the benefices whiche they haue, to bestow them vpon men of their owne country. &c.

Wherefore, we considering the rigorous austeritie of these foresayd Romanistes, which once comming in but as straungers hether, nowe take vpon them not onely to iudge but also to cō∣demne vs, laying vpon vs vnportable burdens, whereunto they will not put to one of their owne fingers to moue: laying ther∣fore our heades together vppon a generall and full aduise had a∣mong our selues concerning the same, haue thought good (al∣though very late) to resist and withstand them: rather, then to be subiect to their intollerable oppressions, & greater slauery more hereafter to be looked for. For the which cause, we straitly charge and commaund you, as your friendes (going about to deliuer you the Church, the king, and the kingdome from that miserable yoke of seruitude) that you doe not intermedle or take any part, con∣cerning such exactions or rentes to be required or geuen to the sayd Romaynes. Letting you to vnderstand for trueth, that in case you shall (which God forbid) be found culpable herein: not onely your goodes and possessions shall be in daunger of burning, but also in your persons shall incurre the same perill and punishmēt, as shall the sayd Romish oppressors themselues.

Thus fare ye well.

* 58.50¶ Thus much I thought here to insert and notifie cō∣cerning this matter, for that not onely the greedy and a∣uaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more euidently vnto al Englishmen appeare: but that they may learne by this example: how worthy they be so to be serued & plagued with their owne rod, which before would take no part with their naturall king, agaynst forreine power, of whom now they are scourged.

To make the story more playne. In the raygne of thys Henry the third (who succeding as is said, after king Iohn his father raygned sixe and fifty yeares) came diuers Le∣gates from Rome to Englande: First Cardinall Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king,* 58.51 lyke as o∣ther letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.

The king opening the letters and perceiuing the con∣tentes: aunswered that he alone coulde say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergye and commons of the whole Realme. Not long after, a Councell was called at Westminster, where the letters beyng opened the forme was this.

Petimus imprimis ab omnibus Ecclesijs Cathedrali∣bus duas nobis praebendas exhiberi,* 58.52 vnam de portione Episcopi, & alteram de capitulo. Et similiter de Coenobijs vbi diuersae sunt portiones Abbatis & conuentus: a conuentibus quantum perti∣net ad vnum Monachum, aequali facta distributione honorum su∣orum, & ab Abbate tantundem

. That is:

We require to be geuen vnto vs first, of all Cathedrall Churches two Prebendes, one for the Byshops part, one other for the Chapter. And likewise of Monasteryes, where be diuers portions, one for the Abbot, an other for the Couent: Of y^• Couent, so much as appertayneth to one Monke, y^• por∣tion of the goods beyng proportionly deuided: Of the Ab∣bot likewise as muche.

The cause why he required these prehendes was this. It hath bene (sayth he) an old slaun∣der, and a great complaynt agaynst the Church of Rome, to be noted of insatiable couetousnes,* 58.53 which as ye knowe is the roote of all mischiefe: and al by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handeled, nor to proceed in the Church of Rome without great giftes and expense of mo∣ny. Wherof, seyng the pouerty of the Churche is the cause, and why it is so slaundered and ill spoken of: it is therefore conuenient, that you (as naturall children) should succour your mother. For vnlesse we should receaue of you and of other good men as you are: we shoulde then lacke necessa∣ryes for our lyfe, whiche were a great dishonour to our dignitie. &c.

When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresayde assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalfe (the Bishops & Prelates of the realme beyng present) aunswere was made by the mouth of mai∣ster Iohn Bedford on this wise: that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate, in especiall concerning the kyng of England, but in generall it touched all the arch∣bishops with their Suffraganes, the Byshops, and al the prelates of y^e realm. Wherfore, seing both the king by rea∣son of his sickenes is absent, and the Archbishop of Caun∣terbury with diuers other Bishops also were not there: therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neyther could they so doe without preiudice of thē which were lacking. And so the assembly for that tyme brake vp.

Not long after, the sayd Otho Cardinall De carcere Tul∣liano, comming agayne from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis,* 58.54 indicted an other Councell at London: caused all Prelates, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and o∣ther of the clergy to be warned vnto the same Councell, to be had in the Church of S. Paules at London, about the feast of S. Martin: the pretence of whiche Councell was for redresse of matters concerning benefices and religion, but the chiefe & principal was to hunt for money. For put∣ting them in feare and in hope, some to lose, some to obtein spirituall promotiōs at hys hand, he thought gayn would rise thereby, and so it did. For in the meane time (as Parisi∣ensis in vita Henrici. 3. writeth) diuers pretious rewardes were offered him in Palfreis, in rich plate and iewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coyne, in vitals, &c. In so much that onely the bishop of Wintchester (as the story reporteth) hearing that he woulde winter at London,* 58.55 sent him L. fat Oxen, an C. come of pure wheat, 8. tunne of chosen wine, toward hys house keeping. Like∣wise other byshops also for their part offred vnto the Car∣dinals boxe, after their habilitie.

The time of the Councell drawing nye: the Cardinall commanded at the West end of Paules Churche an high & solēne throne to be prepared, rising vp w^t a glorious scaf∣fold vpon mighty and substantiall stages strongly builded and of a great height. Thus agaynst y^• day assigned, came the sayd archbishops, Bishops, Abbotes and other of the prelacy, both farre and neare throughout al England, we∣ried and vexed with the winters iorny, bringing their let∣ters procuratory. Who being together assembled, the Car∣dinall beginneth his sermon.* 58.56 But before we come to y^• ser∣mon, there happened a great discord betweene the 2. arch∣bishops of Caunterbury and of Yorke, for sitting at y^e right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal: for the which the one appealed agaynst the other. The Cardinall to pa∣cifie the strife betwene thē both, so that he would not dero∣gate from eyther of them, brought forth a certayne Bull of the Pope: in the middest of which Bull was pictured the figure of the crosse. On the right side of the crosse stoode the image of S. Paule, and on the left side, S. Peter. Loe saith the Cardinall (holding open the Bull with the crosse) here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the crosse, and S. Paul on the right side, and yet is there betwene these two no cō∣tention. For both are of equall glory.* 58.57 And yet S. Peter for the prerogatiue of his keyes, & for the preheminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignitie seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet, because S. Paul be∣leued on Christ, when he saw him not, therfore hath he the right hand of the Crosse: for blessed be they, sayth Christ, which beleue and see not. &c. And from that tyme forth, the Archbishop of Canterbury inioyed the right hand, & the archbishop of Yorke, the left. Wherein yet, this Cardinall is more to be commended then the other Cardinall Hugo mentioned a little before, pag. 208. whiche in the like con∣tention betwene these Archbishops, ran his way.

Thus the controuersie ceased,* 58.58 and composed betweene these two: Otho the Cardinall sitting aloft betweene these 2. archbishops beginneth his sermon, taking the theame of the Prophet. In medio sedis, & in circuitu eius quatuor ani∣malia plena oculis ante & retro. &c. That is.

In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the

seate, were foure beastes full of eyes before and behind. &c. Upon this theme,* 58.59 the Cardinall proceeded in hys sermō, sitting like a God in the middest. He compared thē about him, to y^t foure beastes about the seate, declaring how they ought to haue eyes both before & behind (that is) that they must be prouident in disposing of secular thinges, and cir∣cumspect in spiritual matters, continuing & ioyning wise∣ly things past with thinges to come, & this was the grea∣test effect of this Clerkly Sermon. That done, he geueth forth certayne statutes for odering of Churches: as for the dedication of temples, for seuen sacramentes, for geuing of orders, for ferming of benefices, collations and resignati∣ons of benefices and vicarages, priestes apparell, & single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, for archdeacons bishops, proctors, and such other lyke matters. But the chiefest intent of all his proceeding was this, y^t they should be vigilant, prouident, and circumspect, with all their eyes (both before and behynd) to fil the popes pouch: as appea∣red not onely by this, but all theyr other trauailes besides. Insomuch, that the kyng dreading the displeasures of his commons for the doyngs of the Legate, willed hym to re∣payre home to Rome agayne: but yet could not so be rid of him, For he, receiuing now commaundementes from the Pope: applyed hys haruest, still glening and raking what soeuer he might scrape, writing and sending to Byshops and archdeacons in this forme and tenour.

* 59.1OTto miseratione diuina &c. discreto viro N. Episcopo vel N. Archidiacono sal. Cum necesse habeamus de mandato sum∣mi pontificis moram trahere in Englia longiorem nec possimus proprijs stipendijs militare, discretionem vestram, qua fungimur autoritate rogamus, vt procurationes vobis debitas in Episcopa∣tu, vel Archidiaconatu vestro colligi faciatis nostro nomine dili∣genter, eas quàm citius poteritis nobis transmissuri, contradicto∣res per censuram Ecclesiasticam compescendo. Prouiso, quòd quaelibet procuratio summam 4. mercarum aliquatenus non ex∣cedat, & vbi vna Ecclesia non sufficiet ad procurationem huius∣modi habendam,* 59.2 duae pariter vnam soluant.

Datum. Lond. 15. Kal. Mar Pont. D. Grego Papae. 9.

And moreouer, note agayn the wicked & cursed traines of these Romish rakehels:* 59.3 who to picke simple mens pur∣ses, first send out their Friers and preachers to stirre vp in al places and countryes men to go fight against y^e Turks. Whom, when they haue once bound with a vowe, & signe them w^t the crosse: thē send they their bulles to release them both of their labour, and their vow for mony. As by theyr owne stile of writing is here to be seene, thus proceeding.

N. Episcopus dilectis in Christo filijs omnibus Archidiaco∣nis per Diocesim suam constitutis sal Literas Domini Legati su∣scepimus in haec verba. Otto miseratione diuina. &c. Cum sicut intelleximus nonnulli cruce signati regni Angliae, qui sunt inha∣biles ad pugnandum, ad sedem Apostolicam accedant: vt ibidem a voto crucis absolui valeant, & nos nuper recipimus a summo pontifice in mandatis, vt tales non solùm absoluere, verùm & ad redimenda vota sua* 59.4 compellere debeamus, volentes eorum par∣cere laboribus & expensis, fraternitatem vestram qua fungimur, monemus, quatenus partem praedictam a summo pontifice nobis concessam faciatis in nostris diocesibus sine mora qualibet pub∣licari, vt prefati cruce signati ad nos accedere valeant,* 59.5 beneficiū super his iuxa formam nobis traditam accepturi. Datum Londini xv. kal. Marc. Pont D N. Papae Grego. 9.

The cause why the pope was so greedy & needy of mo∣ny was this: because he had mortall hatred, & waged con∣tinuall battaile the same time against the good Emperour Fredericke the 2. who had to wife king Iohns daughter,* 59.6 and sister to this king Henry thee 3. whose name was Isa∣bell. And therefore because the popes warre could not be susteined without charges: that made the pope, the more portimate to take vp mony in all places, but especially in Englād.* 59.7 Insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of euery ecclesiasticall mans liuing, as Parifiensis wri∣teth. And not onely that but also the sayde Pope Gregory (conuenting with the Citizens of Rome) so agreed with them: that if they would ioyne with him in vanquishing y^t foresayd Fredericke, he would (and so did) graūt vnto thē, that all the benefices in England which were or should be vacant (namely pertayning to religious houses) shuold be bestowed at their owne will & commaundement to their children & kinsfolkes. Whereupon it followeth in the fore∣named history,* 59.8 vnde infra paucos dies misit D. Papa sacra prae∣cepta sua Domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi. & Lincol. & Salisb. E∣piscopis vt trecentis Romanis, in primis beneficijs vacantibus prouiderent, scientes se suspensos a beneficiorum collatione do∣nec tot competenter prouideretur. That is.

The Pope sent in commaundement to the Archbishop of Cant. and 4. other Byshops: that prouision shoulde be made for 3. hundred Romanes in the chiefest & best benefi∣ces in all Englād, at the next voydance. So that the fore∣sayd Aarchb. and byshops should be suspēded in the meane time frō all collation or gift of the benefite, vntill these fore∣sayd 3. hundred were prouided for-whereupon the Archb. the same tyme seeing the vnreasonable oppression of the Church of Englād, left the realme and went into Fraūce.

Agayne,* 59.9 marke an other as much or more easie sleight of the pope in procuring mony: he sēt one Petrus Rubeus the same tyme, with a new deuise, which was this: not to work anything openly,* 59.10 but priuily to go betwixt Bishop and Bishop, Abbot and Abbot &c. telling in theyr eares such a Byshop, such an Abbot hath geuen so muche and so much vnto the Popes holines, trusting that you also will not be behinde for your part &c. By the meanes whereof it is incredible to thinke what a masse of money was made out of the Realme vnto the pope.

At length the foresayd bishops, Abbots, and Archdea∣cons feeling their owne smart, came to the king (whose fa∣ther before, they did resist) with their humble suite lamēta∣bly complaining of the vnmeasurable exactions of y^• pope: and especially agaynst Petrus Rubeus and hys fellowe Otto the Legate, desiring the K. that seing the matter ton∣cheth not themselues alone, but the whole church, and se∣ing the valuation of Churches was knowne better vnto their archdeacōs then to themselues: therfore they desired a generall calling and talke to be had in the matter. In the Octaues of S. Iohn the Baptist, the day and place was assigned where they should talke. At which day, and place the Prelates of England conuenting together, durst not geue any direct denay of that contribution, but after a mo∣dest sort did insinuate certayne acceptions agaynst y^e same.

• 1. First they say, that forsomuch as the contribution is de¦maunded to warre agaynst hym,* 59.11 who was ioyned to ma∣trimony with their prince, they were not bound so to doe.
• 2. Secondly, for that the sayd contribution tended to the shedding of Christen bloud: for so the forme of the bill pre∣tended, to fight agaynst the Emperour.
• 3. Thirdly, beeause it was agaynst the libertie of the Churche: for so it is in the bill: that they that woulde not, should be excommunicate.
• 4. Fourthly, because that when a late they gaue the tenth part of their goods, it was with this protestatiō, that they should contribute to the pope no more hereafter.
• 5. Item, because they had cōtributed before, if they should now contribute againe, it were to be feared least an action twise done should grow into a custome, as is in the lawe. Lege nemo &c.
• 6. Item forasmuch as they shall haue causes continually to seeke to Rome through the Emperours land: it were to be feared, least the sayd Emperour by the way woulde worke theyr annoyance.
• 7. Item, because the king hath many enemies abroad, & for his warres hath need of much mony at home: it is not conuenient that the goods of the realme should be aliena∣ted out of the Realme.
• 8. Item, because that coulde not be done without preiu∣dice to the patrones of their churches, not knowing whe∣ther their patrons did or would agree vnto the same.
• 9. Lastly, because they heare say, that the generall state of the Church is in daunger: for the whiche they vnderstand there shall be shortly a generall Councell, wherein suche matters shall be determined: and therefore if they shoulde contribute nowe, it should be to the hinderance and dam∣mage of the Church.

The Legate and hys fellow hearing these allegations, seing their owne confusion were the lesse importunate.

Not long after this, followed a general Councel at Li∣ons, called by Pope Innocentius 4. in the which Coun∣cell the Englishe nation did exhibite certayne articles of their greuāces, not vnworthy to be knowne. Grauatur reg∣num Angliae eo quòd D. Papa non est contentus subsidio illo quòd vocatur denarius be. Petri. &c. In English thus.

• 1. The kingdome of England is greued that the pope be∣ing not contented with his Peter pence,* 59.12 requireth and ex∣torteth from the Clergy great exactions, and (more is like) without the consent both of the king, and agaynst the cu∣stomes of the realme.
• 2. Item, the church and kingdome of England is greued, that the patrons of the same, cannot present as they were wont into their Churches, for the popes letters. But the churches are geuen to Romaines, which knowe neyther the realme, nor the toung therof, both to the great perill of soules and robbing away the mony out of the realme.
• 3. Item,* 59.13 it is greued, for that the Pope promising by the

• tenor of his letters, that in requiring of pensions and pro∣uisions in the realme of England, he woulde require but onely twelue benefices▪ now contrary to the tenour ther∣of, many more benefices and prouisions are bestowed a∣way by him.
• * 59.144. Item, the realme is greeued and complayneth, that in the benefices in Englād, one Italian succeedeth an other, the English men being not onely excluded, but also cōpel∣led (for y^• determining of their matters) to seke to Rome: contrary both to the customes of the Realme, and also to the priueledges graunted by the popes predecessors to the king and kingdome of England.
• * 59.155. The fift greuance is, for y^e oft recourse of that infamous Legate, by whom both fayth and fidelitie, the auncient cu∣stomes of the realme, the authoritie of olde grauntes, sta∣tutes, lawes, and priuiledges, are imbeseled and abrogate: whereby an infinite number in Englande be greeuously afflicted and oppressed.
• * 59.166. The sayd realme is also greued in generall tallages, collections, and assises, made without the kings consent, the appellation and contradiction of the kinges Proctors to the contrary notwithstanding.
• * 59.177. Seuenthly, the foresayd realme complayneth and is greeued: that in the benefices geuen to Italians, neither y^• old ordinaunces, nor reliefe of the poore, nor hospitalitie, nor any preaching of Gods word, nor care of mens soules, nor seruice in the Church, nor yet the walles of the Chur∣ches be kept vp and mayntayned, as the maner & custome of the same realme requireth. Ouer and aboue these fore∣sayd greuances, there came moreouer from the pope other fresh letters,* 59.18 charging and commaunding the prelates of England to finde of their proper costes and charges, for one whole yeare, some ten armed souldiours, some 5. some 15. to be ready at the popes commaundement there, where he should appoynt.

After these and other greuances & enormities of Rome the states of England consulting together, direct their let∣ters to the pope for reformation therof: first the Abbots & Priors, then the byshops and Suffraganes, after the No∣bles and Barons, last of all the king himselfe. But as the prouerbe is, venter non habet aures. so the popes purse had no eares to heare. And as our common saying goeth, as good neuer a whit, as neuer the better, so went it with the pope. Who not long after the same, sent ye for new tallage and exactions to be collected: which thing when it came to the kings eare, he being moued and disturbed vehement∣ly withall, writeth in this wise to the bishops, seuerally to euery one in hys diocesse.

* 60.1HEnricus tertius dei gratia. &c. Venerabili in Christo N E∣piscopo Salutem. Licet aliàs vobis. &c. In Englishe thus.

Henry the third by the grace of GOD, to the reuerend in Christ byshop of N. Whereas we haue heretofore written vnto you once.* 60.2 twice, thrice, as well by our priuy seales, as also by our letters patentes, that you shoulde not exact or collecte for the popes behalfe, any tallage or other helpe of our subiectes eyther of the Clergy or of the Laity, for that no suche tallage nor help, either can or is vsed to be exacted in our realm without the great preiudice of our princely dignitie, which we neither wil nor can suffer or sustayne: yet you contemnyng and and vilepending our commaundement, and contrary to the prouision made in our last Councell at London (graunted and agreed vpon by our prelates, Earles, and Barons) haue that notwithstanding, proceeded in col∣lecting the sayd your taxes and tallages. Whereupō we do great∣ly maruell and are moued (especially seeyng you are not ashamed to doe contrary vnto your own decrees) whereas you and other prelates in the sayd Councell in this did all agree and graunt, that no such exactions should be hereafter, vntill the returne of our & your Ambassadours from the court of Rome, sent thither purpose¦ly of vs, and in the name of the whole realme for the same, for to prouide redresse agaynst these oppressions. Wherefore, we strait∣ly will and command you, that from henceforth you do not pro∣ceede any more in collecting and exacting such tallages or helps, as you will enioy our fauour, and suche possessions of yours, as within this our Kingdome you haue and hold. And if you haue already procured or gathered any such thing: yet that you suffer not the same to be transported out of our realme, but cause it to be kept in safe custody, till the returne of the sayd Ambassadors, vnder the payne of our displeasure in doyng of the contrary: and also of prouoking vs to extend our hand vpon your posessions, farther then you will thinke or beleue. Moreouer, willing & char∣ging you, that you participate & make common this our inhibi∣tion, with your Archdeacons and Officials, which we here haue set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as know∣eth God. &c.

At length, the Ambassadours whiche were at Rome, came home about the latter end of December, bringing word,* 60.3 that the pope hearing what was done in the Coun∣cell of Winchester and of the king, was greatly displeased with him and the realme, saying:

Rex Anglorum qui iam re∣calcitrat et frederisat suum habet consilium; ego verò & meum habeo, quod & sequar. &c.

Whereupon, when the Ambassa∣dours began to speake in the kinges behaue: frō that time, they were halfe counted for schismatickes, & could no more be heard in y^• court of Rome.* 60.4 The king hearing this, was maruelously incensed therwith, commaunding by general proclamation through all this realme: that no mā should hereafter cōsent to any taxe or subsidie of mony for y^e court of Rome. When this came to the popes eare, vpon a cruell rage,* 60.5 he directed hys letters to the Prelates of England, charging that vnder paine of suspence or interdiction, they should prouide the same summe of mony to be collected a∣gaynst the feast of the Assumption, the charge being geuen to the Bishop of Worcester to be executor of the said cursse. The king, that lately entended to stand to the liberties of the Church: now for feare of the pope, and partly for per∣swasions of the sayd Byshop of Worcester and other Pre∣lates, durst not stand to it,* 60.6 but gaue ouer. Moreouer, the greedy gulfe of the Romish auarice waxt so vnmesurable, that at length the pope shamed not vpō the censure of hys cursse, to aske the third part of the Church goodes, and the yearely fruite of all vacant benefices,* 60.7 The chiefe doers and Legates in England, were Otho, Stephanus Capel∣lanus, Petrus Rubeus nuncius, Mag. Martin. & Mag. Marinus, Ioannes Anglicus Episcopus Sabi••ensis. Of whom to speake further (for that I haue matter much more to write) for this present tyme I thinke beast to sur∣cease: least in opening all the detestable doyngs and pesti∣lent workinges of those men, I might perhaps not onely molest good cares: but also infect the ayre. Yet one thing concerning the sayd Otho, I cannot well ouerpasse.

This Otho, as he left no place vnsought, where anye vauntage might be got:* 60.8 so amongst all other he came to Oxford. Where lying in the house of Osney, he was recea∣ued w^t great honor: the schollers presenting him honoura∣bly with suche dishes and rewardes as they had, thinking to gratifie the Cardinall after the best maner. This beyng done before dinner, & the dinner ended, they came reuerēt∣ly to see and welcome him, supposing y^t they also should w^t like curtesy agayn of hym be intertayned. As they came to y^e gate, the porter (being an Italian) with a loud voyce as∣keth what they woulde haue. They sayd they came to see the Lord Legate. But Cerberus the porter holding the dore halfe open, with proud and contumelius language thrust them out,* 60.9 and would not suffer them to enter. The Shollers seeyng that, by force thrust open the gate and came in: whome when the Romaynes which were with∣in would haue repelled with their fistes, and suche staues as they had in their handes, they fell to alar•••• and by the eares together, with much houing and shouing and ma∣ny blowes on both sides. In the meane tyme while some of the schollers ran home for their weapons, their chaun∣ced a poore scholler (an Irishman) to stand at the gate wai∣tyng for hys almes. Whom when the mayster Cooke saw at the gate, he taking whote skalding water out of the pan where the meate was sodden: did cast it in hys face. One of the schollers a Welchman, that came wyth hys Bowe and shaftes, seing that: letteth driue an arrow, and shoo∣teth this Nabuzardan (that mayster of Cokes) cleane through the body, and slayeth hym out of hand. The Cooke falling dead: there was a mighty broyle, & a great clamor,* 60.10 throughout all the house. The Cardinall hearing the tumult and great noyse about him, lyke a valiant Ro∣mayn runneth as fast as as he could into the steple & there locket y^• dores fast vnto him, where he remained till mid∣night. The schollers in y^e meane while not yet all pacified sought all corners about for the Legate, exclayming & cry∣ing out: wher is that vsurer, y^t symoniack, that piller & po∣ler of our liuinges, y^t proyler and extortioner of our mony which peruerteth our king: and subuerteth hys kingdom; enriching himselfe with our spoyles. &c. all this heard the Cardinall, and held his peace. When the night approching had broken vp the field: the Cardinall comming out of his forte, and taking his horse (in silence of the night) was pri∣uily conueyed ouer the riuer toward the king, conueying himselfe away as fast he could. After the king heard thys, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliuer y^• Romaines which were there hidden for feare of schollers. Then was maister Odo a lawer,* 60.11 with 30. other schollers apprehended, & caryed to Walingford Castle: & frō thence had in Cartes to London, where at length through much entreaty of the byshops) being brought barefoote to y^• Le∣gates dore, had their pardon, & the Uniuersitie released of

interdiction. And thus much concerning the Popes Le∣gates in England.

Thus partly you haue heard, & do vnderstand the mi∣serable thraldome and captiuitie of this realme of Eng∣land and the clergy of the same: who before refused to take part with king Iohn their naturall Prince, agaynst the forreigne power of the pope: and nowe how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope. Whose insatiable extortion & rapacity, did so exceede in pilling & poling of this realme long after this, that neyther the K. now could help thē, neither could the pope with any rea∣sonable measure be contēt. In so much (as writers record) in the dayes of Sudbury Archb. of Canterbury an. 1360. the pope by hys proctors gat from the Clergy in lesse then one yeare,* 60.12 more then lx.M. florences, of mere contributiō: besides hys other auayles & common reuenues out of be∣nefices, prebendaries, first fruites, tributes, Peter Pence, collatiōs, reseruatiōs, relaxations, & such marchandise. &c.

Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albingenses keeping about the City of Tholouse. These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope, and to controle the inordinate proceedinges and discipline of the sea of Rome: the Pope therefore recounting thē as a peo∣ple hereticall, excited and stirred vp, about this presēt time & yeare an. 1220.* 60.13 Ludouick the yong French king through the instance of Phillip his Father: to lay siege agaynst the sayd City of Tholouse, to expugne & extinguishe these Al∣bingenses hys enemies.* 60.14 Wherupon Ludouicke (according to his fathers commaundement) reared a puissant and a mighty army, to compasse about and beset the forenamed city: and so did. Here were the men of Tholouse in great daunger.* 60.15 But see how the mighty protection of God figh∣teth for hys people, agaynst the might of man. For after that Ludouicke (as Mathew Paris. testifieth) had long we∣ryed himselfe and hys men in waste, and could do no good with all their ingines and artilery agaynst the City: there fell moreouer vpon the French hoste by the hand of God, such famine, and pestilence both of men and horses, beside the other dayly slaughter of the souldiours: that Ludouick was enforced to retyre, and with suche as were left to re∣turne agayne home to Fraunce from whence he came. In the slaughters of whiche souldiours besides many other,* 60.16 was Erle Simon de monti forte, generall of y^e army, to whō the landes of the Erle of Tholouse was geuē by the pope, who was slayne before the gate of the Citty with a stone. And so was also the brother of the sayd Symon the same time in besieging a castell neare to Tholouse slayne with a stone in like maner.* 60.17 And so was the siege of the French∣men agaynst Tholouse broke vp. Ex Mat. Par.

As the siege of these French men could doe no good a∣gainst the Citty of Tholouse:* 60.18 so it happened the same time that the christiās marching toward the holy land, had bet∣ter luck by the way in laying their siege to a certaine tow∣er or castle in Egipt, neare to the city Damieta: which see∣med by nature, for the situation and difficultie of the place, inexpugnable: as which being situate in the middest of the great floud Nilus (hard by the citty called Damieta) could neither be come to by land, nor be vndermined for the wa∣ter, nor by famine subdued for the nearenes of the citty, yet notwithstanding, through the helpe of God and policy of man, in erecting scaffoldes and Castles vppon tops of mastes,* 60.19 the Christians at last conquered it: and after that the Citty also Damieta, albeit not without great losse of Christen people. In the expugnation of this City or forte, among other that there died, was the Lantgraue of Thu∣ring named Ludouicke,* 60.20 the husband of Elizabeth, whom we vse to call S. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth (as my sto∣ry recordeth) was the daughter of the kyng of Hungary, and maryed in Almayne, where she liued with the forena∣med Ludouicke Lantgraue of Thuringe. Whom she tho∣rough her perswasions prouoked and incēsed to take that vyage to fight for the holy land, where he in y^e same vyage was slayne. After whose death, Elizabeth (remaynyng a widow (entred the profefliō of cloysterly religion, & made her selfe a Nunne. So growing and increasing from ver∣tue to vertue, that after her death, all Almayne did sounde with the fame of her worthy doynges. Mat. Paris. addeth this more,* 60.21 that she was the daughter of that Queene, who being accused to be naught with a certayne Archbishop: was therfore condemned w^t this sentence pronounced a∣gaynst her.

Reginam interficere nolite temere bonum est: etsi omnes consenserint non ego contradico

. That is (although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in La∣tine) To kill the Queene will ye not to feare that is good: And if all men consent thereunto, not I my selfe do stand agaynst it &c. The which sentence beyng brought to Pope Innocent, thus in poynting the sentence which otherwise seemeth to haue a double vnderstanding,* 60.22 so saued the Queene: thus interpreting and poynting the sentence:

Reginam interficere nolite, timere bonum est: & si omnes con∣senserint, non ego. Contradico

. That is: To kill the Queene will ye not: to feare, that is good. And if all doe consent thereto, yet not I: I my selfe do stand agaynst it: And so escaped she the daunger.* 60.23 This Queene was the mother as is said, of Elizabeth the Nunne, who for her holy Nun∣ny shenes was canonised of the popes church, for a Sainct in Almanie, about the yeare. 1220. Ex Mat Parisiens.

And this by the way, nowe to proceede farther in the yeares and life of this king Henry. The next yeare follo∣wing which was an. 1221. the king went to Oxford:* 60.24 where he had something to do with William Earle de Albemar∣tia, who had taken the Castle of Biham: but at last for hys good seruice he had done in the realme before,* 60.25 was released of the king with all his men, by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York, and of Pandolphe the Legate. About which present yeare, entred first the Friers Minorites, or gray friars into England, and had their first house at Cā∣terbury: whose first patron was Fraunciscus, which dyed an. 1127. and hys order was confirmed by the pope Hono∣rius 3. an. 1224.

About the first comming of these Dominicke and gray Friers Franciscane into the Realme (as is in Nic. Triuet testified) many Englishmen y^• same time entred into their orders. Among whome was Iohannes de sancto Egideo, a man famously expert in the science of Phisicke and Astro∣nomy. And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great diuines.* 60.26 This Iohannes making hys Sermon ad clerum, in the house of the Dominick Fryers: exhorted his auditory with great perswasiōs vnto wilful pouerty. And to confirme his words the more by hys owne example, in the middest of his sermon he came downe from the pulpite and put on hys Fryers habite: and so returning into the pulpite agayne made an end of hys Sermon. Likewise A∣lexander Hales entred the order of the Fraunciscanes, of whom remayneth yet the booke intituled De. Summa Theo∣logiae in old Libraries.

Moreouer,* 60.27 not long after by William de longa spata, which was the Bastard sonne of K. Henry 2. and Earle of Salisbury: was first founded the house of the Carthusian monkes at Heytrope. an. 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to y^e house of Hentone in Barkeshyre, an. 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nunnes at Lacockes, and there continued her self Abbes of the place. The Byshop of London named William, the same tyme gaue ouer his byshopricke: after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea. Flor. hist.

In the towne of Oxforde aboue mentioned, where the king kept his Courte: Symon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Councell,* 60.28 where was condemned and burned a certayne Deacon, as Nic. Triuet sayth, for aposta∣sie. Also an other rude country man who had crucified him selfe, & superstitiously bare about the woundes in his feete & handes, was condemned to be closed vp perpetually w^t∣in walles.* 60.29 Ex Nic. Triuet. About which yeare also Alexāder kyng of the Scots maryed Iohanne sister to king Henry.

Not long after, began the new building of the minster of Salisbury. Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate, layd the fiue first stones: One for the Pope (suche was the fortune of that Churche to haue the Popes stone in hys foundation) the second for the yong king Henry: the third, for the good Earle of Salisbury. The fourth for the Coun∣ties: The fift for the Byshop of Salisbury. &c. Which was about the same yeare aboue mentioned. an. 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal.

In the same yeare about S. Iames tyde,* 60.30 fell a dissen∣tion betwene the Citizens of London, & men of Westmin∣ster, the occasiō wherof was this. A certein game betwene these two parties was appoynted to try whether parte in wrastling could ouercome the other. Thus in striuing for maistry, ech part contending agaynst the other (as the ma∣ner is in such pastime) it happened the Lōdiners to get the uictory, and the other side was put to foyle, but especially the stuard of the Abbot of Westminster. Who beyng not a litle confounded therwith, begā to forethinke in his minde how to be reuenged agayne of the Londiners. Wherupō, an other day was set, which was at Lāmas, that the Lō∣diners should come agayn to wrastle: and who so had the victory, should haue the belweather, which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, y^e stuard sodenly bringeth vpon y^e Londiners vnwares a company of haruest mē, prepared for the same before, & letteth driue at the Londiners. Who at length be∣yng wounded and greeuously hurt, after much bloudshed were driuen backe agayne into the Citie. This contumely

thus beyng receaued, the Citizens egerly stroken with ire and impacience, ran to the common vell: and by y^t ringing therof, assembled their commons together to consult with themselues, what was to be done in the case so contumeli∣ous,* 60.31 wherin, when diuers sentences were giuen diuersly Serle the same tyme Maior of London (a wise & discrete man) gaue this counsaile, that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal: who if he would rectifie the iniu∣rie done, and satisfie for the harme receiued, it should be to them sufficient. But contrary, on•• Constantine a great mā then in the Little of London, in much heat exciting y^t peo∣ple, gaue this sentence: that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster, but especially the house of the steward, shold be cast downe to the ground. In fine, that which he so vn∣aduisedly counsailed, was as madly performed: for the fu∣rious people, according to his coūsaile so did. This tumul¦tuous outrage, as it coulde not be priuye, comming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief iustice of eng∣land aboue mentioned, he comming w^t a sufficient strēgth of armed souldiours to the City of London, sēt to the Ma∣ior & Aldermen of the city to will them to come vnto him. Who so obeying his commaundement, required of thē the principall beginners of the ryot. To whome Constantine there being present answered, that he woulde a warrant y^t which was done:* 60.32 sorrowing moreouer, that they had not done more then they did, in y^t matter. The iustice vpon the same his confession, commaunded him with 2. other, w^tout any further tumult to be taken. And so, with the same two was hāged, offering for his life, xv. thousand markes. &c.

The sayd Hubert Erle of Kent, & Lord chiefe iustice, although he was a faythfull & trusty officer to hys prince,* 60.33 & had the whole guiding of the realme in his own hands, the king as yet beyng in hys minoritie: yet afterwarde, what indignation he sustained for this his seuerit••e and o∣ther thinges, both of the nobles & of the commons: & how sharpely he was tossed and trounsed of hys prince, wōder it is to see,* 60.34 as in his due place & time (by the Lords leaue) hereafter shall appeare. Haec'ex Mat. Parisiens.

And for somuch as mētion hath bene made of the wrā∣gling betwene the cōmoners of Londō & of Westminster:* 60.35 both time & occasion bringeth me in remembraunce, som∣thing to speake likewise of the Ecclesiasticall conflictes a∣mong churchmē, nothing inferiour, in my minde, nor lesse worthy to be noted,* 60.36 then the other. For so I read in Mat. Parisiens. and in Flor histor. that at what time this wrasf∣ling was among the Citizens for the sheep: the like contē∣tion kindled & flamed betweene Eustace Byshop of Lon∣don,* 60.37 & the chapter of Paules on the one side: & the Abbot of Westminster with his Couent on the other side about spirituall iurisdiction & subiectiō: to wit, whether the mo∣nastery of Westminster were exempted from the subiection & iurisdiction of y^e B. of Londō, or not. Which controuersie at last cōming into comprimis was cōmitted to the arbi∣trement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury, Phillip Bi∣shop of Wintchester, Thomas of Merton, & Richard pri∣or of Dunstable. And at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of Westminster should be vtterly exempted frō the iurisdiction of the bishop of London. And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce therto belonging, should apper∣tayn to the Monastery of Westminster. Also, that the Ma∣nure of Sunnebury should be due & proper to the Church of S. Paule, and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the landes belonging to the same, to be exempted from all other iurisdiction, but onely to the Bishop of Rome. And so was this matter decided. an. 1222.* 60.38 Ibidem Floro histor.

The same yeare, as writeth Mat Parisiens. horrible tem∣pestes,* 60.39 with such thrundring & lightning, & whirlewindes went through all the land, that muche harme was done, Churches, steeples, towers, houses, & diuers trees w^t the violēce of winds were blown vp by the rootes. In War∣wickeshyre, a certeine wife with eight other in her house were slayne. In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible. with suche a stincke left there behinde, that no man could after a long tyme abide it. The author addeth,* 60.40 that manifest markes of the tempest did re∣mayne long after in that Monastery to be seene. Some al∣so write, that firie Dracons and spirites were seene then flying in the ayre.

An. 1223.* 60.41 Phillip the French king dyed, after whō hys sonne Ludouicke succeeded in the crown.* 60.42 To whom kyng Henry sēding his message, and desiring him to remember his promise and couenaunt made in rendring agayne the landes lost in Normandy, coulde obtayne nothing at hys hands. Whereupō Richard Earle of Cornewale, also Wil∣liam the kinges vncle Earl of Salisbury, with diuers o∣ther nobles, made ouer into Fraunce: where they recour∣red Poytiers, & kept Gascoine vnder the kinges obediēce. Ex Mat. Parisiens. Triuet. Flor hist.

In the same yeare,* 60.43 or as Fabian geueth, the next follo∣wing which was. 1224. by the vertue of a certayn Parlia∣ment:* 60.44 was graunted of the Lordes and Baronie of the lād the king and his heyres, to haue the ward and maryage of theyr heyres: which thē was called, & after so proued, to be Initium malorum, the beginning of harmes.

In the same yeare,* 60.45 by the count of Gisburne and other writers, the said king ho••ding an other Parliamēt at Ox∣ford, by the aduise of his counsaile & of his clergy: did graūt and confirme vnder his great seale, two chartes of the old liberties and customes of this realme, for euer to be kept & obserued,* 60.46 the one called Magna Charta: the other Charta de foresta. The contentes whereof, fully in the forenamed au∣thor be expressed. For the which cause, was graūted agayn by the whole Parliament a Quindecim, or a fifteene of all his subiectes as well of lay men, as also of the Clergy.

¶ Where is to be noted, y^t these liberties were afterwarde broken, and confirmed agayne by the sayd king. an. 1236.

An. 1226. dyed pope Honorius a great aduersary against Fredericke the Emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory the ix. more greeuous then hys predecessor. In the whiche yeare also dyed Ludouick the periured French king, at the siege of Auinion. Whom the pope now the second or thyrd tyme had set vp to fight agaynst Reimund the good Erle of Tholouse, and the heretickes Albingensis of that coun∣try▪ For so the pope calleth all them, which h••ld not in all pointes, with his glorious pride, & vsurped power & vn∣godly proceedings. The origine whereof was this, as in Mat. Parisiens. appeareth. In the daes of Phillip the Frēch king, this Reimundus Earle of Tholouse was disdayned of the Pope for holding w^t the Albingenses: & therefore by the instigation of the pope, the landes of the Earle were taken from him & geuen to Simon Montfort▪ and instru∣mentes made vpō the same. But when the sayd Erle Rei∣mundus would not be remoued frō the right of his posses∣sions by vnrighteous dealing: then the pope setteth Phil∣lip the Frēch king, to make open war against him. Wher∣upō, Lewes the Frēch kings sonne was sent with a great power (as is aboue declared) to besiege the City of Tho∣louse.* 60.47 But beyng repulsed from thence, by the merueilous band of God fighting for hys people, could not preuayle, & so returned home, after he had lost the most part of hys ar∣my by pestilence, and other calamitie as hath bene before described. And thus continued the good Earle still in quy∣et possession,* 60.48 till this present time. an. 1226. In the whiche yeare, the pope not forgetting his olde malice agaynst the Earle,* 60.49 and no lesse enflamed with insatiable auarice, direc∣teth downe his Legate master Romanus to the partes of Fraunce, for 2. seueral purposes. One to extirye the Erle, the other to enlarge his reuenewes. Thus the Legate be∣ing entred into Fraunce, beginneth to summone a Coun∣cell, willing the French king with the Archbishops, By∣shops, & Clergy of Fraunce to appeare before him at Bi∣tures. To whom estsoones repayred vi. Arcbishops with the bishops & Suffragans of ix. prouinces, to the nūber of 100. besides the Abbates,* 60.50 Priours, & Proctors of al the co∣uentes of Fraunce, to heare the popes wil & commaunde∣ment: but because there was a discorde feared to ryse (sayth Mathaeus) about preheminence of sitting, for that the Arch∣bishop of Lyons challenged the superiour place aboue the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane, aboue the archbishop of Britures, and aboue the Archbishop of Harbone. &c. Therfore the session was holdē there, not in maner and forme of a Councell, but of a certayne parlie, or consultation. Thus the meke and holy Councel being set, & the popes maiesties letters read & declared: appeareth before them Reimund Earle of Tholouse of the one part.* 60.51 And Simon Mountfort on the other part. Which Symon required to be restored vnto him the lands and possessions of the sayd Reimund, which the pope & Phillip the French king, had geuen to him & to hys father before: hauing good euidences to shew for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope, and of the kyng. Adding moreouer, that the Earle Reimund was depriued and disherited in the gene∣rall Councel at Rome for heresie, which is called the here∣sie of Albingenses. At least if he might not haue the whole yelded vnto him, yet the most part of hys Lordships he re∣quired to be graunted him.

To this the Earle Reimund aunswered agayne,* 60.52 offe∣ring himselfe ready to all duetyes & office both toward the French king, and to the church of Rome, whatsoeuer due∣ly to him did appertein. And moreouer touching the here∣sie, wherwith he was there charged: he did not onely there offer himselfe in that Councell before the Legate but most humbly did craue of him, that he would take the paynes to come into euery Citty within hys precinct to enquire of

euery person there the articles of his beliefe: and if he foūd any person or persōs,* 60.53 holding that which was not Catho∣like, he would see the same to be corrected and amēded, ac∣cording to the censure of holy Church to y^t vttermost. Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym, he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof, would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore. And as touching himselfe, if he had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembreth not to haue done) he offered their full satis∣faction to God & Church, as becommed any faithfull chri∣sten man to doe,* 60.54 requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth. &c. But all this (sayth Mathae∣us) y^e legate despised: neither could the catholike Erle (saith he) there find any grace, vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage: both from himselfe and from his heires for euer. In fine, when it was required by the cōtrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii. peeres of France: to that Reimundus answered, that if the French king would receaue his homage, which he was redy at al times to ex∣hibite, he was cōtented therewith. For els they would not (sayd he) take him, as one of their society & fellowe subiect.

After much altercatiō on both sides about the matter, the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suf∣fraganes, to deliberate with them vpon the cause: and to geue vp in writing what was concluded. Whiche being done accordingly, the Legate denounceth excommunicati∣on to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelli∣gence there of.

These things thus in hudder mutter among thēselues concluded, the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home, onely reteining with him y^t Archbishops, bishops, and Abbots, & certayne simple pre∣lates, such as he might be more hold withall to opē, and of thē to obtaine the other part of his commissiō: which was in deed to obtein of euery cathedral church 2. prebendships one for the bish. the other for the chapter. And in monaste∣ries also after y^t like sort, where the Abbot and the Couent had diuers and seueral portions: to require two churches, one for y^e Abbot, the other for the couent, keeping this pro∣portion: that how much should suffice for the liuing of one Monk, so much y^e whole couent should find for their part, and as much the Abbot likewise for his. And for so muche as he would not seeme to demaūd this without some color of cause, his reason was this: that because the Courte of Rome had long bene blotted w^t the note of auarice, whiche is mother of all euil, for that no man could come to Rome for any busines, but he must solfe for the expedition of the same: therfore for the remouing away of the occasiō of that slaunder: the publike helpe of the Churche therefore must necessarily be required. &c.

The proctors and parties thus sent home by the Le∣gates, merueiling w^t themselues why the Bishops & Ab∣bots should be stayd & they sent home,* 60.55 & suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed: conferred their counsailes together, & deuised w^t themselues to send certain vnto him in the behalfe of all the cathedrall & conuentuall Churches in Fraunce, & sent to the sayd Legate the message, to signi∣fie vnto him: That they were credibly informed, that he came w^t special letters from the court of Rome, for the ob∣teining of certein prebendaries w^tin euery cathedrall and conuētuall church. Which being so, they much merueiled y^t he would not in the publike counsaile,* 60.56 make manifest to thē those letters which specially cōcerned thē as much as the others. Wherfore their request was to him in y^• Lord, that no such offensiue matter might rise by him in y^t Frēch church: knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect, without great offence ta∣ken, and inestimable damage to the Churche of Fraunce. For graunt sayde they, that certayne will assent vnto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect, concerning such matters as touch the whole: especially, seeyng both the states of the Realme with all the inferior subiectes, yea and the king himselfe, they are sure, will withstand the same: to the venture nōt onely of their honour, but of their lyfe also, considering the case to be suche, as vpon the offence whereof, standeth the subuersion both of the realme publike, and of the whole Church in generall. Declaring moreouer the cause of this feare to rise hereof, for that in o∣ther realmes such communicatiō hath bene with byshops & prelates, for the procuring of such prebendships, where as neither the prince nor the subiectes, were made anye thing priuy therto.

* 60.57In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the Legate, the obiections of the inferior parties, agaynst the cruell exaction, were these in briefe effect, as is in Pari∣siens. noted.

First they alledged their great damag••s and expences whiche they were like to sustayne thereby by reason of the continuall procurators of the Pope,* 60.58 whiche in euery dio∣cesse must liue not of their owne, but must be susteined vp∣on the charges of the cathedrall Churges, and other chur∣ches also: and many times they being but procurators wil be found as Legates.

Item, by that meanes, they sayd great perturbations might ensue to the couentes and Chapters of Cathedrall churches in their elections: for so muche as the Popes a∣gents and factors being in euery cathedrall church & chap∣ter house, percase the pope woulde commaund hym in hys person to be present at their elections, and so might trou∣ble the same: in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to gene. And so shoulde be placed moe of the Popes clientele in the churches of Fraunce, then of the proper inhabitance of the land.

Item, by this meanes they affirmed, that al they in the court of Rome should be richer and shoulde receiue more for their proportion, then the king of the realme: by reason of whiche aboundaunce of riches, it was like to come to passe, that as the worm of rich men is pride: so by the mea∣nes of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay & driue of great suites, and scarce would take any paynes w^t small causes: the experiment whereof is euident, for that now also they vse to delay their matters whē they come w^t their giftes, and being in assuraunce to receiue. And thus should iustice stand aside, and poore suters dye at y^e gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in ful aboundance of all treasure and riches.

Item, for somuch as it is mete and conuenient to haue friendes in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes: therefore they thought to keepe them needy, whereby their giftes may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched.

Item, when as it is impossible the fountaine of greedy desire to be stopped, it was to be feared, that eyther they would do that by other, which they were wont to doe by themselues: or els they should be enforced to geue greater rewardes then before. For smal giftes in the sight of great rich men are not looked vpon.

Item, where he alledged the remouing awaye of the slāder which goeth on the court of Rome: By this means rather the contrary were to be feared: wherein they allea∣ged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mynde contented with a little.

Quòd virtus reddit, non copia sufficientem. Et non paupertas sed mentis hiatus agentem.

Farther they alledged that great riches woulde make the Romaines mad: and so might kindle among thē sides and partes taking: so that by great possessions sedition might follow, to the ruine and destructiō of the city: wher∣of some experiment they had already.

Item, they added that although they woulde conde∣scend and oblige themselues to that contribution, yet their successors would not so be bound, nor yet, ratifie the bond of theirs.

Lastly thus they conclude the matter, desiring him that the zeale of the vniuersall Churche, and of the Churche of Rome would moue him. For if this oppression of y^e church should be vniuersall: it were to be doubted,* 60.59 least any vni∣uersall departing might follow from the Church of Rome (which God forbid say they) should happen.

The Legate hearing these words, being therwith som∣thing moued, as seemed, thus excused himself, that he being in the court, neuer agreed in this exaction. And that y^t let∣ters hereof came not to hym before he was in Fraunce,* 60.60 whereat he sayd was greatly sory. Adding this withall, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be vnderstand and taken: so farre forth as the Empire and other realmes would agree vnto y^e same. And as for hym, he would stirre no more in the matter, be∣fore it were proued, what other countryes would say and doe therein.

And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate, touching his exaction of pre∣bendships in euery Cathedrall and conuentuall Churche, wherin as ye heare,* 60.61 he was repulsed. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 62. •• How to returne to the first part of his commissiō again which was cōcerning Reimundus y^e godly Erle of Tho∣louse, thus y^e story proceedeth. That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the popes mony, in the meane season certayn preaching Fryers were directed by the said Romannes the Popes Legate, into all France: to incite & stirre vp the Frenchmen to take the crosse vpon them, and to war agaynst the Erle of Tholouse, and the people ther∣of

of whome they accounted then for heretickes. At the prea∣ching wherof, a great number of prelates and lay mē sig∣ned themselues w^t the crosse, to fight against the Tholosi∣ans, being therto induced as the story sayth, more for feare of the French king, or fauor of the legate, then for any true zeale of iustice. For so it followeth in the woordes of Paris.

Videbatur enim multis abusio,* 60.62 vt hominem fidelem Christianum infestarent: praecipuè cum constaret cunctis eum in concilio nuper Bituriensi, multis precibus persuasisse leg••to, vt veniret ad singulas terrae suae ciuitates, inquirens a singulis articulos fidei: & si quempiam contra fidem iuueniret▪ &c. i. For to many, sayeth he, it seemeth an abuse to moue warre against a faithful Christen man: especially seeing in the councell of Bitures (before all men) he intreated the Legate with great instance, that he would come into euery Citie within his dominions. And there to require of euery person the articles of his faith. Where, if he founde any man to holde any thing contrary to the Catholicke faith, he promised a full satisfaction to be had thereof according to the censure of the Church, to the vttermost. &c.

Yet all this notwithstanding, the proude Legate con∣temning this so honest & reasonable purgation of the earl Reimundus,* 60.63 ceases not by all maner meanes, to prosecute the Popes fury against him and his subiectes, stirring vp the king and the French men vnder paine of excommuni∣cation, to warre against them. Ludouick the French king thus being enforced by the Legate, answered againe, that he for his owne safety would not atchiue that expeditiō or aduenture against the Earle, vnles it were first obtained of the Pope, to wr••te to the king of England: commaun∣ding him, that during y^e tune of that expedition, he should inuade and molest no peece of his landes and possessions, which he the same present time did hold, whether by ryght or by wrōg, or howsoeuer they were holden, while y^e time of the said warre against the heretickes (as they were then termed) did indure: but rather should aide and assist hym with counsaile and money in that enterprise. All which being done and accomplyshed, the French King and the Legate (crossing themselues to the field) appoynted a day peremptory, for the French army to meete together at Li∣ons,* 60.64 vnder paine of the popes excōmunication, and wyth horic and harnes to set vpon the Tholosians, against the Ascension day next ensuing.

When the Ascension day was come, which was y^e day peremptory appoynted.* 60.65 The French king hauing prepa∣red at Lyons all things necessary for his armie, marcheth forward with a great and mighty hoste: after whome also commeth the Legate, with his Bishops & Prelates. The number of fighting men in his armie besides the vitlars and wagoners were 50000. men. The Legate by the way openly excommunicated the Earle of Tholouse, & all that tooke his parte, & furthermore interdicted his whole land. Thus the king came marching forwarde, till he came into the prouince of Tholouse,* 60.66 & the first citie which they came vnto there of the Earles, was Auinion. Which Citie they thought first to haue besieged, and so in order after, as they went to haue destroied and wasted all the whole prouince belonging to the Earle. And first the King demaunded of them to haue hys passage through their citie, faining him∣selfe in peaceable wise for the expedition of his iourny, but to passe through the same. The Citizens consulting with themselues what was to be done, at length gaue aunswer that they mistrusted their comming,* 60.67 and supposed that in deceit they required the entrance of their Citie, and for no necessity of their iourney.

The king heere at being much offended, sware an othe that he would not depart thence till he had taken the citie, & immediatly in those places where he thought most mete he began to geue sharpe assaults, withall maner of saulta∣ble engins: The Citizens againe within, manfully defen∣ded themselues, casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, and slew and wounded many of the French men. Thus, when they had lōg besieged the citie and could not winne the same: at length vittailes in the French campe began to faile, and many of them died for hunger. For the Earl of Tholouse as a wise man of warre,* 60.68 hearing before of their comming, tooke into the Towne, all the prouision that was abroade, and left nothing w^tout to serue for theyr defence and succour, he plowed vp the fieldes, that there should no stouer be found to serue their horses, be put out of the towne all the olde people, & yong children, least they should want vittailes that kept the towne, & before theyr comming sent them farre away. So that within y^e towne they had plenty, and without they died for famine: and be∣sides in seeking farre for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the citie, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad and slewe many of them. Besides a great number of cattell and horses died for want of forage: and poore souldiours that had no great store of money,* 60.69 died for want of vittailes. By which mortalitie and stench both of men and cattel, grew great infection & pestilence amongst them, insomuch that the king himselfe and also the Legate were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no litle shame as well to the realme of Fraunce, as also to Rome, that they shoulde so depart and breake vp their siege. Thus againe thought the souldiours, that much better it were for them to ende their liues by battel, then so to die like dogges and sterue: wherfore with one consent they purposed to geue a new assaut at the bridge that goeth ouer the floude Roda∣nus into the towne, to which place they came in such nō∣ber, that either by the debilitye of the bridge, or subtiltyé of the souldiours that kept the towne:* 60.70 3000. of them wyth bridge and all, fell armed into the violent streame & were browned▪ What was there then but ioy and gladnes of the Citizens part, and much lamentation & heauinesse on the other part. Then shortly after, the Citizens of Auinion (when they saw a conuenient time whilest their enemyes were in eating meate) came sodenly vpon them out of the towne, and slew of them 2000, and tooke the towne againe with safety. But the Legate with his company of prelates (like good men of warre) practised none other Martiall feats, but all to be cursed the Earle of Tholouse, hys Ci∣ties, and his people.* 60.71 Ludouicus the king, to auoyde the pestilence that was in the campe, went into an Abbey not far off, where shortly after he died, of whose death are son∣dry opinions, some saying that hee was poysoned, some that he died of a bloudy flixe.

Whose death notwithstanding, the Legate thought to kepe secret & conceale, till that the towne might be rende∣red and geuen vp:* 60.72 for he thought himself shamed for euer, if he should depart before the towne were won: wherfore, after he had encouraged the souldiours a fresh, and yet af∣ter many sharp assaults could not preuaile: He bethought him how by falshode he might betray them, and sent vnto them certaine Haroldes, to will them that they should a∣mongst themselues consult vpon articles of peace, & bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduite they faithfully promised and warrāted both of comming and going. And when they had geuen their pledges for y^• same, the messen∣gers from the Citizens talked with the Legate: who pro∣mised them if they would deliuer vp their city, they should haue their liues, goodes, & possessions in as ample maner as now they enioyed the same. But the citizens and soldi∣ors refused to be vnder the seruitude of the French kyng, neither wold so deliuer vp their citie, to those of whose in∣solent pride they had so good experiment. After much talke on both sides, & none like to take effect: the Legate reque∣sted them and frendly desired, y^t he and his Prelates which were about him, might come into their Citie to examine what faith & beliefe they were of, and y^t he neyther sought nor ment any other thing therby, but their owne safeties, as well of body as soule, which thing hee faithfully sware vnto: for (sayeth he) the brute of your great infidelitie hath come to the lord popes eare,* 60.73 & therefore desired he to make true certificate therof. Wherupon the citizens not mistru∣sting his faithfull othe and promise made to them, graun∣ted entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no weapon into the towne. The souldiours of y^e campe as it was agreed before,* 60.74 made them ready: so that at the entraunce of the prelates in at the gate, nothing re∣garding their oth & fidelitie: The other sodenly were rea∣dy, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and war∣ders, and at length wanne the city and destroied the same, & slue many of them that were within. Thus by falshoode and policie, when they had got this noble citie, they caried the kings corps to Paris where they buried the same.* 60.75 Of the whole number of the French souldiours which in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, & drowning, be recounted mothen 22000. Whereby sayth the story of Mat. Pariens. it may euidently appeare the warre was vniustly taken in hand. &c. Ex Mat. Parisiens.

After these things finished,* 60.76 and after the funerall of the king celebrated at Paris, it followeth more in the sayd hi∣story of Pariens. that the sayde Legate Romanus was ve∣hemently suspected, & greuously infamed to abuse himselfe with Blauca the kings mother.

Sed impium est (sayeth he) hoe credere, quia aemuli eius hoc disseminauerunt. Benignus au∣tem animus dubia in melius interpretatur. i.

But it is vngod∣ly to suspect any such thing of him, because his enemies so rumored the same abroad, but a gentle minde expoundeth things doubtfull in the better part.

To passe further to the yere next folowing,* 60.77 which was 1227. of the Lorde: first is to be noted, that in thys yeare king Henry beginning to shoote vp to the 20. yeare of hys age, came frō Reding to Londō, where he began to charge

the Citizens of London for old reeknings, namely for ge∣uing or lending 1000. markes to Lewes the French king at his departing out of the Realme, to the great preiudice of him & of his kingdom. For the recompen••e wherof, they were constrained to yelde to the king the full summe of the like money.* 60.78 That done, he remoued to Oxforde, where he assembled a great counsail, there denouncing & protesting before them al, that he was come to sufficient age, no more to be vnder tutors & gouernours but to be his own man, requiring to be freed from y^e custody of other. Which thing being protested, and contraried forthwith: he, by the coun∣saile of Hubert the chiefe iustice (whome hee made then the Earle of Kent) remooued from his company, the bishop of Winchester, and other vnder whome he was moderated. And immediatly in the same counsaile,* 60.79 by the sinister per∣suasion of some, doth adnihilate & make void the charters, & liberties before by him graūted, pretending this colour: for that they had bene graunted & scaled in the time of his minoritie, at what time he had the rule neither of himselfe, nor of his seale. Whereupon much muttering & murmu∣ring was among the multitude. Who did all impute the cause to Hubert the iustice. Moreouer it was y^e same time proclaimed,* 60.80 that whosoeuer had any charter, or gift sealed vnder the time of the kings minoritie, they shoulde come and renew the same againe vnder the new seale of y^e king, knowing otherwise that the thing should stande in no ef∣fect. And finally for renewing of their Seales, were taxed not according to their habilitie, but according as it pleased the iustice and other to leuie them.

Moreouer beside this generall subsidie of the fifteene graunted to the king through the whole Realme, & beside also y^e contribution of the Lōdiners, diuers other parcels and paunents he gathered through seuerall places: as of the Burgesses of Northampton he required a 1000. & 200. markes, for his helping of them, and so of other likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the fur∣nishing of his vyage to recouer Normandy.* 60.81 And yet be∣cause he would gratifie the Citie of London againe wyth some pleasure: he graunted the citizens therof should passe tole free (saith Fabian) through all England. And if or any Citie, borough, or towne they were cōstrained at any time to pay their tole,* 60.82 then the Shyriffes of London to attache euery man cōming to London of the sayd city, borough, or towne, and him & his goods to withhold, til the Lōdiners were againe restored of al such mony paid for the said tole, w^r all costes and damages susteined for the same.* 60.83 Ex Fabia.

I declared before, howe after the death of Honorius, succeded pope Gregory the 10. betwene the which Grego∣ry & the people of Rome, this yere, fel a great sedition. In so much y^t about the feast of Easter,* 60.84 they thrust the Pope out of the Citie, pursuing him vnto his Castel at Witerbi∣um. Where also they inuaded hym so valiauntly, that they chased him to Perusium. Then hauing no other remedie wherewith to reuenge his persecutors, fiersly did excom∣municate them. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 69.

¶ Heere, by the way, is to be obserued and considered Christian reader,* 60.85 not only by this sedition, but by so many other schismes, diuisions, tumults, fightings, braules and contentions, in the Church of Rome from the first begin∣ning of the popes vsurped power, & that not only within the Citie of Rome, but vniuersally almost in all Popish Monasteries, Collegies, Churches, and Couents vnder the Pope subiected,* 60.86 continually raigning amongst them, what is to be thought of their religion & holines, hauing so litle peace, so great disquietnes, dissentions, and wrang∣ling amongst them, as in stories both manifest it is to be∣hold, and wonderous to consider.

And for as much, I haue eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion betwene the none and his citizens:* 60.87 it followeth moreouer in the history of Parisiensis, who maketh relation of a like brawling matter, which be∣fell the same yeare & time. An. 1228. betwene the prior and couent of Durham, and this king Henry the ••▪ vpon this occasion. After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham, the Prior and Chapter of the said church, came to the king to obteine license for the electing of their bishop. The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplaine of hys, requiring them instauntly to elect him for their Bishop. To this the Monkes answered, that they would receaue no man, but by their order of Canonicall election. Meaning belike by their Canonical election,* 60.88 that is, when as they elect either some Monke out of their own company, or els some mon∣kish priest, after their owne liking▪ Contrary, the king a∣gaine sendeth word vnto them, and bound it with an oth, that they should tary 7. yeares without a Byshop, vnlesse they would admit the foresayd Lucas to that place of that dignitie. All which notw^tstanding, the monkes proceding in their election, refused the sayde Lucas, and preferred an other clerk of theirs, named William archdeacon of Wor∣cester,* 60.89 and him they presented to the king. But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against y^e party, would not admit him. Then the monkes in al hasty ••pede sent vp to Rome certain of their Couent, to haue their electiō ra∣tified, by the authoritie Apostolicall. On the other side the king likewise hearing, sendeth also to Rome against the Monkes: the Bishop of Chester, and the Prior of Lento∣nie on his behalfe, to withstande the purpose of y^e monks. And so the matter being trauised with great alteration on both sides,* 60.90 did hang in suspense, sayeth mine author till at length thus it was coucluded, betwene both that neither master William, nor yet Lucas shoulde be taken, but that Richard Byshop of Sarum should be translated to Dur∣ham,* 60.91 and be Byshop there. An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens.

The like stirre also happened, both the same yeare and for the like matter,* 60.92 betwene the monkes of Couentry, and the Canons of Lichfield, about chusing of theyr Byshop, which of them should haue the superior voyce, in the elec∣tion of their Prelate. Aftermuch a doe, the cause at length being hosted vp to Rome, had this determination: y^t the monks of Couentry, and the Church of Lichfield shoulde chuse their Bishop by course, eche part keeping his turne the one after the other: prouided notwithstadyng, that the Prior of Couentry should alwaies haue the first voyce in euery election, where as the old custome was, sayth mine author,* 60.93 that the Couent wyth the Prior of Couentry was wont to haue the whole election of the bishop without the Canons. This was. An. 1228. Ex Parisiens. pag. 68.

In the which yeare died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whome (as is recorded by Nic. Triuet.) the Chap∣ters of the Bible, in that order and number, as we nowe vse them were first distincted: The sayde Langthon a••so, made Postiles vpon the whole Bible. The same moreo∣uer builded the new hall in the palace of Canterbury.

After the death of thys Langthon, insued an other va∣riance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry betwene the monkes of Canterbury and the k••ng. The purturbation whereof as it was no lesse seditious, so the determination of y^e same was much more costly. After the death of Stephen Langthon, the monkes of Canterbury obtaining licence of the king to procede in the election of a new archbishop,* 60.94 did chuse one of their own society named master Walter Demesham. Whom when the monks had presented to the King, he after long deliberation, began to obiect against y^t election, saying: first, that the monkes had elected such one as neyther was profitable to hym nor to his kingdom. Secondly, he obiected against y^e party elect, that his father was conuict of felony, & hanged for y^• same. Thirdly, that he stode in causes against his father k. Iohn in the time of the interdict. Moreouer the bishops his suf∣fraganes charged the partie elect, that hee had lien wyth a certaine Nunne, and had children by her: adding farther, that the election of the archbishop was without their pre∣sence, which ought not to be. &c. But y^e archbishop againe stoutly standing to his electiō,* 60.95 appealed vp to Rome, and estsoones taking with him certaine monks, presented him selfe to the popes owne proper person, there to sue his ap∣peale: instantly intreating, that hys election might stande confirmed by his authority pontificall. But the pope, vn∣derstanding that the said election was resisted by the king & the bishops, differred the matter, till he did heare farther of the certeinty therof. The king & the bishops hauing in∣telligence that the Archb. with hys monkes were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the foresayd obiections aboue alledged or wryting: and sealing the same wyth the seales both of the king and of the bishops to exhibite them to the Bishop of Rome.* 60.96 The messengers of these letters were the Byshop of Rochester, of Chester, and the Arch∣deacon of Bedforde maister Iohn. &c. who comming to Rome, and exhibiting their message w^t their letters vnto the Pope (consideration being had vppon the same) were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday: then to haue a resolute answer cōcerning the cause, which was the 2. day of March, the yere next fo∣lowing. videlic. An. 1229. In the meane season, the kings proctors ceased not w^t all instance to labour the Pope and his Cardinals to be fauorable to the kings side.* 60.97 But fine∣ding them somewhat hard & straite in the matter (as is the guise of that Court) they began to misdout their speeding. Wherfore consulting together with themselues vpon the premisses, they came 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope, promising in the kings behalf, to be geuen and granted to him out of the realmes both of England and Scotland, the rith or tenth part of al the goods within the sayd Realmes mooueable, to susteine his warres against the Emperor, so that he would incline

fauorably to the kings sute and petition herein.* 60.98 At Dominus Papa (sayth Pariens.) qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia ae∣stuabat deijcere, tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum. That is. But the pope (sayeth the author) which boyled with desire aboue all measure, to haue the Empe∣rour his ennemie cast downe: being cheared wyth so great promises, graunted his consent to them, who sitting then in his consistorie had these wordes, as here followe.

There hath come a late to our intelligence,* 60.99 the election of a certaine Monke named Walter, to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and aduised as wel those things, which the said Monke hath saide for himselfe, and for his election: as also on the contrary side, the obiections & exceptions of the bishops of Eng∣land alleaging against him, and against his election: Namely of the bishop of Chester, the bishop of Rochester, and Iohn Archdeacon of Bedforde: We vpon the same committed the examination tou∣ching the person of the man, vnto our reuerende brethren Lorde Cardinall Albany, L. Cardinall Thomas de Sabina, and master Pe∣ter. And when the foresaid elect comming before them was asked of them,* 60.100 first concerning the Lordes descending into hel, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, he aunswered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the aultar, he answered likewise not soundly: Being asked more∣ouer, howe Rachell wept for her children, shee being deade before, hee aunswered not well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Againe being required of matrimo∣nie, if one of the maried parties be an infidel, and do depart, he an∣swered therto not well. Vpon these articles he was (as is sayd) di∣ligently examined of the Cardinals, to the which (we say) he aun∣swered not only not well, but also very ill. For so much therefore, as the Church of Cant. is a noble churche, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discrete and modest, and such as ought to be taken out of the bosome of the church of Rome: and forasmuch as this new elect (whom not onely here we pronounce to be vnworthy,* 60.101 but also should say more of him, if we would proceede with hym by the rigour of the law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a roume: we do vtterly infringe, annihilate, and euacuate his election alwaies referuing to our selues the prouisi∣on of the sayd church. Haec ex Math. Paris. ad verbum.

Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissol∣ued, the kings procurators bringing forth the letters of the king,* 60.102 and of the suffraganes of the Church of Cant. presen∣ted the same vnto the pope for the ratification of Richarde Chancellor of Lincolne, to be appoynted Archb. of Cant. whome they with great commendation of woordes did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge: of an honest cōuersation, & which was greatest of al, y^t he was a man much for the profite of the church of Rome, as also for the realme of England. And thus the saide Richard be∣ing commended to the Pope by the letters procuratorie of the king and of the bishops,* 60.103 had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals, and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected. Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalfe, directeth downe his letters to all and singular suf∣fraganes of the church of Cant. declaring thus, and begin∣ning first with a lie, that for so much as by the fulnes of ec∣clesiastical power, the charge of pastorall office is commit∣ted to him in general vpon al churches: he therefore for the sollicitude he beareth as wel to all other churches in gene∣rall, as in speciall to the Metropolitan church of Cant.* 60.104 re∣pudiating and disanulling the former election of Walter the Monke vpon iust causes, hath prouided for that See, a man as in all other good giftes perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him: so for that function very fit and commodious: and willeth and commādeth them, and all other by his authority Apostolicall, with all deuout re∣uerence to receiue him, and humbly to obey him, &c. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris.

These things thus finished at Rome, the pope not for∣getting the sweete promises made of the English siluer,* 60.105 which he so greedily gaped for, omitting neither time nor diligence in all spedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplein & trusty Legate, to require & collect the foresaide tithes of all the moueable goods both of England, Ireland and Wales, which were promised to him before, therew^t to maintaine his warre against Frede∣ricke the Emperor. And to the intent he might inflame all christē realmes wyth the like hatred which he bare against Frederike the Emperor, sendeth also w^t the sayde Stephen special letters ful of manifold complaints and greuous ac∣cusations against the said Emperor, whereof more (Christ graunting) shall be shewed hereafter. Upon the comming of this Stephen the legate, the king assembled all his erles and barons, wyth the Archbishops, byshops, abbots, pri∣ors, templaries, hospitalers, parsons & vicares, and other such as held of him in capite, to appear before him at West∣minster, to heare and to common of the matter.* 60.106 In the as∣sembly of whome, the Popes patent letters were brought forth and red, wherin he required y^e tenths of all the moue∣ables in England, Wales and Ireland, as wel of the cler∣gy as of the laitie, to maintaine his expedition against the foresaid Frederike the Emperor. The which expedition as he pretended to atchieue & to take in hande for the cause of the vniuersall Church, and happely had begon the matter already: and for so much, as the richesse of the Apostolicke See did not suffice, for the accomplishing of so great an en∣terprise: he therfore enforced by mere necessity, did implore the aide and helpe of all the true obedient and natural chic∣kens of the church of Rome, least the members thereof to∣gether with the head should be subuerted. These letters of the Pope, to this effect, being openly recited and explaned by the Popes chaplaine, which hee with much more alle∣gation and perswasion of words did amplifie to his vtter∣most,* 60.107 the king (sayth mine author) in whō al men did hope an helpe to their defence, became then as a staffe of reede. For as much as he had obliged himselfe to the same before, for the election of his archb. now could say nothing against it,* 60.108 but held his peace. The Earles, Barons, & all the laitie vtterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome: but the Bishoppes, Abbots, Priors, wyth other Prelates of the Church, first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. dayes: at length for feare of the popes cursse (although they durst not vtterly wythstande) had brought to passe to haue concluded for a summe of money much lesse, had not Stephen Segraue, one of the kings counsailers, ••raftily conuented w^t the Legate: and by sub∣tile meanes brought it so to passe, that the whole tenthes was gathered and paide, to the inestimable damage (sayth Pariens.) both of the Ecclesiasticall and Temporall state. The meanes whereof (sayeth the authour) was this. The Legate shewing to the prelates his procuratory letters to collect and gather vp all the foresayde tenthes in the name and authoritie of the Pope,* 60.109 declared moreouer full autho∣ritie to him graunted by the vertue of hys commission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdicte their Churches, who soeuer did gainstand or go contrary to the said collec∣tion. Whereupon by the said vertue legantine, he sendeth to euery shire, his Proctors to gather the Popes money, or els to excommunicate them which denied to pay:* 60.110 and for so much as the present nede of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreouer to the byshops & pre∣lates of the Realme, in paine of interdiction foorthwith to procure and send to him either of theyr owne, or by loue, or vsance, or by what meanes so euer, so much money in all post spede, for the present vse of the pope. And after to take vp agayne the said money of the tenthes of euery singular person, by the right taxing of their goodes. Upon this, the Prelates to auoide the daunger (hauing no other remedy) were driuen to sel their chalices, cruets,* 60.111 copes, iewels, and other church plate: and some to lay to morgage such things as they had, some also to borowe vpon vsance, to make the money which was required. Moreouer, the sayd Stephen the Popes chaplaine (as reporteth Paris.) brought w^t hym into England for the same purpose, such bankers and vsu∣rers, who lending out their money vpon great vsurie, did vnreasonably pinch the English people, which marchant vsurers were then called Caursini. Briefly suche straight exaction was then vppon the poore English men, that not onely theyr present goodes were valued and taxed, but also the corne yet growing in the field,* 60.112 against the next haruest was tithed, &c. Only the Earle of Chester named Ranul∣phus, stood stoutly against the Pope, suffring none within his dominion either lay man or clearke to yeld any tenths to the popes proctors. Ex Math. Paris. pag. 74. And thys was the end of the strife betwene the Monkes of Caunterbury, & the king for the election of their Archbyshop which was about the yeare of our Lord 1229.* 60.113 In the which yere was finished the new Church of Couētry, by Alexander bishop of the sayd Citie, and partly by the helpe of the king:* 60.114 which Church, Richard his predecessor bishop before him of Co∣uentrie had begon.

The French men about thys time againe prepared themselues towarde Prouince, to warre against the fore∣sayde Reimundus Earle of Tholouse,* 60.115 and to expulse him out of his possessions. And hearing that he was in his Ca∣stle of Saracene, they made thither all their power, thin∣king there to enclose and compasse him about: but the erle being priuie of their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing certaine bushments in woodes, not so se∣cretly as strongly, there to waite and receiue the comming of the Frenchmen, and to geue them their welcome. Thus when the French were entred the woode, the Earle wyth his traine of wel armed and able warriors, sodenly did flie

vppon them vnwares, and gaue them a bitter meeting, so that in that conflict 500. of the French soldiors were taken, and many slaine. Of their seruitures to the nūber of 2000. men with their armor were takē. Of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their eares, some their legs, and so sent home. The rest were caried away prisoners in∣to the castel. And to be brief saith the history, thrise the same sommer, were the Frenchmē discomfited, put to flight, ta∣ken and imprisoned by the foresayd Reimundus the godly erle. Ex Paris. pag. 69. Wherin is to be sene, and to be praised, the gracious protection of the Lorde our God against the furious papists, which is glorious alwaies in hys saints.

¶ The same yeare the king being at Portesmouth, had assembled together all his Nobility, Earles, Barons, and knightes of England with such an armye of horsemen and footemen, as hath not ben lightly sene, thinking to recouer againe the Countrey of Normandie, of Gaunt, and other possessiōs which king Iohn his father before had lost. But when the captaines and marshals of the fielde should take shipping,* 60.116 there were not halfe ships enough to receiue the host. Wherupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault to Hubert, the Lorde chiefe Iu∣stice (who vnder the King had all the gouernement of the Realme) calling him olde traitour, charging him that hee should be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when hee toke of the French Duene 5000. markes, to stay the kings iourney into Normandy. In so much the rage of the king was so kindled against him, y^tdrawing his sword, he made at him to runne him through, had not the Earle of Chester Ranulph stopt the king. Hubert withdrew himselfe away till the kings rage was past. This was about the time of Michaelmas, at which time arriued Henry Earle of Nor∣mandie in the hauen of Portesmouth in the month of De∣to••. Who shuld haue conducted the king vpon his allege∣ance & othe into Normandie. But he w^t other of the kings armie counsailed the king not to take that voyage toward winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter next following: wherwith the king was staid and well contented, and pa∣ci••ied againe with Hubert the Iustice. &c. Ex Mat. Paris.

Fabian recordeth this yeare the liberties and fraunchise of the Citie of London to be confirmed by the king, and to enerich of the shriues to be graunted two clerkes, and two officers without moe. Ex Fabia.

* 60.117Then followed the yeare 1230. In which, vpon the day of the conuersion of S. Paule (as sayeth Paris.) as a great multitude of people for solemnitie of the day were congre∣gate in the Temple of S. Paule: the Bishop then being at hys Masse, a sodaine darkenes w^t such thicknesse of clouds fell in the aire, that vnneth one man might see an other in the Church.* 60.118 After that followed cracks of thunder & light∣ning so terrible, leauing such a sent in the Church, that the people loking for doomes day, thought no lesse but that the steeple and whole Church woulde haue falne vppon theyr heads. In so much that they running out of the church, as people amased, fell downe together by thousands, as men amased: not knowing for the time where they were, onely the Bishop & his Deacon stood still at their masse, holding the aulter fast. Ex Paris.

* 60.119Of the death of Steuen Langton, & of the troublesome election of the next Archbishop: also of the costly & charge∣able bringing in of Richard to succede in the roume, which did cost the whole realme of England the tenths of al their moueables, sufficient hath bene declared before. Thys Ri∣chard being nowe confirmed in his seat,* 60.120 came to the King complaining of Hubert the Lord chief Iustice, oft mentio∣ned before, for withholding him from the castle and towne of Tunebrydge with the appurtenance to the same belon∣ging, and other landes of the Earle of Clare late deceased: which landes appertained to the right of his seat, & to the church of Cant. for the which the said Earle with his aun∣ceters were bound to do homage to him and to his prede∣cessors: and therfore required the keping of the foresaid ca∣stle, with the demaines therof to be restored vnto him. To this the king answered againe,* 60.121 that the sayd Erle did hold of hym in Capite, and that the Castles being vacaunt of Earles and Barons with theyr heyres, did belong to hys crowne, till the lawfull age of the sayd heires. The Archb. when he could get no other answer of the king, did excom∣municate all such as inuaded the foresaid possessions wyth all other that tooke their parte,* 60.122 the king onely excepted. Which done, eftsoones speedeth himselfe to Rome, there to prosecute his sute before the pope. The king hearing ther∣of, not long after sendeth vp maister Roger Cantelu wyth certaine other messengers to Rome against the Archb.* 60.123

Thus Richard the Archb. comming before the Popes presence, beginneth first to complaine of his king, for that he committed all the affaires of the realme to the dispositi∣on and gouernement of Hubert his iustice, vsing only his counsaile, all his other nobles despised.

Against the sayde iustice moreouer he complained, lay∣ing to his charge: First, that he had maried a wife, being the kinswomā of her whom he had maried before: also that the said Hubert the iustice did inuade, hold and wrongful∣ly deteine such possessions as belonged to the see & Church of Canterburie.

¶ As touching the wife of this Hubert, heere is to be noted, that he maried the elder sister of the king of Scottes which semeth could be of no great kinne to her whome hee maried before.

Farther, he complained of certaine Bishops his Suf∣fraganes, who neglecting their pastorall function, did sit on Checker matters belonging to the King, and exercised sessions and iudgements of bloud.

Ouer and besides,* 60.124 he complained of beneficed persons, and clerks within orders, for hauing many benefices, ioy∣ned with cure of soule: And that they also taking example of the Bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in iudgements of lay men.

Of these and such other defaults, he required redresse to be had. The Pope weying and considering the cause of the Archb. to stand vpon right & reason (at least wise seeming so to his purpose) commaunded incontinent his petitions and requests to be dispatched according to iustice.

Against these complaints of the Archbishop, the kings atturneis alledged and defended,* 60.125 in as much fauour of the king, as they might, but coulde doe no good. Such fauour found the archbishop in the popes sight, being (as the sto∣ry reporteth) of a comely personage, & of an eloquēt tonge, that he obtained whatsoeuer he asked. Thus the Archby∣shop with all fauourable speede being dispatched at Rome after his owne will and desire, returned homewarde: who in his iourney within 3. daies of his setting forth, departed in the house of the gray Friers at S. Gemmes, and so hys cause departed with him: who winning his sute, lost hys life, for whome it had bene better I suppose to haue taried at home. And here of him and end, with all his complaintes also. Ex Paris.

After the death of this Richarde, the monkes of Cant. (according to the manner) addresse them selues to a newe election: at which was chosen Radulfe Neuill, Byshop of Chichester, who was the kinges Chauncelor, much com∣mended in stories,* 60.126 to be a man faithfull, vpright, and con∣stant: which from the way of iustice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left. But vpright and sincere both in word and deede. This Rauffe (thus chosen of the monks) was presented to the king to be their Archbishop, where∣with the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election: and foorthwith inuested him for Archbyshop of the Church of Canterb. But this inuesting of the King was not inough, vnles he should also be confirmed by the pope. Wherefore, the Monkes ready to take their iourney vnto Rome, came to the newe Archb. requiring hys helpe for their expenses by the way, and to know what seruice he would commaunde them to the Court of Rome. But hee fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scru∣ple of sunonie & ambition,* 60.127 said he would not geue an half∣penie, and holding vp his handes to heauen, thus prayed, saying: O Lorde God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called (although in deede vnworthy) to the seat & office of this church:* 60.128 so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if otherwise in this troublesom office of Chancerie, and this my inferior ministerie, whereunto I haue bene assigned, I shall seme more necessary for this thy king∣dome and people: I refuse not my labour: thy will be done.

The monks beholding the constancie of the man, not∣w^tstanding they had of him no money, yet refused not their trauail and iourny to Rome, to haue their election confir∣med by the Popes authoritie.* 60.129 The Pope inquiring of Si∣mon Langhton (brother of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Cant. before mentioned) of the person of this man: it was reported againe to him by the sayde Simon (maliciously deprauing the good man behind his backe) declaring to the Pope, that he was a courtier, vnlearned, hasty and feruent in his doings, and such one: who if he should be promoted to that dignitie, would go about with the help of the king, and of the whole realme, to remooue and bring the realme of England from vnder the yoke of the Pope, and of the Churche of Rome. And so to bereeue the See of Rome of the tribute, vnder which king Iohn had once subiected himselfe and his realme, at what time he yelded his crown to the handes of Pandolfus the Legate. &c. with these and such other words Simon Langhton falsly and maliciously depraued the godly bishop. The pope hearing w^t one care, & crediting what he heard, w^tout farther inquisition made of the other party accused, sendeth incontinent to y^e monks

of Cant. to procede in a new election,* 60.130 and to chuse them an other Arch. such as were an wholesome pastour of soules, profitable to the church of England, & deuout to the church of Rome. And thus was the lawfull election of thys good Archb. made frustrate, too good peraduenture to serue in that place, whereunto he was elected.

After the repulse of thys Radulphe, the Caunterburie Monkes entring a new election, agreed vpon Iohn their prior, to be their Metropolitane. Who going vp to Rome to haue his election confirmed by the Pope, was 3. dayes together examined of the cardinals. And when they could finde no insufficiency in him, touching these things, wher∣in they tried him: yet notwithstanding, the pope finding a fault with his age (he peraduenture being more aged him∣selfe) repealed him, for that he sayd, he was too old and sim∣ple, to susteine that dignitie. Ex Paris.

¶ What was the age of this person, I find it not in the authour expressed: yet it is to be supposed, that hee which was able to take that iourney to Rome, and home againe: was not so greatly to be cōplained off for hys age, but that he was able sufficiently to take paines in keping the chaire of Canterburie.

In the former parts of this story proceding, partly be∣fore hath bene declared,* 60.131 partly hereafter more shal appeare (Christ willing) how the Church of England & commons of the same was grieued & miserably afflicted, by the intol∣lerable oppressions of the Pope: who through his violent extortion had procured the best benefices to be giuen to his Romanes and the chiefe fruites of them to be reserued to his owne coffers. And what complaints therof haue bene made, ye heard before, pa. 255. But yet no redresse could be had. Such was the insatiable auarice of these Romaines rakehels, proiling & polling wheresoeuer they came, wyth their prouisions & exactions out of measure, and neuer sa∣tisfied. In somuch, that here in England whosoeuer lackt: their barnes were alwaies full of corne: and what penury so euer pinched the people, they were sure to haue inough. And these unportunate exactions & contributions of these Italian harpies: beside the peterpence, beside the common tribute, daily more & more increased, to the great greuance of the Realme: in somuch that the wealth of this land was almost cleane suckt vp, & translated to the court of Rome. Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherfore it was deuised by some of the nobles (as appeareth in the story of Pariensis) this foresayde yeare,* 60.132 An. 1231. that certaine letters vnder the pretensed colour of the kings authority, should be sent abroad: willing & com∣maunding, that suche corne & graine, and other reuenues, as were taken vp for the Pope, should be staied and foorth cōming, by a certain day in the sayd letters appoynted, the which letters are thought to procede chiefly by the means of Hubert Lorde chiefe Iustice of England,* 60.133 who then next vnder the king, ruled the most affaires of the realme. The wordes and contents of the letters be these.

AFter diuers & sondry griefs & oppressions which this realm, as you know, hath sustained by the Romanists and yet doth: as well to the preiudice of the king himselfe, as also of the nobili∣tie of the same, concerning the aduowsons of their Churches, and about their tythes: who also go about to take from the clerks and spirituall men their benefices, & to bestow them vpon their owne nation and countreimen, to the spoile and confusion both of vs and our realm: we therfore by our cōmon consents haue thought good (although very late) now yet rather, then any lōger to suffer their intollerable oppressions and extortions, to resist and with∣stande the same. And by the taking from them their benefices through all Englande, in like maner to cut short and bridle them, as they had thought to haue kept vnder & brideled others: wher∣by, they may desist any lenger to molest the Realme. Wherfore, we straitly charge and commaund you, that as touching the ferming of their churches, or els the rents belōging to them, which either you haue presently in your hands, or els do owe vnto the said Ro∣manists: that from henceforth you be no more accoumptable vn∣to them, or els pay vnto them from henceforth the same. But that you haue the sayde your rents and reuenues ready, by such a day, to pay and deliuer vnto our procurators thereunto by our letters assigned. And that all Abbates and Priors haue the same in a rea∣dinesse at the time appoynted, in their owne Monasteries: and all other Priestes, Clerkes, and laimen, at the Churches of the Roma∣nists there ready to pay. And farther, knowe ye for certaintie that if ye refuse thus to doe: that all that you haue besides, shalbe by vs brent and spoiled. And besides, looke what daunger we purpose shall fall vpon them, the same shall light vpon your neckes, if you refuse thus to do. Farewell.

When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certaine souldiours therunto appoynted: to the which let∣ters they had deuised a new seale with two swords ingra∣ued, & betwene the swords was writtē. Ecce gladij duo, &c. Beholde these two swordes ready to take vengeance of all those that shall wythstand the forme and order in these let∣ters contained.

At that time the 16. day before the Kalends of Ianua∣ry,* 61.1 about the beginning of the yere 1232. there was kept at S. Albons a great consistory of Abbots, Priors, Archdea∣cons, with diuers both of the nobilitye and clergye by the popes commandement, for the celebration of a diuorce be∣twene the Countes of Essex and her husband. At the brea∣king vp of which consistorie, when euery man was about to depart thence. There was a certain clerke whose name was Cincius a Romane, and also a Chauon of Paules in London: taken by some of the sayde Uniuersitie not farre off from S. Albons, and was caried away from his com∣pany by the souldiours. But maister Iohn Archdeacon of Norwich a Florentine, hardly escaping from that compa∣ny, gate to London where he did himselfe, and durst not be seene. Cintius after 5. weekes, when they had well emp∣tied hys bagges, was safely sent againe without any more hurt to London.

Not long after this,* 61.2 about the beginning of Ianuarie, the barnes of a certaine beneficed man, a Romane, & per∣son of Wingham, being ful of corn, were broke vp by a like company of armed souldiours. And the corne brought out to be sold and geuen away to the poore people. The farmer seeing this and not able to resist, complaineth to the shirife of the shire, of this iniurie done to his master, and of brea∣king the kings peace: whereupon, the shirife sent certaine of his mē to see what was done. Who cōming to the emp∣tie barnes, & there finding the foresaid souldiours to them vnknowen,* 61.3 who had sold away the most part of the corne vpon easie price, and some for charity had geuen to the po∣uertie of the countrey about: required of them whot they were, that so durst presume to breake the Kings peace. Whom the other then called secretly a part, & shewed them the kings letters Patentes (pretending at least the kings name and seale) wherin was forbidden that no man shuld presume to stoppe or let them in that purpose. Whereof the Sheriffes seruaunts being certified, quietly returned from whence they came.

This comming to the knowledge of Roger byshop of London, he (wyth the assistance of other Bishops) procee∣deth in solemne excommunication, first against them that robbed Cintius the Romane: then of them which spoyled the barnes of the parson of Wingham, an other Romaine: thirdly he excommunicated them that forged y^• letters and seale of the king aboue specified.

Neither yet for all that, that did so cease, but the same yeare, about Easter next folowing, al the barnes in Eng∣land,* 61.4 which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corne solde to the best com∣modity of the poore commons. Of the which, great almose was distributed: and many times, money also wyth corne together was sparsed for the needy people to gather vppe. Neither was there any, that would or durst stand against them. As for the Romaines & Italians themselues, were stricken in suche feare, that they hid themselues in Mona∣steries and celles, not daring to complaine of their iniu∣ries receiued: but helde it better, to lose rather their goods, then to loose their liues. The authors and workers of thys feate were to the nomber of 80. armed soldiours, of whom the principall captaine, was one naming himselfe W. Wy∣therse, surnamed Twing.* 61.5

This comming to the Popes knowledge, he was not a little stirred therewith, & sendeth his letters immediatly to the king vppon the same: with sharpe threatnings, and imperious commaundements,* 61.6 charging him for suffering of such villany within his realme: straitly enioyning hym vnder paine of excommunication, to searche out the doers hereof with all diligence, & so to punish them that all other by them may take example. Likewise, hee sendeth the same charge to Peter bishop of Winchester, and to the Abbot of S. Edmunde, to inquire in the South partes. Also to the Archb. of Yorke, and to the bishop of Durham, and to ma∣ster Iohn Chanon of Yorke a Romaine, to inquire in the North partes for the sayde malefactors: and after diligent inquisition made, to send vp y^• same to Rome, there needes to appeare before him. &c.* 61.7

Thus after earnestly inquisition made of all parties, & witnesses sworne and examined: many were foūd culpable in the matter, some y^t were factours, some that were con∣senters, of whom some were Bishops, and Chaplaines to the King: some Archdeacons, & Deanes, with other soul∣diours and lay men. Among whom certaine sheriffes and vndersheriffs with their seruitures vnder them, were ap∣prehended and cast into prison by the king. Many for feare fled and escaped away, who being sought for coulde not be

founde:* 61.8 but the principall of this number (as is aforesaid) was supposed to be Hubertus Lord chief iustice: who both with the kings letters & his own, fortified the doers ther∣of, that no man durst interrupt them.* 61.9 Moreouer in y^t same society of them, which were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing, aboue mentioned, a comely young man and a talle souldiour: who of his own voluntary ac∣corde, with 5. other seruitures, whome hee tooke wyth him abroad to worke that feat, came to the king: openly prote∣sting himselfe to be the author of that deede doing, and said, he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romaines: because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumuention of the Italians, he was bereeued of the pa∣tronage of his benefice, hauing no more to geue but that one. Wherefore to be reuenged of that iniurie, he enterpri∣sed that which was done: preferring rather vniustly to be excommunicate for a season, then to be spoiled of his bene∣fice for euer. Then the King, and other executours of the Popes commandement gaue him counsaile, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the Popes sentence, shoulde offer himselfe to the pope to be absolued of him againe, and there to make his declaration vnto him, that he iustly and canonically was possessed in that church. The king more∣ouer with him sent his letters testimoniall vnto the pope, witnessing with the saide souldiour, and instantly desiring the Pope in his behalf, that he might with fauor be heard. At the request wherof, Pope Gregory afterward, both re∣leased him of the sentence, and restored him to his patro∣nage: wryting to the Archb. of York, that he might againe inioy the right of his benefice in as ample maner, as he did before it was taken from him.

* 61.10Hubert de Burgo Lorde chiefe Iustice, being one of them which helde against the Romish Priestes, as is afore signified: was therfore not a litle noted of y^e bishops, who to require him with like despite againe (after their accusto∣med maner of practise) went about by subtile working, to shake him out of the kings fauour. And first commeth Pe∣ter Bishop of Winchester, to the king greuously complai∣ning of certaine about the King, but especially of the fore∣saide Hubert the kings iustice: in so much, that he caused him to be remoued from his office, notwythstāding he had the kings seale and wryting for the perpetuity of the same, & procured Steuen Segraue to be placed in his function. And after a few daies,* 61.11 the king more and more incensed a∣gainst hym, called him to a counte of all the treasure which he was countable for by his excheker office: also of all suche debts by him due frō the time of his father, vnto hys time. Also of all the Lordships, whych were in the possession of William Earle of Pēbroke, chief iustice before him. Item, of the liberties which he did holde at that time, in forestes, warrens, shires, and other places, how they were kept, or howe they were made away. Of Prices likewise: Also of losses committed through hys negligence: And of wastes made contrary to the kings profite: of his liberties, howe he did vse them. Item, of iniuries and damages wrought against the clearkes of Rome, and other Italians, and the Popes Legates: for the redresse whereof, he woulde neuer adioyne his coūsail, according as appertained to his office, being then chief iustice of England. Also of scutagies, gifts presents, scapes of prisonners. Item, of maritagies which king Iohn cōmitted to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed vnto him. To these Hubert answered, y^t he had king Iohns owne hand to shewe for his discharge: who so approoued his fidelitie, that he neuer called him to any,* 61.12 but clerely discharged him from all such counts. Wherunto answered againe the Bi∣shop of Winchester, saying: the Charter of king Iohn hath no force after the death of him, but that ye may now be cal∣led to a reckoning of this king for the same.

Ouer and besides these, other greater obiections were laid to his charge by the King:* 61.13 as for sending and wryting to the duke of Austria, that he might marry hys daughter, to the preiudice of the King and of the Realme, dissuading that she myght not be geuen to him. Item, for counsailing the king not to enter into Normandie w^t his armie which he had prepared for the recouerie of lands there belonging to his right, wherby great treasure was there consumed in vaine. Item, for corrupting the daughter of the King of Scottes, whome king Iohn his father committed to his custody, for him to mary. Item, for stealing frō him a pre∣tious stone, which had a vertue to make him victorious in warre, & for sending the same to Leoline Prince of Wales. And that by his letters sent to the sayde Leoline William Brues a noble man was caused there traitrously to be hā∣ged. &c. These wyth other crimes (whether true or false) were suggested to the king against the sayd Hubert by his aduersaries. Wherunto he was required to answere by or∣der of law. Hubert then seing himselfe in such a strait, refu∣sed to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king obiected to him, which was graunted to hym till the 14. day of Sep∣tember: but in the meane time, Hubert being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. And thus Hubert, who before for the loue of the king, and defence of the realme (sayth mine author) had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the kings fauor was destitute of comforte on euery side: saue onely that Lucas Archbishop of Dubline,* 61.14 wyth instant prayers and teares, laboured to the king for him. By this example & many like is to be sene, howe vnstable and variable a thing the fauor of mortall & mutable princes is: To teach all such as haue to doe about princes, howe to repose and plant their trust not in man, but in their Lord God: by him to finde help in Christ the true Prince of all Princes, which neuer faileth. By like example was Clito serued of king Alexander, Io∣ab of king Dauid, Bellisarius of Iustiniane, Harpagus of Astiages, Cromwell of king Henry, w^t innumerable moe, which in histories are to be found.

When the day was come, that this Hubert should an∣swer, keeping among the monks of Merton, he durst not appeare.

Then was it signified to him from the King, that hee should come vp and appeare in the court, there to answer to his charge. Wherunto he answered againe, that he mis∣douted the kings anger,* 61.15 & therfore he did flie to the church as the vttermost refuge to all such as suffer wrong. From whence he would not stirre, till he heard the kings wrath to be mitigated towards him. With this, the king mooued & sore displeased, directed his letters in all hast, to the ma∣ior of London,* 61.16 commanding him at the sight therof to mu∣ster and take vp all the citizens that could beare harneis in the Citie, and to bring to him by force of armes the foresaid Hubert either quicke or dead, out of Merton. Wherupon, the Maior immediately causing the great bell to be ronge: assembled together the people of Lōdon, and opening be∣fore them the kings letters, commaunded them to prepare and arme themselues in al readines to the executing of the kings will and message.

The Citizens hearing this,* 61.17 were therewith right glad and ready, for they were all in great hatred wyth Hubert: because of the execution of Constantine their citizen aboue mentioned, pag. 269. Notwithstanding, certaine of y^e citi∣zens,* 61.18 namely Andrew Bukerel, Iohn Trauers & other mo, men of more graue & sage discretiō (wisely pondcrying with themselues, what inconuenience might rise heereof) went in haste to the Byshop of Wintchester, lying then in Southwarke: and waking him out of hys sleepe, desired him of his counsaile in that so sodeine and daungerous di∣stresse:* 61.19 Declaring to him, what perill might thereby ensue as well to the church of Merton, as also to the citie, by the fury of the vnordinate & fierce multitude, which wil hard∣ly be brideled from robbing and spoiling,* 61.20 neither wil spare sheding of bloud. &c. Unto whō againe the bloudy byshop gaue this bloudy counsaile (sayth Pariensis.) Daungerous it is (quod he) both heere and there, but yet see y^t you obey and execute the precept of the king, I counsaile you plaine∣ly. At the which counsail of the bishop they being amased, went with an euill will about the businesse enioyned. But the people inflamed w^t hatred, gladly coueted to be reuen∣ged and to shed the bloud of the sayd Hubert.

¶ The cause why Peter Byshop of Wint. was so cru∣elly set against the Iustice,* 61.21 was partly for the damages hee had done to the Romane Priestes, as is before touched: Partly also for the olde grudge, because the king comming to his lawful age before (through the counsail of this Hu∣bert) losed himselfe frō the gouernment of the sayd B. who had him then in custodie. And thus rose vp the grudge and displeasure of this bishop him.

On the next morowe, the Londiners issuing out of the citie to the number of xx. M. setfoorth toward the Abbey of Merton,* 61.22 where Hubert was lying prostrate before the al∣tar, commending himselfe to God.

In the meane season, while the Citizens were in their iourney, raging against the poore erle of Kent: it was sug∣gested to the king by Radulfe B. of Chichester, and Lorde Chauncelor, that it was daungerous to excite vp the vul∣gare and vnruly multitude, for feare of sedition: le••t perad∣uenture, the rude and heady people being stirred vp,* 61.23 will not so soone be brought downe againe, when the K. would haue them. Moreouer, what shalbe sayd (quod he) among the French men and other nations, which of great things loue to make them greater, & of euill things to make them worse then they are: but thus iestingly & mockingly: See what a kind bird is the yong king of England, whych see∣keth

to deuour his old nurse vnder whose wings he had ben brought vp and nourished in his youth.* 61.24 And thus the king by the perswasion hereof, chaūging his councell, sēt in all hasty wise after the army againe, willing them to re∣tract theyr iourney, and to retire, And thus the Londiners (although much agaynst their wils) returned home, mis∣sing of theyr purpose. Wherein is to be obserued another notable example of Gods working prouidence. For when y^• king (sayth the history) had sent by 2. messēgers or purse∣uants to reuoke and call back again the army of the Lon∣diners, going with gredy mindes to shed the bloud of the innocent Iustice: One of the messengers posting with all speed possible, with the kinges letters, ouertook the army: and comming to the foreward, where the Captains were by vertue of the kings letters staied their course and blou∣dy purpose, wherby they could proceed no farther. But the other messēger crafty and malicious, who bearing hatred to the sayd Hubert, rather wishing him to be slayne, then to be deliuered: lingred by the way of purpose (although being commaunded to make haste) & when he came, went onely but to the middle sort. More like a messēger meet to serue a dead mans arrant,* 61.25 then to serue the turne of them which be aliue. And ••o in like maner by the iust hand of God it fell vpon him. For the same messenger stombling with his horse, riding but a soft or a foote pace, and rather walking then riding: fell down backward from his horse backe, and there brake his necke and dyed. This mercifull message of the king was, as is said, sent by the instigation of Radulph B. of Chichester Lord Chaunceller (a vertu∣ous and a faythfull man) and one that coulde skill to haue compassion on the miseries of men.* 61.26 Of whom was decla∣red before, that he being elected Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry, would not get one halfe peny to theyr expenses by the way, to geue his election cōfirmed by the Pope: and after∣ward by the sayd Pope was defeited and frustrated of his election, as relation was made before pag. 274. And thus through Gods prouidēce by the meanes of the kings let∣ters the army returned: and Huberts life (contrary to hys expectation) was preserued.

* 61.27After this, the Archbishop of Dubline with much la∣bour and great fute intreated and obteined of the king to graunt vnto the sayd Hubert respite till the twelfe day of Ianuary, to prouide himself of his answere to such things as were commensed agaynst him. Then Hubert trusting to enioy some safety by the kings permission to him graū∣ted, to breath himselfe a litle and to walke abroad, took his iourny towardes S. Edmūdesbury, where his wife was. And passing through the countrey of Essex, was Inned there in a certaine towne belonging to the bishop of Nor∣wich. Wherof when the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise vp some commotion in the Realme: sēdeth in hasty anger after him Syr Godfred Cranecombe knight, with 300. men: commaunding vnder payne of hanging, that they should apprehend him, & bring him to the tower of London. Which commaundement to accomplish, there lacked no haste. Hubert hauing intelligence of their com∣ming (rising out of his bed naked as he was) ranne to the chappel standing nere to the Inne,* 61.28 where he holdeth with the one hand the crosse, with the other hand the Sacramēt of the Lordes body. Then Godfride with his foresayd ar∣med souldiours entring into the Chappell, willed him to come out.* 61.29 Which when he would not: with violent hands he drew him out of the Chappell, and taking the Crosse & Sacrament out of his hands, fast bound him with fetters and giues vnder the horse belly, and brought him as they were commaunded, to the Tower. And so certifying the king what they had done (who then taried vp waking for them) he reioyced not a little thereat, and went mery to his bed.

* 61.30The next morrow following after, Roger Byshop of London had knowledge, how and in what order he was taken violently out of the Chappell, he commeth to the king blaming him boldely for violating the peace of holy church, and protested that vnlesse the partye were loosed a∣gayne, & sent to the Chappel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentente of excommunication agaynst all the deed doers,

* 61.31The king as he did not deny his transgression herein, so sendeth him, (albeit agaynst his will) out of the Tower to the said Chappell agayn & by the same souldiors which brought him out before. Which done, he geueth in straight charge and commaundement vnder payne of hanging to the Shiriffes of Herforde and of Essex, that they in theyr owne persons with the strength of both Shyres shoulde watch and compasse about the Chappell, and see that the sayd Hubert no wayes might escape. Which commaunde∣ment of the king was accōplished with all diligence. But Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in the chap∣pell praying both night and day, & commending his cause vnto the Lord, whom he desired so to deliuer him from that instant daunger, as he alwayes sought the kings ho∣nor by his faythfull and trusty seruice. And as he continu∣ed in his prayer, so the king continuing in his rage, com∣maunded that no man should intreat for him, or make any mention of him in his presence. Notwithstanding, yet Lucas Archbishop of Dubline,* 61.32 his true and almost onely friend, ceased not to pray and weepe to the king for hym, desiring the king at least to intimate to him, what he pur∣posed should be done with Hubert. Whereun•••• the King answering, sayd: that of three things one he should choose:* 61.33 whether he woulde abiure the Realme of England for e∣uer, or be condemned to perpetuall prison, or els confesse himselfe openly to be a Traytour. But Hubert hereun∣to sayde, that he woulde choose none of these Articles, as who knew himselfe neither guiltye, nor worthye of anye suche confusion: but to satisfye somewhat the minde of the Kyng, he woulde be content to departe the Realme for a season, but to abiure the Realme, he woulde not so doe.

In this meane time it befel, that Ranulphus Earle of Chester and of Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies died. Hu¦bertus all this while, remayned in the Chappell inclosed & garded about with the power, as is sayd, of two shires, & so continued til at length by the cōmaūdement of the king his two seruitours whiche ministred to him within the Chappell,* 61.34 were taken from him. Then Hubert seeing no other remedy but there to sterue for famine, offered hym∣selfe of his owne accorde to the Shiriffes, saying that he would put himselfe rather in the kinges mercy, then there desperately to perish for hunger.* 61.35 And so was he takē, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought agayne & clap∣ped by the Kinges commaundement, in the Tower of London.

Not long after this, word was brought to the king by certaine, that the said Hubert had muche treasure lying in the house of the new Templaries in London. Wherupon the king to try out the trueth thereof sendeth for the Prior or maister of y^t house, who not daring to deny, confessed y^t there was in deed treasure brought into the house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The King desirous to season vpō the treasure, required and charged the maister with his brethren, with threatning wordes, to bring forth the treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolne out of his treasury.* 61.36 But they answered againe that the treasure was committed with trust and sayth vn∣to theyr hands: and therfore they would nor ought to let it go out of theyr hands, being trusted withall, without the assent of him which committed the same vnto them. When the king could get no other answere at their hands, nei∣ther durst shew any further violēce against thē, he sendeth to Hubert in y^e Tower, requiring of him the foresaid trea∣sures. To whom he aunswering agayne mildely, yelded both himselfe, his treasures & all that euer he had vnto the kings will & pleasure, & so sending word to the maister & brethren of the Temple, willeth them to take al the keyes, and deliuer the goods, with all that there was to the king, who receiuing the same,* 61.37 and taking an Inuentory of that which was receiued, caused it to be brought to his trea∣sure, wherof the number both of the plate, of coyne, and of the iewels was of price vnknown.* 61.38 The enemies of Hub. supposing thereby to take aduaūtage against him to bring him to his end came with open complaynt to the king, cri∣yng out against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the kings treasure, and therefore by right was worthy to be hanged, and thus cried his accusers dayly in the kinges eare.* 61.39 But the hartes of kinges (sayth the wise man) are in the handes of the Lord, to be ruled not after mans will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them. And so this king hauing now his will & fill vpon poore Hubert & somwhat cōming more vnto himselfe, answered againe in this wise: that there was no such need to deale so strait∣ly with him, who from the time of his youth first serued mine vncle King Richard,* 61.40 then my father king Iohn, in whose seruice, (as I heard say) beyond the Seas he was driuen to eat his horse, Parisies. pag. 81. and in my time hath stand so constantly in defence of the Realme agaynst for∣reine nations, who kept the castle of Douer agaynst king Lewes, and vanquished the Frenchmen vpon the Seas, also at Bedford, and at Lincolne hath done suche seruice. And though agaynst me he hath dealt any thing vntruely, which yet is not euidentlye proued, yet he shall neuer be put by me to so villanous death.* 61.41 I had rather be counted a king foolish and simple, then to be iudged a tyraunt or a seeker of bloude, especiallye of such as haue serued me

and mine auncesters in many perils so daūgerously, wey∣ing more the few euilles which yet be not proued, then so many good desertes of his euident & manifest seruice done both to me and to the whole realm. &c. And thus the king somewhat relenting to poore Hubert his olde seruaunt, graunted vnto him all such landes as he had geuen by K. Iohn his father, and whatsoeuer els he had by his owne purchase.

* 61.42Thus Hubert after long trouble, a little chered wyth some peece of comfort, set Laurence his trustye friend that neuer left him, one that belonged to S. Albons, to be hys Stuard and ouerseer of those possessions graunted to him by the king. And shorely vpon the same, after the kinges minde was seene thus something to relent, the enuy also of the nobles being now partly satisfied: began to turne to mercy▪* 61.43 In so much that 4. Earles, to witt Earle Richard the kinges brother, William Earle of Warrtine, Richard Earle Marshall, and William Earle of Ferrys, became sureties to the king for him. Upon whose surety he was transferred to the Castle of Deuizis:* 61.44 where he was vnder the keeping of 4. souldiours by them appoynted, hauing the liberty of the Castle. But the Byshopp of Winchester, who alwayes hunted after the life of Hubert, craftely cō∣meth to the king,* 61.45 and desireth the custodye of that Castle, making no mention of Hubert, to the intent that by the keeping thereof, he might the sooner dispatch him. Hubert hauing therof some inkling, breaketh the matter to two of his seruants, who with compassion tendering his misery, watched their time (the kepers being a sleep) and conueied by might vpon theyr backes,* 61.46 fettered as he was, into the parish Church of the Towne, and there remayned wyth him. The keepers when they mist theyr prisoner, were in great perplexity, and after diligent searche finding hym at length where he was in the Churche, with violent force drew him from thence to the Castle againe. For the which iniury to the Church, the Bishop of Sarum, vnderstan∣ding the order of the matter, commeth to the Castle where the keepers were, and required that Hubert shoulde be brought againe into the Church, from whence he was ta∣ken. Which whē the keepers denied to do, saying that they would rather he should hang then they: then the Byshop gaue sentence agaynst them of excommunication. Which done,* 61.47 he with the Bishop of London and other Byshops, goeth immediately to the king, complayning of the iniury done to Hubert, and especially of the contiunely agaynst holye Churche: neither woulde they leaue the King before they had obtayned that hee shoulde bee reduced agayne into the Churche, and so he was. It was not long after, but the king in great displeasure sendeth to the Sheriffe of the shyre to keepe him well watched in the Churche, till either he came forth, or there perished wyth famine.

* 61.48It befel in the meane season that great dissention rose betwene the king and the nobles of the Realme, by reason whereof Hubert was taken and caried away by Richard Earle Marshall into Wales, and there remayned till the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so receiued with the rest the sayd Hubert agayne into hys fauour. Ex Math. Parisiens. Ex Flor. Historiarum. Of the which dissention more shall be shewed (Christ willing) here∣after.

* 61.49As the beginning of this trouble of Hubert first sprang of vexing the Hopes barnes: so likewise Roger bishop of London suspected for the same cause, was enforced to tra∣uell vp to Rome, there to purge himselfe before the Pope. Where after much money consumed, & robbed also by the way, he gat nothing els, but lost his labour, and so came home agayne. Who then doing the part of a good Bishop, after his returne from Rome, attempted to expell and ex∣clude out of his Dioces all these Italian vsurers called, as is before sayd Caursini.* 61.50. These Caursinites comming with the Popes Legats into England, and lending their money to Religious houses, to Colleges and Churches, had their debters to them boūd in such sort, as was much vntageable to them, & much iniurious vnto the other, as in the forme of theyr obligations in the storyes of Mathew Parisiens. is largely expressed fol. 65. Against these Caursi∣nites the Bishoppe of London being worthely inflamed with zeale of iustice,* 61.51 first with louing admonition, went about to reclayme them, for the wealth of theyr soules, af∣terward with sharpe wordes began to charge them. But they neither regarding Christian councell, and despising the Bishops threatnings, would not leaue the sweetnesse of their occupation. Wherfore the Bishop proceding to the sentence of excommunication,* 61.52 precisely and districtly char∣ged them to depart his Dioces. But they agayne being confident & emboldned vpon the popes defence, not one∣ly set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such wayes with the Pope, that they caused the sayd B. of Lō∣don, being both aged and sickely, to be cited peremptoryly to appeare beyond the Seas, there to answere to such ob∣iections as they should inferre agaynst him. And thus the Byshop minding rather to couer, then to open the faults of the Church, and partly being let with infirmitye & age, was compelled to let the cause fall.

And thus much of the popes marchants here in Eng∣land, which were not so busye here for theyr part, but the Pope the great maister of these marchaunt vsurers, was as busy for hys. And although his barnes here in Eng∣land were destroyed, and his banke something decayed, yet he thought to winne it vp an other way: for he proclai∣med the same yere a generall visitation through all the re∣ligious houses exempt or not exempt vniuersally pertey∣ning to his iurisdiction,* 61.53 where by the cruell dealing of the visitours, many were compelled to appeale and to trauell vp to Rome, to the great expenses of their mony, and fil∣ling the Popes coffers. But as touching this visitation, to make short (sayth the story) it tended not to any refor∣mation so much, as to the deformatiō of the vniuersal or∣der, Dum omnes qui in diuersis or bis partibus vnicam Benedi∣cti secuti fuerant regulam,* 61.54 per nouas constitutiones ita inueni∣antur vbi{que} discordes, quòd ex omnibus coenobijs, vel alijs reli∣giosorum Ecclesijs vix duo habeantur in norma viuendi cōcor∣des. i. While all they, which before through all partes of the world followed onely the rule of Benedict, now through new deuised constitutions are found in all places so deui∣ded & diuers,* 61.55 that of all monasteryes, and other churches of religion, scarse may two be foūd, which do agree in one rule and institution of life.

All this while that Hubert aboue mentioned was se∣cluded from the king, Peter B. of Winchester bare all the rule, and aboue al other alone was accepted. This bishop being in such principall fauor with the king, as by whose councell all thinges were administred, remoued the natu∣rall seruitours that were Englishmen, out of their offices, and placed other straungers, namely of Pictauia, and of other countryes in theyr roome. Amōg whom was thrust out William the Undermarshall,* 61.56 which supplyed y^e roome of Richard Lord great Marshall of England: for y^e which cause, the sayd Lord Richard was mightely offended. Al∣so Walter Treasurer of the kinges house, was not onely expelled, but also mersed at an hundreth pound, & put frō all his holdes and munitions, which he had by the kinges patent graunted to him.

Moreouer by the counsell of the sayd Bishop of Win∣chester, all the olde councellers as well Bishops, as other Earles and Barons, and all the nobles were reiected frō the king in such sort, that he would heare & folow no mās councell, but onely the sayd Peter Bishop of Winchester, and his cosin Peter de Riuallis. Whereby it came to passe that all the greatest holdes and munitions in the Realme were taken from the old kepers and committed to the cu∣stodye of the sayd Peter. Then the Bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himselfe more strongly in the kings fa∣uor, adioyned to his felowship Stephen Segraue succee∣ding in the place of Hubert the iustice: also Robert Passe∣lew, who had the keeping of the treasure vnder the fore∣sayd Peter Riuall. So by these three all the affayres of the realme were ordred. Moreouer to make theyr party more sure,* 61.57 by them was prouided, that souldiours and serui∣tors from beyond the Sea, as Pictauians and Britans were sent for, to the number of two thousand, which were placed partly about the king, partly were set in Castles & holdes within the Realme, and had the ouersight and go∣uernment of Shyres and Baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing them to the king for tray∣tours: whom the simple king did lightly beleue, commit∣ting to them the custodye of his Treasures, the sitting in iudgements, and the doing in all thinges: And when the nobles thus oppressed, came to complayn of their iniuries to the king, by the meanes of the Byshop of Winchester, theyr cause was nothing regarded. In so muche that the sayd Winchester moreouer accused certayne Bishops also to the king, so that he did flee and shunne them as open traytors and rebels.

These things standing thus out of order,* 61.58 Richard the noble Marshal of England, with other of the nobles ioy∣ning with him, seing these oppressions and iniuries day∣ly growing contrary to the lawes and wealth of y^e realm, came to the king, and blamed him for retayning such per∣uerse counsell about him of the Pictanians and other fo∣reners, to the great preiudice of his naturall subiects, and of the liberties of the Realme, humbly desiring and besee∣ching him, that he with as much speed as might be, would

reforme & redresse such excesses, whereby the whole realme seemed to lie in daunger of subuersion. Otherwise, if he re∣fused to see correction thereof, he with other peeres and no∣bles, would withdraw themselues from his counsell, so long as he maintayned the societie of those foreners and strangers about him.

* 61.59To this Peter Winchester aunswering agayne, sayde: that the king right wel might cal vnto him what foreners and straungers him listed, for the defence both of his king∣dome and of his crowne: and what number of them he would, as by whom he might be able to bridle his proude and rebellious subiectes, and so to keepe them in awe and good order, Whē the Earle and the nobles could get no o∣ther aunswere of him, in great perturbatiō they departed, promising among themselues, in this cause which so tou∣ched the state of the whole Realme, the would constantly ioyne together to the parting of their life.

* 61.60After this, the foresayd Petrus Bishoppe of Winchester with his cōplices, ceased not by all meanes to inflame the kinges hart to hatred and contempt of his naturall peo∣ple, whom they so vehemently peruerted, that he coūting them no other then his enemies, sought by all diligence y^c vtter destruction of thē: sending dayly for moe garisons of the Pictauians, that in short space they replenished wei∣neare the whole land,* 61.61 whose defence the king onely trusted vnto: neither was any thing disposed in the Realme, but through the guiding of this Peter, and of the Pictauians.

The king thus garded and strengthened with these fo∣reine aliens and straungers, proclaimed aparliamēt to be holden at Oxford, where the nobles were warned to be present. They considering the indignation of the king cō∣ceiued, would not appeare. Agayn they were required the first, second, and third tune to present themselues. The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king looked. In this assembly or Parliament, it was playnely told the king by a Dominick Fryer preaching before him, that unlesse he remoued from him the Bishop of Winche∣ster and Peter Riuall his kinsma, he should, neither could long enioy peace in his kingdome. This although it was bluntly spoken of the Frier against the Bishop: yet this remedy he had: the frier had nothing to lose. Yet was ther another Chaplein of the Court, who preceiuing the king somewhat instigated by the former preaching, and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter, being a pleasaunt conceited man,* 61.62 thus merely came to the king asking a que∣stion, what was the thing most pernitious & daungerous of all other thinges to them that trauaile by y^c seas? That, sayd the king, is best knowne to suche as trauayle in that kinde of trafficke. Nay, sayth he, this is easy to be folde. The king demaunding what it was: forsooth (quoth he) stones and rockes, alluding merely, but yet truely to the Bishop of Winchester, whose name and surname was Pe∣trus de Rupibus. For so Petrae in Latine signifieth stones, & Rupes rockes. Notwithstanding the king either not per∣ceiuing the meaning, or not amending the fault, again sig∣nifieth to his nobles to speake with him at Westminster. But they fearing some trayne to be layd for them, refused to appeare:* 61.63 sending playne word to the king by solemne message, that his grace without all delay should seclude frō him Peter B. of Winchester and other aliens of Pictauia, or if he would not, they with the common assent of the re∣alme, would displace him with his wicked councellours from his kingdome, and haue within themselues tracta∣tion for choosing a new king.

The king at the hearing of this message being mighte∣ly moued, partly to feare, partly to indignation, especally hauing y^c late example of king Iohn his father before his eyes,* 61.64 was cast in great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester with his wicked councell so wrought with the king, that he proceeded with all seue∣rity agaynst them: In so much that in short time the spar∣kles of poisoued coūcell kindling more and more, grew to a sharpe battayle betweene the king, and Richard Earle Marshall, with other nobles, to the great disquietnesse of the whole Realme. The which warre before was presig∣nified by terrible thundering and lightning heard al eng∣land ouer in the moneth of march, with such aboundaūee of raine and flouds growing vpon the same,* 61.65 as cast down milnes, ouercouered the fields, threw downe houses, and did much harine through the whole Realme.

To prosecute here at large the whole discourse of thys warre betwene the king and Earl Marshall, which con∣tinued neare the space of two yeares, to declare all y^c parts and circumstances thereof, what trouble it brought, what damage it wrought to y^c whole realm, what traines were layd, what slanghter of men, what waste of whole coun∣tryes ensued from Wales vnto Shrewsbery, how y^c mar∣shall ioyned himselfe with Leoline Prince of Walles, how the Pictauians were almost all slayne & destroyd, how the king was distressed, what forgery wily wint. wrought by the kings letters to entrap the Marshall & to betray him to the Irishmen, among whom he was at length slayne, all this I referr to other authors. Who at large do entreat of the same, as Math. Parisiens. Florilegus & such other. This is to be noted and obserued (whithe rather perteineth to our Ecclesiasticall history) to see what sedition and conti∣nuall disquietnes was in those dayes among all Christen people almost, being vnder the popes Catholick obediēce. But especially to marke the corrupt doctrine then reig∣ning, it is to be maruelled, or rather lamented, to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principall point and article of their saluation, as we finde in storyes, which making mention of a house or Monastery of Conuertes builded the same yeare by the king at London, do expres in playne wordes, that he then did it Pro redemptione ani∣mae suae,* 61.66 & Regis Ioannis patris sui, & omnium antecessorum su∣orum. i. For the redemptiō of his soule, of the soule of king Iohn his father, & for the soules of all his auncieers. &c. Whereby may be vnderstand in what palpable darknes of blind ignoraunce the sely soules redeined by Christ, were then inwrapped, which did not know nor yet wee taught the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption. Ex Math. Parisien sipag. 86.

Mention was made a litle before pag. 275.* 61.67 of dissol∣uing the election of Iohn Prior of Cāterbury, which was chosen by the Monkes to be Archbishop of y^c sayd churche of Canterbury, but by the pope was defeited. After whom one Iohn Blūd was elected, who trauelling vp to Rome this yeare an. 1233. to be confirmed of the Pope, was also repealed and vnetected agayne, for that it was thought in England, & so complayned of to the Pope, that he had re∣ceiued of Peter Bishop of Winchester a thousand markes and had another thousand promised him of the sayd Win∣chester. who by his mony thought to make him of his side and also wrote to the Emperor to helpe forward his pro∣motion in the court of Rome.* 61.68 Notwithstanding, both he with his geuing, and the other with his taking of bribes were both detected and disapoynted of theyr purpose. For the Pope hating then the Emperour, for the same cause admitted not the election, pretending the cause, for that he was proued to holde to benefices without his dispensati∣on.* 61.69 After whom by the commaundement of the Pope one Edmund Chanon of Salisbury was ordeyned Archby∣shop, and had his Palle sent to him from the Pope, which Edmunde after for his vertues was Canonised of the Popishe Monkes there for a Saynte,* 61.70 and called S. Ed∣mund. About which time also Robert Brosted was made B. of Lincolne.

This Edmund accompanied with other Byshoppes, during this trouble betwene the king and his nobles, be∣ing in councell at Westminster,* 61.71 in the yeare next ensuing, which was 1234. came vetering their minde boldely in the name of the Lords, & declaring vnto the king as became his saythfull seruantes, that his councell which then he folowed, was not found, nor safe, but cruell and daunge∣rous both to him and to the state of the Realme, meaning the councell of Peter Winchester and of Peter Riuall, with other adherentes.

1. FIrst and in primis,* 61.72 for that they hate and contemne the English nation, calling them traitours and rebels: and tur∣ning the kings heart from the loue of hys naturall subiectes, and the hartes of them from hym, as appeareth by the Earle Marschal and other, sowing discorde among them.

2. Item, by the sayd Counsaile, to wit, by the foresaid bishop and his fellowes, king Iohn the kings father lost first the heartes of his Barons, after that lost Normandy, and afterward other landes al∣so, and in the end wasted all hys treasure, so that since that tyme the regiment of England had neuer no quiet after.

3. By the sayd Counsayle also, in their time and memorye, the kingdome of England had bene troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, became tributary, she that was before the Prince of Prouincies, and so warre insuing vpon the same, the sayd Kyng Iohn his father incurred great daunger of death and at last was extinguished, lacking both peace of hys kingdome and of his own heart.

4. Item, by the sayd counsayle the Castle of Bedford was kept long tyme agaynst the king, to the great losse both of men & trea∣sure, beside the losse of Rupella, to the shame of the Realme of England.

5. Moreouer, through their wicked counsayle, at this present, great perturbation seemed to hang ouer the whole realme, for els if it had not bene for their counsayle, and that true iustice and iudgement might haue bene ministred vnto the kinges subiects,

these tumultes had neuer bene stirred, and the king might haue had his land vnwasted, and his treasure vnconsumed.

6. Item, in that sayth and alleageance wherwith they were obli∣ged vnto him, they protested vnto him that the sayd his councell was not a councell of peace, but of deuision and disquietnesse, to the end that they which otherwise by peace could not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting other might be exalted.

7. Item, for that all the castles, fortes, munitions, also all the of∣fices of the Eschequer, with all other the greatest exchetes of the realme were in their handes, of the which, if the king would de∣maund a count, he should proue how true they were.

8. Item for that neither by the kinges seale, nor commaunde∣ment, except it bare withall the seale of Peter Riuall, almost no busines of any weight could be dispatched in the realm, as thogh their counted the king for no king.

9. Furthermore, by the foresayd councell, the naturall subiectes and nobles of the realme were banished the Court, which was to be feared would grow to some inconuenience both to the kyng and to the Realme, for so muche as the king seemed more to be on their side then they of his, as by many euident coniectures may appeare.

10. Item, it was not well to be taken and liked, the sayd councell standing of straungers and aliens, to haue in theyr power both the kinges sister, and many other noble mens daughters and o∣ther women mariageable, with the kinges wardes and mariages, which they bestowed and deuided among themselues, and men of their affinity.

11. Also, the sayd councell regarding neither the lawes, nor li∣berties of the Realme confirmed and corroborated by excom∣munication, did confound and peruert all iustice. Wherefore it was to be feared they would runne vnder excommunication, and the king also in communicating with them.

12. Item, because they kept neither promise nor sayth, nor oath with any person, neither did obserue an instrument made neuer so formall by law, nor yet did feare any excommunication. Wher fore they were to be left for people desperate, as which were de∣parted from all truth and honesty.

These thinges (sayd the Bishops) we as your sayth∣full subiects before God, & men, do tell and aduertise your grace, desiring and beseching you, that you will remoue & seclude from you such councell, and as the custome is of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so gouern in like ma∣ner your kingdome by your owne natural liege people, & such as be sworne vnto you of your own realm. For thus (said they) in verity we denounce vnto you,* 61.73 that unles in short time you will see these thinges reformed, we accor∣ding to our duety, will proceed by y^• consure of the church agaynst you, and all other that gaynstand the same: tary∣ing no other thing, but onely the consecration of this our reuerend Archbyshop.

* 61.74These wordes of the Bishops thus sayd and finished, the king required a little time of respite, wherein to aduise with himselfe aboue the matter, saying, that he could not in such a sodeine remoue from him his counsell, before he had entred with them a coūt of his treasure committed to them, and so that assemble brake up.

It followed then after this communication so broken vp, that the king resorted to the parts of northfolk, where cōming by S. Edmunds bury, where the wife of Hubert y^• Iustice was,* 61.75 he being moued with zeale of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaued her self to y^• king, did graunt vnto her 8. manor places, which her husband before with his mony had purchased, being then in the cu∣stody and possession of Robert Passelew, one of the kings new counsellors aboue specified.* 61.76 It was not long after this, but Edmund the Archbishop was inuested and con∣secrated in the church of Caunterbury, who shortly after his consecratiō, about the moneth of April, comming with his Suffraganes to the place of counsell, where the kyng with his Earles and Barons was assembled, opened to him the cause and purpose of his comming & of the other Prelates, which was to put him in remembrance of their former talke had with him at Westminster: Denouncing moreouer to him expresly, that vnles with speed he would take a better way, & fall to a peaceable and godly agremēt w^t the true & faithfull nobles of his realme,* 61.77 he incontinent with the other Prelates there present, would passe with the sentence of excommunication against him, and against all them that should be enemies to the same peace, & main teiners of discord.

* 61.78The king after he heard the meaning of the Bishops, with humble and gentle language answered them again, promising to condescend to them in all things, whereupon within few dayes after, the king comming to some better remembrauce of himselfe, cōmaunded the forenamed by∣shop of Winchester to leaue the court, and return home to his Bishoprick,* 61.79 there to attend vnto the spiritual charge and care of his flocke committed to him. Moreouer he cō∣manded Peter Riual the Bishops cosin (some storyes say his sonne) who had then the disposing of all the assayres of the Realme, to render vnto him his castles, and to geue a count of all his treasures, whereof he had the keeping, and so to voyd the Realme, swearing moreouer vnto him, but for that he was benefised, and was within orders of the Churche, else he woulde haue caused both his eyes to be pluckt out of his head.

He expelled likewise the Pictauians out of the court, and from the custody of his munitions,* 61.80 sending thē home into theyr coūntry and bidding they should no more see his face. And thus the king wisely dispatching himselfe of his wicked counsellers, first did send Edmund the Archby∣shop, with the bishops of Chester and of Rochester, into Wales to Leoline, and to Richard Earle Marshal and o∣ther, to intreat with them of peace. Also he receiued to hys seruice agayne men of his naturall countrey, to attend a∣bout him, offering himself willing to be ruled by the coun∣sell of the Archbishop and the Bishops, by whose prudēce he trusted his Realme should be reduced agayne to a bet∣ter quietnes.

But in the meane time, while these thinges were do∣ing in England, the foresayd Richard Earle Marshall by the falshood of the bishop of Winchester and Peter Riuall,* 61.81 forging the kinges letters to the Irishmen against him, & partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco, was cir∣cumuented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and wounded, was by them through the meanes of his Sur∣gean slayne.

Great slaughter the same tune was of thē which were called Latini, about the partes of Almaine. These Latini were estemed of pope Gregory and the Papistes to be he∣retickes. But what their opinions were I finde it not ex∣pressed. In Parisiení.

In like sort the Albigenses afore mentioned, recoun∣ted also of the popes flocke to be heretickes, with theyr bi∣shops, & a great number and company of thē were slaine by the commaundemēt of pope Gregory at the same time in a certayne playne in Spayne. Ex Ma. Priens. fol. 87.

Now the Archbishop of Canterbury with other two Byshops, were sent into Wales for intreatye of peace, ye heard before. At whose returne agayne after the time of Easter, the king going toward Glocester to meet them by the way, as he was in his iourney at woodstocke, came messengers from Ireland, declaring to y^• king the death of Richard Earle Marshall,* 61.82 and the order thereof, through y^• forged letters of Winchester and other, whereat the king made great lamētation and mourning, to the great admi∣ratiō of all them that were by, saying & complayning, that he left not his like in all the realine agayne.

After this the king proceeding in his iourney came to Glocester. Where the Archbish, with the other Bishops comming to the king, declared to him the forme and condi¦tiō of peace which they had cōcluded with Leoline, which was this: If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate, such as the king had banished out of his realm: to the end that the cō∣cord might be the more firme betweene them.* 61.83 Thus (sayd they) was Leoline contented, although with much a do & great difficulty, to receiue y^• league of peace, saying & pro∣testing thus vnto them, that he feared more the kings al∣mose, then all the puisaunce both of him and of all his cler∣gy within England.

This done the king there remaining to the Bishops, directed his letters to all the exiles and banished Lords & to all his nobles, that they should repayre to him about y^• beginning of Iune, at Glocester,* 61.84 promising to thē his full fauour & reconcilement to them and to their heyres, & that they should suspect no fraud therin, they should haue their safeconduct by the Archbishop and Bishops.

Whereupon through the mediation of the sayd Archbi∣shop and the Bishops, first commeth to the king Hubert Earle of Kent, offering himself to the kings good will and fauor.* 61.85 Whom the king with chearefull countenance recei∣ued and embraced, restoring him not onely to his fauour, but also to his household & councell, with his liuings and possessions frō which he had bene deseised before. Thē Hu∣bert lifting vp his eies to heauen, gaue prayse and glory to God,* 61.86 by whose gracious prouidēce he so merucilously be∣ing preserued frō so great distresses & tribulatiōs, was a∣gayne so happely reconciled to the king, and his faythfull frends. After him in like sort came in Gilbert Basset a no∣ble mā, Richard Suard: also Gilbert the brother of Rich. Marshall that was slain, which Gilbert recouered again his whole inheritance as wel in England as in Ireland,

doing his homage to the king and his seruice due for the same. To whom also was graunted the office of the high Marshall court, belonging before to his brother Richard.

In the same councell or communication continuing then at Glocester, the sayd Edmund Archbishop of caun∣terbury, bringing the forged letters, wherein was betraied the life of Richard Earle Marshall, sealed with the kings seale,* 61.87 and sent to the great mē of Ireland, read the same o∣penly in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At the hearing wherof, the king greatly sorrowing and weeping confessed there in truth that being forced by the Bishop of Winchester and Peter De Riuallis, he cōmanded his seale to be set to certayne letters presented vnto him, but the te∣nor thereof he said & sware he neuer heard, whereunto the Archbishop aunswering agayn, desired the king to search well his conscience, & said, that all they which were procu∣rers of knowledge of those letters, were gilty of the death of the Earle Marshall, no lesse then if they had murdered him with theyr owne handes.

* 61.88Then the king calling a councell, sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester, for Peter Riuall, Stephen Se∣graue, and Robert Passeiew to appere and yeld accoūt for his treasures to them committed and for his seale by them abused. But the Byshop and Riuall keeping themselues in the sanctuary of the minster Church of Winchester, nei∣ther durst nor would appeare. Stephē Segraue who suc∣ceded after Hubert the Iustice and was of the Clergy be∣fore, after became a layman, and now hiding himself in S. Maryes Church in the Abbey of Lecester, was turned to a Clerke agayne, Robert Passelew couertly hid himself in a certain celler of the new tēple, so secretly that none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At length through the foresaid Edmund Archbishop of Can∣terbury, meanes was made, y^• a dilatory day was graun∣ted by the king, for them to aunswere. At which day first appeared Peter De Riuallis,* 61.89 then Stephen Segrane, af∣ter him Robert Passelew, ech of them seuerally one after another shewed themselues, but not able to aunswere for themselues like traitors were reproued, and like villanes were sent away. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 91.

Variance betwene Pope Gregory the 9. and the Romanes.

* 61.90WHile peace thus betweene the king and the nobles was reconciled in England, dissension, and variance the same time and yere began in Rome, betwene the pope and the Citizens of Rome. The cause was, for that the ci∣tizens claymed by old custome and law, that the Byshop of Rome might not excommunicate any Citizen of the ci∣tie, nor suspend the said City with any interdiction for any mauer excesse.

* 61.91To this the Pope answered agayne, Quòd minor Deo est, sed quolibet homine maior (to vse the very words of mine author) Ergo, Maior quolibet ciue, nae etiam rege, vel Impera∣tore. &c. that is, that he is lesse then God, but greater then any man. Ergo, greater then any Citizen, yea also greater then king, or Emperor. And for so much as he is theyr spi∣rituall father, he both ought and lawfully may chastise his children when they offēd, as being subiected to him in the sayth of Christ, and reduce them into the way agayn, whē they stray out of course.

* 61.92Moreouer, the citizens alledge againe for themselues, that the Potestates of the City and Senators do receiue of the Church of Rome yearely tribute, which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay vnto them, both by new and also auncient law. Of the which yerely tribute, they haue bene euer in possessiō before this present time of this: pope Gregory 9.

Hereunto the pope answered and sayd, that although the Church of Rome in time of persecution,* 61.93 for their de∣fence and cause of peace was wont to respect the head ru∣lers of the Citty with gentle rewardes, yet that ought not now to be taken for a custom: For that custom only ought to stand, which consisteth not vpon examples, but vpon right and reason.

* 61.94Further and besides, the Citizens sayd, that they at y^• commandemēt of the Senatour would appropriate their countrey with new and larger limits, and infranches the same being enlarged with fines and borders.

* 61.95To this the pope agayne made answere, that certayne Lordshyps and cities and castles be conteined within the compasse of the sayd limites, as the City Uitterbium, and Moutcastee, which they presume to appropriate within their precinct: but to ascribe to them and vsurp that which perteineth to other, is agaynst right and iustice.

For these and such other controuersies rising betwene the Pope and the Romaines, such dissention kindled, that the Pope with his Cardinals leauing the City of Rome, remoued to Perusit•• (as partly before is recited) thinking there to remayne and to plant thēselues: but the Romans preuailing agaynst h••m, ouerthrew diuers of his houses in the city.* 61.96 For the which, he did excommunicate thē. The Romanes then flying to the Emperour, desired his ayd & succour: but he, be like to pleasure the Pope, gathering an army, went rather agaynst the Romanes. Thē the popes army, whose Captaynes were the Earle of Tholouse (to purchase the Popes fauour) and Peter the foresayd By∣shop of Winchester (whom the Pope for the same had sent for frō england,* 61.97 partly for his treasure, partly for his pra∣ctise and skill in feates of warre) and the Emperours host ioyued together, and bordering about the Citty of Rome, cast downe the castelies or mansions belonging to the citi∣zens round about the Suburbes, to the number of 18. and destroyed all theyr vines and vineyardes about the City. Wherat the Romanes being not a litle offended, brast out of the Cittye with more heat then order, to the number of 100000. (as the frorye reporteth) to destroy Uiterbium the Popes City,* 61.98 with sword and fire. But the multitude be∣ing vnordered and out of battaile ray, aud vnprouided for ieoperdies which by the way might happen, fell into the handes of theyr enemies, who were in wayt for them, and of them destroid a great nūber, so that on both parts were slayne to the vew of 30000, but the most part was of the Citizens. And this dissention thus begun was not soone ended, but continued long after.

By these and such other storyes, who seeth not, how farre the church of Rome hath degenerated from the true Image of the right Church of Christ,* 61.99 which by the rule & example of the Gospell ought to be a daughter of peace, not a mother of debate, not a reuenger of her selfe, nor see∣ker of warres, but a forgeuer of iniuries, humbly and pa∣tiently referring all reuenge to the Lord, not a raker for riches, but a winner of soules, not contending for worldly maistership, but humbling themselues as seruantes, and not Uicars of the Lorde, but ioyntly like brethren ser∣uing together, Bishops with Bishops, Ministers with Ministers, Deacons with Deacons, and not as Masters separating themselues by superiority one from an other, and briefly communicating together in doctrine and coū∣sell, one particular church with an other, not as a mother one ouer an other,* 61.100 but rather as a sister Church one with an other, seking together the glory of Christ, and not their owne. And such was the Church of Rome first in the olde aunciēt beginning of her primitive state, especially while the crosse of persecution yet kept the Bishops and Mini∣sters vnder in humility of hart and feruent calling vpon the Lord for helpe: so that happy was that Christian then, which with liberty of conscience onely, might holde hys life, how barely soeuer he liued. And as for the pride and pompe of the world, striuing for patrimonyes, buying of Bishoprickes, gaping for benefices, so far was this off frō them, that then they had litle leisure and lesse list yea once to thinke vpon them. Neither did the Bishoppes then of Rome fight to be Consuls of the City, but sought how to bring the Consuls vnto Christ, being glad if the Consuls would permit them to dwell by them in the city.* 61.101 Neither did they thē presume so hye, to bring the Emperors necks vnder theyr gyrdles, but were glad to saue theyr necks in any corner from the sword of Emperors. Thē lacked they outward peace, but abounded with inward consolation, Gods holy spirit mightely working in their harts. Then was one catholicke vnity of truth and doctrine amongest all churches, agaynst errors and secres. Neither did y^• east and west, nor distance of place deuide the church, but both the eastchurch and westchurch, the Greekes and Latynes made all one church. And albeit there were then 5. Patri∣archall Seas appoynted for order sake, differing, in regi∣ons, & peraduenture also in some rites one from another, yet all these consenting together in one vnity of catholicke doctrine, hauing one God, one Christ, one fayth, one bap∣tisme, one spirit, one head, and lincked together in one bōd of charity, and in one equality of honor, they made altoge∣ther, one body,* 61.102 one church, one communion, called one ca∣tholicke, vniuersall, and Apostolicall church. And so long as this knot of charity and equality did ioyne them in one vnity together, so long the church of Christ florished and encreased, one redy to helpe and harbour another, in time of distresse, as Agapitus and Uigilius flying to Constan∣tinople, were there ayded by the Patriarch. &c. so that all this while neither forrein enemye, neither Saracen nor Souldane, nor Sultane, nor Calipha, nor Corasmine, nor Turke had any power greatly to harme it.

But through the malice of the enemy, this Catholicke

vnity did not lōg continue, and all by reason of the bishop of Rome,* 61.103 who not contented to be like his brethren, begā to extend himselfe & to claime superiority aboue the other 4. Patriarchall Seas, & all other Churches in the world. And thus as equality amongst christian byshops was by pride and singularity oppressed: so vnity began by little & litle to be dissolued, and the Lordes coat which the souldi∣ors left whole, to be deuided. Which coat of christian vni∣ty, albeit of long time it had bene now seamcript before by the occasion aforesayd: yet notwithstanding in some peece it held together in some meane agrement, vnder subiectiō to the sea of Rome, till the tune of this pope Gregory the 9. an. 1230. at which tyme thys rupture and schisme of the church brake out into a playn deuisiō, vtterly disseuering the Eastchurch from the westchurch vpon this occasion.

* 61.104There was a certayn archbyshop elected to an Arch∣bishoprick among the Grecians, who comming to Rome to be cōfirmed, could not be admitted vules he promised a very great summe of mony. Which when he refused to do, and detested the exectable simony of the court of Rome, he made his repayre home agayn to his country vncōfirmed declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, the case how it stood. For y^• more confirmation whereof, there were other also, which comming lately from Rome, & there had proued the same or worse, came in and gaue testimony to his saying. Whereupon all the church of the Grecians the same time hearing this, departed vtterly away from the Church of Rome, which was in the dayes of this Pope Gregory the 9. In so much that the Archbishop of Con∣stantinople comming afterward to the generall Councell at Lyons,* 61.105 there opēly declared, that where as before time he had vnder him aboue thirty Bishopricks and Suffra∣ganes, now he had not three, adding moreouer that all y^• Grecians & certayne other,* 61.106 with Antioche and the whole Empyre of Romania, cuē to the gates almost of Constan∣tinople, were goue from the obedience of the Church of Rome. &c. Math. Paris. fol. 112. &c fol. 186.

By the occasion of which separation aforesayd, of the Grecians from pope Gregory,* 61.107 it happened shortly after, being the yeare of our Lord. 1237. that Germanus Archb. and Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the sayd Pope Gregory 9. humbly desiring him to study, and seeke some meanes of vnity, how the seamelesse coat of the Lord Ie∣sus thus lamentably rent, not with handes of soldiours, but by discord of Prelates may be healed agayne, offering this moreouer, that if he will take the paines to stirre out, he for his part, notwithstanding his old age & seeble body would not refuse to meet him in the mid way, to y^• intent that the truth on both sides being debated by y^• scriptures the wrong part may be reduced, the slaunder stopped, and vnity reformed betwene them.

This request of the Patriarke, as it was both godly & reasonable so it had bene the bishops part again with like humility to haue condescended to the same, and glad with all his might to helpe forward the reformation of christian vnity in the church of Christ, and so to haue shewed him∣selfe the sonne of peace But the proud Byshop of Rome more like the sonne of discord and dissention, standing still vpon his maiesty, refused thus to do, but writing agayne answere to his letters with great disdayne, seking nothing els but only how to aduance his sea aboue all other chur∣ches:* 61.108 and not onely that, but also shortly after sēt forth his preaching Friers to moue all Christians to take the signe of the crosse & to fight agaynst the Grecians no otherwise then against the Turkes & Saracens: In so much that in the Isle of Cyprus many good men and Martyrs were slayne for the same, as by the letters of the said Germanus Patriarke of Constantinople is to be seene.

The tenour of the which letter to the Pope, with the popes answere agayne to him, being long and tedious to read,* 61.109 are extant in the history of Math. Paris. there to be sene and found fol. 111. The summary effect whereof notwith∣standing, I thought here briefly to notifye for the simple & vnlearned multitude, which vnderstanding not the La∣tine, may hereby perceiue the fault of this schisme not so much to rest in the greek church, as in the church of Rome as by the contents of his letter may appeare.

The effect of the Patriarch of Constantinople his letter to Pope Gregory. 9.

* 61.110IN the which letter the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constanti∣nople, writing to Pope Gregory, first after his reuerend saluta∣tion and preamble following vpon the same, entring thé toward the matter, sheweth the occasion of his writing, which was by 5. obseruaunt Friers repayring that wayes, whom he gently recei∣uing into his house, had conference with them touching this dis∣cord betwene the two Churches, how it might be reduced again to vnity: and afterward perceiuing the sayd Friers to make theyr iourney towardes to Rome, he thought therefore by thē to write his letters.* 61.111 Wherein he first lamenting this diuision in the house of God, and reciting the inconueniences which come therof, by the example of Iuda and Israel: Ierusalem and Samaria: Cain and Abel: Esau and Iacob: also of other such like, both priuate & pub∣licke societies, where brother sighteth agaynst brother, like as a∣mong fishes the greater deuoureth the lesser, he procedeth then further gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of vnity.

And for so much as the Pope had accursed (belike) those Churches of the Greekes before, he therefore taking his groūd vpon the wordes of S. Paule,* 61.112 Gal. 1. where he accurseth euery such person and persons, whatsoeuer they be either man or Angell of heauen, that shall preach any other Gospell then hath bene prea∣ched. &c. willeth the Pope to stand with him vpon the same ground of the Apostles accurse, so that if the stroke of that curse haue light vpon him or his churches, he desireth him to shew the wound, and to helpe to wipe away the bloud, to minister some spirituall emplaister to binde vp the sore, and to saue his brethré from perishing which lay in daunger,* 61.113 according to the saying of the wise man: A brotherly frend is tried in aduersity, &c.

But if we (sayth he) of the Greeke Church be free from the stripe of this accurse of the Apostle,* 61.114 and that you Italians & of the Latine Church be stricken therewith, and lye thereby in daunger of destruction, I trust that you through ignoraunce and wilfull obstinacy will not so suffer your selues to be separated from the Lord, but rather will suffer a thousand deathes before, if it were possible for a man so often to dye.

And as touching this great discord betwene vs, if either cōtra∣rietie of doctrine or sweruing frō the ancient Canons, or diuer∣sity of rites receiued of our forefathers be any cause thereof, we here take heauen and earth to witnesse, that we for our partes are ready, and desire also vpon due triall of profound trueth by Gods word and inuocation of the holy Ghost to ioyne hands with you, or you to ioyne with vs.* 61.115 But to say the very trueth and to tell you playne, this we suppose, that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner encline to your obedience, were it not that they feared your vniust oppressions, your insatiable exactions, and in∣ordinate oppressions wherewith you wring your subiectes. By reason whereof haue risen amongst vs cruell warres, one fighting agaynst an other, desolation of Cittyes, Bulles and Interdictions set vpon Church dores, diuision of brethren, and Churches of the Grecians left without seruice,* 61.116 where God should be praysed. So that now onely one thing lacketh, which I beleue to be predefi∣ned and appoynted from aboue long before to vs Grecians, the time, I meane, of martirdome, which also now hasteneth fast vpon vs, that the tribunall of tyrauntes should be opened and the seats of torments be set, that the bloud of Martyrs should be spilled, & we brought to the stage of Martyrdome, to fight for the crowne of glory.

This that I doe speake,* 61.117 and wherefore I speake it, the noble I∣land of Cyprus doth already know and feele, which hath made many new Martyrs, and hath seene valiaunt soldiours of Christ, which of long time before passing by water and teares of sorow, now at last haue also passed through fire, and so entred into the heauenly rest. How say you, be these good and seemely, O holye Pope,* 61.118 the successor of S. Peter the Apostle? Is this the bidding of that good Peter, the meeke and humble disciple of Christ? Doth he thus instruct the Seniors and Elders in his Epistle, where he writeth in this wise: The Elders which are amōgst you, I beseech which am also a fellow Elder with them, and witnesse of the suf∣ferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shalbe ope∣ned: feed the flocke of God which is amongest you, hauing care & sight ouer it, not of a coaction as compelled agaynst your willes, but willingly of your owne accord, nor for filthy lukere sake, but freely and hartily, neither as bearing dominion and Lordship o∣uer the Church, but shewing your selues as an example to the flocke,* 61.119 and when the chiefe Pastor shall appeare, you shall receiue an incorruptible crowne of eternall glory. &c. And this is the do∣ctrine of Peter, as they shal se, which do not obey it. As for vs the other part of the sayd Epistle is sufficient. Wherein he willeth thē to reioice which are in heauines through manifolde temptations, that the triall of theyr sayth being much more precious thē gold that perisheth, and is tryed in fire, may be theyr laud, honour, and glory, at the appearing of the Lord Iesu. &c. But beare with me I pray you (O holy Father, and of all your Predecessors most mee∣kest) and suffer my wordes though the seme something sharpe:* 61.120 for they be sighings of a sorrowfull hart.

Wherefore gird about your loynes with fortitude, and light vp the candle of your descretion, and seeke the groat that is lost, of the vnity, I meane of sayth. And we will also with like compas∣sion ioyne with your holynesse, and will not spare this weake bo∣dy of mine, in pretending any excuse either of age or lēgth of the way. For the more laborous the trauell is, the moe crownes it bringeth. And S. Paule sayth: Euery man shall receiue reward ac∣cording to his trauell. &c.

* 61.121Neither are we ignoraunt (if it please your holinesse) that like as we Grecians for our partes do labour in all respectes to keepe and obserue the sincerity of true sayth and doctrine, not to erre ne swerue in any part or poynt from the statutes of the blessed A∣postles and auncient fathers: so the Church likewise of old Rome, doth for her part labour also (we know well) to follow the sin∣cere verity of Christian doctrine, and thinketh her selfe to erre in nothing, nor to neede any remedye or reformation. And this we know,* 61.122 is the iudgement and saying of both the Churches, aswell of the Greekes, as of the Latines. For no man can see any spot in his owne face, without he stoope downe to the glasse, or els be admonished by some other, whether his face be blotted or no. E∣uen so haue we many great & sayre glasses set before vs, first the cleare Gospell of Christ, the Epistles of the Apostles, and diuinitie bookes of auncient writers. Let vs therefore looke in them well. They will shew euery mans minde and iudgement, whether he go right or wrong. The God of peace tread downe Sathan spee∣dely vnder our feet. The author of peace confound the sower of discord. He that is the cause of all goodnes destroy the hater of that which is good, and which geueth cause of offence and slaun∣der. And he which is God of all ioy and peace, send to vs, whiche are the shepheardes of his sheepe reasonable, the aungell of peace and messenger of great glad tidings, as he did in the Natiuitye of Christ, to the shepheardes of brute sheepe and vnreasonable, and make vs worthy to sing that ioyfull song of Gods prayse: Gloria in excelsis Deo, & in terra pax, hominibus bona voluntas, and to receiue one an other with an holy kisse. The grace of our Lord Ie∣sus Christ, and the peace of God the Father, and the communion of the holy spirit be with you alwayes. Amen.

¶ An other Epistle of the sayd Germanus Pa∣triarch of Constantinople, and Primate of the Greek Church, to the Cardinals of Rome.

* 61.123AN other letter the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantino∣ple, wrote also the same time, to the Popes Cardinals, wher∣in he first commending them for theyr wisedome and counsell, and shewing what vtility commeth by good counsell geuing: for so much as God (sayth he) many times that he hydeth from one, inspireth to an other, so that that good thing which by the al∣mighty God is sonderly dispensed to diuers, through common counsell and conference, spreadeth to the publicke vtility of ma∣ny. &c. After this, eftsoones he beginneth to exhort them, that they like charitable ministers and discrete counsellors, will take in hand the spirituall armour of God, to cast downe the stoppe & partition walle of the olde discord betweene the Greekes and La∣tine Church, & that they will be a meanes to the Bishop of Rome, that they which so long haue bene disseuered by dissention, may now be conioyned in vnity of peace, in brotherly charity and communion of fayth.

Concerning which matter, I haue (sayth he) already written to his holynesse. And now I beseech the king of heauen, whiche tooke the shape of a seruaunt, to helpe his miserable seruauntes: and was exalted vpon the crosse, to raise them vp which were fal∣len into the profundity of desolation, that he will vouchsafe to put from your hartes all elation of minde, extolling it selfe ouer and aboue the vnity of your brethren and fellow seruauntes, and to lighten your consciences with the true light of vnderstanding that we may altogether agree in one, & that there be no schisme amongst vs. Let vs therefore as we are instructed, so abide in one minde, that it be not sayd of vs, as it was of the Corinthians be∣fore vs: I hold of Paule, I of Apollo, I of Coephas, and I of Christ? but that all we,* 61.124 as we holde the name of Christ, and are all called Christians, so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed in one minde, that is, to follow loue and charity in Christ Iesus, ha∣uing alwayes in our hartes the wordes of the Apostle, saying: One Lord, one Fayth, one Baptisme.

And now to be playne with you in that I haue to say, I shal desire you not to be offended with me in vttering the trueth as a frend vnto you. The wordes (sayth Salomon) of a wise man tel∣ling trueth, be like to nayles which be driuen in deepe. And truth for the moste parte, breedeth enemies. And therefore though I am partly afrayd, yet will I simply confesse the trueth vnto you. Certes this diuision of Christian vnity amongst vs,* 61.125 proceedeth of no other cause but onely of the tiranny, oppression, and exactiōs of the Church of Rome: which of a mother is become a stepdame, and hath put her children from her whome long time she nouri∣shed (after the maner of a rauening bird) which driueth her yong from her:) which children how much the more humble and obe∣dient they are to her, the lesse she esteemeth them, and treadeth them vnder foot, not regarding the saying of the Gospel: Who so humbleth himselfe shalbe exalted.

Let modesty therefore something temper you, and let the a∣uarice of the Court of Rome, although it can not well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone, yet surcease a while, and let vs to∣gether condescend to the triall of the trueth: which trueth being found out on both sides, let vs constantly embrace the same.

For why,* 61.126 we haue bene altogether some times both Italians and Grecians in one fayth, and vnder the same Canons: hauing peace each with other, and defending one an other, and confoun∣ding the enemies of the Church At what tyme many flying out of the west partes (whilest that the tyranny of the heretickes in∣dured) made their concourse to vs, and were recaiued, and part fled vnto you, that is, olde Rome, as to a strong tower of refuge: and so receiued they cōfort in both places, and one brother was thus receiued into the bosome of an other, by mutuall loue for their defence.

Then after,* 61.127 when Rome had bene often distressed by the bar∣barous and heathen nations, the Grecians were euer ready to re∣scue and deliuer them. Did not Agapitus and Vigilius flye vnto Constantinople by reason of the dissentions then at Rome, and being honourablye receiued, were here desended vnder our pro∣tection' although the like kindenes was neuer yet shewed of your part to vs agayne in our like necesities. Notwithstanding wee ought to do good to them also that be vngrateful: for so doth the Sea participate her sinoth and calme tides euen vnto the Pirats. And so God causeth the sunne to shine vpon the lust and vniust. But (alas for sorow) what bitter diuision is this that hath thus se∣questred vs a sonder? One of vs detracteth an other, shonning the company one of an other, as the damnation of his soule. What a mortall hatred is this come amongest vs? if you thinke we are fal∣len, then do you help to lift vs vp: and be not to vs as a stombling blocke to our bodely ruine, but helpers vnto the spirituall resuv∣rection of our soules. So shall we acknowledge our selues boūd vnto you to geue you condigne thankes accordingly.

But if the blame and first origine of all this offence procee∣deth from Rome, and the successours of Peter the Apostle: then read you the wordes of S. Paule to the Galathians:* 61.128 saying. When Peter came vnto Antioche, I withstood him in the face, because he was to be rebuked, &c. Howbeit this resistaunce was no cause of any discord or breach betweene them: but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations, prouoking temporall agrement. For they were fast ioyned together in the bond of cha∣rity in Christ, agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine sepa∣rated by no ambition or auarice. In which poyntes would God we also were like vnto them. This to vs in our mindes gendreth a great offence, that your gaping so greedyly after terrene posses∣sions, scrape together all that you can scratch and rake. You heap vp gold and siluer, and yet pretend that you be the Disciples of him which sayd: gold and siluer I haue none. &c. You make whole kingdomes tributary to you,* 61.129 and kings and princes your vassals. You augment your mony by vsury, & by feates of marchaundise. You vnteache by your deedes, that whiche you teach in wordes.

Moderate your selues therefore with more temperaunce, that you may be an example to vs and to all the world. You see how good a thing it is one brother to helpe an other. Onely God alone needeth no helpe or counsell, but men neede one to be holpen one of another. And were it not that I doe reuerence the blessed Apostle Peter, the chiefe of Christes Apostles, the rocke of our fayth, I would here put you in remembraunce how great∣ly this rocke was shaken and remooued from the foundation, at the sight of a seely woman: and Christ of his secret purpose per∣mitted the same, which by the crowing of the cock brought him agayne to remembraunce of that which was foretolde him, and raysed him from the slumber of desperation.* 61.130 Then he being thus waked, washed his face with teares, confessing himselfe before God and all the world, to be a true paterne of repentance, which before bare the keyes of the kyngdome, as saying thus vnto vs: May not he which falleth, rise agayne? Oh you whiche are fallen, rise vp & beholde me, & harken vnto me, trauelling to∣ward Paradise. The gates wherof to open I haue receiued power.

And thus do I write vnto you, not for any instruction, but onely to put you in remēbraunce: for I know how God hath en∣dued you with all wisedome and knowledge. As Salomon sayth: Geue onely occasion to the wise, and he will learne wisedome: Teach the iust man, and he will be glad to take instruction.

This one thing more I will say and so make an end. There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with vs.* 61.131 First the Ethiopians that inhabite the chiefest part of the East. After that the Sirians: and other moe of greater number thē they: and more disposed to vertūe, as the Hyberi, Aloní, Gothi, Chaiari with innumerable people of Russia, and the kingdome of great victory of the Vulgarians. And all these are obedient vnto vs as their mother Church, persisting hetherto constantly in the aun∣cient and true orthodoxasticall fayth immouáble.

The God of all holynes which for our sakes became man,* 61.132 and which onely is the head of his Church and congregation, vouch∣safe to gather vs agayne together in vnity, and graunt, that the Grecian church together with her sister church of old Rome may glorify the same Christ, the prince of peace, by he vnitye of faith, to the restitutiō of soūd & wholsom doctrine, wherein many yeres agone they haue agreed and were vnited. God graunt vnto you brotherlike charity, and the hand of the most mighty God gouern you all (holy Cardinals) till that ioyfully ye arriue in the heauen

of euerlasting trāquility. The grace of God be with you all, Amē. Ex Math. Parisiens. fol. 111.

Shortly after the sending of these letters, Pope Gre∣gory prepared to send men of warre signed with the crosse to fight agaynst the Grecians.* 61.133 Wherupon the Archbishop of Antioch, with the said Germanus solemnly excommu∣nicated the Pope, after he first had excommunicated them, Par. fol. 118. In the meane time by the tenour of these let∣ters of the Patriarch sent to the Pope and to the Cardi∣nals, it is euident to all men that haue eies in their heads, to see: first how the whole vniuersall church of Christ, frō the east partes to the west, in auncient times were alto∣gether vnited in one cōsent of doctrine,* 61.134 & lincked together in brotherly charity, one Church brotherly to helpe an o∣ther, both with temporall ayd & spirituall councell, as case required. Neither was then any one mother Church a∣boue other Churches, but the whole vniuersall Churche was the mother Church and spouse of the Lord, to euery faythfull beleuer.* 61.135 Under which vniuersall Church in ge∣nerall, were comprehended all other particular Churches in speciall, as sister churches together, not one greater thē an other, but all in like equality, as God gaue his giftes so seruing one another, euer holding together the vnity of fayth and Sisterly loue.* 61.136 And so long was it and rightlye might so be called the catholicke church, hauing in it true vnity, uniuersality, and free consent. Unity in doctrine, v∣niuersality in cōmunicating and ioyning together of voy∣ces, cōsent in spirit and iudgement. For what soeuer was caught at Rome touching fayth and saluation, it was no other then was taught at Antioch, Siria, &c.

* 61.137Secondly, how in processe of time, through occasion of the Bishop of Romes tyranny and violent oppressiō, this ring of equality being broken all flew in pieces, the East church from the west, the Greekes from the Latines, and that which was one before, now was made two: vnitye turned to division, vniuersality to singularity, and free cō∣sent to dissention.

* 61.138Thirdly, here is also to be noted, after this pitiful breach of equality, how many & what great natiōs departed frō the communion of the Church of Rome, and especialy a∣bout this time aboue specified of pope Gregory 9. an. 1230 so that both before and after that time many coūcels were holden, and many thinges concluded in the westchurche, whereunto the one halfe of Christendome lying in the east partes, did neuer agree: and contrary, many councelles holden with them, which in the Latine church were not receiued.* 61.139 So that the church now as she lost the benefit of vniuersail consent, so also she lost the name Catholicke. Whereupon this question is to be asked, that when the coū cell of Lateran vnder Pope Innocent 3. ordeined the do∣ctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession here in the westchurch, without y^• free consent of the eastchurch whether the same doctrine is to be counted Catholicke or not?

Fourthly, in the departing of these churches from the Bishop of Rome, here also is to be noted, that the same churches of the Greeks,* 61.140 notwithstanding they sequestred themselues and fel out with the church of Rome, and that iustly: yet they kept theyr vnity still with theyr God, and reteined stil the true 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That is, the true and sin∣cere doctrine of fayth. ready to debate and try the trueth of their religion by the scriptures, as they here in theyr own writings desire to haue the truth examined, according as ye haue heard. Wherefore the church of Rome hath done them open wrong, which being offred so gently to try and to be tryed by the trueth of Gods word, not onely would stand to no triall, nor abide conference, but also hath excō∣municated them as heretickes, whiche appeare here to be more orthodorasticall christians, then they themselues.

* 61.141Fiftly, these things thus standing, then haue we to cō∣clude that the church of Rome falsely pretendeth it selfe to be catholicke. For if the name of Catholicke must needes import an vniuersall consēt of the whole, how can that be catholick where the consent of so many famous and true christian churches hath bene lacking, & furthermore wher the consent that hath bene amongest themselues, hath ra∣ther bene coacted, then any true or free consent? Which is easy to be proued. For let these fires and fagottes cease, let kinges and princes leaue to presse theyr subiects with the popes obedience, but let the scripture, and the bishops a∣lone euery one his own Dioces to gouerne their stock af∣ter the rule of Gods word, and how few be there in this west end of y^• world (from you) y^t would not doe the same that these Grecias, Ethiopians, and Syrians haue done before vs? And thus much by the occasion of this Patriar∣ches letters sēt to pope Gregory, cōcerning the Grecians.

Whose doings when I consider, as I can not but cō∣mend their wisdome & iudge their state happy and bles∣sed, in shaking off from their neckes the miserable yoke of the popes tyranny:* 61.142 so on the other side considering with my self the wretched thraldome of these our churches here in the west part of the world, vnder the bishop of Rome, I can not tell, whether more to maruell or to lament their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression & sla∣uery vnder him, that neither they could abide him, nor yet durst cast him of. So vntollerable were his exactions, so terrible was his tyranny, his suspensions & excommuni∣cations much like to a mad mans dagger, drawen at eue∣ry trifle, that no christen patience could suffer it, nor natiō abide it. Again, so deep did he sit in their consciences, falsly beleuing him to haue the authority of S. Peter, that for cō¦science sake neither king nor Caesar durst withstand him, much less poore subiects once mute agaynst him. And al∣though his takings and spoylings, namely in this realm of england were such, that neither the laity nor spiritualty could beare them: yet was there no remedy, beare thē they must, or els the Popes sentence was vpon them, to curse them as blacke as pitch.

In reading the historyes of these crimes, any good hart would lamēt and rue, to see the miserable captiuity of the people, what they suffered vnder this thraldome of the Bi∣shop of rome, whereof part hath bene shewed before, more (God willing) shall follow hereafter, and some part here presently I mind to expresse.

* A briefe table or declaration of the Popes un∣reasonable gatherings, exactions, and oppressions in the Realme of England.

ANd first to begin with the elections of the Byshops,* 61.143 Abbots, Deanes and Priors within this realme it can not be told what mas of mony grew to the popes coffers thereby, especially in this kinges dayes: for so much as in his time lightly no election hapned either of Archbishopp Bishop, Abbot, or any roome of dignity, but when the Co∣uent or Chapter had chosen one to their minde, the king who had maried a stranger, and sought therefore to prefer strangers, would set vp an other. By reason whereof, whē the other part was sayne to appeale to Rome and there to plead the case, no small riuers of english mony besides ex∣pences and trauel by the way, went flowing to the popes sea. And though the election went neuer so cleare, yet the new elect must needes respect the holy father with some gentle reward, and further by his othe was bound euery 3. yeares, either in his owne person or by another to visit Limina Apostolorum.

So in the house of S. Albones,* 61.144 when Iohn Herford was elected Abbot, their publick electiō was not enough, but for the confirmation of the same, the Monkes were fayne to send Reynold the Phisitiō, & Nicholas a Monk, to Rome with a sufficient vag of mony, through the medi∣ation whereof the election might stand, and the new Abbot sworne euery third yere by himself, or another to visit the doresels of the Apostles.

An other such like contention happened betweene the king and monkes of Winchester about the election of W. Rale:* 61.145 whom the Monkes had chosen, but the king refu∣sed, willing to place a stranger, and therfore sent to Rome his messengers, Theobald a Monke of Westminster, and M. Alexāder a Lawyer with no small somme of mony: to euacuate the election of the foresayd W. Rale: Commaun∣ding moreouer, that y^• gates of Winchester should be shut against him, and no man so hardy there to receiue him in his house, whereupon the sayd w. being excluded, after he had sayd his curse vpon the whole citty of Winchester, made his repayre to Rome, wherefore 8000. Markes be∣ing promised to the pope, his bishoprick spite of the kings hart, was confirmed and he receiued. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 164. & 240.

After the death of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Can∣terbury,* 61.146 ye heard before how the monks had elected wal∣ter a Monke of Launterbury. But the king to stop that election, sent vp his Proctors, M. Alexander stanes, and M. Henry Sandford bishop of Rochester to the Pope, to euacuate that election, and to place Richard Chauncellor of Lincolne. Which Proctors perceiuing at first the Pope and Cardinals, how hard & vnwillingly they were ther∣unto, & considering how all thinges might be bought for mony,* 61.147 rather then the king shoulde fayle of his purpose, they promised on the kinges behalfe to the pope for main∣teining his warres agaynst Fredericke the Emperour a disme, or tenth part of all the moueables in the Realme of England and of Ireland. At the contemplation of which

mony the Pope estsoones thinking to passe with the king, began to pick quarrels with the foresayd Gualter, for not answering rightly to his questions about Christes descē∣ding to hell: making of Christes body on the aulter: the weeping of Rachell for her children, she being dead before about the sentence of excommunication, and certain cau∣ses of Matrimony. His aunsweres wherunto when they were not to the Popes mind, he was therefore put backe, and the kings man preferred, which cost the whole realm of England and Ireland, the tenth part of their moueable goods. By reason whereof, what money was raysed to the Popes Gazophylacium, I leaue to the estimation of the Reader,* 61.148 an. 1229. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 71.

And yet for all this the sayd Richard the costly Arch∣bishop of Caunterbury, within lesse then two yeres after, falling out with the king about the castle and Lordshippe of Tunbridge, went and complayned of him to the Pope. In the trauers whereof it cost the king a great piece of mony besides, and yet mist he his purpose. In the which iourney the sayd Archbishop in his returne homeward by the way departed. an. 1231.

Of the like dissentiō ye heard before betwene the king and the couent of Durham, for not choosing M. Lucas the kinges Chaplaine.* 61.149 About the sute whereof, when much money was be∣stowed on both sides welfauoredly, the pope defeiting thē both, admitted neither M. William nor M. Lucas, but or deined the Byshop of Sarum to be theyr byshop. an. 1228 Ex Paris.

Betwene the Monks of Couentry and the canons of Liechfield,* 61.150 rose another like quarell, which of them should haue the superior voyce in chusing their bishop. In which sute, after much mony bestowed in the court of Rome, the pope to requallify agayn ech part w^t some retribution for their mony receiued, tooke this order indifferētly betwene them, that each part by course should haue the choosing of their bishop. an. 1228. Ex. Paris. fol. 68.

What busines fell likewise betweene Edmund Archb. of Caunterbury, and the Monkes of Rochester, about the electiō of Richard Wēdour, to be theyr bishop? And what was the end:* 61.151 first the Archbishop was sayne to trauel•• himselfe to the Pope: and so did the Couent also send their Proctors. Who be like being better moued, weyed downe the cause, so that the good Archbishoppe in that cause a∣gaynst the Monkes: and partly in an other cause agaynst the Earle of Arundell, was condemned of the Pope in a thousand Markes. Whereof the greatest part (no doubly redounded to the Popes coffers. an. 1238. Math Parisiensis. fol. 114.

* 61.152After the returning of the sayd Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury agayne from Rome, it chaunced, that the Monkes of Canterbury had elected theyr Prior without his assent: for the which he did excommunicate the monks, and euacuate theyr election. Not long after this the popes exactours went about to extort from the churchmen the fift part of theyr goods to the Popes vse fighting then a∣gaynst the Emperour. This cruell exaction being a great while resisted by the Prelates and Clergy, at length the foresayd Archb. thinking therby to get the victory agaynst the monks, was contented to graunt to the sayd exaction, adding moreouer of his own for an ouerplus 800. marks whereupon the rest of the Clergy was fayne to follow af∣ter, and contribute to the popes exactors, an. 1240. Ex Mat. Paris fol. 132. b.

* 61.153In the church of Lincolne (whose sea before the con∣quest was in Dorkester, and afterward by williā Rufus translated from thence to Lincolne) rose a greuous contē∣tiō beweene Rob. Grosted then bishop, and the canons of the cathedrall church, about theyr visitation, whether the bishop should visire them, or the Deane: which matter be∣ing put to arbiters, could not so be composed: before the B. and the chapter after theyr appeale made to the Pope. went both to Rome, and there after they had well wasted theyr purses, they receiued at length their aunswere, but payd full sweetly for it. an. 1239. Paris. fol. 119.

At what time the Canons of chichester had elected Robert Passelew to their bishop at the kings request, the Archb. with certein other bishops taking part against the kings chaplaine,* 61.154 repelled him and set vp Richard Wirch. Upon this what sending and going there was to Rome, and what mony bestowed about the matter, as wel of the kings part, as bishops, read the story thereof in Mat. Paris. fol. 182. 184. 186.

Robert Grosted bishop of Lincolne (of whom rela∣tion was made before) hauing a great care howe to bring the priuiledged orders of religious houses within his pre∣cinct, vnder his subiectiō and discipline, went to Rome, & there with great labor & much effusion of mony as the sto∣ry sayth, procured of the pope a mandate, wereby all such religious orders were commaunded to be vnder his po∣wer and obedience. Not long after, the Monkes not aby∣ding that, (who could soone wey downe the Bishop with mony) sent theyr factors to the Pope, who with their gol∣den eloquence so perswaded him and stirred affections in such sort, that soone they purchased themselues, freedome from their ordinary Bishop, wherof Robert Grosted ha∣uing intelligence, made vp to Rome, and there complay∣ning to the pope, declared how he was disappoynted and confounded in his purpose, contrary to promises and as∣surance made to him before. Unto whom Pope Innocent looking with a sterne countenaunce, made this aunswere agayne:* 61.155 Brother (sayd he) what is that to thee? Thou hast deliuered and discharged thine owne soule. It hath plea∣sed vs to shew fauor vnto them. Is thine eie euill, that I am good: And thus was the Bishop sent away with a flea in his care, murmuring with himself, yet not so softly, but that the Pope heard him say these words:* 61.156 O mony, mony what canst not thou do in y^e court of Rome? Wherwith the Pope being somewhat pinched, gaue this aunswere a∣gayne:* 61.157 D ye Englishmen, Englishmen, of all men most wretched. For all your seeking is how ye may consume & deuour one an other. &c. anno. 1250. Ex. Math. Parisiensi. fol. 230.

It happened moreouer the same yeare, that the sayd Robert Grosted excommunicated and depriued one Ra∣nulphus a benoficed person in his Dioces, being accused of incontinency, who after the term of xl. dayes, refusing to submit himselfe, the Bishoppe wrote to the Shiriffe of Rutland to apprehend him as contuinax. which Shiriffe because he deferred, or refused so to doe (bearing fauour to the party) and being therfore solemnly excommunicate by the bishop, vttered his complaynt to the king, wherat the king taking great displeasure with the Bishoppe for ex∣communicating his Shiriffe, and would not first make hys complaynt to hym, sendeth forthwith a substantiall messenger (M. Moneta) such as he was sure would speed vnto Pope Innocent,* 61.158 by vertue of whose wordes the Pope easie to be entreated, sendeth downe a prouiso to the Abbot of Westminster, charging that no Prelate nor By∣shop in the Realme of England shoulde molest or enter action agaynst any of the Kinges Baylisses or Officers, in such matters as to the kinges iurisdiction appertained. And thus was the strife ended, not without some helpe and heape of English mony, so that no winde of any con∣trouersy here stirred in England, were it neuer so small, but it blew some profite for the Popes aduantage, an. 1250 Ex Paris. fol. 231.

In like maner no litle treasure grew to the Popes cof∣fers by the election of Boniface the Queenes Uncle a Frenchman to be Archb. of Laut.* 61.159 an. 1243. and of Ethel∣mare the Queenes brother, to be Bishop of Winchester, a∣gaynst the wils of the Prior and Couent there, an. 1250. be¦sides many such other exchetes, which made England poore, and the Pope rich.

I come now something likewise to touch briefly of the popes dispensations, prouisions, exations, contributions and extortions in Englande in this kinges dayes: for to discourse all it is not one booke will holde it.

Symon Montfort Earle of Lecester had maried Ali∣nore the kinges sister and daughter of king Iohn,* 61.160 who by report of ••oryes, had taken the mantell & ring; where∣fore the king and his brother Richard Earle of Exceter, were greatly offended with the Mariage, which seing the Earle Simon made a hand of money, and nothing ouer to Rome, after he had talked a fewe wordes in Pope In∣nocentes eare, the mariage was good enough: and letters sent to Dths the Popes Legate here, to geue sentence so∣lemnly with the Earle. Notwithstanding the Dominick Friers and other of the like religious fraternitye, with∣stood that sentence of the Pope stoutly saying, that the Popes holines was therein deceaued, and soules in daun∣ger, that christ was ielous ouer his wife, and that it could not be any wise possible, that a woman which had vowed her mariage with Christ could afterward mary with any other; &c. an. 1238. Ex Paris. fol. 114.

As there was nothing so hard in y^• wide world wher∣with the Pope would not dispense for mony:* 61.161 so by the said dispensations much mischiefe was wrought abroad. For by reason thereof, the people trusting vpon the Popes dis∣pensation, litle regarded what they did, what they promi∣sed, or what they sware. As well appeared by this king Henry. 3. who being a great exactor of the poore cōmons, as euer was any king before him or since, and thinking thereby to winne the people sooner to hys deuotion, most

saythfully promised thē once or twise, and therunto bound himselfe with a solemne othe, both before the clergy and layty, to graunt vnto them the old liberties and customes as well of Magna charta, as Charta de Foresta perpetually to be obserued. Whereupon a Quindecim was graunted to the king. But after the payment was sure, the king trusting by the Popes dispensation for a litle mony to be dischar∣ged of his oth and couenaunt, went from that he had pro∣mised and sworne before.

* 61.162In like maner the sayd king an other time, being in need of money, signed himselfe with the crosse, pretending and swearing deepely in the face of the whole parliament, that he would himselfe personally fight in the holy land a∣gaynst the Saracens. But as soone as the mony was ta∣ken, small care was taken for performance of his othe, be∣ing so put in the head by certain about him, that he needed not passe of that perinye, for so much as the Pope for an hundred pounds or two wold quickly discharge him ther∣of, Ex Math. Paris. fol. 273.

Out of the same corrupt spring of these popish dispen∣sations, haue proceded also many other soule absurdities. For where many young men were in those dayes, which enioyed benefices, and were no priestes: and when by the procurement of Robert Grosted Bishop of Lincolne the sayd young men should be forced, whether they would or nor, to enter orders, they laying theyr purses together, sēt to Rome, and obtayned of the Pope a dispensation to re∣mayne still as they were, that is, to haue the fruites of be∣nefices to finde them at schole or vniuersity,* 61.163 and yet them∣selues neither ministers to take charge, nor yeelding any seruice for theyr prosites taken. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 256. Be∣sides innumerable heapes of enormities moe, proceeding of the Popes dispensatiōs, as dispensing one man to haue sundry bishoprickes, to encroch pluralities of benefices to make children Parsons, to legitimate bastards, with such other like, the particulars whereof, for breuities sake I do omit to further oportunity.

The intollerable oppression of the Realme of England, by the Popes exactions and contributions and other sleightes here vsed in the time of K. Henry 3.

* 61.164ALthough these ••moluinentes thus rising dayly to the Popes purse by Symony and brybery, by electious & dispensations, might seeme sufficient to satisfy his greedy appetite, yet so vnsatiable was the auarice of that see, that he not yet contented here with, ouer and besides all this, sēt euery yere almost some Legar or other into this realm to take for his aduantage. In so much that during al this kinges time, the Realme was neuer lightly without some of the Popes liegers with all violence exacting and extor∣ting continual prouisions, contributions, and summes of mony to be leaued out of Celles, Abbayes, priors, fruites of benefices, and Bishoprickes, and also lay mens purses, to the miserable empouerishing both of the clergy and tē∣poralty, as hereunder foloweth.

* 61.165First after Pandulphus, was sent into this Realme Cardinall Otho, procured by the king without the assent of his nobles, to the intent to assist him in certaine affairs, he had to do. At receiuing of which Legate, great prepa∣raunce was made, many rich and precious giftes in scar∣let, in plate, in iewels, in mony and palfreyes were geuen him. Whom the king also himselfe went as far as the Sea side to receiue, bowing downe his head in low coursye to the cardinalles knees. To whom also the bishop of win∣chester for his part gaue toward keeping of his house,* 61.166 fifty fat Dren, a hundred semes of wheat, and 8. great vessels of pure wine. This Legate at his first comming beginneth first to bestow such benefices as he foūd vacant, vpon thē whom he brought with him without respect, whether they were meet, or vnmeet. Ex Paris. fol. 103.

After this the Pope hearing how the nobles and com∣mons of the Realme began to stomacke the Cardinall for his excessive procurations & exactions, sent for him home: but the king, by reason he stood in feare of his nobles, and thought to haue a stay by the Cardinall agaynst all occur∣rentes, entreated him to stay while he wrote to the Pope, to obtein further licence for him to tary: & so did, notwith∣out some English mony, ye may be sure.

* 61.167In this mean time of vacation, Otho thinking to lose no time, but to gather also come crōmes in Scotland, made as though he would set things there in order, which were in the church of Scotland to be reformed, and so commeth to the king of Scots, being then in Yorke with king Hen∣ry, to haue leaue to enter. Unto whom y^• king thus made answere, that he neuer saw, to his remēbrance, any popes Legate in his land, neither was there any such need (God be prayed) for any such to be sent for. Matters there were well enough, and needed no helpe of his. And as he could neuer learne either in y^• daies of his father, or any his pre∣decessors, that any such entrance to any Legate was graū∣ted, so he for his part would not now begin. But yet not∣withstāding, for so much as I heare (sayd he) that you are a good man,* 61.168 this I tell you before, that i••ye will needs ad∣uenture in, do it warely, and take heed to your selfe, lest it happen to you otherwise, then I would wish: for they be a sauage and vnruly people, geuen much to murder, & shed∣ding bloud, whō neither I my self am scarse able to vridle, so that if they fall vpon you, I shal not be able to help you. And how they also inuaded me, and sought to expel me frō my kingdome, ye heard alate. And therfore, I warne you before,* 61.169 take heed by time, what ye thinke best to doe. After the Cardinal heard the king speak these wordes he pluckt in his hornes, & durst proceed no further but kept him still by the side of king Hēry. Notwithstanding shortly after, the same Legat comming to the borders of Scotlād, there called the Bishops to him, & so when he had well filled h s bagges came back agayne. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 106.123. b.

It was not lōg after, but licence came from Pope Gre∣gory to his Legate. Otho, for his longer abode here in the realm (as welcome as water in the ship) with new autho∣rity also to proceed in the Popes assayres. Who first shew∣ing to the Bishops and the Clergy his letters of lōger ta∣rying, required of them, for so much as no mā (sayd he) warreth of his owne charges, to be supported w^t new procura∣tiōs, which was to haue of euery able church 4.* 61.170 Markes, and where one Church was not able to reach thereto, that other churches should ioine with all, to make the said mo∣ny. Notwithstanding the Bishops a great while stood in deniall thereof Parisiens. fol. 123.128.132.

Besides he assembled together all blacke Monkes of S, Benedictes order, geuing to them strait orders, which shortly after for money, he released to them agayne, Parisi∣ens. fol. 116.119.* 61.171

Moreouer by the sayd Otho, and other the Popes ex∣actions with speciall Bulles directed downe for the same, collation of benefices being taken out of the handes of the patrons, were geuen to light and vile runnagats, cōming from Italy and other places, such as pleased the pope and his Legate to bestow them vpon, to the great preiudice of the auncient liberty and right of the true patrons thereof. Whereupon the Earles and Barons and nobles of the re∣alme addicted letters vnto pope Gregory, by Syr Ro∣bert Twing knight,* 61.172 for redress of such wrong & iniuries, who otherwise should be forced (they sayd) to inuocate the succour of their king, who both was able and no lesse was willing according to his duetye (they trusted) to reforme such eno••mities, and to defend the liberties of his Realm. The tenor of whose writing is to be read in Mat. Parisiens. fol. 128. a.

Not long after the same, in the yere of our Lord. 1240 came a new precept from Pope Gregory, by Petrus Ru∣beus the popes nuncio, to the foresayd Otho, that all beue∣ficed men in the Clergy as well in England as Fraunce,* 61.173 shoulde pay to the Pope the fift part of theyr reuenewes. Whereupon whē the Clergy men made their complaint to the king, seeking to be relieued by him, the king answered them agayne that he neither would, ne durst stād agaynst the pope in any case, and so without al hope of succour sent them away Parisiens. fol. 132. Then were the Archbishops, Byshops, Abbats, and Prelates of the Churche cōmaun∣ded to assēble to gether at Reding, there to heare y^• Popes pleasure and commaundement, concerning the payment of this fift part. Wherein the end thus the matter, conclu∣ded, y^• the prelates desired a further time to be geuen them to aduise vpon the matter,* 61.174 and for that season the assembly brake vp. Parisens. 122. b.. Notwithstāding at last after ma∣ny excuses and exceptions layd in by the Clergy,* 61.175 first that because the mony was gathered to fight agaynst the Em∣perour, they ought not to contribute their mony contrary to the libertyes of the church. Item forsomuch as they had payd a tenth not long before vnto the pope, vpon conditiō that no mo such paiments should be required of thē, much lesse now the fift part should be exacted of them, because an action twise done maketh a custome. Item, seing they had oftentimes to repayre to the Court of Rome, if they shold giue this mony agaynst the Emperour, it would turne to their danger comming through his land. Item seing their king had many enemies, agaynst whom they must needes relieue the king with theyr mony, they could not so do, if y^e realme were thus impouerished &c. All which excuses to diuers other moe notwithstanding, they were cōpelled at lēgth to conforme themselues to the popes good pleasure, through the example geuen of Edmund Archb. of Cann∣terbury

who to obtayne his purpose agaynst the Monks of Canterbury (with whom he was then in strife) began first to yeld to the Legats 800. Marks for his part. Wher∣by the rest also were sayne to follow after. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 132.136.

* 61.176Furthermore the same yeare the Pope agreed so with the people of Rome, that if they would ayde him agaynst Fredericke the Emperour, looke what benefices were to be geuē in Englād, the same should be at theyr arbitremēt to be bestowed vpon theyr children. Whereupon cōmaun∣demēt was sent to the foresayd Edmund Archbishop, to y^e bishops of Lincoln and Sarum, that all collations of be∣nefices within the realme should be suspended till proui∣sion were made for 300. children of the Citizens of Rome, to be first serued.* 61.177 Upon the which so miserable request the sayd Edmund Archb. of Canterbury for sorrow to see the church so oppressed departed the Realme, and so continu∣ed in Fraunce, & dyed at Pontinia. Ex Mat. Parisi. fol. 134. b. which Edmund was afterward made a Saint, and cano∣nised by Pope Innocent. 4.

This done, then went Petrus Rubeus the popes nū∣cio, and Ruffinus into scotland,* 61.178 frō whence they brought with them 3000. poundes, to the popes vse about all hal∣lowtide the same yeare. At which time moreouer cōmeth an other harpar from the Pope to England named Mu∣melius, bringing with him 23.* 61.179 Romaines here into the Realme to be beneficed. Thus, what by the king on the one side, and what by Cardinall Otho, Petrus Rubens, Ruffinus and Mumelius on the other side, poore Englād was in a wretched case. Mat. Parisiens. fol. 137.

An other prety practise of the pope to prolle for mony, was this. The foresayd Petrus Rubeus cōming into re∣ligious houses and into their Chapters, caused thē to con∣tribute to the Popes holynes, by the example of this By∣shop and that Abbot, pretending that he & he of their own voluntary deuotiō had geuē so much & so much, & so sedu∣ced them. Paris. fol. 134 Also the pope craftely subborned cer teine Friers authorised with full indulgence,* 61.180 that whoso∣euer had vowed to fight in the holy land, and was dispo∣sed to be released of his vowe, needed not to repayre to Rome for absolution, but paying so much money as hys charges would come to going thether, he resorting to the sayd Friers might be assoyled at house.

* 61.181The next yeare folowing, which was 1241. came a cō∣maūdement Apostolicall to the house of Peterborow, that they at the Popes contemplation must needes graūt him some benefice lying in their donation, the fruites whereof at least being worth an hundreth poundes, and if it were more it should be the better welcome,* 61.182 so that they shoulde be as the fermers, & he to receiue the profites. In fine, the Louent, excused themselues by the Abbot, being then not at home. The Abbot when he came home excused himselfe by the king, being the patron and foūder of the house. The king being agreeued with the vnreasonable rauening of these Romanistes, vtterly forbad any such example to be geuen.* 61.183 Ex Parisiēs. fol. 143. But what happened: The Abbot being therfore accused to the Pope by one of the Legates, and comming vp about foure yeares after in the time of Pope Innocent, to the Councell of Lyons, was so rated and reuiled, & so shamefully thrust out of the popes court, that for sorrow he fell sicke vpon the same, and there died. Parisiens. fol. 184.

* 61.184In the time of which councell of Lyons, Pope Inno∣cent 4. (for somuch as the instrument or obligatiō where∣by the realm of England stood tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in the popes chamber, a litle before) brought forth either the same, or an other charte like vnto it, whereunto he straitly charged & commaunded euery en∣glish Bishop being there present at the councell seuerallie to set to his band & seale. Which vnresonable petition of y^• pope, albeit it went fore against y^• hartes of y^e bishops, yet (see in what miserable subiection the pope had all the bi∣shops vnder him) none of them durst otherwise do but ac complish the Popes request therein, both to their owne shame, & preiudice to the publicke freedome of the Realm. Amongest which Bishops, the longest that held out, and last that put to his seale was the Bishop of Londō. Which Act when the king and the nobility vnderstood, they were mightely, and worthely therwith all offended. Ex. Parisiens. fol. 192. an. 1245.

* 61.185After what time Cardinall Otho was sēt for by pope Gregory in all haste to come to the generall councel. 1. o∣ther in his roome here reimayned, whose names were Pe∣trus Rubeus, and Petrus de Supino. Of whem the one bearing himselfe for the Popes kinsman, brought out his B••lles and Bulles vnder the Popes authority, to such an Abbot or to such a Prior, or to such and such a Bishop, and so extorted from them a great quantity of gold and siluer. The other, to wit, Petrus de Supino, say••ed to Ireland, from whence be brought with him a thousand and 5. hun∣dreth marks to the popes vse.* 61.186 an. 1241. Ex Par. fol. 247. b. All which mony notwithstanding gotten by both the collec∣tors, in the cariage vp to Rome, about the death of Pope Gregory, happened into the hands of Frederick the Em∣peror, who caused it agayne to be restored as neare as he could, to them of whom it was taken. Parisiens. fol. 151.

After these,* 61.187 came in then M. Martinus a new Mar∣chaunt from the new pope Innocent the fourth. an. 1244. armed with full power to suspend all Prelats in England from geuing benefices, til the popes kinsmē were first pre ferred. Neither would he take the fruites of any benefice, vnlesse it were aboue the value of 30. markes. At his first comming he required of prelates & especially of religious houses to furnish him with horses & palfryes, such as wer conuenient for the popes especiall chaplain and Legate to sit vpon. Also with plate, raiment, prouision for his kit∣chin and celler, &c, and such as denied or excussed, he suspē∣ded, as the Abbot of Malinesbury,* 61.188 and the Prior of Mer∣ton. All prebendes that were voyd he sought out & reser∣ued them for the Popes behoofe. Among which was the golden prebend of Saruin, belonging to the Chauncellor of the Queere, whom he preferred to the Byshopricke of Bathe, and so seised vpon the prebend being voyd, against the willes both of the Byshop and the Chapter. Paris. fol. 167.180 Moreouer he brought with him blankes in paper & parchment sigued in the popes chamber with his stamp and seale, wherin he might afterward write to whom, and what he would.* 61.189 Parisiens. fol. 178. b. requiring furthermore of the king in the popes behalf, to help his holiues with a contribution to be taxed amongest his Clergy, at least of 10000. Markes, Ibid. And to the end that the Pope might win the king sooner to his deuotiō, he writeth in y^• kinges behoofe to the nobles and commons of the Realm, that they should not faile, vpon payue of his great curse, to cō∣ferre such subsidy of money to the subuention of the king, as he then had demaunded of them, but they stood striffe in not graunting to him.

While the insatiable auarice of the pope thus made no end in gathering riches and goods together in England, the nobles & Barons, with the community as well of the Clergy as the laity, weying the miserable state of the Re∣alme, and namely of the church,* 61.190 which now neither had li∣berty left thē to choose their owne ministers, nor yet could enioy their owne liuings, layd theyr heades together, and so exhibited an earnest intimatiō to y^• king, beseching him to consider the pitifull affliction and oppression of his sub∣iectes vnder the popes extortion, liuing in more thraldōe, thē euer did the people of Israel, vnder Pharao. Wherup∣on the king beginning at last to looke vp, & to consider the iniuries and wrongs receiued in his Realme through the auarice of the court of Rome, directeth to pope Innocent 4. this letter in tenor as foloweth.

The kinges letter to Pope Innocent. 4.

SAnctis. in Christo pat. ac Domino Innocentio Dei gratia sum∣mo pontifici, Henr. eadem gratia Rex. Angliae. &c. Salutem & pedum oscula beatorum. &c.

To the most holy father in Christ & Lord, Innocēt by the grace of God chiefe Bishop,* 62.1 Henry by the same grace, king of England. &c. greeting and kissinges of his blessed feet. The more deout & obsequious the sonne sheweth himselfe in obeying the fathers will,* 62.2 the more fauor and supportation doth he deserue to finde at his fathers handes agayn. This therefore I write, for that where as both we and our realme haue euer and in all things bene hether∣to at the deuotion and commaundement of your fatherhood, and that although in some certayne affayres of ours and of our king∣dome, we haue found your fatherly fauour and grace sometimes propice vnto vs: yet in some thinges agayne, as in prouisions ge∣uen & graunted to your clerkes of forreine nations, both we and our kingdome haue felt no small detriment.* 62.3 By reason of which prouisions the Church of England is so sore charged and burde∣ned, that not onely the Patrones of Churches, to whome the do∣nations thereof do appertayne, are defrauded of their right: but also many other good workes of Charity thereby doe decay, for that such benefices which haue bene mercifully bestowed vpon religious houses to their sustentation, are now wasted and con∣sumed by your prouisions.

Wherefore for so much as your sea Apostolicke ought to be fauourable to all that be petitioners to the same,* 62.4 so that no persō be wronged in that which is his right, we thought therfore to be suters to your fatherhood, most humbly beseeching your holines that you will desist and surcease for a time, from suche prouisi∣ons to be exacted. In the meane seasō, it may please your father∣hood

we beseech you, that our lawes and libertles, (which you may rightly repute none other but your owne) you will receiue to your tuition, to be cōserued whole and sound, nor to suffer the same by any sinister suggestion in your Court to be violated and infringed.* 62.5 Neither let your holynesse be any whit mooued there∣fore with vs, if in Iome such cases as these be, we do or shall here∣after resist the tenour of your commaundementes forasmuch as the complayntes of such which dayly call vpon vs, do necessarily enforce vs thereunto, which ought by the charge of this our of∣fice and kingly dignity committed so vs of almighty God, to fore∣se that no man in that which is theyr right be iniuried, but truely to minister iustice to euery one in that which duely to him ap∣pertayneth.

This letter was sent, the 28. yeare of the kinges raign Ex Parisiens.

fol. 172.

A man would thinke that this so gentle and obedient letter of the king to the Pope, would haue wrought some good effect in his Apostolicall brest, to withdraw his pro∣uisions, and to haue tendered the kings so reasonable and honest request: but how litle all this preuayled to stop hys insatiable gredines, and vntollerable extortions & oppres∣sions, the sequele well declareth. For besides that shortlye after the Pope sent M. Martine with blanks being bul∣led for contribution of 10000.* 62.6 Marks in all haste to be payd also euen immediatly vpon the receiuing of this letter, it followeth in mine author, that the sayd pope Innocēt the 4.* 62.7 after all this great submission of the king and so mani∣fold benefits and payments yerely out of this Realme re∣ceiued, was not ashamed to take of David prince of north Wales, 500. markes by yeare, to set him agaynst the king of England, and exempted him from his feairy and obedi∣ence due to his owne liege Lord and king, to whom both he and all other welchmen had sworn theyr subiection be∣fore, as by the seales and obligations, as wel of that Da∣uid himselfe, as other welch Lordes in this behalfe, doth appeare. In Mat. Paris. fol. 172.

Neither did M. Martinus in the meane while sleepe his busines in making vp his market for the popes mony of 10000, markes, but still was calling vpon the prelates and clergy. Who first excusing themselues by the absēce of the king and the Archb. of Cant. afterward being called a∣gayne by new letters, made theyr aunswere by the Deane of Paules their Prolocutor.

First that the pouerty of the Realme would not suffer them to consent therto.

Item, where as they had geuen before a coutribution to Cardinal Otho,* 62.8 for paying of the Popes debts & knew the said mony to be employed to no such end as it was de∣maunded for, more cause they had now to misdoubt, least this contribution, in his hands which was a much more inferiour messenger thē the Cardinall, would come to the same or a worse effect.

Item, if they should now agree to a new contributiō, they feared least it would grow to a custom, seing that one action twise done maketh a custome.

Item, for so much as a generall councell is shortly lo∣ked for, where euery Prelate of the Realme must needes bestow both his trauell and expeuses, and also his presēce to the Pope, if the Prelates now should be bound to thys rare, they were not able to abide this burthen.

Item, seing it is alleadged, that the mother Church of Rome is so farre in debt, reason and right it were, that the mother so oppressed should be sustayned of all her deuout children meeting together in the generall councel, wher∣as by helpes of many more relief might come, thē by one nation alone.

Item, last of al they alledged, that for feare of the Em∣perour and his threatnings, they durst not consent to the sayd contribution.

While these thinges were thus in talke betweene the Popes priest and the clergy of England, cōmeth in Iohn Marshall and other messengers from the king, commaū∣ding in the kings name, that no Bishop that held his Ba∣ronage of the king, should infest his leseode to the court of Rome, which they ought onely to him. &c. Ex Parisiens. fol. 139. anno. 1243.

* 62.9Not long after this, in the yeare of our Lord. 1245. the whole nobility of the Realme by generall cōsent, and not without the kings knowledge also, caused all the Portes by the Seaside to be laid, that no messēger with the popes letters and Guls from Rome, should be permitted to en∣ter the Realme. Whereupon some were taken at Douer, and there stayd. Notwithstanding when complaint ther∣of was brought to the king by M. Martinus the Popes legate, there was no remedy but the king must needs cause these letters to be restored agayne, and executed to the full effect. fol. 185.

Then the king vpon aduise,* 62.10 caused a view to be taken through euery shyre in England, to what sūme the whole reuenues of the Romains and Italians amouted, which by the Popes authority went out of England: the whole summe whereof was found yerely to be three score thousād Markes: to the which summe, the reuenues of the whole crowne of England and not extend: Ex Math. Parisiens fol 185. a.

The Nobles then vnderstanding the miserable op∣pression of the Realme, being assembled together at Dini∣stable for certayne causes, sent one Fulco in the name of the whole nobility, vnto M. Martinus the Popes Mar∣chaunt with this message,* 62.11 that he iudelayedly vpon the same warning should prepare himselfe to be gone out of the realme, vnder payn of being cut all to pieces. At which message the Legate being sore aga••, went straight to the king, to know whether his consēt was to the same or not. Of whom when he found litle better comfort, he tooke hys leaue of the king, who had him adue in the deuils name (faith M. Paris.) and thus was the realme rid of M. Marti∣nus. Ex Mat. Paris. 185. b. an. 1245.

As soone as Pope Innocent had hereof intelligence by the cōplaynt of his Legate,* 62.12 he was in a mighty rage: And furthermore remembring how y^• french king & the king of Arragon, not long before had denied him entraunce into theyr land, and being therfore in displeasure with thē like∣wise, began in great anger to knit his browes, and said: it is best that we fall in agreement with our prince, whereby we may the sooner bring vnder * 62.13 these little petty kinges, and so the great Dragon being pacified, these litle serpents we shall handle at our owne pleasure as we lift.

After this immediarly thē folowed the generall coun∣cell of Lions, to the which councell the states and Lordes of the Realme, with the consent of the communaltye, sent two Bulles: One conteining a generall suplication to the Pope and the councell: the other with the Articles of such greuaunces which they desired to be redressed, whereof relation is made sufficiently before, pag. 267. The other bill of the Supplication because it is not before expressed, I thought here to exhibite for two causes: First, that men now in these dayes may see the pitifull blindnesse of those ignoraunt dayes, wherein our English nation here did so blindely humble themselues, and stand to the Popes cur∣tesy. Whom rather they should haue shaken of, as the Gre∣cians did. Secondly, that the pride of the Pope might the better appeare in his coulours, who so disdaynefully, re∣iected the humble sute of our Lordes and Nobles, when they had much more cause to disdayne rather, & to stampe him vnder their feet. The tenour of the Supplicatiō was this.

¶ The copy of the Supplication written in the names of all the nobles and commons of England to Pope In∣nocent the 4.* 63.1 in the generall Councell at Lyons. anno. 1245.

¶ To the reuerend Father in Christ Pope Innocent, chiefe By∣shop, the nobles with the whole comminaltye of the Realme of England sendeth commendation with kissing of his bles∣sed feet.

OVr mother the Church of Rome we loue with all our hartes as our duety is,* 63.2 and couet the encrease of her honour with so much affection as we may, as to whome we ought alwayes to flye for refuge, whereby the griefe lying vpon the childe maye finde comfort at the mothers hand. Which succour the mother is bound so much the rather to imparte to her childe, how muche more kinde and beneficial she findeth him in relieuing her neces∣sitiee. Neither is it to the sayd our mother vnknowne, how bene∣ficiall and bountifull a geuer the Realme of England hath bene now of long tyme for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as appeared by our yerely subsidie, whiche we terme by the name of Peterpence. Now the sayd Church not contented with this year∣ly subsidie, hath sent diuers Legates for other contributions, at diuers and sondry times to be taxed and leuyed out of the same Realme, al which contributions and taxes notwithstanding, haue bene louingly and liberally graunted.

Furthermore, neither is it vnknowne to your fatherhood, how our forefathers like good Catholickes,* 63.3 both louing and fearing their maker, for the soules health as well of themselues as of their progenitours, and successors also, haue founded Monasteryes, and largely haue endued the same both with their owne pro∣per landes, and also patronages of benefices, whereby suche re∣ligious persons prosessing the first and chiefest perfection of ho∣ly Religion in theyr Monasteries, might with more peace and tranquillitie occupy themselues deuoutly in Gods seruice,

as to the order appertained: And also their Clearkes presented by them into their benefices, might sustaine the other exteriour la∣bours for them in that seconde order of religion, and so discharge and defend them from all hasardes: so that the saide religious mo∣nasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and col∣lations of benefices, but the same must touche vs also very neare, and worke intollerable griefe vnto our hearts.

And now see we beseche you, which is lamentable to behold, what iniuries we sustaine by you and your predecessors,* 63.4 who not considering those our subsidies and cōtributions aboue remem∣bred, doe suffer also your Italians and forreiners (whych be out of number) to be possessed in our Churches and benefices in Eng∣lande, pertaining to the right and patronage of those monaste∣ries aforesayde:* 63.5 which forreiners neither defending the sayd re∣ligious persones, whome they ought to see to, nor yet hauing the language, whereby they may instructe the flocke, take no regarde of their soules, but vtterly leaue them of wilde wolues to be de∣uoured. Wherefore it may truely be said of them, that they are no good shepheards, where as neither they know their shepe, nor the shepe do know the voyce of their shepherds, neither do they kepe any hospitalitie, but only take vp the rents of those benefices, ca∣rying them out of the Realme, wherewith our brethren, our ne∣phewes, and our kinsfolkes might be susteined, who coulde and woulde dwell uppon them, and employ such exercises of mercie & hospitalitie as their dutie required. Whereof a great nūber now for mere necessitie are lay men, and faine to flie out of the realme.

* 63.6And now to the entēt more fully to certify you of the truth, ye shall vnderstand that the sayd Italians and strangers receiuing of yerely rentes out of Englande not so little as 60000. Markes by yeare, besides other auailes and exises deducted, doe reape in the said our kingdome of England more emoluments of meere rents, then doth the king himselfe, being both the tutour of the Church and gouernour of the land.

* 63.7Furthermore, where as at the first creation of your Papacie, we were in good hope and yet are, that by meanes of your father∣ly goodnesse we shoulde enioy our franchises, and free collation of our benefices and donatiues, to be reduced againe to the for∣mer state: nowe commeth an other greeuance, which we cannot but signifie vnto yo•• ••ressing vs aboue measure, which we re∣ceiue by M. Martinus•• who entring late into our lande without leaue of our king, with greater power then euer was sene before in any Legate, although he beareth not the state and shewe of a Legate,* 63.8 yet hee hath doubled the doings of a Legate, charging vs. euery day with newe Mandates, and so most extreemely hath ••••∣pressed vs: First in bestowing and geuing away our benefices if any were aboue 30 Markes, as soone as they were vacant, to Ita∣lian persons.

Secondly, after the decease of the sayd Italians, vnknowing to the patrons, he hath intruded other Italians therein, whereby the true patrons haue bene spoiled and defrauded of their right.

Thirdly, the saide M. Martinus yet also ceaseth not to assigne and conferre such benefices still to the like persones: And some he reserueth to the donation of the Apostolike fee: And extorteth moreouer from religious houses immoderate pensions, excom∣municating and interdicting who so euer dare gainstand him.

* 63.9Wherefore, forasmuch as the sayde M. Martin hath so farre ex∣tended his iurisdiction, to the great perturbation of the whole Realme, & no lesse derogation to our kings priuiledge, to whome it hath bene fully graunted by the see Apostolike, that no Legate should haue to do in his land, but such as he by speciall letters did send for: we with most hūble deuotiō beseech you, that as a good father will alwaies be ready to support his childs, so your father∣hode wil reach forth your hand of compassion to releaue vs your humble children from these greuous oppressions.

* 63.10And although our Lord and king, being a Catholicke Prince, and wholy giuen to his deuotions and seruice of Christ Iesu our Lorde, so that he respecteth not the health of his owne body, will feare and reuerence the see Apostolicke, and as a deuout sonne of the Church of Rome, desireth nothing more then to aduance the estate and honor of the same: yet we which trauaile in his affaires bearing the heate and burden of the day, and whose duetie toge∣ther with him, is to tender the preseruation of the publike wealth▪ neither can paciently suffer such oppressiōs so detestable to God and man, and greuances intollerable, neither by Gods grace, will suffer them, through the meanes of your godly remediey, which we well hope and trust of you speedily to obteine.* 63.11 And thus may it please your fatherhode, we beseche you to accept this our sup∣plication, who in so doing shall worthely deserue of all the Lords and Nobles, with the whole comminaltie of the Realme of Eng∣land, o••••digne and speciall thankes accordingly Anno 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ex Mat Parisient fol. 188.* 63.12

This supplication being sent by the handes of Sir R. Bygot Knight, and W. de Powike Squier, Henrie de la Mare, with other knightes and Gentlemen, after it was there opened and red, pope Innocent first keping, silence, deferred to make answer therunto, making hast to procede in hys detestable excommunication and curie against the good Emperour Fredericke.* 63.13 The whith curle being done, and the English ambassadours waiting still for their aun∣swer, the Pope then told them flatte, they should not haue their request fulfilled. Wherat the English men departing iu great anger away, sware with terrible othes, that they would neuer more suffer any tribute, or fruites of any be∣nefices, namely whereof the noble men were patrones, to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court or Rome wor∣thy to be detested in all worlds. Ex Math. Paris. fol 193.

The Pope hearing these wordes,* 63.14 all be it making then no aunswere, thought to watch his time and did. First, in∣continent vpon the same, during the said Counsel, he cau∣sed euery Bishop of England to put his hande and seale to the obligation made by king Iohn for the Popes tribute,* 63.15 as is aboue specified. Threatning moreouer, & saying, that if he had once brought downe the Emperor Fredericke, he would bridle the insolent pride of England wel enough.

After this Councell ended, in the beginning of the next yere following.* 63.16 An. 1246. Pope Innocent came to Cluni∣ake, where was then appoynted a secret meeting or collo∣quie betwene the Pope and Lewes the French king (who was then preparing his voyage to Ierusalem) in which colloquie the pope sought al meanes to perswade y^e French king,* 63.17 in reuengement of his miurie, to warre contra Regu∣lum (as he termed him) that is, against the weake and scule king of England, either to driue him vtterly frō his king∣dom, or els so damnitie him, wherby he should be constra••∣ned, whether he would or no, to stoupe to the Popes will and obedience: Wherein he also would assist him with al the authoritie he could doe. Neuerthelesse, the French king to this would not agree, first for the consanguinitie that was betwene them (for there 2. Quenes were sisters) And also for the truce that they had taken.* 63.18 Thirdly, for feare of the Emperour, least he shoulde take his part. Item, for that it could not be without the spilling of much Christen bloud. And lastly, because he was preparing his voyage to y^e ho∣ly land, where his comming was already looked for. And thus the French king denying the Popes bloudy request, refused not onely to enter warre against the king and the realme of England, but also shortly after concluded wyth him longer truce. An. 1246. Ex. Math. Paris. sol. b.

Straight vpon the necke of this,* 63.19 followed then the ex∣action of Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had bought of the Pope: which was, to haue the first yeares fruites of all benefices and spirituall linings in Englande for the space of 7. yeares together, vntill the sumine should come of ••en thousand Markes. Whereat the king first was greatly agreeued. But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eonclusion, hee was faine at last to agre•• with the Archbyshop, and so the nibney was ga∣thered. Paris. fol. 197.

Ouer and besides all other exactions, wherewyth the pope miserably oppressed the church of England,* 63.20 this also is not to be ••••••lenced, how the Pope sending down his let∣ters 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the se•• Apostolike, charged and commanded the prelates to find him, some 10. Tome 5. and some 15. able men wel furnished with horse and harneis, for one whole yere, to fight in the popes warres.* 63.21 And lest the king shuld haue knowledge thereof, it was enioyned them vnder paine of excommunication that they shoulde reuease it to none, but to kepe it secrete only to themselues. Paris. fol. 200.

The pope yet notw^tstanding,* 63.22 partly beyng laboured by si••ers, partly of hys owne mynde thinking good some∣what to geue to the king & people of England, as fathers are wo•••• to geue solsterhing to theyr babes to play with all to kee•••• them still, sent downe this releasment to the king, y^• hereafter whensoeuer any of the popes nephewes or of hys Cardinals were to be beneficed many church of England, eyther he, or the Cardinals shuld first make the king priuy theeof, and instantly cra••••e hys good-will in ob∣teining the prōtutation, or els the same to stand in no ef∣fect. &c. Parisiensis sol. 202. howbeit al this seemed to be don 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a pollicy, to get the kings ••auour, wherby he might be suffered more freely to passe with greater exactions, as afterward appeared.

For whē the foresayd Pope Innocent 4.* 63.23 had knowlege the same tyme of certayne rich Clerkes leauing great sub∣staunce ••••niony, which died intestate as of one Rob. Hai∣les Archdeacō of Lincolne, which died leauing thousands of Marks and inush plate behy••de hyin, all which because no will was made, ea•••••• to temporall mens handes:* 63.24 also of M. Almarick Archdeacon of Bedford, being foūd worth a great substaunce when he dyed: and likewise of an other M. Iohn Hotosp Archdeacō of Northampton, who died sodenly intestate, leauing behinde him 5000. Markes, and 30. standing pieces of plate, with other infinite iewels be∣sides: sent forth vpō the same •• statute to be proclaimed in

England, that whatsoeuer ecclesiastical person henceforth should decease in England intestate, that is, wythout ma∣king his will, all his goodes should redound to the Popes vse. Paris fol 203.

* 63.25Furthermore, the Pope yet not satisfied with all thys, addresseth newe letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to w. bishop of Norwich, for gathering vp amongst the cler∣gie, and religious houses in Englande 6000. Markes to the behouse of holy mother the Church, without any excuse or delay, by vertue of obediēce. Which tailage being great∣ly grudged of the Clergie, when it came to the kings eare, hee ••f••soones directeth contrary letters to all the Prelates and euery one of them,* 63.26 commanding them vpō forfeyting their temporaities to the king, that no such subsidie of mo∣ny shoulde be gathered or transported out of the Realme. But the Pope againe hearing therof, in great anger wry∣teth to the prelates of England, that this collection of mo∣ny, vpon paine of excommunication and suspension shuld be prouided, and brought to the new Temple in London, by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing.

* 63.27And furthermore, forasmuch as he perceiued the kyng to goe about to gamestand his proceedings, taking therat great disdaine, he was about the same time to interdict the whole land.* 63.28 To whome then one of his Cardinals, called Ioannes Anglicus, an Englishman borne, speaking for the realme of England, desired hys fatherhood for Gods cause to mitigate his modie ire, & with the bridle of temperance to assuage the passion of his minde: which (sayde he) to tell you plaine, is here stirred vp to much without cause. Your fatherhode (quod he) may consider that these daies be euill. First the holy lande lieth in great pearils to be lost. All the Greke church is departed from vs.* 63.29 Frederick the Empe∣rour is against vs, the mightiest prince this day in all chri∣stendome. Both you and wee which are the peeres of the Churche are banished from the Papalisea, thrust out of Rome, yea excluded out of all Italy. Hungary with all the coastes bordering about it, looketh for nothing but vtter subuersion by the Tartarians. Germanie is wasted and afflicted with inward warres & tumults. Spaine is fierce & cruell against vs,* 63.30 euen to the cutting out of the Bishops tonges. Fraunce by vs is so impouerished, y^• it is brought to beggerie, which also conspireth against vs. Miserable England being so oftē plagued by our manifold iniuries, euen much like to Balaams asse, beaten and bounst wyth spurres and staues, beginneth at length to speake and cō∣plaine of her vntollerable griefs & burdens, being so wea∣ried and damnified, that shee may seeme past all recouerie: And we, after the maner of Ismael hating all mē, prouoke all men to hate vs. &c. Ex Paris. fol. 207.

* 63.31For all these woordes of Ioan. Anglicus hys Cardinall, the Popes cholerike passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he sendeth commaundement with full authority to the byshop of Worcester, that in case the king would not spedely surcease his rebellion against his Apostolical pro∣ceedings, he should interdict his land. So that in condusi∣on the king for all hys stoute enterprise was faine to re∣lent at last, and the Pope had his money. Anno 1246. Ex Pariens. fol. 204.

Ye heard before of the Greke churches vnder the Em∣pire of Constantinople,* 63.32 howe they sequestred themselues from the companie of the Romish church. In so much that Germanus the Patriarche of Constantinople, and the Archbyshop of Antioch did excommunicate the Byshop of Rome. And after the said Germanus an other Archbishop of Constantinople at the Councell of Lyons protested, that where as before were 30. Suffraganes belonging to that prouince, nowe there were not 3. that helde wyth the Churche of Rome. And thys breache, albeit it chiefly ••ast out in the tune of Pope Gregory the 9. Anno 1230. to open warre and bloudshed, yet the same had begon, and so con∣tinued long before, in such forte as in the time of the Pope Innocent the thirde, if any Priests had sayd Masse in theyr Churches, they woulde wash the aultare afterwarde: as appeareth by the actes of the Laterane Councell. Capit. 4. Wherfore Pope Innocent now (as his other predecessors had done before) bearing an old grudge against those chur∣ches of the Greekes, and neither willing by conference to trie with them, nor able by learning to matche with them, thought by force of armes to subdue them, sent the prouin∣ciall of the gray Friers, with other associates of the same order into England with his precept authenticall, contai∣ning in it these Articles.

• * 63.331. First, that the sayd prouinciall, or his Friers should inquire vppon all vsurers beyng aliue, and of all such euill gotten goodes gayned. per ••surariam prauitatem, should make attache∣ment for the vse and preparation of this warre agaynst the Greekes, excommunicatyng all them by district censures of the Church that repugned agaynst it.
• 2. That all they, which tooke the badge of the Crosse,* 63.34 for the re∣couery of the sayd Empire of the Greekes, or with goodes and cattell would helpe sufficiently vnto the same, should be absol∣ued of all their sinnes.
• 3. Item, that all the goodes left in the Testamentes of them that were departed,* 63.35 beyng gotten by vsur••e, should be taken vp to the subsidie of the Empire aforesayd, and whosoeuer repugned a∣gaynst the same, should be excommunicated.
• 4. Item, that such goodes as in the Testamentes of the dead,* 63.36 left or which should be left three next yeares to come, for restitution of such goodes as the dead had euill gotten, they should take vp for the subsidie of the Empire aforesayd, excommunicatyng. &c.
• 5. Item, such goodes as were left to be distributed in godly vses, after the arbitrement of executours, by the willes of the dead, or were not in their willes deputed to any certaine places or per∣sons named, nor yet were bestowed by the sayd executors to the foresaid vses, they should collect to the vse and subsidie aforesaid, and geue certificate to the sea Apostolicke of the quātitie thereof, excōmunicating all repugners and rebellers agaynst the same.
• 6. Item, that they should diligently enquire of such mens goodes euill gottē or euill come by, as were alyue, and them they should attache for the subsidie aforesaid, in case the parties which ought to be satisfied for those goodes euill gotten, could not be found, geuyng certificate thereof, aud excommunicatyng. &c.
• 7. Item,* 63.37 that the sayd prouinciall or his Friers, should haue full power to absolue those that were excommunicated, which wit∣tyngly had done any fraude touchyng the collection aforesayd, so that the sayd persons did make due satisfaction to the deputies aforesayd. Ex Math. Pariens. fol. 205.

What man hauing eyes is so blinde, which seeth not these execrable dealings of the Pope to be such, as woulde cause any nation in the world, to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to abrenounce the Pope, and well to consider the vsurped authority of that sea not to be of God. But such was y^e rude dulnesse then of miserable England, for lacke of learning & godly knowledge, that they feeling what burdens were laide vpon them, yet would play still the asse of Balaam, or els the horse of Esope, whych recei∣uing the bridle once in his mouth, could afterward neither abide his owne miserie, nor yet recouer libertie. And so it fa••ed with England vnder the popes thraldome: as part∣ly by these stories aboue hath ben declared, partly by other in like case following is to be seene.

For so it followeth in the history of the sayd Matth. Paris.* 63.38 howe the Pope taking more courage by hys former abu∣sed boldnesse, & perceiuing, what a tame asse he had to ride vpon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the same yeare 1246. to the Prelates of England, commaunding by the authoritie Apostolike, y^• all beneficed men in the realme of England, which were Resident vppon their benefices, should yeld to the Pope the third part of their goodes, and they which were not resident, should geue the one halfe of their goods, and that for the space of 3. yeres together: with terrible comminations to all them that did resist: and euer with this clause wyth all,* 63.39 Non obstante, whych was like a key that opened all locks. Which summe cast together was found to amount to lx. M. pounds: which summe of mony could scarce be found in all England to paie for King Ri∣chardes raunsome.* 63.40 Paris. fol. 207. The execution of this pre∣cept was committed to the bishop of London: who cōfer∣ring about the matter with hys brethren in the Church of Paules, as they were busily consulting together, and be∣wailing y^e importable burthen of this contribution, which was impossible for them to sustaine, sodainely commeth in certaine Messengers from the Kyng: Sir Iohn Lexin∣tune Knight, and M. Laurence Martine the kings chap∣lain, straightly in the kings name, forbidding them in any case to consent to this contribution, which shuld be great∣ly to the preiudice and desolation of the whole Realme. Parisiens. fol. 207.

Thys being done about the first day of December, in the yeare abouesayde,* 63.41 shortly after in the beginning of the next yeare 1247. about Februarie the kyng called a Par∣liament, where by commōn aduise it was agreed, that cer∣taine Embassadors should be sent to Rome, to make ma∣nifest to the Court of Rome the exceding greuances of the Realme, deliuering moreouer these letters to the Pope in the name both of the Temporaltie and also of the Clergie, as here followeth.

* An other letter sent to Pope Innocent 4. in the names of the whole Clergie and comminal∣tie of England. An. 1247.

* 64.1SAnctis. Patri in Christo ac Do. Innocent. Dei prouidentia sum∣mo pontifici vniuersitas cleri & populi per prouinciam Cant. constituti deuota pedum oscula beatorum. Cum Anglicana Ec∣clesia. &c. To the most holy father in Christ, and Lord Innocent, by Gods prouidence chiefe bishop: The whole comminaltie both of the Clergie and laitie within the prouince of Canterbury, sen∣deth deuout kissings of his blessed feete. Like as the Churche of Englande since it first receiued the Catholicke faith, hath alwayes shewed her selfe faithfull and deuout in adhering to God and to our holy mother the Church of Rome, studying with all kinde of seruice to please and serue the same,* 64.2 and thinketh neuer otherwise to do, but rather to continue and increase as she hath begon: euen so nowe the same Church most humbly prostrate before the feete of your holinesse, intirely beseecheth your clemencie to accept her petition, in sparing this imposition of money, which so mani∣fold waies for the subuention of other nations, by the commaun∣dement of your holines is laid vpon vs: considering that not only it is importable,* 64.3 but also impossible which is enioyed vs. For al∣though our countrey sometimes yeldeth foorth fruite for the ne∣cessary sustentation of the inhabitants, yet it bringeth foorth nei∣ther gold nor siluer, neither were able to bring forth of long time, so muche as nowe a daies is required. Which also being burdened and ouercharged of late daies with an other such like imposition, but not so great as this, is not able any whit to aunswere to that which is exacted.

Furthermore, besides this commaundement of your holines, there is required of the Clergie a subsidie for our temporall king, whose necessities neither possibly we can, nor honestly ought to forsake, whereby he may both withstande the inuasion of the ene∣mie, and mainteine the right of his patrimonie, and also recouer againe that hath bene lost. In consideration whereof, we haue di∣rected the bearers heereof to the presence of your holinesse with our humble supplication, to explane to you the dangers and in∣conueniences which are like to ensue vpon the premisses. Which by no meanes we are able to susteine: although notwithstanding we know our selues by all bonds of charitie to be obliged to your deuotion and obedience. And because our generall communitie hath no seale proper, we haue signed therefore these presents with the publike seale of the Citie of London. &c. Ex Paris. fol. 209.

The like letters were sent also vnto the Cardinals to the same effect. The Pope vnderstanding these things, and perceiuing that there was no striuing against such a generall consent, and yet loth to forgoe his sweete haruest,* 64.4 which he was wont to reape in Eng∣lande, craftely deuised to sende this aunswere againe to the King, much like to the same which hee sent before: which was, that al∣though the Pope in time past vpon his owne will and pleasure to the importable greeuance of the Realme of Englande, hath euery where aud without respecte, through the whole lande made his prouisions, in geuing their benefices vnto his Italians: yet nowe the Lorde be praised, that tempest (sayd he) is ouerblowen: so that heereafter if the Pope shall graunt his prouision for any of hys ne∣phewes or of his Cardinals, they shall come first and make their instant sute vnto the king, without all inforcement, so that it shall stand wholy in the kings free arbitrement to doe herein what hee thinketh good. &c. Paris. fol. 209. b.

* 64.5This aunswere of the Pope, all be it it was but a sub∣tile shift for the time: yet neither did hee long stande to that hee had thus promised to the King. For shortly after, and within fewe dayes vppon the same, and in the time also of the sayde Parliament holden at Winchester, the Pope sent two English Friers into the realme, whose names were Iohn and Alexander,* 64.6 with full authoritie after the largest sorte, for newe contributions. Who first pretending lowly submission to the King, while they had leaue graunted to range about the Realme, afterwarde comming to the Bi∣shops and rich Abbots, shewed themselues foorth in theyr full authoritie, in such sort, as they became rather tyrants then extortioners.

Amongest other, comming to Robert byshop of Lyn∣colne, who of all other bare a speciall minde to the order of Obseruauntes,* 64.7 these two Friers as proude as Lucifer, bringing foorth the terrible Mandate, wyth the Popes Bulles, required, and eke commaunded vnder the Popes mightie curse, to haue the gathering in his Diocesse of vi. thousand markes. Likewise of the Abbot of s. Albons they required iiii. hundred Markes, vnder great penaltie, and that in short time to be paide.

The Bishop although well liking before that order of those Friers, yet seeing the impudent behauiour, and more impudent request of those Marchauntes, thus aunswered to them againe: that thys exaction (sauing sayde hee, the Popes authoritie) was neuer heard of before, and neyther was honest, nor yet possible to be performed: and moreo∣uer was such as did not only concerne him, but the whole publicke state of the Clergie, and of the whole Realme in general, and therfore it should be absurdly and rashly done of him to geue them aunswere heerein, before the king and the rest of the Counsell, wyth other, to whome the matter generally did appertaine, were made priuie thereunto, &c. and so for that time he shoke them of. Paris. fol. 210.

Furthermore,* 64.8 as touching the Abbot of S. Albones, when he also alleged the same causes, he pretended moreo∣uer that he would appeale, and so did, to the Pope and his Cardinals. Whereupon immediatly was sent downe from Pope Innocent, an other Legate called Ioannes Anglicus, an English Frier and Cardinall, who bringing downe a newe speciall precept to the foresayde Abbot, cited him ey∣ther to appere at London the morow after S. Giles day, or to disbourse to the vse of the Pope the foresayde 4. hun∣dreth markes. By reason whereof the Abbot was driuen to send his Proctors againe, with a newe supplication to the Pope at Lyons, who in the ende through great instaunce of monyed friendes, agreed with the Abbot for two hun∣dreth markes, besides hys other charges born••, & so was that matter compounded, little to the Abbots profite, Pari∣siens. fol. 213.

To recite all damages and greuaunces receiued by the B. of Rome in this realme of England, neither is any hi∣story sufficiently able to comprehend, nor if it were, vnueth is there any that would beleeue it. Notw^tstanding to those aboue declared, thys one I thought to commit like wise to memorie, to the intēt, that they which liue in this age now may behold and wonder in themselues to see in what mi∣serable slauery, passing all measure, not onely the subiects, but kings also of this Realme were brought vnto, vnder the intollerable yoke of the popes tyrannie, which in those daies neither durst any man cast of, nor yet was able to a∣bide. As by this example ensuing, w^t infinite other like to the same, may appeare.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1248. after that Pope In∣nocent the 4.* 64.9 had taken such order in the Realme, that all Prelates of the Churche were suspended from collation of any benefice, before the Popes kinsfolkes and Clearkes of Italy had ben first prouided for: It happened vpō y^e same, that the Abbot of Abingdon had a commaundement from the pope, to bestow some benefice of his Church in all hast, to a certaine Priest of Rome, which the Abbot as an obe∣dient childe to his father the Pope, was prest and ready to accomplish accordingly. But the Romane priest not con∣tented with such as fell next hand, would tarye his time, to haue such as were principall and for hys owne appetite, hauing a speciall eye to the benefice of the church of S. He∣lene in Abingdon, which was then estemed woorth an C. marks by yere, besides other vailes and commodities be∣longing to the same: the collation whereof the priest requi∣red by the authoritie Apostolicall to be graunted to him.

As thys past on, it chaunced at last, the incumbent to die, and the benefice to be emptie. Which estsoones being knowen, the same day commeth a commaundement, with great charge from the King to the Abbot, to giue the be∣nefice to one Aethelmare the kings brother by the mother∣side, who at the same time was possessed wyth so many be∣nefices, as the number and value therof was vnknowen. The Abbot heere being in great perplexitie, and not kno∣wing what to doe, whether to gratifie his king, or to obey the Pope, tooke counsell with his friendes. Who well ad∣uising the matter, gaue him counsell rather to preferre the brother of his Prince and patrone, so that the king would vndertake to stande in his defence against the Pope, ra∣ther then the Romish priest, whom alwaies he shuld haue lying there as a spie and watcher of him, and like a thorne euer in his eye: and so the king assuring the Abbot of hys vndoubted protection, and indemnitie against al harmes, the benefice was conferred foorthwyth to the kings bro∣ther.

The Romane priest not a litle agreued therat, speedeth himselfe in all hast to the Byshop of Rome, certifying him what was done, and partly also (as the maner is of men) making it worse then it was. Uppon whose complaint the Pope estsoones in great anger cited vp the Abbot perso∣nally to appeare before him,* 64.10 to answer to the crime of diso∣bedience. The abbot trusting vpon the kings promise and protection, which neither could helpe him in that case, nei∣ther durst oppose himselfe against the Pope, being both a∣ged and sickely, was driuen to trauaile vp to the Court of Rome,* 64.11 in great heauines and bitternesse of minde. Where in conclusion after much vexation and bitter rebukes, be∣sides great expenses, he was faine to satisfie the Pope after his owne will, compounding to giue hym yearely 50. markes in part of making amends for his trespasse of diso∣bedience. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol 222.

To this also may be added an other like fact of the pope

as outragious as thys, against the house of Binham. For when the benefice of Westle in the Diocesse of Eley was voide by the death of the incumbent,* 64.12 who was an Italian & one of the popes chamber, the donatiō of which benefice belōged to the priorie of Binham, an other Italian which was a bastard and vnlearned, borne in the City of Ianua, called Herrigetto de Malachana de volta, brought downe the popes letters to M. Berardo de Nympha the Popes agent here in England, with strait charge and full autho∣rity, commanding him to see the sayd benefice to be confer∣red in any case to Herrigetto. Yea and though the benefice had bene geuen already, yet notwythstanding the possessor therof should be displaced, and the said Herrigetto perfer∣red: Yea also, non obstante that the sayd Pope himselfe had before giuen his graunt to the king & realme of England, y^• one Italian should not succeede an other in any benefice there, yet for all that the said Herrigetto vpon paine of ex∣communication, to be placed therin. Ex Paris, fol. 240.

* 64.13And thus much hetherto of these matters, through the occasion of the East churches and the Grecians, to the en∣tent all men that read these stories, & see the doings of this Westerne Bishop, may consider what iust cause these Gre∣cians had to seclude themselues from hys subiection, and communion. For what christian communion is to be ioy∣ned w^t him, which so contrary to Christ and his gospel, see∣keth for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecuteth hys bre∣thren, so giuē to auarice, so greedy in getting, so iniurious in oppressing, so insatiable in hys exactions, so malitious in reuenging,* 64.14 stirring vp warres, depriuing kings, depo∣sing Emperours, playing Rex in the Church of Christ, so erronious in doctrine, so abominably abusing excommu∣nication, so false of promise, so corrupt in life, so voyde of Gods feare: and briefly, so farre from all the parts of a true Euangelicall Bishop. For what seemeth he to care for the soules of men, which setteth in benefices, boyes and outlā∣dish Italians: and further, one Italian to succede an other which neither did know the language of y^e flocke, nor once would abide to see their faces. And who can blame y^• Gre∣cians then for diffeuering themselues from such an oppres∣sour and gyant against Christ.

Whose wise example if this Realme had then folowed, as they might, certes our predecessours had bene rid of an infinite number of troubles,* 64.15 iniuries, oppressiōs, warres, commotions, great trauails, & charges, besides the sauing of innumerable thousand of poūds, which the sayd bishop full falsely hath raked and transported out of thys Realme of ours. But not to excede y^e bounds of my history, because my purpose is not to stande vpon declamations, nor to dilate common places, I will passe ouer, leauing the iudgement therof to the further examination of the reader. For els if I lifted to prosecute this argument so far as ma∣ter would lead me,* 64.16 & truth peraduenture wold require me to say, I durst not only say, but could well proue, the Pope & court of Rome to be the only fountain & principal cause, I say not of muche misery heere in England, but of all the publicke calamities and notorious mischiefes which haue happened these many yeres through all these West parts of christendome, & especially of all the lamentable ruine of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians also this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. As whosoeuer wel considereth by reading of histories the course of times, and vieweth with all the doings and acts passed by the said bi∣shops of Rome, together with y^e blinde leading of his doc∣trine, shal see good cause not only to thinke, but also to wit∣nes the same. Only one narratiō touching this argument, and yet not transgressing the office of my historie, I minde (the Lorde willing) to set before the Readers eyes, which happened euen about this present time of thys king Hen∣ries reigne, in the yere of our Lord. 1244.

* 64.17In the which yeare it chanced, that Lewes the French king sonne to Quene Blanch, fel very fore sicke, lying in a swounde or in a traunce for certaine dayes, in such sorte as few thought he would haue liued, & some said he was gon already. Amongst other, there was with him hys mother, who sorowing bitterly for her sonne, and giuen somewhat (as cōmonly the maner of women is) to superstitiō, went & brought foorth a peece of the holy crosse, wyth the crowne and the speare, which peece of the holy crosse Baldwynus Emperour of Constantinople (whome the Grecians had deposed a litle before for holding with the bishop of Rome) had sold to the French king for a great summe of mony, and blessed him wyth the same,* 64.18 also laid the crowne, & the spear to his body, making a vow w^tal in the person of her sonne, that if the Lorde would visite him with health, and release him of that infirmitie, he should be croysed or marked with the crosse, to visit his sepulchre, and there solemnly to ren∣der thankes in the lande which he had sanctified wyth his bloud. Thus as she, with the B. of Parys, and other there present were praying, beholde the king which was suppo∣sed of some to be dead,* 64.19 began w^t a sigh to pluck to his arms and legges, and so stretching himselfe, began to speake, ge∣uing thankes to God, who from an high had visited him & called him from the danger of death. Which as the kings mother,* 64.20 w^t others there toke to be a great miracle wrought by the vertue of the holy crosie: so the king amending more and more, as soone as he was well recouered, receaued so∣lemnely the badge of the crosse, vowing for a freewil sacri∣fice vnto God, that he, if the counsaile of his realme would suffer him, would in hys owne person visite the holy land: forgettyng belyke the rule of true Christianitie,* 64.21 where Christ teacheth vs otherwise in the gospel, saying: That nei∣ther in this mount, nor in Samaria, nor at Ierusalem the Lord will be worshipped, but seeketh true worshippers, which shall worship him in truth and veritie &c. An. 1244. Pariens. fol. 182.

After thys was great preparaunce and muche a do in Fraunce toward the setting foorth to the holy land.* 64.22 For af∣ter the K. first began to be croysed, the most part of the no∣bles of Fraunce, with diuers Archbishops and Byshops, w^t Earles, and Barons,* 64.23 and Barons, and gentlemen to a mighty num∣ber, receaued also the crosse vppon their sleeues. Amongst whom was the Earle Atrebacensis the kings brother, the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Brabant, the Countesse of Flaunders wyth her two sonnes, the Earle of Britaine with his sonne, the Earle of Barrēsis, Earle of Swesson, Earle of S. Paul, Earle of Druis. Earle Retel. with ma∣ny noble persons mo. Neither lacked here whatsoeuer the Pope could do, to set forward this holy busines, in sending his Legates and Friers into Fraunce, to stirre the people to folow the king,* 64.24 & to contribute to his iourny. Wherup∣on was graunted to the King, to gather of the vniuersall church of France by the popes authoritie, the tenth part of all their goods for 3. yeares space together, vpon thys con∣dition, that the king likewise wold graunt to the Pope the 20. part, for so many yeares after, to be gathered of the sayd Church of Fraunce. Which was agreed. An. 1246. Ex Mat: Parisiens. fol. 204 b.

Shortly after thys, in the yeare of our Lorde 1247. fol∣lowed a Parliament in Fraunce, where the king with his nobles being present, there was declared, how the king of Tartarians or Turkes hearing of the viage of the French king, writeth a letter to him, requiring that he wil become hys subiect.* 64.25 In the which Parliament, time was prefixed for taking their iourney, which shoulde be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist, the next yeare insuing. Also they that were croysed, were sworne to persist in their purpose and sentence of the popes great curse denoūced to all them that went from the same. Parisiens. fol. 211. Furthermore, for the better speede in his iourny, the king through al his realme caused it to be proclaimed, that if any marchāt or other had bene iniured at any time by the kings exactours, either by oppression, or borowing of money, let him bring foorth his bil shewing how or wherein, and he should be recompen∣sed. At which time William Longspatha a worthy warri∣our, with the Bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the Realme of England,* 64.26 mooued with the example of the Frenchmen, prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney.

The next yere after thys ensuing, which was 1248. the French king yet still remaining in hys purposed iourney, Lady Blanche hys mother, also the Byshop of Paris hys brother, with the Lordes of his counsaile, & other nobles, and his speciall frends aduertised him with great perswa∣sions, to alter hys minde touching that so aduenturous and so daungerous a iourney, for that his vow (sayd they) was vnaduisedly made, and in time of his sicknesse, when hys minde was not perfectly stablished: and what ieoper∣dies might happen at home it was vncertaine, the king of England being on the one side, the Emperor on the other side, and the Pictauians in the middest so fugitiue, and vn∣stable: and as concerning his vow, the pope shuld frendly dispense with him, considering the necessitie of his realme, and weakenesse of his body. Besides all thys, his mother vppon her blessing required him, hys brethren of all loues desired him to stay at home, and not in his person to aduē∣ture, other might be sent in his roume, with no lesse furni∣ture to atchieue that enterprise, and to discharge him of his vow, especially seeing at y^e making thereof his senses were feeble, hys body weake, and reason through sicknesse, and very death almost, decaied.

To whome the K. againe:* 64.27 for so much (sayde he) as you say, that for feeblenes of my senses I tooke this vow vpon me, loe therfore as you here wil me, I lay downe the crosse that I tooke, and putting his hand to his shoulder, tare of the badge of the crosse, saying to the Byshop, here syr I re∣signe

to you the crosse wherew^t I was signed. At the sight wherof there was no smal reioysing to all that were there present. To whome the king then both altering his coun∣tenance and hys speach thus spake: My frendes (sayde he) whatsoeuer I was then in my sicknes, now I thāke god, I am of perfect sense, and reason soūd, and now I require my crosse again to be restored vnto me: Saying moreouer that no bread shuld come in his head, before he were reco∣gnised again with the same crosse, as he was before. At the hearing whereof al there present were astonied,* 64.28 supposing that God had some great matter to worke, and so mooued no moe questions vnto him.

* 64.29Upon this drewe nie the feast of Iohn Baptist, which was the time set for the setting foorth. And nowe being in a readines, the king in few dayes after was entring his ior∣ney. But yet one thing lacked. For the King perceiuing the mortal variance betwene the pope, and good Frederick the Emperour, thought best first before his going to haue that matter appeased, wherby his way both might be safer through the Emperours countries, and also lesse ieoperdy at home after hys departure,* 64.30 and therefore vpon the same, tooke first his way to Lyons, where the Pope was, partly to take his leaue, but most especially to make recōcilement betwene the Emperour and the Pope.

Where is to be noted by the way, that as touching the good Emperour there was no lette nor staie.* 64.31 Who rather sought all meanes how to compasse the popes fauor, & ne∣uer could obteine it. In so much that before he shuld be ex∣communicated in the Councel of Lyons, he not onely an∣swered sufficiently by Thadeus his atturney, discharging himselfe against whatsoeuer crimes or obiections could be brought against him, but so farre humbled himselfe to the Pope and the Councell,* 64.32 that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done of hys part, what amendes soeuer the Pope could or would require, he would recompence it to the vttermost. This would not be taken.

Furthermore, if the Pope (hee sayde) coulde not abide his tarying in his owne dominions and Empire,* 64.33 he wold goe fight against the Saracens and Turkes, neuer to re∣turne into Europe againe, offering there to recouer lands & kingdomes whatsoeuer did at any time belong to Chri∣stendome, so that the Pope onely would be contented that Henry his sonne (which was then nephew to king Henry here in England) should be Emperour after him. Neither could this be admitted.

* 64.34Then he offered for trueth of hys promise to put in the French king and the king of England to be his Suerties, or els for triall of his cause to stand to their award and ar∣bitrement. Neither would that be graunted.

At least he desired, that he might come himselfe and an∣swere before the councell. But the proude Pope in no case would abide that, saying: that he did not yet finde himselfe so ready and meete for Martyrdome, to haue hym to come thether to the Councell: for if he did, he would depart him∣selfe. &c. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 187. An. 1245.

This obstinate rancor and deui••ish malice of pope In∣nocent, and hys predecessour against that valiant Empe∣ror, and against the Grecians, what disturbance and mis∣chiefe it wrought to the whole Churche, what strength it gaue to the Saraceus and Tartarians, howe it empaired Christian concorde, and weakened all Christen lands, not only the host of the French king did finde shortly after, but christendome euen to this day may and doth feele and rue. Neither can in stories be founde any greater cause which first made the Turks so strong, to get so much groūd oner christendom as they haue, then the pestilēt working of this pope in deposing & excommunicating this worthy Empe∣rour. For as there was neuer no Emperour of long time, which more victoriously preuailed in bridling and keping vnder these enemies of Christ, or would haue done more a∣gainst them, then the said Fred. if he might haue ben suffe∣red: so after the deposing & excommunicating of him, when the French king neither woulde abide at home,* 64.35 as he was counselled, neither was yet able, w^tout the help of other, to withstand the force and multitude of the sayd Saracēs and Tartarians being now ioyned together, neither yet could the Emperour be suffered by the pope to rescue the king, it followed thereof, that the good king being taken prisoner, & all his army destroied, the Turkes thereupon got such a hand, and such a courage against the Christians, that euer since they haue brast in farther vppon vs, and nowe haue preuailed so farre as neither the power of the Pope,* 64.36 nor of all Christendome is able to driue them out, as hereafter by sequele of story, is further to be declared.

In the meane time, to retourne where before we left, when the french king comming thus to the pope at Lions, to entreat for the Emperor, could finde no fauour, he tooke his leaue, and with great heauinesse departed setting for∣warde on his iourney to Marsilia, and so failed to the Ille of Cyprus, where he remained all that winter, so that fal∣ling into penury and lacke of victuall, he was faine to send to the Uenetians and other Islands by, for helpe of proui∣sion. The Uenetians gently sent vnto him 6. great ships laden with corne,* 64.37 wine & other victuals requilite, besides the reliefe of other Islands mo. But especially Fredericke the Emperor vnderstanding of their want, so turnished the French campe with all plentie of necessaries, that it had a∣boundance. Whereupon the French king m••oued with the kindnes of the Emperour,* 64.38 wrote his speciall letters to the Pope in the Emperours behalfe, but the hard heart of the Pope would not relent. Blanchia the Kinges mother in France, hearing what the emperor had done to her sonne, sent him most hearty thanks, with presents and rewardes manifold. Math. Paris. fol. 226.

In this meane time about the beginning of October, the French men got Damiata, being the principall force or holde of the Saracens in all Egypt.* 64.39 All. 124. 9. fol. 228. Af∣ter the winning of Damiata, the Prince and people of the Saracens being astonied at the losse thereof, offered to the Christians great grounde and possessions more then euer belonged to Christendome before, so that they might haue Damiata to them restored again. But the pride of the crie of Artoys the kings brother woulde in no case accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Damiata and Alexandria the chiefe Metropolitane Citie of all Egypt to be deliuered vnto them. The Saraceus seeing the pride & gredines of •• French men,* 64.40 in no case could abide it: which turned after to the great detriment of our Christians, as in the ende it prooued, Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 229.

First, in the Isle of Cyprus and in the iourney before died the Erle of Palatine,* 64.41 & one of the 12. peeres of France, also the Earle of S. Paul and Blesse, who had vnder him 50. ensignes. Which were all after hys death scattered a∣broade and dispersed. Also died Ioannes de Denis a vali∣ant Captaine, wyth many other noble personages both men and women, which by altering the aire and diet, there deceased. fol. 229.

The next yeare eusuing,* 64.42 which was 1250. about Ashe∣wednesday, the French men issuing out of their tentes by the City of Damiata, flew vpon the Saracens, which be∣sieged them, and so after a great number of the ennemies staine,* 64.43 with victorie and great spoyles, returned to theyr tentes againe. Nowe within the Citie of Damiata, was the Queene wyth her Ladies, the Popes Legate, and bi∣shops, wyth a garrison of horsemen and footemen for the defence of the Citie strongly appoynted. The next day, the Frenchmen supposing to haue the like hande of the Sara∣cens, as they had the day before,* 64.44 gaue a fresh assault vppon them: but in that cōflict, the Saracens had so strongly ap∣poynted themselues, that the French men lost tenne times more then they got the day before, & so after a great slaugh∣ter of their men, retired to their tents againe: whereupon the Saracens began to take great harte & courage against our men, stopping also the passages round about the Citie of Damiata, that no vitaile could passe vnto them. In like maner the Soldan also gathering all the galeys about A∣lexandria and all the lande of Egypt, so inclosed the S••as, that no intercourse should be to them by water. fol. 231.

At length after long talke and consultation betweene them on both sides,* 64.45 the Soldan aduised them betune to re∣signe to hym the Citie of Damiata, wyth the furniture which they found therein, & they should haue all the coun∣trey about Ierusalem, with all the captiues of the Christi∣ans frendly restored vnto them. Wherwith the Christians (sayde hee) ought to be countented, and to seeke no farther, but onely to haue the lande of Ierusalem, which beyng grnnted to them,* 64.46 they shuld not encroch into other lands and kingdomes, whereto they had no right. Thys forme of peace, as it liked well the meaner forte of the poore soul∣diours and diuers other of the sage counsaile and nobili∣tie: so the proude Earle of Artoys the kings brother, in no cause woulde assent thereto, but still required the Citie of Alexandria to be yelded to them. Whych the Egyptians by no meanes would agree vnto.

From that time the French army being compassed by sea and by lande,* 64.47 began euery day more and more to be di∣stressed for lacke of victual and famine, being driuē to that miserie, that they were faine to eate their owne horsses in the Lent time,* 64.48 which should haue serued them to other v∣ses. Neither could any Christian, nor Frederick being de∣posed by the Pope, be able to send them any succour. Fur∣thermore the more miseryes y^e christians were in, the more fiercely did the Saracens presse vpon them on euery side, detesting their forward wilfulnes. In so much that diuers

of the Christian souldiours not able to abide the affliction, priuely conueyed themselues, as they coulde, out of the campe, to the Saracens, who were gladly receaued and relieued, and some suffered still to keepe their faith: Some marrying wiues amongst them, and for hope of honor did Apostatate to their law, and so wrought no little harme to the Christians.

The Soldane being perfectly instructed by these fugi∣tiues of all things belonging to the kings armie,* 64.49 sent hym woord in derision, asking, where were all hys mattockes, forckes, & rakes, hys sithes, plowes, and harowes, whych he brought ouer w^t him? or why he did not occupie them, but let them lie by hym to rust and canker? All thys and much more, the King with his Frenche men were faine to take well in woorth. It happened shortly after,* 64.50 that thys Soldan died, being poisoned of his own seruants. which was to the Christians a more heaping of theyr miseries. For albeit the saide Soldan had bene a cruell tyrant to the Christians, yet was he hated of his owne people, whereby his strength was the lesse: After whom succeeded an other much more cruell. who as he was better loued, so hee be∣came muche stronger by a generall confederacie of all the Saracens which were in the East parts,* 64.51 ioyning now to∣gether. So that when the Christians desired nowe to haue the forme of peace before profered, be precisely denied them. And so the Frenche hoste which at first began to be feared, by their pride and ouermuch gredines grew more & more in contempt amongst their enemies, and now was vtter∣ly despised.

The Christians thus seeing all thinges to goe backe∣ward with them, and how the infidell Saracens daily did preuaile, began to murmure against God, and some also which were wel setled before, to stacker in their Religion, casting out these wordes of infidelitie: howe is this (sayde they) that the Lorde hath left vs in whose cause we fight? how often wythin the time of remembrance, haue we bene confoūded by these Saracens and infidels, who with she∣ding of our bloud, haue enioyed great spoyles & victories? first this Citie of Damiata, which we Christians had got∣ten dearely with effusion of somuch Christian bloud, after∣ward we were cōstrained for nought to resigne vp againe. After that the armie of the templaries, fighting for the ho∣ly Temple against the Saracens, neare to Antioche, was vanquished, and the standard bearer slaine in the fielde.* 64.52 A∣gaine within these fewe yeres, our Frenchmen fighting in lyke maner against the Saracens at the Citie of Bazara, were put to the worse, and many afterwarde out of capti∣uity ransomed, by Richard duke of Exceter, brother to the K. of England, Henry 3. Then came in the Chosmorins, sent by the Soldan of Babylon, which by a wile inuaded the christians in y^e Citie of Ierusalem, where almost all the christian army being in the holy land, were destroyed. And now here our most christian king together with the whole nobility, is like to be in danger, vtterly to be ouerthrown. And how is it, that the Lord thus standeth against vs, and fighteth with them? hath he more regarde of them, then of vs? &c. Mat. Parisiens. fol. 231. Such murmuring wordes of an vnstable faith, many there began to cast out, as taking displeasure for their sufferings, but not considering on the other side what Idolaters they were, what pride and dis∣corde was amongst them, what crueltie and murther they had shewed at home in persecuting the poore Albingenses, what superstition they first brought out wyth them, with what idolatry they proceded, putting their trust inmasses, in the popes indulgences, in worshipping of images,* 64.53 and praying to saintes. And what helpe then coulde they looke for at Gods hand, which had Images in their temples, to fight against them which had none? Or what maruell, if the Lord of hostes went not with their armie, committing such idolatrie euery day in their pauilions to their Sacra∣mentall bread and wine as they did, and fighting with the strength of their owne merits, and not only by the power of their faith in Christ, which is only the victory that ouer∣commeth the worlde?* 64.54 Iohn 1. and finally hauing in their campe the Legate of him whom the Lord taketh to be his enemie? As by example of Fredericke the Emperour may be wel perceiued who after he was accursed by pope Bre∣gorie a little before, comming the same time in war against the Saracens in Palestina, Boddes blessing wrought so mightely with him, y^t without any bloudshed he recouered Ierusalem, and set all the countrey about it in great quiet∣nes, till at last the popish Templaries, which at the popes setting on, went about to betray him, to y^t Soldan of Ba∣bylon, & so lost al againe by their owne malicious mischief that the Emperour before had gotten. tEx Mat. Paris.

But let vs procede further in this holy progresse. The French king with his army, seeing himselfe distressed, and no good there to be done against the Soldan of Egypt, af∣ter he had sufficiently fortified the Citie of Dannata, wyth an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie, hee re∣mooued his tents from thence,* 64.55 to go Eastward. In whose armie also folowed William Longspath (of whom menti∣on was touched before) accompanied w^c a piked number of English warriers reteining vnto him.* 64.56 But suche was y^e disdaine of the French men agains this William Long∣spath and the Englishmen, that they could not abide them, but flouted them after opprobrious maner, wyth English tailes: in somuch that the good king himselfe had much ado to keepe peace betwene them.

The originall cause of this grudge betweene them, be∣gan thus. There was not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or Castle, replenished with great Ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens.* 64.57 The which hold it chaunced the said William Longspath, with his company of english soldiours to get more by good lucke and politicke dexteri∣tie, then by opē force of armes, wherby he with his retinue were grearly enriched. when the Frenchmen had know∣ledge hereof, they being not made priuie thereto, began to conceiue an hartburning against the English soldiours, & could not speake well of them after that.* 64.58 It hapned againe not long after, that the sayde William had intelligence of a cōpany of rich Marchants among the Saracens going to a certaine faire about y^e partes of Alexandria, hauing theyr Camels, Asses, and Mules, richly loden with silks, preci∣ous iewels, spices, gold and siluer, with cart lodes of other wares, besides vitaile and other furniture, wherof the sol∣diours then stoode in great nede. He hauing secret know∣ledge heereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he coulde, and so by night falling vpon the Mar∣chants, some he flew with their guides and conductours, some he tooke,* 64.59 some he put to flight. The Cartes wyth the driuers, and with the Dren, and the Camels, Asses, and Mules, with the whole cariage and vitailes he tooke and brought with him, losing in al the skirmish but one souldi∣our, and 8. of his seruitures. Of whome notwithstanding some he brought home wounded, to be cured.

This being knowen in the campe, foorth came y^e French men, which al this while loytred in their pauilions, & me∣ting their cariage by the way,* 64.60 tooke all the foresaide pray whole to themselues, rating the sayd w. and the English∣men, for so aduenturing and issuing out of the camp w^tout leaue or knowledge of their generall, contrary to the disci∣pline of warre. William said againe, he had done nothing, but he would answer to it, whose purpose was to haue the spoile deuided to the behoofe of the whole army. when this would not serue, he being sore greued in his mind so cow∣ardly to be spoyled of that, for which hee so aducnturously had trauailed for, went to the king to complaine.* 64.61 But whē no reason nor cōplaint would serue, by reason of the proud Earle of Artoys the kings brother, which vpon despite & disdaine stoode against hym, he bidding the king farewell, said he wold serue him no lōger. And so William de Long∣spath, w^t the rest of his company, breaking frō the Frenche host, went to Achon. Upon whose departure, then said the Earle of Artoys:* 64.62 tNowe is the armie of Frenche men well ridde of these tailed people. Which words spoken in great despite, were euil taken of many good men that heard him. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 233.234.

Before the ariuing of the French armie in the lande of Egypt, the Soldan of Babylon hauing before intelligence of their comming committed the custodie of Damiata to & certaine prince of his, whom he specially trusted, commit∣ting also to his brother the keping of Kaira & Babylonia.* 64.63 It folowed now after the taking of Diamata, that the sol∣dan of Babylon accused the Prince which had the custodie thereof, before his nobles, of prodition, as giuing the Citie vnto the Christians. Who notwithstanding in indgement did sufficiently cleare himselfe, declaring how he was cer∣tified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therfore bent all power to preuent the kings ariuall there. But by distresse of weather,* 64.64 he missing of his purpose, and the king landing about Damiata, by reason therof y^e city was taken vnprouided, he notwithstanding w^t his company resisting as well as they might, till they could no longer, and so de∣parted out, cursing, said he, Mahomet & his law. At which wordes the Soldan being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traytor and blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged himselfe by the iudgement of y^e court.* 64.65 His brother which was the keper of Kayra and Babylonia, being therewith not a litle agrieued, and bea∣ring a good minde to the Christian religion, deuised in him selfe, bow to giue the said city of Kayra with Babylonia to the French king, & so in most secrete wise sent to the king, shewing his ful purpose and what had happened, and fur∣thermore

instructing the king in all things how and what he should do,* 64.66 & moreouer requiring the Sacramēt of bap∣tisme, meaning in deede good sayth, and sending also a∣way all the Christian captiues, which he had with hym in prison, The king being glad hereof, sent in al hast for wil∣liam Longspath, promising a full redresse of all iniuries past, who vpon hope of some good lucke towardes, came at the kings request, and so ioyned with the French pow∣er agayne.

* The lamentable ouerthrow and slaughter of the French armey fighting agaynst the Infidels, through the sinister councell of the Popes Legate.

* 64.67TO make the story short, the king setting forward from Damiata, directed his iourny toward Kayra, slaying by the way such Saracens as there were set to stop the vi∣tailcs from Damiata. The Soldane in the meane tyme hearing of the couragious comming of the French host, as beyng in great hope to conquere all: sent vnto the king by certayne thrt were next about him, offering to the Chri∣stians the quyet and full possession of the holy land, with al the kingdome of Ierusalem, and more: besides other infi∣nite treasure of gold and siluer, or what els might pleasure them, onely vpon this condition they would restore again Damiata, with the captiues there, and so would ioyne to∣gether in mutuall peace and amitie. Also they should haue all their Christian captiues deliuered home, and so both coūtries should freely passe one to an other w^t their wares and traficke,* 64.68 such as they lifted to occupy. Furthermore it was also firmly affirmed & spokē, that the Soldan, with most of hys nobles were minded no lesse then to leaue the filthy law of Mahomet, and receaue the fayth of Christ so that they might quietly enioy their landes and possessi∣ons. The same day great quietnes had entred (no doubt) in all Christendome, with the end of much bloudshed and misery, had not bene for the pope and hys Legate, who (hauing commaundement from the Pope, that if any such offers should come, he shoulde not take them) stoutly & frontosè (as the words be of y^e story) cōtradicēs, in no wyse would receaue the conditions offered Parisiens. fol. 233.

Thus while the Christians vnprofitably lingered the tyme in debating this matter, the Soldan in the meane tyme got intelligēce of the compact betwene the Tribune of Kayra, and the French king: whereupon he sent in all hast to the Citty of Kayra, to apprehend the Tribune till y^e truth were fully tryed. which seemed to him more aparēt, for that the Christian prisoners were already deliuered. Hereupon the Soldan being in some better hope,* 64.69 and lesse feare, refused that which before he had offered to the Chri∣stians, albeit they with great instaunce afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obteine it. Then the Soldan beyng wholy bent to try the matter by the sword, sent to the East partes for an infinite multitude of souldiours, ge¦uing out by Proclamation, that whosoeuer could bring in any Christen mans head, should haue x. talentes, besides his standing wages. And whosoeuer brought his right hand, should haue fiue. He that brought his foote, shoulde haue 2. talentes for his reward.

After these thiuges thus prepared on both sides to the necessitie of warre,* 64.70 the king commeth to the great Riuer Nilus, hauing gotten together many boats, thinking by them to passe ouer, as vpō a sure bridge. On the other side the Soldan pitcheth himselfe to withstand his comming ouer. In the meane tyme happened a certayne feast a∣mongst the Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leauing hys tentes by the water side. Whiche beyng fore∣seene by a certayn Saracen lately conuerted to Christ, ser∣uing with the Earle Robert the kings brother, and shew∣ing them withall a certayne shalow foorde in the Riuer of Nilus, where they might more easily passe ouer, the sayd Earle Robert & the Mayster of the Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the armey, issued o∣uer the Riuer, after whome also followed William Long∣spath with hys band of English souldiours.* 64.71 These beyng together ioyned on the other side of the water,* 64.72 encounte∣red the same day with y^e Saracens remayning in the tents and put them to the worse. After this victorye gotten, the Frēch Earle surprised with pride and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would needes forward deuiding hymselfe from the mayne host, thinking to winn the spurres alone. To whome certayne sage men of the Temple,* 64.73 geuing contrary counsell aduised him not so to do, but rather to returne and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure agaynst all de∣ceites and daungers, which there might be layd priuely for thē. The maner of y^t people (they sayd) they better knewe, and had more experience therof then he: Alledgists moreo∣uer their weryed bodyes, their tyred horses, their famished souldiours, & the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especiall at this present brunt, in whiche the aduersaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to con∣sist eyther in winning all,* 64.74 or losing all: with ot••er such like wordes of perswasion. Which when the proud Earle dyd heare, being inflated with no lesse arrogance then ignorāce with opprobrious tauntes reuiled them, calling them co∣wardly bastardes, and betrayers of the whole countrey, obiecting vnto them the common report of many, whiche sayd, that the land of the holy Crosse might be wonne to Christendome were it not for the rebellious Templarics, with the Hospitalaries and their fellowes &c.

To these contumelious rebukes when the Maister of the Tēple answered againe for him and his felowes,* 64.75 bid∣ding him display his ensigne when he would, & where be durst, they were as ready to folow him, as he to go before thē: then began William de Longspath the worthy knight to speake, desiring the Earle to geue care to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those coūtryes & people, then he had, commending also their councell to be discrete & wholesom: & so turning to y^e maister of the tem∣ple began w^t gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not halfe ended his talke, when the Earle ta∣king his words out of his mouth began to fume & sweare, crying out of these cowardly english mē with tailes. What a pure army (sayd he) should we haue here, if these tailes, & tayled people were purged from it? w^t other like wordes of great vilany and much disdayne. whereunto the english Knight aunswering agayne:* 64.76 well Earle Robert (sayd he) where soeuer you dare set your foot, my step shall goc as farre as yours: and as I beleue, we go this day where you shall not dare to come neare the taile of my horse, as in the euent it proued true. Ibid. fol. 236.

In this meane time, the French king intending to ad∣uannce forward his army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked armor,* 64.77 to Damiata by boates. The Soldan hearing thereof, prepared a great number of boates to be caryed by wayne and carte to the water side, which meeting them by the way, drowned and destroyed by wildefire euery one, so that of all that company of our christians, of whom some were burned, some slayne, some drowned, not one escaped aliue, saue one onely Englishe man named Alexāder Giffard, who although he was sore woūded in the chase in fiue places in his body, yet escaped to the French cāpe, bringing word to the king what was done. And this was vpon the water.

Now vpō the land, seing Earle Robert would needs set forward,* 64.78 weening to get all the glory to himself before the comming of the hoste: first they inuaded a little village or castle, which was not farre of, called Mansor. The coū∣trey Bores and paganes in the villages by, seing the chri∣stians come, ranne out with such a mayne cry and shout, that it came to the Soldans hearing,* 64.79 which was nearer then our men did thinke. In the meane while the Christi∣ans inuading and entring into the munition incircum∣spectly, were pelted and pashed with stones by thē which stood aboue, whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the armye sore maimed and almost in despayre. Then immediately vpon the same cōmeth the Soldan w^t all hys mayne power, who seeing the Christens army to be deuided, and the brother seperated frō the brother, had that which he long wished for,* 64.80 and so inclosing them roūd about, that none should escape, had w^t them a cruell fight. Then the Earle began to repent him of hys heady rashe∣nes, but it was to late, who then seing William the Eng∣lish knight dowrely fighting in the chiefe brunt of the ene∣myes, cryed vnto hym most cowardly to flye, seeyng God (sayd he) doth fight agaynst vs.* 64.81 To whom the knight an∣swering agayne, God forbid (sayth he) that my fathers sonne should runne away from the face of a Saracen. The Earle then turning his horse fled away, thinking to auoid by the swiftnes of hys horse, & so taking the riuer of Thas∣nis, oppressed with harnes, was there sokē and drowned. Thus the Earle beyng gone, the French men began to dispayre and scatter. Then William de Longaspatha, bea∣ring all the force of the enemies, stood agaynst thē as long as he could,* 64.82 wounding and slaying many a Saracen, til at length hys horse being killed, and hys legges maymed, he could no longer stand: who yet notw^tstanding as he was downe, mangled their feete and legges, and did the Sara∣cens much sorow, till at last after many blowes & woūds, beyng stoned of the Saracens,* 64.83 he yelded hys life. After the death of him, then the Saracens setting vppon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on euery side, de∣uoured

and destroyed them all, in so much that scarse one man escaped aliue, sauing two Templaries,* 64.84 one Hospitu∣lar, and one poore rascall souldiour, which•• brought ty∣dinges hereof to the king.

* 64.85These thinges being knowne in the French campe to the king and his souldiours, first of their drowning which were sent to Damiata, then of the ruine and slaughter of the army, with the kinges brother, by the towne of Man∣sor, there was no little sorrow and heauines on euery side, with great feare, and doubt in themselues, what was best to doc. At last when they sawe no remedye, but they must stand manfully to reuenge the bloud of their brethren, thē the kyng with hys host past ouer the floud of Nilus, and comming to the place where the battayle had bene,* 64.86 there they beheld theyr fellowes and brethren pitifully lying w^t theyr heads and hands cut of. For the Saracens for the re∣ward before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, to them that could bring the head & hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, leauing theyr bodyes to y^e wilde beastes. Thus as they were sorowing and lamenting the rufull case of their Christen fellowes, sodenly appeareth y^e comming of the Sultan, with a multitude of innumera∣ble thousandes.* 64.87 Agaynst whom the French men estsoones prepare themselues to encounter, and so the battaile being strocken vp, the armyes began to ioyne. But alacke for pi∣tie, what could the Frenchmen here do, their number first so maymed, their hartes wounded already with feare and sorow, their bodyes consumed w^t penury and famine, their horses for feeblenes not able to serue them?* 64.88 In conclusion, the Frenchmen were ouerthrowne, slaine, and dispatched, & seing there was no flying, happy was he that first coulde yeld hymselfe. In which miserable conflict, the king with his two brethren, and a few that claue vnto him, were ta∣ken captiues, to the confusion of all Christen realmes, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue were purto the sword, or els stoode in the mercy of the Saracens whether to be slayne, or to remayne in wofull captiuitie.

And this was the end of that sorrowful battaile, wher in almost all the nobilitie of Fraunce was slayne, neyther was there one man welneare in all the multitude whiche escaped free, but eyther was slayne, or taken prisoner. Furthermore, they that were slayne or left halfe aliue, had euery one hys head and hand cut off, vppon the Soldans proclamation aboue mentioned.

The Sultan or Soldan, after the taking of the French king, fraudulently suborning an army of Saracens, to y^t number of the French army, with the armes and ensignes of them that were slayne, made toward Damiata, where the Duke of Burgundy, with the French Queene, & Ddo the Popes Legate, and other byshops and their garri∣sons were remaining, supposing vnder the shew of Frēch men to be let in, but the captaynes mistrusting theyr hasty commyng, and misdoubting their visages not like to the French men, shut the gates agaynst them, and so returned they frustrate of their intent.

The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might haue got∣ten Damiata, to send the French king hyer vp in the East countries to Calipha the chiefe Pope of Damascus, to en∣crease the tytles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or ga∣sing stocke to all those quarters of the worlde. The maner of which Calipha was neuer left to any Christen prisoner come out, whosoeuer came once in his handes. But for so∣much as the Soldan missed hys purpose, he thought by aduise of counsell, to vse the kinges lyfe for hys owne ad∣uauntage in recouering the city of Damiata,* 64.89 as in the end it came to passe. For although the king at the first was greatly vnwilling, and had rather die then surrender Da∣miata againe to the Saracens, yet the conclusion so fel out that the king was put to hys raunsome, and the Citty of Damiata was also resigned, which citty being twise won, and twise lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Saladine afterward caused vtterly to be rased downe to the ground. The raunsome of the king, vppon condition that the Sol∣dan should see himselfe conducted to Achon (which I take to be Cesaria) came to 60000.* 64.90 markes. The number of Frenchmen, and others which miscaryed in that warre by water and by land came to 80000, persons. tHaec Mat. Parisi. fol. 237.238.

And thus haue ye the briefe narration of this lamenta∣ble peregrination of Lewes the French kyng. In whiche when the French men beyng once or twise well offered by the Soldan, to haue all the kingdome of Ierusalem, and much more in free possession, they not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greedines to haue all, lost all, hauing at length no more then ther naked bo∣dies could couer, lying dead vpō the ground: & al through the originall cause of the Pope and Ddo hys Legate. By whole sinister meanes and pestilent pride, not only y^e liues of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the sayd Pope is to be imputed all the losse of other citties & Chri∣stian regions bordering in the same quarters: for a••muche as by the occasion hereof, the hartes of the Saracens on y^• one side were so encouraged, & the courage of the christias on the other side so much discomfited, that in short space af∣ter, both the dominion of Antioch and of Achon, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christes Church.

During the tyme of this good king lying at Achon••or Celaria,* 64.91 almighty God sent such discorde betwene y^t Sol∣dan of Halapia, and the Soldā of Babilon, for letting the king so escape, that the sayd Soldan or Salidin of Babi∣lon, to winne the king vnto hys syde, entred league with him (whome both hys brethren, and all his nobles almost at home had forsaken) and remitted hys raunsome, and al∣so restored vnto hym such prisoners as were, in the sayde battayle foūd to be aliue. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh. Math Paris. fol. 261.

An other cause moreouer,* 64.92 why the ruine of this French army may worthely be impured to the Pope, is this: for that whē Lewes the French king perceauing what a ne∣cessary frend and helper Fredericke the Emperour might be to hym in these his affayres agaynst the Saracens, and therfore was an earnest suter for him to the Pope to haue hym released, yet neyther he, nor the king of Englande by any meanes could obtayne it.* 64.93 And although the Emperor himselfe offred to pope Innocent with all humble submis∣sion to make satisfaction in the Councell of Lyons, pro∣mising also to expugne all the dominions of the Saracens and neuer to returne into Europe agayn, and there to re∣couer whatsoeuer the Christians had lost, so that the pope would onely graūt his sonne Henry to be Emperoure af∣ter him: yet the proud pope woulde not be mollified, but would needes proceede agaynst hym with both swordes, that is, first with the spirituall sword to accurse hym, and then with the temporall sword to depose him frō his Em∣perial throne. Through the occasion wherof, not onely the French kinges power went to wracke, but also such a fire of mischiefe was kindled agaynst all Christendome,* 64.94 as yet to this day cannot be quenched. For after this ouerthrowe of the French king and his army, the Christians of Anti∣och and of other Christen regions theraboutes, being vt∣terly discouraged, gaue ouer there holdes and Citties. Whereby the Saracens, and after them the Turkes, got such an hand ouer Christēdome, as to this day we al haue great cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where diuers Christians were crossed to go ouer and helpe the Frenche king, the pope for mony dispensed with them to tary still at home.

But as I sayd, the greatest cause was, that the Empe∣rour, whiche coulde haue done most, was deposed by the Popes tyranny, whereby all those Churches in Asia were left desolate. As touching the whiche Emperour Frede∣ricke, because we haue diuers and sundry tymes made mē∣tion of him before, and for that his story is straunge, hys actes wonderous, and his conflictes tragicall, whiche he sustayned agaynst iiii. or v. Popes one after an other, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider, what is to be iudged of this Cathedrall Sea of Rome, which had wrought such abhominable mischiefe in the world, as in the sequele of the story following faythfully translated out of Latiue into English is to be seene.

The whole tragicall history of Fredericke, 2. Emperor, translated out of the Latine booke of Nich. Cisnerus.

FRedericke the second, came out of the auncient house of the Beblines or Gibillines:* 64.95 which Gibillines came of the most famous stocke of the Frenche king and Empe∣rours.

He had Fredericke Barbarossa to hys Graundfather, whose sonne Henricus the 6.* 64.96 was Emperoure after hym: who of Constātia, the daughter (or as some write y^e neece) of Roger the first, king of Sicile: begate this Fredericke the second.

This Constantia was 50. yeares of age before she was conceaued with him:* 64.97 whom the Emperour Henry 6. to a∣uoyde all doubt and surmise that of her conception & chil∣ding might be thought, and to the peril of the Empeir en∣sue: caused hys regall tent to be pitched abroade in place where euery man might resort. And when the tyme of his Queenes trauaile approched, Constantia (in presence of diuers Ladyes, and Matrons, and other Gentle women

of the Empire, a great number was brought a bed and deliuered of this Fredericke: the vii. day before the Ca∣lendes of January, in the yeare of Christes incarnation. 1193. who by inheritaunce was king of Naples, Apu∣ha, Calabria, and Sicilia.

Henricus his father shortly after he was borne, obtay∣ned of the princes electors, that by their oth to hun geuen: they would chuse his sonne Fredericke for their Emperor after his discease, and so did, and immediately called hym Cesar, being yet but in his cradle.

* 64.98This Henry when he dyed (which was shortly after y^e birth of Fredericke) committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife, to Phillip his brother chiefe gouer∣nour of Hetruria, and to the Byshop of Rome, then In∣nocentius the third.

Constantia, not long after the death of Henry her hus∣band being sickely and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to gouerne the troubles and vnquiete state of the Empire, resigned, and willed by her testamēt, the safe∣ty both of her sonne Fredericke and also of his dominions to the protectiō and gouernment of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to haue prouided. &c.

This pope Innocent. assone as he had the protection of the young Emperor & his Segniories: became in stead of a patron and protector, to him & to hys dominions both an enemy and cōspiratour. The examples are many: One is,* 64.99 he perswaded Sibill the late wife of Tancredus (whō Henry put from the kingdome of Sicile) to recouer y^e same agayne, and that she should there unto require Phillip the French kinges ayde: whereupō one waltherus being of noble house of the Earles of Brenno, which in y^e prouince of Barrencecis had great liuing, and marying with Ateri∣a the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicile (as is said) now by the instigation, counsell, & ayd of the french king with the pope (well hoping to recouer the kingdom) entred and inuaded with great power Campania, & Apu∣ha. At which tyme also, the same worthy protectour In∣nocentius the third, sent his legates with letters of excō∣munication agaynst all those that woulde not admit and take the sayd Waltherus for their king.

In other was, that where the princes Electors and o∣ther nobles as before is sayd had promised by their othe to Henricus,* 64.100 that they woulde make Fredericke hys sonne Emperor after his discease (whō the Pope saw to put their indenour therunto to bring it to passe) absolued thē all frō the othe which they had taken and geuen for the election of Fredericke the Emperour, as one not content he shoulde obtain the same. And further, he raysed slaunders and de∣famations agaynst Phillip,* 64.101 whom the electors had chosen to gouerne the Empire during the minoritie of Frederick hys nephew. He wrote hys Epistle (which is yet extant) to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor: who, for that he gaue place to Phillip, he went about to procure, y^t Otho the sonne of Hēry Leo should be made Emperor, & y^e the Princes & Lords electors of Germany, wold crown him forthw^t after the maner of Aquisgrane.* 64.102 He depriued al such Bishops as he knew to fauour Phillip as Emperor, in the defence of hys nephewes right. But Phillip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial affayres greater, & in power & strength mightier: after diuers and great cōflicts the maruellous disturbaunce and vastation of the whole Empire, by Gods helpe put the other to the worse. All which calamities and mischiefes Conradus Lichtenanus at that tyme liuing, in his Annales most pitifully com∣playneth of: and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his ad∣herentes to be the chiefe authors and deuisors of this great and lamentable mischiefe: as such that for to make them∣selues rich by the spoyle thereof, sought by all meanes and desired the same.

* 64.103Not long after a peace was concluded betwene Phil∣lip & Otho, and Phillip reconciled again to the pope: who within a while after betwene Otho and him was murde∣red in his chamber and slayne.* 64.104 And then was Otho agayn brought to the Imperiall seate, and newe elected for Em∣perour, with the counsell and consent of this Innocent the thyrd: and so continued till that a great variaunce and dis∣corde chaunced to ryse betweene the sayd Otho & the pope. Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all meanes,* 64.105 howe a∣gaynst him likewise hee might worke mischiefe and bring him to hys end. The occasion of this sodayne chaunge and alteration my author maketh no mentiō of, but that Otho (now being of great power) inuaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick: as Flamminia, Picenum, Um∣bria, Hetruria, but chiefly Campania, and Apulia, for that those properly appertayned to the inheritaunce of Fredericke.

Thus you see, how first by the counsell and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation, besides his se∣cret conspiracies: this good Fredericke and hys domini∣nions were hurt and indamaged. Then agayne, through his default what damage he sustayned by Otho, who by him and hys meanes was made so strong as he was: not∣withstanding the great trust he was put in for the protec∣tion both of Fredericke and his dominions.

At this tyme.* 64.106 Fredericke was come to the age of xx. yeares: who in hys youth by the prouision of Constantia his mother, was so well instructed in letters, and in other artes and vertues so imbued: that at these yeares there appeared and did shyne in hym, excellent giftes both of wisedome and knowledge.

He was excellently well scene in the Latine & Greeke tongues,* 64.107 although at that time learning began to decay, & barbarousnes to encrease. He had also the Germayn tong the Italian tongue, and the Saracen tongue. He day ex∣ercised and put in practise those vertues which nature had planted in him, as pietie, wisedome, iustice, and fortitude: in so much, that well he might be compared and accomp∣ted amongest the worthiest and most renowmed Empe∣rours hys predecessours.

Fazellus (the historician of Sicilia in this tyme) wri∣teth, that Fredericus was agayne after this had in great honor and estimation with Innocētius: but yet notwith∣standing, he had no sure confidence in him,* 64.108 for that he had the suspected name of Fredericke hys graundfather often in remembrance, and for that occasion was much desirous to haue him farre from Italy.

When Fredericke had gathered his power,* 64.109 he purpo∣set to set vpon Otho his enemy: of which thing Otho hea∣ring (as he was painfull in trauell) came out of Italy with his army into Germany, thinking to haue met Frederick at the riuer of Rhene, and to haue stopped his passage: but he was deceiued of his expectation, and Fredericus was crowned as the maner of Aquisgrane is, before he came. And after that Fredericke in the winter tyme tooke hys iorny to Francosert,* 64.110 and after many meetinges in Norico had, and that Otho was dead, he set the Empire in a stay and the whole coūtry of Germany he in a maner appealed And then with all hys nobles and princes he returned to Rome, and of Honorius the third was with great solem∣nitie consecrated and called Augustus.* 64.111 whiche Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papall Sea: and was a great helpe to Fredericke (although he loued hym not) in this behalfe, to reuenge hym selfe vpon Otho.

After the consecration of Fredericke the second, he gaue many great and liberall giftes,* 64.112 as well to the Byshop of Rome hymselfe, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gaue & assured, by his Charter to the Church of Rome, the Dukedome of Fundanum. For by the vnsatiable coue∣tousnes of the Romish Bishops, this wicked vse and cu∣stome grew: that vnlesse the Emperours elect & crowned would geue vnto thē such like great and large giftes: they could not obtayne of them their consecration or confirma∣tion which for that intent they deuised.

Furthermore,* 64.113 Fredericke the Emperour, willing to shew himselfe more bountifull and liberall to the Church: neyther yet to restraine any priuiledge that might benefite the same, gaue & admitted those cōstitutiōs which the pope hymselfe woulde desire, and are yet extant in theyr ciuill Law: By which hys doyngs he deliuered to their hands a sworde as it were, to cut his owne throte. For y^e bishops of Rome, now hauing euen what they lifted, & all in theyr owne handes: might by the payne of proscription, bryng what Emperour or king vnder coram nobis that them li∣sted, and keepe them by their owne lawes, as if it were bound in a certain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoeuer he were, whiche for the diminution of the liberties of the Church were excommunicate, and so continued a yeares space: then he should be within the dā∣ger of this proscript, and shoulde not be released before he had made satisfaction, and were admitted by the Pope to the Church and congregation of good men agayn.* 64.114 wher∣by it came to passe, that whatloeuer Emperour in the go∣uernement of hys dominions, shoulde in any poynt dis∣pleased or doe contrary to the lust of the Bishop of Rome: he then as enemy to the church, was excommunicate. And vnlesse within a yere he were reconciled to them again (by this their principal law) he was in the proscript. And often it chaunced, that Princes to auoyde the payne of this pro∣script, were ready to do what soeuer the pope would haue them, and commaund them to doe.

After the consecration of Fredericke was with great solemnitie finished,* 64.115 and that the pope & Churche of Rome in all ample maner (as is partly described) were gratified, and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed: he depar∣ted

from Rome and went into Italy, there to set in order and stay the Citties and great townes, for the better tran∣quillitie of himselfe and safety of his subiectes, and from thence into hys owne prouinces and dominions: where he heard of certayne, that began to rayse and make newe factions agaynst him. Amongst whom, were found Tho∣mas and Richard, the brethren of Innocentius the thyrd, Earle of Anaquinos, that held certayn castles in the king∣dome of Neopolitanes from him by force: whiche castles, he besieged and beate downe, and tooke from them al that he in them found. Richard he tooke, and sent as a prisoner into Sicilia: but Thomas escaped and came speedely to Rome, whither also repayred certayn bishops and others that were conspiratours against Frederick, as also such o∣ther as the feare of the Emperours lawes, and their own gilty consciences caused to flye: and were (that notwithstā∣ding) of this Bishop of Rome Honorius the 3. (to grati∣fie agayne the liberalitie of the Emperour bestowed vpon him) vnder hys nose succored, mayntayned and defended. Which thing when Fredericke vnderstode, he began to ex∣postulate with the Byshoppe, considering the vnseem∣linesse of that his fact.* 64.116 Agaynst whom, the Pope on the o∣ther side was so chased & vexed, that he immediatly with∣out farther delay thundereth out agaynst him like a tyrant his curses and excommunications.

Thomas Fazellus declareth, the detestation or defi∣ance to happen betweene thē somewhat otherwise. There were sayth he, amongst those which were found traytours to the Emperour certayne Byshops, whiche fleyng to the pope, requested his ayd: whereupon, the pope sent his Le∣gates to the Emperour, and requested him that he would admit and receaue to sauour those Byshops, which he had banished and put frō their offices, and that he woulde not intermedle with any Ecclesiasticall charge wherewith he had not to doe: And sayd further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertayned to the Byshop of Rome, and not to him: and moreouer, that the ouersight of those Churches in that kingdome, from the whiche he had expelled the Byshoppes, pertayned and belonged to hym.

Wherunto Frederick thus replyeth: That for as much as now 400.* 64.117 yeares and more (from the tyme of Carolus Magnus) all Emperours and kinges in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt and fit mē for the same, such Ecclesiasticall functions and charges as within their ter∣ritoryes and kingdomes fell: That he looked to haue the like priuiliege & authoritie also, that other his predecessors before hym had.* 64.118 And farther sayd, that he had the same and like authoritie in y^e Empire that his father Henry, & Fre∣dericke his graundfather, and other his predecessours be∣before them had: neyther had he so deserued at the handes of the Church of Rome: eyther of Honorius himselfe, to be depriued of those priueledges whiche his auncesters before him had had, and kept. And further, Friderick being cha∣fed and moued with these demaundes of the Pope, brea∣keth forth and sayth: how long will the Bishop of Rome abuse my patience? when will his couetous hart be satsfi∣ed? whereunto wil this ambitious desire grow? with such like wordes more, repeating certayn iniuries and conspi∣racies, both agaynst him and his dominions, as well by Honorius as Innocentius 3. his predecessour, as also o∣ther like iniuries of Pope to hys auncetours practised. what man sayth he, is able to suffer and beare this so in∣credible boldnes and intollerable insolency of so proud a Byshop.* 64.119 Boe sayth he (vnto the Legates) and tell Hono∣rius, that I will hazarde both the seignory of my Empire, and crowne of my kingdome, rather then I will suffer him thus to diminish the authoritie of our maiesty. Thomas Fazellus Lib. 8.

Nowe, because much disquictnes and controuersie hath arisen (for the most part through all Christendome in euery kingdome and realme seuerally) for and about the authoritie of chusing and depriuing of Byshops (as may be seene by the example of this Fridericke) which the pope onely and arrogantly challengeth to himselfe, and not to appertayne to an other: I thought good not with silence to ouer passe but somewhat to say: and to proue the autho∣ritie of Christen kings & princes in this behalfe, to be both sufficient & good: which thing, not onely by the holy scrip∣tures is right easie to be done, but also by Synodall de∣crees & councels (diuers and sondry) to be established and confirmed may easly be proued: as also by the auncient cu∣stome and maner of the primitiue Church,* 64.120 may further be corroborated and made good.

Whereunto appertayne certayne places collected and gathered out of the decrees by Gratianus, & specially in these canons, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 32, and 63, distinction. Far∣thermore, when Christen kings and princes began to em∣brace Christ his religion, both for honor and orders sake it was graunted: that when y^e people desired such ministers as were cōuenient & by them thought meet: y^t they whiche were then in the ecclesiasticall functiou and chiefest in au∣thoritie, shuld either confirme such as were presēted, or els themselues to place fit men in their churches as neede re∣quired.* 64.121 So did the Emperours of Constantinople (recei∣uing the order and maner from Constantine the great) vse and geue the right of Ecclesiasticall function, with the con∣sent both of the people, and ecclesiastical persons, & long so retayned they the same. As Honorious the Emperor vnto Boniface. canon. 8. dist. 79. & canon. 2. dist. 97. Also of Pe∣lagius and Gregorius Magnus: of the whiche one in the raigne of Justinian the Emperour and Totila gouerning Italy) the other in the tyme of Mauritius the Emperour (when the Lombardes possessed Italy) were appoynted Byshops to the Church of Rome. can. 15.21, 24.

And where,* 64.122 as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare, that the rescript of Hono∣rius the Emperour is voyde and of none effect, for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome, cōtrary to the authoritie of the holy canons: when as yet, neither to y^t ciuill magistrate, nor to any of the ecclesiasticall order cābe read of any licence geuen them for to dispence withal: each man may playnly see and discerne his great foly and want of vnderstanding. As though at y^t tyme any decrees were made, which shoulde debarre Emperours for the consriti∣turing of y^t ecclesiasticall ministers. Or that it were doubt∣full, whether the Emperours at that time had past any cō∣stitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiasticall discipline, and the same lawes then put in vre:* 64.123 when y^t contrary most manifestly (both by the lawes & histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire) may appeare. And that we need not seek farre for the matter: this thing is sufficiently proued by these titles: De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis, Clericis, besides other eccclesiasticall chapters, & matters touching religion. All which are to be seene in the bookes of the principall and chiefest constitutions, collec∣ted and set forth by Iustinian. Amongst the whiche, many of the chapiters are said to be accepted and allowed of Ho∣norius & Theodosius.* 64.124 So in like case, the 21. can. in the 63. distinction doth declare, that y^e Grecian Emperours that next insued after Iustinian, did obserue that maner of or∣deining and election of the Bishop of Rome: although thē at that tyme interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at. Amongst whom mention is made of Constantinus the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus.

Carolus Magnus in like maner followed theyr steps and maner in the same,* 64.125 as in the 22. canon, and the same di∣stinctiō is declared. And farther it was at a Synodal coū∣cell in Laterane (Adrian beyng hygh Bishop where were conuented and assembled 153. other Bishops) decreed: that the power and authoritie of creating the bishop of Rome, and ordayning of all other prelates & ecclesiasticall orders, should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus, as well in Italy as other his dominions and prouinces: and y^t whosoeuer was not promoted & allowed by him, should not be consecrated of any: And that those, which repugned and disobeyed this decree,* 64.126 should incurre the most sharpe paine of proscription and publication of law. The worthy example hereof is extāt in the 18. can. and 18. title. Yet not∣withstanding, Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript a∣gaynst the sayd decree and w^tout the Emperours consent was made Bishop of Rome. who to y^e intent he might de∣lude y^e decreed & solemnised penalty, therby to excuse him∣selfe: went into Fraunce to Ludouicus Pius the sonne of Carolus Magnus, & at Rheimis crowned he him w^t the Imperiall diademe. Neither could this Byshop here stay himselfe, but spying the great lenitie of the Emperour, as∣sayed to make frustrate the foresayd constitution. For hys purpose was, & so brought it to passe, as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth) that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiasticall order,* 64.127 with the people and senate of Rome (without the authoritie of the Emperour) to chuse the Byshop of Rome: reseruing, that he shoulde not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Em∣perour. Thus is it manifest, that the Byshops of Rome themselues, not regarding but despising the straite pe∣nalty and sanction of the foresayd decree of the Laterane Councell: were not onely the first that brake the same, but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions laboured & endeuoured to extoll & set vp themselues aboue al other.

Whereupon,* 64.128 Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus, comming into Italy there to dissolue the cōspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire: renewed & stablished

agayne the Synodal decree of Laterane, touching the iu∣risdiction of the Emperour for the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall persons. And hereof it came, that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. & 17. canon, and the same distinction, which also as in the 9. canon and x. distinction, made a profession, that the same Imperiall preceptes should be kept in all ages. This Leo when he was reproued of treason and other euils, pleaded his cause before Ludouicus the 2. Emperoure of Rome, and sonne of Lotharius aboue recited 2. q. 7. canon. 40.

* 64.129But after this as tyme grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires: Otho the first Emperour of that name, depriued and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop Iohn the xiij. both for diuers and sundry wicked and haynous acts by him committed, as also for his great treasons & conspi∣racies agaynst his royall person: and did substitute in hys place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synode at Laterane in the same temple and place where the other before was kept•• did promulgate a new constitution w^t consent of the Se∣nate & people of Rome, concerning the Emperours iuris∣diction in the foresayd election: whiche in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction. Whereby the old right and power of the Emperour in the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall prelates, was agayne with more sharper and straighter sanctiō confirmed & ratified. Agayn Iohn the 18, whō Cressentius the Romayn (vsur∣ping y^t Imperiall crowne) had made bishop by the consēt of the people of Rome & the Ecclesiasticall order: hauing his nose cut off, & hys eyes put out, & so thrust out of the capitoll: was agayn of Otho 3. established and made By∣shop. But when as yet notwithstanding, the Byshops of Rome would not alter their olde accustomed disposition, but w^t all their industry indeuoured to abrogate that iuris∣diction of the Emperor ouer the bishop of Rome (as peo∣ple loth to be vnder subiection) Henry the 3. (then Leo y^e 9 beyng constituted byshop) did once agayne ratifie y^t same,* 64.130 and caused the byshop which extolled himself before al his fellow bishops) to stoup and geue place to Moguntinus.

* 64.131So, after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor, Nicho∣las the 2. although in hys decree (whiche in the first canon and 32. distinction is recited) gaue the primacie for the ele∣ctiō of the bishop of Rome by the means of the priests and people of Rome, vnto the Cardinals: yet he woulde after that, that the prerogatiue therein shoulde be reserued to Henry 4. the young Emperor, from whome the Empire afterward was for a tyme wrested and taken.

But now after this, whē Hildebrand which was cal∣led Gregory the 7. was Pope: This prerogatiue of the Emperours in their Election,* 64.132 which before in the creatiō of Alexander the bish. was neglected and broken: The bi∣shops of Rome, not onely did seeke to diminish y^e authori∣ty thereof, but also to euacuate, and quite vndoe the same. For he, not onely aspired to that dignitie, without the cō∣sent and appoyntment of the Emperor: but also made re∣straint that no Emperor, king, Duke, marques, Earle, or any ciuile Magistrate: should assigne and appoynt to any any ecclesiasticall function and charge, neyther that any of his Prelates so hardy, shoulde take them at anye of their handes, as q. 16. canon. 7.9. and 10. may be seene.

Yet notwithstanding, after that this horrible monster Hildebrād was proscript and thrust out of the papall seat,* 64.133 and Clement 3. put in hys stede: Henry agayn challenged hys Imperial prerogatiue of Election. But yet, when the Byshops which succeeded after this Hildebrand & led by hys example, began to derogate from the Imperiall pre∣rogatiue of electiō: & Hen. on the other side by al meanes possible, sought to defend and maintayne the same. By the subtile fraud & mischieuous pollicie of the bishops which set the sonne agaynst the father, and foūd meanes to steale from him the hartes of his nobles and subiectes and to set them al agaynst hym, and especially the Princes of Ger∣many: was deposed and disappoynted of his purpose.

* 64.134And although Henry the 5. (cōming to Rome) brought Paschalis the secōd to that poynt, that he both in publique concion, and in writing sealed, and also by othe confirmed, restored agayn to the Emperours of Rome y^e prerogatiue of election, and of geuing of ecclesiastical dignities: yet not withstanding, after that Henry the Emperour was gone from Rome: Paschalis the Pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming the priuiledges of Emperors through feare) touching the geuing and disposing of ecclesiastical functiōs,* 64.135 excommu∣nicated the Emperour: And in a Sinodal councell at La∣terane ordayned & decreed, that he should be had & accoū∣ted a wicked enemy, that woulde take any Ecclesiasticall function or preferment at the handes of a ciuile Magi∣strate, whereupon were made these decrees qu. 16. chap. 7. 13.14.15. and 16.

Therfore,* 64.136 when these decrees touching the desiguatiō of bishops, in spight and contempt of the Emperour were practised and put in vre: and when that uow (especially by the meanes and procurement of the bishops) intestine and ciuile warres begā to ryse in the Empire: the Emperiall iurisdiction in this matter was not onely weakened and much debilitate, but also in maner vtterly brokē and lost. For when Henry the v. Emperour was sharpely of Lo∣tharius and his vassals the Bishops, beset & layd vnto by the prouocation of the pope, and was mightely by the by∣shops that tooke his part on y^• other side requested & in∣treated (in hope of publique peace & tranquilitie) that he woulde condescend and somewhat yeld to the Popes de∣maundes: He at length (the more was the pity) y^t he might be reconciled and haue peace with pope Calixtus the 2.* 64.137 In the city of Uangio departed from and with that his prero∣gatiue or iurisdictiō of geuing ecclesiastical preferments to the pope and hys prelates, now more then 300. yeares (frō the time of Carolus Magnus) in the hands of them Em∣perours of Rome, and vntill this tyme with great forti∣tude & princely courage, conserued and kept: which resig∣nation turned to no small detriment both of the Church of Christ, and Christian common wealth.

Then first and neuer before,* 64.138 obteined the Byshop of Rome, and quietly enioyed that prerogatiue of election, & bestowing of benefices: which he so long before with suche great pollices (now secretly now openly, and nowe wyth force) had sought for. And with what sufficient and good authoritie Gratianus will proue, that before this tyme the same authoritie was geuen to the City of Rome for the e∣lection of the pope without the consent of the Emperor he sheweth: as in the 29. and 30. Canon, and what good stuffe he putteth in the latter, and howe subtilly that Papisticall flatterer or pontifical Parasite hath forged the same:* 64.139 Both Carolus Molineus sufficiently in diuers places hath no∣ted, and by the obseruatiō of tymes may of a meane Histo∣riographer that hath red the French and Germaine histo∣ries, soone be espied & discerned. For first, fiue bishops one after an other succeeded this Gregory 4. vpon whome the 29. canon is entituled or fathered: that is, Sergius 2. Iohn 8. Adrian. 2. Iohn. 9. and Adrian the 3. whiche Adrian by force wresting the authoritie of the electiō from the people was made pope: when, as the Gregory (specially to be noted) would not take on him the Papacie, before that the Emperour had consented to his election. After this, Mo∣lineus compareth Raphell Uolateranus w^t the 30. canon which agayne is suspected: For why, whē Eugenius was bishop which was the Successor of this Paschalis, wyth whom Ludouicus Pius is sayd to haue made a league or paction: The same Ludouicus Pius with his sonne Lo∣tharius together with the helpe of the king of Romaines, at Rome made lawes both to all his subiectes in the Em∣pire, as also to the Romaines themselues: speaking no∣thing of y^e renuing of the decree made by Lotharius.* 64.140 Thou agayn, how could Leo the fourth write to Lotharius and Ludouicus Emperours, that counterfeit or forged decree; beginning with Constitutio. &c. when in the same mentiō is made of Henricus Aucupes, & Otho the 1. whiche raig∣ned more then 80. yeares after them, and Leo the 4. bishop of Rome.

Now with what face dare this fōd fellow Gratianus make Otho the first to be author of the 31. Canon,* 64.141 when as Otho depriued the same Iohn the 12. of the Papacye: And not onely took nothing from the Imperall iurisdicti∣on concerning the election, nor from the city of Rome, nor any other bishops subiect to the Romain Empire: but ad∣ded somewhat more therunto, as was said before. And yet notwithstanding, so shameles & sencelesse was this Gra∣cian, y^t he durst obtrude & lay before the reader, so manifest fraud and euident legerdemaine (fayned and made of hys owne braynes in the compiling of this decree) being so ne¦cessary as he thought for the dominion and prunacy of the Romaine Bishops, in y^e sted of good and true lawes in ei∣ther fearing that the same might be after his dayes repre∣hended, neither to his great shame and discredit vnto him attributed. Where also by the way is to be noted, that as this gracelesse Gratianus to please these holy fathers and to erect theyr kingdome, woulde geue so impudent an at∣tempt to the blinding and deceiuing of all posterityes: in∣serting for grounded truthes and holy decrees such loude lyes and detestable doctrine:* 64.142 what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those dayes what attemp∣tes hope of gayne might cause them to worke: By whom and such like is to be feared, the fasifying of diuers other good workes now extant, in those perillous tymes writtē.

* 64.143Thus, when the Bishops had once wrested this auto∣ritie out of the Emperours handes: they then so fortified & armed thēselues and their dominion, that although after∣wardes Fredericke the first, graundfather vnto this good Emperor Fredericke the second,* 64.144 as also Ludouicus Boi∣us, and Henricus Lucelburgensis (as men most studious and carefull for the dignities of the Empire: vnfeined lo∣uers and maintainers of the vtilitie of the commō weale, and most desirous of the preseruatiō and prosperity of the Church) did all their indeuors with singular wisedome & strength, as much as in them lay, to recouer agayne from the byshop of Rome this the authoritie of the Imperiall iurisdiction lost, most cruelly & wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empyre, vndoyng of the cō∣mon wealth, and vtter subuersion of the Churche of God yet coulde they not be able to bryng the same to passe in those darck and shadowed tymes of peruerse doctrine and errours of the people,* 64.145 and most miserable seruitude of ci∣uile Magistrates.

The same and like priuilege also in the election of theyr bishops & Prelates, and disposing of Ecclesiasticall offices, as the Emperour of Rome had: euery Prince and king in theyr seuerall dominions had the like.* 64.146 For by the decree of the Councell of Tolerane, which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned: the authoritie of creating and chusing byshops and Prelates in Hispane, was in the power of the king of Hispane. The like also by the Histo∣ries of Clodoueus, Carolus Magnus, Ludouicus nonus, Phi∣lippus Augustus, Philippus pulcher, Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus. 7. Kinges of Fraunce, is apparaunt and well knowne: that all these kinges had the chiefe charge and gouernement of the French Church, and not the byshops of Rome.

* 64.147And by our English historyes also as you heard, it is manifest: that the authoritie of chusing ecclesiasticall mini∣sters and byshops, was alwayes in the kings of Englād, till the raygne of king Henry the 1. who by the labour and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was depriued and put from the same.

* 64.148Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Em∣peror, till the tyme of Henry the 5. had all euery Prince se∣uerally in his owne dition and Prouince the same iurisdi∣ction and prerogatiue: to geue & dispose ecclesiasticall fun∣ctions to their Prelates at theyr pleasure: and after that it appertayned to the people and prelats together. And how in the raigne of Fridericke, the Prelates gate vnto them∣selues alone this Immunitie: Ioannes Auentinus in his 7. booke of the Annales of the Boiores doth describe.

* 64.149Also it is probable, that the kinges of Sicilia had the same facultie in geuing and disposing their Ecclesiasticall promotions and charge of churches. Andreas de Istmia ad 1. constit. Neap. nu. 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therfore as Fazellus sayth, he was excommunicated of Honorius. But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wher∣fore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not igno∣rant: Howbeit, he that will compare theyr writings with others that write more indifferently betweene Honorius and hym: shall easily finde, that they more sought the fauor of the Romayn bishops, then to write a veritie. But now agayne to the history of Fridericke.

* 64.150Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth, that whilest Friderike the Emperour was in Sicilia, hys wife Constantia dyed at Catrana or Catana. In the meane time, the Christians which was a great nauy sayled into Egipt and tooke the citie Heliopolis, commonly called Damatia, and long ago named Pelucinum, beyng in good hope to haue dryuen Sultanus y^e Sowdā out of Egipt: had a great & maruei∣lous ouerthrow, by y^e conueiyng of the water of the floude Nilus (which then ouerflowed into their Campe) & were sayne to accord an vnprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certayne yeares,* 64.151 and to deliuer the citty agayne: and so departing out of Egipt, were faine to come to Acone and Cyrus, to the no small detriment and losse of the Christian army. Wherupon, king Iohn surnamed Brennus (being king of Ierusalem) arriued in Italy, and prayde ayd of the Emperor agaynst his enemies, in whō he had great hope to finde remedy of the euils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope, declaring vnto him the great discomfite and ouerthrow past, as also the present peril and callamitie that they were in, desiring also hys ayd therin. By whose meanes (as Cisnerus sayth) the Emperour was reconciled agayne to the Pope,* 64.152 and made friendes together: to whome also king Iohn gaue Ioell his daughter in maryage, which came of the daugh∣ter of Conradus King of Ierusalem, and Marques of Mounte Ferrat: with whome he had for dowry, the in∣heritaunce of the kingdome of Ierusalem, as right heyre thereunto by her mother. By whome also, he atter obtey∣ned the kingdome of Naples and Sicill, and promised that with as much expedient speede as he might he would prepare a power for the recouery agayne of Ierusalem, and be there himselfe in proper person:* 64.153 whiche thinge to doe, for that vppon diuers occasions he deferred (whereof some thinke one some an other: Honorius) vnto whome he was lately reconciled, purposed to haue made agaynst hym some great and secrete attempt, had hee not bene by death before preuented, vppon whome were made these Uerses.

O pater Honori, multorum nate dolori. Est tibi decori viuere, vade mori.

After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9. as great an e∣nemy to Frederike as was Honorius:* 64.154 whiche Gregory, came of the race whom the Emperor (as before ye heard) condemned of Treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely setled in hys Papacy, when that he threatned hym that greatly with excommunica∣tion, vnlesse he woulde prepare hymselfe into Asia, ac∣cording to hys promise as ye heard before to king Iohn. And what the cause was, why the Pope so hastened the iourney of Frederike into Asia, you shall heare hereafter: In effect, he could not wel bring that to passe, which in his mischieuous minde he had deuised,* 64.155 vnlesse the Emperour were farther from him. Notwithstanding, Fredericke it shoulde seeme smelling a ratte, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might) alledged diuers causes and lets, as late¦ly and truely he dyd to Honorius.

Fazellus a Sicilian writer sayth, that the special cause of the Emperors stay was: for the oathe of truce and peace during certayne yeares, whiche was made betweene the Saracens and Christians as you heard, which tyme was not yet expired.

The same also Fazellus,* 64.156 writeth thus of king Iohn of Ierusalē, that when hys daughter was brought to Rome the Emperour and the pope was reconciled together. And being called vp to Rome to celebrate y^• mariage. P. Gre∣gory (as the maner of those proud prelates is) offered hys right foote vnto the Emperour to kisse. But the Empe∣rour not stouping so low, scarcely with hys lippe, touched the vpper part of hys knee and woulde not kisse his foote: which thing the pope toke in very euil part and was ther∣with merueilously offended. But for that no oportunitie at that time serued to reuenge hys conceiued grudge and old malice,* 64.157 he dissimuled the same as he might for that tyme, thinking to recompence it at the full as tyme would serue, and fall out therefore.

After this, it fortuned that the Emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Souldane in Syria, and that from Arsacida there came a great power agaynst the christen princes: he made the more hast, and was with more desire encouraged to set forward hys iourny into A∣sia. Wherefore, assembling the Nobilitie of the Empire at Rauenna and Creinona: he gaue in commaundement to Henry hys sonne (whō not long before he caused to be cre∣ated Cesar) that he should perswade the nobles & Princes of the Empire: that they all, would be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this hys iourney and enter∣prise. This writeth Fazellus: howbeit, some other affirme that these thinges were done in the tyme of Honorius. But how soeuer the matter is,* 64.158 this thing is manifest: that Fredericke to satisfie the popes desire, which neuer would sin but by al means sought to prouoke him forward, gaue hym at length hys promise: that by certayn time he would prepare an army and fight himselfe agaynst those, whiche kept from hym the citty of Ierusalem (which thing he also confesseth himselfe in his epistles, and also how he desired, and obtayned of the pieres and Nobility of the Empire, theyr'ayd thereunto) as also, to haue a appoynted & conue∣nient tyme when they should be at Brundusium.

In the meane season, he with all hys power and inde∣uour made hasty and speedy preparation for the warres:* 64.159 he rigged & manned a puissant nauy, he had the pykcost men and best souldiours that were in euery country, and made warlike prouison & furmture, for euery thing that to such a voiage and expedition appertayned. Neyther was the matter slacked, but at that tyme appoynted, great bandes assembled & mustred both of Germaine souldiours and o∣thers, and vnder theyr Captaines appoynted sot forth and marched to Brundusium. Theyr generals were, Thurin∣gus and Sigebertus, and Augustinus the Byshop: where they, long tyme lying and attending the Emperours cō∣ming (being let by infirmitie and sickenes) great pestilēce

and sondry diseases molested them,* 64.160 by reason of the great heate and intemperance of that country: and many a soul∣diour there lost his life, among whome also dyed Thurin∣gus one of their Generals. The Emperour, when he had somewhat recouered his health, with al his nauy launched out and set forwarde to Brundusium. And when he came to the straites of Poliponences and Creta (being Ilands lying in the sea) and there, for lacke of conuenient wynde was stayed: sodenly the Emperour (hys diseases grow∣ing vppon him agayne) fell sicke: and sending before all or the most part of his bandes and shippes into Palestina, promising them (most assuredly) to come after and fol∣low them so soone as he might recouer and get neuer so li∣tle health:* 64.161 he himselfe with a few ships, returned and came to Brundusium, and from thence for want of health, went into Apulia.

When tidings here of came to the Popes eare: He sent out his thundring curses and newe excommunications a∣gaynst the Emperour. The causes wherefore, I find noted and mentioned by his owne letters, that is. Now that whē he had robbed and taken from Brūdusius,* 64.162 Prince of Thu∣ring, his horses, hys mony, and other rich furniture of his house at the tyme of hys death, hee sayled into Italy: not for y^e entent to make warre agaynst the Turke, but to con∣uey this pray that he had stolne and taken away frō Brun∣dusius, who neglecting his othe and promise which he had made, and feiniug himselfe to be sicke, came home agayn. And that by his default also,* 64.163 Damieta was lost, & the hoste of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus besides these cau∣ses spoken of before doth write that the pope alledged these also. That he defiled a certayne Damosell, which was in y^e Queenes nursery: and that he slew hys wife when he had whipped her in the prison, for declaring the mischieuous acte to her father king Iohn. But all the writers, and also Blondus hymselfe doth declare, that this Ioell died after the Publication of the proscript and excommunication: wherefore, y^e Pope could not without great shame allege y^e cause vpon the death of Ioell:* 64.164 For vndoubtedly the truthe is, that she of her sonne Conradus dyed in childebed. Thē Fredericke, to refell and auoyd the foresayd slaunders, sen∣deth the byshop of Brundis, and other Legates to Rome: whom the Pope would not suffer to come to his presence, neither yet to the Councels of the Cardinals to make hys purgation. Wherfore the Emperour to purge himselfe of the crymes, which the pope did so falsely accuse him of: both to all Christen kinges and specially to the Princes of Ger∣many, & all the nobles of y^e Empire, he writeth hys lettters (which are to be seene) that those thinges are both false and also fayned, & of the popes own head muented. And shew∣eth, how that his Embassadours with his purgatiō, could not be suffered to come to the popes presēce: also doth larg∣ly intreat how vnthankfull & vngratefull the Byshops of Rome were towardes him for the great benefites whiche both he, and also his predecessors had bestowed vpon them and the Romaine Church: which letter, for that it is ouer tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the histo∣story is somewhat long, y^e summe of the purgation is this.

* 64.165He protesteth and declareth vniuersally, that he had al∣wayes great care for the christen common wealth, and that he had determined euen from hys youth, to fight against y^e Turke and Saracens. And for that occasiō he made a pro∣mise to the Princes electours of Aquisgraue, howe that he would take that warre vpon him: Afterward he renewed his promise to Rome,* 64.166 when he was cōsecrated of Honori∣us: Then, when he maryed the daughter of the king of Ie∣rusalem, which was an heyre of the same: And for because that kingdome might be defended & kept from the iniuries of the enemies, & that he fauored it euen as he did his own: he prepared an huge nauy, and gathered together a strong army of men: neither did he neglect any thing that belōged to the furniture of the warre. But when the tyme was come, and his band was gathered together: his sickenesse would not suffer hym to be there. And afterward when he had recouered the same, and came to Brundusium, and frō thence without any disturbance went forthwith to the sea: he fell into y^e same sickenes agayne, by the which he was let of hys purpose:* 64.167 which thing (saith he) he is able to proue by sufficiēt testimony. Now the Pope also doth lay the loosing of Damieta, and other thinges whiche prospered not well with him, vniustly to hys charge: when as he had made great prouision for y^e same iourney both of soldiors & other necessary thinges. But he y^t will vnderstande these things more playnely among other Epistles of Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Fridericke, let hym read these espe∣cially, which begin thus: In admirationem, & iusticiam & in∣nocentiam: & Leuate oculos. And truely euen as Fredericus the Emperour declareth in his letters, concerning thys matter, all the olde writers of Germany doe accord and agree in the same.

Math. Parisiensis also briefly collecteth the effect of an other letter which he wrote to the king of England,* 64.168 complayning vnto him of the excommunication of the Pope agaynst him: Whose wordes are these. And amongst other Catholicke Princes (sayth he) He also wrote his letters vnto the king of England, embulled with gold Declaring in the same, that the Bishop of Rome so fla∣med with the fire of auarice and manifest concupiscence: that not being contented with the goodes of the Churche which were in∣numerable, but also that he shamed not to bring Princes, Kinges and Emperours to be subiectes, and contributors to hym, and so to disherite them and put them from their kingly dignities. And that the king of Englande himselfe had good experiment thereof, whose father (that is to say King Iohn) they so long held excommunicate till they had brought both him and his domini∣ons vnder seruitude and to pay vnto hym tribute.* 64.169 Also that many haue experience of the same by the Earle of Tholouse and diuers other Princes, which so long held theyr persons and landes in in∣terdict: till they might bring them into like seruitude. I pretermit sayth he, the Symonies and sondry fortes of exactions (the lyke whereof was neuer yet heard) which dayly are vsed amongest the ecclesiasticall persons, besides their manifest vsury (yet so cloked and coloured to the simple sort) that therewithall they infect the whole world.* 64.170 They be the sugred and embalmed Simonistes, the insatiable horse leaches or bloudsuckers saying, that the Churche of Rome is our mother and nurse, where as it is in deede the most polyng Court in the vniuersall world, the roote and right mother of all mischiefe-vsing and exercising no motherly doings or deeds but bringing forth the right exercises of a wicked stepdame: ma∣kyng sufficient proofe thereof by her manifest fruites to all the worlde apparaunt. Let the Barons of England consider whether this be true or not, whom Pope Innocent by his bulles with one consent encouraged to ryse and rebell agaynst their soueraigne Lord and Prince king Iohn your father, as an obstinate enemy to the Church of Rome.* 64.171 But after that the king (farre out of square) remembring himselfe, had crouched vnto him and obliged both himselfe and kingdome to the Church of Rome, more liker a wo∣man then a man: and that the wise Barons whome the Pope had first mayntained and stirred up, without all shame eyther of the world or feare of God, had done the same: sought howe he might with gaping mouth deuoure and consume the sweet fat from thē, whom he had miserably to death betrayed and disherited, as the maner of the Romayne Bishops is. By whose greedy auarice it came to passe, that England the Prince of prouinces was brought vnder miserable subiection and tribute. Behold the maners and conditions of our Romaine Byshops: behold the snares wherwith these prelates do seeke to intangle men withall: to wype their no∣ses of their money: to make their children bondmen: to disquiet such as seeke to liue in peace: being clothed with sheepes clothing when in deede they be but rauening Wolues,* 64.172 sending their Le∣gates hither, and thither to excommunicate and to suspend: as hauing power to punish whom they list: not sowing the seed, that is the word of God to fructifie, but that they may bribe and pole mens purses, and reape that which they neuer did sow. Thus com∣meth it to passe, that they spoyle the holy Churches and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the poore, and the mansion houses of sainctes, which our deuout and simple parentes to that purpose builded and ordeined to the refection of poore men and pilgrimes,* 64.173 and to the sustentation of suche as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whome onely letters hath made both mad and malipert, doe striue and gape to be both kinges and Emperours.

Doubtles the Primatiue Church was builded and layd in po∣uerty and simplicitie of life, and then as a fruitfull mother begate she those her holy children, whom the Catologe of Saintes nowe maketh mention of: and verily no other foundation can be laid of any other Church,* 64.174 then that which is layd by Iesus Christ. But this Church as it swimmeth and waloweth in all superstuitie of ri∣ches, and doth build and rayse the frame in all superstuous wealth and glory: So is it to be feared least the walles thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walles be downe, vtter ruine and subuer∣sion follow after. Agaynst vs, he knoweth that is the searcher of all hearts, how furiously these Catholiques rage and go to work: Sai∣yng, therefore excommunicating me that I will not take vpon me the iourney I haue promised beyond the seas: whereas ineuitable and most vrgent causes and perils, as well to the Churche of God as also to the Empire, besides the annoyaunce of myne infirmitie and sicknes, do deteine me at home, and stay the same, but special∣ly, the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For why, neither do•• we thinke it safety to our Empire, not expedient to the Christian state, that we should now take our iourney into Asia, leauing be∣hinde vs at home such intestine and ciuill warres: no more then for a good surgeon, to lay healing plaister to a grieuous wounde newe striken with the sworde, and made. In conclusion, also to this he addeth: admonishing all the Princes of the world that they

would beware and take heede (by their auaricious iniquitie) of lyke perill and daunger to themselues: Because that as the pro∣uerbe is: It behoueth him to look about, that seeth his neighbours house on fire. Thus much out of Parisiens. pag 69.

But now, that Fredericus the Emperor might in ve∣ry deed stop y^t slaunders of the cruell Pope, which did per∣sist and goe forward still in his excommunication agaynst him: And that he might declare in the whole world,* 64.175 howe that the last yeare he torslowed not his iourny by his own voluntary will, but by necessitie: when he had deutied and prepared all thing meet for the warre, and that he had ga∣thered together and leuied a great army of mē: He depar∣ted from thence to Brundusium, committing the gouern∣ment of his kingdome to Renaldus the sonne of Duke Spoletus, and to Anselmus a Baron of Instigensis and came by sea to Cyprus with his hoste.

From Cyprus, the Emperour with his whole nauy sayled into Ioppa, which City he fortified, for that the pas∣sages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies: And by sea might he not passe nor trauaile,* 64.176 by meanes of y^e ex∣treme weather and tempest: whereby it came to passe, that within short space they lacked vitayles and were sore af∣flicted with famine. Thē fell they to prayer and made their humble supplicatiō to God, with whose teares his wrath being appealed: the great tempest and long cōtinued foule weather ceased, whereby (the seas now being calme) they had both vitaile great plēty, and all other necessary things for their need, brought vnto them: wherby immediately it came to passe, that both the Emperour & his army as also the inhabitauntes of Ioppa were greatly refreshed and a∣nimated: and on the other side their enemies being disap∣poynted of theyr purpose, were greatly discouraged. In so much, that the king of Egipt who with great power (ac∣cōpanied with Scarapho his brother prince of Gaza, and the Prince of Damascus their nephew, with many other Dukes and nobles) hauing incamped themselues within one dayes iourny of Ioppa, thinking to haue besieged the same: were contented vpon the comming of the Emperors Harolds vnto them to intreat of a peace.* 64.177 Whereupon, Em∣bassadours were sent vnto them with the Emperours de∣maunds right profitable to the Christian common weale. The Sarasens (immediately consulting vpon the same) graunted thereunto: so that a peace for x. yeares was con∣cluded, & was confirmed by solempne othe on the behalfe of both Princes according to their seueral vsages and ma∣ner: the forme and condition of which peace, briefly collec∣ted are these.

First, that Fridericke the Emperour, should be crow∣ned and annoynted king of Ierusalem, according to the maner of the kinges of Ierusalem before him.

* 64.178Secondly, that all the lands & possessions which were situate betwixt Ierusalem and Prolomaida, & the greatest part of Palastina, and Cities of Tyrus and Sydon which were in Syria, and at other territories which Baldwinus the 4. at any time had and occupyed there: shoulde be deli∣uered vnto him, onely certayne castles reserued.

Thirdly that he might fortifie and builde what fortres∣ses and castles he thought good, citties and townes: in all Syria and Palestina.

Fourthly, that all the prisoners which were in the Sa∣racens hands, should be raunsomed freely and sent home: and agayne, that the Saracens might haue leaue without armour to come into the Temple where the Lords sepul∣cher is, to pray: and that they should holde and keepe still Chratum, and the kinges mount.

* 64.179Friderick now, for that he thought the cōclusion of this peace to be so necessary as also profitable for at Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby, as if the warres had continued he should: he sent his Legates with letters into the west, to all Christen kinges, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome: declaring vnto them the cir∣cumstance and successe of his iourny and warres, as partly ye haue heard: Requiring thē, that they also woulde praise and geue God thankes for his good successe and profitable peace concluded: And desireth the Pope that for as much as he had now accōplished his promise, neither that there was any cause now wherefore he should be with hym dis∣pleased, that he might be reconciled and obtaine his fauor.

* 64.180In the meane season, the Emperour with all hys army marcheth to Ierusalem: where, vppon Easter day in the yeare of our Lorde. 1229. hee was with great triumphe & comfort of al his nobles, and also the Magistrates of that kingdome (onely the Patriarche of Cyprus the kings Le∣gate, and Oliuer the maister or captayne of the Temple w^t his company, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king.

After this, he rerdifieth the Citty and Walles thereof which by the Saracens were beaten downe and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth vy the Churches and temples that were ruinous, he fortifieth Nazarethum and Ioppen with strong garrisons, vita••e, and all other thinges necessary.

Now see and behold I pray you, whilest that Frede∣ricke was thus occupyed in the kingdome of Ierusalem, what practises the Pope had in Italy: Not I warrant you any whit at all carefull in the affayres of the Christi∣an commōwealth, but studiyng and labouring what mis∣chiefe and spite he might worke agaynst the Emperoure: whom, of a set purpose he had so occupied (partly for hate, and partly to enriche himselfe) in Asia and Ierusalem, so farre out of Italy,* 64.181 ye may be sure. First, he caused the soul∣diours whiche the Emperour sent for out of Germany to the mayntenaunce of the holy warres, to be stayde as they passed through Italy: letting them of their iourney, and tooke from them, and spoyled them of all such prouision as they had. And not onely this, but he sent secretly also hys letters into Asia, to those that were of his owne fac••ion: that is, to the Patriarche of Ierusalem, and souldiors that kept the temple and the hospitall, intising and inciting thē to rebell agaynst the Emperour: whiche thing, Blondus himselfe that Popish Parasite or historiographer dissu••u∣leth or hideth not. But that he furthermore disswaded the princes of the Saracens, that they should make no league nor take any truce with Fridericke, neither deliuer vp vn∣to hym the Crowne and Kingdome of Ierusalem. Whiche letters as they were manifest testimonyes of his trecherie and treason towardes him whom God had instituted and made his liege Lord and soueraigne, and mightiest poten∣tate vpon earth: so was it hys will, that he should come to the knowledge therof, and that those letters shoulde fall into his handes. And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof: in the same his last Epi∣stle vnto the Christian Princes he proresteth. The copy of which letter amongest his other Epistles, you shall haue expressed.

Neither were the Popes letters written to that lea∣uened secte and factious in vayne. For the Patriarche and his Collegioners which tooke their name of the Temple, did mightely repugne agaynst Fredericke. They raysed a tumult in Ptolomaida agaynst him:* 64.182 they accused him and his Legates openly of treason: and did malipartly & bold∣ly w^tstand the right worthy and good order he made amon∣gest them. But as God would, by the helpe of the inhabi∣tantes of Pisa and the Genowayes, and the Dutch soul∣diours: both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose & tumult expressed. And thys was the cause, that when all other men reioyced and were glad of the Emperours coronation, they as wicked confedera∣tours were heauy therefore, and obtrectours of hys wor∣thy laud and fame.

The Pope,* 64.183 when he had thus conspired agaynst Fre∣dericke, and had betrayed him to the publicke enemy of all Christen men, the Turke: he coulde not dissemble this hys mischieuous fact, nor content himselfe therewith, but that he would deuise and practise yet an other. For by reason of those sclaunders (whiche a little before I touched) of the death and slaughter of hys wife Iola: he incited Iohn Brennus his father in laws to make warre agaynst hym, who caused the subiectes of his Empire to withdraw from him their allegeance, as also the inhabitants of Picenum, & inhabitantes of Lumberdy.* 64.184 And thus ioyning themselues together, craued farther ayd of the Frenche king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they deuided theyr host in two armies, inuading with the one the Empire, & with the other the proper territories and ditions belong∣ing in the inheritaunce of Fredericke: Iohn Brennus and Pandolphe Sauellanus, leading the one (as Generals) into Campania and the kingdome of Naples: and the o∣ther (with Iohn Columna Cardinals his Legat, and that Thomas before conuicted of treason, being his Liefete∣nantes) he sendeth into Picenum.

Of this treason of the Pope agaynst Fredericus, both also Mat. Paris. make mention during hys warres in Asia. Who (sayth he) purposed to haue deposed him, and to haue placed alium quem libet filium pacis & obedientiae loco eius subrogare, that is, any other he cared not whom (so that he were the childe of peace and obedience) in hys steede. And for the more certaintie thereof, the said Mat. Paris. pag. 71. re∣peateth the letter which a certayne Earle of Siria wrote vnto him concerning the same, which letter here vnder in∣sueth word for word.

To the high and mighty Prince Fredericus by the grace of

God Emperour of Rome, and euer Augustus and most puissant king of Sicilia, Thomas Earle of Actran his faythfull and trusty subiect in all thing humble salutation. After your departure most excellent Prince, Gregory the Byshop of Rome, & publique ene∣my to your magnificēce, gathering together a great power & host of men, By Iohannes Brennius late king of Ierusalem and other stout captaynes whome he hath made generals of the same hys host: As a foreigne enemy inuading your dominions and possessi∣ons of your highnes subiectes agaynst the lawe of Christianitie: hath purposed and determined to vanquish and subdue you with the materiall or temporall sworde, whome he cannot maister and ouercome with the spirituall sworde, he sayth. For the foresayd Iohn Brennus gathering out of Fraunce and other prouinces heare adioyning, a great armye: geueth vnto them of the treasure he hath gotten (by what meanes together I cannot tell) great wa∣ges, in hope to recouer and get from you the Empire. And fur∣thermore, the same Iohn and others (the captaynes of the see A∣postolicall inuading your land) burne and destroy all as they goe, driuing away and taking for their booties, all that they can come by, as well cattell as other thinges: And such as they take priso∣ners, they constrayne by inflicting them with grieuous punishe∣mentes to raunsome themselues for great summes of money: nei∣ther spare they man, woman, nor childe, but take and keepe your townes and castles, hauing no regarde that you be in the seruice of Iesus Christ. And further, if any make mention of your maiesty vnto him, he sayth there is none other Emperour but himselfe. Your friends and subiectes most excellent Prince, much maruell hereupon: yea and also the Clergy themselues of the Empire, doe maruell with what cōscience or vpon what consideration, the Bi∣shop of Rome can doe the same, making such bloudy warres and slaughter vpon Christian men: especially, seeing that Christ com∣maunded Peter, when he stroke with the materiall sworde to put vp the same into the scabbard, saying: all that strike with the sword shall perish with the sword Or els by what lawe, he dayly can excommunicate such pirates, burners of mens houses, and robbers: when he himselfe is the patron and mayntayner of suche himselfe: hereat, they greatly muse and maruell. Wherefore most mighty and renowmed Emperour, I beseeche your highnes to cō∣sider your owne safety: for that the sayd Iohn Brennus hath layde and fortifie, all the portes and hauens with no small company of men and souldiours: that if (not knowing therof) your grace shold ariue in any of them, the same garisons of his shoulde apprehend and take you as a prisoner: whiche thing to chaunce GOD forefend.

Thus whilest the host of this hostile enemy the Pope was encamped in the dominiōs of Fridericke, he receaued the letters which Fridericke by his Legates sent into Eu∣ropa as you heard: wherby he vnderstood the good successe he had in Asia:* 64.185 Who not onely tooke no delecration at all therin, but was also in a vehement perturbatiō therwith: wherby manifestly it may appeare, what was the cause & meaning of the Pope, that he was so solicitous & vrgent to haue Fredericke the Emperour make a voiage into Asia. Doubtlesse euen the same, that Pelias had whē by hys in∣stigation he procured Iason with all the chosen youth and floure of Grecia to sayle into Colchus, to fetch awaye the golden flease: and that by the oportunitie of his absence he might vse, or rather abuse hys power & tyranny: And that Fridericke might either be long afflicted & molested in the Asian warre, or that he might perish and lose his life ther∣in, was that he sought and all that he desired.

And when he saw, that fortune neither fauored his fet∣thes, nor serued to his lōging lust, he was as a man berest of his wits, specially at these tidings of the prosperous suc∣cesse of y^e Emperour.* 64.186 He tare and threw his letters on the ground: and with all opprobrious words rebuked & reui∣sed the Legates for the Emperor their masters sake: which thing also Blōdus himselfe denieth not, although he write altogether in the fauour of the Pope. And to the intent that he might couer this his rage and vnbridled fury with some cloke & colour of iust deserued dolour: He fayned him selfe therefore so much to mislike therwith, as though the Emperour therein had onely respected his owne priuate cōmoditie, not regarding the vtilitie of the Christians: for y^• the Saracens had licence (although without armour & weapō) to haue repayre vnto the sepulcher of Christ, & had left for thē somewhat neare the same an hosterie or lodging place: For which occasion sayth Blondus, his Lord Pope rebuked the Emperours Legates by the name of traytors and such like other opprobrious wordes.* 64.187 Now go to frend Blondus, by what strong argumentes proue you & your Lord Pope, that the peace which the Emperour hath con∣cluded, to be either against the Christian common wealth, or that the Emperour was a traytour. But who is it that seeth not these thinges either by reading of old and ancient writers, or els partly by me that haue gathered & collected the same out of diuers monuments and historyes: & plain∣ly perceaueth not the consp••racies & treasons, of your good Lord the Pope so notable and filthy, as also hys man••est shame and infamie. What? there be diuers that write, how the Pope commaunded these Legates of Fredericke to be made secretly out of the way▪ and also how he commanded diuers souldiours returning out of Asia to be slayne, to the intēt that none shuld heare the report of those good newes which were in Asia, nor none go rhether to rel•• y^• fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more thē of those things which all the writers w^t most consent a∣gree vpon: This is most certayne, that the Pope caused this rumour to be spread of the death & taking of the Em∣peror vpon this consideration, y^t he might allure vnto him the fidelitie of those Citties in the kingdome of Naples, which yet kept their allegeance vnto Fridericke, of whom they should now hope for no longer refuge. And of that doth the Emperour in hys Epistle intituled Leuate oculos, greatly agaynst him complayne.

Great are these iniuries of the Pope agaynst Frede∣ricke,* 64.188 and most wicked treasons: but herewith coulde not y^• cruell and titannicall mind of him be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied: but so farre exceeded, as scarce is credible y^t it could. For he presumed not onely to set variance betwene Henry (whō Fridericke his Father had caused to be made king of Germany) and him: but also by his allurementes, caused him to become an enemy vnto him.* 64.189 To whō, when his father had assigned the Duke of Bo••oria (named Lu∣douicus) to be his ouerscer and coūceller: neyther knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more mythful∣ler to him in his office and duety, or els more vertuous, or els more grauer & apt to be in authoritie:* 64.190 Henry, fearing least he should vnderstand & know of these secret councels which he with his conspiratours had in hand agaynst hys father: or that he should vtter the same vnto him, or that he should go about to dis••wade him from that he was purpo∣sed to doe: by authoritie of the court and Senate of Rome, he put him out of office. And this was the fetch of all theyr pollicie: that together and at one instaunce (but in diuers and sondry places farre one from an other) sharpe & cruell warre might be made agaynst the Emperour: so that hys power being distract to the appealing of variable conten∣tion, might be himselfe the easiyer oppressed of a few.

When the Emperour now vnderstode what styrre the Pope kept in all his dominions in his absence,* 64.191 and that he had somewhat reformed and appeased the troubles whiche he secretly had wrought him in the kingdome of Ierusalē: thinking to preuent the Popes purpose in that he went a∣bout, and also to confirme the friendship towardes him of them, whom in his absence he found his trusty subiects: He left in Asia Renaldus with his garisons, commanding all the other bands to be vnder his appointment, and with al speede came foorth certayne Gallyes to Calabria. Du∣ring the tyme of his there being, which vnlooked for came thether: he assembled hys power and made with his frends all the speedy preparation that he might. From thence he went to Barleta, where he taried xx. dayes: to whom came the Duke of Spolitanum with all his garisons.* 64.192 And so frō thence, with al his power he came into Apulia, & remoued Iohn Brennus his father in lawe from the siege of Cala∣tia: and within short time by Gods help, recouereth agayn all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania, he winneth Ber••ueuentum, and as many other townes and holdes as the Pope had there, euen al∣most to Rome, and so after that, Umbria and Picena. And now, although the Emperour (being moued therunto vp∣on good occasion, & vpon y^e Popes worthy desert) had got∣ten & recouered this so likely an entrance vpon the Popes dominions, wherby he might haue reuenged him of all the iniuries done to him: yet notwithstanding, for r^• he prefer∣red nothing before the Christian and publique tranquility (for y^• loue of which he restrayning hys wrath so v••hemēr∣ly vrged & kindled) sēdeth vnto him hys Legates to intreat a peace:* 64.193 declaring vnto him, y^t if no other conceaued grudge towards him were, then that he simuled and pretended: he promiseth that he would make to him an accompt volūta∣rely, of all things that euer he had done in his lyfe, and that he would, and was contented to submit himselfe vnto the Churche: and also that for this cause he willingly offered vnto him both duety and obseruaunce. Furthermore to the intreating of this peace and deciding of all controuersies, he sent to the Pope eight or x. of the noblest and chiefest a∣bout him, that were Princes and Dukes of the Empire. As Bartoldust the Patriarche of Aquileia, and his brother Otho prince of Dalmatia and Histria, Eberhardus Iuna∣uensis, Sigifridus, Reginoburgensis, Sibbotus Augu∣stanus, a worthy Prelate, Leopaldus of Austria & Stiria,

and Bernhardus being all Dukes, besides others of the nobilitie to accompany them.

* 64.194But yet so great was the insolency and pride of y^• stub∣burne pope, that by no gentlenes or beneficence, he of those Princes could be brought that yeare to the profitable con∣cord of the Church and Christian common weale. O wor∣thy head, y^t challēgeth al authoritie to himselfe in y^• Church of Christ, and in respect of his own wilfull reuenge, setteth nothing by the health & vtility of all Christendome. Then therfore, when nothing coulde be done in the matter, & the most part of these noble men departed from Rome: y^t next yeare after (with much adoe) a peace was made & conclu∣ded betwene thē, by the helpe and industry of Leopoldus of Austria, Hermannus capitaine of the Dutch souldiors, and the President of Messanea,* 64.195 The pope then absoluing the Emperour Fridericus of his excommunication, tooke therfore of him an hundreth and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring vnto him agayne the titles both of hys Empire, and also of his kingdomes. Nowe considering y^e vncurteous dealing of the Pope with Fridericke the Em∣perour herein: who can sufficiently muse & maruell at the vnshamefastnes of Blondus,* 64.196 which hath the face to write, that the Pope (yet notwithstanding) had delt more gently and curteously with Fridericke then was meete, or besee∣med him to do. Who is it that doth not see his manifest fla∣tery, coulored neyther with reason, nor secret dissimulatiō. But,* 64.197 much more truely, & better writeth Cuspinianus cō∣cerning this matter which saith, that the Pope doth occu∣py very profitable marchandise, which for so much money selleth that he receaued freely paying nothing therfore, if he had receaued it of Christ in deed, as he sayth he had.

And yet although the Emperour Fridericke, conclu∣ded with the Pope this vnprofitable peace for himself: yet he performed those things y^t were agreed vpō faythfully & diligently. But the Pope, whiche thought it but a trifle to breake his promise, woulde not stand to the conditions of y^• peace he made. For by y^e way to passe ouer other things, neither hath he restored as he promised the customes in the land of Sicill, neither yet the city Castellana, whiche he before the peace cōcluded betwene thē did occupy & enioy. And that doth both Fridericke in his Epistles testifie, and also Fazellus in his 8. booke, writing of the affayres of Si∣cilia. Yet that notw^tstanding: Fridericke, for the quietnesse and vtilitie of the commō wealth, purposed with himselfe to beare and suffer these small iniuries. And further stu∣died in all that he might, as well by liberall gifts as other∣wise, to haue the Pope to be to him a trusty frend. As whē the Romanes & other of the Ecclesiasticall number made warre against y^e Pope for certein possessiōs which he kept of theirs:* 64.198 he cōming to him at Reate, and as one that ten∣dred the vnity of the church, & thinking to helpe the Pope at his earnest request in these matters: sēt his Legates vn∣to them, willing them to lay down their armour which a∣gaynst the Pope they bare. And when y^t would not serue, at the Popes further request & desire he leuied an army a∣gainst them at his owne charge, and draue them from the siege of Uiterbium: with other such like assured tokens of amitie and frendship he shewed him. Who notw^tstanding, so soone as the Emperour was departed with a small cō∣pany which he tooke with him into Sicilia, leauing wyth him the greater and most part of his army for the maynte∣naunce of his warres: concluded a peace w^t the Romaines (vnknowing to the Emperor) whom he had procured to trauell and labour therin with great expenses:* 64.199 affirming that without his wil and commandement, the Emperour had expelled them, and driuē them out of the territories of Uiterbiū. And hereof, doth Fridericke also himselfe make mentiō in his second and third Epistle, where he complay∣neth of the iniuries of the Popes towardes him.

* 64.200Therfore, greater cōmendation had Blondus deserued if he had written of these trecheries of the Pope, then that forgetting himselfe (as vnto lyers often it chaunceth) in y^t he writeth both cōtrary to himself in the effect of this mat∣ter, and contrary to the veritie of Fridericus his history: which sayth that the Romaines were incited to these new tumultes by his intising and setting on. As though simple men of vnderstāding, could not both by the offering of his sonne in hostage, by the great preparation of y^• warres, and by the euent specially of the thing itself gather the cōtrary. But to to impudent will Blondus needes shew himselfe.

Whilest that these things were done in Italy and Si∣cilia, great rebellions were moued in Germany agaynst y^e Emperour by Henricus Cesar and Fridericke of Austria,* 64.201 hys sonnes being the chief authors therof. For Henry, be∣ing disapoynted and shakē of from his Lord Pope and o∣ther conspiratours by reasō of the peace betwene his father & him as ye heard: began now to make open chalenge to the Empire. And for that cause, he as before is sayd, put frō him Ludouicus whom he knew to be vnto the Emperour his father so louing and an assured frend: who as willing∣ly (perceauing and smelling what mischief he went about) forsooke his court and came to Boioria: who had not there remayned a yeare, but was as he walked abroad at a cer∣tayne tyme stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius & presently dyed,* 64.202 his seruauntes beyng not farre from him. Of whose death diuers diuersly write. Notwithstanding the sequell doth shewe them to write truliest, that affirme the sayd striker to be suborned by Henry Cesar: who com∣ming vnto him in the habite of a messenger, deliuered vnto him certaine letters which he fayned to be sent frō the Em∣perour. And whilest Ludouicus was in reading the same, he strake him in with a dagger and gaue him his mortall wound: & with speed fled vpō the same. After whose death succeeded in that Dukedome his sonne Otho, who when solempnly according to the maner of the Boiores he shold haue bene created, was also let by the same Henry Cesar: who forbad the assēbly of the magistrates and Citizens of the same.* 64.203 They notwitstanding, neglecting his vniust re∣straint created him: Wherefore, he first besieged Regino∣burgh & with an other company, sacked, brent, and wasted Boioria: w^t many moe such great outragies & rebellions.

When intelligence was brought of these thinges to the Emperour, he sent his Legates and cōmaunded that both the Cesar his sonne and other Princes of Germany which had assembled their armies should breake vp and disperse the same. And because he saw and perceaued now manifest∣ly that his sonne made so apparant rebellion agaynst hym, and fearing greater insurrections to insue in Germany, he thought good to preuent the same with al expeditiō: wher∣fore he determined to go in all hast to Germany with hys army, (from whence he had bene absent nowe 14. yeares) and hereunto he maketh the Pope priuy.* 64.204 The Pope pro∣mised the Emperor hereupon, that he would write his let∣ters in his behalfe to all the Princes of Germany: but per∣swaded him to the vttermost of his power, that he shoulde in no case go into Germany himselfe. For why, his consci∣ence accused him that he had written to the nobles of Ger∣many euen from the beginning of his Papacy (for the hate and grudge he had agaynst the Emperor) that they should suffer him, neither any of his heyres to enioy the Empire, & farther had stirred them all vp to rebell agaynst him: and had moued Henry the Emperors sonne by his bribes and fayre promises,* 64.205 to conspire against his father. And to con∣clude, he was the author & procurer of y^e conspiracie which the Lombardes made then agaynst him: and fearing least these things should come now to the Emperours eare, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the Emperour not thinking it good at so needefull a time to be absent: he (all doubt set a part) with his second sonne Conradus, went speedely into Germany. And assēbling there a councell in the City of Nureburgh: Henry Cesar his sonne, after hys conspiracie was manifestly detected, which he had in prac∣tise with the Longoberdes (whereof,* 64.206 the Pope was chiefe autor) was by iudgement and sentence of 70. Princes, con∣demned of high treason. And being commaunded by hys father to be bound, was as a prisoner brought to Apulia: where not long after in prison he dyed. In whose stede, he ordayned Conradus his 2. sonne Cesar, by consent of all the Piers & Princes,* 64.207 Furthermore, by publique comman∣dement he renounced Fridericke Austriacus for his sonne, and for an enemy to the publique weale he caused him to be proclaymed. And further, when he sawe that neither that punishment could cause him to remember himselfe and ac∣knowledge his abuse, the Emperour with a great armye (accompanied with diuers of the noble men of Germany) tooke from him all Austria and Stiria, and brought them agayne vnder hys owne obedience and fidelitie.

The same yeare,* 64.208 maryed he his third wife named Isa∣bell, the daughter of king Iohn of England. Then, when he had set Germany in a stay and quietnes, he left there Conradus Cesar hys sonne: and with hys host returneth agayne into Italy, there to punish such as had with Hen∣ry his eldest sonne conspired agaynst him: whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Cesar hys sonne, chiefly set on by the Pope. When the Pope had vn∣derstanding that the Emperour with warlike furniture marched toward Italie: although he fained himselfe recō∣ciled, and to be a frend to Fredericke, yet was he notwith∣standing to him a most secrete & infestiue enemie. And vn∣derstanding, that he brought with him suche a power, both of horsmen and footemen, to do execution of such as he vn∣derstoode to haue bene conspirators against him in the late tumult and rebelliō: Those which were faultie herein and gultie (and all other that tooke their partes) hee admoni∣shed

to ioyne thēselues together:* 64.209 and that they should fur∣nish strongly their Cittyes with garrisons: that they send for ayde to theyr friendes, and that with all the force they were able, they shold prepare them for the warre. The rest of the Citties also in Italy, whether they were the Empe∣rours or his owne, he indeuoureth to make them all hys, and proper to himselfe.

* 64.210Furthermore, vnto the Emperor he sendeth his Em∣bassadours: to whom, vnder the pretence of nourishing a peace, he had geuen secret cōmandement: that they should interdict him and his host, so soone as he came within the borders of Italy. To the preseruation of which peace, saith he, he had (but late since) promulgate a subsidie to be ga∣thered amongst the Christians, when he began the holy warre. And also to say (not by way of intreatie, but cō∣maundingly) that what cause of controuersie he had with the Longobardes: the same he should commit to him, and stand to hys arbitrement. Whereunto, the Emperour re∣pliyng, maketh his Legate this aunswere.

Shortly after sayth he, the peace was made betweene the Pope and me: he called me for a chiefe defence both of y^• Church and himselfe, agaynst the Romaynes which made warre with him: and at his request, with mine owne pro∣per charge I mayntayned that his warre, & gaue his ene∣mies the ouerthrow. And further sayd, that he should not do well through the pretence of peace,* 64.211 to be a let to him frō that which both by lawe and right he might and ought to do: But rather so he ought to dispose himselfe, with force to restrayne and expell them, which gathered thē together as rebels thinking to exclude themselues from the subiec∣tion both of him and the Empire. And that, such rebels as both had restrained the souldiours which the Emperor sent for when he was in Asia, & diuers others also (which for necessary causes he had called to hym) they had so wic∣kedly delt with & abused: He, as they had deserued, should rather desire to see punished & reformed, then to mayntain them (vnder colour of peace) being so wicked and manifest euill doers. And touching that he demandeth of hym, that he should commit and deferre so great a cause wherein the wealth and safety of the Empire consisteth, to his arbitre∣ment by him to be determined: without eyther assignemēt of any tyme when, or adding thereunto any condition or exceptiō for not doing the same: neither the diminishing & impayring the dignitie and regaltie of his Empire consi∣dered, he could not but maruell: Seing y^t neither it apper∣teined to his calling and facultie, nor to the benefite or cō∣moditie of the Empire. To this effect also writeth Fride∣ricke in his last Epistle to the Pope: the effect whereof a∣mongst other Epistles you may read.

* 64.212And in the same his letters he sheweth, that when the Emperour, at a certaine time had bene with the Pope: At his going away, he requested that when he came agayn he would come into Italy, but with his houshold band and familie: For that, if he shoulde come as before he did accu∣stome with his army, he should terrifie thē ouermuch: a∣mongst whom sayth he, you may assure your selfe to be in great safetye, and finde all thinges in rest and quiet: when quite contrary (as the Emperor for a certainty had tryed) he had there all things ready and prepared for his destru∣ction. So that, when he pretended vnto him greatest frēd∣ship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certayne time, when the Pope had this exercise in hand agaynst the Emperor I cānot search out, neither may it be in his epi∣stles vndated, easly foūd out: But y^t of the certainty thereof no man need to doubt, I haue assigned you to the Empe∣rours Epistle where he maketh mention of the same.

The Emperour then, as he had determined prosecu∣teth his purpose & marcheth into Italy:* 64.213 where he brought vnder his subiection, those Cities that against him rebel∣led: as Mantua, Uerona, Ternisium, Patauium, and o∣thers. And then, he afterward set vpō the great host of the Mediolanenses, the Brixians, the Placentines and other confederators, vnto whom the Popes Legate Georgius Longomantanus had ioyned himselfe: of whome he tooke 1000. prisoners, and also their general being the chief Ma∣gistrate in the Citty of Mediolanum, and Petrus Teno∣polus the Dukes sonne of Uenice, & slue diuers captaines moe and tooke all their ensignes. And in this battell speci∣ally at the recouering of Marchia and Ternissana he vsed the frendly ayd of Actiolinus.

The Pope now somewhat dismayd at this ouerthrow of his confederates & mates (though not much) began yet somewhat to feare the Emperour:* 64.214 & whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, nowe he goeth to worke (with might and mayne) to subdue and de∣priue the Emperour. And although the Emperour saw & perceaued what inward hate and mortall malice he bare wardes him: not onely by that he so apertly stood with his conspiratours agaynst him, but also that on euery side he heard, and from all partes was brought him certain word how greatly he laboured agaynst him: as w^t opprobrious wordes, naughty reportes, and slaunders, to the intent to pull from him the hartes and fidelitie of his subiectes, and make those that were his frends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take vp and cease from such euill and wicked practises: yet notwithstanding, for that there shuld be no default in him foūd, for the breach of the league and peace betweene them a little before concluded: he sen∣deth foure Legates to the Byshop of Rome which should aunswere vnto and refute, those criminous obiections whiche he layd vnto him: as also make him priuy to hys purpose, and what he ment to do, thereby to declare hys innocencie towardes him (in such causes) and simplicitie.

The Bishop,* 64.215 when he vnderstood these Embassadours to be not farre of from Rome, & knew the cause of their cō∣ming: he thought with himselfe, that in hearing the excuse and reasonable answere of the Emperour, perhaps might be prouoked to desist from hys purpose, and so degenerate from other of his predecessours: refuseth to speake with them,* 64.216 and at the day appoynted pronounceth the sentence of proscriptiō against him, depriuing him of all his digni∣ties, honours, titles, prerogatiues, kingdomes & whole Empire. And that he had no occasion hereunto, as well Pandolphus & Colonutius, as the letters of the Empe∣rour himselfe do both right well declare. For it may ap∣pear, he dedicated as it were himself to his vtter ruine and destruction, when he did sollicitate agaynst Fridericus, Iacobus Tewpolus the Uenetian Duke: Whom, for the displeasure he took with y^• Emperor in the imprisoning of his sonne, was in good hope he should allure vnto him, he being in so troublous a time such a comforter & ayder vn∣to him: that as Blondus writeth, in a certein Epistle gra∣tulatory he calleth him Lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia,* 64.217 and Lord of the halfe of the Romane Em∣pire. And calling vnto him the Uenetian and Benwetian Legates, made a peace betwixt them (whiche for certeine causes about their sea costes were at variaunce) and coue∣naunted with them vpon this condition: that at their pub∣lique charges, they should rig and man 35, gallyes, which should spoyle and burne all alongst the Sea coastes of the kingdomes and dominions of Fredericke.

But the Pope, when he saw the good will and fidelitie which the Duke of Uenice bare vnto the Emperour, and saw also what ayd the Emperour had of him, neyther that he was like to wynne him to hys purpose:* 64.218 then had he re∣course agayne to his old crafty practises & subtleties. And further deuised, to put forth an Edict at Rome to the vni∣uersal Church and people, the beginning whereof is Ascē∣dit de mari bellica bestia: wherein, he declareth the causes wherfore he curseth and geueth the Emperour to y^• deuill of hell, & hath deiect him from all his princely dignitie. He in the same, accuseth him of so many & so huge a heape of mischiefes, as to nominate thē my hart detesteth. And be∣sides y^t, he restrayneth his soueraigne Lord, & Emperor of the appellatiō which euery priuat man by law may haue. He slaundereth him of treason, periury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kinde, and all impietie: he accuseth him for an hereticke, a schismatike, and a miscreant: And to be briefe, what mischiefe so euer the Pope can deuise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. All this doth he sayth the Pope, that when he hath brought our holines, and all the Ecclesiasticall estate to beggary, he might scoffe at and de∣ride the Religion of Christ, which as a miscreant he dete∣steth. And nowe for that the Pope had a great and speciall trust in Albertus Behauus of y^e noble house called Equestri (as crafty apostle as the best) as one whom he saw ready to leane to his lust:* 64.219 To him the Pope deliuered two othe•• mandates in seueral letters sealed, in which he commaun∣deth al Bishops, Prelates, & other of the Clergy: that they should solempnly recite the same in their churches insteed of their sermon, that by his decree he had excommunicate Fridericke out of the fellowship of Christen men: put hym from the procuratiō or gouernment of the Empire:* 64.220 & that he had released al his subiectes of their allegeāce & fidelitie towardes him. And farthermore, chargeth thē, & all other Christen men vnder the payne of cursing & dānation, that neither they succour y^e Emperour, nor yet so much as wish him well. Thus he, being the Popes speciall & trusty ser∣uiture & made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusiō and Chaos of publique quietnes, as shall after appeare.

Amongst al other noble men of Germany at that time towardes the Emperour, was Otho the gouernour of Rhenus and Duke of Boiora, both most seruiceable and also a Prince of great honour, riches and estimatiō. This

prince, both with fayre promises & also rewards, he entised from hym, for that being made by him to beleue, y^t Ludo∣uicus his father of whō we spake before, was by the Em∣perour murthered and slaine. And the same Otho againe, caused 3. other Princes & Dukes, to reuolte from the Em∣perour to the Pope, which were neighbours & neare ad∣ioyning vnto him: as Uuenceslaus, and Belus, princes of the Ungarians, and Henry Duke of Polonia. To whom came also Fridericus Austriacus hys sonne:* 64.221 who because he was proscript or outlawed of hys father, and had hys dukedome wasted and brent as you heard, was easly won vnto the pope. These gathering a Councell (whē they had thought to haue translated the Empiere vnto the Kyngs sonne of Denmarke) desired to haue the popes Legates to be sent from hym, to the effect of that election.

The Emperour was at Patauium when these newes were brought vnto him, what the pope had done at Rome Therefore he commaunded Peter to Uineis hys Secre∣tary (vpon Easter day) to make a Narration to the peo∣ple, of his great & liberall munificence to the byshops and church of Rome, & again of the iniuries of them towards hym in recompence thereof: of hys innocencye also in that whereof he had accused hym:* 64.222 and of the vnseemelines of such an act or deede: of the right vse of the ecclesiastical cen∣sure, & of the errours and abuse of the church of Rome. By which Oratiō of hys, he so remoued the cloud from many mens hartes of blynde superstition, and the conceaued o∣pinion of holines of the church of Rome, and Byshops of the same, and also of theyr vsurped power and subtill per∣swasion: that both they playnely sawe and perceaued the vices and filthynes of the Church of Rome and Byshops of that sea, as also theyr fraudulent deceites and flagitious doynges: most vehemently lamenting and complaynyng of the same. Albertus maketh mention of certayne Uerses whiche were sent and written betweene the Byshop of Rome and the Emperour. The which verses in the latter of this present history of Fridericke you shall finde.

The Emperour moreouer both by hys letters & Le∣gates, geueth intelligence to all Christen kynges, to the Princes of hys owne Empire, to the Colledge of Cardi∣nals, and people of Rome: as well of the fayned crymes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the Byshop of Rome agaynst hym. The copy of whiche letter or epistle followeth here vnder inserted.

The Emperour to the Prelates of the worlde.

* 65.1IN the beginning and creation of the world: the ineffable fore∣knowledge and prouidence of God (who asketh councell of none) created in the firmament of Heauen two lightes (a greater and a lesse) the greater he created to gouerne the day, and the les to gouerne the night: which two, so do their proper offices and dueties in the Zodiake, that although oftentimes the one be in an oblique respect vnto the other, yet the one is not enemy to the o∣ther: but rather doth the superior, cōmunicate his light with the inferior. Euē so, the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed vpon the earth two regimentes: that is to witte, Priesthoode and kingly power: the one for knowledge and wisdome, the other for defence.* 65.2 That man, which was made of two partes (ouer wan∣ton and dissolute) might haue two raignes to gouerne and bridle him withall, that peace thereby and loue might dwell vppon the face of the earth. But alas, the B. of Rome sitting in the chaire of peruerse doctrine or pestilence, that Pharisee anoynted wyth the oyle of iniquitie aboue the rest of his consortes in this our time, which for his abhominable pride is fallen from heauen: indeuou∣reth with his power to destroy and vndoe all, and thinketh (I be∣leeue) to stellifie againe himselfe there from whence hee fell. Hys purpose is to darken and to shadowe the light of our vnspotted life,* 65.3 whilest that (altering the veritie into lies) his Papall letters stuft with all vntruthes, are sent into sondry partes of the world: of his owne corrupt humor, and vpon no reasonable cause, ble∣mishing the sinceritie of our Religion. The Lord Pope hath com∣pared vs, vnto the beast rising out of the sea, full of names of blas∣phemy, and spotted like a Lyberd. But we say, that he is that mō∣strous beast of whom it is sayd, and of whome we thus read: And there shall come an other red horse out of the sea, and hee that shall sit on him, shall take peace away out of the earth: let them therefore that dwell vpon the earth destroy him. For since the tyme of hys promotiō, he hath not ben the father of mercy but of discord:* 65.4 A dilligent steward of desolation in stead of consola∣tion: and hath intised all the worlde to commit offence. And to take the wordes in right sense and interpretation, he is that great Dragon that dath deceiued the whole worlde: hee is that An∣tichrist, of whom he hath called vs the forerunner: he is that o∣ther Balaam hired for money to curse vs: the Prince of darcknes, which hath abused the Prophetes. This is the Aungel leaping out of the sea, hauing his Phials fild with bitternes, that he may both hurt the sea and the lande: the counterfait Vicar of Christ, that setteth forth hys owne imaginations. He sayth that we doe not rightly beleue in the Christen fayth,* 65.5 and that the world is decei∣ued with three maner of deceiuers (which to name God forbid we should open our mouth) seeing that openly we cōfesse one∣ly Iesus Christ our Lord and Sauiour to be the euerlasting sonne of God, coequall with hys father and the holy Ghost, begotten before all worldes, and in processe of tyme sent downe vpon the earth for the saluation of mankinde: Conceaued, not by the seede of man, but by the holy Ghost: which was borne of the glorious virgin Mary, & after that suffered and dyed as touching the flesh: and by hys Godhead the third day, he raysed from death that o∣ther nature which he assumpted in the wombe of his mother. But we haue learned, that the body of Machomet hangeth in the ayre and that his soule is buryed in hell: whose works are damnable & contrary to the law of the most highest. We affirme also, that Moy¦ses was the faythfull seruant of God, and a true teacher of the law: and that he talked with God in mount Sinay, vnto whō the Lord sayd, Rubrum. &c. By whō also God wrought miracles in Egipt, and deliuered the law written to the Israelites, & that afterwards with the elect he was called to glory. In these and other thinges our enemy and enuier of our state, causing our mother the church to accuse her sonne, hath written agaynst vs venemous and lying sclaunder, and sent the same to the whole worlde. If hee had rightly vnderstoode the Apostles meaning, he woulde not haue preferred his violent will before reason,* 65.6 which beareth such sway with him: neither would he haue sēt out his Mandates to the sug∣gestion of those which call light darcknes, and euill good: whiche suspect hony to be gall, for the great good opinion they haue cō∣ceaued of that holy place, which in deed is both weak & infirm, & cōuerteth al truth into falshood, & affirmeth that to be that is not.

Truly my opinion (so indifferent on euery side) ought not in any case to be infringed and auerted from the fayth, to such ene∣mies of so corrupt a conscience. Wherefore we greatly are infor∣ced not a little to meruaile, which thing also doth much disquyet vs to see: that you which be the pillers and assistentes in office of righteous dealing, the Senators of Peters Citie, and the principal beames in Gods building: haue not quallified the perturbation of so fierce a Iudge: as doth the planets of heauē in their kynd: which to mittigate the passing swift course of the great orbe, or sphere of heauen,* 65.7 draw a contrary way by theyr opposite mouinges. In very deed, our Imperial felicitie hath bene (almost euen from the beginning) spurned agaynst, and enueied at of the papall see and dignitie: As Simonides being demanded why he had no mo ene∣mies and enuiers of hys state, answered and sayd: quia nibil falsci∣ter gessi: for because (sayth he) I haue had no good successe in a∣ny thing, that euer I tooke in hand. And so,* 65.8 for that we haue had prosperous successe in all our enterprises (the Lordes name be blessed therefore) especially in the ouerthrow (of late) of our re∣bellious enemies the Lombardes: to whom in their good quar∣rell he promised life and absolution and remission of their sinnes, is the cause wherefore this Apostolicall bishop mourneth and la∣menteth: And now, not by your councels (I suppose) he laboureth to impugne this our felicitie, but of hys owne power of bynding & losing, wherof he glorieth so much, he impugneth it. But pre∣sently where power and habilitie wanteth to redresse, there doth abuse take place. We see in hym which was so mighty a king, and the worthiest prince amongst all the Prophetes, to desire & craue the restitution of Gods holy spirit, when he had polluted the dig∣nitie of hys office. But the prouerbe is, Vti indissolubilia non sol∣nuntur ita inligabilia non ligantur.* 65.9 As thinges indissoluble are not to be losed, so thinges that cannot be bound, are not to be bound. Which thing manifestly is proued in him. For why, the scriptures of God doe instruct men how to liue, they mortifie our soules whiche are immortall, and quicken the same whiche are dead for want of lyfe. And doubtles, he is able to humble and bring downe those that are vnworthy of dignitie, as much as him pleaseth, and when him pleaseth. Doubtlesse, if the Byshop of Rome were a true Byshop indeed, innocent, impolute, and not associate with wicked liuers and euill men, his life should declare him so to be. He would not then be an offerer of dissentious sa∣crifice, but a peaceable offerer of loue & charity, & would cense, not with the incense of griefe & hatred, but with the sweet smel∣ling incense of concord and vnity: neither yet would alter su∣um pontificium in maleficium: That is, make of a sanctified of∣fice an execrable abuse. If he were such a Byshoppe as he ought to be, he would not wrest or abuse the preaching of the word, into the fruite and gayne of his owne dissention: neither shoulde we be accused for such an enemy of our mother the true church, as is layd vnto her sonnes charge by such a Byshopp. Which true and mother Church, with all reuerence we honour, and benig∣nity embrace, so beautified and adourned with Goddes most ho∣ly Sacraments. Some singular persons notwihstanding, fayning themselues to be our brethren by that mother and yet are not, but of a strumpet begot: such I say as are subiect and slaues to cor¦ruptible things (putting thē from amongst vs) we vtterly reiect:

Especially for that iniuries by them done, are not only transitorie and mundane,* 65.10 wherwith our maiestie is so molested, vexed & gre∣ued. Wherefore, we cannot so easily mitigate our moode, neyther ought we in very dede so to do: and therefore are we inforced the more to take the greater reuenge of them. You therefore that are men of graue and deliberate counsail, hauing the excellēt gift (as from God) of wisdom and vnderstāding: Refuse you that raoring enemie of ours in these his proceedings whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable: wisely comparing things past, with those to come. Otherwise, you that are vnder our subiection, as well of the Empire as other our dominions shall feele and perceiue (both of my chiefe ennemie and persecutour, as also of the princes that are his fautors and adherents) what reuenge by sword Fredericus Augustus shall take vpon them, God so permitting.

This done, hee denounceth a solemne Parliament or councel of al the princes & other nobilitie of the Empire at Aegra:* 65.11 whether came Conradus Cesar, Moguntinus Presul, the Saxon Dukes, the Lordes of Brandeburgh, Misna, Thuringus, and the Legates of all the nobles of Brabant to aid the Emperor. But the princes of Boiemus and Palatinus, being dissuaded by the legates vnto whom the Austrians had ioyned thēselues, refused to come to the Councel holden at Aegra. And being at their wittes ends not knowing well what they might doe, forsoke at last the Emperor, and toke part with the pope and the other con∣spirators. Then Fredericus Austriacus the Emperors se∣cond sonne (whom he disherited as ye heard) by the aid of the Boiors and Bohemians, recouered againe the Duke∣domes of Austria and Styria: putting to flight and discō∣fiting, the Emperors bandes and garrisons which he had there. And although the Cardinals (especially that honest man Albertus Boiemus) had allured vnto the pope Otho the duke of Boioria as ye heard, & diuers other noble men of Germanie: yet notwythstanding, certaine bishops in Boioria (as Eberhardus Iuuanensis, and Sigrefridus Segino∣burgensis, being at that time the Emperors Chauncelour, Rudicenis Ratheuiensis, Conradus Frisingensis and others) left not or yet forsoke the Emperor. All which the foresayd Albertus not onely did excōmunicate,* 65.12 but also by processe sought to bring them vp to Rome before the pope: Geuing commaundement to their Collegioners and cloysterers, that they should depriue them of their offices, & chuse such others in their steade as would obey the Pope. All which things the Pope vnderstanding by Albertus, and of thys their fidelitie to the Emperor, corroborated and confirmed the same his doings, commaunding them to chuse other byshops in their stedes.

But the bishops & prelates with one consent contem∣ning the popes mandates & writs, and also the curses and threatnings of Albertus, accused, reproued, & greatly bla∣med his temerity & also tiranny which he vsurped against the churches of Germanie, and especially against the good Emperor: that without his consent he durst be so bolde as to meddle in churches cōmitted to the Emperors gouern∣ment, against the old & auncient customes: and that he had excommunicated the Emperor without iust cause, y^t he had condemned the Emperors faithful subiects, as enemies to the Church, for standing with their liege and soueraigne Prince (which allegiance to violate, without horrible ini∣quitie they might not) and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations, & had also in that quarel geuen such defiance to the Emperor. They accused and condemned the same Albertus also, for a most impudent impostor,* 65.13 and wicked varlet, and for a most pe∣stiferous botch & soare of the christian common weale: and giue him to the deuil they do, as a ruinous enemie, as wel of the church as of his owne natural countrey: and further thinke him worthy to haue his reward, with the rest of the popes pursiuants being the most wicked inuentors & de∣uisers of mischief y^t were in al Germanie. This done, they make relation hereof to the Emperor by their letters: and further, they aduertise all the princes of Germanie (especi∣ally those which were of the Popes faction or rebellion, & were the fauorers of Albertus) that they should take hede and beware in any case of his subtill deceites & pernitious deceiuable allurements: nor that they should assist the pope for al his words against the Emperor. And doutles by the counsaile of the high prelate or Archb. of Boioria (whose name was Iuuanerisis) and by his industry and persuasion:* 65.14 Fredericus Austriacus was againe reconciled vnto the Em∣peror his father, from whose aide and obedience after that (by no promises, threatnings, bribes, nor paines, no nor for the execrable curses of the Popes owne holy month) he would be induced or remooued. But Albertus prosecuteth stil his purposed mischief, alluring & inciting by al meanes possible (and y^t not amongst the worst but the best) frendes to the pope, & enemies to the Emperor: To some, he gaue their tithes to fight against the Emperor, to other some he gaue the gleebe landes of benefices: and to other some hee gaue the spoile of such colledges and monasteries as tooke not part with the pope: and to some other also, he gaue the colleges & monasteries themselues. And assuredly I finde by Iohannes Auentinus lib. 7. annalium Boiorum:* 65.15 y^t there were certen of the popes owne birdes, that had their ecclesiasti∣call tithes taken from them: and other some, had the rents and reuenues of their colleges pluckt away by force to the maintenance of the Popes quarel against the Emperour. Hereby was there a windowe opened to do what they li∣sted (euery man according to hys rauening and detestable lust) and all things lay open vnto their gredy and insatia∣ble desires. Who listeth to heare more hereof, let him reade Auentinus in his Booke before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew therby to the whole state of Germa∣nie, who largely entreateth of the same.

While these things were thus in working in Germa∣nie, Fredericke leauing in Lumbardie Actiolinus wyth a great part of his hoste (hee passing with the rest by Apeni∣num) came to Hetruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had alaide certaine insurrections there: and from thence to Pysas, where he was with great amitie and honor re∣ceiued and welcomed. This citie was alwaies assured and faithfull to the Emperours of Germanie.* 65.16 The Pope vn∣derstanding of the Emperours comming into Hetruria, and knowing what power the Emperour had also left in Lumbardie, hee with a great army besiegeth the citie Fer∣raria, that alwaies loued the Emperour full well: which Citie, when the Popes Legate had assauted sharpely the space of 5. monethes and could not winne the same: he de∣uised with hymselfe to sende for Salingwerra out of the towne by way of a parlie, promising his faith and truth to him for his safe returne. Who, by the perswasion of Hugo Rambartus, that said without peril he might doe the same (being but by way of Parley) was comming to the legate: who preuenting him in his iourney tooke him as prisoner, contrary to his trueth and fidelitie.* 65.17 And thus gate he Fer∣raria, and deliuered the keping therof to Azones Astensis. And that the Popes Legate thus falsified his trouth, and circumuented the capitaine & olde man Salingwerra: the same is confessed of the Popes frendly Historiographers, to be but a Stratagem or warlike pollicie. But to returne againe: About the same time also the Uenetian nauie, at the mount Garganum chased 12. galleis of the Emperors which were appointed to the keeping of that coste,* 65.18 & spoi∣led, brent, and wasted all the region: and farther tooke one of the Emperors great ships, being driuen by tempest and weather into the hauen Sipontinum, fraught with men and munition.

Fredericus againe getting on hys side the Lucenses, the Uolateranes, the Genenses, the Aretines, and diuers Cities besides in Hetruria to helpe that countrey: came to Pisas and Uiterbium, which tooke parte with him. Some say, that the names and factions of the Gibellins & Guel∣phes, sprang from Fredericke: that by them hee might spie and know (hauing recourse to all the townes and cities in Italie) which tooke part with and fauoured the Pope, and which the Emperour: and called the one by the name of Gibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphes. But for that, both Blondus, and Platina, and some others, bring no sufficient proofe thereof, but onely by slender con∣iecture, I rather cleaue to the opinion of Nauclerus, Her∣manus, Antonius,* 65.19 Florentinus, and other such wryters, which say: that these Guelphes and Gibellines in Italie, tooke their beginning of Cōradus 3. Fredericus his great vncle being Emperour. And that these Guelphes were dedicated to the Pope, of Guelphus the yonger brother of Henry the proud: and that those which were called Gibel∣lines were appoynted either of Conradus himselfe or els of his sonne, being brought vp in the Lordship of Uaiblin∣gen. But to our purpose.

The Pope,* 65.20 when he vnderstoode that Fredericke was come to Uiterbium, he was very heauy: for that he feared he would come to Rome, the good will of which Citie the Pope much mistrusted. He therefore caused a supplication to be drawne, portraying about the same the heads of Pe∣ter and Paule, & with a sharpe and contumelious oration he much defaced the Emperour: promising them euerla∣sting life, & gaue them the badge of the crosse, as many as would arme themselues and fight against the Emperour, as against the most wicked enemy of God & the Church. Now when the Emperour marching somewhat neare to Rome gates, behelde those whome the Pope had with his goodly spectacle of S. Peter and S. Paule, and wyth his alluring oration stirred vp against him, and marked with the badge of the crosse to come foorth in battell against him:

Disdaining to be accompted for the enemye of the Church,* 65.21 who had ben therunto so beneficial, geuing a fierce charge vppon them, put them soone to flight: and as many as hee tooke (cutting off that badge frō them) he caused to be han∣ged. From thēce he marching into Campania & his owne kingdomes: leuied a great masse of money, & mustred new bandes, and augmented his armie: and in these bandes he retained the Saracens also. And to y^e intent he might finde the Saracens the more trustie vnto hym: hee appoynted them to inhabit in a city named Luceria. For which thing, although the Papisticall wryters doe greatly blame and opprobriously write of Fredericke:* 65.22 yet notwythstanding, Nicholaus Machiuellus doth wryte, that therefore he re∣tained them: least that through the Popes execrable cur∣ses, he should be quite destitute of souldiours as was Fre∣dericus Barbarossa a litle before, his graundfather, when that of Alexander the Pope hee was excommunicated, as ye haue heard.

After this, when the Emperor had greatly afflicted by battaile the Popes Ecclesiasticall consorts, such as conspi∣red with the Pope against him: and that he had wasted & destroyed Beneuentum, the mount Casenum, & Sora, for that they toke part with the Pope against him: Frederick, when he had manned the City Aquila, marched forth with a great hoste both of horsemen and footemen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemyes in Italie. And by the way, he besieged the strong towne of warre named Ascu∣linum, which was also conuerted to the popes faction and rebellion. He there hauing vnderstanding what y^e Popes assistents had done with the Princes electours and other princes of Germanie,* 65.23 especially with Wenseslaus king of Bohemia, and Otho Palatinus: wryteth his letters vnto them. In the which, first he sheweth how that those contu∣melies and spitefull wordes which the Pope blustered out against him, are light vpon himselfe: And how the bishops of Rome haue taken to them of late such hart of grace, and are become so loftie, that not only they seeke to bring Em∣perours, Kings and Princes vnder their obedience, but also seeke howe to be honoured as gods: And say, that they cannot erre, neither yet be subiect or bounde to any religi∣on: and that it is lawful for them to do al things what they list, neither y^t any accoumpt is to be sought or demanded of their doings, or els to be made of them to any, so impudent are they in these their affirmations. And further, as Prin∣ces they commaund (and that vnder paine of cursing) that men beleue euery thing they say, howe great a lie soeuer it be. In so much that by this couetousnes of his, all things goe backwarde,* 65.24 and the whole state of the common weale is subuerted: neither can there any enemie be founde more hurtfull or perillous to the Churche of God then he. Hee wrote vnto them furthermore, that he (to whom the grea∣test charge and dignitie was in the whole common weale appoynted and committed) seeing and perceauing to hys great perill,* 65.25 their good harts, willes, & practises towardes him: would with all the power and hability that God had geuen him, do his indeuour: that he which in the likenesse of the shepheard of the flocke, & the seruaunt of Christ, and chiefe prelate in the Churche, sheweth himselfe so very a wolfe, persecutour and tyrant: may be remoued from that place, and that a true & carefull shepheard of Gods flocke, may be appoynted in the Church. Wherefore he exhorteth them, that if they desire the safetie and preseruation of the whole state of the cōmon weale and Empire: that they be vnto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings: least otherwise, they also should happē to fall into the same snare of seruitude with the Bishop of Rome. And further, he gaue them to wit, that if he should aspire to that hee sought for (that is to be an Emperour and King ouer kings) yet should that be no stay of his insatiable de∣sire, but would be as greedy and rauenous as nowe he is. Therefore, if they be wise, to withstand him betimes: least hereafter whē they would it should be to late, neither were able to w^tstand his tyrāny. The effect of this Epistle I toke out of Auētine which more largely dilateth the same: who also wryteth, that the Emperour (by his legates) sent the same to Wenseslaus.

* 65.26Boiemus somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accomplish the Emperors biddings and precepts: and forthwith gathereth the assembly of princes and nobles at Aegra: where, by commō consent they thinke to renouate w^t the Emperour a newe league and couenaunt. And fur∣thermore, they finde Otho Boius (which was absent, and wold not be at this their assembly) to be the author of this defection,* 65.27 and an enemy to the common weale. Otho, then seing himself not able to stand against Cesar, and the other Princes with whome he was associate, desiring aid of the Pope by his letters, came with all speede to Boiemus his kinsman: whome, when he coulde not perswade vnto him againe, neither he would vnto their parts also be wonne: obtaineth notwithstanding yet thus much at their hands, that the league and couenant (which they were in hand to make with the Emperor) might for a time be deferred, and y^t another assembly might be made: whereat he also would be, and ioyne himself with them. Thus had they, who kil∣led (as you heard) his father, bewitched also his sonne: and brought him to be both a rebell and traytor: In the meane season, the Pope sent his rescript vnto the king of Boie∣mia and to Otho, tending to this effect: that in no case they shuld either forsake him, or els the church, to take the Em∣perours part.* 65.28 And so much preuailed he by the meanes of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (which were the chiefest of the Senate regal) and by his faire promises and bribes to such as hee before had made to him: that againe at Libussa by Boiemus and Boius newe assemblies were gathered for the creation of a new Emperor, in despite of Augustus the Emperour, & Cesar his sonne. And whilest that this was thus in hand, Cōradus Cesar casteth Landshuta the wife of Otho (being absent) in the teeth for great benefite & pos∣sessions which her husband had and possessed by the aunci∣ters of him: and that vnlesse her husbād tooke a better way with himselfe, and shewed his obedience to the Emperour his father: that he should not enioy one foote of that lande, which nowe he had by his predecessours. The promotion and dignities which Otho had by the aunciters of Con∣radus Cesar came thus.* 65.29 Fredericus Barbarossa in y^e yeare of our Lord 1180. at a Parliament holdē at Reginoburgh, condemned Henricus Leo of high treason, and depriued him of his dominions of Boiora and Saxonie, and gaue Boiora to Otho Wiltespachius: for that hee had done him so faithful seruice in his Italian warres. After that, Ludo∣uicus the sonne of this Otho, obtained of this Emperour Fredericus the seconde, in recompence of his assured and trustie fidelitie the dition of Palatinatum Rheni so called: which gaue also Agnetes the daughter of Henry Earle of Palatine to Otho hys sonne in marriage. This Henrie was the sonne of Henry Leo the traitor: vnto whom Hen∣ry the 6. the father of Frederick gaue in mariage Clemen∣tia his brothers daughter Cōradus Palatine of Rhenus, & gaue vnto him the keeping of the palace of the same. And as touching the inheritaunce of Boiora, that hee had also long now possessed by the heires of Otho Wiltespachius. But to our purpose againe.

At the same time also the gouernor of Colonia Agrip∣pina reuolteth to the Pope:* 65.30 who not long after in a skir∣mish beweene Brabantinus & him, was vanquished and taken prisoner. And doubtles, Fredericus Austriacus af∣ter he was receiued into fauour againe with the Emperor (keeping most constantly his promise and fidelitie renued) during this time, made sharp warre vpon the Ungarians which tooke part with the Pope, & greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Germanie: the Emperour, when he had gotten Ascalum and led his hoste into Flam∣minia, hauing Rauenna at his cōmandement: from thence came to Fauentia, which citie neuer loued the Emperour: the circuite of whose walles is 5. miles in compasse, & pit∣ched his campe rounde about the same. And although the siege was much hindered by austeritie of the time & wea∣ther (being in y^e dead time of winter) yet notwithstanding, through his great fortitude and courage, so animating hys souldiours in the painfulnesse of the laborious siege, he in∣dured out the same: who thought it no little shame hauing once made that enterprise, to come from thence without a∣ny assault geuen. And therfore, when nowe the winter (so extreme cold & hard) was wel neare ended, and the spring time now hard at hand, and by long battery had made the same in diuers places sautable: The citizens (being great∣ly discouraged, & in no hope of the defence therof) sent their Legates to the Emperor, crauing pardon for their offence, and that he would graūt vnto them their liues, and so yel∣ded themselues vnto his mercy.

The Emperour hauing against them good and suffici∣ent cause of reuenge:* 65.31 yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best reuenge that might be, to pardon the offence of vanquished men: hee thought it better to graunt them their requests, to saue the citie and citizens therof, with in∣numerable people: then by armes to make y^e same his sol∣diours pray, to the destruction both of the Citie, and great number of people therein. So doth this good Emperor in one of his Epistles Adacta nobis confesse himself: which E∣pistle, to declare the lenitie and merciful heart of so worthy a prince, if that with great & maruellous prouocation and wrongs he had not bene incited, I thought good in y^e mid∣dest of history heere to haue placed. But thus I haue kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.

In this siege the Emperour hauing spent and consu∣med almost all his treasure both gold and siluer: caused o∣ther money to be made of leather, which on the one side had his Image, & on the other side the spreade Egle (the armes of the Empire) and made a proclamation y^t the same shuld passe from man to man for all necessaries in steade of other money:* 65.32 and therwithal promised, that whosoeuer brought the same money vnto hys Eschequer when the warres were ended, he would geue them golde for the same, accor∣ding to the value of euery coyne limitted: which thing af∣terward, truely and faithfully he performed, as all the hy∣storiographers do accord.

Thus, when the Pope as before is sayde, had stopped his cares and woulde not heare the Emperours Legates that came to intreat for peace, but reiected and despised his most courteous and equal demaundes: neither yet had left any wily pollicy vnattempted or force vnpractised, y^t with his confederates he thought himself either able to reuenge or els resist: Hee by his Legates calleth to a Councell at Rome,* 65.33 all such Prelates out of Italy, Fraunce, and Eng∣land, as he thought to fauor him and his proceedings: that hereby as his last shift and onely refuge, he by their helpes might depriue Fredericke of his Empire, as an vtter ene∣mie to God and to the Church. All which things Frederi∣cus hauing vnderstanding of, & knowing that these assem∣blies shuld be but to the destruction & supplanting of him: determined to stop and let their passages to Rome, as wel by sea as by lande in all that euer he might. So that, all the passages by land being now stopped & preuented, he com∣manded his sonne Henry with certaine gallies to goe and keepe the coastes of Sardinia, which kingdom the Itali∣ans cal Entimum: and from thence to Pisas, and with the Pisans to rigge out a nauie to meete with (if it were possi∣ble) such as shoulde come to aide the Pope at Rome. The Popes champions vnderstanding, that by land they could not safely repaire to Rome: they procured of Gallies and shippes of Genua (hauing Gulielmus Graccius for their chiefe Capitaine or Admirall) for fortie saile their defence:* 65.34 thinking hereby, that if they should fortune to meete with any of the Emperours ships or galleis, which shoulde lye for them in wait, they should be able to make their part in good, and geue them also the repulse. Encius in like maner and Huglinus (being Captaine and admirall of the Pisan nauie for the Emperour) launched foorth to sea with 40. ships and gallies: and betwixt the Iles of Lilium and Mons Christi, which lie betweene Liburnium and Corsica, they met with the Genewes ships: and straightwaies fiersly began to grapple with them & bourd thē, in which sight at lēgth, were 3. of the Genewes ships with boulged and sonke, and 22. taken and brought away, with all the riches and treasure in them.* 65.35 In these were taken 3. Legates of the Popes, wherof were 2. Cardinals, Iacobus Columna, Otho Marchio, & Gregorius de Romania, (all cruell enemies against the Emperour) and many other Prelates mor: besides a great number of Legates and procuratours of cities, with an infinite number of Monkes & Priests, beside of Gene∣wes souldiours 6000. with diuers others.

Pandolphus Colonutius in describing the circumstan∣ces of the great losse and misfortune of these champions of the Pope by sea, amongest the rest declareth: that besides the great pray and bootie which the takers had from them, they also founde many wrytings and letters against Fre∣dericke, which much holpe him in the defence of those cau∣ses,* 65.36 wherein they had laboured against him. The like mis∣chance also, almost about that time happened on the popes side, by the Emperours soldieurs which lay in garrison at Ticinum, thus. There went forth vpon a time out of Ti∣cinum into the borders of Genewes, certaine bandes to geue them larums in the countrey: which bandes, the scu∣riers of Mediolanum (where lay a great garrison of the Popes) discrying: tolde the Captaine of the towne, that nowe a very opportune and fitte time was to geue an as∣sault to Ticinum: for that say they, the greatest part are nowe gone a foraging. Whereupon, they immediatly cal∣ling together the captains and such as had charge, set their souldiours in aray and marched forewarde to Ticinum. And now, when they were come almost thether, the Tici∣nian bandes (whome they thought to haue bene farre a fo∣raging) were returned and met with them, & fiersly gaue a ful charge vpon them: who, being dismaied at the soden∣nesse of the matter, fought not long but gaue ouer and fled. In which skirmish was taken (besides those y^e were slain) 350. captaines and brought prisoners into Ticinum with all their ensignes with them.

Newes hereof was brought to the Emperor not long after, who then was remouing from the siege of Fauentia as ye heard to the citie of Gononium thinking to haue de∣stroied y^e same. But vpon the hearing of these good newes, hee altereth his purpose, and thinking to haue heereafter a more cōuenient time therunto, leadeth his army towards Rome:* 65.37 and in the way, he reconciled to him the Citie Pi∣saurum. But Fanum, for that the townes men shut theyr gates and would not suffer the Emperour to come in, hee tooke by force and destroyed. For the Emperour, seing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet by his lawful excusation be coulde doe any good with him: thought, that by his sodaine comming thether, and with feare of the pe∣rill imminent, he might be brought to some vniformitie, & caused to leaue of his accustomed pertinacie. And although the Emperor was too strong for him, yet for that he regar∣ded nothing more then y^e publike tranquillitie of the Em∣pire, and that hee might then take the Tartarian warres in hand: if he could by any meanes conclude, he refused not so to intreate a peace with him as though he had bene both in force and fortune much his inferiour.

Whilest that this ruffle was betwixt the Emperor and the Pope,* 65.38 Ochodarius the Emperour of the Tartarians his sonne, with a great power & prouision made and in∣uaded the borders next adioyning vnto him, & there wan Roxolanum, Godolium, Mudanum, with d••uers other cities, townes, and villages: destroying, wasting, & bur∣ning the countreis al about, killing and slaying, man, wo∣man and childe, sparing none of any sexe or age. At whose sodeine inuasion, the people being in such feare & perplexi∣tie (hauing no citie, no refuge, nor aide to stande in defence for them) were saine to leaue all that euer they had, and dis∣perse themselues into woodes, and flee into marishes and mountaines, or where soeuer any succoure els, did offer it selfe to them. And by this time, the Tartarian hoste was come as farre as Uratislauia,* 65.39 where Henricus of Polonia and the Duke of Silesia w^t their army met with them: who for the inequality of the nomber & smal strength they were of, had soone an ouerthrow, and almost all their souldiours being slaine, they themselues were taken and put to the sword. From thence, they came to Morauia, & from thence to the kingdome of Boiemia: which Countrey, while the king kept himselfe in strong defenced fortes, and durst not come abroade: he inuaded & destroied all Ungary, putting to flight and vanquishing Colmannus y^c brother of Belus the 4. king of Ungary: by whome also, was great spoyle made in both the Pannonias, Mesiarum, Bulgaria, and Seruia, whē Belus the king of Ungary had gottē to Po∣la (which is a citie of Histria) vnto Otho the duke of Dal∣matia:* 65.40 He sent his Legates to Fredericke the Emperour, promising that if he would send him aid that the Tartari∣ans might be expelled: that Ungary shoulde euer after be vnder the iurisdiction of the Emperour: which thing if he refused to do, that then the same were in great danger to be subiect to the Tartarians, to the no litle peril of the whole Empire. And said further, that the cause wherfore he wyth more instance required the same, was: That so many chri∣stian men and countreis, made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamitie & miserie, & that there was none able to helpe them: which sayeth he, is as great shame as may be to the whole Christian common state and Empire. And also sayde, that if the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed, that then he thought they wold make inuasion vpon the Empire and prouinces of the same.

The Emperor, although he thought it very requisite, that with all conuenient speede this mifchiefe should be re∣medied and preuēted:* 65.41 yet notwithstanding, his great ene∣mie the Pope with hys confederates, was the only let and hinderance therof. For when he saw and perceiued that he himselfe could doe no good, and onely laboured in vaine in seeking peace with the Pope: he gaue commaundement to Boiemus and Boius, to intreat and persuade wyth him: And (considering the imminent perill like to ensue by rea∣son of such ciuile dissention to the whole state of Christen∣dom) that he would take vp and conclude a peace, and mi∣tigate some what his fierce and wrathful moode. Wherfore, when he saw furder that nether by that means of intreaty, nor any other, the Pope would desist from his stubburne and malicious froward purpose: He writeth againe to the king of Hungarie, y^e he was right sory and greatly lamen∣ted their miserable state, & that hee much desired to relieue the neede and necessity he and all the rest stood in.* 65.42 But why that he coulde not redresse the same, nor stande him then in any stead, he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome: who re∣fusing all intreatie of peace, could not wythout great perill to himselfe depart out of Italie: least that when he shoulde come to the aide of hym (by the Popes mischieuous ima∣ginations) he shuld be in perill of losing all at home. Not∣w^tstanding, hee sent Conradus Celar king of Bohemia & other princes more of Germany to resist and withstād the

enemie, as much as in them lay to do. The great army and nomber of such soldiours, as ware the crosse by the Popes assignement, deferred their iourney against y^e Tartarians, and had commaundement giuen them by that Albertus (the Popes procurator) to tary and abide at home till they should be called for in battaile to fight against the Empe∣rour. This was the louing zeale and affection of the Pope and hys adherentes (to conclude) in this time of calamitie towards the Christian state and common wealth:* 65.43 That he had rather bend his force and reuenge his malice vpon the christian & good Emperour, then either he himself to with∣stande, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace: that this most bloudy and cruell Tartarian should be let and restrained from so great hauock, spoil, & slaugh∣ter of the Christen men. And yet forsooth these mē wil seme to haue the greatest regard of al other to the Christian pre∣seruation, and thinke to haue the supremacie geuen therin: what thing els is this, then manifest mockerie and decei∣uing of the people: But notwithstanding, euē in the midst of this spoile and hauocke of Polonia, Bohemia and Hū∣garia, was it determined: that at Libussa, the princes con∣federate shuld be assembled about the deposing of the Em∣perour and creation of another.

But nowe, notw^tstanding the prouident foresight and wise pollicie of the Emperour (as you heard before) in re∣straining the passages both by the sea & land, who had spe∣ciall regard thereunto, and gaue most straight charge that none should passe without priuie searche and examina∣tion, as one hauing sufficient triall as well in hys owne person as by the example of his predecessours, what great mischiefe & dissention by their Legates euery way sent out they had procured,* 65.44 both to the Imperial state and dignity, and to the whole coūtrey of Germanie: yet found they such meanes, and wrought such pollicies, that they had not on∣ly secrete passage and repassage with their letters and spi∣als into all places of Christendome where they listed, but also so laboured the matter and handled the same: that the long continued league of amitie betwene the French king and the Emperour, whose predecessors as also they them∣selues had many yeares reuerently obserued in Christian concord & vnitie: was by this seditious prelate & arrogant vicar of sathan, now either vtterly infringed, or els in va∣riable suspence: as by their letters eche to other, and heere vnder ensuing, are to be red and seene: which for the more probability of this history of Fredericke (not being long or greatly tedious) I thought mete here to intext and place.

The Epistle of the French King to Fredericke the Emperour touching the imprisoning of cer∣taine Cardinals of Fraunce.

HEtherto noble Emperour, hath the good opinion and great confidence (many yeeres in mutuall loue established betwixt vs) lasted and continued wel, hoping that no such cause shuld rise betwixt vs, to hatch either hatred or other occasion offensiue be∣twene your highnes empire & our kingdō.* 66.1 Especially, seeing that al our predecessors Kings of France, late of most worthy memory (til these our daies) haue ben so zelously affected to the most high and regall state of your Empire: As that also we, after whom God hath placed successiuely to raigne as king, haue ben none other∣wise minded nor affected towardes the same. None otherwise al∣so on their behalfe, haue the auncient and renoumed Emperours of Rome our neighbours and your predecessours shewed them∣selues towards vs (eche other esteming the Empire and kingdom of Fraunce as one) and faithfully conseruing together the vnitie of peace and concord. In somuch, that there hath not chaunced betwene them these many yeares, so much as one sparke of dis∣corde and dissention. But this notwithstanding, we for our parte cannot but greatly maruell, & not without good cause are trou∣bled and vexed:* 66.2 That without desert or any offence, you haue ta∣ken the Prelates of our realme vpon the sea, making their repaire to the see Apostolicall: to the which, as well by their faith as their obedience they stande bounde and are obedient, neither coulde they withstand the Pope his commandement: these haue you im∣prisoned, and so still deteine the same. Whereat (we do your maie∣stie to were) we are not wel pleased, neither yet take it in so good part as you peraduenture thinke we do. For by their owne letters we vnderstande, they had excogitate nothing preiudicial to your imperiall estate and celsitude, although the Pope had prose∣cuted therein more then became him to doe. Wherefore, seeing that there is no cause why ye should detaine them: it is meete and becommeth no lesse your magnificence, but that you restore vn∣to vs and set at libertie, the saide Prelates of our Realme: wherein also you shall appease our grudge and kepe vs your friend, which accompt the displeasure you doe to them, as our owne and pro∣per iniurie For why, it were a great dishonour to our Realme and Kingly estate, if we should wincke hereat and ouerpasse the same with silence.* 66.3 Wherefore, if you wil consider and respect the thing that we haue sayde, we doubt not but that you will release the Bi∣shoppe of Penestrum, with the other Legates and Prelates of the Churche, which you to our preiudice doe detaine. In desiring of our aide doubtlesse, we gaue vnto them a manifest nay: neither could they obtain in our kingdom any thing at all which, seemed to be against or preiudiciall to your maiestie. Let therefore your imperiall prouidēce pōder in the ballance of iustice, those things which we wryte vnto you, neither let our lawfull request vnto you, be frustrate or made in vaine. For our realme and kingdome of Fraunce is not so debilitate or empouerished; that it will be spurned at, or troden vnder your feete. Fare ye well.

The rescript of the Emperour to the same letter of the king of Fraunce.

OVr Imperiall magnificence hath perused your kingly letters: wherein, if we had not founde manifest contradiction, they might peraduenture haue obteined at our handes all that they re∣quired. But euen as with a little leauen a whole lumpe of dowe is sowred: so a manifest vntruth alleaged, hath made the whole ar∣gument of your letter both faultie and vnsauerie.* 67.1 It is apparaunt that you wanted the vertue of mediocritie in the conclusion of the same your graces letter: For that, they themselues bewray no lesse, then we giue you manifestly to vnderstand, & many moe be∣sides doth know. It is notorious also, and to al the world reuealed,* 67.2 in what sort that Apostolical father hath impugned our innocen∣cie, as well with the one sworde as with the other. And howe, that whilest we at his commaundement tooke our iourney beyonde the seas: the same our enemie and hostile aduersarie, inuaded our kingdome of Sicilia: and the same not in one place or two, but in diuers & sondry parts therof hath wasted, spoiled, and destroied. After this when with great intreatie at our returne from Asia, we had concluded a peace with him: which with vs at his owne plea∣sure he made. And had taken and receiued our deuotion for the same,* 67.3 which in seruiceable maner we graunted him: The sayde A∣postolicall father (that notwithstanding) hath since that time, ra∣ther aggrauated his displeasure towardes vs, then any thing at all qualified the same: and further hath to our depriuation and sub∣uersion, excogitate and deuised against vs, all the mischiefe hee might or hath bene able, no cause in all the worlde geuen of vs to prouoke the same. And farther hath promulgated to our great defamation and shame (as well by his letters as Legates) the sen∣tence of excommunication against vs vnto all nations. Lastly, hee aspiring to our imperiall state, and conspiring our supplantation, hath made warre against vs, as against king Dauid Gods annoin∣ted: and hath vnto a priuate Councell for that purpose, called all the Prelates he cā get, as one that meaneth to set the whole world together by the eares. But such is the maruelous wisedom of God by whome we liue and raigne, beholding the wicked purpose hee went about (confounding the crafty in their craftinesse) hath ge∣uen into our hands as well your Prelates of the realme of France,* 67.4 as also of other regions and prouinces: al which, we imprison and detaine, as enemies and aduersaries to our Imperiall crowne and person. For where there desisted not to be a persecutor, there hath not wanted also a sufficient withstander & defender. Let not ther∣fore your kingly highnesse maruell, although Augustus detaineth in prison your French Prelates, which haue indeuoured them∣selues to conspire and so to disturbe our imperiall estate and re∣giment. Fare ye well.

When Fredericke nowe saw there was none other re∣medie, and that in vaine hee laboured to haue peace wyth the Pope, hee prosecuteth his warre to the vttermost: and when he had gotten Ludertum and recōciled the same,* 67.5 he destroyed y^e towne of Geminum and Naruia. and geueth the spoyle of them vnto his souldiors: He gently receiued the yelding vp of Siburnum, and wasteth all the countrey rounde about Rome. The Pope heere with dismaied and troubled with such as otherwise dissuaded and counsailed him, and that things not so well prospered with him and against the Emperour as he wished and desired: being in dispaire of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought.

What opinion the Prelates of Germanie at that time had of this Gregory, is extant and to be sene by the oration of Eberhardus Byshop of Iuuauence that he made to the nobilitie of Boioria in the Parliament at Reginoburgh, written by Iohannes Auentinus in his 7. booke. Doubtlesse he not onely brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole Christen cōmon weale and also Empire: whilest he sought thus to depresse & bridle the Emperour, & aduance hiz papal sea and dignity; but also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy and wickednes, wherof both Blondus, Platina, Baleus and others make men∣tion: And amongst others that most detestable Catilene Salue Regina in the which hee attributeth the honour and worship onely due to Iesus Christe, vnto the virgine hys

mother. This is he in whose name the booke of the Decre∣tals was set out, which (to omit y^e opinion of diuers other learned men) Iohannes Baleus calleth it the sinke or puddle of foolishnesse and impietie. Doubtlesse Charolus Molineus a man both of singular iudgement in that law, which in tri∣bunall courtes & iudgements is vsed: as also in this pain∣teth foorth the decree of this Gregory in his booke of anno∣tations vnto Platina, whose woordes thereof are these. Certum est, multa capita in ijs mutila & decurtata esse, vt inui∣diosum argumentum lateret.* 67.6 &c. That is, Doubtlesse, diuers Chapters in the same booke of decretals be mangled & vn∣perfect, that many contentious arguments therein myght lurke. For when the ambitious desire of raigning lyke kings tooke them, they studied nothing els but how to en∣large and aduance their See and dominion with the Em∣pire it selfe and other kingdomes (ofte shaken and weake∣ned through cōtention) and this purpose and end had they and none other, in al their constitutions. The profe wher∣of, Molineus declareth in his boke de regib{us} Galliae & Angliae. But many moe examples by the Emperors, Princes, and Lords Electours of the Empire may be gathered: wherof to speake, more conuenient place shall serue hereafter.

* 67.7In the steade of thys Gregorie, was placed Coelestine horne in Mediolanum amongst the Castellians: who as Blondus declareth, by fained promises offred a league wyth Fredericus, and the 18. day after he was created Pope, he also died.

Thus when the author of al this conspiracy was gon, Fridericus nowe thinking himselfe free and voyde of that feare which before he had, and durst not be absent out of I∣taly: with all his indeuour leuieth an army and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the deliuerie of the Christians, so mightely oppressed as ye heard by y^e Turke or Tartarians. Who hearing of the comming of the Em∣perour, left the straight way thorough Hungarie,* 67.8 whyche they came & returned by the riuer of Danubium to Tau∣rica, and so through the fennes of Meotida: and by the ri∣uer Tanaum, into Sarmatia Asiatica. When the Cardi∣nals had nowe a long time protracted the creation of the Pope, and would not agree vpon the same: The Emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more care∣full for the christian common wealth. His 2. Epistles tou∣ching this matter are extant. Wherby appeareth that only for the care and desire of peace he had to the christian vnitie and state, he did the same: and for that (peraduenture) the cardinals refused to make peace with him, before they had created a newe Pope. The one for more breuitie I haue o∣mitted, and here the other inserted.

An Epistle Inuectiue of the Emperour vnto the Cardinals, for that they cannot agree vpon the creation of the Pope.

* 68.1VNto you I write, Oh you children of Ephraim, which euill haue bent your bowes, and worse haue shot your arrowes, filthely turning your backes in the day of battaile. Vnto you I speake, O you children of Belial, and disperpled flock. You insen∣sible people and assistents of the great iudge. Vnto you I wryte, O you disētious Cardinals, who the world for your deserts doth hate: for whose causes the whole world being at variance is euill spoken of. Doubtlesse, I cannot speake vnto you, but to your de∣tractatiō, because I am worldly and you spiritual. I am vnperfect, wherfore I must do as the vnperfect worlde doth: neither can the parte be dissonant to the whole, nor I contrary to my selfe that wryteth. Attend ye therfore my rude Epistle, wanting the digni∣ty of Rhetoricall stile. My prouoked tounge brasteth foorth into wordes before my conceiuing spirit hath deliuered the same: and so not attending to the higher regiment, hath hastened to expres my words not fully conceiued or premeditate. Thus I say, trou∣bled minde oftentimes doth beget vnordered talke, and vntimely vttereth the same. This therfore is, that our heart hath conceiued, that we beleeue and all men confesse, that Iesus Christ the media∣tour betweene God and man, which came from heauen to make peace vpon the earth, is not deuided and at variaunce, being also the maister and Lorde of the Apostles. But Sathan being deuided in himselfe, that blustering prince is amongest you, as those to whome he ministreth: He, euen he, the perswader of discorde and dissention, that mankiller, father of lies, and spirite of darkenesse, that hath deuided your tonges, and set dissention amongst your selues: Neither ye doe good one to another, nor yet to the world, being by you in so perillous a state brought. And the little shippe of Peter,* 68.2 which is tossed vppon the sea by vehement windes, you nothing regarde: which shippe, though it neede not in deede vt∣terly to feare drowning, yet suffereth it by your negligence many great stormes and perillous tempests. Doubtlesse, if yee woulde diligently consider howe the nations and people whome ye were wont to iudge in scorne, shake their heades at you: euery one of you would be ashamed of an other. And to say the truth, they can not doe too much to detect your so detestable opporobrie: for whilest euery one of you aspireth to the chaire, euery one is at va∣riance with his fellowe: and whilest one of you cannot agree with another, none is promoted, & whilest none is promoted, the Ca∣thedrall dignitie vanisheth: And thus by your discorde, the peace∣able state and concorde of the Churche is confounded, and the perfection of the faith and Religion whereby yee should liue, pe∣risheth. And surely, through your default it perisheth, so that where as nature hath placed the sense and vnderstanding to be: that partly like a monster remaineth with you, both senselesse and headlesse.* 68.3 And no maruell, for why your hearing is impaired, and that sounde of the mouth that shrilly was heard throughout the whole earth, is vtterly dombe, and become a scoffing Eccho. For why, the tound••ings of Peter and Paule are now no more heard, the Preachers are become dumme dogges, and are commaunded to silence. Perhappes you haue handes readie to receiue, but there be no bribes: For why, those that were wont to come from Saba, and bring golde with them, nowe come no more: seeing the Lord is not in the maunger, and the celestiall shining starre refusing to be their guide. Moreouer, yee want feete to walke withal, for see∣ing there is no man to geue you ought, you will not remoue one foote for any mans pleasure. Fie shamelesse people, the least and simplest beast may learne you obedience, for the birdes haue their Captaine, and the sillie Bee their King, but you will come vnder no gouernment. &c.

The Emperour yet after thys,* 68.4 at the request of Gald∣winus, the Emperour of Constantinople, who came to Fredericus to Parma, released the Cardinals out of pry∣son: thinking thereby not onely to gratifie the Emperour Baldwinus, but also thinking that therby things would haue the better growne to publique tranquillitie on euery side. When the Cardinals were all assembled at Auignia: they made Simbaldus a Genues Pope: whome by a con∣trary name for that he had determined (as I suppose) to be hurtfull to the common wealth,* 68.5 they called Innocentius the 4. Of which election, when Fredericke vnderstoode, be was well pleased therewith: And for that he had in all this troublous time bene his friend, he well hoped y^t the Chri∣stian common wealth, should by him haue ben brought to much peace and cōcord. Wherfore, he sent both his legates and letters gratulatorie vnto him, letting him to vnder∣stand, howe wel it contented and pleased him that he was made Pope,* 68.6 & what peace & quietnes therby he promiseth (as it were to himselfe) he maketh full relation thereof: of∣fring againe vnto him obseruaunce, helpe and aide in all things, commēding his dignitie to the publique state and quietnesse of the christian common weale and Empire, &c.

Hee also wrote hys letters to Otho Duke of Boioria, who a little before was reconciled to the Emperor: that he which was elected pope was a good man, a louer of peace, and studious as well for the tranquilitie of the christian cō∣mon wealth as of the Empire.

The Legates of Fredericke also with the furtherance of Baldwinus the Emperor of Constantinople, laboured very diligently for y^e conclusion of the promised peace: And to be briefe, euery man was in good hope, and looked for no lesse. But farre otherwise fell the matter out, and contrary to al their expectations. For the Pope (set on and incoura∣ged by the Cardinals and other against Frederick) secret∣ly and amongst themselues wrought contrary to that they openly pretended: and not a little disappoynted both Fre∣dericke and others of their expectation and good opinion they had in the Popes holines.* 68.7 For whilest the Emperors legates attēded the answer of their peace before promised, Rainerus the cardinall went secretly to Uiterbium wyth a certen number of soldiors, and toke the towne which be∣fore was on the Emperors part.

The Emperor hauing vnderstanding hereof, mustereth his bandes, and with a sufficient power entreth the popes dition, againe to recouer Uiterbium. But yet, taking this war so in hand (not thinking thereby to expel al conditions of peace) at y^e request of certaine of the Cardinals was con∣tented to leaue Uiterbium, being furnished by the Empe∣ror of warlicke prouision before, and came to Aqua. From thence he sent againe other ambassadors to Rome, & wyth them also the Emperor of Cōstantinople with the Erle of Tholonse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in y^e prosecuting of this peace.* 68.8 And although at y^e time of Easter the matter semed to haue ben through, and peace concluded, for y^t his legates had sworne in the behalfe of the Emperor (and as he willed them) that he wold submit him selfe to the Pope. And againe, for that the Cardinals and others, cōmonly called & named him Fridericus the Chri∣stian prince, yet all this was no more but for a further fetch

and purpose. Not for that they ment in dede to cōclude any peace w^t him; or to go through there w^tall, but that through this dissimulation & likelihood of peace which they vnder∣stoode the Emperor much desired: he should set free & open the passages which he straitly kept y^t no man could passe & come to Rome, whether a great multitude daily resorted & flocked for religions sake. But when all came to all, & that the Legates perceiued no conclusion of peace, was simply purposed on their behalfe: they began to dispaire of y^e mat∣ter, letting the Emperor so to vnderstande.* 68.9 The Emperor yet notwithstanding doubted not, but if he might himselfe speake w^t the Pope, he vpon reasonable conditions, should wel enough accord with him: wherfore, he by his Legates and letters desired him to appoynt a place where the Em∣peror might resort to him. The Pope seemed to be conten∣ted herewithall, and appoynted a day at Fescennia where they would talke together, & that the Pope w•••••• be there before him, and accept the Emperours comming. But the Pope in this while, had made a confederacy w^t the French king against Fredericus: who when he knew those 3. gal∣lies to be ready and brought to Centincellas,* 68.10 which he be∣fore had spoken for vnto the Genewes: secretly in the night with his company (hastening thether in post speede) tooke ship, and first came to Genua, and from thēre to Lions in Fraunce: where he (calling a Councel) with a loude voyce summoneth Fredericke, and appoynting him a day, com∣manded him there personally to plead his cause.

And yet, although he vnderstood the sodeine departing of him out of Italy, made plaine demonstration of no con∣clusion or meaning of a peace: and also knewe the Councel which the Pope had called, wherein he was himselfe both plaintife and iudge: and at the same councel those which he had by bribes allured, pretēded the destruction of the Em∣peror: with many other such euident demōstrations, both of his enuious & hatefull heart to wardes him: yet the most modest Emperor vsing the innocency & vprightnes of his cause, & as one most desirous of peace and christian cōcord: sent the Patriarch of Antioch, which lately was come out of Syria, the B. of Panormia, and Thadeus Suessanus y^e president of his court (a most skilful and prudent Ciuilian) to the councell at Lyons: which signified vnto them y^e the Emperor would be there for the defence of his owne cause: and for y^t the day was very short, required a time more cō∣ueniēt for him thither to make his repaire.* 68.11 The Emperor also, being onward on his way & come as farre as Tauri∣num, sent before other messengers (as the master of y^e Fle∣mish order, & Peter de Vineis) to geue them vnderstanding of the Emperors comming, and that he wold proroge the day of hearing, till y^t he might conueniently trauel thether. ••••••for any thing that could be either sayd or done,* 68.12 or vp∣on how iust cause so euer required: the pope wold not geue so much as 3. dayes space, in the which time the Embassa∣dors assured them of the Emperours presence: As though there had bene no common prouiso for euery man in y^t case, by the lawe to haue vsed vppon any reasonable let. What should I longer protract the time: when the day by them appointed was come, the Pope w^t his confederates (whom for money & bribes he had gotten to that councell) against gods law, against christian doctrine, against both the pre∣script of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of e∣quitie, against the order of law appoynted, against the cō∣stitutions of Emperors, and also the decrees of y^e Empire, without any obseruation of the law, or graunting dilatory daies, w^tout probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded vnto, or heard what might be answered there∣in: taking vpon him to be both aduersarie & iudge, condē∣ned the Emperour being absent. What more wicked sen∣tence was euer pronounced, what more crueller fact (cōsi∣dering the persone) might be committed? Or what thing more brutish & beastly could haue bene imagined or deui∣sed? And yet hereat were these by shops nothing ashamed: but meaning to leaue their doings in wryting (as an im∣pudent testimonie to their posteritie) established the same for a law to continue.

But marke what vengeance God toke vpon this wic∣ked iudge.* 68.13 The wryters of the Annales recorde, that when Fredericus the Emperor, and Conradus his sonne being Cesar were both dead: the Pope gaping for the inheritāce of Naples & Sicile, and thinking by force to haue subdued the same, came to Naples with a great host of men: where was heard in the Popes court manifestly pronounced this voyce, Veni miser ad iudicium Dei. Thou wretch, come to re∣ceiue thy iudgemēt. And the next day after, the Pope was founde in his bed dead, all blacke and blewe as though he had bene beaten with bats, as before in the history of king Iohn is declared.

When the Emperor had vnderstanding of this cruell & tyrannical sentence of the Pope, passed and pronounced a∣gainst him (considering his furious purpose & mind ther∣in) thought good by hys letters to let all christian princes & potentates vnderstand, as wel what iniuries & manifolde displeasures hee had susteined by the 4. Popes in all theyr times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this Pope in pro∣nouncing the sentence of iudgement and condemnation a∣gainst him (passing the bounds both of iustice, equitie, and reason) which letter as he wrote the same, here vnderfol∣loweth to be seene.

The letter of the Emperour to the French King, and other Princes for the sentence geuen against him in the councel of Lyons by the Pope and Cardinals.

ALthough we suppose not the contrary, but that both by true certificate and common rumour you haue heard of the indif∣ferencie of our cause and good handling therof: yet for that more credite is commonly geuen to that the eye seeth, then to that the eare receiueth: we thought good to present vnto you the naked truth of such things, which the Popes successiuely haue put forth, & forged against vs. To the perusing and consideration of which my case and letter, I beseech your gentlenes amongst other times of laisure, you wil spie out some fit and conuenient time therfore. And all other whatsoeuer that shall haue desire to heare princes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & affaires, let them in like sort attentiuely consider. First, whether our predecessours haue bene destitute or not of godly zeale, iust dealing, & righteousnes: or whether we may not lawful∣ly reuenge our selues being so much prouoked, of such euils and iniuries as haue ben wrought against vs. Secondly, let them con∣sider whether Christes vicare doth followe Christes steps or not, and whether Peters successors do follow his example or not: and also, by what law, equitie & right, that sentence which they haue pronounced against vs, may be maintained and allowed. As also what name they may iustly geue it, and whether that may be sayde to be a sentence which is geuen by an vnsufficient iudge or not. For, although we acknowledge that the Lord hath geuen full po∣wer in spirituall things vnto his Churche: that whatsoeuer the same bindeth in earth is bound in heauen, & whatsoeuer the same looseth, is also loosed: yet we reade neither by Gods lawe, nor by any lawe of man, that we ought of duetie to be subiect vnto him: or that an Empire ought at his pleasure to be transformed and transposed: or that he may geue any such sentence or iudgement to punish Princes temporally, and depriue them of their king∣domes. For why, although our consecreation belongeth vnto him by right and custome (as he chalengeth) yet our deposing and de∣priuing doth no more belong to him then doth that presumption belong to any other prelate of other Realmes, which doe conse∣crate and annoynt their kings, as the custome and manner is. Or put case it were so (we nothing hindered thereby) that hee had such power: Hath he that power to the intent to reuenge himselfe vpon whomsoeuer his malicious minde consenteth, and without all equitie and law to bring them vnder his iurisdiction: He hath proceeded of late against vs as is sayd, but not by the order of ac∣cusation: for so much as neither was there any sufficient accuser, neither went there out any inscriptiō or processe before. Neither yet by denunciation, for so much as there lacked a lawful denoū∣••er: neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that there went be∣fore it no manifest accusation. But hee peraduenture will say, that all things that he layeth against vs were manifest and notorious, but that do we deny, and nothing to be notorious but that, which may by a sufficient number of witnesses be approued & tried. For so may euery iudge himselfe (contemning the order of lawe) af∣firme what he list to be notorious, and thus condemne whom hee list. There were against vs (as well it may be sayd in counsell) cer∣taine false witnesses although not many: of whome, the Byshop of Calin was one, whose neare kinsman or nephewe (by our lawes condemned for treason to be hanged) maketh also to vs an infe∣stiue enemie. With such like effect prosecuting the rest of his Epi∣stle, which for breuitie sake I omit.

This pollicie vsed the Pope to vexe and disturbe both the countrey of Germany and the whole Empire, and not so onely, but also vtterly to destroy and subuert the same: by the ruinous decay whereof, the Pope and his Prelates thought to make vp their mouthes. And thus, whilest that Germanie was nowe newly againe deuided, some taking part with Fredericke the Emperour, and Conradus Caesar his sonne & other nobles and princes of the Empire: some wyth those that shoulde by the Popes procurement be the electors of the new Emperour:* 69.1 other some, with neither of both, as men not minding nor tending the publique vtili∣tie, but to serue theyr owne purposes, armed themselues: And thus was the publicke peace and quiet brokē and di∣sturbed, and altogether in ti••nult and hurley burley. For whilest the one part laboured by all force to retaine the do∣minion by publique and common cōsent first to hym com∣mitted:

the other part in like sort indeuored themselues w^t all their force & power to vse and occupye the same, accor∣ding to the decree of the bishop of Rome, & to take it from Fredericke, and thus great conflicts grew on all partes.

By these ciuill warres, Germany suffered no little ca∣lamity:* 69.2 In euery place was māslaughter and murder, the country spoyled, the townes and villagies set on fire and brent, the churches and temples violated & robbed, wher∣in the husbād mē had put their goods & substaunce: houses were pulled down, the goods deuided, & euery mans cattel driuen away. To conclude, in this turmoyle & cōtentiō of deposing & chusing an other emperor, in this factiō of prin¦ces, in this liberty of wearing armor, in this licēce of hur∣ting & sinning: The impudent boldnes of diuers priuate souldiors, & especially of such as were y^e horesemē thē coū∣ted y^e better sort of souldiors, was so great: & there vnbrid∣led & vnsatiable desire in robbing, spoyling, and taking of booties, catching & snatching al that came to hād, so much: that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good in ā enioyed. Wherefore a litle before the death of Guilielmus the king, 60. Cityes and Townes which were belonging to Ludouicus Palatinus Duke of Boioria and Rhenus, and Otho his sonne,* 69.3 and other princes, whose names A∣uentinus in his 7. booke of y^e Annales of the Boiores ma∣keth mention oft ioyned themselues in a league for the ex∣pelling of these rebels & repressing of their so great iniuri∣ous rapines and slaughter of men. Of which armye the sayd Ludouicus being captaine, chased & draue the whole rout of thē to the vttermost partes of Germany, and puld down and ouerthrew their castles and fortresses, and cue∣ry other place where they had intrenched themselues.

* 69.4Otho Boius yet notwithstanding, kepeth his promise and fayth most constantly made before to the emperor Fre¦dericke and Conradus his sonne. Whereupon, Philippus Iuuauensis, Albertus and others, calling a councell at Mildorsus (by the Popes commaundement) sent for O∣tho vnto them, vnto whom they opened the Popes plea∣sure & commaundement. To all which, whē he had heard, Otho aunswered: I cannot maruell at some of you enough, that when as heretofore you persuaded me to leaue and forsake the part I tooke with the Bishop of Rome, whome ye your selues affirmed to be Antichrist, & that I should take part with the Em∣perour: why that you your selues will not keepe your fidelity and promise made to those good Princes: And sayd that he perceiued in them a great inconstancy and leuity, both in their woords and deedes, which now call that wicked, vniust, and violent wrong, but lately that they thought equall,* 69.5 iust & right. He sayd further, that they were ouercome with pleasures, corrupted with super∣fluitie, wonne with brybes▪ gaping for honour and estimation: & that they neither regarded honesty, godlynes, nor their duety and office, but studied how to make dissention and commotions, and longed after warre and bloudy battell.

He sayd farther, that for his part he would obey God and his prince to whom he had sworne fidelity, and that he naught estee∣med the fayned holynes and detestable practises of such Prelates: He sayd he beleued in Christ and would trust in his mercy, & that he beleued how those whom they cursed and gaue to the Deuill, were in greatest fauour with God. Howbeit and notwithstā∣ding those Prelates tooke in good part this expostulation with him,* 69.6 and seemed to beare Otho no malice or grudge for that he had sayd, but to be desirous of peace and vnity: yet not long after, Otho was cursed as blacke as all the rest, and counted as bad as the best.

Albertus the pops champion now in Germany play∣eth not rex onely amongst the citizens: But also bethought him of a mischieuous deuise agaynst Conradus Cesar the Emperours sonne. When by fraude and subtletye he had gotten and taken many of the rich Burgises and Citizens of Reginoburgh, which bare the Emperor good will and had sent them prisoners to Staffum. Conradus ioyning with other noble men of the Empire (after he had spoyled and wasted much of his lands and others his cōpanions) braue him so neare, that vpon certayne other conditiōs he deliuered agayne the Citizēs. And shortly after comming again to Reginoburgh, and being receiued & welcommed into the Colledge of D. Haimeranus: Albertus with cer∣tayn of his confederates by the meanes of Ulricus a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night in∣to the chamber,* 69.7 where the Cesar with a few other about him did lie: And falling vpon them some they tooke, and o∣ther some they slew, & finding no other body in the cham∣bers or lodginges, they thought that Cesar had bene slain amongest the rest. But he hearing the noyse, forsooke hys bed & hid himself vnder a bēch and so escaped theyr hands. The next day he outlawd or prescribed the bishop and his mates, and also the monke bailif of treason, & seased vpon all the goodes of the house. But at the sute of the guiltlesse monkes, he released all to them agayne, taking by way of fine 100. pound.* 69.8 Ulricus lost his office and Albertus ther∣by to escape daunger of punishment, tooke vpon him the habit of a Monke, Conradus Hochensolseus which was the murderer of these men (although he escaped the punish ment of mans hand) yet the vengeaunce of God for y^• fact, he escaped not. For as he rid in the day time abroad, he was sodenly stroken with a thunderbolt and dyed.

During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered, Frederick the Emperour lay not stil, but had his hands ful: who notwithstāding (by Gods help) ouer∣cōming & suppressing these or greater part of these rebelli∣ous popish tumults, and had done strait executiō (of those especially) that had conspired agaynst his person:* 69.9 calling a coūsell and setting in some stay the troublesome affaires of his kingdome, came to Cremona with Fridericus Prince of Antioche, Richardus Erle of Umbria, the gouernor of Flamminia, and Encius king of Sardiuia, with a great number besides of souldiors & men of war. And besids, he took with him (which he sent for out of euery part) the wi∣sest, most vertuous, and best learned men that there was: thinking with thē to haue gone himselfe to Lions to the Pope,* 69.10 and there to haue had with him communication as well concerning the sentence definitiue, as also about the cōclusiō of any peace, if by any meanes he might. And whē al things was prepared & ready, he took y^• iourny in hād & came to Taurinū, hauing with him both a great army of souldiors & also a great cōpany of Legates and Ambassa∣dors. From thence sending his carlages before, within 3. dayes iourny of Lions:* 69.11 he was certified that Parma was taken & kept by the outlawes of diuers & sundry factions of the Pope: his nere neighbors & frends: as by the popes Legate, and other citizens as of Brixia, Placentia, & such like. Which thing when he vnderstood, and that the Pope herein was the onely and chiefe doer: he saw manifestly it should litle preuayle, to attempt any further the thing he went about: & thē at length, whē he saw no other remedy putting from him all hope of peace,* 69.12 determined himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose & iourny, he took the straitest way into Lumbar∣by: and with an army of 60000. men, he besieged Parma. And to the intent he might more aptly and nere the town, plant his siege and battry, without disturbance: first he en∣trēched his campe and fortified the same about with bul∣warkes & other defencible munition: After that, he caused diuers vitailing houses & tauerns in his cāpe to be sleight¦ly builded of timber: and without the campe he appointed the place where the market should be kept, & all vitailers resort that would. He appointed places for their churches & tēples, & in seemely maner adourned the same: and for y^e most part their tentes were builded with wood,* 69.13 so that it was like an other Parma. All which things when he had finished, which was not long in doing: for this happy and prosperous successe he called and named it Victoria, & had thought to haue made the same to be in y^e stead of the City Parma, which he purposed to haue made leuell with the groūd. And in the beginning both there and els where, all thing prospered well w^t Fredericke & had good successe: for be sharply layd vnto their charges that defeded & kept the city Parma. And further Robertus Castilioncus which was the Emperors lieftenant in Picen••, nere vnto Auxi∣mum: discomforted the Popes army, & slue of them more then 4000. and tooke many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners.* 69.14 And when the factions or cōpanies of the Gibellines and Gwelphes in Florentia were at contro∣uersy: whē Fredericus of Hetruria came to y^e Gibellines to whom they had sent for ayd: The Guelphes therewith dismayd fled from thence to Bononia, whose goods & sub∣stance came all to the Emperors cofers, & Florentia also it selfe to the Emperors obediēce. But this good successe and prosperous fortune lasted not long: for as at a time Fride∣ricus to recreate himself (which seldom had his health) rod about the fieldes with certaine of his horsemē to hauke & hunt: Many also of the Emperors souldiors thinking no thing lesse then of such a matter to be attempted of a many staruelings within the towne Parma, wandred & ranged vnarmed out of their City Uictoria about the fieldes.* 69.15 The souldiors in Parma hauing this occasion offered, with all force & speed possible entred y^e Emperors campe or towne Victoria, which being not very strōgly fenced nor hauing gates to shut agaynst thē, was a thing easy enough to do. The soden straūgenes of the matter much abāshed the souldiors, & rang out their lar•• bell. The first assault was geuen vpō Marcus Malaspina his charge, whom when the Emperor returning in all haste foūd to be hard beset, had thought to haue rescued him. But whē that was per∣ceiued of the enemy, they bēt all their force altogether on y^•

side. In so much, that y^e Emperor was inforced to take the trench,* 69.16 lest he should haue bene of the enemy enuironed, & from thence he retired into the citie or campe where he had thought to haue gathered further aide. But the enemy ge∣uing not so much tune thereunto, ••a••l force entred the citie Uictoria. The Emperor now, when the enemies were en∣tred, left the campe & came to Dominum, who when they had killed & slaine a great nomber of the Emperors soldi∣ors, & had burnt & destroied the same campe Uictoria,* 69.17 came, againe to Parma. The Emperor thē suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had vnder∣standing as wel of the Emperors absence, as also of y^e neg∣ligence of his soldiors, imprisoned certaine of the chiefest a∣bout hym, amongst whome also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet whilest he was at Dominum gathering together his soul∣diors and residue of his bāds: Encius getteth a great vic∣torie of the Mansuanos, who coming to the rescue of Par∣ma, lost 50. of their ships and all that they had in them.

After this also, Richardus in another conflict in Pice∣num, discomforted the Popes souldiors, & slewe their cap∣taine Hugolinus, besides 2000. others slaine & taken pri∣soners. When nowe Fredericus had gathered againe, and new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched foorth to Cremona: and notwithstanding, y^t there he vnderstoode of the good successe and victory that Encius had at Rhegi∣um: yet for that he perceiued the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lumbardie from him: he determined to take his iorney into Apulia, and when he had there leui∣ed a strong and sufficient power, he purposed to make hys speedy returne againe into Lombardie. Therefore, in hys iorney through Netruria into Apulia, he ioyned with hys sonne Fridericus,* 69.18 which besieged Capras, and tooke the same: and led with him diuers of the chiefest captains pri∣soners, and after that subduing vnto the obedience of the Empire Miniatum, he came into Apulia.

When newes was brought him thether, that Encius hys sonne (comming to aide the Mutinenses against the Bononiens) was taken prisoner, two miles of from Mu∣tina: and that in his absence, the Popes capitaines w^t theyr bandes and garrisons went throughout all Lumbardie, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Hetruria, to stirre and procure the Cities to reuolt from the obedience of the Emperour: And the same, partly working by subtile pollicies, & part∣ly by force & sinister meanes to bring them to his purpose: determined with himself, that with all the force and power he might by any meanes procure and make, to haue begon a fresh & prosecuted this warre to the vttermost.* 69.19 Neyther was it to be doubted as Pandolphus Colonucius wri∣teth, but that he would haue wrought some maruellous exploit & great attēpt, but that he was of this his purpose (wherunto he was both willing & bēt) preuēted by vnloo∣ked for death. For whē he fell into this ague, being at a cer¦taine castle of his in Apulia called Florētinū, & saw by the extremity thereof, his daies to be short: he remēbred that which was once shewed him, how he should die at Flo∣rēce. Wherupon, he made and ordeined his testament: and when vnto Conradus and other of his children he had ge∣uen and appoynted the great and innumerable masse of mony which he had collected & leuied for the maintenance of his wars (and godly purpose as it is called) And vnto * 69.20 them also had geuen all other his kingdomes & dominiōs (to euery one according to their ages and yeres) departed this wretched and miserable world.

Pandolphus writeth, that Fredericus was very wil∣ling to dye, & as they made certayne report to him which were present at his death, that his minde was altogether set and bent vpon the heauenly ioy & felicity. Which thing also Gulielmus Putranus, Andreas Panbalus, and Ma¦nardus the bishop, being Italian writers do all affirme of whom this last writeth,* 69.21 that he assuredly beleueth Frede∣ricke to be one of the number of Gods elect.

The writers notwithstanding are of sundry iudgmēts & opinions touching this good Emperours death: Some write that he was traiterously poisoned by his cup bea∣rer, being hyred therunto. Some other, that he was stran∣gled with a pillow of Māfredo the sonne of Pherus. But Pandolphus as good a writer as the best, maketh no men¦tion of any poyson that was geuen him, but onely that he died of an ague. The last opinion of Manfredus, he mani∣festly refuteth and that there is no maner of lykelihood of the same: & further, that the cōtrary is affirmed by diuers other writers that were of that time. He died in the yeare of our Lord. 1268. the 13. day of December, in the 57. yeare of his age, and 37. yeare of his raigne, whose corpes was brought to Panorinum, and there intombed.

Fredericke had 3. wiues: the first was Constantia, the daughter of the king of Arragon: of whom he begat Hēry the Duke of Sueuia and king of the Romains: The other Iole y^e daughter of Iohaunes Brennus,* 69.22 king of Ierusa¦lem, by whom he had the inheritance of Ierusale, Naples, and Sicile: of whom he begat Cōradus Duke of Suenia, king of Ierusalem & Naples being Cesar. The third I∣sabell the daughter of king Iohn of Englād, by whom he had a sonne named Hēry,* 69.23 which is said to die in his child∣hood. This Fredericus had not his peere in Marshall af∣fayres to be compared vnto him and warlike pollicies a∣mongst al the princes of that age: A wise and skilful soul∣diour he was: a great indurer of paynefull labors and tra∣uels: most boldest in greatest perils: prudent in foresight: Industrious in all his doinges: prompt & humble about that he tooke in hand: and in aduer••ity mest stout & coura∣gious. But as in this corruption of nature, few there be y^e attain perfection: neither yet is there any pr••ice almost of such gouernment and godly institution, both in life & do∣ctrine as is required of them: So neither was this Frede∣ricke, without his fault & humaine fragility. For the wri∣ters ••••pute to him some fault of concupiscence,* 69.24 wherwith he was stayned and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all cleare therof, for as much as by sūdry Concubines he had sundry children: As Ene••is, the king of Sardina: Manfredus, the prince of Sarcutinū: And Frederick king of Antioche. And this is all that I finde of the description of Fredericke by Colonucius, which he affirmeth to haue gathered out of good & probable authors. But as touching the haynous artes and flagirious verdes, which the Pope burdeneth him withall, and in his sentence agaynst hym, maketh mention of: Fredericus not onely purgeth him∣selfe therof, but also diuers historicians (as well Germain writers as Italiās) affirme the same to be false and of the Popes owne braynes, to do him skare & teene withall, in∣uēted. Of which matter, those things which Pandolphus (touching the commendation or disprayse of Fredericus writeth) I thought good out of Italian, to translate: whose wordes be these.

Albeit the Emperor Fredericus was indued with many good¦ly giftes and vertues,* 69.25yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the church and a persecutor of the same: of which, both Innocentius the 4. in his sentence hath pronoūced him guilty, & the same sentence haue other Popes registred in theyr sixe books of Decretals, and stablished the same for a lawe, howe that hee ought to be taken for no lesse. Therefore peraduenture it should not become me to falsifye or call in question that, whiche other haue confirmed, or els to dispute and argue much of that matter. Yet notwithstanding as much as his actes & dedes in writing de∣clare, & the books of the chiefest authors affirme, as also his own Epistles do testify: I cannot precisely say, whether the bishops of Rome so call him and iudge him therfore: Or els for that, he was somewhat to bold in speaking and telling them but the truth, and reprouing the ecclesiasticall order of their great abuses. Or els, whether for that, he would haue had them gone somewhat more neare the conditions & liues of the auncient fathers of the primi∣tiue Church and disciples of Christ: Or whether for that, he defē∣ded and stood with them for the prerogatiue and dignities belō∣ging to the empire or not: Or els, whether they stood in feare & awe of the great power he was of in Italy (which thing in deede Gregory the 9 in a certain Epistle of his, confesseth.) But of these things let them iudge and discerne, that shall read the monumēts and histories of Frederick Truely (sayth he) when I consider with my selfe that Christ (whose vicar the Romaine Bishops boast thē∣selues to be) sayd vnto his disciples:

* 69.26 that they should follow him and also intimate his example as of their maister and teacher: and commaunded them farthermore, how they should not draw the sword, but put vp the same into the skaberd: and farther gaue thē in precept that they should not onely forgeue iniuries seuē times but 70. times seuen times to those that offended them: And when I now compare the liues of the Bishops of Rome, how neare they follow him whose vicar they say they be: And consider so manye and greet conspiracies, treasons, rebellions, disloyaltyes, lyinges in wayt, and treacherous deuises: So many Legates of the Popes (being Ecclesiasticall persons) which will needes be called the shepheardes of Christes flocke, to be suche warriours and Cap∣taynes of Souldiours in all the partes of Italy, Campania, Apulia, Calabria (being the Emperours dominions) in Picenum, Aemi∣lia, Flamminia, and Lumbardy, to be sent out against him. And al∣so when with my selfe I meditate, the destruction of so many great and famous Cities, the subuersion of such common weales, the slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much Chri∣stian bloud: And lastly when I beholde, so victorious, prosperous, and fortunate Emperours to be: and so many miserable vnfortu∣nate, and vanquished Popes put to flight: Am perswaded with my selfe to thinke and beleue, that the iudgements of God are se∣cret and maruellous, and that to be true which Aeneas Siluius, in his history of Austria writeth: That there is no great and maruel∣lous

slaughter, no notorious and special calamity (that hath hap∣pened either to the publick weale, or els to the church of God, of the which the Bishops of Rome haue not bene the authors. Nico∣laus Machiauellus also sayth, that all the ruinous calamities and miserable chaunces that the whole christian common weale and also Italy hath suffered: hath bene brought in by the Popes and bishops of Rome.

Many Epistles of Fredericus there be, which he wrote vnto the Bishops of Rome, to the Cardinals, and to diuers other Chri∣stian Princes, all which I haue read and in them is to be seene no∣thing contrary vnto Christian doctrine, nothing wicked and vn∣godly, nothing iniurious to the Church of God, nothing contu∣melious or arrogantly written of Frederick. But in deede I denye not the same to be fraught and full of pitifull complayntes and lamētatiōs, touching the auaritious ambitiō of the Ecclesiastical persōs, and pertinacy of the Bishops of Rome: and that he would receiue and take no satifactiō, nor yet excuse in the defence of the right and priuiledge of the Empire, which he maintained: also of their manifold and infinite cōspiracies which they practised both secretly and openly agaynst him: And of the often admonitions which he gaue to the whole multitude and order Ecclesiasticall, to attend vpon and discharge their functions and charges. And who, that farther is desirous to know and vnderstand the trueth, and coueteth to search out the renowmed vertues of magnificēt Princes, let them read the Epistle of Fredericke dated to all Chri∣stian Princes which thus beginneth: Collegerunt principes, pon∣tifices & Pharisaei concilium:

* 69.27and an other, wherin he perswadeth the Colledge of Cardinalles to take vp the dissention betweene the Emperor and the pope, which beginneth: In exordio nascen∣tis mundi: and also an other which thus beginneth: Infallibilis ve∣ritatis testem: besides yet an other: Ad Reges & principes orbis Christiani: with diuers other moe wherein may well be seene the princely vertues of this so worthy a piere: all which Epistles col∣lected together in the Latin tongue, the lerned sort I wish to read, whereout they may picke no litle benefit and commodity to thē∣selues: In his Epistle last recited these are his wordes: Non existi∣metis id me a vobis ideò contendere, ac si ex sententia pontificia priuationis maiestas nostra sit perculsa: Cum enim nobis sit rectae voluntatis conscientia, cum{que}deum nobiscum habeamus, eundē testem inuocamus id nos spectasse, cum totum ordinem Ecclesia∣sticum tum praesertim primores, neruis potētiae, dominationis{que} eorum succisis extirpatis{que} tyrannidis radicibus ad primitiue Ec∣clesie conditionem & statum reuocaremus: That is. Thinke ye not that we so earnestly desire or craue this peace at your hand, as though our maiesty were terrified with the Popes sentence of de∣priuation:* 69.28When as God (vpon whom we trust and inuocate) is our witnesse, and iudge of our conscience: that when we went a∣bout to reforme the Ecclesiasticall state, but especially the ring∣leaders of the same: and should restrayne theyr power and extir∣pate theyr great tiranny, and reduce the same to the state and cō∣dition of the primatiue Church: we looked for no lesse at theyr handes. For these causes peraduenture, those which had the go∣uernement of the Ecclesiasticall dignity, decreed and pronoun∣ced Fredericke to be an enemy to the Church: which (as I haue sayd) I leaue others to iudge thereof. Hitherto Pandolphus Colonutius.

* 69.29And doubtles examples to the contrary doth appere, that Fredericke was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gaue large and great giftes therunto, and also franchised the same with great priuiledges & imminuities: which thinges, by his owne constitutions, statutes, & cu∣stomes may be perceiued and vnderstood. But rather con∣trariwise, that the Bishops of Rome most filthely recom∣pēced the same his great liberality and princely beneuolēce again, which he gaue and bestowed vpō the same, as part∣ly in the discourse of this history you haue heard: who not withstanding, they so molested and tired him with such & so many iniuries as you haue seene: he neuertheles, forgi∣uing and pardoning all the same, for the great zeale he had to the common Christian wealth (whereof he more forced, then els of any other thing) sought by all the meanes he might for to haue peace, although it wer to his own great hinderance. Therfore, seing he was of necessity by the Bi∣shops of Rome prouoked to that warr,* 69.30 if he did them any skath in reuenge of his Imperiall dignity, let them thank their owne selues, which might otherwise haue remedied the same. Notwithstanding vpō this occasiō diuers (both Italian and Germany writers, which at that time sought for fat benefices, and euer since euen vnto these our dayes haue done the like, by flattery rather to obtaine that which they hunted for, then to beare true and saythfull testimony of things as they were in deed) took great occasiō to write, and sclaunder this good Emperour. But let vs passe ouer these Parasites and returne to those, which although they themselues were of that calling, I mean of the Ecclesiasti∣call order: yet notwithstanding, for: that they rather prefer∣red the study of veritye, and to reuerence the trueth before Popish authority, & flattering seruitude: greatly extolled and commended this good Emperor Fredericke. So did Nicholaus Cusanus a Cardinall, in his writing affirme this Emperor to be an alter Carolus Magnus, both for hys wisedome and also diligent regard to y^e common weal. So also writeth Aegidius Biturigum the Bishop, in his books of the institution & bringing vp of a prince, which he wrot to the French king: exhorting him and all others, to take a patterne of this most worthy and excellent Prince. In cō∣mendation of whose worthy prayse and vertue these ver∣ses are written on his tombe.

Si probitas, sensus, virtutem gratia, census, ••obilitas orti poslent resistere morti: Non foret extinctus, Fridericus qui iacetintus.

Wherfore, in as much as it appeareth by the approued writers of whom I haue made mētion: who & what ma∣ner of prince Fredericke this Emperor was: And for that he diligently labored as wel in the preseruatiō of the chri∣sten common weale, as in the conseruation of the Imperi∣all dignity: procured to himselfe the great hatred and dis∣pleasure of y^e Romain Bishops (who haue ben, to all the good Emperors for the most part vtter foes and enemies) & with what wicked slaūders & other iniuries both by thē & by their ministers they cōtinually molested him withal: This lesson ought to be ours: that hauing the same in our memory, we imitate & folow his vertues, hating & detest∣ing the wicked & flagitious doings of those holy fathers y^e will so be called, & Bishops of Rome: desiring God that he will so guid the harts of all kings & Princes, that they may by his grace aduaunce and set forth his glory, and re∣forme the corrupt & vicious maner and order of y^e Church to a ll sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine.

These verses which here ensue were sent and written betwene the Emperor & Pope Innocentius the 4. which for that to the learned are both cōmodious and profitable at the end of this history I thought good to place.

¶ Fridericus Imp. Innocent. 4. Papae.

Fata mouent stellae{que} docent, auiúm{que} volatus Totius subitò malleus orbis ero. Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta Corruet, & mundi desinet esse caput.

¶ Innocent. Papa Frederico Imp.

Fata silent, stellae{que} tacent, nil predicat ales: Solius est proprium nosse futura Dei. Niteris in cassum nauem submergere Petri, Fluctuat: at nunquam mergitur illa ratis. Fama refert, Scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur: Quòd tibi vita breuis, poena perennis erit. Quod diuina manus potuit, sensit Iulianus: Tu succedis ei, te tenet ira Dei. Fre. fremit in mundo, de deprimit alta profundo: Ri. mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur.

¶ Fredericus Innocentio.

Fata mouent stellae{que} docent auiúm{que} volatus Lapsurum te mox ad stigis antra nigrae. Cymba Petri non est, sed Christi, quae natat vndis: Fluctuat, at nusquam mergitur illa ratis. Fama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda Interitum ostendunt, exitium{que} tuum. Strangulat Adrianum musca, annon ira tonantis? Cogitat & de te sumere supplicium? Carcere suspendit sese Benedictus, & alter In stupro captus, saucius ense perit. Siluestrum extinguit Sathan, sceleratior ipse: Ergo tuis factis praemia digna feres. Innocuum te voce notas cum sis nociturus Orbi terrarum Christianó{que} gregi.

¶ Fredericus Innocentio de integro.

Esso••••••membrum, non te caput orbis & vrbis ••actates cum sis orbis & vrbis onus. Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadauer & vlcus, Ense recidendum ridiculúm{que} caput. A Daniele 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, nefas{que} caput{que} malorum Diceris, a Paulo filius exitij. Nos solum Christum nostrum caput esse, malorum Totius orbis te caput esse facis. Et caput est vnum, quod Paulus dicit vbi{que} Tu vecors balatro, dic mihi quale caput? Corporis ergo caput monstrosi monstra paris{que} Monstra paris monachos, scorta nefanda foues. Est tua religio stuprum, Ira, superbia, caedes, Error, deliciae, fulmina, turpe lucrum. Ex his ergó liquet Christum te spernere: Christo

Hostem esse in uisum, dedecori{que} Deo. Rex tandem veniet coelo delapsus ab alto Tunc non defendent te, sacra, missa, cruces Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristae, Non diploma potens, non tua sacra cohors. Nec diadema triplex, nec sedes sanguine parta, Nullus honos solij, purpura nulla tui. Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat Iudas, Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui. Corpora tu vendis Christi paruo aere, polum{que}, Caelestes genios, sidera, Iura, deos.

* 69.31As ye haue heard of the iniquity & raging pride of the popish church against their lawfull Emperor: Now shall ye heare (Christ willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish Church, by stir∣ring vp certaine faythfull teachers in sundry coūtries: As in the countrey of Sucuia, about the time of this Empe∣rour. an. 1240. or neare vpon the same, where were many preachers mētioned in the Chronicle of Urspergēsis, and also in Crantzius Lib. 8. cap. 16. & 18.* 69.32 which preached freelye against the Pope. These Preachers (as Crantzius sayth) ringing the Belles, and calling the Barons in Hallis of Sueuia: there preached that the Pope was an hereticke, & that his Bishops and Prelats were simoniacke and here∣tickes. And that the inferiour Priestes and Prelates had no authority to binde and loose, but were all seducers. Itē that no Pope, Bishop, or Priest, could restrayne mē from their duety of seruing and worshipping of God. And ther¦fore such cities or coūtries, as were then vnder the Popes curse, might notwithstanding lawfully resort to the recey∣uing of Sacraments, as well as before. Item that Friers Dominicke,* 69.33 and Franciscane, did subuert the church with their preaching. And as the indulgence of the Pope, & his Popelings was of no regard, so that remissiō, which they did preach vnto them, they preached it not from the Pope but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite, whereby it may appeare, how the resisting of the Popes vsurped power and corrupt doctrine, is no newe thing in these dayes in the Church of Christ. &c.

* 69.34And not long after these aforesayd, rose vp Arnoldus De noua villa, a Spanyard, and a man famously learned & a great writer. an. 1250. Whom the Pope with his spiritual∣ty condemned among hereticks, for holding and writing agaynst the corrupt errors of the popish Church, His tea∣ching was, that Sathā had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Iesus. Item that the sayth (which then Christen men were commonly taught) was such a fayth as y^e deuils had: meaning belike (as we now'affirme) that the papistes do teach onely the horicall fayth, which is the fayth Historiae non fiduciae. Itē, that Christen people (mea∣ning belike for the most part) are led by the pope vnto hel. Item, that all cloysters are voyd of charity, and damned: And that they all doe falsify the doctrine of Christ.* 69.35 Item, that the Diuines do euill in mixting Philosophy with d i∣uinity. Item, that Masses are not to be celebrated. And that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certaine other opinions there be, which the slaundrous sects of Monks and Friers do attribute vnto him: (but as they are wont in al other to do) rather vpon enuious taking, then of any iust cause geuen.

And as this Arnoldus was condēned, so also the same time Ioannes Semeca,* 69.36 the glose writer of the Popes de∣crees, and Prouost of Halberstate was excōmunicated, & depriued of his Prouostship, for resisting Pope Clement the fourth, gathering certain exactions in Germany. And therfore he appealed from the Pope to a generall councel, and had many great fauorers on his side, till at last both the Pope and he dyed.

Consequently in this order and number, foloweth the worthy and valiaunt champion of Christ & aduersarye of Antichrist Guilielmus de S. Amore,* 69.37 a maister of Paris, and chiefe ruler then of that Uniuersity. This Guilielmus in his time had no small a do writing agaynst the Fryers, & their hipocrisy. But especially against the begging friers, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing thē as those that did disturbe & trouble al y^e churches of Christ by their preaching in churches agaynst the will of the or∣dinaries and pastors, by their hearing of confessions, and executing the charges of Curates and pastors in theyr Churches. All the testimonyes of Scripture that make a∣gaynst Antichrist, he applyeth them against the Clergy of Prelates, and the Popes spiritualtye. The same Guliel∣mus is thought to be the author of the booke, which is at∣tributed to the schole of Paris, and intituled: De periculis Ecclesiae. Where he proueth by 39. arguments, that Friers be false Apostles.

Moreouer,* 69.38 he doth well expound this saying of Christ (if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me) declaring there pouerty to be inioyned vs of Christ, non actualem, sed habitualem: not in such sort as standeth in outward action, when no need requireth, but in inward affection of hart, when neede shall require: As though the meaning & precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually al y^e we haue, but that when the confession of the name of God & the glory of christ shall so require: that then we be ready to leaue & reliquish what things soeuer, for y^e sake of him. &c. As when he requireth in vs, after like phrase, y^e hatred of father & mother, and of our own liues: he biddeth vs not to dihonor father or mo∣ther, much lesse to hate thē: but that thē, when case shall re∣quire, we set all thinges behinde the loue of Christ. Many oth er worthy workes he compiled, wherin albeit he vtte∣red nothing but what was truth,* 69.39 yet notwithstanding he was by Antichrist & his rable, condemned for an heritick, exiled, & his bookes burnt: Whose hereticall argumētes as they called them, that thou mayst better iudge therof, here vnder I thought good to place.

Agaynst false Prophets with signes to know them by in these his wordes do follow. For because these seducers sayth he, name thēselues to be Apostles: and that they are sent of God to preach, to absolue & dispēse with the soules of men, by meanes of their ministery. Read the saying of y^e Apostle in his second Epistle to the Corinthians, the xi. chap. For such Apostles are subtle and cratty workemen, disguising themselues to be like the Apostles of Christ: Therfore, we mean to shew some certaine infallible tokēs and probable, by the whic false Apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and Apostles of Christ.

The 1. signe or marke is,* 69.40 that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple womens houses ladē with sinne and take them as it were captiue, as many of the false prea¦chers do: as in the second Epistle of S. Paule to Timo∣thy the 3. chapter is manifest, saying: Of those sortes are they, which enter into womens houses. &c. Therfore those preachers which come into womens houses, to the intent they, may take thē captiue, be not true preachers, but false Apostles.

The 2. signe and token is,* 69.41 that those that be true prea∣chers do not deceiue simple men with painted and flatte∣ring wordes, whereby they preferre their owne trash and traditions, as all false Prophets do, as in the last Chapter to the Romaines appeareth, saying: By their pleasaunt & sugred talk. and by their blessing and crossing they deceiue and beguile the hartes of innocent men and women. Glo. with gay glorious words they extoll & set forth their tra∣ditions, wherby they deceiue simple mē. Uery greatly doe they deceiue the soules of simple men, which cause them to enter into theyr sect, which they terme Religion. And they which before led a noughty life, by reasō of their ignorance or simplicity: after their entrance, become subtle false decei¦uing hipocrites, entring together with the rest into poore mens houses: yea & oftentimes become worsse then the o∣ther. wherupō Mat. 22. wo be vnto you Scribes & Pha∣reseis, hypocrits which go about. &c. Therfore they which do this, are no true messengers but false Apostles.

The 3. signe is,* 69.42 that the true Apostles if they be repro∣ued, suffer the same patiently. 2. Cor. 12. saying: the tokens of my Apostleship are accomplished among you, in all pa∣tience & sufferance, meaning that patience, which pertay∣neth to the maners of the preachers. Therfore they which suffer not correction or punishment, be no true Apostles, but rather shew themselues to be no Christians at all 1. Cor. 12. No man can say that Iesus is the Lord, but by the holy ghost. Glossa. It is meet that christians should be hū∣bled, to the intēt that they may suffer themselues to be re∣proued, and not to be holden vp with yea and nay. And al∣so such men do shew themselues to be carnall, and not spi∣rituall at all, although they fayne themselues to be spiritu∣all. Gal. 3. Therefore am I become an enemye vnto you? Notwithstanding the Glossa sayth: no carnall man will be reproued although he erre. Wher efore, those preachers which suffer not coroection, seeme not to be true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 4. signe is, that true Apostles commend not them selues. 2. Cor. 4.* 69.43 For we dare not ioyne our selues, nor yet compare our selues vnto others which commend & boast many of theyr actes, when God alloweth none of them at all. Also true preachers although they be in deede prayse worthy for theyr good desertes: In the consciences of men are they prayse worthy, & not to the outward shew alone. 2. Cor. 3. We commend our selues sayth the Apostle to the consciences of all men: Then they do not commend them selues in cōparison of other, wherfore the glose saith vpon

the same place: those that deserue no commendation but in comparison of other, do chalenge to thēselues other mens desertes and prayse: wherefore in the second Epistle of S. Peter the last chapter it is sayd. Euen as our welbeloued brother Paule according to the wisedome that God hath geuen vnto him, hath written vnto you: Glossa. The chie∣fest of the Apostles hath here forgotten his papall authori∣ty, and also his keies that were deliuered vnto him: For he is astonied as it were at the great wisedom geuen vnto his brother Paule. For in deede it is the maner of the elect children of God, to be more in loue with the vertues of o∣ther men, then with their owne: wherefore in the second chap. to the Philipp is writtē. Let those that are superiors esteeme of themselues in all humility. They therefore that do the contrary, ••••ving that their state or doings be better then other mens, although they be preachers, yet are they no true Apostles, in deed but false prophets.

* 69.44 The 5. signe is that true Apostles neede no letters of commendation: nor yet desire to haue themselues praysed of men: as in the 2. Cor. 3. chap. the Apostle sayth, we neede not the letters of commendatiō of any man: that is to say of false prophets.

* 69.45The 6. signe is, that true Apostles, doe not preach vn∣lesse they be sent, as in the 10. chap. to the Rom. how shall they preach vnlesse they be sent; Glossa. There be no true Apostles but those that be sent. For they haue no neede of Signes which are true witnes bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach, are false prophets.

* 69.46The 7. signe is, for as much as false Prophetes haue their authority in their owne names: wherfore, in the 2. e∣pistle of S. Paul to the Cor. it is written. For we dare not boast of our selues or make comparison, Glossa. That is to say, with those that be false prophets: not taking their au∣thority frō God, but vsurping the same desirous to beare rule, clayming in their owne name their authority. And therefore although peraduenture by presumption they say that they are sent of God, as all hereticks will say: yet not∣withstanding, vnlesse they shal proue theyr sending, either by spirituall prophecy as Iohn Baptist did, saying: I am the voyce of a cryer in the desert: As out of the prophet E∣say in the first chapter of S. Iohns Gospell is alledged: Or els by myracles, as Moyses did which turned his rod into a Serpent, and againe from a Serpent to a rod, as in the 7. chap. of Exodus: they ought for to be excommunica∣ted, till such time they cease from preaching: Yet notwith∣standing, a miracle ought not to be a sufficiēt testimony, of theyr sending, for as much as they be done oftentimes and that of euill and wicked men. 1. q. 1. we may perceiue to∣wards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, for as much as our Sauiour sayth in the 23. of Mathew. Then shall false prophets arise, &c. Therfore, they which do cha∣lenge authority in their owne name, for as much as they haue not theyr authority from God, they are not true A∣postles but false preachers.

* 69.47The 8. signe is, that false Prophets pretending great wisedome and holynes to be in superstition, haue named theyr owne traditions to be religion, the which are rather to be counted sacrilege or Church robbery, and doe vsurpe vnto themselues the due deserts of other men by boasting and bragging among straunge & vnknown people. Wher¦fore, the Apostle speaking of false Prophets in the 2. chap. to the Col. sayth: According to the precepts of men, which hauing a face of wisedome consist in superstition, interla∣ced with humility. Glose. That is to say, mingled with fai∣ned religion that it might be called religion, when in ve∣ry deede, it is nothing els but sacrilege, because it is cōtra∣ry to all authoritye: that is contrary to God himselfe, that any man should desire to haue gouernment of a multitude without publicke commaundement, as in Deuteronomi•••• 23. chap. Thou hast entred into thy neighbors vineyarde. Glose. that is to say, into the Church of an other Bishop. May a man warne & admonish others, or els correct that congregation which is not lawfull for him to gouern, nor yet to take so great a charge vpon him? no. And that it is not lawfull to enter into an other bishops Dioces, it is ap¦parant: because it is not lawfull for the Archbishopp so to doe. To this effect appertayneth that which is red. 6. q. 3. And also it is written 9. q. 2. through out. Therefore those preachers which agaynst God and his diuine Scriptures do call their owne traditions religiō, are not are Apostles but false Prophets.

* 69.48The 9. signe is, by the authority which they haue. For as much as they be no preachers of y^e gospell or ministers of the Sacraments, yet they will liue by the Gospell; and not by the labour of theyr owne handes, against the text in the 2. Thess. 3. neither haue we eaten any mans bread for nought, or of free cost. Glossa. Then, those false Prophetes ought much more to liue by theyr labour, which haue not that authoritye which we ought to haue, that is to say to liue by the Gospell. And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressely in his booke De opere monachorum, by these words. Those our brethren do clayme to themselues (very rashly as me thinketh) that they haue any such authority, to liue by the Gospell. If they be preachers of the Gospel, I graunt that in deed they haue such authority: if they be ministers of the aultar, if they be disposers of the Sacra∣ments: they cannot well but take to thēselues this autho∣rity, as also manifestly to chalenge the same, if at the least they haue not where with all to sustayne this present life, without labour of their handes. &c. As though he woulde haue sayd, if they be not such maner of men, then haue they no authority to liue by the Gospell. Therefore those prea∣chers, which haue not authority to line by the Gospell, or els minister the Sacraments, because they haue no cōgre∣gation wherby to take charge of soules, yet for al that wil needs liue vpon the Gospell, they be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 10. signe is,* 69.49 that false teachers, reioyce more to be commēded themselues, then the word of God to haue the commendation & prayse. But they that are true preachers and Apostles, are farre otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the prayse of men. &c. And herin he toucheth those false Prophets, which desire rather to be commēded themselues, then that the word of God which they preach should haue the commendatiō, but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world, but for the glo∣ry to come, doth abase himself to the intēt that y^e preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They therfore which desire to haue prayse & to be commended of others, rather then that the word of God should haue the prayse, to be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 11. signe is,* 69.50 that true Apostles do preach onely for Gods cause, and for the health of soules, and for no tēpo∣ral gayne as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying, we preach not our selues. &c. Glose. Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gayne, but onely to the glory of Christ. But the prea∣ching of Christ by those that are false Prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Wherupon in the Phil. 1. is sayd: whether it be vpon occasion geuē, or els for the verities sake, let christ be preached. &c. Glose. False prophets doe preach the Gos∣pell vpon some occasion, as either by seeking some com∣modity at the hands of mē, or els because of getting goodes, honor, or prayse among men. Which notwithstanding, that they be ready and willing as it should seeme to beare and sustaine iniuryes: yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their owne commodity and gaine. Whereupon. 2. Cor. 12. Glosse. Because I seeke not the thinges that be yours, that is to say, not your treasure as gold & siluer, but onely you your selues. Glosse. For other wayes it could by no meanes be gathered, that they should vnderstand him to speake or meane of theyr substaunce, because he more estemeth them then theyr mony, to the intent that they might vnderstand his great good will toward them. Therfore these euill and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gayn, or ho∣nor, or els for the prayse & cōmendation of men, be no true Apostles but false Prophetes. But it may be asked, how shall men vnderstand when these good fellowes preach for their owne vayne glory sake? It may be aunswered thus, when they preach before they be called, as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoeuer boasteth let him boast and reioyce in the Lord. Glosse. Which thing to doe, cannot he by any meanes, that hath not his authority from God. For if any such Prophet preach, he seeketh his owne glory: and that may easely be perceiued. Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him, that is to say, of his Church or congre∣gation, as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himselfe anye dignity, but he that is called of God as Aaron was. The Glosse. He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation.

The 12. signe is,* 69.51 or token of a false prophet is: Because such Prophets do counterfait themselues to haue greater care, and loue to mens soules, then those that be theyr very gouernors & pastors haue, although they haue no charge at all of them, agaynst whom the Glose speaketh, and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and louing towardes you, euen as the nurse which geueth her child sucke. Glosse. A woman nurseth other mens children for wages & not for loue alone, but she geueth her own suck of very loue with out respect of mony. Therfore those preachers which faine themselues, to haue a greater loue & affection to the soules of men, then they that haue the charge ouer them, seeme not to be true Apostles. The Apostles studye not for elo∣quēce nor for the curious placing of their words, but false

Prophets do them both. As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the sim∣ple and vncloquēt man. &c. Glosse. The Apostles were not eloquent, but false Prophets are ful of curious eloquence. Also vpon the same an other Glosse. The Corinthiās were led away from the Gospell by ouer nice eloquence, the 2. Cor. 7. Let vs shew our selues before all men as the mini∣sters of God. Glosse. The ministers of God, do not flatter as false Prophets do. And for this occasion those that be true Apostles haue not theyr abiding in princes Courtes, and noble mens houses, knowing this saying of Christ in S. Mathewes Gospel. Behold those that are clothed with silkes, dwell in kinges Courtes. And therefore true Apo∣stles are not conuersaunt in Princes Courtes and noble mens houses. Glosse. Hard & strait life with the preaching of the Gospel loueth not to come neare Princes pallaces, and noble mens houses. Often times it commeth to passe that Courtiers are found great flatterers. Therfore those preachers that haue their abode in Courtes, or that in any other place do vse to flatter, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

* 69.52The 13. signe is, that true Apostles or messengers, doe not circumuent or subtlely goe about to deceiue men, that they should geue vnto them their goods: either in their life time or els at y^e time of theyr death: as in the 2. Cor. 7. We haue falsly deceiued no man. Glosse. By the subtle and de∣ceitfull getting away of your substaūce as false Prophets do, which get away from you those things that be yours, vnder pretence of great frēdship. Also Mat. 22. Wo be vn∣to you Scribes & Phariseis you hipocrites which spoile widowes houses, by your long prayers: which mean no∣thing els by your superstition, but that you may spoyle & robbe the people as in Luke. 20. Which deuour widowes houses, by dissembling of your long prayer. Glosse. The which make ouer long prayers, to the intent they may seeme more deuout, & that they may get both mony & great cōmendation of all such as be sicke and troubled with the burden of theyr sinnes: Whose prayers be turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselues nor any other. But rather shall haue for making those prayers greater damnatiō, for as much as by the same they deceiue others. For by this that they receiue and take both golde and sil∣uer, it appeareth that they preath not for soule healthes sake, but onely for filthy lucre and gayne sake. Math 10, Be ye possessours neither of gold nor siluer. Glosse. If they then haue these thinges, they can not seeme, or be thought to preach for the health of y^• soule, but for lucres sake. And so sayth Hi••rome vpon the Prophet Malachy. Because some Prophets tooke mony, theyr Prophecy became diui∣natiō: that is to say, theyr prophecy appeared not to be pro¦phecie but diuination, or inchauntment: that is, that such prophecy procedeth not frō God, but from the deuill. And this appeared in 1. q. 1. hauing this beginning Nunquā di∣uinatio. &c. Therfore these preachers which circumuēt and beguile men, to the intēt that they should geue them their goode, either in their life time or after theyr death: are not true Apostles but false Prophets.

* 69.53The 14. signe is, that false Prophets, when any verity is preached, which for the most part they are not acquain∣ted with all, or that touched them: then begin they to chafe and barke against the same, wherupō the Apostle in the 3. chapter to the Philippiās saith: behold the dogges. Glossa. Understand you that they are not dogs by nature, but by their vsage & conditiōs, barking agaynst the truth, which they were neuer acquainted with. And so he cōpareth thē right well to dogges, because dogs folow rather custome, then reason: So false Apostles do keepe the custome of the law, & do bite and barke against the truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. And also in the secōd epi∣stle to Timothy, the 4, chapter, saying: They get them in∣structors according to theyr owne desires. Glossa. Whiche may teach them what things they themselues are willing to heare, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant vnto them. Therfore, those preachers which barke agaynst the late reuealed truth, which toucheth thē very neare & ther∣fore cause the same to be hidden & kept vnder: are not true Apostles, but false prophets.

* 69.54The 15. signe is, that the true Apostles doe not enforce any to receiue or heare them, which be vnwilling therun∣to: but send them away rather, least they should seeme to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. Math 10 Who soeuer will not receiue you, get you out of that Citty, and shake the dust from off your feet. &c. Glossa That you may thereby shew, that the desire of earthly thinges hath no power in you. Therfore, those preachers which wrastle & striue as it were to that intent they would be receiued and heard, are no true Apostles: For as muche as the Apostle sayth. Corint. 11. If any man appeare among you to be o∣uer contentions or full strife: such custome haue we none nor yet the congregation of Christ.

* 69.55The 16. signe is, that the Apostles did not procure the indi••nation of those princes with whom they were estee∣med and regarded, against such persons as would not re∣ceiue them and heare thē, according as we read in the life of Simon and Iude the Apostles: The chiefe ruler being very angry, commaūded a very great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, & all other which went about to de••ame the doctrine of y^e Apostles of Christ: But the Apostles fell downe before the Emperor, saying: we beseech you syr, let not vs be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity: Nor that we which are sent to be the preseruation of men, and to reuiue those that are dead through sinne, may seem to be killers of those that be aliue. Therefore, those preachers which seeke to stirre vp the displeasure of Princes agaynst them. (whose fauours now they enioy) that will not receiue and heare them, or rather whom they themselues hate, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 17. signe is,* 69.56 that the Apostles of Christ haue not onely the knowledge of those things which God hath al∣ready done, but also of those thinges which he will here∣after doe, as in the Apo••. 3. The beastes were full of eyes both behinde and before. Glose. Obtaining the knowledge of those thinges which God had done, as also what he would do hereafter in the end of the world. Therfore those that say they know not the perils of the church in the lat∣ter time which are prophecied afore: or that they care not for them, or els if they know thē not, they haue not eyes be hinde and before, be no true Apostles. Therefore, what time as they call themselues Apostles, they are false pro∣phets.

The 18. signe is,* 69.57 that true Apostles do not desire the ri∣ches and goods of them to whom they preach, wherby they are discerned from wolues, that is to say, from false Pro∣phets. Act. 20. I haue desired no mans golde nor siluer: Glose. By this are Wolues discerned, for they desire suche thinges. And agayne in the same place: For those thinges which I had neede of, and to those which were with me these handes haue ministred. Glose. This example also of labouring, is a spectacle for Bishops wherby they are dis∣cerned from wolues. For such as aske or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to aske or beg in theyr names: do seeme to commit simony: Like Byezi, of whom it is red in the third booke of kinges the fi••t chapt. that cra∣ued certaine apparell of Naaman the Sirian, to whome his maister Elizeus had restored the benefit of health. Not withstanding, he had gotten those garments, vnwitting to his maister. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzenus sayth 1. q. 1. Qui isti debetur. But some man perhaps will say: can not the preacher aske money or money woorth of those to whō he preacheth? Or at y^e least, may not he beg? To this may be answered. If the preacher by authority preach and doth feed his flocke as a true pastor with the food of Gods word, he may take money or money worth: but then it is not begging or crauing, but it is by authoritye: as the se∣cond to Timothy the second chapter:* 69.58 It is meete that the husband man that tilleth the ground, should first and afore other receiue the commodity of his encrease. Glose. He put∣teth the vertuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for that intent to make marchaundise of the Gospell, and ge∣ueth him to vnderstand: that it is lawfull for him to take of them whom he feedeth as his flocke, what thinges soe∣uer he had need of: and doth it not in begging or crauing, but by good authority. It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy scripture be foūd, that the preacher ought to begge. But begging is forbidden of all the Apostles of Christ, and is abhorted of Salomon, and S. Augustine▪ & reproued by diuers other holy men. Therfore, it is mani∣fest, that the true Apostles do not desire the tēporall goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg or craue the same. They therefore that require any thing of them to whom they preach, or els that any other man asketh for them, or in theyr names: do not seeme to be true Apostles, but false preachers.

The 19. signe is, that true Apostles are patient in tri∣bulation: neither do they rēder euill for good,* 69.59 Mathew 10. Beholde I send you as sheepe among wolues. Glose. They that occupy the place of preaching, ought not to pro∣cure any euill toward their Brethren, as the example of Christ teacheth. 1. Peter. 2. saying: who when he was re∣uiled, reuiled not agayne, but did submit himselfe to him that iudged him vniustlye. They therefore that suffer not iniury, but rather do wrong themselues, are not true Apo∣stles, but false Apostles.

The 20. signe is, that true Apostles at their first com∣ming

are euill intertayned, as the Lord sayth, in the xxiii. chap. of Math. Ye shall be hated of all men for my names sake:* 69.60 but yet at the length such get the victory: According to that saying of the first of Saint Iohn the v. Chapter. Euery thing that is of God ouercōmeth the world. They therfore that in the beginning reioyce and are well inter∣tayned, but in the end are reiected, seeme not to be true A∣postles but false.

The 21. signe is, that true preachers goe not to preach vnto those which haue preachers appoynted vnto thē,* 69.61 be∣cause they haue not to reioyce of a company belonging to an other mans charge, as to the Romaines the 15. capter. I haue preached the Gospell where Christ was not before preached, least I should build vpon an other mans foūda∣tion. And in the second Epistle of S. Paule to the Corin∣thians the x. chapter, he sayth: we are no boasters, nor bu∣sy in other mens mattets. Glose. where an other man had layd the foundation. Likewise in the same chapt. Not ha∣uing pleasure to boast of other mens labors, that is to say of those which be committed to the gouernement of an o∣ther man. Likewise Augustinus sayth. Honour ought to seeke thee,* 69.62 and not thou honour. Also Chrisostome: Au∣thority is in loue with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorreth her not, They therfore that procure and haue de¦sire to preach vnto the people committed to an other mās charge, which is an office of honor: especially in counsels, Synods, and great assemblies, also in kinges and princes courtes, and Prelates palaces, are not true Apostles, but false teachers.

The 22. signe is, that true Apostles when they know themselues to do much good in the church & congregation of God:* 69.63 yet notwithstāding, are not puffed vp with pride. Ezech. 3. O sonne of man, I haue made thy face as an A∣damants stone. The Adamant stone when it draweth irō vnto it, is not therby either lifted vpor altered. Likewise a true preacher when he draweth sinners vnto him by hys preaching (whose hartes were as hard as iron) is neuer the more lifted vp or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke the 18. chapiter: when ye haue done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are vnprofitable ser¦uauntes. Psalme. Not vnto vs Lord, not vnto vs, but to thy name be geuen the glory. They therefore that do arro∣gantly boast themselues of the fruite and benefit that they haue done in y^e church of God, saying: we haue geuē light to the vniuersal church, which was blind before our time, & we haue put out the flame of sinne in the church of God (when perhaps they haue more furthered hypocrisy, then either truth or verity) they are not true prophets but false, of whom it is spoken in the psalmes. The mouth of them that speake proud things. &c.

* 69.64The 23. signe is, that true Apostles do not seek the fa∣uor of the world, nor yet how to please men: As to the ••a. 1. If I should please men, that is to say, if I had a desire to please men, I should not be the seruant of God, wherupō to tim. the 1. epistle & 2. chap. Not as men pleasers, Glose. Seeking to please because we haue not the pleasing spirit. Therfore those preachers that seek the fauor of y^e world, & do labor to this intent that they might please men, are not true Apostles but false.* 69.65

The 24. signe is, that true Apostles when they haue meat and drinke they are contented, neither doe they de∣sire ouer dayntye fare, according the saying of Math. 10. chap. Eating and drinking those things that are set before them. Glose. The gospell condemneth not altogether costly and delicate fare, yet so alloweth the same, that if we haue meat and drinke, we ought not to grutch, but to be there∣with contēted. Therfore, those preachers which although that neither they be sent, nor haue authority to preach, and yet are offended when they haue not fine and delicate fare, are not true Apostles, but false preachers.

* 69.66The 25. signe is, that true Apostles doe loue more the law of God, thē their own estimatiō amongst their neigh∣bors: According to that in the 7. chapt. of the Prouerbes. Keep my law as the apple of thine cie, & bind the same vp on thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy hart: wherupon in the 119. psalme. The law of thy mouth is de∣rer vnto me thē thousands of gold and siluer. Glose. Cha∣rite doth more loue the law of God, thē the desire of gold & siluer a thousand fold. He therefore that seeth the gospell of Christ troden vnder the foot, which is the eternall glad tidings to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neg¦lect and contemne the same, or els peraduēture consenteth vnto the same, to the outward apperance of y^e world: And yet because he will keep his temporall dignity and estima∣tion, refuseth not to stirre vp strife and contention about y^e same, and so to be euill spokē of: seemeth not to be an Apo∣stle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.

The 26. signe is,* 69.67 that true Apostles seeke not after such fine lodgings and wealthy habitations, where they may haue all thinges at theyr commaundementes: but rather such honest resting places, where they may haue necessary things for themselues, with theyr good wils of whom they haue it. And they take nothing of suche, whome they see to be so ready and liberall in geuing: as that thinke the one doth him more pleasure in receiuing the gift thē the other doth in geuing him the same. According to that in the 10. chapter of Mathew, saying: Into what city or town so e∣uer ye shall enter, enquire out those that be of good report in the same: & abide you with them, so long as you tary in the same City or Towne. Glose. Your host with whom ye lodge, ought to be chosen by the good report of neighbors, least your preaching be euill spokē of by reason of his infa∣my. Neither ought such men to runne frō house to house. But whome shall we call worthy or of good report? Glose. Him, who knoweth better to do other men good, thē to re¦ceiue a good turne of an other: and this is he which geueth willingly for Christes cause, and not in respect of any com∣modity. Also true Apostles receiue nothing of such mē as lie waltering in their sins, but rather of those that are wa∣shed and clensed from their sinnes wherupon the 2. to the Cor. the 7. chap. They haue geuen themselues first to the Lord. Glose. Because they now amēding their olde errors and vicious maners haue vowed themselues vnto y^e lord, & afterward gaue of that which they had to their brethren. For otherwise, they ought not to haue taken any thing of them, because gifts do blinde the eies. But those that geue where there is no cause of reproofe in their doing, haue no iust cause to geue. Therfore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, & doe receiue bribes & rewardes of naughty men, that haue this world at will: to the entent that those preachers may couer and hide their faultes, and get of others what they can by subtlety, which geue indeed rather to remoue the shamelesse importunity of the crauer or els for auoyding of present shame, thē for any loue they haue to God: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets, ac¦cording to that in the 2••. to the Cor. the 9. chap. The Lord doth loue a willing geuer. Glose. He that geueth for presēt shame, or els for that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth loose both his substaunce and me∣rite: wherefore he that hath respect to these thinges, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the geuer, but the gift it selfe as the Apostle to the Philip. the 4. chap. sayth. Seeke not the gift but the fruit or benefit of the geuer.

The 27. signe is,* 69.68 that true Apostles do not endeuoure themselues to seeke & enioy the fruit of other mens labors that they may be fed thereby: because that the belly is such mens God, according to that in the 2. to the Thessa. the 3. cap. we haue heard of some amongst you which walk vn∣ordinately: not laboring at al, but liuing delicately or idle∣ly. Glose. of other mens labors, and deserue they to be fed▪ The discipline of the Lord cannot away with that doing: for the belly is their God, which prouide to haue more thē necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers which so do, are no true Apostles but false.

The 28. signe is,* 69.69 that true Apostles do not reioyce on∣ly of the miracles, or other excellēt works, which the Lord doth by them: but they reioyce rather of the saluatiō which they looke for from the Lord, then that by doing those mi∣racles, they desire any honor. According to that which is written in Luke x. saying: Reioyce ye not for that the spi∣rits be subiect vnto you, but because your names are regi∣stred in heauen. They therfore that boast of their own mi∣racles, or of any that belong vnto them, for this cause that they are saued by the doing of them, as many do say, seme not to be true Apostles but false.* 69.70

The 29. signe is, that the true Apostles do neuer seeke their owne glory in this life, but the glory of Christ, as in Iohn. 7. He that speaketh of himself doth seek his own glo¦ry. But he that seeketh y^e glory of him which sēt him (that is of whom he is sent) is a true Apostle. Therefore those which seeke the thinges that pertayne to the glory of thys world, of the which one is: To be assistent to those y^t beare rule and authority, according to that saying of Boetius De consolatione. Those that do desire to be extolled, either they raigne & beare rule themselues, or els do desire to be nere about thē, that haue such dominiō. Another is, they desire to haue the fame and victory, of that which they haue no∣thing at all deserued before God. Whereupon is written that saying of the Apostle in the Gal. 5. Let not vs become desirous of vaine glory. Glose. To be desirous of vaynglo∣ry is, to haue victory without any merite or desert: & those I say that doe such thinges seeme not to be true Apostles but false.

The 30. signe is, That true Apostles care not for the

solemnities of men, neither their salutatiōs, nor feastings, nor any other benefite of theirs.* 69.71 They therfore which loue & seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, and other their commodities, do not seeme to be true Apo∣stles but false.

The 31. signe is, that true Apostles do not commonly resort to other mens tables, least y^t they should for a meals meat become flatterers, as in the 2, Thessalon. 3. That we should geue you an example to follow vs. Glose. He that cōmeth oftētunes to an other mans table, being geuē to i∣dlenes, cannot chuse but flatter him, which fedeth him: but Christes religion calleth men to liberty, and to no such bō∣dage. They therfore that resort oftentimes, & that of theyr owne mindes to other mens tables (liuing idlely) are not true Apostles but false.

The 32. signe is, that true Apostles do not hate theyr enemies,* 69.72 and such as hate them: which doctrine the Lord taught Mathew. 5. saying. Loue your enemies, do well to them which hate you. But false Prophets doe both hurt & defame their neighbors, according as S. Ierome. 14. saith. The Prophets of Ierusalem haue defiled the whole earth Glossa. They are not contented onely to hurt their neigh∣bors, but also whōe they before this time haue hated, they defame and speak euill of, in euery place they come. Ther∣fore those preachers which hate them whome they thinke are their enemies, and do defame them, are not true Apo∣stles but false preachers.

The 33. signe is,* 69.73 that false Prophets when they are ex∣amined, & proued whether they be true Apostles or liers, take that very greeuously. And persecute all those that can proue thē to be so. And also do stirre vp and prouoke other to persecute the same men: which also ioyne thēselues to∣gether by secular power euen as certain false prophets did in the primitiue Church, agaynst the Bishop of Ephesus: to whom the Lord sayd in the Apoc. 2. I know, that is to say: I do alow thy workes and thy labour: that is thy tri∣bulation, because thou canst not away with those that be euill men. Glossa. But that thou hast a desire to amend thē, or els to expell them, and hast examined those, which say that they are Apostles, and are but lyers: and also hast suffered this patiently. Glossa. The euils, which these false Prophetes ioyned together by seculare power doe bryng in: Are not the doinges of true Apostles but false Pro∣phets.

The 34. signe is,* 69.74 that true Apostles go not to preach to those which are cōuerted already by other men, but rather doe conuert those which are not yet conuerted: least that they should build vpon an other mans foundation, as S. Paule, Rom. 15, sayth: I haue laboured so, that from Ie∣rusalem to Iliricus, I haue replenished the Gospell in e∣uery place. Glose. That is, I haue preached the same aboū∣dantly, in whom the great vertue of the holy ghost appea∣reth: because so many nations, that is, the Gentiles haue receiued the Gospell by my preaching. But I haue prea∣ched the Gospell there, where Christ was not preached be∣fore, least I should build vpon an other mans foundatiō. Glose. I should not preach to those that were conuerted by an other man. Also 2. Corinth. 10. we are not such as boast and glory in other mens labours. Glose. where an other man layd the foundation: for that should be to boast inordi¦nately. Also in the same place: not thinking to boast, wher an other man hath gouernmēt, but in those things which are put in experience. Glose. Of other preachers. Because the Apostle did preach vnto those to whō the Gospell was neuer preached, that he might get prayse by his owne pro∣per labour. Therefore, those Preachers which goe not to that people which haue neede to be conuerted, but to those which are conuerted already, which haue apostles of their own: that is to say, Bishops, and Priests, and yet do boast ouer an other mans flocke: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 35. signe is, because true Apostles when they are sent,* 69.75 go to their own dioces, & not to an other mās dioces: euen as Paule being sent, went to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach: Actes. 13. Seperate Paule and Bar∣nabas, for the businesse whiche I haue chosen them vnto Glose. According to the appoyntmēt and decree of Iames, Cephas, and Iohn, went he forth to be a teacher vnto the Gentiles. But those preachers that stand vpon theyr feet: That is to saye, those Preachers whiche haue but small worldly substaunce, for which cause they are more readier to goe which way so euer it shall please the Lord to send them: I say, the Lord hath sent them to preache, not to those which be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels, as we read in Ezech. 2. After that, the spirit of the Lord set Ezechiel vpon his feet, in qua spem situs vnus tan∣gitur, and he sayd vnto him: O sonne of man beholde I send thee to the nations which haue ••art ••acke from their profession: which haue gone from me, that is to the Iew∣ish heretickes, and to those nations which sometime haue bene Christians: as the Egyptians, the Babilonians, and all those that obserue the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, & hauing both Apostles, bishops, and priests of their owne: they goe not into their own dioces, but into an other mans dioces: and are not true Apostles, but false preachers. And it is great∣ly to be feared, least the Church be in hazard and daunger by such, vnlesse they be thrust o••t of the same betime: Euē as Ionas which whē he was sent to ••i••iuy of the Lord, which is interpreted large or wide, and leadeth to the hill: that is to the Infidels we speake of before. They go not to those Infidelles according to the commaundement of the Lord, but they turne an other way, take their iourny into ••harsis, which is interpreted, ••o••king after ioy and plea∣sure: That is, they goe vnto thos•• which receiue thē with ioy and gladnes, & do well prouide for them, that is to say▪ to godly and deuout Christians▪ And therefore it is to be feared least the ship in which they be (that is the Church) be in great perill, vnlesse they be thrown forth. And there∣fore the Apostle spake of such false Prophets, not without good cause. 2. Timo. 2. And shonne thou those. Glose. That is such men as those be.

The 36. signe is,* 69.76 because true Apostles doe not boast, neither do they attribute vnto thēselues any other thing, but in that God hath wrought the same by them. Paule, Romaines 15. sayth: I dare not say any thing, but that which Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me. Glo. That is, I speake onely those thinges (which by me) that is by my ministery, Christ hath wrought. They therefore that boast of many things, & do attribute much vnto thē∣selues, which they neuer did, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 37. signe is,* 69.77 that true Apostles do not apply them selues, or leane to Logicall or Philosophicall reasons. Therfore those preachers which do indeuour themselues to such kinde of reasons, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 38. signe is, that true Apostles doe not loue car∣nally or after the flesh, but hate what thing soeuer doth re∣sist them in the seruice of God, as Luke. 14. He that doth not hate his father and mother, his sonne and sister, and also himselfe, he cannot be my disciple. Glose. That is, he that doth not hate whatsoeuer doth resist or let him in the seruice of God, is not worthy to be a Disciple, neither can he abide in that office. Therefore for as much as true prea∣chers are the true Disciples of the Lord, it must needes follow: that those Preachers which do promote their ne∣phewes and kinsfolks (how vnworthy soeuer they be) to Ecclesiasticall promotions and liuinges, contrary to the will of God: or do any other thing that letteth or hindreth them in the seruice of God, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 39. signe is,* 69.78 that true Apostles do not hunt for the frendship of this world: for he that is the frend of this world, is the enemy of God. Therefore those preachers which purchase the frendship of this world are not true a∣postles but false prophetes, Therefore, for as much as the Scripture is infallible, as in the 24. chapter of Mathew, saying: Heauen and earth shall perish, but my words shal endure for euer. And the holy ghost which spake in the A∣postle cannot lie: for prophecy (for the most part) is not spo¦ken by the will of man, but the holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, as it is red in the first e∣pistle of Peter the 5. chapter: It remayneth that all men which are bound to defend the Church, may rise vp in the defence of the same, according to that in the 24. chapter of the Prouerbs. Deliuer those that are led to death and cease thou not to rescue those which are drawne to destruction. Neither may he alleadge vayne accusations, because it is sayd in the same place:* 69.79 If he say he is not able, or strong e∣nough, he that beholdeth the thoughtes of mens hartes, shall know it. &c. what so euer perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers: all that shal be demaunded of them at the day of iudgement: As Iacob confesseth to La∣••an, whose sheep he fedde. Genesis. 31, I did restore all thy losse, and that which was stolne I made aunswere for. I will demaund his bloud at thy handes. Ezechiell. 3. This is sayd, to the Pastor or Prelate. But if the other thinges which we haue spoken of before could not mooue the Pre∣lates, and Cardinals: this at the least should mooue them: Because that then, the spirituall power which doth consist for the most part in y^e exercise of preaching, in hearing con∣fessions, & enioyning of penaunce: shall be taken away frō them by litle & little. For by piece mele doth the wolfe d••∣nour

the poore & needy man. 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiasticall therfore shall be quite taken from them, and disposed to other, such as either by their order, or Apostoli∣call graūt, do challenge to haue the same: Then doubtles, shall neither the iurisdictiō of ciuile causes and pleadings, nor any authority that such Prelates haue yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporall goodes of the Church, any longer remayne amongest them. Shall suche haue the temporall goods of the church which minister not the spirituall treasure thereof? 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eate of the sacrifice, & they that serue at the aultar are partakers of y^e aultar? For as the body without the soule cannot stand, so corporall thinges without spirituall things cannot continue. 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same. Thus haue you had the 39 arguments, for the which both he was cōdemned, and his bookes burned.

In the dayes of this Guilielmus,* 69.80 there was a most detestable and blasphemous booke set forth by the Friers, (mentioned also in Math. Parisiens.) which they called Euan∣gelium aeternum, or Euangelium spiritus sancti: That is, the e∣uerlasting Gospell, or the Gospell of the holy Ghost. In which book, many abhominable errors of the Friers were conteyned, so that the Gospell of Iesus Christ was vtter∣ly defaced: which this booke sayd, was not to be compared with this euerlasting Gospel, no more then the shell is to be cōpared with y^e carnell: then darknes to light. &c. More ouer that the Gospell of Christ shal be preached no longer but fifty yeares, and then this euerlasting Gospell should rule the Church. &c. Item, y^• whatsoeuer was in the whole Bible, was in the saide Gospell contayned. At length this Friers Gospell was accused to the Pope, and so 6. per∣sons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and iudge of the booke:* 69.81 as Christianus Canonicus, Baluacensis: Odo de Doaco: Nicholaus de Baro: Ioannes de Sicca Vella Anglus. Io∣annes Belim, Gallus: Among whom, this Guilielmus was one, who mightely impugned this pestiferous and deuil∣lish booke. These 6. after the perusing of the booke were sent vp to Rome. The Friers likewise sent their messen∣gers withall: where they were refuted, and y^• errors of the booke condemned: but so, that the Pope with the Cardi∣nals commaunded the sayd booke to be abolished and con∣demned not publickly (tendering the estimation of the re∣ligious orders, as of his own most chiefe champions) but that they should be burned in secret wise: and the books of the foresayd ••uilielmus to be burnt with all.

Besides other his bookes, 2. Sermons we haue of his yet remayning, one vpon the Gospell of S. Luke, of the Pharisy and the Publicane: the other vpon the Epistle, redde in the Church on May day. where in the first he re∣sembleth the Phariseis to our Monkes, and that he pro∣ueth by all the properties of the Phariseis described in the Gospell. The Publicane he resembleth to the Laity, such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sinnes, the more hope they haue of mercy. The other, because they stand confident in their own righteousnesse, are therefore farther from their instification. In the latter sermō he setteth forth and declareth what perils and daū∣ders be like to fall vpon the Church by these religious or∣ders of Monkes and Friers.

Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome & his Antechristian errors,* 69.82 was one Laurēce an Englishman, and maister of Paris. An other was Petrus Ioannes a Minorite. Of whome the foresayde Laurence was about the yeare of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching, preaching & writing, did stoutly defēd y^• part of the forsayd Guilielmus & the rest of his side agaynst the Friers. Against the which Friers he wrote 2. bookes: One in y^e defence of William afore mētioned: the other vpō this argument and title: To beware of false prophets. &c. Cer∣tayn other things also he wrote, wherin by diuers proofes and testimonies he argued & proued, that Antichrist was not farre of to come.

The other, Petrus Ioannes was about the yeare of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things a∣gaynst the Pope: prouing that he was Antichrist, and that the sinagogue of Rome was great Babilon. He wrot vp∣on Mathew, vpon the Epistles, and vpon the Apocalips. Mention of this Petrus Ioannes is made in Nicholaus Eme∣ricus in Lib. Inquisitionum. &c. And sayth moreouer, that Mi¦••hael Cesenas (of whō Christ willing shall followe here∣after) took of him a great part of his opiniōs. And because the pope could not burne him aliue, after his death he cau∣sed his bones to be taken vp and burned.

To these and with these aboue specified, is to be added Robertus Gallus, who being borne of a right noble paren∣tage for deuotion sake, was made a Dominicke Frier, a∣bout the same yeare of our Lord aboue touched, an. 1290▪ This man, as appeareth by his writing, had diuers and sundry visions: whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis. His visions al tend against the spiritualty of Rome. where in the fift chapter, he cal∣leth playnely the Pope an Idoll: which hauing eyes seeth not, neither lusteth to see the abhominatiōs of his people, nor the excessiue enormity of ther voluptuousnes. But on¦ly to see to the heaping vp of his own treasure: & hauing a mouth, speaketh not, but sayth: I hane set good men ouer them, (which is sufficiēt for me) to do them good either by my selfe or by some other. And foloweth in the same chap∣ter, wo to that Idoll: woe to the mighty and proud, who shall be equall in all the earth to that Idoll? He that exal∣ted vp his name in earth, saying: who shall bring me vn∣der? Is not my house compared with the mighty Poten∣tates of the land? I am higher then Dukes: Knightes on their horsebacke do seruice vnto me. That which my Fa∣thers had not before me, y^• haue I done to me. My house is strowed with siluer: gold and pearle are the pauement of my palace. &c.

Agayn in the 12. chapter and also in the first,* 69.83 vnder the name of a Serpēt he paynteth out the Pope: whom he de∣clareth to extoll himselfe aboue measure, and to oppresse y^•, few that be godly, and to haue many fal••e prophets about him, which neglecting the word and the name of Christ, do preach & extoll him only, obscuring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the Pope he describeth in these words: I was praying (sayd he) on my knees, looking vp∣ward to heauen,* 69.84 nere to the aulter of S. Iames in Paris, on the right side of the aultar: & saw in the ayre before me the body of a certain high bishop all clothed in white silke, who turning his backe on the East, lift vp his hand to∣ward the west, as the Priestes are wont in theyr Masse turning to the people, but his head was not seene. And as I was considering aduisedly whether he had any head or no:* 69.85 I perceiued a certayne head in him all dry, leane & wi∣thered, as though it had bene a head of wood. And the spi∣rit of the Lord sayd to me: This signifieth the state of the Church of Rome.

Moreouer, the same author in his visions well descri∣bing the maner of the schole sophisters, and Sorbonists, addeth in this wise.* 69.86 An other day as I was in like contē∣plation as before, I beheld in spirit: and beholde I saw a man apparelled like to the other before: which wēt about, hauing fine bread, and excellent wine, that hanged about him on both sides. And the same hauing in his hand a lōg and an hard flint stone, was gnawing hungerly vpon the same, as one being hungry is wont to bite vpon a loafe of bread. Out of the which stone came two heads of two ser∣pentes, the spirit of the Lord instructing me, and saying: This stone purporteth the friuilous, intricate, & curious questions, wherein the hungry do trauaile and labor, lea∣uing the substauntiall foode of their soules. And I asked, what these two heads did meane. And he sayd, The name of the one is vaine glory, the name of the other is the mar∣ring and dissipation of religion.

Also,* 69.87 concerning reformation of the church, this vision he declareth▪ It happened as I was (sayth he) in the same City in the house of a certaine noble man (a Britaine) and was there speaking with certayne: I saw a crosse of siluer very bright, much like to the Crosse of the Earle of Tho∣louse. But the 12. apples which did hang beside in the ar∣mes of the crosse, were very vile, like the apples which the sea is wont to cast vp. And I sayd: what is this Lord Iesu? and the spirit answered me: This crosse which thou seest is the church, which shal be cleare and bright in pure∣nes of life, and shall be heard and known all ouer through the shrill voice of the preaching of sincere verity. Then be∣ing troubled with the apples, I asked, what these apples so vile did signify? and he said: it is the humiliation of the Church. &c.

This godly man did forewarne (as in a certain chro••ti¦cle is declared) how God would punish the simony and a∣uarice of the clergy with such a plague,* 69.88 that riuers should runne with bloud. &c. It is sayd, that there is remayning a great volume of his visions, whiche are not yet abroad: for these that be abroad, are but a briefe extract out of hys visions and reuelations.

After y^• we haue thus lōg straid in these forrein stories of Fredericke, and in the tractation of other matters per∣tayning to other countreys: Now after this sufficient dis∣gression, it is time that we returne to our own country a∣gayne. where, in folowing y^e continuatiō of time, & course of the Church: we will now adioyne to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned Bishop of Lincolne

named Robert Grosted,* 69.89 a man famously learned (as that time serued) in the three toungs, both Latin, Greeke, and Hebrue, also in all liberall sciences. whose works & Ser∣mons, yet this day are extant, which I haue seene in the Queenes Maiestyes Library at Westminster. wherin is one speciall Sermon writtē and exhibited in foure sundry skrolles to the pope, and to other foure Cardinals, begin∣ning Dominus noster Iesus Christus. &c.* 69.90 Nicolas Triuet in his chronicle writing of this bishop, affirmeth that he was borne in Suffolke, in the Dioces of Northfolke: who ge∣uing him the prayse to be a man of excellent wisedome, of profound doctrine, & an example of all vertue: witnesseth, that he being maister of Arte,* 69.91 wrote first a Commentary in librum posteriorum of Aristotle. Also that he wrote Tra∣ctations de sphera, & de arte comput. And that he set forth di∣uers books concerning Philosophy. Afterward being Do¦ctor in Diuinity, and expertly seene in all the 3. tongues, drew out sundry Treatises out of the Hebrue gloses: also translated diuers works out of the Greeke, as namely the Testamentes of the xij. Patriarches, & the bookes of Dio∣nisius, commenting vpon the new translation with hys owne glose. Haec ille. Many other workes and volumes besides were written by the said Grosted,* 69.92 as De oculo mo∣rali, de Dotibus, De cessatione legalium, paruus Cato, Annota∣tiones in Suidam, in Boetium, De potestate pastorali, expositio∣nes in Genes. in Lucam, with a number mo••, besides diuers Epistles, Sermons, and Inuections sent to the Pope, for his vnmeasurable exactions, wherwith he ouercharged & oppressed the Church of England.

This godly and learned Bishop after diuers conflicts and agonies sustayned agaynst the Bishop of Rome: after the example of Fredericke: of Guiliel. de sancto amore, of Ni∣co. Gallus and other after minded: at length after great la∣bors and trauells of life, finished his course, & departed at Buckdone in the moneth of Octob.* 69.93 an. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Mat. Parisiens. pag. 278. Out of the prison and banishmēt of this world (which he neuer loued) was takē y^e holy bishop of Lincolne Robert, at his manor of Buck∣••one in the euen of S. Dionise: who was an open repro∣uer of the Pope and of the King: a rebuker of the prelats, a corrector of the Monkes,* 69.94 director of the Priestes, instru∣ctor of the clerkes, fau••or of scholers, a preacher to the peo∣ple, persecutor to the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures. A malle to the Romaines, and a contemner of theyr doings. &c. Haec Mat. what a malle hee was to the Romaines, in the sequele hereof (Christ willing) shall bet¦ter appeare. The story is this.

It so befell, among other dayly and intollerable exacti¦ons wherein Pope Innocēt was greuous and iniurious (manifold wayes) to the Realme of England:* 69.95 he had a cer¦taine cosin or nephew (so Popes were wont to call theyr sonnes) named Fredericke, being yet yoūg & vnder yeres: whom the said Innocent the Pope would needs preferre to be a Canon or Prebendary in the church of Lincolne, in this time of Robert Bishop of the sayd Church. And vpō the same directed down letters to certayn his factors here in England for the execution thereof. The copy of which letter, by chaunce, yet not by chaunce, but by the oportune sending of God, came to my hādes, as I was pēning this present storye, written in the ende of an olde parchment book and otherwise rare I suppose to be foūd. As is this.

Dilectis filijs Archdiacono Cant. & magistro Innocēt. scrip∣tori nostro in Anglia commoranti:* 70.1 salutem & Apostolicam bene∣dict.

Cum dilectus filius noster G. Sanct Eustachij Diaconus car∣dinalis dilecto* 70.2 filio Fridericho de Lauania, clerico nepoti nostro, de speciali mandato nostro Canonicatum Lincolniens. cū pleni∣tudine iuris canonici duxerit cōferendum, ipsum per suum anu∣lum corporaliter, & praesentialit. inuestiens de eodem, vt extunc canonic. Lincolniensis existat, & plenum nomen & ius Canonici consequatur ibidem, ac prebendam, si qua vacauerit in Ecclesia Lincol•• a tempore quo dudùm litere nostrae super receptione, ac prouisione facienda sibi in Eccles. eadem de praemissis venerab. fratri nostro Episcopo Lincoln. presētatae fuerūt: a lioqui post va•• caturam conferendā sibi donationi Apostolicae reseruarit: decer∣nendo irritum & inane, si quid de praebēda huiusmodi a quoq̄ fu∣erit attentatum: nec non & in contradictores & rebelles excom∣municationis sententiā vbique promulgando, prout in literis e∣iusdem exindè de* 70.3 cōstitutis pleniùs cōtinetur Nos ipsius Frede rici deuotis supplicationibus inclinati, quod ab eodē Cardin. fa∣ctum est super hoc & ratum & gratum habentes, idem autorit. A∣postolic. duximus confirmandum. Quocirca Discretioni vestrae per Apostolica scripta••mandamus, quatenus eundem Fredericū, vel procuratorum suum eius nomine in corporalem possessionē praedictorum Canonicatus & praebēdae, autorite nostra induca∣tis. & defendatis inductum: cōtradictores per censuram Ecclesia∣sticā appellatione postposita cōpescendo. Non obstātibus aliqui∣bus consuetudinibus vel statutis, inramentis, vel confirmationi∣bus sedis Apostolicae, seu quacun{que} alia infirmitate roboratis: vel quòd dictus Frider. praesens non fuerit ad prestandum iuramen∣tum de obseruandis consuitudinib. eiusdem Eccles. consuetis. Si∣ue si praedicto Episcop. vel Capitulo ipsius Ecclesiae communiter vel singulatim: ••eu alijs quibuscūque personis a dicta sede indul∣tum existat, quòd ad receptionem, vel prouisionem alicuius cō∣pelli nequeant, siue quòd nullus alius in eorum Ecclesia nemini prouidere valeat: vel quod interdici, suspendi, aut excommunica∣ri non possint, per literas apost. sub quacūque forma verborū ob∣tentas, vel obtinendas, etiamsi totus tenor indulgē tiarum huius∣modi de verbo in verbum in ijsdem literis sit insertus, siue quibus alijs indulgentijs quibuscunque personis, dignitati, vel loco, sub quacunque forma verborum concessis a sede Apost. vel etiam concedendis: per quas effectus huiusmodi prouisionis posset impediri aliquatenus vel differri: Tamen volumus ea de certa scientia, quantum ad prouisionem factam & faciendam Frede∣rico praedicto in Ecclesia Lincoln. viribus omnino carere. Coe∣terum si aliqui praedicto Frederico, vel procuratori super prae∣missis, vel aliquo praemissorum, aliquatenus duxerit apponen∣dum: Illos ex parte nostra citari curetis, vt peremptoriè infra duorum mēsium spacium post citationem vestrā personaliter cō∣pareant coram nobis, eidem Friderico super praemissis legitimè responsuri. Non obstantibus priuilegijs, siue quibuslibet indulgē∣tijs personis regni Angliae generaliter vel cuiuis alij personae, vel dignitati, vel loco specialiter a praedicta sede sub quacunque for∣ma verborum concessis: Quod non possunt vltra mare, seu extra ciuitatem vel Diocesin suam in iudiciū euocari per literas apost. sub quacunque forma verborū obtētas, quod priuilegium & in∣dulgentias eisdē personis de certa scientia nullatenus volumus suffragari, & constitutione aedita de duabus dictis in cōcilio ge∣nerali non obstante. Diem autem citationis & formam nobis, ve∣stris literis tenorem praesentium continentibus fideliter intime∣tis. Quòd si non ambo his exequendis interesse poteritis alter ve∣strum nihilominus exequatur.

Datum Perus. 7. Cal. Febr. Ponti∣ficat. nostro anno decimo.

Which letter to be englished is this.

Vnto our welbeloued sonnes the Archdeacon of Cant. & to maister Innocent our scribe abiding in England: greting and A∣postolicall benedictiō.* 71.1 For so much as our welbeloued sonne G. of S. Eustace Deacon Cardinal, vpon our speciall commaūdemēt hath geuen and graunted to our welbeloued sonne Frederick de Lauania (a Clarke and our nephew) a Canōship in the Church of Lincolne with full power and graunt of the same: Inuesting him also corporally, and presently with his owne ring in the said ca∣nōship to be frō hēceforth Canō of Lincolne, & to haue ful pow∣er of the sayd canonship in the church, and a prebend when anye shall fall in the Churche of Lincolne: From that time, since whiche our former letters of late, concerning this receiuing and prouision to be geuen to him in the sayd Church were presē∣ted & exhibited to our reuerend brother Bishop of Lincolne: Or els after the next auoyding the said prebendship to be reserued to the Apostolical donation & to be geuē to him, making it void & frustrate if the sayd prebēdship shall be geuē to any other man beside,* 71.2 and also denouncing the sentence of excōmunication a∣gaynst all them that shall rebell and gainsay the same as in the let∣ters of the sayd Cardinall is more fully contayned.

We therfore graciously inclined by the deuout supplication of the said Friderick, ratifying & gratefully approuing that which hath bene done by the said cardinals in the premisses haue thoght good by the authority Apostolicall to confirme. Wherefore we geue in cōmaundement by our letters Apostolicall to your wise∣domes, that you will see the sayd Frederick (or his proctor in hys behalfe) to be really and corporally possessed in the sayd Canon∣ship or prebēd by our authority, & also defend the sayd party be∣ing therin possessed, denouncing the sentence of excommunica∣tion against all such as shall withstand the same: All maner of cu∣stomes, or statutes to the contrary notwithstāding, corroborated either with oath, or cōfirmatiōs of the sea Apostolick, or by what stay or let soeuer: Or whether that the said Frederick be not pre¦sent to take the oath accustomed to be geuen for obseruing the customes of the sayd church: Or whether it be geuen and graun∣ted by the sayd sea to the foresayd Bishop, or to the chapter of the sayd church ioyntly and seuerally, or to what person or persons els, that no man by compulsion should haue admission or proui∣sion for any person in their Church wherby they cannot be inter∣dicted, suspended, or excommunicate by the letters Apostolicall obtained, or to be obtained hereafter, vnder what form or words soeuer, yea although the whole tenour of the sayd indulgence be inserted word for word in the sayd your letters or by any other indulgences to what persō or persōs soeuer, of what estate, dig∣nity or place soeuer, vnder any maner or forme of words, graūted hereafter by the sea Apostolicke: by the which indulgences the ef∣fect of the said prouision may be by any maner of waies hindered or deferred: yet of our certayne knowledge we will that they shall want theyr strength in the prouision made or to be made

for the sayd Frederick in the Church of Lincoln: And if any vpon the premisses or any of them shall alleadge agaynst the foresayd Fredericke, or his procurator: That you will cause them to be ci∣ted on our behalfe, so that they being cited peremtorily shal with∣in the space of two monethes of your citation, personally appere before vs there according to the law to make aunswere to the sayd Fredericke, vpon the premisses: Any priuiledges or indulgē∣ces what soeuer, geuen and graunted either generally to the king dome of England, or peculiarly to any other person of what state, degree, and place soeuer, graunted by the foresaid sea, vnder what soeuer maner & forme of words for them not to be called vp be∣yond the sea, or out of their owne City or Dioces by letters A∣postolicall, vnder whatsoeuer forme of wordes obtayned, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding: All which priuiledges and indulgences, we will in no case shall stand in any force or effect to the sayd partes. Moreouer, the day and forme of the citation, we will that ye faythfully do intimate vnto vs by your letters con∣taining the tenor therof. And if both of you can not be present at the execution hereof, yet we will notwithstāding that one of you do execute the same without fayle.

Dated the 7. Kal. Febr. the 10. yeare of our Popedome.

As the••e is no mā which hath any eies to see, but may ••asely vnderstand in reading this letter of the Pope, how vnreasonable his request is how impudently he commaū∣deth, how proudly he threatneth, how wickedly he oppres∣seth and racketh the Church of God, in placing boyes and straungers in the ministery & cure of soules, & also in ma∣king them his prouisors, to rauen vp the Church goodes: So is it no great maruell,* 71.3 if this godly Bishoppe Robert Grosted was offended therwith. who in my mind, deser∣ueth herein a double commendation, not onely that he so wisely did discerne error from sincerity and truth: but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the defence therof agaynst the Pope, according as in this his answere to the Pope agayne may appeare, as foloweth.

The aunswere of Robert Grosted.

* 72.1SAlutem. Pleaseth it your wisedome to vnderstand, that I am not disobedient to any the Apostolicke precepts: but both de∣uoutly & reuerently with the natural affectiō of a sonne obey the same: And also am an vtter enemy to al those that resist such Apo∣stolick precepts, as a childe zelous of his fathers honor. And tru∣ly I am no lesse then bound therunto by the precept and cōmaū∣dement of God. For the Apostolick preceptes are none other nor can be, then consonant and vniforme to the doctrine of the A∣postles, and of our Sauiour Christ being the maister and Lorde of all the Apostles: whose type and person, specially in the con∣sonant and vniforme hierarchie of the Church, the Lord Pope se∣meth to beare (the same our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christe, saying) whosoeuer is not with me, the same i•• agaynst me: There∣fore, agaynst him, neither is nor can be, the most diuine sanctitye of the sea Apostolicall. The tenour then of ••our foresayd Aposto∣licall letter is not consonant to true sanctity but vtterly dissonāt and disagreeing to the same. First, for that vpon the clause of this your letter & many such other letters like, which clause alwayes ye so much do vrge (Non obstante) induced and brought in vpon no necessity of any naturall law to be obserued: doth swarme, and floweth with all inconstancy, boldnes, pertinacy, impudency, ly∣ing, & deceiuing, and is also a sea of mistrust in geuing credit to no man. Which as it swarmeth with these, so in like maner with innumerable other vices which hang and depend vpon the same: mouing and disturbing the purity of Christian religion and lyfe agreable to the same, as also the publique tranquility of men. Moreouer, next after the sinne of Lucifer (which shalbe in the lat∣ter time, to wit, of Antichrist the childe of perdition, whome the Lord shall destroy with the breath of his mouth) there is not nor can be any kinde of sinne so repugnant and contrary to the doc∣trine of the Apostles ••nd holy scripture & to our sauiour Christ himselfe more hatefull, detestable and abhominable: then to de∣stroy and kill mens soules by defrauding them of the mistery of the pastorall office which by the ministery of the postorall cure ought to saue and quicken the same. Which sinne, by most eui∣dent places of the Scripture such men are discerned & knowne to commit: which being in the authority of the Pastorall dignity, do serue their owne carnall desires and necessaries, with the be∣nefit of the milke and wooll of the sheep and flocke of Christ: and do not minister the same Pastorall office and charge to the bene∣fite and saluation of those theyr sheep. The same therefore by the testimony of the Scripture, is not the administration of the Pa∣storall ministery but the killing and destruction of the sheep. And that these two kinde of vices be most vile and wicked (although after a differryng sorte) and farre exceeding all other kinde of wickednesse, hereby it is manifest: For that the same are di∣rectly contrary to two vertues most chiefely good (although dif∣ferring in themselues) and vnlike together. For that is called most wicked which is contrary to a thing most best. So much then as lyeth in the offenders, the one of their offences is direct∣ly agaynst the deity, which of himselfe is alwayes essentially and supernaturally good: The other is agaynst the deification and the Image of God in man, which is not alwayes but by the participa∣tion of Gods lightsome grace essentially and naturally God. And forasmuch as in thinges being good, the cause of good is better then the effect: & like as againe in euill things the cause of euill is worse then the effect of euil proceeding therof: hereby it is mani∣fest: That the inducers of such wicked destroyers of Gods Image and deification in the sheep of Christ (that is the church of God) are worse thē those chief destroiers, to wit, Lucifer & Antichrist.

And as in these degrees of wickednes how much more excel∣lent such be, who hauing a great charge committed to them of God (to edif••ication, and not to destruction) are more bound to keep away and exclude such wicked destroyers from the church of God:* 72.2 So much is it also of that, that this holy seat Apostolicall to whom the Lord Iesus Christ hath geuen all maner of power (to edification as the Apostle sayth, and not to destruction) can commaund, or will to goe about any such thing, vrging vnto so great wickednesse, so odible, detestable, and abhominable to our Lord Iesus Christ and also so pernitious to mankinde. For this should be a great defection, corruption, and abuse of the sayd seat and fulnesse of power, and an vtter separation from the glorious throne of our Lord Iesus Christ, and a neare neighborhood vnto the two most principall princes of darcknes, sitting in the chaire of pestilence,* 72.3 prepared to the paynes of hell. Neither can any mā which is subiect and faythfull to the sayd sea (and not cut away from the body of Christ, and from the sayd holy sea) with sincere and vnspotted conscience▪ obe•• such maner of precepts and cō∣maundementes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what so••uer other attemptes proceeding, yea though from the high order of aungels themselues: but rather ought of necessity with all their strength to withstand & rebell a∣gainst the same. Wherfore my reuerend Lorde, I like an obedient childe vpon my bound duty of obedience & fidelity, which I owe to bot•• the * 72.4 parentes of this holy Apostolicke sea, and partly for loue of vnity in the body of Christ ioyned with the sayd sea: doe not obey but withstand and vtterly rebell agaynst these things in the said letter contained, & especially which vrge and tend to the foresayd wickednes: so abhominable to the Lorde Iesus Christ, so repugnant to the holines of the holy Apostolick sea, & so cōtrary to the vnity of the catholick ••aith. Neither for this cause can your discretiō determine any extremity vnto me, because al my doing and gaynsaying in this matter is no resistaunce nor rebellion, but a▪ childly obedience to the diuine precept and honour due both to * 72.5 Father and Mother. Briefly therefore repeating my wordes I say: that this holy Apostolicke sea cannot do any thing but to e∣dification, and nothing at all to destruction. For this is the fulnes of power, to be able to do all thinges to edification. But these which you call prouisions, be not to edification, but to manifest destruction. The holy Apostolicke sea therfore cannot nor ought to attempt any such thing, because that flesh and bloud which cā∣not enter into the kingdome of God hath reuealed the same, and not the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ which is in heauen.

Then followeth it in the story both of Mathaeus Parisiē∣sis and of Florilegus,* 72.6 in these words: That when this Epi∣stle came to the knowledge of the Pope, he fuming & fret∣••ing, with anger and indignation answered, with a fierce looke and proud minde sayng: what olde doting franticke wretch is this so boldely, & rashly to iudge of my doinges? By sweet S. Peter and Paule, were it not but that vpon our own clemency and good nature we are restrayned,* 72.7 we would hurle him down to such confusion, that we would make him a fable, a gasing stock, an example and wonder∣ment to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassall? and to say more, our mansiple or page (to vse the very wordes of mine author) which may at our pleasure & becke both hamper him, and imprison him and put him to vtter shame? This when the Pope in his great fury and rage had vttered amōgst his b••••thren the Cardinals, who were scarce able to appease the furious violence of y^e pope, with milde moderatiō of words, they sayd vnto him: that it was not expediēt for thē to proceed agaynst that bishop in such rig••rous m••ner, For sayd they to confesse the truth to your holynes, it is but very truth that he affirmeth, nei∣ther can we condemn him therfore. He is a catholick man yea also a holy man: more holy & also religious thē we our selues:* 72.8 a man of excellent wit and excellent life, so as it is thought among all the Prelats he hath not his better nor yet his like. This is not yet vnknowne both to the french & English clergy vniuersally, neither can our cōtradictiō preuail against him: The truth of this his epistle perhaps is knowne now to many & shall stir vp many against vs: for he hath the name to be a great Philosopher and singu∣larly seene in all the tounges both Greeke, Latine & He∣brue: zelous in iustice, a reader of diuinity in the scholes, •• preacher amongst the people, a louer of Chastity, & a per∣secutor

of Simony. These words spake L. ••iles, a Spa∣nish Cardinall to the Pope and other mo moued by theyr cōscience to speak. And this coūsell they gaue to the Pope, that he should dissemble and wincke at these thinges as one not seing or regarding them: least otherwise perhaps, some tumult might rise and spring thereof: Especially se∣ing this is manifest and known to all men, that once must needes come a defection and parting from the Church of Rome.* 72.9

Not long after this (about the canicular dayes) thys reuerend & godly Robert bishop of Lincolne lying at his manor place in Bugden fell greuously sicke: and therupon within few dayes departed. In the time of his sickenes he called to him a certayne Frier, of the preaching order na∣med M. Iohn Giles, a man expert & cunning both in phi∣sick & Diuinity: partly to receiue of him some cōfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in spirituall matters. Thus vpō a certeine day, the said. B. cōferring w^t the fore∣sayd M. Iohn, & riciting to him the doings & procedings of the Pope: did greuously rebuke & reprehend his fellow brethren the preaching Friers, and the other order also of the Minorites. That for so much as their order being plā∣ted in wilfull pouerty of the spirit, to the intēt they should more frely carpe and reproue the vices of the mighty, & not to flatter or spare them, but sharply to rebuke & reprehend the same: The said Friers contrary to theyr profession did not boldly enough cry out and inuey against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did vncouer nor de¦tect their faults and wickednes. And therfore sayd the Bi∣shop, I iudge them to be no better thē manifest hereticks: And addeth moreouer (demaunding of M. Iohn) what is heresy? and that he should geue him the true difinition therof. wherat, when the Frier did stay and pause, not re∣membring the solemne difinition of that matter: the By∣shop therupon inferreth, geuing this difinition in Latine, by the true interpretation of the Greek word:* 72.10 Heresis Grae∣ce, electio Latine, est sententia humano sensu electa, Scripturae sacrae contraria, palam docta, pertinaciter defensa. That is. ••e∣resy is a sentence taken and chosen of mans owne brayne,* 72.11 contrary to holy Scripture, openly mayntained, and stifly defended. And this difinitiō geuen consequently he infer∣red sharpely reprehending the Prelates of the church, but especially the Romaines: which commit the charge of sou∣les vnto their kinsfolks being both in age vnworthy, and in learning vnsufficient. To geue sayth he, the charge of soules to a boy is a sentence of a prelate chosen and taken of mans own head, onely for carnall and earthly respect: & also is contrary to holy scripture the which forbiddeth any such to be made ministers or pastors, which are not suffici∣ent to driue away the wolues.* 72.12 And moreouer it is also o∣penly mayntayned, because it is manifestly borne abroad and cōmaunded, with chartes imbulled both with waxe & lead. And finally, it is stifly defended: for if any man shall dare to presume to withstand the same, he is suspensed and excommunicated and open warre cryed out agaynst him: Therfore to whom the whole definitiō of an heretick doth agree, he is a very heretick. But euery faythfull Christian man ought to set himselfe agaynst an heretick as much as he may: wherefore he that can resist him and doth not, he sinneth and seemeth to be a fautor thereof according to the saying of Gregory.* 72.13 He lacketh not cōscience of secret socie∣tye which ceaseth to resist open impietye. But the Friers both Franciscanes and Dominicks, are most chiefly boūd to withstand such, seing both of them haue the gift of prea∣ching cōmitted to them by their office, and be more apt to the sayd office, by reason of their pouerty: And therfore, do not onely offend in not resisting such, but also are to be roū¦ted mayntayners of the same, according to the sentence of the Apostle to the Romains saying: Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent are worthy of death.* 72.14 wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the Pope (vnlesse he cease frō that vice) as also the same Fri∣ers, vnlesse they shew themselues more earnest and studi∣ous in repelling the same, are both worthy of death, that is, perpetuall damnation. Item sayth the Canon decretal, that vpon this vice of heresy the Pope both may & ought to be accused.

After this, the vehemency of his disease more & more increasing and because the nightes were something lōger: the third night before his departure, the bishop feeling his infirmity to grow vpon him willed certaine of his clergy to be called vnto him, therby to be refreshed with some cō∣ference or communicatiō:* 72.15 unto whom the bishop mour∣ning and lamenting in his minde for the losse of soules through the auarice of the Popes court sayd on this wise, as by certayne Aphorismes.

1. Christ came into the world to saue and win soules: Er∣go, he that feareth not to destroy soules, may he not wor∣thely be counted Antichrist?

2. The Lord created the whole world in sixe dayes, but in restoring of man he labored more then 30. yeres. wherfore he that is a destroier of that, about which the Lord so long labored, is not he worthy to be coūted the enemy of God, and Antichrist?

3. The Pope shameth not impudently to adnihilate and disanull the priuileges of his holy predecessors of Romain Bishops,* 72.16 by this obstacle (Non obstante) which is not done without the preiudice and manifest iniury of them, For in so doing, he doth reproue and destroy that which so many and so holy men haue builded vp before, and thus semeth he to be a contenmer of the Saints: worthely therefore he that contemneth shall be contemned, according to the say∣ing of Esay: woe to thee that doest despise, for shalt not y^u thy selfe be despised? And who shall keepe his priuiledges which so breaketh the priuiledges of others.

4. The Pope answering hereunto thus defēdeth perhaps his error.* 72.17 He that is equall, hath no superiority ouer his e∣quall. Therfore, no Pope hath power to binde me being pope as well as he. To this I answere agayne (quoth the Bishop) It seemeth to me, that he that now presently is sayling in the daūgerous seas of this world: and he that is safely ariued in the hauen, hauing past all ieopardyes, are not both like and equall. Graūt that some Popes be saued (God forbid any should say contrary.) Then sayth our sa∣uiour: He that is least in the kingdome of heauē, is grea∣ter then Iohn Baptist, a greater thē whom did neuer rise amongst the children of men. Is not therefore some Pope greater being a giuer and cōfirmer of priuileges then this that is aliue? Truely me thinkes he is greater. Therefore he hath dominion ouer his inferior.

5. Doth not the Pope thus say,* 72.18 speaking of all his prede∣cessours for the most part: This our predecessor, and thys our predecessor of most worthy memory. &c. And agayne, we (sayth he) cleauing to, or following the steppes of our predecessors. &c. And why then doe such Popes as ••me after, destroy these foundations which their predecessors haue layd?

6. Many Apostolicke men comming after, haue confir∣med some priuiledge being graunted by other before: And be not many Bishops being already saued by the grace of God, to be counted greater and better then one Byshopp which hath not yet atteined, but standeth in daūger to ob∣tayne that which the other haue got already?

7. Also our former fathers bishops of y^• Apostolical sea, in prefermēt of time go before the other, which in time come after. And those whom the estimatiō of auncient time doth aduaunce, such are we boūd to esteme and to haue in more reuerence. This did the holy man Benedict well consider who in his rule preferreth such as came first in time, what so euer men they were, before them, which (albeit being more auncient in yeares) come after them into the order: & commaundeth them to be theyr superiors, and to haue the preheminence. which being so (as it is) true and certayne: how commeth then this iniurious and rash presumption, which dare repeale and disanull, the old priuileges of ma∣ny auncient holy Bishops, in time and in reuerence going before them.

8. Moreouer,* 72.19 and though many Popes haue bene grie∣uous to the Churche, yet this Pope most specially hath brought it most into seruitude & manifold wayes hath dā∣nified the same. For these Caursini, these open vsurers, whō our holy forefathers and doctors (whom we haue seene) and namely our learned maister in Fraunce preacher: also the Abbot of Flay a Cistercian: maister Iacobus de veteri, and maister Steph. Archbishop of Cant. in the time of his banishment: And also maister Rob. Curcun, with his prea∣ching, banished out of Fraunce (for before that time these kinde of ••surers were neuer knowne in England) the same Caursini, these wicked vsurers (I say) were by thys Pope induced, supported and mayntayned: so that if any do speak against them, he is miserably tossed and tro••••sed for his labor, wherof partly Roger bishop of London hath some experience.

9. The world doth know,* 72.20 that vsury is counted a detesta∣ble thing in both the Testamēts, and is forbidden of God. But now the Popes usurers or Exchaungers (the very Iewes crying out agaynst them) being openly suffered in London to exercise their vsury, to the great damage & de∣trimēt of all ecclesiasticall persons (but especially houses of religion) compelling such as be in pouerty, to counterfeit, and to put to their scales vnto forged writinges: which is no lesse then to commit Idolatry,* 72.21 and to abrenoūce the ve∣ritye whiche is God himselfe. As for example, I borow 100. Markes for a yeare, in stead of 100. Poundes. I am

compelled to make my writing, and to seale the same, con∣fessing that I haue receiued in borow an 100. pounds to be repaied againe at the yeares end to such a man. &c. And if it shall chaunce that your occupying be such, that wythin a moneth you bring againe the principall to the Popes vsu∣rer, hee will receaue no lesse notwithstanding, then his ful 100. poundes:* 72.22 which condition of vsurie is much woorse then that of the Iewes. For to the Iewe what principall you bring, he wil require no more then proportionally, for the commensuration of so much time, wherein his money hath bene out of his hands.

10. Moreouer,* 72.23 we haue sene & knowen the Pope to haue geuen in charge and commaundement to the Friers prea∣chers, and minorites: to enquire diligently for such as lie sicke and like to die, and so comming to them diligently to perswade them, to make their wils and Testamentes fa∣••orably to the profite and subsidie of the holy lande, and to take the crosse vpon them, that if they do amend, they may wring them in the law. And if they die, they may wrast the money from their executors.

11. We haue knowen likewise and seene men that haue ta∣ken the vowe and signe of the crosse vpon them,* 72.24 to be solde to lay men, as sheepe and oxen were wont in time past, to be sold in the temple.

We haue seene w^t our eyes, the Popes letter, in which we haue foūd this to be written: that they which bequeath any thing to the behoofe or subsidy of the holy land, shal re∣ceiue so much indulgence, as they haue disbursed money.

12. Ouer and beside all this, the Pope in diuers and sun∣dry his letters, hath willed and commaunded Prelates to receaue into Ecclesiasticall benefices, and to prouide some such liuing in their Churches, as shall be sufficient to such and such a straunger, (being both absent, and also vnwor∣thy) which haue neither learning, nor yet the language of the countrey: whereby they are neither able to preach, nor to heare confessions, nor to kepe residence for to refresh the poore and waifarers.

* 72.2513. Item, we knowe and haue seene our selues, that the Pope hath wrytten to the Abbot of S. Albane, to prouide for one called Iohn de Camezana, whome hee neuer sawe, in some competent benefice. wherupon in fewe dayes after, when prouision was made for him in a certaine Churche, worth 40. markes by the yeare and more: the partie being not therewith contented, complained to the Pope. who then wryting to the foresayde Abbot, commaunded him to prouide for the foresaide M. Iohn in some better thing, re∣seruing notwithstanding the gift of the former benefice, to himselfe.

* 72.2614. Againe, not long after came also to the house of y^e fore∣sayd Abbot two other persons like begging vagabondes, bringing with them the Popes letters: in the tenor wher∣of the Abbot was commanded, that incontinent vpon the sight thereof, he should geue & disburse to the sayd persons for the expedition and dispatch of his affaires 10. marks in hand, without any delay or sticking: The which persones vttering to the Abbot proude and threatning woordes, he was faine to agree with them and send them away.

* 72.2715. Item, of men which are both holy and well learned, which haue left the world for the following of God in such order, as they ought not to turne backe againe, the Pope of them maketh hys Tolners and bankers to gette in his mony: The which charge they are compelled against their willes to take vpon them, least they should seme to be dis∣obedient: and so of spirituall men, are made more secular then the most secular. And so, y^e basenesse of their chimmers and scapillers which they weare, doth proue them to be li∣ers: whilest vnder the habite of pouerty and humiliation, lurketh the spirite of pride and elation. And because no Le∣gate may be sent into England, but being first required of the king: the Pope sendeth sophisticall Legates and suche as be disguised in counterfet apparell, and are garded with great might and power: neither is it hard to bring foorth examples thereof. For so many such daily do come into the realme, that to heare the names of them recited, it woulde be tedious for any man to heare.

16. Furthermore (as we haue seene our selues) the Pope graunteth for secular fauor,* 72.28 that a man may haue a Bisho∣pricke, and yet be no Bishop consecrated, Sed electus sempi∣ternus, that is, elect for euer. which is as much to signify, to haue the milke and the wolle of the sheepe, and not to kepe the wolues away from the sheepe: To retaine the rents of a Bishop, and not discharge the function of a Bishop.

And when this godly Bishop had thus reproued these and such other detestable enormities of the court of Rome: as all kinds of auarice, their vsurie, their simonie, their ex∣tortion, all kindes of filthinesse, fleshly lust, glottonie, and their sumptuous apparell raigning in that Court: then sayth he, this old verse may be truely verified vpon it.

Eius auariciae totus non sufficit orbis, Eius luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis.

All the worlde cannot suffice their greedie auarous minde, Nor all the drabs and naughty packes their filthy lusting kinde.

Afterwarde he went about more to prosecute, how ••he foresaide court like a gulph neuer satisfied, euer gaping (so wide, that the floude of Iordane might runne into hys mouth) aspired howe to vsurpe the goodes of them that die vntested, and of Legacies bequeathed wythout forme of law, and whereby more licentiously to bring this to passe, they vsed to ioyne the king to be fel••ow and partaker with them in their spoyles, extortions, and robbings. Neyther sayeth he, shall the Church be deliuered from the seruitude of Egypt but by violence and force,* 72.29 and wyth the bloudie sword. And albeit sayeth he, these be yet but sight matters, yet shortly more great and greuous things then these shall be seene.

And in the end of this his propheciyng which he scars∣ly coulde vtter,* 72.30 wyth sighing, sobbing and weeping, his tounge and breath began to rai••e, and so the organe of hys voyce being stopped, made an ende both of his speache and life. Ex Math. Paris.

And for as much as mention hath bene made before, of the insatiable a••arice of the Popes court by his inordinate prouisions and reseruations, it is testified by the sayde au∣thor Math. Paris that the foresayd Robert Grosted being bi∣shop of Lincolne, caused to be vewed and considered dili∣gently of his clearks,* 72.31 what the reuenues of forreiners and strangers within England set in by the Pope, came to by the yeare: and it was founde and euidently tried, that thys Pope now present, to wit, Innocentius 4. did empouerish the vniuersall Churche throughout Christendome, more then all his predecessours from the time the Pope first be∣gan: So that the reuenues of forreiners and clearkes pla∣ced by him heere in Englande, mounted to the summe of 70000. markes and aboue, whereas the mere reuenues of the crowne came not to 30000.

Of this Robert Grosted wryteth Cestrensis in his 7. booke of his historie: that partly for that it greeued hym to see y^e intollerable exactions of the Pope in this realme, and partly because he refused to admitte a certaine younge ne∣phew of the Pope to be canon of his Church (as hath bene before recited). He therefore wryting to the Pope, and sig∣nifying that he could not admit any such persons into hys Church, which neither knewe themselues, nor the tounge of the people, nor the charges committed vnto them: was called vp to Rome,* 72.32 and there excommunicated, who then appealing from y^e Pope, shortly after departed, which was An. 1253. It chanced within 2. yeares after his decease, the sayde Pope Innocent being a slepe: a certaine Bishop ap∣parelled bishop like, appeared vnto him, and striking him with his staffe on his left side, sayde: Surge miser veni in iu∣dicium. That is. Rise wretch and come to thy iudgement. The next day after, the Pope was found amased as a man stroken on the side with the stroke of a staffe. This Robert though he was greatly commended for his sanctimony, & as Cestrensis sayeth, for his myracles: yet was he not per∣mitted in the court of Rome to be ascribed in the Cataloge of Saintes. And thus much out of Cestrensis concernyng thys matter. But Math. Paris. and the author of Flores histo∣riarum prosecuting thys storie more at large, addeth thys more vnto it & sayth. That Pope Innocent the next yeare folowing,* 72.33 which was An. 1254. being passing angry: con∣trary to the minde of his brethren the Cardinals, woulde haue the bones of the foresayd byshop of Lincolne cast out of the Church, and purposed to bring him into suche spite and hatred of the people, that he shuld be counted an Eth∣nicke, a rebell, and disobedient person through the whole worlde. And thereuppon caused his letters to be wrytten and sent downe to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serue him therein to haue the spoyle of the bishop and of his church. But the night following, the said B. of Linc. appeared vnto him as cōming in his pon∣tificalibus, and w^t a seuere coūtenance and sterne loke, and terrible voyce speaketh vnto him being in his rest, & smi∣ting him on the side with a vehement stroke with the ende of his crossestaffe thus said,* 72.34 O thou scourfie, lazie, old, bald, lousie, wretched, doting Pope. Hast thou purposed to cast out my bones out of the Church to the shame and slaunder of me? Now commeth this rash wilfulnesse in thy head? It were more meete for thee being this aduaunced by God & honoured, to make much of the zelous seruaunts of God, although departed. The lord wil not suffer thee hēceforth to haue any more power ouer me. I haue writtē vnto thee

in the spirit of humilitie and loue, that thou shouldest cor∣rect thy manifolde errors. But thou wyth a proud eye and disdainful hart hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised? And so the Bishop departing from the Pope, stroken as is said on the side, le••t him for half dead, and so lying in sorow & lamentation. Wherupon his chamberlains being ama∣sed hearing these things, came rūning to the pope to know what him ailed. To whome the Pope much troubled and bexed in his spirit, sayd: that great terrors in his slepe, ve∣hemently disturbed and molested him in such sorte, that he thought he should neuer recouer it, nor be restored to him∣selfe againe. Oh (sayeth he) howe sore is my side, and howe egerly it vexeth me, as being runne through with a speare. Neither did the Pope eate or drinke all that day,* 72.35 but fai∣ning himself to be sicke of a burning ague, kept in. And yet the indignation of the irefull hand of God (sayth the story) so left him not.

For after these wholesome admonitions geuen to hym by the seruaunt of God:* 72.36 the Pope not regarding them, but all set vpon warre, suppression of his enemies, and secular affaires, gaue his minde wholy vnto them. And yet all his labors, counsailes, & expences bestowed vpon them, could neuer prosper after that day, in that he wēt about. For the Pope the same time hauing warre with the Apulians, all his army fighting vnder y^e Popes nephew their captaine, were slaine & confounded the number of many thousands.* 72.37 whose lamentable slaughter al y^e countrey of the Romains did much bewaile. The Pope not yet quiet in his minde, directeth his iorney towarde Naples, although sore vexed in his side like a man sicke of a plurisie, or s••itten rather w^t a speare. Neither could any phisicke of his Cardinals help him. For Robert of Lincolne (sayth the story) did not spare him. And hee that woulde not heare him gently correcting him, being aliue, his stripes did he feele whē he was dead. So that hee neuer after that enioyed any luckie or prospe∣rous day, till time of his death: nor yet any prosperous or quiet night vntill the morning.* 72.38 And so continued he vnto his death, which shortly after ensued, he being at Naples. An.* 72.39 1255. or as N. Triuet recordeth. An. 1254. And thus haue ye the whole discourse betweene Robert Grosted & Pope Innocent.

¶* 72.40In the which story is to be noted (gentle reader) that although in the storie of Cestrensis, of Mathewe Paris and of Flor. hist. it is expresly testified and reported, that the Pope was smitten with the staffe of Robert the foresaid Byshop of Lincolne: yet thou must wisely vnderstand, that how so euer Gods hand dealeth heere in this world in punishing his enemies, or how so euer the Image of things not sene but phantasied, offer themselues to the secrete cogitation of man (his senses being a slepe) by the operation or permissi∣on of God, woorking after some spirituall influence in our imaginations: certaine it is, that no dead man materially can euer rise againe or appeare, before the iudgement day, to any man with his staffe or without his staffe, to woorke any feate, after he haue once departed this life.

* 72.41After the death of this Robert Grosted bishop of Lin∣colne, great dissention fel betwene the Archb. of Cant. Bo∣niface, and the canons of the said church of Lincolne, about the right of geuing prebendships, and about the reuenues of the said church, in time of the bishops see being now va∣cant. Which right & power the Archbishop claimed to him selfe, but the canons of that Church (maintaining the con∣trary side) stood against him,* 72.42 and for the same were excom∣municated of the Archbishop. Amōg whom, one M. Wolf resisting the Archb. to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made vp his appeale to Rome, where much mo∣ney on both sides was spent. At length, after this Grosted, was elected Henry Lexinton in the see of Lincolne.

About which time, the wicked Iewes at Lincolne had cruelly crucified, whipped, & tormented a certaine child na∣med Hugo of 9. yeres of age. An. 1255. in the month of Au∣gust. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. At length the childe being sought & found by y^e mother, being cast in a pit. 32. of those abhomi∣nable Iewes were put to executiō.* 72.43 wherof Mathew Pa∣ris. reciteth a long storie. The same or like fact was also in∣tended by y^e like Iewes at Norwich 20. yeres before vpon a certaine childe, whom they had first circumcised, & detei∣ned a whole yere in custodie, intending to crucifie him, for the which the Iewes were sent vp to the tower of Lōdon, of whom 18.* 72.44 were hanged, & the rest remained long in pri∣son. Ex Cestrens. lib. 7. Of this wicked Iewish people I find also in the boke of Flor. hist. that about this yere of our Lord 1255. they began first to be expelled out of Fraunce, by the commaundement of the French king, being then in Pale∣stina, warring against the Turkes: By the occasion that it was obiected then by the Turke against him and other Christian princes,* 72.45 for the reteining the Iewes amōgst thē which did crucify our sauiour, and warring agaynst them which did not crucifye him. Ex Flor. Hist Of these Iewes moreouer king Henry the same yere 1255. exacted to be ge∣uen vnto him 8000. markes in paine of hanging. Who be∣ing much agreued therwith, & complayning that the king went about their destruction,* 72.46 desired leaue to be geuen thē of the king, that they might depart the realm, neuer to re∣turne agayne. But the king committed the doing of that matter vnto Earle Richard his brother, to enforce them to pay y^e mony whether they would or no. Moreouer of the same Iewes mention is made in the story intituled Eulo∣giū. Of the Iewes in Northhampton,* 72.47 who had amōg thē¦selues prepared wilde fire, to burn the city of Londō. For the which diuers of thē were takē, & burned in the time of Lent, in the said city of Northhamptō, which was 2. yeres before, about the yere of our Lord. 1253. Ex Eulogio. And for so much as mention here is made of the Iewes, I cannot omit what some English storyes write of a certaine Iew: who not long after this time about the yeare of our Lord.* 72.48 1257. fell into a priuy at ••uekesbury vpon a Sabboth day which for the great reuerence he had to his holy Sabboth, would not suffer himselfe to be plucked out. And so Lord Richarde Earle of Glocester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawne out on sonday for reuerence of the holy day. And thus the wretched superstitious Iew re∣maining there till Monday, was found dead in the dong.

And to note the blinde superstitiō of that time, not on∣ly among the Iewes, but also among the christians, to o∣mit diuers other storyes as of Walter Gray,* 72.49 Archbish. of Yorke, who comming vp to the Parliamēt at Londō. an. 1255. w^t vnordinate fasting, did so ouercharge nature, & py∣ned himselfe, & (as the story mētioneth) did so drye vp hys braine: that he losing therby all appetite of stomack, going to Fulham,* 72.50 there within 3. dayes died, as in the compiler of Flor. Hist. is both storyed and reprehended. Let this also be adioyned, which the forenamed author, and in the same yere is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who di∣yng in Fraūce,* 72.51 an. 1255. left in bequest of his testamēt 600. marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Mertō for God to be serued there perpetually pro anima eius, & om∣nium fideliū i for his soules health, and all faythfull soules. As who would say, Christian fayth were not the ordinary meanes sufficient to saluation of faythfull soules, without the quire seruice of the Monkes of Merton.

Ye haue heard it often complained before, how y^e vsur∣ped power of the Pope hath violētly and presumptuously encroched vpon the Church of England,* 72.52 in geuing & con∣ferring benefices and prebends to his Italians and stran∣gers, to the great damage and ruine of Christes flock ma∣nifold waies. This violent iniury & oppression of y^e Pope, as by no lawfull and gentle meanes could be reformed: so by occasion & meanes inordinate about this time, it began somwhat to be brideled. The matter whereof was this, as it is in the collector of Flor. Hist. recited. In the dayes of the raigne of this king 44. The Byshop of London named Fulco, had geuen a certaine prebende in the Church of S. Paul, to one master Rustandus y^e Popes messenger heere in Englande. Who entring into the profession of the gra••e friers, & shortly after dying on the other side of the sea: the Pope immediatly conferred the sayd prebend to one of his specials,* 72.53 a like straunger, as y^e other was before. About the same instant it befel, that the bishop also of London decea∣sed, wherby the byshoprick now vacant fell into the kings handes. Who hearing of the death of y^e forenamed Rustan∣dus, gaue the sayd prebendship (geuen of the Pope before) to one Iohn Crakehale his vnder treasurer. Who with all solemnitie tooke his installation, vnknowing as yet that it was bestowed of the Pope before. It was not lōg after as time grew, but this being noised at Rome, forthwith com∣meth downe a certaine Proctor named Iohn Gras wyth the Popes embulled letters, to receaue the collation of the benefice by his commission procuratory, geuen by y^e Pope: wherin Iohn Crakehale had bene already installed, as is aforesaide,* 72.54 by the kings donation. This matter comming in trauise before Boniface Archbishop of Cant. hee inqui∣ring and searching which donation was the first, finding the popes graunt to be the former, gaue sentence with him against the king: so that in conclusion, the Romane clearke had the aduauntage of the benefice, although the other had long enioyed the possession therof before. Thus the popes man being preferred, and the Englishman excluded, after the partie had bene inuested & stalled after the vse and ma∣ner, hee as thinking to be in sure possession of his place, at∣tempted with the rest to enter the Chapter house, but was not permitted so to do: wherupon the popes clerke geuing place to force and number, went toward the archbishop to

complaine.* 72.55 This being knowne, certaine recluses pursued him, and so being compassed about, one in the thicknesse of the throng being neuer after knowne, sodenly rushing vp∣on him, a ••itle aboue his eies so pareth of his head, y^• he fell downe dead. The same also was done to an other of his fe∣lowes in fleing away. This hainous murder being famed abroad, strait inquirie therof was made, but the deede doer could not be knowen. Although great suspition was laide vpon Crakhale the kings Chaplein, yet no proofe could be brought. But moste men thought, y^• bloudy fact to be done by certaine ruffians, or other light persons about the City or the Court, disdaining belike, that the Romanes were so enriched wyth Englishmens liuings, by whome neyther came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly instruction to the flocke of Christ. And therefore, because they sawe the Church and realme of England in such subiection, and so much to be troden downe by the Romanes and the popes messengers: they thought therby somthing to bridle, as w^t a snaffell, the Popes messengers, from their vntemperate ranging into this land. Ex Flor. Hist.

* 72.56¶Heere by the way is to be noted, that vnto the death of this foresayde Fulco Byshop of London, continueth the history of Mathew Paris. monk of S. Albons, which was to the yeare of grace 1260. The residue was continued by an other Monke of the same house, but not wyth such like commendation, worthy to make any autentike story, as I haue seene it noted in a written booke.

It were to tedious and curious in order to prosecute what happened in euery yere, through this kings raigne: as how it was prouided by y^e king, that whosoeuer coulde despend 15. li. land by yere, should be ••ound to make to the king a souldiour, that watch should be kept euery night in Cities: that who soeuer was robbed or otherwise damni∣fied in any countrey, he that had the custody, shuld be com∣pelled to make vp the losse againe, or els to pursue the ma∣lefactor, which was An. 1253. witnessing Flores hist. Item, how the king making his viage into ••ascone, his expen∣ses were reckened to mount 270000. marks, beside 30000. Markes bestowed vpon his brethren by the mother side, & beside other great gifts geuen abroad. By reason wher∣of, great taxes and colonies and tenthes were required of his subiects, especially of the Churchmen: who were wont to receiue tithes of other, nowe were constrained to geue tithes to the laitie. Flores Hist. An. 1254. Item, howe in the yeare next following, the Londoners offring a 100. li. for a gift to the king with a precious cup of gold, at his returne out of Fraunce, were shortly after compelled by the King to pay 3000. Marks, for the scape of a certaine prisoner be∣ing a clerke condemned: which clerke being graunted of the King to the Bishop, and he hauing no prison sufficient for him, borrowed of the Londiners to haue him kept in the prison of Newgate, who escaping thereout, they as is sayde, were demaunded this recompence aforesaide. Anno 1255. Item, how the king greatly complaining of his debt, the same yeare required the whole tenthes, which shoulde be gathered in 3. yeres, to be takē vp all at once. To whose request, the nobles and commons agreed to straine them∣selues, so that the Charter of their liberties and customes might be ratified, & fully by him confirmed. And so for that yeare they were.* 72.57 Flores Hist. Item, howe Pope Alexander the 3. to destroy the city Michera, with king Menfrede the sonne of Fredericke the Emperor, sent foorth the same yere Octauianus his Cardinall with a puissant armie:* 72.58 who comming to the City with his siege, through the counsaile of Marchisius one of the chiefe Captaines, discharged a great part of his hoste, whereby the most of the Popes ar∣my was slaine and destroyed, almost all, saue onely the fa∣milie of Marchisius. An. 1255. Flor. Mat. Paris.

* 72.59Many other thynges during the time of thys King might be congested, as the rising of Lewlynus King of Wales and of the welshmē against the king, and wasting the land vnto the towne of Chester, who destroyed diuers of the Englishmen horsemen, taken in the Marrys, wyth whom at length they fel to agremēt by the meanes of Oc∣tobonus: that his successors should be called princes onely of Wales, and shuld do the king his homage. And the king of him to receaue 3000. Markes. And this being stablished in wryting,* 72.60 was confirmed by the Popes seale. An. 1257. Ex Polychron.

About the same time, such famine oppressed the land and lacke of victuals,* 72.61 that a summe of corne was then solde for 26. shillings: in somuch, that the pouerty were forced to eat nettle rootes, thissell rootes, & whatsoeuer they could gette. Ex Eulogio. Although some refer this to the yere 1262.

Hereunto moreouer might be adioyned, how Pope A∣lexander abusing and mocking the kings simplicity, made him beleeue that he would make his sonne Edmund king of Apulia,* 72.62 so that he would sustaine the charges and costes thereof, to maintaine the warre which thereto shoulde ap∣pertaine. Whereby the king cast in a sodaine hope, caused his sonne incōtinent to be proclaimed king of Apulia. And vpon the same sent vp to the pope all y^e riches he could wel make in his realme. And thus was the realme manifolde waies miserably unpouerished to enrich the pope. Ex Flor•• Hist. About which season, Rich. Earle of Exceter the kings brother, was made king of Almaine by the Electours.

Here might be shewed moreouer, and added to the sto∣ries aboue, how the yere next following, which was 1259. (as Nicholas Triuet wryteth,) the King entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Norman∣die and Angiew, as of olde righte was due vnto him, and wrongfully with holden from him. But the French King againe alledged, saying: that the coūtrey of Normandie by old time was not geuē away from the crowne of France, but vsurped, and by force extorted by Rollo. &c. In cōclu∣sion, the King fearing and suspecting the hearts of his no∣bles, and looking for none other but for rebellion at home, durst not try w^t them, but was compelled to agree w^t them vpon such peace & conditions as he coulde get, which was this.* 72.63 That he shoulde haue of the French king xiii. C. M. of Turen poundes, with somuch lands els, as came to the value of xx. M. pound in yearely rent: so should he resigne fully and purely to the handes of the French king, all such landes and possessions which he had in Fraunce. Wherby the King geuen ouer his stile and titles which hee had in those partes, ceased then to be called Duke of Normandie, or Earle of Angiew.

Albeit if it be true that Gisburn wryteth,* 72.64 the king after∣ward repenting of his deede, did neuer receaue the money in all his life, neither did hee cease during his life, to entitle himselfe Duke of Normandie. But after him, hys sonne Edward and his successour in their stile left out the title, to be called Duke of Normandie.* 72.65 &c. Ex Gisburn.

Beside many other matters omitted, here I ouerpasse also the sore and vehement conflict, not betwene the ••rogs and the mise which Homer writeth of, but the mighty pit∣ched field fought in the yeare of our Lorde 1259. betweene the young students and scholers of the Uniuersitie of Ox∣ford, hauing no other occasion (as I read in Math. Pariens.) but onely the diuersitie of the Countrey where they were borne. For the Northern men ioyning with the welshmē, to try their manhoode against the Southerne part: fel both parts together in such a broile, with their ensignes & war∣like aray, y^t in conclusion diuers on both sides were slaine. This heauy & bloudy cōflict during and increasing amōg them, the ende was this: that the Northern lads with the welsh had the victorie. After that fury and fiery fiercenesse had done what it could, the victorers bethinking at length w^t themselues, partly what they had done, partly howe it would be taken of the higher powers: and fearing due pu∣nishment to fall vpon them, especially seeing the brother of Leoline prince of Wales, and sonne of Giffine, was new∣ly dead in prison, drawing their counsaile and helps toge∣ther: they offer to king Henry 4000. markes, to Edwarde his sonne 300. and to the Queene 200. to be released of their trespasse. But the king answering them againe, that he set more price by the life of one true subiect, then by all, which by them was offered: would in no wise receiue their mo∣ney. And so the studentes without hope of peace, went home wyth small triumphe, learning what the common Prouerbe meaneth: Dulce bellum inexpertis. Notwithstan∣ding, the King being then occupied in great affaires and warres, partly with Leoline and y^e welshmen, partly in∣wrapped wyth discorde at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of these vniuersitie men, which was. An. 1259. Ex Mat. Pariens. Likewise concerning the dissention following the next yeare after,* 72.66 in the Uni∣uersitie of Paris, betwene the students there and the Fri∣ers: the number of whome then did somuch increase, that the commons vnneth was able to sustein them with their alines. Also betwene the Uniuersities both of Oxford and Cambridge, for a certaine prisoner taken out of prisone by strength, and brought into sanctuarie the same yeare, as is testified in Mathewe Paris. An. 1259. In like maner, tou∣ching the variance betweene the Archbishop of Caunterb. and the Chapter of Lincolne. Againe, betweene the sayde Archbishop of Canterb. and the Chapter & bishop of Lon∣don: and how the said Bishop at his consecration woulde not make his profession to the Archb. but wyth this recep∣tion, Saluis iure & libertate Ecclesiae Londinens. quae pro posse meo defendā in omnibus. &c. recorded in Flores Hist. Al which wranglinge and dissentiōs, with innumerable other raig∣ning daily in the Churche at those dayes, if I had so much leasure to prosecute them, as I find them in stories remai∣ning:

might sufficiently induce vs to vnderstande what sma••l peace and agreemēt was then ioyned with that doc∣trine and religion in those dayes,* 72.67 during the state & raigne of Antichrist.

These with many such other matters moe, which here might be discoursed and storied at large, being more forein then Ecclesiastical, for breuity I do purposely contract and omitte, cutting of all such superfluities as may seeme more curious to wryte vpon, then necessary to be knowen.

* 72.68This that foloweth concerning the pitiful & turbulent commotion betwene the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season: because it is lamentable, & conteineth much fruitfull example, both for Princes and subiects to beholde and looke vppon, to see what mischiefe and inconuenience groweth in common weales, where study of mutuall con∣corde lacketh, that is: where neither the Prince regardeth the offending of his subiects, and where the subiects forget the office of christian pacience, in suffering their princes in∣iuries, by Gods wrath inflicted for their sinnes. Wherfore, in explaning the order and storie thereof, I thought it not vnprofitable to occupy y^e reader with a little more tariance in perusing the ful discourse of this so lamētable a matter, and so pernitious to the publicke weale.

And first to declare the occasions and first beginnings of this tumult, here is to be vnderstode, which before was signified: howe king Henry maried with Alinor daughter of the Earle of Prouince,* 72.69 a stranger, which was about the yere of our Lord 1234. Wherupon, a great doore was ope∣ned for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to re∣plenish the court: to whome y^e king seemed more to incline his fauour, aduancing them to more preferment, then hys owne naturall English Lordes, which thing was to them no litle greuance. Moreouer, before was declared, how the king by Isabel hys mother who was a straunger, had di∣uers brethren: whom he nourished vp with great liuings and possessions, and large pensions of money, which was an other hearts sore to diuers, & also an hinderance. Ouer & beside hath also ben declared, what vnreasonable collec∣tiōs of mony from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenthes, mersements, fines, paiments, lones and taxes, haue bene leuied by the king, as well of the spiritualtie, as of the lay sort, partly for maintaining the kings warres a∣gainst Wales, against Scotlande and Fraunce, to recouer Normandie: partly for helping the kings debtes, viagies & other expenses: partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promised the kings sonne by the pope: partly for mo∣neying and supporting the Pope in his warres against the Emperour. By reason of all which sundrie and impor∣table collections, the common wealth of the Realme was vtterly excoriate, to the great impouerishment of poore English men. Neither did it a little vexe the people to see the king call in so many Legates from Rome euery yeare, which did nothing els but transporte the English money vnto the Popes cofers. Besides all thys, what variaunce and altercation hath bene betweene the king and hys sub∣iects about the liberties of Magna charta, & de foresta, graun∣ted by king Iohn, and after confirmed by thys king, in the former councel holden at Oxford, hath bene afore declared.

Perhaps thys might be also some peece of a cause, that the king considering and bearing in minde the olde iniu∣ries done of the Lordes and Barons to his father Kyng Iohn before him: did beare some grudge therefore, or some priuie hatred vnto the Nobilitie, to reuenge hys fathers quarel. But of things vncertaine I haue nothing certain∣ly to affirme. This is certaine, by truth of historie, that the yeare next ensuing, which was 1260. thus wryteth Nicho. Triuet,* 72.70 that the kings Iustices called Itinerarij, being sent thether to execute their office, were from thence repelled: the cause being alledged for that they were against the king in proceeding and enterprising against y^e forme of the pro∣uisions enacted and stablished a little before at the Towne of Oxford.

* 72.71It befell moreouer the same yeare, aboue other times (as Gualt. Demmingford wryteth) that a great number of aliens comming out of Fraunce and other prouinces, re∣sorted into England: and had heere the doing of all princi∣pall matters of the Realme vnder the king. Unto whome the rewards and reliefes, & other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound, which thing to see did not a little trouble & vexe the nobilitie and baronage of England. In so much,* 72.72 that Simon Montfort Earle of Leicester, offe∣ring to stande to death for the liberties and wealth of the Realme, conferred together with other Lordes and Ba∣rons vpon the matter. Who then comming to the king af∣ter an humble sort of petition, declared to him howe all the doings of his Realme and his owne affaires, were alto∣gether disposed by the ha••des, and after the willes of strā∣gers, neither profitable to him, nor to the weale publicke: for so much as hys treasures being wasted and consumed, he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfie the pro∣uision of his owne house, but driuen to ta••e for his owne cates, to no small dishonour to his owne state. And nowe therfore said they, pleaseth your highnes to be informed by our aduise, and to commit your house to the guiding and gouernment of your owne faithfull and naturall subiects: And we will take vppon vs to discharge your whole debt within one yere, of our owne proper goods and reuenues, so that we within 5. yeares may cleare our selues againe. Neither wil we diminish your familie, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue: prouiding ••o for the safe∣ty and seeing to the custodie of your royall person,* 72.73 as your highnes shal finde and vnderstand our diligence most tru∣sty and faithfull vnto you in the ende.

To these woordes so louingly declared, so humbly pre∣tensed,* 72.74 so heartely and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended: assigning to them both day and place, where to conferre & to deliberate farther vpon the matter, which shoulde be at Oxforde, the 15. day after Easter. At which day and place,* 72.75 all the states and Lordes wyth the bishops of the realme were summoned to appeare at the sayd town of Oxford, for the behalfe of the king, and the Realme con∣uented together. Where first of the King himselfe, then of the Lordes an oth was taken: that what decrees or lawes in the said assembly should be prouided to the profite of the king and of the realme, the same vniuersally shuld be kept and obserued to the honor of God, & vtilitie of his church, and wealth of the Realme. Besides these Lordes and the King, were also 9. Bishops, which swearing to the same, did excommunicate all such as should gainstand the sayde prouisions there made, the King holding a burning taper in his hand, and the Lordes openly protesting, to rise with all their force, against all them that shall stande against the same.

There were at that present in the Realme,* 72.76 foure bre∣thren of the kings (most part of them by the mothers side) which would in no case agree heereunto, but in anger de∣parted priuely vnto wint. The nobles hearing thereof, in all spedy wise pursued them, fearing least they should take the Citie of Wint. and forceably keepe the same. Wherfore, the Lordes preuenting their purpose, and seeing them stiffely to persist in their stubburne sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but returning to Oxforde a∣gaine, prescribed to them these cōditions, that they depar∣ting the realme should repaire to their owne lands & pos∣sessions, which they had beyōd the sea. And that foorthwith they should put this iniunction in execution. Notw^tstan∣ding that the King made for them great intercession, yet it tooke no place.* 72.77 And because this should seeme to procede of no speciall displeasure against thē, they enacted moreouer, that all strangers and aliens of what state or condition so∣euer, should forthwith auoid the realme in paine of death. Diuers other prouisions the same time were ordeined and stablished: that if any did holde of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart (his heire being vn∣der age) the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before bene specified.

Moreouer it was there decreed,* 72.78 that the wooll of Eng∣land should be wrought onely wythin the realme, neither should it be transported out to straungers.

Item, that no man should weare any cloth, but which was wrought and made onely within the realme.

Item, that garments too sumptuous, shoulde not be brought in nor worne.

Item, that all excessiue and prodigall expenses wasted vpon pleasure and superfluity, should be e••••hued of al per∣sons.

Many other lawes & decrees (sayth the author) in this assemble were ordeined, wherein they continued the space of 15. daies: and many of them were impoysoned, of whom was the Abbot of Westminster, a man in that order much commended. Also William brother to the Earle of Gloce∣ster. Also the Earle himself being ••mpoisoned hardly esca∣ped w^t life, his heare and nailes falling of his body, wherof the author not long after was taken, and duely executed at Wintchester. In the mean time, y^e nobles considering those dangers and ieoperdies, were constrained to breake off for that time, appoynting the 14. day of Octob. next folowing to conuent together at London with weapon and harnes: to prosecute & finish the residue, that was in the said coun∣saile to be concluded. All which at the time & place appoin∣ted was fully accomplished, and the actes thereof in order of wryting promulged,* 72.79 and so committed to execution.

After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased the king, and it began to repent him of hys othe.

* 72.80But because he coulde not at that present otherwise chuse, he dissimuled for a season. Thus time passing on, wythin a yeare following, which was 1261. the king seeing himselfe more & more to grow in debt, and not to be relieued accor∣ding to promise made, but especially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren,* 72.81 taking it to stomacke, sent vp the Pope both for him, and his sonne Edwarde, to be re∣leased of their othe made before at Oxford. The benefite of which absolution being casely obtained (or rather bought at the Popes hande) the king stepping backe from all that was before concluded,* 72.82 calleth an other parliament at Ox∣ford. Where he before the Lords and nobles declared: how in the late counsel of Oxford they had agreed among them selues for the cōmon vtilitie of the Realme and of the king (as they pretended) for the increasing of his treasure, & his debt to be diminished. And therupon bound themselues w^t an othe, causing also himselfe, and his sonne Edward to be bound to the same. But now by experience prouing & try∣ing the matter to be otherwise then their promise was: and that they, contrary to their couenaunt made, sought not so much the prof••te of him & of the Realme as their owne, ta∣king him not as their Lord, but going about to bring him vnder their subiec••ion as an vnderling: and for that more∣ouer his treasure greatly decreasing, his debtes encreased, and hys princely liberalitie was cut short and trodē vnder foote: They should not maruell therefore, if he hencefoorth would be no more ruled by their counsail, but would pro∣uide himselfe of some other remedy, such as he might. And moreouer, as touching the othe wherewith he & his sonne stode bound vnto them, he had sent already vnto Rome, & had obtained absolution and dispēsation of the same, both for him, and his sonne Edwarde also, and for all other that would take his part. And therefore, he required of them to be restored againe to that state & condition, he had enioyed in times past.

* 72.83To this againe gaue aunswere the state of nobilitie on the other side, being in the same place present. In the num∣ber of whome was Simon Moūtfort Earle of Leycester, Richard Clare Earle of Glocester, Humfry Ronne Earle Ferrence, with a great number of Barons: as Lord Iohn Fitze, Iohn L. Hastings, L. Geoffrey Lucie, Lorde Iohn Uescy, L. William Segraue, Hugh Spencer, L. Roberte Uespoynt, with diuers and many mo, whose aunswere to y^• king againe was this. That the prouisions made at the counsaile of Oxforde (whereunto they were sworne) they would hold, defend, and maintaine to their liues end: forso much as they did sound, and also were agreed vpō, both to the honor of God, to the profit of the prince, & stable wealth of the Realme. &c. And thus partes on both sides discor∣ding among themselues, would so haue departed, had not certaine of the Bishops comming betwene both, laboured betwene thē to take vp the matter.* 72.84 By whose meane (saith Gualt. Gisburn.) and procurement, the determination of the cause was brought in comprimis, and referred to Ludouick y^• French king to iudge betwene them, who hearing both the allegations (sayth he) like no equal iudge, but a partial frende: inclined wholy and fully to the kings sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores Hist. sayth, y^t by the mediation of certaine discrete men, two were cho∣sen: one for one side, the other for the other. To whome the thirde also was adnexed, who hearing as well what was brought of the kings part, as also what was aunswered of the other, should define betweene them both. And so peace was betwene them cōcluded, til the comming of Edward. Al this while as yet, the Popes absolution for the king, al∣though it was graūted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought downe in solēne wryting, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of Fraunce to England.

* 72.85At length, the wryting of the kings absolution being brought from Rome, the king eftsoones commaunded the same to be published throughout the Realme, and sendeth to the French king and other straungers for helpe. More∣ouer sesseth all his Castels into his owne hand, reiecting the counsaile of the Lords, to whose custody they were be∣fore committed. Also remoouing the former officers, as in∣stices, and the Chancelour: with other placed afore by the Lordes, he appoynted new in their stead.

To this foresald absolution procured frō Rome for the king and his sonne: Edward returning out of Fraunce, at that time did not geue his consent, but held w^t the Lordes. Who then putting themselues in armes, with a great po∣wer repaired vp to London (keping there, in the suburbes and places about) while the king kept w^tin the tower, cau∣sing the citie gates to be watched and lockt, and all within the said citie being aboue the age of 12. yeares to be sworne vnto him. But at length through the meanes of certaine comming betweene, this tumultuous perturbation was somwhat appeased, (at least some hope of peace appeared) so that the matter was takē vp for that time without war or bloudshed.* 72.86 Notw^tstanding, some false pretensed dissem∣blers there were, which secretly disclosing all the counsails and doings of the Lords vnto the king, did all they coulde to hinder concord,* 72.87 and to kindle debate. By the meanes of whom, the purpose of the Lords came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might. Ex Flor. Hist.

In this present yere (as affirmeth y^t forenamed author) it was rumored abroade,* 72.88 that all the Bishops of England went about to recouer againe out of y^t handes of religious men, all such churches and benefices, which were to them improperated or appropriated: and y^• they, for the expeditiō of the same had sent vp to Rome, both messengers & mony nothing misdoubting to obteine their purpose. But as a litle good fruite in those daies vsed to spring out of that sea: so I do not finde,* 72.89 that godly sute and labour of the bishops to take any fruitfull effect. The same yere died Pope Alex∣ander, after whom succeeded Pope Urban the fourth.

Of the which Pope Urbane the king also obtained,* 72.90 or rather reuiued a new releasemēt from hys oth, made to the prouisiōs and statutes of Oxford.* 72.91 Which being graunted, he commaundeth incontinent all the foresaid lawes & pro∣uisions through England to be dissolued and brokē. This done, the King with the Queene taketh hys voiage into Fraunce, where he fell into great infirmitie of sicknes, and the most part of his familie taken with the fener quartane, of which many died. In y^e number of whome beside other, died Richard the worthy Earle of Glocester and Heriord, after whom succeeded Gilbert Clare, his sonne.

The Welshmen this yere, breaking into the borders of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Mortimer:* 72.92 but mightely again by him were expulsed, not without great slaughter of the inuaders. About which time,* 72.93 the king through some discrete counsaile about hym, inclined to peace and concorde with his nobles, graunting of his mere voluntarie will, the constitutions and prouisi∣ons of Oxforde to take place in the Realme, directing his commaundement to euery shire. All be it, the Realme yet was not altogether pacified for all that.

In the latter end of this yere,* 72.94 the kings palace at west∣minster was brent, and for the most part was al consumed with fire, which seemed to many an euill prognosticate a∣gainst the king. Ex Flor. Hist.

In some English Chronicles it is also recorded,* 72.95 that the same yeare 500. Iewes at London were slaine for ta∣king vsurie more then 2.d. a weeke for 20. s. being before forbid by the king to take aboue that rate by the weeke.

After this foloweth the yeare 1263. in which,* 72.96 the Ba∣rons of England confederating themselues together, for maintaining the statutes and lawes of Oxford, and partly moued with the old grudge conceiued against the straun∣gers (maintayned by the King and the Queene, and Ed∣ward their sonne, in the realme of England) ioyned pow∣ers in all forceable wise: and first inuaded the sayd straun∣gers, namely thē which were about the king.* 72.97 Their goods and manors they wasted and spoyled, whether they were persons ecclesiasticall or temporall. Among whom besides other, was Peter a Burgundian (Bishop of Hereford, a rich prelate) with al his treasure apprehended and spoiled: also his coūtreymen, whom he had placed to be Canons of the same church. With like order of handling other alienes also, to whom was cōmitted the custody of diuers castels, as of Gloucester, of Worcester, of Brignorth: were spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoeuer he was in all the land that could not vtter the English toung, was of euery rascall disdained, and happy if he might so escape. By reason where of it so came to passe, that a great number as wel of other foreners, as especially religious men and rich Priestes (which here had gathered much substance) were vrged to that extremitie, y^t they were glad to flee the lande. In the catalogue of whō, was one most principally named Iohn Maunsel,* 72.98 a priest notoriously growen in riches and treasures not to be told: hauing in his hand so many & rich benefices, that neare no bishop of this realme might com∣pare with him in riches. Who notw^tstanding he kept with the king at London, yet was cōpelled priuely to voide the Realme, & was pursued by Henry the sonne of Rich, king of Almaine. Certaine other straungers there were, to the number of 200. and more, which hauing the castell of Win∣fore there immured and intrenched themselues, to whome at length prince Edward also adioyned himselfe.

In the meane time while this sturre was abroade,* 72.99 the king keeping them in the tower, & seeing the greatest part of his nobles & commons with the Londoners to be set a∣gainst him: agreed to the peace of the Barons, & was con∣tented to assent againe to the ordinances and prouisions of

Oxford.* 72.100 Albeit the Queene, by al meanes possible went a∣bout to perswade the king not to assent therto. Who as se∣med, was a great worker in kindling thys fire of discorde betweene the king & the baronage. In so much, that when the sayde Queene Almore shoulde passe by barge from the tower to Windsore: the Lōdiuers standing vpon y^e bridge with their exclamations, cursings, and throwing of stones & di••t at her, interrupted her course, causing her to returne to the tower againe.* 72.101 Notwithstanding, the peace yet con∣tinued with the nobles and the king, the forme therof was this. First, y^t Henry sonne of Richard king of Romanes, should be deliuered by the King & Quene. Secondly, that the Castels againe should be committed to the custodie of Englishmen, not of straungers. Thirdly, that the prouisi∣ons and statutes decreed at Oxford, should as well by the king, as by al other inuiolably be obserued. Fourthly, that the realme henceforth shuld be ruled and gouerned not by foreners, but by personages borne within the land. Fiftly, that all alienes and straungers should voyde the land, not to returne againe, except onely such, whose abode shoulde by the common assent of the kings trustie subiectes be ad∣mitted and alowed.

Thus the King and the nobles ioyning together after this form of peace aboue prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared: put themselues in armes with all their power to recouer the Castell of windsore out of the strangers handes. But Edward in the mid way betwene London & the Castel, meeting with his father and the ba∣rons, entred cōmunication vpon the matter. Which being finished, & he thinking to returne into the Castell againe, by the policie of the Earle of Leicester, & William byshop of Worceter,* 72.102 was not permitted to reenter. Whereupō, the straungers within the holde (destitute of all hope to with∣stand the great force approching) rendred the Castell vnto the king and barons, vppon this conuention: That with horse and harnesse they might be suffered safe to depart the land, not to returne any more. Which being graunted, cer∣taine of the Barons conducted them in their iourney to∣ward the sea side, and there they left them.

In the same yeare about the beginning of October, the king and Quene made ouer to France, w^t Simon Mont∣fort and other nobles, to heare and stand to the arbitremēt of Lewes the French king, cōcerning the controuersie be∣tweene the states of England, and al through the procure∣ment of Alinore the Queene.* 72.103 For shee not forgetting the olde contiunelie of the Londiners, exclaming against her vpon the bridge, wrought alwaies what reuēge she could against them. Concerning the arbitrement of this matter put to the French king, part hath bene sayde before, more shall be sayde (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do adde moreouer, that the king continuing long in France: worde was sent to him out of England, that vnlesse he re∣turned againe to the realme, they would elect a new king. Whereupon the king returning out of France to Douer, would haue entred the castel, but he was stopped. Where∣fore the king in fierce anger and great indignation, prepa∣red his power towarde London: where, Simon Mont∣fort the worthy Earle of Leicester, through subtile traine, was almost betraied and circumuented in Southwarke, by the sodaine pursuing of the kings armie, had not the Londiners wyth more spede breaking barres and chains, made way to rescue him. By the meanes of whome the Earle at that time escaped the daunger.

* 72.104Now, to come to the sentence of the French king, for so much as the arbitrement of thys matter was committed to him, as hath before bene specified: he in a great frequen∣cy, both of French and English persons about him, consi∣dering & peysing the cause on both sides, betwene the king and the nobles: clearely and solemnely pronounced on the kings side against the Barons, ordaining that the king of England all this whyle had suffered wrong, and that hee shuld be restored againe to his pristine state, notwithstan∣ding the prouisions made at Oxford,* 72.105 which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated. Ex Flor hist. Gisburn.

The sentence of the French king thus awarded: as it gaue to the king of England,* 72.106 with his retinue no little in∣couragement, so it wrought in the nobles hearts great in∣dignation: which, notwithstanding that partiall decree∣ment of the French king, spedde themselues home out of Fraunce to defend themselues with all their strength and power. And not long after, foloweth also y^e king, by whose traine, Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester (as is aboue recited) was well neare circumuented in Southwarke.* 72.107 Then the king calling his counsaile together at Oxforde (from whence he excluded the vniuersitie of studentes for a season, who were then at Northampton) there cōsulted, conferring with his friendes and counsailours, what way was best to be taken. And hearing that the Barons were assembled in a great number at the towne of Northamp∣ton, went thether with his host, and with his banners dis∣plaied,* 72.108 accompanied with Richard his brother king of Al∣maine: Also wyth Edwarde his sonne, Iohn Comyn of Scotland, with many Scots, Iohn of Dalliolo, Lorde of Galewaye, Robert of Bruse, Lord Walter of Auand, Ro∣ger of Clifford, Philip of Marmyon, Iohn of Wans, Ro∣ger of Layburne, Henry Percie, Phillip Basset, Roger of Mortymer, and William of Walance, and many other. Therefore the king commaunded the Barons that were within, to yeld vnto him presently the city and the pledges or els he would immediatly destroy them. But they coun∣selling with the yonger Simon de monte forti, which by his fathers commaundement had got y^e residue thether to take counsell together (for hys father and the Erle of Glocester were not yet come) boldly and wyth one minde answered: that they would not obey the kings wil, but would rather defend themselues and the Citie if neede were euen to the death. With the noble men of the kings part hearing, sent word againe, that at the least they should come to the wall of the Citie to speake to the King, if by any meanes peace might be made. And they suspecting no deccite, followed their counsel, and leauing their holds, came to the wall to∣wardes the medowe, for there lay the king and his strong host hard by.* 72.109 But in the meane space, whilest diuers mat∣ters were reasoned and intreated of betwene the king and y^e Lords: the Lord Phillip Basset (which before was ap∣poynted to worke that feat) wyth mattockes and other in∣struments of yron and men prepared for the nonce: neare to the monasterie of S. Andrewe, did vndermine the wall of the Citie. And by this meanes, the wal fel downe light∣ly, and there was made a great plaine, so that in one fore∣front there might haue gone together on a row 40. horse∣men. And of this subteltie, the alian Monkes that were there, were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entraunce for them that came in. But when they that passed by saw this, & the kings banners were erected, ready to enter in: There was a great howling made, & the noise of the people came to the eares of the Barons, & they made speede to resist them, but it was all in vaine, because they were already preuēted of a great cōpany of their ene∣mies. But Simon Mountfort the yōger, after he had va∣liantly fought a while in the middest of his enemies wyth Peter Mountfort,* 72.110 and a fewe that were with him: when Edward the kings sonne came, was by his commaunde∣ment taken and led away prisoner. But the clearks of the vniuersitie of Oxforde (which vniuersitie by the Barons commandement was trāslated thether) did worke against the kings men, more hurte then the other Barons, wyth their slings, long bowes, and crossebowes: for they had a banner by themselues, and that was set vp a hie against y^e king. Where withall the king being greatly moued, sware at his entring in, y^t they should al be hanged. Which when they hard, many of them shaued their crownes, & they that were able ran away as fast as they coulde. And when the king entred the Citie, many fled in their armour into the Castell: other left their horse and harnesse and ranne into churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the com∣mon people. But there was not much bloudshed, because all things were done as vppon a sodaine. When the Citie was at the length set in a quiet, the king commaunded his othe to be executed vpon the Clarkes. But his counsellers said vnto him: This be farre from thee O king, for the sonnes of thy Nobles, and of other great men of thy kingdome were there gathered together into the Vniuersitie: whome if thou wouldest cause to be hanged or slaine, euen they that nowe take thy parte would rise vp against thee,* 72.111 not suffering to the vttermost of their powers the bloud of their sonnes and kinsfolkes to be shed. And so the king was pacified, and his wrath against the Clerks was stayed.

In the same day, after little more then an houre, the kings host assaulted the Castell, and the new hold keepers were afraide, for that they had not victuals & other things necessary for their resistance: therfore they sent immediatly messengers vnto the King, and yeelded themselues to the kings mercy. There were taken that day these Knights & Barons vnder wrytten:* 72.112 Lord William de Ferrers, Lorde Peter Mountfort, cōpanion of the sayd Simon de Moūt∣forte the yonger, Lord Baldwyn de wake, Lorde Adam de Newmarche, Lord Roger Bertram, Lord Simon the sonne of Simon a valiaunt warriour, which first erected hys banner against the king, Lorde Berengarius de wa∣terwile, Lord Hugo Bubiam, Lord Thomas Maunsell, Lord Roger Botemlam, Nicolas wake, Lord Robert de Newton, Lord Philip de Driby & Brimbald de Paunce∣foote. All these afore hand did the king take prisonners and

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many more, of whom he committed some to the Lord Ni∣colas of Hauersam to be kept in the same Castle well defē∣sed: some he led away with him, and some he sent to diuers Castels, and appointed Simon Mountfort to be cast into windfore Castell. And all these things, as touching the ta∣king of Northampton, were done on the Sabboth day in passion weeke, being the thyrd of Aprill, in the yeare of our Lord. 1264. And the king went forward euen to Noting∣ham, burning and wasting the manners of the Lords and others his enemies, and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased hys number.

When this ill lucke was tolde of them that there were run away to the Earle Simon, whiche was comming to∣wardes Northampton w^t a great hoste: he was in a great rage,* 72.113 & yet was not discouraged. But immediatly going to London, caused a chariot to be made him after the maner of lytters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were sicke: for he fayned himselfe to be feeble and weake, whereas he was in deede a stout and valiaunt warriour. And there gathered to him other noble men that were cō∣federate with him, Earles and Barōs, euery one bringing with them their seuerall armies. And preparing their in∣gynes of woode,* 72.114 they went to besiege Rochester, for the Earle of Worcester in the kynges behalfe, kept both the towne and castell. When they had gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and compelled to retire, and there that valiant knight Roger de la Bourne was wounded and very il handled: And whilest they con∣tinued siege there a while, it was told them that the kyng was comming toward London with a mighty host. And they sayd one to an other: if the king at hys cōming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a straight corner. Let vs therefore returne to London that we may keep in safety both the place and the people. Therefore ap∣pointing certaine persons to keepe the siege, they returned to London. At the length when the king came, they went forth with the Citizens to meere him, not with floures and palmes in their handes, but swordes and speares. The K. shunned them,* 72.115 and after he had the Castell of Kingston, which was the Erle of Glocesters, he went from thence to Rochester: where after he had killed a few, he brake y^t siege, and from thence the king went to Tunbridge. And the towne and Castell now being geuen vp to him, he tooke there the Countesse of Glocester, & put her into an Abbey, not to be kept in hold, but to goe at libertye whether she would: And he left for the custody of the Castell and City a great part of his hoast to the number of aboue xx. picked out ensignes, for that it was commonly said that the Earle of Glocester would come out of hād to assault them. Which being done, he continued on his iourney to Winchester, where he receiued to peace, the seamen of the hauē townes. And three dayes alter vpon the sonday following he came to the towne of Lewes, and was receaued into the Abbey, and his sonne Edward into the Castell. Then the Barons sent letters to the king the 12. day of May, the tenor wher∣of followeth.

TO theyr most excellent Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England,* 73.1 Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitania: hys Ba∣rons and other his faythfull subiectes, being willing to keep their othe and fidelitie to God and him, send greeting and due obedi∣dience with honour and reuerence. Whereas by many experi∣mentes it is manifest, that some of your graces assistaunces haue reported to your maiesty many lyes of vs, working mischiefe, as much as in them lyeth, not onely agaynst vs, but agaynst you also and your whole Realme. Be it knowne to your highnes, that we haue bene alwayes willing to defend the health and sauegarde of your person with all our power and fealty due to your grace: pur∣posing to vexe to the vttermost of our power and estate not one∣ly our ill willers, but also your enemies, and the enemies of your whole Realme. If it be your good pleasure geue no credite to thē, we shall be alwayes found your faithfull. And we the Earle of Lei∣ceister and Gilbert of Clare at request of the other, for vs & them haue put to our seales.

These letters being read and heard, there was a coun∣sell called, and the king writ back to them, and specially to the two Earles of Leicester and Glocester, in maner and forme following.

HEnry by the grace of God king of England. Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitanie.* 74.1 &c. To Simon Mountfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and their confederates.

For as much as by the warre & ge∣nerall disquietnes by your meanes raised vp in our whole realme, and also the burninges and other hurtfull enormities, it appeareth manifestly that you keepe not your fidelitie to vs ward, nor care any thing for our health or safety: And for that ye haue inorderly greued our nobles, and other our faythfull subiectes, sticking faythfully and constantly to vs (as you haue certified vs) we ac∣counting their losse as our owne, and their enemies as ours. And seing these my aforesayd faithfull subiects for the keeping of their fidelitie, do assist vs manfully and faythfully agaynst your vnfaith∣fulnes, we therefore care not for your fidelitie or loue, but defie you as our and their enemies.

Witnes myselfe at lewes the day & yeare abouesayd.

Also Richard king of Almaine,* 75.1 and Lord Edward the sonne of king Henry writ also to the Barons in this wife. Richard by the the grace of God, king of the Romaynes alwayes Augustus, and Edward the eldest sonne of the noble king of England, & al the o∣ther Barons and nobles constantly and faythfully in hart & deede cleauing to the foresayd king of England: to Simon Mountfort, and Gilbert de Clare and to all and singuler other their adherents in their conspiracie. By your letters whiche you sent to our Lord the noble king of England we haue vnderstanding that you defie vs, although before any such word, your defiaunce towardes vs was apparant inough by your cruell persecution in burning our possessions and spoyling our goodes: we therefore geue you to witte, that we all and euery one of vs, as your enemies, doe defie you all as our open enemies. And farther that we will not cease, where soeuer it shall lye in our power, to the vttermost of our force and might, to subuert your persons and all that you haue. As touching that you laye to our charge, that we geue neyther faythfull nor good counsell to our Lord the king, you say not the truth. And if your Lord Simon Mountfort, or Gilbert de Clare, will affirme the same in our Lord the kinges court: we are ready to get safe conduit for you to come to the sayd Court to try, and declare the truth of our innocency and the falsehood of you both, as forsworne traytors, by some man equall with you in nobilitie and stocke. All we, are contayned with the seales of the aforesayd Lordes, the Lord Richard, and the Lord Edward.

Dated the day aforesayd.

Both which letters beyng read,* 75.2 they drew neare to the king for they were not farre distant from the place whiche is called Lewes. And for that there wanted to the Kinges store prouision for their horses, it was cōmanded them, on tewsday to go forth to seeke for hay and prouender. Which when they were gone forth, were preuented most of them, of their enemies and killed: but the residue returning, saw their enemies comming very early, on y^t wednesday mor∣ning, and making outcries stirred vp the king, & his hoste to arme themselues. Then the Barons comming to the full playne descended there, and girding & trunming their horses made fit their harnies to them. And there the Earle Simon made the Earle of Glocester, and Robert Deuer, and many other new knightes: which being done, he deui∣ded and distincted his host into foure seueral battails. And he appointed noble men to guide & gouern euery battaile. And ouer y^t first battayle were ordayned Captaines, Hen∣ry Mountfort the eldest sonne of the Earle Simon & Bui∣dd his brother, Lord Iohn de Bruch the younger, & Lord Humfry de Boun. Ouer the second battaile, Lord Gilbert Clare Earle of Glocester, Lord Iohn the sonne of Lord S. Iohn and Lord William of Mouncherisi. And ouer the third, in whiche the Londiners were at their request, the Lord Nicholas Segraue was assigned. Which requi∣red also very instanntly, that they might haue y^t first stroke in the battayle, at the aduenture come what come woulde. But ouer the fourth battayle, the Earle himselfe was cap∣tayne with the Lord Thomas of Pilnestone. In y^t meane season came forth the kinges host, preparing themselues to the field in three battayles: of whiche Edward the kynges sonne led the first, with the Earle of Warwicke and Ma∣lence the kings brother: and the secōd the king of Alinaine guided, with hys sonne Henry: but the king with hys no∣bles guided the third. And the fourth legion the king ap∣poynted not, by reason that he had left many of hys chiefe souldiours behinde him, to keepe the Castell and towne of Tunebridge agaynst the Earle of Glocester. And the most part of the kinges army were but young men, for the king thought not that his Barōs had bene come so nigh hand. Theyr armes being on both sides set in aray & order, they exhorted one an other on eyther party to fight valiantly: & after they buckled together, the battaile was great & ma∣ny horsemen were ouerthrown euen in a moment. But by and by Edward the kings sonne with his band, as a fierce young gentlemen, & valiant knight fell vpon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to re••ule backe a great way: so that the hinmost (thinking by reason of their geuing backe, that the foremost were slayne) ran many a∣way of them, and taking water to passe ouer, were almost threescore souldiours drowned, & a few of the being slaine, all the rest fled. Straight way the Londiners whiche had asked the first fight, knowing not howe the battaile went

tooke them to theyr hecles: Whom Edward pursued with his band killing the himmost of them by the space of two or three miles. For hee hated them because they had rebelled agaynst his father, and disgraced his mother whē she was caryed by barge vpon the Temse, frō the tower to Wind∣sore, as is aboue touched, pag. 000.

* 75.3Whilest that Prince Edward was thus in the chase of the Lōdoners, who had the vawward of the Barons bat∣tell: In the meane tyme the mayne battayle of the Barons set vpon the kinges mayne battayle, of the which the kyng of Almaine y^e brother of king Henry had the leading: which being soone discomforted, and he with hys sonne Henry & Robert de Brus,* 75.4 Iohn Couen with diuers other Cap∣taynes taken prisoners: the reareward wherein the Kyng himselfe fought, being immediately so hardly beset, & seyng his knightes and souldiours on euery side about him bea∣ten down and slayne, and diuers other of hys souldiours to forsake the field and shift for themselues: thought good to take agayne the town, and so retired into the Abbay frō whence he came, shutting and rampering vp the gates, & caused the same to be strongly warded with souldiours. To be briefe, the Barons thus getting the field after long fight, and many men on either side slayne: entred also the town of Lewes, pursuing in chase such souldiours as the∣ther fled for succour.

* 75.5In the meane tyme, Prince Edward returning from the chase of the Lōdiners, as ye heard, who desired to geue the first onset: and first espying the chariot of y^e Earle Si∣mon (which he caused purposely to be made for him) & the horses in the same, without eyther waggener or any other to gouerne the same: fell immediately vpon the chariote, & brake it al in peeces, & slew two Burgeses that were with∣in the same. But when he came nearer to the place where the bloudy battel had bene fought, & saw the great discom∣forture and ouerthrow which in his absence w^t great mor∣talitie and slaughter had happened: hys hart was muche dismayd, and hys countenaunce altered. Yet notwithstan∣ding comforting & couraging his knightes & souldiors, of whom he had a valiant company, in battell aray marched toward the towne. Agaynst whome, came the Barons a∣gayne with all theyr power. And this was begon betwixt them a fresh field and new battaile, & many men slayne on either side.* 75.6 But at length, the Earle de Warenia, with the kinges two brethren, forsooke the field and fled: after whō went more then seuen hundred chosen souldiours, whiche were of their house and family: who the same day came to Penensie, and there took shipping ouer the sea. Also Hugh Bigot with diuers other fled, and left the valiaunt Prince fighting in the field: which thing he also perceauing, tooke the towne. And when he found not the King his father at the Castle, he went frō thence to the Abbey where he was. In the meane season the town was deuided in parts: some fighting: some spoyling, some getting of booties, neyther could scarcely one of them know,* 75.7 & discerne an other whe∣ther he were his friend or enemy. But when win a whyle the Barōs had assembled some company, they gaue an as∣sault vpon the Castel, thinking to haue rescued Iohn Bif∣ford and others whom the kings souldiours had takē pri∣soners and put therein. But the souldiours win defended manfully the same, add in throwing out balles of wyld fire, as for the defence thereof they had, they also fired part of the towne.* 75.8 Then the Barons retired and left the Castell, and purposed to haue set vpon the Abbey where the King and prince Edward hys sonne was, which also was set on fire by the assault geuen to the Castell. But yet it was shortly recouered & quenched. Then Edward the kinges son per∣ceiuing the bold enterprise of the Barons, prepared with couragious knightes and souldiours as were yet remay∣ning & within the Abbey, to haue issued out, & to haue geuē a new charge vpon thē, But that perceiuing the Barons, sent vnto the king Messengers to intreat a truce for that day, & on the morow to talk and cōclude of a further peace betweene them. This battaile was fought vpō the 19. day of May, being the yeare of our Lord. 1264.

The next day, whiche was Thursday, there were sent on eyther side two preaching Friers betweene the king & the Barons,* 75.9 with certaine articles, & demaunds of peace: so that with certeine others, these conditions were agreed on: that on the morow beyng Friday, y^e prince should geue himselfe in hostage for the king hys father and other of his partes. And Henry the Kinges sonne of Almayne also shoulde geue himselfe the like for hys father.* 75.10 That those thinges which should be concluded vppon for the benefite and commoditie of the Realme, and peaceable quietnes thereof might be performed: and that all such prisoners as were taken on either side, shoulde be freely raunsomed and sent home.

The next day which was Saterday, the king dischar∣ged al his souldiours, and other that were with him in the Abbey, licensing them to depart whether they listed. And furthermore, by the aduise of his sonne and the Barons: he gaue commandement to those which he had appoynted to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they shold make no attēpt to the preiudice or hurt of the Barons, but in hope of the peace which was now at the poynt to be concluded, they should also depart euery man to theyr houses and habitati∣ons.* 75.11 But they geuing no credite thereunto, went w^t theyr furniture to Bristow, where they kept themselues in gar∣rison, vntill the escaping of Edward the kinges sonne out of prison. But first before that, when they heard at Tun∣bridge that the king was vanquished in battaile, & that the Lōdiners in the forward were put to flight by Prince Ed∣ward (by a messenger that escaped from the same) and that also the same Londiners were at Crowdown: they set vp∣on them in the euening tide, and taking from them much spoyle: slew also many of them.

But when Roger Mortimers part began to decrease, & Simon the Earles part on the other side to increase: he bare himselfe more stoughter, for that both the king and all that was his,* 75.12 did depend vpon the good will and fauour of the Earle: and led with him the kinges sonne to such holds & Castles as he thought to be most strōgest. As though all were in hys handes to doe as hym liked, and kept the ho∣stages more straightly thē he was wont to do. In so much that when it was blown abroad that the kings sonne was kept as a prisoner, diuers couusailed him that were hys frendes, that he should desire to disport himselfe at the bar∣riers, that y^e people might haue a sight of him, but he being narrowly garded as hee knewe, and fearing some tumult to arise, thought good to refuse their counsell and so did.

In this troublesome yeare, whiche was 1264. as the Londiners with the nobles were thus occupyed in warre and dissention: the malignaunt Iewes thinking to take vauntage of that tyme, w^t priuy treason conspired agaynst the whole Citty and state of the Nobles. Who being taken with the maner, were almost all slayne that dwelt in the ci∣ty of London.

In this yeare after the death of Pope Urbane,* 75.13 suc∣ceeded the sayd yeare of our Lord. an. 1264. Pope Clement the 4. Whiche Clement, as affirmeth Nich Triuet, was first a maryed man & had wife and children, and was the sollici∣tor and counsailor to the Frenche king. Then after y^e death of his wife was bishop intituled Podiēsis. After that arch∣bishop of Narbone. And at last made Cardinall. Who be∣ing sent of P. Urbane in Legacie, for reformation of peace in his absence was elected Pope by the Cardinals. About this time florished Thomas of Aquine, reader at Paris a∣mong the Dommike Friers, and Bonauenture among the Francis Friers. Ex Nich. Triuet.

As this passed on, the sonnes of Simon the Earle, to wit,* 75.14 Henry, Simon, Buido, and Hēry being puft vp, and with the pride of this successe eleuated, did that whiche no∣thing contented the Earle of Gloucester. In so muche that he chalenged Henry the eldest sonne of the Earle Simon Mountfort,* 75.15 at the barriers, to be tryed at Northampton. But that chalenge was taken vp, least some further incon∣uenience might haue risen therof. But the Earle of Blou∣cester being moued therewith in hys minde, sent vnto hys father the Earle that he should deliuer him such prisoners being Noble men, as he tooke at the battayle of Lewes. A∣mongst whom, the king of Almaine was named first. But he by countermaund answered him and said: that it might content and satisfie him, for that he had saued and preserued to him his landes, that day the battayle was fought at Lewes. And that furthermore he would not send him such prisoners as he demaunded: But that he himselfe kepte more nobler then they in the Castell of Douer: among whom was Iohn Basset, whiche vndermined and brast downe the walles of Northampton, at that conflict as is sayd before and specified.

The Earle of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soone as he heard this aunswere: sent incontinently to the Lord Roger Mortimer,* 75.16 which alwayes tooke the kynges part, desiring that they two might take together touching the benefite and commoditie of the king. Who, doubting some deceite, desired sureties and pledges for hys safe re∣turn, & he would come and talk with him, and so had. Whē they met, and had a while talked familiarly: the Earle of Glocester shewed him all that he was purposed to do: and that further he lamented, he had so much and greatly offen∣ded the king: And that he woulde with all his power and habilitie make amends for that offence in the restitution of the king agayne to his kingly dignitie, as much as he pos∣sible might. Therfore they sēt secretly to Robert, y^e brother

of y^e Erle of Gloucester, which was neare about the Earle Symon, & made him to consent with them therein. And to work this thing more circumspectly, whē oportunitie ser∣ued therunto: Roger Mortimer sent vnto the kings sonne a horse excelling all other in footmanship, vnto whome he might be sure to trust, when he saw conuenient tyme ther∣unto. After which things thus contriued, Prince Edward desired leaue of the Earle to proue his courser against such time he should ryde at the tylt, as they might when they li∣sted. Assoone as he had gotten leaue, and that with gallo∣pyng and raunging the field he had weryed diuers of their horses: at the last, getting vp vpon the horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a seruaunt on horsebacke cō∣ming toward him with two swords:* 75.17 He turned about vn∣to his keeper, whose name was Robert de Rose, & to other his playfellowes that were with him, saying: My louing Lords, thus long haue I kept you company, & haue bene in your custodies: And now not purposing to vse your cō∣panyes any longer, betake you to God: And quickely tur∣ning his horse about, put to the spurres and away went he. The other pricked after a pace, but yet came far inough behinde, and ouertake hym they coulde not. At last, when they sawe Roger Mortimer comming from his Castle of Wygmore, accompanyed with many armed men to meete him as before it was appointed, they returned again home as wise as when they came foorth. And when this the princes escape was diuulgated: much people came vnto hym out of euery quarter, with great ioy therof. Amongest whom, the first was the Earle of Gloucester, and the other souldiours of the kings, which had long now lien at Bri∣stow, and thereaboutes. And within a short space he had a great and mighty host.

Which thing when the Earle Symon vnderstode, he much doubted and mistrusted himselfe: And sending into Wales, he gate from thēce a great many men, and augmē∣ted hys power as strongly as he might, from euery part of England.* 75.18 He sent also Simon his sonne to the noble men of the North partes, that with all possible speede he might bring them with him: who with a great companye came with him, and at Kenelworth a while they stayd, and there pitched their tents. But leauing Kenelworth for a certein time they went to Winchester, and spoyled the same, and then returned agayne to Kenelworth. And when this by a certen spiall was declared to Edward the kynges sonne, who then was at Worcester, which he had gotten after he came from Gloucester a little before: prepared himselfe with hys souldiours, in the night season to goe to the place where the spye should bring hym, which was into a deepe vally nere vnto the place, where Simon and his company had pitched.* 75.19 And whē in the morning they were very ear∣ly about to arme thēselues, and prepare theyr horses: they heard a great noyse of theyr enemies comming towardes them. Then thinking, that they had prepared themselues agaynst their comming, and so had bene betraied: they set forth in battell aray marching forward, till that they mette certeine of theyr enemies straggling in long winges, thin∣king to haue gone aforaging & to haue sought for vitailes: whō they took, & with their fresh horses, new horsed their souldiours that had their horses tyred w^t long trauell. And so marching forward, came very early in the morning vpō theyr enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping and laying lustily about them: they slew diuers, some they toke, the rest they put to flight: and 15. of theyr chiefest en∣signes they tooke, and many other rich spoyles. But yong Simon himself lodged in the Castell, who with a few with him escaped and fled. And this was the fourth day before the Nones of August. an. 1265.

But when Edward, heard that Earle Simon was cō∣ming toward Kenelworth, to ioyne with hys sonnes bat∣tell: he marched forward to meete hym, y^e third day after at Eusham.* 75.20 where he deuided hys host into 3. battayles, he himself hauing the leading of one, the Earle of Gloucester the secōd, and Roger Mortimer the third, which came vpō their backs. The kings sonne Edward came Northward as though he came frō Kenelworth to Eusham, & because he would not be descride, he caused hys owne standerdes and ensignes to be taken down, and yong Simons which he had taken before to be aduanced. But the Erle Simons Scurier, whose name was Nicholas, shewed the Earle y^t such bandes and companies were marching towards him who thinking the same to haue bene Simon hys sonnes power, not knowing of the ouerthrow whiche he had be∣fore, gaue small credite thereunto: till that y^e said Nicholas the better to view and descrie them, went vp to the Abbey steple of Eusham, where he might plainly discerne them all and their standerds: For by this tyme, they were mounted the hill which they laboured to attayne, thinking to haue that vauntage, when they shold geue theyr charge as they had purposed: and had also aduanced agayn his own stan∣derdes, and pulled down Simons, wherby they were the more eas••yer descried and knowne. Then he cryed aloud to the Earle Simon and said, we are all but dead men: For it is not your sonne as you suppose that commeth, but it is Edward the kinges sonne, that commeth from one parte: and the Earle of Gloucester,* 75.21 from an other part, and Ro∣ger Mortimer from the third part. Then said the Earle. The Lorde be mercifull vnto our soules, forasmuch as our bodyes and liues are now in their handes: commaunding that euery man should make hymselfe redy to God, and to fight out the field, for that it was their willes to dye for their lawes and in a iust quarrell: And such as woulde de∣part, he gaue leaue to goe their wayes that they shoulde be no discomfiture to the rest.

Then came vnto him his eldest sonne Henry & comfor∣ted him, desiring him to haue no dispaire, nor yet mistrust in the good successe of this victory, with other such cheerfull wordes.* 75.22 No my sonne (sayth he) I dispayre not: but yet, it is thy presumption and the pride of the rest of thy brethrē that haue brought me to this end ye see. Notwithstanding yet I trust, I shall dye to God and in a righteous quarrel. After wordes of comfort geuen to all his host, and the ora∣tion made as is the maner, they all armed themselues. The king also (whom the Earle alwaies kept with him) he ar∣med in an armour of his owne. And then deuiding theyr battailes, they marched toward theyr enemies, but before they ioyned, the welchmen ran theyr waies, and thinking to scape ouer the riuer of Dee, were there some drowned, & some slayne. Then when the battayles ioyned and came to handy strokes, within short space, many of the Erles part fell and were slayne. And the king himselfe being stroken at, cryed with a loud voyce to them, saying: kill me not,* 75.23 I am Henry your king. And with these the kinges wordes the Lord Adam Monhaut knewe him, and saued him. At whose voyce and cry came also prince Edward hys sonne, and deliuered him to the garde and custody of certayne knightes. In y^e meane season, the Earle Simon was hard bestead and beaten downe, and also slayne before Edward the prince came at hym. Howbeit, before he fell, when as ye fought for his life, & Hēry his sonne & other noble men on his part were about hym, he brake out in these words vn∣to hys enemies saying: what, is there no mercy & compas∣sion with you? who agayne answered, what compassion should there be shewed to traytors? Then sayd he, y^e Lord be mercifull to our soules, our bodyes are in your hands. And as soone as these wordes were spoken, they mangled hys body, and deuided his members, and cut of his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent vnto his wife. And not farre of from him also was slayne Henry his eldest sonne, the lord Hugh Spencer,* 75.24 the L. Radulphe Basset, the Lord Thomas de Hestele, the Lord William Maundeuile, the Lord Iohn Bewchampe, the Lord Guido Baillofer, the Lord Roger Rowley, and many other noble men besides with a great multitude of people the Lord knoweth howe many. This battail was fought in the moneth of August & continued from one of the clocke till it was night: in the which, was not so much as one man on the Earles part of any estimation, fortitude, and courage, but in that battell lost his life: more then the Lord Iohn, who by the great grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be forgottē, that the same day being Tuesday, at that instant houre, when the battell began, whiche was at one of the clocke at after noone: there was such a darcknes ouer all, such thun∣der and such tempest: that the like before that time was ne∣uer seene, being very calme and fayre weather both imme∣mediately before and after, which seemed (sayth myne au∣thor) to geue a playne demonstration of that whiche after∣ward chaunced and followed.

After this great slaughter and ouerthrow,* 75.25 there was a Parliament sūmoned at Winchester by the Earle of Glou∣cester, and other of hys part.* 75.26 Here by the is to be conside∣red, that the king although he was in the camp of the Erle of Leceister, being then in custody, and his sonne Edward with the Earle of Gloucester, yet the king was in that side agaynst his will, and therefore in the sayd Parliament, the king was restored to his kingly dignitie which was before that tyme vnder the custody of the Barons. But after the battaile was ended and done, certaine of them that loued the Earle: vpon an old ladder, gathered vp suche partes of his body as remayned, and couering the same with an old gowne brought it to Eusham: where they putting y^e same in a faire linnen cloth, buried it in y^e church. But not lōg af∣ter, by such as thought not themselues sufficiently reuen∣ged with his death (to wreke them of the dead corpes) took vp the same and threw it in an other place, saying: that he

which was both accursed, and a traytor, was not worthy of Christen buriall.

The same yeare also died Walter Cantilupus Byshop of Winchester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the kinges Chauncellor.

The same yeare the king perceiuing, that vnlesse y^t Ca∣stle of Kenilworth were recouered, and the boldnes of thē restrayned that kept the same: many euils and inconueni∣ences might ensue therupon, to y^c preiudice of his kingdom: for that the number increased euery day more & more, wa∣sting and spoyling the country all about. Therfore, he ga∣thered an army and came downe to warwick, where he a while taryed expecting the meeting and assembling of hys Marqueses and Lordes, with engines and other muniti∣on sautable. Who when theyr bondes were furnished and mustred, and al thinges ready, the morow after Midsomer day he displayed hys banner, & began his vyage marching towardes Kenilworth & besieged the same. During which siege, by the aduise and counsaile of the king, the Popes Legate,* 75.27 and other noble men 12. persons were chose which should haue the disposing of those thinges y^t pertayned to the state of the Realme, & of those that had lost their landes and inheritaunces: who amongest other thinges, made and established this one prouiso, that was commōly called Kenelworth decree. That all those whieh hast lost their lā∣des by attaynder (although yet not attainted) should fyne therfore at the kinges pleasure, and take their lands of him agayn: paying some three yeares, some foure yeares, some two yeares reueneues of the same, according to the qualli∣tie of the cryme & offence committed. All which prouisos or prouisions, were established and confirmed as well by the corporall othe, as by signment of the same with the handes & seales of al the Prelates and clergy of England, there as∣sembled for that purpose by the Popes Legate vpon the feast of all Saints. When these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the kings behalfe, as wel to those that kept y^t castle of Kenilworth, as also to those that were assembled in the Ile of Ely: willing them to come vnder the protection of the Kinges peace, and yeld to the foresayd prouisos established by the twelue commissioners. who al∣together aunswered & sayd: that they would in no wise cō∣descend therunto: both for that it was done without theyr consentes not being called vnto it, and also for that the said decree was ouer straight and intollerable. Within shorte space after,* 75.28 great famine and pestilence chaunced amongest them which kept the castle, in so much as they were with∣out all hope of keeping the same: wherefore, soone after the king sending agayne to them to yeld the Castle and take theyr pardōs, they consulting together of their own estate: thus aunswered the kings messengers, if it please the king and his counsaile to permit vs to send our messenger vnto the Lord Symon Mounfort which is beyond the sea: that he may come by a certayne day to the defence of this hys garrison & fort:* 75.29 and that in the meane space, we be not di∣sturbed by the kinges army that hath enuironed vs, til the return of our messēgers: If by the day appoynted he come not, we will yeld vp the same, so that we may be pardoned of life, limme, and moucables.

When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their aunswere: he consulting with his Nobles about the matter, agreed to their petitions. And caused the truce to be proclaimed throughout all his campe, after that sufficient hostages were on either side geuē for the perfor∣mance of the same: whereupon, they set forward theyr mes∣sengers, as before was sayd they woulde. But after that many of thē within the Castell being very greeuously ve∣xed with the bloudy flixe and other diseases, in so much that the whole men might not abide the corruption, and anoy∣aunce of those that were diseased: deliuered vp the Castell before the returne of the messengers againe, and were per∣mitted to goe whether they would to refresh themselues, as men molested with great vexation & miseries. After the rendring vp of the Castell, the king committed the custody therof to hys sonne Edmund, and so with hys host depar∣ting from the siege, came vpon Christmans euens euen to Osney: where, he with great solemnity and triumph kept his Christmas during seuen dayes, and from thence with hys host came to windsore, from whence after a few dayes he marched towardes Ely: In whiche Iland he besieged those, which were disherited, and sharpely assaulted them.

The same yeare, Pope Clement the 4. promoted mai∣ster Walter Giffard Byshop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of Yorke.

In which yeare also the Church of England began to pay the tenthes of all their reuenues as wel spirituall as temporall, to the king: to continue for 3. yeares space, and this was done by the authoritie Apostolicall.

Within a while after, the Barons which were yet re∣mayning, gathered themselues together agayne:* 75.30 Amongst whome Iohn Daywile (being a subtile and stoute man of warre) began to haue a name & was well esteemed amon∣gest them: who altogether did what mischiefe they might, and in the moneth of May, they assembled at Chesterfield, vnder the sayd Iohn Daywile & the Earle Ferarence, vp∣on whom the kinges souldiours,* 75.31 comming sodenly in the night toke them sleping, and slue many of them. Then the sayd Iohn Daywile quickly arming himselfe came forth: thinking w^t more defence both to saue himself and to escape. who in the way, stroke the Lord Gilbert Humsard such a blow with his dimilance, that he feld both him & his horse to y^t ground, & so fled with a few more after him.* 75.32 And thus whilest the poore souldiors fought & were slayn, the Barōs fled away & saued thēselues. Also the Erle Ferarence fled, & hid himself in a Church. But being be wrayed by a womā he was taken forth, and led away prisoner. After this, the king kept a parliament at Northampton, where he dishe∣rited all those, that tooke any part with the Erle Simon & al their childrē, where also the Popes Legate Octobonus held a conuocation, and excōmunicated al such bishops, as had taken any part with Simon, against the king: of whō diuers he sent vp to Rome, to be absoyled of the pope, and farther the said Legate caused to be proclaymed certain de∣crees, which he himselfe had made: And also the new graūt of Pope Clemēt, to the king and Queene, of al the tenthes for seuen yeres to come. And shortly after a taxe also was fined vpon y^t country of Norfolke: to the gathering wher∣of, Walter the byshop of Norwich was appoynted. Ex Sca∣la mundi.

After this, in the yeare of our Lord. 1267. King Henry besieged agayne the Castell of Kenelworth,* 75.33 from the 7. day before the first day of Iuly, vntil the beginning of Decem∣ber: whether came Octobonus y^t Popes Legate,* 75.34 by whose intreaty Henry Hastinges deliuered the same vnto the K. which stoutly had defended the same and resisted the kyng, hauing pardon graunted both for him and hys, of his lyfe, landes, goodes, and cattels. In which tyme also the Ba∣rons agayne assembled, with Iohn Dayuile in the Ile of Axioline,* 75.35 & so proceeded till they came to Lincolne: which also they tooke, and spoyled the Iewes, and slue many of them: And curring their Sinagoge teare and rent the book of their law, and burnt the same, and all other writinges & obligations which they could come by. which thing when the king heard, he sent thither hys sonne prince Edward: but as soone as they heard that,* 75.36 they fled into y^e Ile of Ely, and fortified the same with Bulwarkes as strongly as they might, at euery entraunce into the same. This was in the month of Aprill when Edward the kinges sonne came thither.* 75.37 Who for the great aboundaunce of waters in the same, could by no meanes enter the Iland, til at length by the counsayle of the inhabitauntes of that prouince, he cau∣sed with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, somewhat to conuey away the water: And so long vsed the Counsayle of them, in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at last they entred the Iland. who as soone as they were entred,* 75.38 the Barons fled to London, where they were of the Londiners well entertayned. The rest which were in the Iland, yelded themselues (amongest whom was Roger Wake, Simō the yonger, and Peches) sauing their liues and members. After this, both the King and Edward his sonne, came to Londō with a great pow∣er, but yet were kept out of the city,* 75.39 by the Barons and Ci∣tizens, for the space of 40. dayes. And Octobonus the Le∣gate (who for feare was fled into the Tower) they narow∣ly layd for, that he shoulde not escape. At length by the in∣treaty of the Earle of Gloucester and other Earles that were his friendes, both the Barons and Cittizens were pardoned, and admitted to the kinges fauour. And 4. By∣shops and 8. other noble men were chosen, such as were at Couentry first nominated: that they should order and dis∣pose all matters betweene the King and suche as had lost theyr inheritaunce,* 75.40 as also the forme of theyr peace and raunsome. And proclamation was made vppon the feast of all Sainctes, of perfect peace and record throughout al the Realme.

The 52. yeare of this king Henries raigue 8. daies after the feast of S. Martin, he held a parliament at Marlberge in the yeare of our Lord aboue recited: where by the aduise of wise and discrete men,* 75.41 & with all the consentes of the no∣bles, he ordeined and enacted diuers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realme & execution of common iustice, which are called the statutes of Marleberge.

The same yeare vpon S. Gregoryes day, Octobonus the Legate called a Councell at London, where were fine

Archbishops, and a great number of Byshops, Abbots, & other Prelates: which Councell also within three dayes brake vp agayne.

The same yeare vpon S. Iohns day the Baptist,* 75.42 Ed∣ward the kinges sonne & diuers other noble men of Eng∣land took vpon thē the crosse by y^e legates hands at North∣hampton, to the reliefe of the holy land, and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ, which done, the legate y^t same yeare wēt out of England,* 75.43 not purposing after that to returne agayne. This holy Legate (sayth mine author) whiche might well bee resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quicke sight penetrateth euery thing: enrolled to perpetuall memorye the valuation of all the churches in the realme of England so narowly, as by any meanes possible be might enquire the certainty thereof. The same was he, that made all the Cathedral & Conuentuall Chur∣ches to pay pencions: so that those Churches whiche gaue not the vacancie of their benefices to their Clerkes and straungers should pay vnto them a certein yearly pencion during the vacācy of the benefices which they should haue.

The same yeare died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two yeares vacant:* 75.44 & then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinall, whose name was The∣ardus,* 75.45 as hee was taking hys iourny into the holy lande, and called hym Gregory the 10.

* 75.46Then also dyd Edmunde Earle of Lancaster and Lei∣cester, and seconde sonne of king Henry, take to wife the Earle of Albemark his daughter, and the Niece of y^• Earle of Gloucester: at whiche maryage was the king and the Queene: and all the Nobilitie of England.

The same yeare was the body of S. Edward the king & Confessour, by Walter Gifford Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops intombed in a new & rich Schrine of golde and siluer,* 75.47 beset with precious stones in the presēce of Hē∣ry the king of Englād: In which yeare also fel great rayne and inundation of waters, suche as hath not lightly bene seene, which increased and continued the space of 40. dayes and more.

The same yeare died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sa∣rum the third day before the nones of Ianuary. After whō succeeded Robert of Northampton the Deane of the same Church. And because the see of Cant. was then vacant, he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury: whiche Chapter had alwayes the iurisdiction in spirituall causes, during the vacancy of that see, in as ample maner as the Byshop hymselfe had beyng aliue.* 75.48 After thys, the Byshop elect comming thither, thinking to haue had hys consecra∣tion, was notwithstanding put backe for two causes: one was, for that there was present then no more but one By∣shop: the other was, for that all the other Bishops had ap∣pealed, that he might not be consecrated to their preiudice, that is, by the authoritie of the Chapter of Cant. saying, that they would not be vnder the obedience of the monks.

After this, solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome, for that then y^t see of Rome was vacant: who receiued aunswere, that during the va∣cation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the Byshop elect, pertayned to the foresayd Chapter of Caun∣terbury.

* 75.49The same yeare also was the Lord Henry the sonne & heyre of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slayne at Uiterbium, in a certayne Chappel hearing Masse, by the Lord Simō and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leister.

During this kinges raigne, there was made a great & generall expedition of diuers and sondry Christian prin∣ces to Ierusalem, taking vpon them the Lords character: that is the Crosse: among whome was also Edward the kings sonne one, to y^e which expeditiō was graunted him a subsidie throughout al y^e realme.* 75.50 And the month of May, the yeare of our Lord. 1270. or as sayth Florilogus, an 1269. he set forward on his iourny.

* 75.51About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his iourny toward Asia. Boniface the Archbishop of Can∣terbury ended his life, in the country of Sebaudia, goyng belike to Rome or comming thence. After whose death, the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election grā∣ted by the king,* 75.52 agreed vppon the Prior of their house na∣med Adam Chelendene. But the king & his sonne Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalfe of Robert Burnell theyr Chauncellour: did sollicite the matter with the Monkes, partly intreating. partly threatning them, to chuse the said Robert to be Archbishop.* 75.53 Notwithstanding the Monkes being stoute, woulde neyther relent to their curteous request, nor yet bow to theyr boystrous threates, but constantly persisting in their former election, appealed from the king and prince to the Pope, Prince Edward be∣ing now on his iourny, and seing himselfe thus frustrated of the Monkes, writeth backe to the king his father: de∣uoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the elec∣tion of the foresayd Monks. And so passing to Douer with Hēry the sonne of Rich. his vncle king of Romanes,* 75.54 with their wiues tooke their passage in the month of August. After this the Prior thus elected, as is foretold, but not ad∣mitted by the king to be Archbishop went vp to Rome.

In the meane tyme, the Monkes in the absence of their elect) ordayned one Geoffrey Pomenall to be theyr Offici∣al: who seing himself aduaunced to that dignity, & bearing belike some old grudge agaynst the Prior of Douer,* 75.55 caused him to be cited vp to appeare in the Chapter house of Can∣terbury. The Prior of Douer seing this citation to be pre∣iudiciall to him and to the Church of Douer, whereas the Monkes of Cant. haue no such iurisdiction (the see of Cā∣terbury being vacant) but that all things appertayning to that Church, ought to be reserued whole to the consecratiō of the new Archb. therefore,* 75.56 for the state both of hym and of hys Church, he appealed vp also vnto Rome. But to re∣turne to the archbishop agayne.

The second yeare after,* 75.57 Adam Chelindon the foresayde Archb. elect, remayning all this while at Rome: at last re∣signed vp hys election to the popes hand, beyng Breg. 10. who then gaue the same to Rob. Kilwarby. Who then cō∣ming to Douer, restored agayn the Prior of that house, be∣ing before excluded vpon certain causes. By these couten∣tions, iudge good reader, of the religion of these men, and of these tunes, And now to returne to our former story.

About whiche tyme came out the great concordaunces by an Englishe Frier,* 75.58 called Iohn Dernington. Ex Eu∣logio.

It was aboue declared, how a generall voyage beyng proclaymed to warre agaynst the Turkes, and a subsidie beyng collected in Englād vpon the same: prince Edward with other was appoynted to take theyr voyage, & nowe were onward in theyr iourny. Who at Michelmas follo∣wing, with hys company came to Egermorth, whiche is from Marsilius 8. leagues westward: & there taking ship agayne (hauing a mery winde and prosperous) within x. dayes ariued at Sunes at Tunicium, where he was wyth great ioy welcommed & entertayned of the Christian prin∣ces that there were to this purpose assembled, as of Philip the French king, whose father Ludouicus, died a little be∣fore: of Carolus the king of Sicilia: and the two kinges of Nauarre and Aragō. And as the Lord Edward came thi∣ther for hys father the king of England, thither came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father, who at hys returne from the voyage, was slayne in a chappell at Uiterbium hearing masse, by the Lord Simō and Bui∣do, the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester.

When Prince Edward demaunded of these kings and Princes what was to be done, they answered him agayne and sayd: The Prince of this Cittie sayd they, and the pro∣uince adioyning to the same, hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicile euery yeare. And nowe, for that the same hath bene for the space of vii. yeares vnpayed and more, therefore we thought good to make inuasion v∣pon hym. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded, hath now according to our owne desires satisfied for the tyme past, and also payed his tribute before hand.

Then sayde he: My Lordes what is this to the pur∣pose? Are we not here all assembled,* 75.59 and haue taken vpon vs the Lordes Character to fight against the Infidels and enemies of Christ? what meane you then to conclude a peace with them: God forbid we should do so: for nowe the land is playne and hard, so that we may approch the holy Citty Ierusalem:* 75.60 then sayd they nowe haue we made a league with them: neither is it lawfull for vs to breake the same: But let vs returne agayne to Sicilia and when the wynter is past, we may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsaile nothing at al liked him, neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased therwith: But after that he had made them a princely banquet, he went into hys closet or priny chamber, from amongst them: neither woulde be partake •• of any of that wicked mony which they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose: at the next me∣ry wynd took shipping, and for want of ships, left CC. of theyr men a shore crying out & piteously lamenting for the perill & hazard of death they were in.* 75.61 wherewith Prince Edward being somewhat moued with compassion, came backe agayne to the land and receiued and stowed them in his own shippes, being the last that went aborde. within 7. dayes after, they arriued in the kingdome of Scicilia o∣uer agaynst the Citty Trapes, casting theyr anchors a

league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burden & throughly fraught. And f••ō the hauen of the Cittie they sent out varges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would: but for theyr horses for the most part, and all their armour they kept stil within bourd. At length towardes the euening, the sea be∣gan to be rough & encreased to a great tempest & a mighty: In so much,* 75.62 that their ships were beaten one against an o∣thers sides, and drowned there was of them at that rēpest lying at anchor, more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides, and that wic∣ked mony also which they had taken before likewise peri∣shed and was drowned. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of Prince Edwardes,* 75.63 who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that as it may be presupposed, he consented not to the wicked counsaile of y^• rest. When in the morning the Princes and kinges came to the sea side, and saw al theyr shyps drowned: and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drow∣ned, they had full heauy heartes, as well they might. For of all theyr shyps and mariners, whiche were in number a 1500. besides the common souldiours: there was no more saued, then the Mariners of one onely Shyp, and they in this wise. There was in that ship a good and wise Ma∣trone (a Countesse or an Earles wife) perceiuing the tem∣pest to grow, and fearing her self, called to her the Maister of the ship: & asked whether in attempting to the shore, it were not possible to saue themselues: who answered, that to saue the ship it was impossible, howbeit the men y^t were therein by Gods help he doubted not. Then sayd y^e Coun∣tesse, for the ship force no whit:* 75.64 saue the soules therein, and haue to the, double the valure of thy ship. who immediate∣ly hoysing the sayles, with all force ran the ship a groundso neare the shore as possible was. Thus with the vehemen∣cy of the weather and force he came withall, brast the ship and saued all that was within the same, as the matter had shewed and sayd before.

Then the kinges and princes (altering theyr purpose after this so great a shypwrack) returned home again eue∣uery one vnto their own lands: Onely Edward the kings sonne remayned behinde with his men and ships, which y^• Lord had saued and preserued. Then Prince Edward (re∣nouating hys purpose) tooke shipping agayn, and within 15. dayes after Easter arriued he at Acra,* 75.65 and went a land taking with hym a thousand of the best souldiours & most expert, & taryed there a whole month, refreshing both hys men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secretes of the land. After this, he took with hym 6. or 7. thousand souldiours and marched forward twenty myles from Acra, and tooke Nazareth: and those he there found he slew, and afterward returned again to Acra. But their enemies following after them, thinking to haue set vpon them at some straight or other aduauntage: were by the Prince premonished thereof, and returning agayn vp∣on them gaue a charge, and slew many of them and the rest they put to flight. After this about Midsomer, when the Prince had vnderstāding that the Saracens began to ga∣ther at Cakhow, which was 40. myles from Acra: he mar∣ching thether, set vpō them very early in the morning, and slue of them more then a 1000. the rest he put to flight, and tooke riche spoyles, marching forward till they came to a Castle named Castrum Peregrinorum, situate vpon the Sea cost, and taried there that night, & the next day they retur∣ned toward Acra. In the meane season, the king of Ieru∣salem sent vnto the noble men of Cypres, desiring them w^t speede that they would come and ayde the Christians: but they would not come, saying: they would keepe their own land and go no further.* 75.66 Then Prince Edward sent vnto them, desiring that at his request they would come & ioyne in ayd with him. Who immediately thereupon came vnto him with great preparation and furniture for the warres, saying: that at hys commaundement they were bounde to do no lesse, for that his predecessors were sometimes y^t go∣uernors of their lande, & that they ought alwaies to shewe their fidelitie, to the kings of England. Then the Christi∣ans being herew^t animated, made a third voiage or Rode, and came as farre as the fort called Vincula S. Petri, and to S. Georges: and when they had slayne certayne there, not finding any to make resistance agaynst them, they retyred agayne from whence they came.

* 75.67When thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst hys enemies, and that they began to stand in doubt of him: they deuised amongest themselues, howe by some pollicie they might circumuent him and betray him. Whereupon, the great Prince and Admirall of Ioppa, sent vnto hym: sayning himselfe vnder great deceit to become a Christian, and that he would draw with hym a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertayned & vsed of the Christians. This talke pleased the Prince well, and per∣swaded him to finish the thing, he had so well begonne, by writing agayne: who also by the same messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him, diuers tymes about the same mat∣ter, whereby no mistrust shoulde spring. This messenger, sayth myne autor, was one ex cautè nutritis, one of the slo∣ny harted that neither feared God, nor dreaded death. The fift tyme when this messenger came, and was of the Prin∣ces seruauntes searched, according to the maner and cu∣stome what weapon and armour he had about him, as al∣so his purse, that not so much as a knife could be founde a∣bout him: he was had vp into the Princes chamber, and after hys reuerence done, he pulled out certayne letters, which he deliuered to the Prince from his Lord, as he had done others before.* 75.68 This was about eight dayes after whitsontide vpon a Teusday, somewhat before night: at which time the Prince was laid vpon his bed bare headed in his Ierkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather.

When the Prince had red the letters, it appeared by thē y^t vpon the Saterday next following, his Lord woulde be there ready to accomplishe all that he had written and pro∣mised. The report of these newes by the prince to the stan∣ders by liked them well, drawing some what backe to con∣sult thereof amongest themselues, In the meane tyme, the messenger, kneeling & making his obersance to the Prince (questioning further with him) put his hand to the belt, as though he would haue pulled out some secret letters: & so∣denly he pulled out an inuenomed knife, thinking to haue stroken hym into the belly therew^t as he lay: But y^• Prince lifting vp his hand to defend the blow, was striken a great woūd into y^t arm.* 75.69 And being about to fetch an other stroke at him, the prince agayn with his foote tooke hym suche a blow y^t he feld him to the ground: w^t that the prince gat him by the hand, and with such violence wrasted the knife from him, y^t he hurt himself therwith on the forehead, and imme∣diately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slue him. The Princes seruauntes being in the next chamber not farre of, hearing the bulkling, came with great hast rūning in: and finding the messenger lying dead in the floure, one of them tooke vp a stoole, and bet out his braynes: wherat the Prince was wroth, for that he stroke a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumour hereof as it was straunge, so it soone went throughout all the Court, and from thence amongst the common people: wherefore they were very heauy and greatly discouraged, To him came also the Captayne of the Temple & brought him a costly and precious drinke agaynst poyson, least the venim of the knife shoulde penetrate the liuely bloud, and in blaming wise sayde vnto hym:* 75.70 Did I not shewe your grace before of the deceipt & subtiltie of this people? Not∣withstanding, sayth he, let your grace take a good hart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours. But straight wayes, y^e surgions & phisitiōs were sent for, and the prince was dressed: and within few dayes after the wound began to putrifie, and the flesh to looke dead and blacke, wherup∣on they that were about the prince began to mutter amon∣gest thēselues, and were very sad and heauy. Which thinge he himselfe perceauing, sayd vnto them: why mutter you thus amongest yourselues? What see you in me, can I not be healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afrayd. Whereupon one said vnto him: and like your grace you may be healed, we mistrust it not, but yet it will be very paynefull for you to suffer. May suffering, sayth he, again restore health? Yea sayth the other, on payne of loosing my head. Then sayd the Prince, I commit my selfe to you, doe with me what you thinke good. Then said one of the Phisitions, is there any of your Nobles in whome your grace reposeth speci∣all trust? To whome the Prince aunswered yea, namyng certayne of the Noble men that stoode about him. Then sayd the Phisition to the two whome the Prince first na∣med, the Lord Edmund, and the Lord Iohn Uoysie: And doe you also faythfully loue your Lord and Prince? Who aunswered both, yea vndoubted. Then sayth he, take ye a∣way this Gentlewoman and Lady (meaning hys wife) & let her not see her Lord and husband, till such a time I will you thereunto. Whereupon they tooke her out of the prin∣ces presence, crying out and wringing her hands. Thē said they vnto her, be ye contented good Lady & Madame. It is better that one woman should weepe a little while, then that all the realme of England shoulde weepe a great sea∣son. Then on the morow, they cut out all the dead and in∣uenemed flesh out of the Princes arme, and threw it from them, and sayd vnto him: how chereth your grace, we pro∣mise you w^tin these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad (if God permit) vpon your horse backe, whole and

well as euer you were. And according to the promise her made the prince, it came to passe, to the no litle comfort and admiration of all his subiectes. When the great Souldan heard of, and that the Prince was yet aliue, he woulde scarsly beleue the same▪ and sending vnto hym three of hys nobles and princes,* 75.71 excused himselfe by them, calling hys gods to witnes, that the same was done neither by hym, nor his consent. Whiche Princes and messengers standing a loofe of from the kinges sonne, worshipping hym, fell flat vpon the ground. You sayth the prince doc reuerence me, but yet you loue me not. But they vnderstoode hym not, because he spake in Englishe vnto them, speaking by an interpreter. Neuertheles, he honourably intreated thē, and sent them away in peace.

* 75.72Thus when Prince Edward had bene 18. monethes in Acra, he tooke shipping about the assumption of our la∣dy, as wee call it, returning houseward, & after 7. weekes he arriued in Sicilia at Trapes: and from thence trauel∣ling through Palestina and Mermes, and so through the middes of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the Pope honourably entertayned. From thence he came into Fraunce, whole same and noble prowes was there much bruted among the common people: and enuied of y^• nobillitie, especially of the Earle de Chafōs: who sent vn∣to hym and required him, that he might breake a staffe w^t him at the Tilte in hys countrey: whiche thing to doc, for that the prince would not diminishe his honour and fame (although he might haue well alledged a sufficient cause and excuse by meanes of hys trauell) yet he would not, but willingly consented therunto.* 75.73 Wherupon it was proclay∣med, that Prince Edward by suche a day, with those that were with him, had challenged all commers at the Tilt & Barriers. Whereupon great assemblies were made in the country all about: and diuers as well horsemen as foote∣men had coniured amongst themselues, and conspired a∣gaynst the Englishmen, selling their horses and armour a forehand, & drinking one to an other in bon voiage of the spoile of them whom they would take as theyr prisoners. Prince Edward in the meane tyme, sent into England for diuers Earles and Barons whiche came vnto hym. Whē the day appoynted was come, the Prince had w^t him more then 1000. horsemen, whiche were knightes, besides hys footemen. But yet there was as many mo on the other side both in horsemen and footemen. When the parties should meete: The French footmen whiche had before conspired: began both to spoyle,* 75.74 rifle, and kill. The Englishmen re∣sisted & defended thēselues both with bowes & slings: ma∣ny of thē they slue & draue them to the gates of their Citty, the other they chased ouer a riuer, where manye of them were drowned. In the meane season, the Earle with fif∣tie of his knights which followed him, came forth and ioi∣ned together so many for so many, and a lōg time together they tryed it with theyr swordes, laying one at an other. At the last, the Earle perceauing himselfe not able to match with him at the armes end: enclosed with him, and taking him about the necke held him with his armes very straite. What meane you my Lord, sayth the prince, thinke you to haue my horse? Yea marry quoth y^t Earle, I meane to haue both thee and thy horse. Hereat Prince Edwarde being a∣scourued, lifted vp himself, and gaue him such a blow y^t ther∣withall he forsaking his horse, hong stil about the Princes necke, till that he shooke him off to the ground. Herewith the Prince, beyng somewhat in a heate, lefte the prease to take some ayre, thereby to refreshe himselfe. But when he sawe the iniury of the Frenchmen towardes hys men,* 75.75 and how they had slayne many of them, he then said vnto them that they vsed rather the exercise of battayle then of Torny Spare you not therefore, sayth he, from henceforth none of them all, but geue them agayn as good as they bring. Thē they assayed to kill eche other freely on eyther part, and let theyr swordes walke. And when by this tyme the Eng∣lish footmen were agayne returned, and saw the conflicte of horsemen and many other Englishmen ouerthrowne: they put themselues amiddes the prease, some pāching the horses, some cutting a sonder the girthes of y^• Frenchmens saddels, ouerthrew•• the ryders and gaue them holibread. Then when the foresayd Earle was horsed agayn by some of his men & amongst the throng, Prince Edward also ru∣shed in amongst the thickest & coped agayn w^t him: to whō he often spake and cryed, that he shoulde yelde hymselfe as vanquished: but that he would not doc. Notwithstanding when his strength began to fayle hym, he was fayn to yeld himselfe vnto a simple knight,* 75.76 according as Prince Ed∣ward him bad: and all the rest of hys horsemen & Knights fled and saued themselues: Howbeit, many of them in that place were slaine, and our men returned hauing the victo∣rye. But when after this they thought themselues to be quiet and at rest: they were killed by two & by three at once as they went in the streetes of the Citizens. Which thing, when the prince heard, he sent for the Maior and Burge∣ses, commaunding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately: for otherwise, of hys knighthoode, he assu∣red them, that vpon the morow he would fire the city, and make it leuell with the grounde. Whereupon they went theyr wayes, and set watchmen in diuers places of y^• same to keepe the peace, by whiche meanes the Prince and hys mē were in safety and quiet. Thus in this pastime of Tor∣neing and Barriers, much bloud was spilte, whereupon the name of the place was chaunged: so that it is not called Torniamentum de Chalons, but paruum bellum de Chalons.

From thence the prince came to Paris,* 75.77 and was of the french king honorably entertained: & after certain dayes, went from thence into Vascouia, where he taryed till that he heard of the death of the king his father.

In the yeare of our 1272.* 75.78 died pope Clement the 4. Af∣ter whom succeeded Pope Gregory the 10. who in the next yeare following, whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1273.* 75.79 called a general Councell at Lyons, about the controuer∣sie betweene the Greeke Church and the Latine Churche, and for the vacancy of the sea Apostolicall. &c.

¶ Certaine Notes of other occurrents chaunced in forreine Countryes abroad within the compasse of yeares and raygne of the foresayd King Henry the thyrd.

HAuing thus accomplished the life and history of King Henry the third, with such accidents as happened w^tin this realm, I thought good to adioine vnto the same some other foreine matters not vnworthy the note, incident in o¦ther Countries during the tyme of the sayd king: Namely from the yeare of our Lord. 1217. vnto this yeare 1272. which I thought the rather not to be omitted, for that euen from and about the beginning of this kings raigne sprang vpp the very welspringes of all mischiefe and sectes of Monkish religions and other swarmes of Popish orders which with their grosse and horrible superstition haue en∣combred the Church of Christ euer since.

First to omitte the repeticion of Pope Innocent the third the great Graundsire of that fowle monster Tran∣sustantiation and auriculer Confession, with the fryers Dominick, and Franciscane Fryers: Thomas Aquinas, Iacobus de Uoragine, Uincentius: with Pope Honorius the third coyner of the Cannon Lawe and the Cardinall Hostiensis, as also Bonauenture, Albertus magnus with Pope Urbane the 4.* 75.80 first founder of the feast of Corpus Christi and procuror of the adoration of the body of Christ in the Sacrament,* 75.81 besides Durandus and many moe: fol∣loweth further to be noted, that the Tartarianes aboute the yeare 1240. issuing out of Moscouia into the partes of Polonia made great waste in Christendome so muche the rather because the Princes about Polonia beyng at variaunce amongest themselues,* 75.82 vsed none other remedie for theyr defence, but heapes of Masses, Inuocation of the dead and worshipping of Images, whiche in deede dyd nothing relieue them but rather encrease theyr trouble.

The next yeare following the whole nation of the Scithians (mustering like Locustes) inuaded the partes of Europe with two mightye armyes: whereof the one entring vppon Polonia made great hauocke and caryed away many Christians from thence Captiues, the other ouerrunning Hungaria made no lesse spoyle there. Adde hereunto an other freshe armye of Tartarianes to the number of 5000000. Who at the very same tyme, ioyninge themselues together entered into Muscouia and Craco∣uia, and made most horrible slaughter sparing neyther sexe, nor age: noble nor vnnoble within the Land. From thence passing to Uratislauia, made great spoyle there also, and thinkyng there to winne the Castle, were by the miraculous workyng of the Lorde at the instaunce and prayers of good people discomfited beyonde all ex∣pectation of man by thundringe and lightning falling vp∣on them from heauen in most terrible wise.

The same yeare immediately after Easter an other ar∣mye of Tartarians were gathered agaynst Lignicium drawing neere to Germnany: By the bruyte whereof the Germaynes being put in great feare were altogether dis∣mayed: but yet not able to helpe themselues by reason they lacked a good guyde and gouernour amongest them. All which came to passe specially by the mischieuous practize of the Romayne Popes raysing variaunce and discorde

amongst them notwithstanding Dentry prince of Polonia and Silicia gathering a power as well as he coulde,* 75.83 dyd encounter with him, but in fine hys whole armye was vanquished, and the kyng hymselfe slayne. Notwithstan∣ding whiche ouerthrowe of Christians it pleased God to strike such a feare into the heartes of the sayd Tartarianes that they durst not approche anye further or nearer into Germany, but retired for that tyme into they Countrye agayne:* 75.84 who recounting theyr victory by taking each man but one eare of euery of the Christians that were slayne founde the slaughter so great as that they filled it, great sackes full of eares. Neuertherles, after this viz the yeare 1260. the same Tartarianes hauing the Moskouites to theyr guides returned agayne into Polonia and Crato∣nia, where in the space of three monethes they ouerranne the land with fire and sword ouer to the coastes of Silesia. And had not the princes of Germany put to theyr helping hand in this lamentable case, they had vtterly wasted the whole lande of Polonia and the Coastes therea∣boutes.

This yeare also in the month of Aprill, Richard Kyng of Almayne dyed at the Castell of Barchamsted, and was buryed at the Abbey of Dayles, whiche he built out of the ground.* 75.85 The same yeare also at Norwich, there fel a great controuersie, between the monks and the citizens, about certayn tallagies and liberties. At last, after much altecra∣tion and wrangling wordes, the furious rage of the Citti∣zens so much increased and preuayled, and so litle was the feare of God before theyr eyes, that altogether they set vp∣on the Abbey and Priory, and burned both the church and Byshops Pallace, whē this thing was heard abroad, the people were very sory to heare of so bold & naughty an en∣terprise, & much discommended y^e same. At the last, K. Dēry calling for certayne of hys Lords, and Barons, sent thē to the city of Norwich,* 75.86 that they might punish and see execu∣tion done of the chiefest malefactors: in so much that some of them were condemned and burnt, some of them hanged and some were drawne by the heeles with horses through∣out the streetes of the Citty, and after in muche misery en∣ded theyr wretched liues. The same yeare, Adam the pri∣or of Canterbury, and Bishop elect: in the presence of pope Gregory the 10. refused to be archbishop, although he was elect. wherefore, the pope gaue the same archbishopricke, to Frier Robert Kilwardby the Prouost of the preaching Friers: a man of good life and great learning. He was cō∣secrated at Caunterbury, the fourth day of March by sixe bishops of the same Prouince. The same yeare also at Mi∣chelmas, the Lord Edmund, the sonne of king Richard of Almaine, maryed the sister of Gilbert Erle of Gloucester, Also in this yeare of our Lord, 1273. the 16. day before the Calendes of December vpon S. Edmundes day the arch∣bishop and confessour:* 75.87 died King Henry, in the 56. yeare of his raigne, and was buryed at Westminster: leauing after him two sonnes and two daughters, to wit Edward the Prince, and Edmund Earle of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret, whiche Margaret was maryed to the king of Scottes. This king Henry in his life tyme beganne the building of the Church & steeple at westmin∣ster, but did not throughly finish the same before his death.

King Edward the first.

* 75.88IN the time of the death of K Henry, Edward his eldest sonne was absent in Dasconia, as a little before you heard: yet notwithstanding, by Robert Kilwarby Archb. of Caunt and o∣ther bishops & nobles, he was ordeined heire and successour after hys father: who, after he had heard of hys fathers death, retourned home to his Countrey, and was crowned the yeare of our Lord 1274. who then layd downe his crowne, saying: he woulde no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the landes pertayning to the same. This Edward as he had alwayes before bene a louing and naturall Childe to his Father, whom he had deliuered out of prison and captiuity: & afterward hearing both together of y^e death of his sonne, & of his father, wept and lamented much more for his father, then for his sonne, saying to the French king (which asked the cause thereof) that the losse of his child was but light,* 75.89 for Children might after increase and be multiplied, but the losse of his parent was greater, which could not be recouered:* 75.90 Robert Aues∣bury. So almighty God for the same his pietie to his father shewed, rewarded him agayn with great successe, felicitie, and long raigne. In so much, y^e he beyng yong as he was playing at Chesse with a certayne souldior of his,* 75.91 sodainly hauing no occasion geuen: rose vp and went his way, who was not so soon voyded the place, but incontinent fel down a mighty stone from the vawt aboue directly vpon y^t place where he sate, able to haue quashed him in peeces,* 75.92 if he had caried neuer so little more. In the proseruation of whome as I see, the present hand and mighty prouidence of the h∣uing God: so in the kinges order agayne, I note a fault or error worthy of reprehension: For that he receiuing such a liuely benefite at the hand of the liuing Lord, going there∣fore on pilgrimage to walsingham, gaue thanks not only to our Lady, but rather to a rotten blacke, Ibidem. Of the gentle nature of this couragious prince, sufficient proofe is geuen by this one example: that what time he being in hys desport of hauking, chaunced sharpoly to rebuke the negli∣gence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell about his hauke: the gentleman being on the other side of the riuer, hearing his manassing wordes was glad (as he sayd) that the riuer was between them, with this answer the couragious bloud of this Prince being moued, vppon present hear, he leaped straight into the floud, both a swift streame and of a dangerous deepnesse, and no lesse hard in getting out. Notwithstanding either forgetting his owne life, or neglecting the daunger present, but hauing a good horse, ventreth his own death, to haue the death of his mā. At length with much difficultie recouering the bank, with his sword drawn pursueth his prouoker. Who hauing not so good an horse, and seeing himselfe in daunger of taking, reineth hys horse:* 75.93 submitteth his necke vnder hys hande to strike. The prince, whose feruent stomack the water of the whole riuer could not quench, a little submission of his man did so extinct that the quarrel fell, his anger ceased, and his sword put vp, without any stroke geuen. And so both returned to theyr game,* 75.94 good friendes agayne. Auesb. Nich. Triuet.

In the first, beginning of his raig••e, this Kyng had much adoe in Wales, where he had diuers conflictes wyth the welshmen: whom at last he subdued & cut down theyr woodes, suppressed rebellions, & vanquishing theyr kings, Lewline and his brother,* 75.95 ordeined his eldest sonne Ed∣ward, borne in the same Countrey to be Prince of Wales. This Lewline Captayne of y^e welshmen here mentioned, rebelling agaynst king Edward: asked counsayle by way of coniuration, what euent should come vpon his attempt To whom it was tolde, that he should goe forward boldly for doubtlesse, he should ryde thorough Chepeside at Lon∣don, with a crowne on his head. Whiche so came to passe. For he being slayne,* 75.96 hys head was caried through Chepe, with a Crowne of siluer to London bridge: whereby men may learne not to seeke nor stick to these vayne prophesies: which though they fall true, yet are but the traynes of the deuill to deceyue men.

About this time was a great earthquake, and suche a rotte, that consumed a great multitude of sheep, in the land through the occasion as they say, of one scabbed shepe that came out of Spayne. The king returning from Wales to England, ordred certayne new lawes for the wealth of the realme.* 75.97 Among many other this was one: that authoritie was geuen to all Maiors Baili••es, & other officers to see execution and punishment of all Bakers making bread vnder the sise, with pillory. Of Milners stealing corn with the tumbrel. &c. And within two yeares after the statute of Mortinayne was first enacted, which is to meane that no man should geue vnto the Churche any landes or rentes, without a speciall licence of the king.

About which tyme also, being the 7. yeare of his raigne 297.* 75.98 Iewes for mony clipping were put to execution. In whiche same yeare began first the foundation of the blacke Friers by Ludgate. And the towne of Bosten was great∣ly wasted the same yeare with fyre. The halfepeny and far∣thinges began first to be coyned the selfe tyme, which was the 8. yeare of hys raygne. The great conduit in Chepe be∣gan the fourth yeare after to be made.* 75.99 anno. 1248. And the yeare next following the newe worke of the Churche of Westminster (begon, as is afore premonished in the thyrd yeare of Henry 3.) was finished, whiche was 66. yeares in edifiyng the Iewes were vtterly banished this Realme of England the same tyme, for whiche the commons gaue to the kyng a fifteene. anno. 1291.

After that the country of Wales, was brought in a full order and quiet, by the hewing downe of the woodes, and casting down the old holdes, and building of new, whiche all was brought to perfect end, about the 24. yeare of thys kings reigne: then ensued an other broile as great or grea∣ter with Scotland: to the great disquiet of the king and the realme of England, many yeares after. This trouble first began by the death of Alexander king of Scots, who dyed without issue left aliue behinde him.* 75.100 Although Fabiane in y^t 7. booke of hys Chronicle affirmeth: that he left 3. daugh∣ters, the eldest maryed to sir John Bailol: the secōd to Ro∣bert Bruce, the thyrd to one Hastinges. But this in Fabian, is to be corrected as which neyther standeth with it selfe, &

is clearely conuinced by the witnes and history of Rob. A∣uel bury,* 75.101 and also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gi••burne.

For first, if king Alexander had left his eldest daughter marked to Syr Iohn Bailol, then what cōtrouersie might rule among the Lords about succession, needing so diligent and anxious deciding by the king of England. Secondly, what clayme or title could the king of Norway haue to the crowne of Scotland which was one of y^e chalengers, clai∣ming the sayd crowne in the behalfe of Margaret the nece of the forsayd king Alexander her graunfather, if the eldest daughter of y^e father had heue left aliued Thirdly, what can be more playn, when by the affirmance of the foresaid story is testified, that K. Alexander had 2. wiues. Of the second whereof he had no issue. Of the first had two Children: A∣lexader which died before his father, and Margaret mari∣ed to the kyng of Norway, whiche died also before her Fa∣ther,* 75.102 of whom came Margaret the ••ece of Alexander, and daughter to the king of Norway afore mentioned. And the also dyed in the iourny betweene Norway and Scotland, the fourth yeare after the decease of her grandfather. Wher∣fore, as this matter standeth most cleare, so let vs now re∣turning frō whence we digressed, prosecute the rest that fo∣loweth. After that Alexāder thus as is said, departed with∣out issue, & also Margaret his ••iece in Norway was de∣ceased: the matter came in a great doubt among the nobles of Scotland (especially 12. by name) to whome the right of the crowne should next pertayne.* 75.103 After much variaunce a∣mong parties, at length the election and determination of the matter was committed to the iudgement of king Ed∣ward of England: who after sufficient proofe made to the Scottes and firme euidence, brought out of all the ancient historyes both of England, and Scotland, testifying from tyme to tyme that he was chief head and soueraigne of the Realme of Scotland: first by necessitie of the law, and by al theyr consentes tooke full possession of the same. And that bone, adiudged y^e right of the Crown to John Bailol, who descended of the daughter of Dauid Earle of Huntington, brother to Dauid King of Scotland, in the dayes of Kyng Henry the second. This Erle Dauid had three daughters, Isabell maried to Robert Brusse, Margaret to Allen Earle of Galeway, had Ellen to Henry Lord Hastinges: Allē Earle of Galeway had Ellē maried to Roger Quin∣cy Erle of Winchester, Constable of Scotland, & Doruagile maried to John Bailol father to Edward king of Scots.

* 75.104When these thinges were thus finished in Scotlande, and Syr Iohn Bailol as most rightfull inheritour had re∣ceaued the crowne of Scotland at the handes of kyng Ed∣ward thankefully: & for the same in the presence of the Ba∣rony of England and of Scotland, did vnto the sayd king Edward his homage, and sware to him fealty: the Scottes with theyr new king returned into Scotland, and Kyng Edward remoued agayne to England:

But not long after, the falsenes of this Scotishe Kyng soone appeared. Who repenting him of his homage done, vntruely for sook his former othe & promise, and made war against king Edward, through the counsaile of the Abbot of Menros.* 75.105 Wherfore, the king with a great host sped hym into Scotland, & in processe laid siege to the towne of Ber∣wicke: which the Scots did egerly defend, not onely to the discomfiture, but also to the decision of the kinges and hys English host. But in conclusion, the English men preuay∣led and wan the towne,* 75.106 where were slayne of the Scottes the number of 25. thousand. And while the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same, he sent part of his host to Dunbarre, where the Englishmē agayn had the victory and slue of the Scottes xx. thousand, Gis burne sayth but x. thousand, so that very few were lost of the En∣glish company.* 75.107 The king with a great nūber of prisoners returning into his realm, shortly after sped him ouer vnto Flaūders, where he sustayned great trouble by the French kyng, till truce for certayne space was betweene them con∣cluded. But in the meane while that K. Edward was thus occupyed beyond the Seas: the French king (resorting to his practised maner) set the Scottes secretly agaynst the Englishmen to keep the king at home.* 75.108 Which Scots ma∣kyng themselues a Captaine named Williā Waleis: war∣red vpon the borders of Northumberlād, where they dyd much burt. At length the king returning from Burdeaux into England, shortly vpon the same tooke hys iourny in∣to Scotland. Where meeting at Yorke with hys host, mar∣ched into the Realme of Scotlande, winning as he went, townes and Castles,* 75.109 till at length comming to the towne of Frankyrch on Mary Magdalens day, he met with the power of Scotland: and had with them a fore sight, but through Gods prouidence the victory fel to the right cause of Englishmen: so that of the Scottes were slayne in the field, as it is of diuers writers affirmed, ouer the number of xxxii. thousand:* 75.110 and of Englishmen but barely. xxviii. persons. Whereupon, the king agayn taking possession and feairy of the whole land, returned home.

And yet the false vntroth of the Scots would not thus be ruled,* 75.111 but rose vp in a new broyle: so that the kyng was enforced to make his power agayn the yeare folowing in∣to Scotland, where he to suppressed the rebellion of y^t Lords and of the commons, that they swearing to the kings alle∣giaunce, presented themselues by great companyes, & put them wholy in the kings grace and mercy: so that the king thinking himselfe to be in peaceable possession & in a great surety of the land, caused to be sworne vnto hym the rulers of the boroughes, citties, and townes, with other officers of the land, and so returned vnto Barwicke, and so into England, and lastly to Westminster.

These martiall affayres betwene England and Scot∣land although they appertayne not greatly to the purpose of our story Ecclesiastical: yet so much by y^e way I thought briefly to touch, whereby the better it might be vnderstan∣ded by these premisses, that whiche followeth in the sequele hereof. As the Scottes were thus warring and ragyng a∣gaynst the king, and saw they could not make theyr party good,* 75.112 they sent priuily to Pope Boniface for hysayde and counsaile: who immediatly sendeth downe his precept to the K. to this effect, that he should hereafter succease to dis∣quiet or molest the Scottes, for that they were a people ex∣empt and properly pertaining to hys Chappell. And ther∣fore it could not otherwise be, but that the Citty of Ierusa∣lem must needs defend hys own Citizens: & as the mount Syon,* 75.113 mayntayn such as trust in the Lord. &c. Whereunto the king briefly maketh aunswere agayne, swearing with anothe that he would to his vttermost keepe & defend that which was hys right, euidētly known to all the world. &c. Thus the Scots bearing themselues bold vpon the popes message,* 75.114 & also confederating themselues with the French mē, passed ouer that yeare. The next yeare after y^t (whiche was 29. of the kinges raigne) the sayd Pope Boniface di∣recteth hys letters agayn to the kyng, wherein he doth vē∣dicate the kingdome of Scotland, to be proper to y^e Church of Rome, & not subiect to the king of England. And therfore it was agaynst God, against iustice, and also preindiciall to the Churche of Rome, for hym to haue or hold dominion vpon the same, which he proued by these reasons.

First, that when king Henry the father of this Kyng, receiued ayd of Alexander king of Scots in his warres a∣gaynst Simon Mountfort: he recognised & acknowledged in his letters patents, that he receaued the same of king A∣lexander, not of any duety, but of speciall fauour.

Item, when the sayd king Alexander comming to En∣gland, did homage to the sayd kyng Henry: he did it not as king of Scotland, but onely for certayne landes of Lyndal and Penreth lying in England.

Item, where the sayd king Alexander left behynd hym Margaret his heyre, being ••ece to the king of England, and yet vnder age: yet the tuition of y^e sayd Margaret was committed not to the K. of England, but to certain Lords of Scotland, deputed to the same.

Moreouer, when any legacie was directed down from Rome to the Realme of England, for collecting oftenthes or other causes: the sayd legacie tooke no place, in the realm of Scotland, and might well he resisted (as it was in kyng Alexander hys dayes) except an other speciall commission touching the realme of Scotland, were ioined wall. Wher∣by it appeareth, these to be two seueral dominions, and not subiect vnder one.

Adding furthermore, that the kingdome of Scotland first was conuerted by the reliques of the blessed Apostle S. Peter: through the deuine operation of God: to the v∣nity of the Catholicke fayth.

Wherefore vpon these causes and reasons, Pope Bo∣niface in hys letters to the king, required him to geue ouer hys clayme, and cease his warres agaynst the Scottish na∣tion: And to release all such both of the spiritualtie and lay∣tie, as he had of them prisoners. Also to call home agayne his officers and deputies, whiche he had there placed and ordained to the greauance of that nation, to the sclaunder of all faythfull people, and no lesse preiudice to the Church of Rome. And if he would clayme any right or title to the said Realme or any part therof: he should send vp his procura∣tours specially to y^e same appoynted, with all that he could for himselfe alleadge vnto the sea Apostolicke,* 75.115 there to re∣ceaue what reason and right would require.

The king, after he had receaued these letters of the Pope, assembled a councell or Parliament at Lincolne: by the aduise of which counsell & Parliament, he addressed other letters responsall to the Pope agaynes wherein first in al reuerend maner he desireth him not to geue light care to

the sinister suggestions of false reportes,* 75.116 and imaginers of mischiefe. Then he declareth out of old recordes & histories frō the first time of the Brittaynes, that the realm of Scot∣land hath alwayes from time to time bene all one to Eng∣land, beginning first with Brutus in the tyme of Dely and Samuell the Prophet:* 75.117 which Brutus comming frō Troy to his Ile called then Albion, after called by hym Britan∣nia, had three sonnes: Locrinus to whome he gaue y^e part of the land, called then of hym Loegria, now Auglia Alba∣nactus his second sonne, to whom he gaue Albania, nowe called Scotia: and hys thyrd sonne Lamber, to whome he gaue Cambria, now called Wales. &c.

And thus much concerning the first deuision of this Ile, as in auncient histories is found recorded. In whiche matter passing ouer the death of king Humber, the actes of Dunwald, king of this Realme, the deuision of Belyn and Brene, the victories of king Ar∣thur, we will resort (sayth the king) to more nearer tymes, testi∣fied and witnessed by sufficient authors, as Marianus Scotus, William Malmesbury: Roger Abyndon: Henry Huntington: Ra∣dulph de Bizoto and other. All which make special declaration, & geue manifest euidence, of the execution of this our right (sayth he) & title of Superioritie, euer continued & preseued hetherto.

And first to begin with Edward the Seniour, before the con∣quest,* 75.118 sonne to Alurede kyng of England, about the yeare of our Lord. 900. it is playne and manifest, that he had vnder hys domi∣nion and obedience the king of Scots. And here is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, as Maryan the Scot writing that story in those dayes, graunteth, confesseth and testifieth the same: and this dominion continued in that state 23. yeare. At whiche tyme, Athelstane succeeded in the crowne of England, and hauing by battaile cōquered Scotland, he made one Constantine king of that party, to rule & gouerne the country of Scotland vnder him, adding this princely word: That it was more honour to him to make a king, then to be a king.

24. yeares after that, whiche was the yeare of our Lord 947. Eldred king our progenitour, Athelstanus brother, took homage of Irise then king of Scots.

30. yeares after that, whiche was the yeare of our Lorde 977. kyng Edgar our predecessour tooke homage of Kynalde king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S Ed∣ward kyng and martyr, destroyed by the deceite of hys mother in law: but yet within memory.

40. yeares after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord. 1017. Malcoline the king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessour. After this homage done. The Scots vttered some peece of theyr naturall disposition, whereupon (by warre made by our progenitour S. Edward the confessour. 39. yeare after that homage done, that is to saye, the yeare of our Lord. 1056) Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished. and the realme of Scotland geuen to Malcoline his sonne by our sayd progenitour S. Edward: vnto whom the sayd Malcoline made homage and fealty.

Within 40. yeares after that, William Conquerour entred this realme, whereof he accompted no perfect conquest, vntill he had likewise subdued the Scots: and therfore in the sayd yeare (which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1068) the sayde Malcoline King of Scots did homage to the sayd William Conquerour, as hys supe∣riour by Conquest king of England.

25. yeares after that, which was the yeare of our Lord. 1093. the sayd Malcoline did homage & fealty to William Rufus, sonne to the sayd William Conquerour: and yet after that was for his offences and demerites deposed, and hys sonne substitute in hys place: who likewise fayled in his duety, and therfore was ordained in that estate by the sayd William Rufus, Edgar brother to the last Malcoline, and sonne to the first, who did hys homage and fe∣alty accordingly.

7. yeares after that, which was in the yeare of our Lorde. 1100. the sayd Edgar king of the Scots, did homage to Henry the first our progenitour.

37 yeare after that, Dauid king of Scots did homage to Ma∣tilde the Emperatrice, as daughter and heyre to Henry the first. Wherefore being after required by Stephen, then obtayning pos∣session of the Realme, to make his homage: he refused so to doe, because he had before made it to the sayd Matilde, and thereupon forbare. After whiche Dauids death, whiche ensued shortly after, the sonne of the sayde Dauid made homage to the sayde Kyng Stephen.

14. yeares after that, whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1150. William king of Scots, and Dauid hys brother, with all the nobles of Scotland made homage to Henry the second sonne, with a reseruation of their duetye to Henry the second hys Fa∣ther.

25 yeares after that, which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1175. William kyng of Scotland, after much rebellion and resi∣staunce, according to their naturall inclination (King Henry the second then beyng in Normandy) knowledged finally his errour, and made hys peace and composition, confimed with hys great Seale, and the Seales of the nobilitie of Scotland, making there∣with his homage and fealtie,

Within 15. yeares after that, which wat the yeare of our Lorde 1190 the sayd William king of Scots came to our Citty of Caun∣terbury, and there dyd homage to our noble progenitour Kyng Richard the first.

1124. yeares after that, the said William did Homage to our pro∣genitour king Iohn, vpon a hill besides Lincolne, making his othe vpon the Crosse of Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury, being there present, and a merueilous multitude assembled for that pur∣pose.

26. yeare after that, whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1230. Alexander king of Scots maryed Margaret the daughter of our progenitour Henry the third, at our Citty of Yorke, in the feast of Christmas: at whiche tyme the sayd Alexander dyd hys homage to our sayd progenitour: who reigned in this Realme 56. yeares. And thereford betweene the homage made by the sayd A∣lexander king of Scotland, and the homage done by Alexander, sonne to the sayd king of Scots, to vs at our coronation at West∣minster, there was about 50. yeares: At which tyme, the said Alex∣ander kyng of Scottes repayred to the sayd feast of our coronati∣on, and there did he his duety as is aforesayd.

¶ Besides these letters of the king, the Lordes tempo∣rall also in the name of the whole communaltie and Parli∣ment, wrote an other letter to the pope, answering to that, where as the pope arrogated to hym to be iudge for the ti∣tle of the realme of Scotland, whiche the king of England claymed to hymselfe: whiche letter I thought also here to annexe contayning, as in the wordes of the same here folo∣weth to be read and seene.

* The Lordes temporall, and the whole Baronie of England to the Pope.

THe holy mother Churche,* 76.1 by whose ministery the Catholicke fee is gouerned: in her deedes (as we throughly beleeue and holde) proceedeth with that ripenes in iudgement, that she will be hurtfull to none but like a mother would euery mans right to be kept vnbroken as well in other, as in her selfe. Whereas there∣fore in a generall Parliament called at Lincoln of late by our most dread Lord Edward by the grace of God the noble kyng of Eng∣land: the same our Lorde caused certayne letters receaued from you to be read openly, and to be declared seriously afore vs, about certayne businesses touching the condition & state of the realme of Scotland: We did not a little muse and maruaile with our selues hearing the meaninges concerning the same, so wondrous and straunge, as the like we haue not heard at any time before. For we know most holy father, and it is well knowne as well in this realm of England (as also not vnknowne to other persons besides) that from the first beginning of the Realme of England: the certayne and direct gouernement of the Realme of Scotland in all tempo∣rall causes, from tyme to tyme belonged to the kynges of the same Realme of England, and Realme of Scotland: as well in the times both of the Brittaines, as also of Englishmen. Yea rather, the same Realme of Scotland of olde tyme was in see to the Aunce∣tours of our foresayd Lordes Kynges of England, yea and to hymselfe. Furthermore, the Kynges of Scottes and the Realme haue not bene vnder any other then the kynges of England, and the Kinges of England haue answered, or ought to aunswere for theyr rightes in the foresayd Realme, or for any hys temporali∣ties afore anye Iudge Ecclesiasticall or secular, by reason of free preheminence of the state of hys royall dignitie and custome kept without breach at all tymes. Wherefore, after treatie had and dilligent deliberation of the contentes in your foresayd letters, this was the common agreeing and consent with one mynde, and shall be without fayle in tyme to come by Gods grace: that our foresayd Lord the Kyng, ought by no meanes to aunswere in iudgement in any case, or shoulde bring hys foresayd rightes into doubt: nor ought not to send any proctors or messengers to your presence: specially seeing that the premisses tend manifestly to the disheriting of the right of the Crowne of Englande, and the playne ouerthrow of the state of the sayd Realme, and also hurt of the liberties, customes, and lawes of our fathers: For the kee∣ping and defence of whiche, we are bounde by the duety of the othe made. And we will mayntayne them with all power, and will defend them (by Gods helpe) with all strength. And farther we will not suffer our foresayd Lord the king to doe, or by anye meanes to attempt the premisses being so unacustomed, vnwont, and not heard of afore. Wherefore, we reuerently and humbly beseech your holines, that ye would suffer the same our Lord king of Englande (who among other Princes of the worlde, shew∣eth himselfe Catholicke and deuour to the Romishe Churche) quietly to enioye hys rightes, liberties', customes and lawes aforesayde: without all empayring, and trouble, and let them continue vntouched. In witnesse whereof we haue set our seales to these presentes, aswell for vs, as for the whole

communaltie of the foresayd Réalme of England.

Dated at Lin∣colne in the yeare of our Sauiour 1031. & anno Edwardi pri∣mi. 28.

* 76.2The yeare following, which was from Christ, an. 1303. the sayd Pope Boniface the eight of that name, taking dis∣pleasure with Phillip the Frenche king: did excite king Edward of Englad, to warre against him, promising hun great ayd thereunto. But he (as mine author sayth) little trusting y^e Popes false vnstable affection toward him well proued before,* 76.3 put him of w^t delayes. Ex Rob. Auesb. wher∣upon, the French king fearing the power of king Edward whom the Pope had set agaynst hys friendship: restored vnto him agayn Wascone, which he wrongfully had in his hands deteined. Concerning this variaunce here mentio∣ned between the Pope and the French kyng, how it begā first, and to what end it fell out: the sequell hereof (Christ willing) shall declare, after that first I haue finished the discourse begon betweene England and Scotland.

* 76.4In the yeare 1303. the foresayd Willa Waleys, which had done so many displeasures, to the king before (conti∣nuing still in his rebellion) gathered great multitudes of the Scottes to w^tstand the king: til at length, the yeare fol∣lowing he was taken, and sent vp to Londō, and there ex∣ecuted for the same. After which thinges done, the king thē held his Parliament at Westminster, whether came out of Scotland the Bishop of S. Andrewes, Robert Bruse a∣boue mentioned, Earle of Dunbarre, Earle of Acles, and Syr Iohn comming, with diuers other: The which volū∣tarily were sworne to be true to the king of England, and to keep the land of Scotland to his vse agaynst at persons. But shortly after the sayd Robert Bruse,* 76.5 who as is sayd maried the second daughter of Earle Dauid, forgetting his othe before made vnto the king: within a yeare or two af∣ter this, by the counsell of the Abbot of Stone, and Bishop of S. Andrewes: sent vp vnto Pope Clement the 5. for a di∣spensation of his othe made unsinuating to him, that King Edward vexed and greued the realme of Scotland wrōg∣fully. Whereupon the pope wrote vnto the king, to leaue of such doinges.* 76.6 Notwithstanding whiche inhibition of the Pope, the king prosecuting hys owne right, after he had y^e vnderstanding of y^e doings of the Scots, & of the mischiefe of Robert Bruys (who had slayne w^t hys owne handes Syr Iohn Comyng, for not consenting with him and other Lordes at hys Parliament) areared his power & strength of men preparing himselfe toward Scotlād:* 76.7 where he ioy∣ning with the said Syr Robert and all the power of Scot∣land in a playne, neare vnto S. Iohns towne, put him to flight and so chased the Scots, that of them were slayne to the number of 7. thousand. In the which victory, such By∣shops and Abbots as were taken, he sent thē to the Pope: the temporall Lordes and other Scots he sent vnto Lon∣don.* 76.8 &c. Syr Robert Bruys after this discomfiture, when he had thus lost both the field and chiefe frendes, seing him¦selfe, not able to make hys party good, fled into Norway, where he kept hys abode during the time while king Ed∣ward liued. Whē this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he yelded thankes to God for hys victory, & so let∣ting y^e land in a quiet, and an order, he returned vnto Lon∣don, which was the 35. yeare and last of his raigne. &c.

* 76.9Now returning to that which I promised before tou∣ching the variaunce and greuous dissention betwene Phi∣lip the French king, and Pope Boniface the eight of that name. After the byshopricke of Rome had bene long voyd through the dissentiō of the Cardinals, for the space of two yeares and 3. monthes: at length, Pope Celestinus was chosen, successor to pope Nicholas the fourth. Which Cele∣stinus in hys first consistory, began to reforme the Clergy of Rome, thinking to make it an example to al other chur∣ches. Wherefore, he procured to hymselfe such a hatred a∣mong hys Clergy men, that this Boniface, then called Be∣nedictus, speaking through a reede by his chamber wall nightly admonished him,* 76.10 as it had bene a voyce from hea∣uen, that he should geue ouer his Papacie, as beyng a bur∣den bigger then he could wyld. Ex Masseo.

This pope Celestine after he had set vi. monethes, by the trechery & falshhoode of this Boniface, was induced to geue vp & resigne his Bishoprick,* 76.11 partly for the voyce spo∣ken of before, partly for feare: being told of certaine craftely subornated in his chāber, that if he did not resigne, he shold lose his life. Who thē after his resignation goyng to liue in some solitary defert (being a simple man) was vilely taken and thrust in perpetuall prison by Pope Boniface: crastely pretending that he did it not for any hatred vnto Celestine, but that sedetious persōs might not haue him as their hed to rayse vp some stirre in the Church.* 76.12 And so was brought to his death. Wherfore, this Boniface was worthely called the eight Nero: of whom it was rightly sayd, hee came in like a Foxe, he reigned like a Lyon, and dyed like a dogge.

This Pope Boniface succeeding,* 76.13 or rather inuadyng after Celestinus, behaued himselfe so imperiously, that he put down princes, excommunicated kings, such as did not take theyr confirmation at his hand.* 76.14 Diuers of his Cardi∣nals he draue away for feare, some of them as schismaticks he deposed and spoyled them of all theyr substaunce. Philip the French king he excommunicated, for not suffering hys money to goe out of the Realme, and therefore cursed both his and him, to the fourth generation. Albertus the Em∣perour not once nor twise, but thrise sought at his handes to be cōfirmed, and yet was reiected, neyther could obtain vnlesse he would promise to driue the Frenche king out of his realme.* 76.15 The factions discorde in Italy betweene the Guelphes, and Gibillines, which the part of a good bishop had bene to extinct: so little he helped to quench the smoke, that he of all other was chiefest fire brande to encrease the flame. In so much that vpon Ashwednesday, when Por∣chetus an Archbishop came and kneeled down before hym to receaue hys ashes: Pope Boniface looking vpon him, & perceauing that he was one of y^e Gibbellines part, cast his handfull of ashes in hys eyes, saying: Memen to homo quòd Gibellinus es &c. That is:* 76.16 remember man that a Gibeline thou art, and to ashes thou shale go. This Pope moreouer ordained first the Iubilei in Ro••••••in y^e solemnising wher∣of, the first day he shewed hymselfe in his poutificalibus, & gaue free remission of sinnes to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world. The second day (beyng ar∣rayed with Imperiall ensignes) he commaunded a naked sword to be caryed before him and sayd with a loud voyce:* 76.17 Eccepotestatem vtrius{que} gladij. That is, Loe here the power and authoritie of both the swords, ••es.

From the which very yeare (as most stories do record) the Turkes, doe beginne the first count of their Turkishe Emperours, whereof the si••t▪ was Ottomannus, as you shal heare discoursed hereafter by Gods grace in the histo∣ry of the Turkes.

By this sayd Pope Boniface,* 76.18 diuers constitutions ex∣trauaganes of his predecessours were collected together, with many of his owne newly added thereto, and is made the booke called Sextus decretalium, &c. By whom also first sprang vp pardons and indulgences from Rome.

These thinges thus premised of Boniface, the Pope,* 76.19 now will I come to the occasion of the strife betweene him, and the French king: Concerning whiche matter, first I finde in the history of Nicholas Triuet, that in the yeare of our Lord. 1301. the Byshop of Oppanubam beyng accused for a conspiracie agaynst the French king, was brought vp to hys Court,* 76.20 & so committed to prison. The pope hearing this, sendeth word to the kyng by hys Legate to set him at liberty. The French king not daring to the contrary, loo∣seth the Bishop: But whē he had done, he dischargeth both the byshop and the Legate commaunding them to voyde hys realme. Whereupon, Pope Boniface reuoketh all the graces and priuiledges graunted eyther by him or his pre∣decessors before to the kingdome of Fraunce: also,* 76.21 not long after thundring out the sentence of hys curse agaynst hym. Moreouer, citeth all the prelates, all diuines, and lawyers both ciuile and canon, to appeare personally before him at Rome, at a certain day, which was the first of Nouember. Agaynst this citation, the king againe prouideth and com∣maundeth by straite proclamation, that no maner of persō should export out of the Realme of France eyther gold, or siluer, or any other maner of ware or marchandise, vppon forseting all their goodes, and theyr bodyes at the kinges pleasure: prouiding with all, the wayes and passages dili∣geurly to be kept that none might passe vnsearched. Ouer and besides, the sayd French kyng defeited the Pope in ge∣uing and bestowing prebendes, and benefices, and other ecclesiasticall liuings, contrary to the Popes profite. For y^e which cause, the pope writeth to the foresayd king in forme and effect as followeth.

¶ Boniface Byshop and seruaunt to Gods seruauntes to hys beloued sonne Phillip by the grace of God, king of Fraunce, greeting and Apostolicall blessing.

BOniface the seruaunt of Gods seruauntes &c. feare God, and obserue his commaundementes.* 77.1 We will thee to vnderstand, that thou art subiect to vs both in spirituall thinges, and tempo∣rall. And that no gift of benefices or prebendes belongeth to thee: and if thou haue the keeping of any beyng vacaunt, that thou re∣serue the profites of them to the successors. But if thou haue geuen any, we iudge the gift to be voyde: and call backe how farre so e∣uer thou hast gone forward. And whosoeuer beleueth otherwise, we iudge them heretickes.

Vnto this letter of the Pope, king Phillip maketh an∣swere agayn in maner & order as followeth, which is this.

¶ Phillip by the grace of God King of Fraunce, to Boniface not in deedes, behauing himselfe for Pope, little friendship or none.

* 78.1TO Boniface bearing himselfe, for chiefe Byshop, little health or none. Let thy follishnes know that in no temporall things we are subiect to no man, and that the giftes of prebendes, and many benefices made and to be made by vs were and shall be good both in time past and to come. And that we will defend manfully the possessours of the sayd benefices, and we thinke them that be∣leue or thinke otherwise, fooles and mad men.

Geuen at Paris the Wednesday after Candlemas. an. 1301.

After these aforesayd and other writinges passing to and fro, betweene the French kyng and the pope: within a yeare and a halfe after, the king sommoneth a Parliament sending downe hys letters to his Sheriffes and other offi∣cers to summon the Prelates and Barons of the Realme, vnto the sayd Court of Parliament, according to the tenor of the kinges letters here following.

* 79.1PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce, &c.

Whereas we would take counsaile with the Prelates, Barons and other our faythfull, about weighty matters and hard, and suche as belong greatly to our right and touching our honour, state, liberties and lawes of this our Realme, Churches, and Ecclesiasticall persons, and would also go forward and proceede in the foresayd matters according to their counsayle: We commaund you, that ye dilli∣gently in our behalfe require & straightly charge all the Prelates in your baliwicke, and also all and singuler Abbots and Priors of the same your foresayd baliwicke, (to certayne of the whiche, we haue directed downe our special letters for the same cause) that as they fauour our honour, the good state both of the realme, of thé∣selues, and of the Church: they repayre to vs in their own persōs all lets and delayes set aside, and all other busines left of Shewing to them moreouer, that we can iudge none of them to be eyther to vs faythfull subiects, or friendes to the Realme, which shall faile herein, or withdraw himselfe in the foresayd busines, counsayles, and helpes in tyme. Wherin if peraduenture any shall slack or re∣fuse to resort and come toward vs within 8. dayes frō the tyme of this charge geuen by you, or your commaundement: That then, you to seise all hys temporall goodes into our hand; & so seised to holde them vntill you receiue other commaundement from vs.

Geuen at Paris the Monday before the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Bap∣tist, in the yeare of our Lord. 1303.

¶ A declaration of maister William Nagareta, made against Pope Boniface the eight, with his appellation also made at Paris, afore the kyng and his Counsaile in the Church of Paris.

* 79.2IN the name of God Amen. In the yeare of our Lorde. 1303. Indictione secunda, the 12. day of March, and the ix. yeare of the Popedome, of the most holy father the L. Bo∣niface the 8. by Gods prouidence pope: and in the presence of vs common notaries, and witnesses written vnder, the noble man maister William Nagareta knight (a worship∣full professour of the lawes) standing afore the most excel∣lent Prince the Lord Philip, by the grace of God most no∣ble king of Fraunce:* 79.3 spake with liuely words, and gaue in writinges these thinges that follow.

There haue bene false Prophetes among the people: as there haue bene also among you false teachers. &c. S. Peter the glori∣ous prince of the Apostles, speaking to vs by the spirite, tolde vs thinges to come: that likewise as there were false Prophetes afore tyme, so there should come among you false teachers, bringing in sectes of destruction: by the which the way of trueth shall be defa∣ced: and couetously they shall make marchandise of you with fay∣ned wordes: and further addeth, that such maisters did follow the way of Balaam, of Bosor, whiche loued the reward of wickednes, and had hys bridled Asse to correct hys madnes, whiche speaking in a mans voyce did stop the foolishnes of the Prophet. All which thinges as they be shewed to vs by the greatest Patriarch himself: Your eyes see them fulfilled this day according to the letter. For there fitteth in S Peters Chaire the mayster of lyes, causing him∣selfe to be called Boniface. 1. a well doer, where he is notable in all kinde of euill doyng: And so both he hath taken to himselfe a false name, and where he is not a true ruler and maister, he cal∣leth himselfe the Lord, Iudge, and mayster of all men. And com∣ming in contrary to the common order appoynted by the holy fathers, and also contrary to the rules of reason, and so not en∣tring in at the doore into the Lordes shepefold, is not a shepheard nor hierling, but rather a theefe & robber. For he (the true husbād of the Romish church yet liuing) deceiued him that was delighted in simplicitie, & entised him with fayned flatterings & gifts to let him haue his spouse to be his wife,* 79.4 let no man separate: & at length laying violent handes vppon hym, perswading him falsely that thing which the deceiuer sayd to come from the holy spirite: was not ashamed to ioyne to himselfe with wicked practise that holye Church, which is maistresse of all Churches, calling hymselfe to her husband, where as he cannot be: for Celestinus the true Ro∣mish Byshop, agreed not to the said deuorce, being deceiued by so great subtiltie, nothing is so contrary to agreeing as errour and deceit, as mans lawes beare witnes, that I neede not to speake of his violence. But because the spirite inspireth where he will, and he that is led with the spirite, is not vnder the lawe, the holy vni∣uersall Church of God, not knowing the craftes of that deceiuer, stumbling and doubting whether it came from the holy ghost, that Celestinus should leaue of his gouernment, and the sinnes of the people deseruing it, for feare of a schisme, suffered the foresaid de∣ceauer: although according to the doctrine of our Lord, by hys fruites he might be knowne, whether he came to the say'd regi∣ment by the holy ghost or otherwise: his fruites (as it is playnely here written beneath) are now manifest to all men, by which it is apparaunt to the worlde, that he came not in by God but other∣wayes: and so came not in by the sheepefould. His fruites are most wicked, and hys ende is death, and therefore it is necessary that so euill a tree (according to the Lordes saying) should be cut downe and cast into the fire. This cānot auaile to his excuse, which is said of some men, that is: that the Cardinals did agree vpon him: agayn after the death of the sayd Celestinus the pope, seing he could not be her husband, whom it is manifest that he defiled by adultery, her first husband yet liuing, & she beyng worthy to haue the pro∣mise of mariage kept vnto her. Therefore, because that whiche is done agaynst the Lord, turneth to the wrong of all men: and spe∣cially in so great a mischiefe, by reason of the consequence by which she is iudged of the people both a woman adultres or de∣famed: I like a bridle Asse by the power of the Lord, and not by the voyce of a perfect mā, being not able to bear so great a burdé, take in hand to rebuke the madnes of the sayd false Prophet Ba∣laam, whiche at the instaunce of kyng Balaac. 1. of the Prince of deuils,* 79.5 whom he serueth, and ready to cursie the people blessed of the Lord, I beseeche you most excellent Prince, and Lord Phillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce: that like as the Aungell of God in tyme past mette in the way with a sword drawne, the pro∣phet Balaam goyng to curse Gods people: so you (whiche are vn∣willing to execute iustice, and therefore like the Aungell of the Lorde, and minister of power and office) woulde meete with a naked sworde this sayde wicked man: whiche is farre worse then Balaam, that he performe not that euill whiche he intendeth to the people.

First, I propound that the foresayd man,* 79.6 that nameth himselfe Boniface is no Pope, but wrongfully keepeth the fear which he hath in deede to the great damage of all the soules of Gods holy Church. I say also, y^t his entring was many waies faulty, and he entred not in at the doore, but o∣therwaies, and therfore is to be iudged a theefe & a robber.

2. I propound also, that the sayde Boniface is a manifest hereticke, and vtterly cut off from the body of the holy Church, because of many kindes of heresies, whiche are to be declared in conuenient tyme and place.

3. I propound also, that the sayde Boniface is an horrible simoniacall, & such a one as hath not bin sithens the begin∣ning of the world: and the mischiefe of this sinne in him is so notorious to all the world (whiche thing is manifest to all that will playnly vnderstand) in so much that he beyng openly slaūdered, said openly that he could not commit si∣mony.

4. I propound also,* 79.7 that the sayd Boniface being wrapt in infinite manifest haynous sinnes, is so hardened in thē, that he is vtterly not possible to be corrected: and lying in doungeon of mischiefe so deepe, that he may not be suffered any longer without the ouerthrow of the state of y^e church. His mouth is full of cursing, his feete and steps are swift to shed bloud. He vtterly teareth in peeces the Churches, which he ought to cherishe, wasting wickedly the goodes of the poore, & making much of wicked men that geue hym rewardes: persecuting the righteous, and among the peo∣ple not gathering but scattering, bringing in new sectes of destruction that haue not bene heard of.* 79.8 Blaspheming the way of truth, and by robbery thinking himselfe equall to y^t Lord Iesus Christ which is blessed for euer. And he beyng most couetous thirsteth for gold, couereth gold, & by some deuise getteth gold of euery people: & vtterly not regardig the worshipping of God, with sayned wordes sometimes by flattering, sometimes by threatning, sometime by false teaching, and all to get mony withall, he maketh marchā∣dise of vs all: enuying all thinges but hys owne, louing no man, nourishing warre, persecuting & hating the peace of

his subiectes. He is rooted in all vnspeakeable sinnes, con∣trarying and striuing against all the wayes & doctrines of y^c Lord.* 79.9 He is truly the abhomination of the people which Daniel the Lordes Prophet described.

Therfore I answere that lawes, weapons, and all the elemēts ought to rise against him, which thus ouerthrow∣eth the state of the Church: for whose sinnes God plagueth the whole world. And finally, nothing remaineth to hym being so vnsatiable to satisfie him w^tall, but onely the vnsa∣tiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be quenched, continuing for euer. Therfore, seing that in a generall coū∣cel it so becommeth, and I see this wicked man to be dam∣ned, which offendeth both God and al men. I aske and re∣quire, as instantly as I can, and beseech you my Lord and King aforesaid, that ye would declare to the prelates, doc∣tours, people, & princes your brethren in Christ, & chiefly to the Cardinals and all Prelates, and call a Councell. In the which (when this foresaid wicked man is condemned) by the worshipfull Cardinals: the church may be prouided of a shephearde, & for that Councell I offer my selfe ready, lawfully to pursue the foresaide things. And where as the saide man being in highest dignity, in the meane time can∣not be suspended of hys superiour, therefore he ought to be taken, suspended in deede for the things aforesaid, seing his state, is called into iudgement by the meanes aforesaid.

I beseech and require the said Cardinals by you, and I presently require them & the church of God, that this wic∣ked man being put in prison, the Church of Rome may be prouided of a Vicar, which may minister those things that shall appertaine, vntil the Church of God be prouided of a bishop, vtterly to take away all occasion of a schisme. And least the saide wicked man should let and hinder the prose∣cuting therof, I require these things of you my Lord king aforesaid, affirming you to be bounde to doe this for many causes. First for faithes sake. Secondly, for your kingly dignitie, to whose office it belongeth to roote out such wic∣ked men. Thirdly, for your oth sake, which ye made for the defence of the Churches of your Realme, which the fore∣said rauener vtterly teareth in peeces. Fourthly, because ye be the patron of the Churches, & therfore ye are not bound onely to the defence of them, but to the calling for againe of their goodes, which the foresaide man hath wasted. Fiftly, ye following the footesteps of your auncetors, ought to de∣liuer your mother the Romish church, from so wicked a hand, wherein by oppression shee is tied bound. I require that a publike instrument may be made of these requestes by the notaries here present, vnder the witnes of the wor∣shipfull men that be here present. These things were done and spoken as is aforesayd at Paris in the Kings hous•• of Lupara.

After this protestation of master Nagareta, immediat∣ly insued the appeale of the king, pronoūced and published against the sayd Boniface, in forme as foloweth.

The appeale made by the king and the louers of the Realme against Boniface.

* 79.10IN the name of God. Amen. In the yeare of our Lorde 1303 In∣dictione prima. 13. day of Iune, and the 9 yeare of the Popedom of Boniface Pope the 8. By the tenour of this publique instrumēt be it vnto all men knowen that the most noble prince and Lorde Philip by the grace of God, king of Fraunce, the famous and re∣uerend fathers in Christ, Archbishops & Bishops, religious men, Abbots and Priors here vndernamed, in the presence of vs com∣mon Notaries here vnder written, especially called and required for this purpose, as it is contained in the subscriptions heere vn∣der, the famous & noble men, the Lord Lewes, sonne of the French king Guido of S. Paule, and Iohn Drocem Earles, and William of Plesiano Lord of Vitenob knight: Moued as they saide with a fer∣uent faith, with affection of sincere loue and zeale of charitie to be shewed to the holy Romish church, and hauing pitie from their heart, on their mother the vniuersall church, which as they sayde is oppressed daungerously vnder the rule of the saide Lord Boni∣face, and suffereth outragious defacing and losse: and pitying the right faith (as they say) in which standes the saluation of soules, & which (alas for pitie) in their times miserably pineth away, & pe∣risheth for the lacke of wholesome gouernment of the Churche through all Christendome: and earnestly taking paines, as they said, for the repairing and enhaunsing of the Catholicke faith▪ spe∣cially, seeing it was necessary for the same church, for the founda∣tion of the faith, and health of the soules, that none shoulde rule the fold of the Lordes flocke, but the true and lawfull shepheard: and also because the same Churche was the spouse of Christ that hath no spot nor wrincle, all errour, offence, wickednes & wrong shoulde be put away, and saluation, peace and quietnesse through Gods mercy might be procured to the whole worlde, which they say lieth in warres and darkenesse by the wicked deedes, cursed workes, and hurtful examples of the sayd Boniface: They said and laid against the said Boniface, heresie, and other diuers horrible & cursed faultes, wherein they affirmed him to be tangled, and com∣monly and notoriously reported, the king himselfe being present, with Archbishops, Bishops and other Prelates and Churchmen (which were assembled for to entreat of their owne matters, and matters of their Churches) beside Barons, Earles, and other no∣ble men, whose names are vnder written.

The said William propounded & obiected against him, swea∣ring by the holy Gospell of God which hee corporally touched, that he coulde prooue all and euery the premisses to be true. And the sayd William of Plesiano sware further this othe, that he bele∣ued he could prooue the premisses, and that he woulde pursue to the full ende against the saide Boniface in the generall Councell, where, when, and afore whomsoeuer of right it ought to be done: requiring earnestly the sayd Lord king as a champion of the faith, and defender of the Church: that for declaring of this truth to the praise of Gods name, to the increase & promoting of the Catho∣like faith, to the honour and wealth of the vniuersall Church and of all Christen people, and the congregation of the sayd generall councel: that he woulde helpe and bestowe his profitable labour, with souldiors and other like, for the loue of men, and zeale to iu∣stice (because his kingly house was euer a ruler of the trueth) and that he wold earnestly require the Archbishops, Bishops, & other Prelates, and that he woulde be effectually instant with them. The Earles & knights themselues besought earnestly many of the same prelates (as they were pillers of the Church & the faith) that they would helpe and effectually bestowe their labour to the calling, and assembling of the said councell, by all waies and meanes law∣ful according to the ordinances of the holy fathers and decrees of the canons. But when the prelates heard & fully vnderstode such obiections, oppositions, and requests, as is aforesaid: and conside∣red that such a matter not onely was most hard, but needed wise counsell, they departed out of the same place. But on the Friday next following i. the 14. day of the same moneth of Iune, the fore∣said Lord king being present, and also the Lords, Archbishops, Bi∣shops, Abbots, Priors, and many witnesses here vnder written the same time being present, and in the presence of vs common Nota∣ries heere subscribed, and being specially called and required for this purpose: the foresayd William of Plesiano Knight sayde, pro∣pounded, affirmed, obiected and read, as was contained more ful∣ly in a certaine paper which he held in his hand, whose tenor was after this sort.

I William of Plesiano Knight, say, propound, and af∣firme, that Boniface which now ruleth the Apostolical sea is a rancke hereticke in heresies, and by heresies, outragi∣ous dedes, and wicked doctrines hereafter to be declared, which things to be true, I beleeue I am able to prooue: or els, such things as these shall be sufficient to prooue hym a full hereticke, in a cōuenient place & time, and afore whom of right this can or ought to be done. This thing I sweare on the holy Gospel of God presently touched of me.

First, that he beleueth not the immortalitie of men and of christen soules,* 79.11 but thinking much like as the Saducies did beleeue, that there is no euerlasting life, and y^c men can not get at the length ioy, but all the lot and part of comfort and gladnes to be in this world: and by this meanes he af∣firmeth, that it is no sinne for the body to liue daintely in al dainties. And out of the aboundance of this leuen, he was not ashamed to say and opēly to cōfesse, that he had rather be an asse or a dogge or any other brute beast, rather than a Frenchman, which thing he would not haue said, if he be∣leued a Frenchmā had a soule that could enioy euerlasting life. This thing he taught many men, which knowledged this at the point of death, and the common report goeth on him thus in these things.

2. Also, he beleeueth not faithfully, that by the wordes or∣dained of Christ & spoken ouer the hoste, after the fashion of the Church by a faithfull priest that is lawfully ordered, the body of Christ to be there: and therefore it commeth to passe, that he geneth no reuerence to it (no not a litle) when it is lifted up of the priest, yea he rises not to it, but turneth his backe to it, and makes himselfe & his seat to be honou∣red where he sitteth, rather then the altare where the hoste is consecrate: and he is commonly reported to doe this.

3. Also, he is reported to say that whoredome is no sinne, no more than rubbing of the hands together, & thus com∣monly runnes the voice and brute.

4. Also, he saide often, that to thrust downe the King and Frenchmen (if it coulde not be otherwaies done) he would ouerthrow himselfe the whole world, & the whole Church. And when he had sayd so, some y^t stode by said, God forbid, he answered God graunt. And when good men that heard the wordes replied against him, that hee should not say so, because the church of God & all Christen men should suffer

great slaunder so: he answered, I care not what slaunders soeuer come, so that the Frenchmen and their pride be de∣stroied: for it is necessary that slaunders & offences come.

5. Item, he called againe & allowed a booke made by M. Arnold of Newton, conteining and smelling of heresie, cō∣demned by the Byshop of Paris and reproued by the mai∣sters of diuinitie, and burned openly by Boniface himself: and in the full consistorie of Cardinals being likewise re∣prooued, condemned, and burned, yet hee allowed it being wrytten againe, and containing the same fault.

6. Item, that he might make the most damnable remem∣braunce of him perpetuall, he caused his Images of siluer to be set in the Churche, by this meanes bringing men to Idolatrie.

7. Item, he hath a priuate deuill, whose counsell he vseth in all things and through all things.

8. Item, he said once that if all men were on one side, and he on another, they coulde not deceiue him neither in lawe nor in deede, which thing could not be done except he vsed a deuilish ar••: and of this he is openly thus reported.

9. Item, he is a witch, asking counsell at soothsayers both men and women, and thus he is commonly iudged.

10. Item, he sayd openly that the Romish pope could not commit simonie, which is hereticall to say. This is a sinne reprooued aswell in the old Testament, as in the new, and generally in the holy Councels. Also hee is wont to make marchaundise of prelates liuings, dignities, superiorities, and benefices, to the which holy orders be necessarely ioy∣ned: and of absolutions and dispensations, like as vsurers and merchaunts vse to buy and sell common things in the market, and of this the common bruit reportes him.

11. Item, hee letteth with all his might among Christian men the speciall Embassade of Christ, made to hys owne sonnes, saying: Peace I leaue to you, & soweth discord and warres: Wherefore ones it was sayde afore him, that cer∣taine parties would freindly agree after a good sort, but he letted the peace: and when the other parte did humbly be∣seech him, that he would geue licence to agree (he sayde) he woulde not: Yea if the sonne of God or Peter the Apostle would come downe into the earth and commaund him: he would say, I will not beleeue thee.

12. Item, because the French nation (being manifestly a most Christian nation) followeth not hys errours in the faith: he reckeneth and openly calleth al and euery of them, Paterniani.

13. Item, he is infect with sodomiticall sinne, keping with him boyes for cōcubines, and of this fault he is most com∣monly and openly reported.

14. Item, he hath caused many murthers of Clearkes to be done in his presence, & commending it reioysing at their death: and if they were not deadly wounded at the first by his seruant••, as oft as he law them smiting, he saide smite, smite: by which example many were slaine.

15. Item, when he had condemned a certaine noble man, he forbad the Sacrament to be geuen him at the poynt of death, desiring it and being penitent: saying, that the Sa∣crament of penaunce was not necessary to saluation.

16. Item, he cōpelled certaine Priestes to shew vnto him the confessions of men, and hee published them openly af∣terwarde contrary to the will of them, that were confessed to their shame & confusion, and compelled them to redeme their sinnes. In so much that ones hee deposed a certaine bishop of Spayne, for the faultes that he confessed to a cer∣taine Cardinal, confessing vnto him a certaine priuy horri∣ble fault vnder Benedicite, and compelled the Cardinall a∣gainst his will to declare his confession: and yet afterward he restored the same Bishop againe to his place for a little money. Wherfore he is thought to play the hereticke in the Sacrament of penance.

15. Item, he fasteth not on the fasting dayes, nor Lent, but eateth flesh indifferently, & without cause suffreth his hou∣shold and frends to eat, saying it is no sinne. Doing in this thing against the generall state of the holy church.

16. Item, he oppressed the order of the Cardinals, and hath oppressed the order of blacke & white monks, of gray Fri∣ers & preachers: and said oft, that the world was destroyed by them, & that they were false hypocrites, and that neuer good could chance to any that would be confessed to them, or would be familiar with them, or would keepe them in their house, and he neuer sayde good worde of any prelate, religious man, or clark: but euer rebuketh and slaūdereth them, taking away their good name, and to compel them to redeeme their faultes, he is glad of their accusations: and this is the common voyce and report of him.

17. Item, of olde time he going about to destroy the faith, conceiued a hate against the French king, euen to the ab∣horring of the faith: because of the light of faith which is there, and because of the great witnes and example of chri∣stianitie, is & hath ben there. And before he had this seat he is proued to haue sayd, y^t if he were Pope: he would rather ouerthrow all christendom, but he would ouerthrow and destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of French.

18. Also hee is reported, that when the Embassadours of the king of England, in the name of the sayde king did re∣quire and entreat for the tenth of the realme of England to be geuen him: he aunswered, that he would not geue them the tenth, but on this cōdition, that he would make warre with them against the French king. And beside this, he is reported to haue geuen great sommes of mony to certaine persons, to hinder that peace shuld not be betwixt the sayd kings. He himselfe also withall his might hath letted it, by messengers, letters, and otherwaies that he coulde, yea by geuing bribes.

19. Item, he is reported also to haue commaunded Fride∣ricke which kepeth the Ile of Cicil, that if he would betray Charles the king and breake the peace which he made, and sweare that he would keepe with him, and would stirre a∣gainst the king, and kil the Frenchmen: that then he would geue him aide, helpe, and counsaile, & for so doing he would geue and graunt him the said kingdoms.

20. He confirmed also the king of Almaine to be Emperor,* 79.12 and saide openly that he did it to destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of the French men: which say, that they are subiect to none in temporal things. Wherein sayeth he, they lied on their heds, declaring moreouer, that whosoe∣uer (yea if it were an Angell from heauen) would say that all kings of the world were not subiect to the same king of Almaine, he were accursed.

21. Further, he brake the agreements of peace betwixt the king of Alamine and the French king:* 79.13 in which, eyther of them shuld haue their owne saued. And what encrochings so euer had bene on either side, should be brought to a due state, and vnder an othe orderly geuen and taken: he is re∣ported to haue commanded the same king of Almaine, that he should not kepe these conditions of peace, but be an ene∣mie and go about to sow debate among christen men.

22. Itē, he is openly reported, that the holy land was be∣traied through his fault, and came to the enemies of God and of faith: and that he suffred this for the noust, & denyed to geue aide to the Christians which defended it: spending the treasures and mony of the church, (which should haue bene bestowed on that vse as the patrimonie of Christ) in persecuting of faithful christians and friends of the church, and therwith would enrich his friendes.

23. Item, he is openly reported to vse simonie, not only in bestowing of benefices, but in geuing of orders, & making dispensations. He hath set to sale al benefices of the church, and would bestow the church commonly on him y^t would offer most: and hee made his seruauntes Prelates of the Church, not for wealth of the faith, nor to thrust downe in∣fidels, but to oppresse the faithful, and to enriche his kinred by the church goods and of the patrimonie of him that was crucified: and presumed to make them Marquesses, Erls, and Barons, and was not afraide to builde them strong holdes, rooting out & oppressing many noble men & other.

24. Item, it is commonly reported, that he hath deuorced many mariages lawfully made, to the contempt, hurt, and slander of many: and he did promote his nephew to a car∣dinalship, being maried, vnlearned, and all together vn∣worthy to liue: and openly maried one that was diuorced & compelled him to make a vow of chastitie: and after that he is reported to haue had two bastards by her, and so go∣eth the common bruite of him.

25. Item, he is commonly reported, that he handled vn∣gently his predecessor Celestinus of holy memory, leading a holy life (peraduenture knowing in conscience that hee could not forsake his Popedom,* 79.14 & therfore Boniface him∣selfe had no lawfull entrance to the sea) and prisoned hym, & there quickly and priuely caused him to die. And of thys the common brute and report is through at the world, that he caused many and great learned mē liuing a regular life (which disputed of this, whether hee might renounce the Popedome or not) to be set in prison and there to die.

26. Itē, he is reported to haue railed at religious persons leading a regular life wythout a reasonable cause to the world, to the slaunder of many.

27. Item, he is rep••rted to haue said that he would with∣in short time make all the Frenchmen eyther Martyrs or forsakers of their faith.

28. Item, he is commonly reported, that he seketh not the health of the soules, but the destruction of them.

These things being propoūded and red, the same Wil∣liam protested, saide, declared, appealed, and added these wordes, reading them in wryting.

I William of Plesiano knight, protest that I doe not propounde nor speake the foresaide things for any speciall hate of Boniface hymselfe (for I hate not him,* 79.15 but his fore∣said euill deedes) nor I seeke not hys iniurie nor slaunder, nor any mans els: But I speake it for the zeale of the faith, and for the deuotiō that I haue to the holy church of God, and y^c holy Romish see, aswell for those things that I haue seene and heard of credible men of his doings, and by like∣ly presumptions gathered of the foresaid things, and many diuers other things to be declared in his due place & time. And I sweare by the holy Gospel of God (which I touche with my hand) that I beleue him to be a ranke heretike,* 79.16 & that I also beleeue that the foresayd things and such other may proue against him such things as shall be sufficient to proue him an heretike, according to the state of the holy fa∣thers. I sweare also that I will pursue against him by the lawes, the foresayd things in the generall counsel that shal be assembled, in a place that shalbe safe & sure for me, to the honour of God, & increase of the Christian faith, sauing the right honor & state of the holy Apostolical see, in al things. Wherfore, earnestly and with reuerence I require you my Lord the king (to whome belongeth the defence of the holy mother the church, and the Catholike faith, for of that yee shal make accōpt in the last iudgement) and you my lordes the Prelates which be the pillers of the faith, and which ought to be iudges of the foresayde things together, wyth other reuerent fathers, the Catholike Prelates of the holy church, in the general coūcell to be assembled: that ye wold procure and take diligent paine that a generall coūcel may be gathered in a fit and safe place, and couenient time, afore which the foresayde things may be propounded, brought forth, & prooued against the sayde Boniface, as is premised. And I earnestly also require you my Lorde king, that yee would require the same prelates present & absent, in what countrey so euer they be, or to whom it belongeth: and that ye would effectually induce them manfully to labour, and to require other faithfully, that the foresaid counsaile by the foresaid matters might be gathered in such sort as is afore∣saide. And because so long as this is deferred to prooue, I suspect Boniface himselfe, le••t he being angry and mooued for the foresayd things against me and my partakers, pro∣curers and helpers, my friends and familiars, should goe about by some meanes, whereby to stay and stop my good purpose and theirs for going forward. Therefore, by these wrytings afore you my lord the king, and diuers prelates, and afore your common notaries here present: I prouoke and appeale to the said holy generall counsell Apostolicall and Catholike that shalbe, and to the holy Apostolical see, and to him and them to whome of right I may or ought: and I earnestly require, once, twice, and thrice, that testi∣moniall letters may be geuen me from you: supposing my selfe, my followers, fauourers, familiares, frends, my pro∣curers, and all them that wil hereafter folow me, my goods and theirs to be vnder the protection & keeping of S. Pe∣ter and Paule, and the saide holy Councel to be assembled by the holy Romish see, & the catholike Apostolicall Pope that shall be: sticking neuerthelesse and willing to sticke to the appellation and appellations, processe and processes made heereupon, by the noble man M. William of Naga∣reta knight, in as much as they shalbe found & made law∣full, and yet not forsaking this present appellation.

When these thinges were thus red and done, the fore∣said king aunswered and required the foresayde Prelates, prouoking and appealing and making request, prouoca∣tion and appellation, as is conteined in the paper vnder∣wrytten, both there and then with other Prelates: which things all are more fully conteined in these wrytings fol∣lowing, and were red to them that heard it, whose tenour is such.

* 79.17We Philip by the grace of God, hearing and vnderstanding the obiections propounded by our beloued faithfull knight, W. of Nagareta, against Boniface nowe hauing the regiment of the Romish Church: although we wold gladly couer with our owne cloke, the filthy partes of such a father: yet for the loue of the Ca∣tholicke faith and great deuotion that we beare to the holy Ro∣mish and vniuersall Church our mother, and all faithful men and spouse of Christ, following the steppes of our auncestors, which doubted not to shedde their owne bloud for the encrease and de∣fence of the Churches liberty and the faith: and coueting to pro∣uide for the puritie of faith and the state of the Church, as also to auoid the hurt of the generall slaunder, being not able to passe o∣uer any longer the premisses with wincking and dissembling, and my conscience driuing to the same, seeing this estimate & opini∣on of him in these matters, is not rashly of vs conceiued, but ve∣hemently and plainly increased by many and continuall cryings of credible men, and great authoritie oft and oftentimes beaten vnto vs, fearing moreouer the destruction of the faith, both of vs and of al other subiects, and specially of kings and princes of the world, which ought to reproue negligence, which acknowledge that we haue receiued power geuen vs from the Lord, to the pro∣moting and increasement of it, we agree to your requestes in this behalfe; and to the calling and assembling a councell for the glo∣ry of God (sauing the honour and reuerence that is due to the holy Romish church in all thinges) whereby the trueth may ap∣peare in the premisses and all errour auoided: that the state of the vniuersall Church and all Christianitie and the matters of faith, and the holy land may be prouided for, & the slaūders & ieoper∣dies hāging ouer vs may be withstanded: we be ready & offer our selues gladly, as much as in vs is, to bestowe our labour and dili∣gent paine therabouts. Earnestly requiring and beseeching in the mercifull bowels of Iesu Christ, you Archbishops and other Pre∣lates here present, as children of the Church and pillers of faith, called of the Lorde to the promoting, encrease and preseruing thereof, to care for the same: that with all diligence ye wold geue heede, as becommeth you, and effectually you would labor by al wayes and fit meanes, to the calling and assembling of this coun∣cel, in which we intend to be personally present. And left the said Boniface, which hath boldly and wrongfully many times threat∣ned to proceede against vs, stopping and hindring our purposes and intent: ••••ast any of his workes of darkenesse (if there be any) should come to light, directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this councel: or least any state being in the same realme that wil in dede procede against vs, or our state, churches, Prelates, Barons, & other faithfull vassals, our subiects, our lands, or our realme, and the state of the realme: by abusing any spiritu∣all sworde, in excommunicating, suspending, or otherwais by any meanes for vs and our welwillers, and them that will followe vs: we prouoke & appeale in wryting to the foresayd general coun∣cell (which we instantly desire to be called) and to one law••ull chiefe Bishop that shall be, or to any other to whome we shoulde appeale: and yet not going from the appellation made by M. Wil∣liam of Nagareta, to whom we sticked then, and also yet sticke: re∣quiring earnestly, a witnes of our appellation of you Prelates & Notaries, expressedly to renue such prouocation and appellation when and afore whome it shalbe thought meete to you.

Then the Archbishops within wrytten, byshops, Ab∣bots, and Priors, aunswered the premisses (as it is founde in the actes) prouoked and appealed, agreed to, and prote∣sted, and made prouocation, and appellation, agreement, and protestation, as is contained more fully in a certaine paper there openly and plainely red, whose tenor follow∣eth with these wordes.

We Archbishoppes of Nicosen,* 79.18 Remen, Senoren, Narbonen, Turonen, and bishops of Landuiren, Belnacen, Catolacen, Anti∣siodorem, Meldimen, Nurmen, Carnotem, Aurelianen, Ambia∣uen, Morinen, Silanen, Andeganen, Abricen, Constant, Ebroicen Lexonicen, Sagien, Caloromont, Lemonicen, Auicen, Mastico∣ren. And we Abbots of Cluniac, promostraten of the greater mo∣nasterie of the court of S. Dionise in Fraunce, Camped S. Victors, S. Genoueue, S. Marten, Landmoen, Figiacem & Bellicem in Le∣mociuio, and Frier Hugh, visiter of the houses of the order of knights of S. Iohn in Ierusalem in Fraunce, and the father Priour of S. Martine in the fieldes, hearing these things which were sayd, propounded, and obiected yesterday, & to day, by you the Lords, Earles, and William aforesaide, against the Lorde Boniface the 8. and Pope, being mooued with suche sayings, purposes, assertati∣ons, and your othes, your request and other lawfull causes: and were compelled by need, considering that the matter of our faith which is Christes, is handled in the premisses. Wee that be called to part of this care, to the defence and maintenaunce of the faith of soules of the realme, although vnworthy, yet coueting to with stande the ieoperdies that hang ouer vs by reason of the premis∣ses and other causes, thinking the calling & gathering of the sayd Councell profitable & necessary, that the innocencie of the Lord Boniface himself may clearely be discussed, as we desire (our cō∣sciences bearing witnesse) that it may be determined on him by the Councell, touching such things as are laide against him, and that may be done which they decree according to the Canons. We aunswere you our Lord king, and you our Lordes, Earles, and William, that (the honor & reuerence of the holy Romish church salued in all poyntes) wee agree to your due requestes in this be∣halfe for the calling of the Councell, and are ready to geue helpe and diligent labour to the calling and gathering of the said Coū∣cell, according to the decrees of the holy fathers, and to the law∣full orders of the Canons: not intending by any meanes, to make parties of this matter, nor to sticke to any that maketh parties. Yet least the sayde Boniface being mooued or prouoked by these things, as wee feare by likely coniectures and threatnings made, against vs for the foresayde things, that he will proceede against our parish Churches and our subiectes by some meanes, or cause to proceede against vs by some authoritie of his owne or others by excommunication, suspension, interditing, deposing, depri∣uing,

or by some other meanes and colour sought to some im∣peachment or trouble of the sayd Councell;* 79.19 and that we may sitte in the same Councell to iudge and do al other things, that belong to the office of Prelates: that our frends that sticke to vs & would sticke to vs in all thinges may remaine safe, for our selues, our pa∣rish Churches, our subiectes and them that sticke to vs, or would sticke to vs, in this behalfe: we prouoke and appeale in wryting to the foresayde Councell, that is to be gathered, and to him that shall be the true and lawfull highest Bishop, and to him or them to whome of right we shoulde appeale too, and earnestly require our appellations, committing vs, our parish churches, our subiectes, friendes, and them that sticke to vs, our state and theirs, our right goodes, to the godly defence of the foresaide councell, and of him that shall be the true and lawfull highest bishop: and we protest to renewe this appellation, where, when, and afore whome, it shalbe thought meete.

This was done at Paris at Lupara in the chamber of the sayd Lord our king. Indictione prima, the 9. yeare of hys popedome, the daies of thursday and friday aforesayd these noble men being present, the Lordes of Auia and Bolone, the Lordes Martins and other Earles named afore, Ma∣thewe Dotera, Peter the Lorde chamberlane, Phillip the Lord of Wirtmos, and Henry of Bolone knight, and also M. Philip Archdeacon of Bengem, Nicholas archdeacon of Remem, William treasurer of Anioy, Philip Beaspere. Rainolde of Burbon and Iohn Montagre, and many mo both clearkes and other specially required and called to be witnesse to this.

After these things thus in the Parliament decreed and agreed, the Prelates of the cleargie consulting with them∣selues what was to be done in so doutfull a matter: and dreading the Popes displeasure, for this which was done already, to cleare thēselues in the matter contriued among themselues a letter to the Pope partly to certify him, what there was done, and partly also to abmonish him what he should do: the tenour of which their letter conteined these wordes following.

The forme of a Letter, which the Prelates of France, as well secular as religious sent to Boniface, that hee should cease his enterprise, wherein he proceeded against the King.

¶ To the most holy Father and their dearest beloued Lorde, the Lord Boniface the chiefe Bishop of the holy Romish churche and the vniuersall Churche: his humble and deuout Archby∣shops, Abbots, Priors, Conuentuals, Deanes, Prouosts, Chap∣ters, Couents and Colledges of the Cathedrall and collegi∣ate churches, regular and secular of all the Realme of France, being gathered together, doe offer most deuoute kissinges of your blessed feete.

* 80.1WE are compelled, not without sorrowe of heart and bitter teares to signifie vnto your holinesse, that the most famous Prince our most deare Lorde Phillip, by the grace of God, the no∣ble king of Fraunce: when he heard and saw the Apostolicall let∣ters sealed, which were sent to him of late, from your behalfe by the worshipfull man the Cardinall of Narbo your Notarie & mes∣senger, and were presented by the same Cardinall to him, & cer∣taine other of his barons Vpon the sight and perusing of which so bloudy letters being read and declared to them sitting by hym: both our Lorde the king and the barons themselues were highly moued with great maruelling and great trouble. In so much that the sayd our Lord the king by the aduice of his barons, comman∣ded to be called afore him the other barons then absent, and vs also: that is to wete: al Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, con∣uentuals, deanes, prouosts, chapters, conuents and Colledges, as well of Cathedrall or collegiate churches, regular and secular, & also all the vniuersities and communalties of the townes of hys Realme: that wee Prelates, Barons, Deanes, Prouostes, and two of the learnedst of euery Collegiate and Cathedrall Churche, shoulde appeare personally, and shoulde procure the rest like∣wise to appeare, by their Stewarde, Officers and sufficient pro∣ctours, wyth full and sufficient Commission at the appoyn∣ted place and terme. Further, when we and the other Ecclesiasti∣call persons aforesayd, and also the barons, stewards, officers, and proctours, and other of the comminalty of the townes that were thus called: and when according to the forme of the foresaide cal∣ling by the kings commaundement, we stoode afore the king this wednesday, the tenth of this present of Aprill, in S. Maries Church in Paris: Our Lord the king caused to be propounded openly and plainely to all men, that it was signified to him, from you among other things by the foresayd Cardinal & letters: that for his king∣dome (which hee and his auncetours hetherto doe acknowledge they holde of God only (now ought in temporalties to be subiect to you and holde of you, and that ye were not content with these so maruellous and strange wordes, and not heard of from the be∣ginning of the world of any dwellers within the same realme, but that ye went about to put them in practise. And that ye called to appeare afore you, the prelates of the sayd realme, and doctors of diuinitie, and such prosessours of both lawes, as were borne with in the saide realme, for the correcting and amending of such ex∣cesses, faultes, arrogancies, wrongs, and harmes, as ye pretend to be done to the ecclesiasticall Prelates and persones ecclesiasticall both regular and secular, abiding within the Realme & els where, by our lorde the king himselfe and his officers or bailiffes, by his peeres, Earles, Barons and other nobles, with the communaltie & people of the saide realme: To the intent by this meanes, the fore∣said realme might be made strong, with pretious rewels and dura∣ble treasures, which are to be preferred before the bucklers or a∣ny armour of strong men, that is to say, by the wisedome of Pre∣lates, and wise men, & others: through whose ripe faithful coun∣sell, and circumspect foresight, the realme might be ruled and go∣uerned, the faith might be stablished, the ecclesiasticall Sacramēts might be ministred, iustice might be executed: which by them being robbed of their goodes and richesse and vtterly spoyled, is in a doubtfull case, and in ioepardie of miserable decay & for euer to be destroyed.

Among these and diuers other griefes which were done by you and the Romish church, to him, to his realme and the French church, both in reseruing and wilfull ordering of Archbishop∣prickes, Byshoprickes, and bestowing of great benefices of the Realme vpon straunge and vnknowen persons, yea and oft vpon suspect persons, neuer beeing at the churches or benefices afore∣sayde. By reason whereof the decay of Gods worship ensued, the godly wils of the founders and geuers are defrauded of their god∣ly purpose: the accustomed almes geuing is withdrawen from the poore of the sayd Realme, the pouerishing of the Realme follow∣eth, and churches runne in daunger to be defaced, while they re∣maine destitute of seruice: the Prophets being taken away, & the fruites of them that serue them, be appoynted to the commoditie of straungers. And while prelates haue not to geue, yea to reward men for their desertes: noble men (whose auncestors founded the Churches) and other learned men, cannot haue seruants: and that for these causes, deuotion began to be colde, there was none at these dayes that would stretch out a liberall hand towardes the Churches, and farthermore by the premisses an euill example was giuen. Also he complayned of newe taxes of pensions, newly laid on the Churches, of immeasurable bondages, exactions, & diuers extortions with other preiudiciall & hurtful nouelties, by which the generall state of the Church is chaunged, in geuyng suffra∣ganes, as helpers to the higher prelates, whereby neyther the By∣shops themselues nor the suffraganes can doe their dueties, but for them they might runne with giftes to the Apostolicall see. He complayned also of diuers causes and some articles long since, but true in the time that they were presented, that were done and be done continually: and also not purposing to suffer so great a disheriting of him aud his successours from the realme, and so ma∣nifest a griefe, they coulde not suffer any longer the euident losse of the honour of him and the realme, and sayde: that hee was cer∣taine, that it was knowen to the whole worlde, and that hee did maintaine in this matter a iust cause as hee had learned by the a∣greeable sentence of doctours in Diuinitie and maisters of both Lawes, that were borne within his Realme and others, which a∣mong the Doctors and cunning men of the world were counted of the learned sort and more famous. Therefore he required vs, all and euery one, both Prelates and Barons, and other, earnestly as our Lord: he prayed and gently begged as a friend: to consult and take diligent paine, that he might ordeine wholsome things, both for the keeping of their olde libertie, the honour and state of the realme and of the inhabitants therof, for the easing of the griefes aforesaid, for redressing of the realme and the French Church, by our counsaile and his Barons to the praise of Gods name, the en∣crease of the Catholike faith, the honour of the vniuersall church, and promoting of Gods religion: specially seing such griefs were done by his officers & others of the Realme, to the Churches and churchmen, for the which hee purposed a remedy of wholesome correction, afore the comming of the foresaid Cardinall, & would nowe haue put it in execution effectually, but that hee might be thought to haue done that for feare, or at your commandement, which thing ye cannot ascribe to your self. Furthermore, he wold spend not onely his goodes but also his realme, yea his children if the case required: and therfore we should regard to be ready with counsell and helpe in season as we are bounde by the duety of fi∣delitie in these things: wherein it is manifest, that as all and euery mannes case is handled, generally and particularly their cause is promoted, and euery mannes owne interest is touched And then hee demaunded by and by to be answered plainely and finally in these things, of all and euery one.

Then the Barons sitting aside with the officers and Proctors aforesaid, at the length after they had taken counsell comming to our foresaid Lord the king, and praising greatly, and hartely than∣king him for his laudable purpose and good will, answered wyth

one voice: that for those things they were ready, not only to spēd their goods, but offered the same goods, riches, & also their per∣sons to death, and not to flee any kinde of torment. And sayd fur∣ther with one voice, that if our foresaid Lord the king woulde (as God forbid) suffer, or els willingly passe ouer those, they thēselues would in no case suffer it.

Then when answere was asked of vs afterward, although we desired longer respite of deliberatiō of the king himself our Lord, and of the greatest of the forsayd Barons, and that for this intent: that in the meane while the Popes letters might haue comen to our Lord the king, we answered that we would not offend against the libertie of the realme, or by some meanes to innouate thinges contrary to the kings honour in this behalfe.

We went about also to informe him with many godly words, with earnest persuasions, and with many kindes of helpe, and by sundry wayes, to bring him to keepe the speciall bande of vnitie, which is knowen to haue continued to these present dayes, be∣twixt the holy Romish church, and his predecessours. But when we were denied any longer delay, and it was plainely and openly tolde to all men, that if any man were of a contrary minde, from thenceforth he should be manifestly counted for an enemie of the king & the realme. We considering warely, & seeing plainely, that except our lord the king, and the Barons aforesaide were content with our aunswere, beside other dangers & great offences (wher∣of there could neither be number nor end) and that the deuotion both of the Romish and French church, and also the whole obedi∣ence of the laitie and all the people from thence foorth should be, taken away without recouerie, not without great feare & doubt, we thought good to aunswer thus.

That we would helpe our Lorde the king with due counsaile and conuenient helpe for the preseruing of his person, and of his earthly honour, and the liberty and lawes of the sayd realme, like as we were (certaine of vs) by the duetie of allegiaunce bound to him, which hold of him Dukedomes, Earledomes, Baronies, fees, and other noble partes of the saide Realme, by the fourme of the othe, as all other doe: yet wee made humble sute to the same our Lord the king, that seeing we were bound to obey the Popes ho∣linesse and your holy feete, he would suffer vs to go according to the tenour of your foresaid calling.

Then on the Kings and Barons behalfe followeth aunswere, that in no case they would suffer vs to go out of the Realme: and that by no meanes they woulde beare to be handled so daunge∣rously, yea rather to be altogether wasted.

Then we considering so great an anger, & trouble so ieopar∣dous, & so great that none could be greater, both of the King, the Barons & other lay people of the realme: & now knowing plaine∣ly, that the olde enemie of peace, which goeth about from the be∣ginning of his fall, with sowing of Darnel, to breake the vnitie of the Church, by troubling of peace: would breake charitie, and in∣fect the sweetnesse of good workes, with the poyson of bitter en∣uie, and would ouerthrow mankinde vtterly, and woulde trouble with wickednesse the band of louely vnitie, & singular frendship, which hitherto haue had a happie encrease betwixt the Romish Church and our Lorde the King, and his predecessours, and the realme: to the praise of the highest God, the encrease of Christian faith, and the setting foorth the honour of the Church, of the king and the realme. But nowe (alas) a dore was open to the lamenta∣ble breaking and pitifull separating of great offences to rise on euery side, dangers are attempted against Churches and Church∣men, to spoyle their goods and richesse, with ieoperdie of life, see∣ing that the laitie nowe doe abhorre and vtterly flee the obedi∣ence of clearkes, vtterly banishing them from their counsails and doings, and haue taken courage to condemne the Ecclesiasticall censure and processe. All which ieoperdies with other sundry and diuers daungers (which neither toung is able to tell, nor wryting can declare) wee seeing at hand••: thought good in this poynt of greatest necessity to run with weping voyce, & lamentable sighes to the circumspect wisdome of your holinesse. Beseeching your fatherly mildenes, and humbly praying you: that some wholesome remedy may be prouided in the premisses. By which, the sounde profitable agreement and mutuall loue, which hath continued so long time betwixt the church, the king, and the realme, myght be maintained in that olde sweete concord: the state of the Frenche church might continue in godly and quiet peace: that ye woulde vouchsafe to foresee how to withstand the daungers and offences aforesaid: that we and our states may be prouided for, by the fore∣said commaundement of your calling, by the studie of your Apo∣stolicall wisdome, and fatherly loue. The almighty preserue your holinesse to his holy church a long time.

* 80.2These things thus discoursed and done, then followed the yeare of our Lord 1304. In the which yeare about the natiuity of our lady,* 80.3 came a garison of harnessed soldiours wel appointed, sent partly by y^e French king, partly by the Cardinals of Columpua, whom the Pope before had de∣posed, vnto the gates of Anragū, where the Pope did hide himself, because he was borne in the towne. The captains of which armie was one Shaira, brother to the foresayde Cardinalles: And an other William de Longarero, high ste∣ward to y^e French king. Who inuading the popes towne, and finding the gates open, gaue assault to the popes fron∣tire: where the Pope with his nephew a Marques, and 3. other Cardinals were immured. The townes men seeing all their intent & strength to be bent against the Pope: cau∣sed the common bel to be rong, & so assembling themselues in a cōmon counsaile, ordeined Adulphus one of the chie∣fest rulers of the towne for their captaine, who (vnknow∣ing to them) was a great aduersary to the Pope. This A∣dulphus bringing w^t him Reginaldus de Supine a great lord in Campania, & the 2. sonnes of Iohn Chitan a noble mā, whose father the pope had then in prison: at length ioyned him w^t the French company against the Pope, and so beset his palace on euery side. And first, setting vpō the palacies of the 3. Cardinals which were then chiefe about the pope, rifled & spoiled all their goods. The Cardinals by a backe∣doore hardly auoided their handes: but the Popes palace, through munition & strength of the Marques was some∣thing better defended. At length, the Pope perceiuing him selfe not able to make his partie good, desired truce wyth Schaira & his company, which was to him graūted, from one til nine. During which time of truce, the Pope priuily sendeth to the townesmen of Aruagium, desiring them to saue his life: which if they would doe, he promised so to en∣rich them, that they should all haue cause neuer to forget or repent their benefite bestowed.* 80.4 To this they made answer againe, excusing themselues, y^• it lay not in their hability to do him any good, for that y^e whole power of the towne was with the captaine.* 80.5 Then the Pope all destitute & desolate, sendeth vnto Schaira, beseeching him to draw out in arti∣cles, wherin he had wronged him, and he wold make hym amends to the vttermost. Shaira to this maketh a playne answer, signifying to him againe: that he should in no wise escape w^t his life, except vppon these 3. conditions. First to restore againe the 2. Cardinals of Columpna his brethren whom he had before depriued, with al other of their stocke and kinred: secondly, that after their restitution, he should renounce his papacie, thirdly, his body to remaine in hys power & custody. These articles seemed to y^e pope so hard, that in no case he woulde agree vnto them: wherefore the time of truce expired, the captaines & soldiors in all forcea∣ble meanes bending themselues against the bishop,* 80.6 first fi∣red the gates of the pallace, wherby the army hauing a full entrance, fel to rifle & spoile the house. The Marques vpon hope to haue his life, & the life of his children, yealdeth him to the hands of Schaira & the other captaine: which when the Pope heard, he wept and made great lamentation. Af∣ter this through windowes and doores, at length w^t much a doe they brast into the pope, whome they intreated wyth words & threats accordingly. Vpō this he was put to his choise, whether hee woulde presently leaue his life, or geue ouer his Papacie. But that he denied stifly to doe, to die for it: saying to them in his vulgar tōgue. Eccle col, eccle cape. That is, lo here my necke, lo here my head: protesting, that he would neuer while he liued renounce hys Popedome. Then Schaira went about, and was redy to slay him, but by certaine that were about him he was staide: whereby it hapned that the pope receiued no harme, although diuers of his ministers and seruants were slaine. The souldiors which ranged in the meane time through all the corners of the Popes house,* 80.7 did lade themselues with such treasure of golde, siluer, plate, and ornaments: that the wordes of my autor (whom I follow) do thus expresse it. Quod omnes re∣ges mundi non possent tantum de thesauro reddere infia vnum annum, quantum fuit de papali palatio asportatum, & de palatijs trium Cardinalium, & Marchionis. That is, that all the kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much out of their treasury in a whole yeare:* 80.8 as then was taken & ca∣ried out of the popes pallace, and of the pallace of the three Cardinals, and the Marques. Thus Boniface bereued of all his goodes, remained in their custodie 3. daies. Duryng the which space, they had set him on a wilde and vnbroken colte, his fate turned to the horse taile, causing the horse to runne and course, while the Pope was almost breathlesse. Moreouer,* 80.9 they kept him so wythout meate, that hee was thereby neare famished to death. After the 3. day: the Arua∣gians and people of the town mustering themselues toge∣ther (to the number of x. M.) secretely brast into the house where the Pope was kept, and so slaying the kepers, deli∣uered the Pope by strong hand. Who then being brought into the middle of the towne, gaue thankes with weeping teares to the people for his life saued: promising moreouer, that for so much as hee was out of all hys goodes, hauyng neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth, gods blessing and his, to al them, that now would relieue him wyth any

thing,* 80.10 either to eate or drinke. And heere nowe to see what pouertie and affliction can worke in a man. The Pope be∣fore, in all his pompe & most ruffling wealth was neuer so proud, but nowe was as humble & lowly: that euery poore simple man (as mine author testifieth) might haue a bolde and free accesse to his person. To make the story shorte, the Pope in that great distresse of famine was not so greedy of their vitails, as they were gredy of his blessing. Whereup∣on, the women & people of the towne came so thicke, some w^t bread, some with wine, some with water, some w^t meat, some with one thing, some with an other: that the Popes chamber was too litle to receiue the offring, in so much that when there lacked cups to receiue the wine, they poured it downe on y^t chamber flore, not regarding the losse of wine, to win the popes holy blessing. Thus Pope Boniface be∣ing refreshed by the towne of Aruagum, tooke his iourney from thence accompanied w^t a great multitude of harnessed soldiors to Rome: where he shortly vpon the same, partly for feare which he was in, partly for famine, partly for sor∣row of so inestimable treasure lost, died. After whom succe∣ded Benedictus the 11. of whome these verses are written.* 80.11 A re nomen habe, benedic, benefac, benedicte. Aut rem peruerte maledic, malefac, maledicte. &c. And thus haue yee the whole storie of Pope Boniface the 8. authour of the Decretalles. Which story I thought the more diligently to set forth, that all the Latine Church might see, what an author he was, whose lawes and decretals so deuoutly they follow.

Now after the long debating of this matter betweene the French king and pope Boniface, let vs proceede in our English story. About this time, in the dayes of king Ed∣ward, the Church of Rome began daily more and more to rise vp and swell so high in pride and worldly dominion: that no king almost in hys owne countrey coulde doe any thing, but as pleased the Pope: who both had and ruled al, in all countreis, but chiefly here in England: as partly by his intollerable tallage and pillage before signified may appeare, partly by hys iniunctions and commandements sent downe, also by his donations and reseruations of be∣nefices and church liuings: also in deposing and disposing suche as him listed,* 80.12 in place and office to beare rule. In so much, that when the king and the church of Cant. in theyr election had chosen one Robert Burnell bishop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of Canterburie: Pope Boniface of hys own singular presumptuous authority, ruling the matter after his pleasure,* 80.13 frustrated their election, and thrust in an other named Iohn Pecham. For amōg all other, this hath alwayes bene one practise of the court of Rome: euer to haue the Archbyshop of their owne setting, or suche one as they might be sure of on their side,* 80.14 to weigh against the K. and other, whatsoeuer nede should happen. To this Iohn Peckham, Pope Boniface directed downe a solemne Bul from Rome, as also vnto all other quarters of the vniuer∣sal church. In the which Bul was conteined & decreed, di∣rectly against the rule of Scripture and Christian obedi∣ence:* 80.15 that no church, nor ecclesiastical person should hence∣forth yelde to his king or temporall Magistrate, either any geuing or lending, or promising of tribute or subsidie, or portion whatsoeuer, of the goodes and possessions to hym belonging: but shuld be clearely exempted and discharged from all such subiection of tallage or subuention to be exac∣ted of them in the behoofe of the Prince and hys affaires. Which decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinaunce of God, and the Apostolical canon of S. Peter and all other examples of holy Scripture.* 80.16 For as there is no woorde in the Scripture that excludeth spirituall men more then temporall from obedience and subiectiō of prin∣ces: so if it chaunce the Prince in hys exacting to be too ri∣gorous or cruell in oppression: that is no cause for the cler∣gy to be exempted: but to beare the cōmon burden of obe∣dience, and to pray to God to turne and moue the Princes minde, and so (with prayer & patience, not with pride and disobedience) to helpe & amend that which is amisse. Con∣cerning the Bull of Boniface, if any there be that either do not credite the same, so to containe, or would for his minde see and read the same, the wordes therof here folow.

The copie of the Popes Bull, wherein the Cleargie is exempted from geuing tribute to Kings and Princes.

* 81.1BOnifacius, &c. Ad sempiternam rei memoriam. Clericis, lai∣cos infestos oppidò tradidit antiquitas. Quod & presentium experimenta temporum manifestè declarāt, dum suis finibus non contenti nituntur in vetitum & ad illicita sua frena relaxant, nec prudentèr attendunt quomodo sit eis in clericos ecclesiastic sáue personas, & bona interdicta potestas. Quinimo ecclesiarum prae∣latis, ecclesijs ecclesiasticis{que} personis regularibus & secularibus imponuntur onera grauia, ipsos talliant, & eis collectas imponūt, & ab ipsius suorum{que} prouentuum, vel bonorum dimidiam, deci∣mam, seu vicesimam, vel quamuis aliam portionem, quo tam exi∣gunt & extorquent eosque moliuntur multiphariè subijcere ser∣uituti, suae{que} subdedere ditioni. Et quod dolenrer referimus, non∣nulli ecclesiarum praelati, ecclesiasticaeque personae trepidantes, vbi trepidandum non est, transitoriam pacem quaerentes: plus timentes maiestatem temporalem offendere, quàm aeternam, ta∣lium abusibus non tam temerariè, quàm improuide acquiescunt sedis apostolicae authoritate non obtenta. Nos igitur talibus acti∣bus obuiare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum consilio * 81.2 Apostolica authoritate statuimus: quòd quicunque praelati, ecclesiasticaeue personae, vel seculares quorumcunque ordinum conditionis, seu status, collectas vel tallias, dimidiam, decimā, vicesimam, seu cen∣tesimam suorum & ecclesiarum suarum prouentuum vel bono∣rum laicis soluerint, vel promiserint, vel se soluturos exceslerint, aut quamuis aliam quantitatem, porcionem, aut quicquam ipso∣rum prouentuum vel bonorum aestimationem vel valorem ipso∣rum subuentionis, subsidij, vel doni nomine, seu quouis alio ti∣more, vel modo, vel quaesito colore absque autoritate sedis eius∣dem: Nec non imperatores, reges, seu principes, duces, leu comi∣tes, vel barones, potestates, capitaneas, officiales vel rectores quo∣cunque nomine censeantur, ciuitatum, castrorum, seu quorum∣que locorum constitutorum vbilibet, & * 81.3 quis alius cuiuscunque praeeminētiae, cōditionis & status, qui talia imposuerint & exege∣rint, vel receperint, aut apud aedes sacras deposita ecclesiarū vel ecclesiasticarum personarum vbilibet * 81.4 arestauerint saysierint seu occupare praesumpserint, vel arestari, saysiri, aut occupari manda∣uerint, aut * 81.5 occupata, saysita, seu arestata receperint: nec nō om∣nes qui scienter in praedictis dederint consilium, auxilium, vel fa∣uorem, publicè vel occultè, eo ipso sentētiam excommunicatio∣nis * 81.6 incurrunt. Vniuersitates quoque quae in his culpabiles sue∣rint ecclesiastico supponimus interdicto: praelatis, & personis ec∣clesiasticis supradictis in virtute obedientiae & sub poena deposi∣tionis districtè mandantes, vt talibus absque licentia expressa di∣ctae sedis nullatenus acquiescant. A supradictis autem excom∣municationis & interdicti sententijs nullus absolui valeat, prae∣terquam in mortis articulo absque sedis Apostolicae autoritate & licentia speciali. &c.

This Bull being directed (as is sayde) from Rome to the Archbishop of Canterbury,* 81.7 and likewise thorough the whole vniuersall Church, vnder the Popes authority: It chaunced not long after, the king helde hys Parliament at S. Edmunds burie, where was graunted to him of all cities and boroughs an right, and of the commons a ••welf of their goodes. Only the Clergie by vertue of this Bull, stoode stoute: denying to pay any thing to the king. Thys answer not wel pleasing the king, he willeth them to deli∣berate better with themselues vppon the matter: and after long aduisement so to geue him answer therof against the next Parliament, which should be holden the next Hilla∣ry terme at London.

In conclusion,* 81.8 the Parliament came: the Clergy persi∣steth still in deniall of their subsidie, alleging the popes bul for their warrant and discharge. Wherupon the king like∣wise secludeth them from vnder hys protection & sa••egard of his lawes. And as cōcerning the Archb. of Cant. aboue mentioned, because he was found more stubburne then the rest, and was the inciter to the other: hee seased vppon all his goodes, & caused an inuentorie of the same to be enrol∣led in the exchequer. Notwithstanding, diuers of the other bishops relented soone after to the king, and cōtributed the fift of their goodes vnto him, and were receiued agayne to fauour.

In the life of this kings father,* 81.9 it was declared before how the sayd king Henry the third, father to this king, af∣ter diuers warres and commotions had with his barons, had graūted certaine liberties and freedomes written and conteined in Magna charta, and in Charta de foresta. Concer∣ning which matter, much busines happened in this kings daies also in the realme, betweene the king & his Barons and commons. The occasion was thys. A packe of wooll which before paide but a marke to the king, was nowe by thys king raised vp to xl.s. After this the King hauing a iourney to make vnto Flanders, sent to hys Barons and diuers other, to geue their attendaunce and seruice in the same, which they refused and denyed to doe. Notwithstan∣ding (the king persisting in his purpose) with such a pow∣er as he had, prepareth toward his iourny. To whom be∣ing in his way at Winchelsey,* 81.10 the foresaide Erles and Ba∣rons and commōs sent certen petitions conteined in wry∣ting vnder the name of the Archbishops, Bishops, abbots and Priors, Erles and Barons, wyth the commonaltie of y^e realme. In which wryting first lamenting and complai∣ning of their afflicted state and misery, after humble maner they desired their Lord the king to redresse and amend cer∣tain greuances amōg them. And first declared in the name

of the whole commons, that the premonition or writs di∣rected to them for their attendaunce vpon his grace into Flaunders, was not sufficient: for that there was no cer∣taine place in the sayd writs specified vnto them whether to come for making their prouision, and preparing mony & other things according to the same. And if the place had bene to thē signified, yet because none of their aūcesters e∣uer serued the king ouer into Flaūders before, the cōmōs therfore thought themselues not bound to any seruice in y^t country. And albeit they had bene so bound therunto, yet they were not able to doe it, being so heauyly oppressed w^t so many tallages, taxes, tolles, customes, & prices of corne Ores, Tinne, Wood, Lether, Oxen, Ryne, Flesh Fish. &c. And besides all this, hauing no peny of wages geuē them to relieue their charges: Ouer and besides the lacke of the kinges wages not payd them, their owne pouerty like an heauy burden did so miserably lie vpon them, that some of them had no sustentatiō, some of them were not able to till their owne groūd. The alledged moreouer, that they were not now handled after the olde lawes and customes of the land, as their auncestors were wont. Many also foūd thē∣selues grieued in that they were not vsed according to the Articles conteined in Charta magna,* 81.11 nor agayne that the Charta de foresta, was not obserued nor kept as was wont to be. Wherfore, most humbly they beseeched the king both for his owne honor and for the wealth of his people, that of these thinges they might finde redresse. For the custome moreouer of woll,* 81.12 the whole commons bewayled to the king their griefe: in that for euery pack of woll was sined to the king xl. ••. and for euery sack of tosed wool, 7. marks. The which wooll of England, as it doth rise vp to the va∣lue of halfe the realme: so the tollage of the same surmoun∣teth to the fift part of the valuatiō of the whole land. And because therfore the commons wished the honor & preser∣uatiō of their king (as they were boūd to do) they thought it not good for his grace to sayle ouer to Flaūders, vnlesse he had better assuraunce of their fidelity, especially at thys time the Scots being so busy: Who if they began to rebell he being at home in his land, much more were they like to stirre, he being abroad out of the land. And that not onely for the Scottes: but also for that the like perill was to be doubted of other forraine nations and kingdomes, which as yet were in no firme peace with England. &c.

* 81.13To these petitions, the king sayd that he could as yet make no resolute answere, for that his counsell, some was gone ouer alredy to Flaunders, some were yet at Londō. Notwithstanding, at his returne againe from Flaunders (which he trusted should be spedely) they should thē heare his answere and know more of his minde concerning the same. In the meane time this he required of them, to keep good rule at home while he was forth. What aunswere the king had minded to make them at his returne, it is vncer∣tayne, which peraduenture had turned to a bloudye aun∣swere: but occasion serued otherwise, and turned all to a∣greement. For the Scottes with theyr captayne William Waleys aboue specified, in the time the king being absent, inuaded the Realme with such violence: that Prince Ed∣ward the kings sonne, who was left to rule in his fathers stead, was forced to assemble a Parliament, and to call for the Earle of Hereford, the Earle of Northfolke, high Marshall of England,* 81.14 Earle of Essex high Constable, with other Earles, Barons, Knightes, and Esquirs, to entreat peace and concord betweene his father and them. Who cōming vp to London with 1500. Well armed soul∣diers, and obteining the gates of the City with their own men, fell at length to agreement with the Prince, vpon composition to haue the Articles of magna Charta and of Charta de foresta, confirmed, and that by his meanes & me∣diation they might be assured of the kinges displeasure to be remoued from thē. The which forsayd articles of Mag∣na Charta with y^e other articles adioyned withall, here fol∣low vnder written.

* 81.15First, no tollage or subsidy by the king or his heires to be imposed or leuied hereafter within the realme of Eng∣land, without the common assent of the Archbishops, By∣shops, Abbots & other prelats, Earles, Barōs, Knights, Burgeses, and Commons of the realme.

Item, no taker or seruiture of the king or of his heirs henceforth within this realme, to take grain, wooll, lether or any goods of any man, without the will and consent of him which is the owner.

No taking to be hereafter, in name of tribute, for any packe of woll.

Item, to be graunted by the king and his heires after him, both to the clergy and laity of this foresayd Realme: to haue and to enioy their lawes, liberties & customes, •••• as ample maner as they were wēt at any time heretofore.

Item, if any decrees or statutes shal hereafter be made and set forth contrary to these foresaid articles: the same to stand voyd and of no effect for euer.

Besides these articles also in the same compositiō was conteined:* 81.16 that all grudge and displeasure betwene y^e king and the Barons for not going to Flaunders ceasing: the Earles and Barōs might be assured to be receiued againe into the kings fauor.

These things thus agreed vpon, and by mediation of the Prince also confirmed and sealed with the kings seale his father: so was all the variance pacified, to the great comfort of the people, and no lesse strength of the Realme agaynst theyr enemies: And most chiefly to the commēda∣tion of the gentle and wise nature of the king: Who as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his sub∣iectes, so no lesse constant was he in keeping that which he had promised.

After the death of Iohn Peckham Archb. of Canter∣bury aboue mentioned,* 81.17 who in the Parliament had resi∣sted the king in the right of certayne liberties perteing to the crowne, touching patronages and such Church mat∣ters: succeeded Robert Winchelsei, w^t whom also the king had like variance: and accused him to the Pope for brea∣king the peace, and tooke part with them that rebelled a∣gaynst the king about vsages and liberties of the Realme. Wherefore,* 81.18 the king being cited vp to the court of Rome, was there suspended, by y^e meanes of the said Archb. direc∣ted his letters agayne to the Pope taken out of y^e parlia∣ment rolles where I finde diuers letters of the king to P. Clement agaynst the sayde Robert Archbishop of Can∣terbury the contentes wherof here followeth videlicet qua∣liter idem. And as this king was troubled in his time with both the Archbishoppes, Iohn Peckham, and also Rober Winchelsey, so it happened to all other kinges for the most part, from the time of Lancfrancus (that is from Pope Hildebrand) that euery king in his time had some busines or other with that see. As William Rufus, and Henry the first were troubled with Anselmus:* 81.19 Hēry the second with Thomas Becket: King Richard and all England, wyth William Bishop of Elye the Popes Legate: King Iohn with Stephē Langthon: King Henry the third with Ed∣mund Archbishop, called S. Edmūd. Polic. lib. 7. Likewise this king Edward the first, with Iohn Peckham & Ro∣bert Winchelsey aforesayd. And so other kinges after him, with some Prelate or other:* 81.20 whereby ye haue to vnder∣stand, how & about what time the church of Rome, which before time was subiect to kings and Princes, began first to take head aboue, and agaynst kings and rulers, and so haue kept it euer since.

By this Iohn Peckam afore mentioned, was orday∣ned: that no spiritual minister should haue any mo benefi∣ces then one,* 81.21 which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the popes Legats the same time in England.

About the beginning of this kinges reigne,* 81.22 after the decease of of Walter Archbishop of Yorke: William Wice∣wanger succeeding in that sea, minding to go on visitatiō: came to Duresme to visit the Church and Chapter there. But the clergy and the people of the City, shoote the gates agaynst him, and kept him out, wherupon rose no smal di∣sturbance. The Archb. let flie his curse of excommunicatiō and interdiction agaynst them. The Bishop of Duresme agayne with his clergy, despised all his cursinges, groun∣ding themselues vpon the constitution of Innocentius y^e fourth, De censibus & ex actionibus. And so they appealed to Rome, saying: that he ought not to be receiued there, be∣fore he had first begon to visit his owne Chapter & dioces, which he had not done. For to say the wordes of the con∣stitutions: We ordayne and decree that euery Archbishop, that will visite his prouince, first must procure to visit hys owne Church, City, and Dioces. &c.

Among other thinges in this king to be noted,* 81.23 that is not to be passed ouer: that where complaynt was made to him of his officers, as Iustices, Maiors, Shiriffes, Bai∣liffes, Excheters, and such other: who in their offices a∣busing themselues, extortioned and oppressed the kinges liege people, otherwise then was according to the right & conscience: the sayd king not suffering such misorder to be vnpunished, did appoint certain officers or inquisitors to the number of 12. which inquisitiō was called Traibastō, or Trailbastoun: by meane of which inquisition, diners false officers were accused, & such as were offenders were either remoued from their place, or forced to buye agayne their office at the kinges hand: to their no small losse, and great gayne to the king, and much profite to the common wealth.

In the Chronicle of Robert Amesbury it is recorded

of the sayd king,* 81.24 that he being at Amesbury to see his mo∣ther (who was then in that monastery professed) there was a certayn man that fained himselfe blind a long time, brought to the presence of the sayd Alinore the kinges mo∣ther: saying,* 81.25 how that he had his sight agayne restored at y^• tombe of king Henry her late husband, in so much that she was easely perswaded in the miracle to be very true. But king Edward her sonne, knowing the man a lōg time to be a vile dissembler, and a wicked persō, vsed to lying and crafty deceiuing: disswaded his mother not to geue credite to the vile vagabon, declaring that he knew so well of the iustice of his father, that if he were aliue, he would twise rather pluck out both his eies: then once restore him one, Notwithstanding, the Queene the mother remayning stil in the former fond perswasion, would heare or beleue no∣thing to the contrary, but was so in anger with her sonne, that she bid him depart his chamber, and so he did. By the example whereof may easely be conceiued, how and after what sort these blinde myracles in those dayes and since haue come vp amōg the blinde & superstitious people. For had not the king here bene wiser thā the mother, no doubt but this would haue bene roong a miracle, & percase king Henry bene made a Saint.

* 81.26But as this was fayned a miracle and false no doubt so in the same author we read of an other maner of mira∣cle, sounding more neare the trueth, and so much the more likely,* 81.27 for that it serued to the conuersion vnto Christian fayth: to which vse properly, all true myracles do apper∣tayne. The myracle was this. In the raigne of this king, and the latter yere of his raigne, Cassanus king of y^e Tar∣tarians (of whome commeth these whome now we call Turkes) which fighting agaynst the Souldan king of the Saracens,* 81.28 in the plain of Damascus, slew of them 100000. of Saracens: and agayne at Babilon fighting with the sayd Souldain: slew him in the field, & 200000. of his Sa∣racens, calling vpon the helpe of Christ, and therupon be∣came Christiā. This Cassanus I say, had a brother a Pa∣gane, who being in loue with the daughter of the king of Armenia a Christian woman, desired of her father to mar∣ry with her. Whereunto the king her father would not a∣gree, vnles he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstan∣ding, the other being strōger in power and threatning to get her by warre: the king at length was forced to agree. In conclusion, it happened that the childe being borne be∣twixt them was ouergrowen & all rough with hayre, like the skin of a Beare. Which childe being brought to the fa∣ther, he commaunded it to be thrown in the fire & burned. But the mother desiring first to haue the childe baptised, caused all things therunto to be prepared. The infant be∣ing 3. times in water plunged, after the Sacrament of ho∣ly baptisme receiued: incontinent was altered and turned from all his hairy roughnes, and sene as fayre and smooth skinned, as any other. The which thing after the Father saw and beheld, was Christened himselfe and all hys house. &c.

* 81.29In the raigne of this king, Walter Merton Bishop of Rochester, builded Merton colledge in Oxford. In whose raigne also liued, Henricus de Gaudano, Arnoldus de villa no∣ua, Dantes, and other mo. And Scotus called Duns. Who in his 4. booke of Sent Dist. 18. complayneth of the abuse of excommunication & of the Popes keies. Where as before, excommunication was not vsed, but vpon great and iust causes, & therefore was feared: now sayth he, it is brought forth for euery trifling matter, as for not paying y^• Priestes wages. &c. & therefore sayth he, it groweth in contēpt. Un∣der the same king about the beginning of hys raygn, was the yeare so hoat and so drye: that from the month of May vntill the month nere of Septēber fell no rayn, in so much that many dyed for heat, & the vulgar people in their reck∣ning of yeares, did count the time from the sayd dry yeare long after.

* 81.30After P. Benedictus aboue mentioned, succeded Pope Clement the 5. who translated the Popes court to Auini∣on in Fraunce, where it remayned the terme of 74. yeares after. At the coronation of this Clemēt, was present Phi∣lip king of Fraunce. Charles his sonne and Duke Iohn Duke of Britany, with a great number of other men of state and Nobility. At which coronation they being in the middle of the pompe or processiō, a great wall brake down and fell vpon thē: by the fall wherof, Duke Iohn with 12. other were slayne, king Philip hurt & wounded, the Pope stroken from his horse, & lost out from his mitre vpon his head a Carbuncle, esteemed to the value of 6000. florence Plat. de vit. Pont. By this Clemēt was ordeined, that y^e Em∣peror, though he might be called king of the Romains be∣fore, yet he might not enioy the title & right of the Empe∣ror, before he was by him confirmed. And that the Empe∣rors seat being vacant,* 81.31 the Pope should raigne as Empe∣ror, till a new Emperor was chosē. By him the orders of the Tēplaries (who at that time were too abhominable) was put downe at the Counsell of Uienne, as hereafter (Christ willing) shal be declared. He also ordeined and cō∣firmed the feast of Corpus Christi, assigning indulgences to such as heard the seruice therof. And as pope Bonifaci∣us afore heaped vp the book of Decretals.* 81.32 called Sextus De∣cretalium, so this Clement compiled the 7. booke of the de∣cretals, called of the same Clement the Clementines. In y^e time of this Pope Hēricus the 6. of that name Emperor. was poysoned in receiuing the Sacrament by a false dis∣sembling Monke called Bernard, that feined himselfe to be his familiar frend, which was thought to be done not without the consent of the Popes legate. The Emperour perceiuing himselfe poysoned, warned him to flee & escape away, for els the Germaines would sure haue slaine him, who although he escaped himselfe, yet diuers of his order after that with fire and sword were slayne.

As this Pope Clement the 5.* 81.33 had well prouided now (as he haue heard) agaynst the Empire of Rome to bring it vnder his girdle: insomuch that without the Popes be∣nediction, no Emperor might take the state vpon him. &c. Now he procedeth farther to intermeddle with y^e Empire of Constantinople. Where he first exerciseth his tyranny & power of excommunicatiō, agaynst Andronicus Palcolo∣gus Emperor of Constantinople, an. 1327. declaring him as a schismaticke, and hereticke, because he neither would nor durst suffer the Greciās to make their appeale from y^e Greeke Church to the Pope,* 81.34 neither would acknowledge him for his superior. &c. Whereby it may appeare that the Greek Church did not admitte the Popes superiority, as yet nor at any time before.* 81.35 Saue onely about the tyme of Pope Innocent the 3. an. 1202. at what time the Frenche men with their Captain Baldwinus Earle of Flaūders, ioyned together with the Uenecians: were set against the Grecians,* 81.36 to place Alexius to the right of the Empire of Constantinople, vpō conditiō (as writeth Platina) to sub∣due the Greeke church, vnder the church of Rome. Which Alexius being restored, and shortly after slayne: the empire came to the Frenchmē, with whom it remained the space of 58. yeares, till the comming of Michael Paleologus in the dayes of Pope Gregory the 9.* 81.37 Who restored the Em∣pire frō the Frenchmen, vnto his pristine state again. Du∣ring all which time of the French Emperors, the Greeke church was subiect to Rome, as by the decretals of Pope Gregory the 9. may appere. Then folowed after this, that the foresayd Michael Emperor of Constantinople beyng called vp to a councell at Lions by Pope Gregory the 10. about the controuersy of proceeding of the holy Ghost (as is aboue specified) and obedience to the Church of Rome: there,* 81.38 because the sayd Michael the Emperor did submitte himselfe & the Grecians, to the subiection of Rome (as te∣stifieth Baptist Egnat.) He thereby procured to himselfe such grudge and hatred among the Greeke Monkes and Priestes: that after his death they denyed him the due ho∣nor & place of buriall. The sonne of this Andronicus was Michael Paleologus aboue mentioned: who, as ye haue heard before, because he was constrayned by the Grecians not to admit any apellation to the Bishop of Rome: was accursed by the popes cēsures for an heretick. Wherby ap∣pereth, that the Grecians recouering their state agayn, re∣fused all subiection at this time vnto the church of Rome,* 81.39 which was the yeare of our Lord. 1327. &c. After this Cle∣mēt the 5. folowed Pope Iohn the 22. with whom Ludo∣uike the Emperour had much trouble. After whom next in course succeded Pope Benedict the 12. Which Benedict vpō a time being desired to make certayn new Cardinals to this answereth agayne: that he would gladly so do, if he also could make a new world. For this world (sayd he) is for these Cardinals that be made already. Ex scripto Enge∣thusensis. And thus much of the Popes, now to returne a∣litle backe to the kinges story agayne.

In the yeare of our Lord 1307. Which was 34. of the reigne of this king, in the beginning of Hillary terme: the king kept a Parliament at Carliel,* 81.40 where great cōplaints were brought in by the nobles and auncientes of the Re∣alme, concerning the manifolde and intollerable oppressi∣ons of churches and Monasteries,* 81.41 and exactions of mony by the Popes Legate William Testa (otherwise termed Mala Testa) lately brought into the realme of England. The comming of which William Testa was vpō this oc∣casion, as followeth. Pope Clement, who as ye heard be∣fore, had translated his Court from Rome into Fraunce, where he had bene Archbishop before,* 81.42 because hee cōtēned to come & remaine at his owne sea: the Princes of Rome thought him therfore vnworthy to enioy Peters patrimo∣ny.

And so by that meanes falling in barenes & pouertye, liued onely of such mony of Bishops, as came to him to be confirmed, and with such other shiftes and gifts. So that by this meanes, partly of Bishops & other religious men & persons, partly vnder the name of curtesy and beneuo∣lence, partly vnder y^• pretence of borowing: he had within the first yeare 9500.* 81.43 markes of siluer, all his other charges and expenses, which he largely that yere bestowed, cleare∣ly borne. Besides this, he sent moreouer the foresayd Le∣gate William Testa into England with his Bulles: in the which he reserued the first fruites of the first yeare of all Churches being vacant, at any time, or by any man with∣in the realme of England, Scotland, Wales, and Irelād, and also the fruites of Abbayes and Priories within the sayd ••••ealmes.* 81.44 &c. Whereupon, the king with his nobles seing the inconuenience and harme thereof ensuing to the whole realme: In the foresayd Parliamēt holden at Car∣liell withstood the sayd Legate, charging and commaun∣ding him by the assent of the Earles & Barōs,* 81.45 that hence∣forth he should absteine from al such exactions. And as cō∣cerning his Lord the Pope, he would direct certayne hys messēgers vnto him, purposely for y^e same matter appoin∣ted: by the which Ambassadours,* 81.46 the king wrote vnto the foresayd Pope declaring, & monishing the Pope, as right and reason was: that he should not exact the first fruits of Churches and Abbayes, by his predecessors & noble men of the land founded, for the honor & maintenance of Gods seruice, for almes & hospitalitye: which otherwise in so do∣ing, should all be ouerthrown. And so by this meanes the Pope at that time changed his purpose as concerning Ab∣bayes.* 81.47 But after that, the fruit of English churches was graunted to the king for 2. yeares: In which space he ob∣teined the fruits of the foresayd Churches. &c.

During the which Parliament afore specified, as men were talking many things of the popes oppressiōs, which he began in the English Church, in the full of the Parlia∣ment: sodenly fell downe, as sent from heauen, among thē a certaine paper, with this superscription.

An Epistle of Cossiodorus to the Church of England, concerning the abuses of the Romish Church.

TO the noble church of England seruing in clay and bricke as the Iewes did in times past vnder the tyrannye of the Egipti∣ans:* 82.1 Peter the sonne of Cassadore a Catholicke souldiour and de∣uout champion of Christ, sendeth greeting and wishing to cast of the yoke of bondage, and to receiue the reward of libertie.

To whom shall I compare thee, or to whom shall I liken thee O daughter Ierusalem: to whome shall I match thee, O daughter of Syon? Great is thy perturbatíon, like vnto the sea. Thou sittest alone without comfort all the day long, thou art confounded & consumed with heauinesse. Thou art geuen vp into the handes of him from whence thou canst not rise without helpe of one to lift thee vp: for the Scribes and Pharisies sitting vpon the chayre of Moyses, the enemies of the Romaines are as thy heades and ru∣lers: enlarging their garded philecteries, and seeking to be enri∣ched with the marow of thy bones, laying heauye burdens, and not able to be borne, vpon thy shoulders and of thy ministers, and they set thee vnder tribute (which of old time hast bene free) beyond all honesty or measure. But maruell not thereat, for thy mother, which is the Lady of people, like a widow hauing maried and coupled her selfe to her subiect, hath appoynted him to be thy father, that is to say, the Byshoppe of Rome, who sheweth no poynt of any fatherly loue towardes thee. He magnifieth and ex∣tendeth to the vttermost his authority ouer thee: And by expe∣rience he declareth himselfe to be the husband of thy mother. He remembreth oft with himselfe the Propheticall saying of the Pro∣phet, and well digested the same in the inwarde part of his brest. Take to thee a great booke, and write therein quickely with the penne of a man, take the spoyle, robbe quickely: But is this it, which the Apostle sayth, that he was appoynted for, where he writeth thus? Euery Byshop taken from among men, is appointed for men in those thinges that belong to the Lord: not to spoyle, not to lay on them yearely taxes, not to kill men, but to offer gifts and sacrifices for sinnes: and to sorrow with them, that be igno∣raunt and doe erre. And so we read of Peter the Fisher (whose successour he boasteth himselfe to be) that after the resurrection of Christ he returned with other Apostles, to the office of fishing: who when he could take nothing of the left side of the shippe, at the bidding of Christ, turned to the right side, and drew to the land a nette full of fishes. Wherefore the profitable ministerye of the Church is to be exercised on the right side, by the which the Deuill is ouercome, and plenty of soules be lucrified and wonne to Christ. But certaynely, the Labourer on the left side of the shippe, is farre otherwise: for in it the fayth stumbleth, heauinesse beareth rule, when that thing that is desired by seeking, is not found. For who is so foolish to thinkee that he canne both at one tyme serue God and man, and to satisfy his owne will, or to stick to the reuelations of flesh and bloud, and to offer worthy giftes to Christ? And doubtles, that shepheard that watcheth not for the edifying of the flocke, prepareth an other way to the roaring Ly∣on, and seeking whom he may deuour. And now beholde, I say; O daughter, the needes of him that is called thy father, such as haue not bene heard of before: he driueth away the good shep∣heardes from the sheepefolde, and placeth in theyr stead By∣shoppes, to rule, but not to profite (his Nephewes, Cosins, and Parentes) some that know no letters, and other some dumme and deafe, which vnderstand not the playne voyce of the sheepe, nor curing their woundes that be hurt of the Wolues: but lyke hirelinges plucking of the flieses a pase, and reaping that which other men haue sowen, whose handes-moreouer be alwaies ready in their baskets and powches, but their backes are turned from their burdens. By which things it is manifest, that the Priesthood is cleane chaunged at these dayes, the seruice of God decayd, al∣mes diminished and brought to nought, the whole deuotion of kinges, princes, & christians is banished. May not this be thought wonderfull in the eyes of all men, that where as Christ com∣maunded tribute to bee payde too kinges for him and for Peter, he now goeth about dominiō of his stile, to subdue to him, both Realmes and princes of realmes (against his will, whose Vicar he sayth he is, and who refused the Realmes and iudgementes of the world) which this Bishop contrary wise chalengeth, clayming all that which he in his stile writeth to be his. Alacke, O daughter, what doth he yetmore agaynst thee marke, he draweth from thee what soeuer pleaseth him, and yet he thinketh not himself cōtent, to haue the tenth part onely of thy goodes from thee: except he haue also the first fruites of the benefices of the Ministers, wher∣by he may get a new patrimony aswell for himselfe as for his kin∣red, contrary to the godly willes of the first founders. Ouer & be∣side all this, he inferreth other excrable taxes and stipendes for his Legates and messengers, whom he sendeth into England, whi∣che not onely take away the feeding and clothing of thee and thine, but also teare in pieces like dogges your flesh and skinnes. May not this prince be cōpared to king Nabuchodonoser, which destroyed the temple of the Lord, and robbed away the siluer and golden vesselles thereof? The very same doth this man also he robbed the ministers of God his house, and left destitute of due helpe. In like maner doth he: Truely they be better that are killed with the sword, thē they which be pined with hunger: for they are dead straight, but these are wasted with the barenesse of the earth. O daughter, al they that passe by the way, let thē haue pity & cō∣cōpassiō on thee, for there is no sorrow like thy sorrow. For now thy face is blacker then coales through much sorrow and wee∣ping, and thou art no more knowne in the streetes: thy foresayd ruler hath placed thee in darckenesse, and hath geuen the worm wood and gall to drinke. O Lord heare the sorrow and sighinges of thy people beholde Lord, and descend, for the hart of this fore∣sayd man is more indurate then the hart of Pharao. For he wyll not suffer the people to depart, except in the fortitude onelye of thy hand. For he scourgeth them not onely miserably vpon the earth, but also after their death he intēdeth to incroch the goods of all Christians vnder the name and title to dye intestate or ma∣king no will. Therefore let the chiualry of England well remem∣ber, how the Frenchmen in times past, directing their greedy eyes on the Realme of England, laboured with all theyr power how to bring the same vnder their subiectiō But it is to be feared least the new deuises and practise of this new enemy, supply that which hetherto hath bene lacking in them. For in diminishing of the treasure of the Realme, and spoyling of the Churches goods: the Realme shall be brought into such inhability, that it shall not be able to helpe it selfe agaynst the enemy. Therefore O daughter and you the ministers thereof, suffer not your selues to be lead a∣ny more into such miserable bondage. Better it is for the wealth of thee and thine, that the Christian king and the powers of the Realme which haue indued thee with great benefites, and you also which are indued with their benefites, doe labour with all your power how to resist the deuises, conspiracies, arrogancy, presumption, and pride of the foresayd person: who not for any zeale of God, but for the enriching of hys Parentes and for hys owne kinred (exalting himselfe like an Eagle) by these and suche other exactions goeth about after a newe kinde of extortion to scrape vppe and deuoure all the money and treasure of England. Now least the dissembled simplicity of the Realme in this behalfe doe bring vtter subuersion, and afterwarde be compelled to seeke remedy when it is to late: I beseech the Lord God of hoa∣stes to turne away the vale from the hart of that man, and to geue him a contrite and an humble minde, in such sort as he may ac∣knowledge the wayes of the true God, whereby he may bee brought out of darckenesse, and bee enforced to relinquishe his olde sinister attemptes: and that the vineyard which the Lordes hand hath plāted, may be replenished continually with the prea∣chers of the word. Let the wordes of the Lord prophesied by the mouth of Ieremy, stirre vp your mindes to withstand & resist the

subtle practises of this man, by the which wordes the Lord spea∣keth: O thou Pastor which hast scattered my people, and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will come and visite vpon thee, and vpon the malice of thy studies: neither shall there be a∣ny of thy seed which shall sit vpon the seat of Dauid, neither whi∣che shall haue power any more in Iuda. So that thy ••east shall be∣come barren, and vtterly subuerted like Sodome and Gomer.

And if he being terrified by these wordes do not leaue of frō this which he beginneth, and doth not make restitution of those thinges which he hath receiued, then let all and singular persons sing for him being indurat, to him that seeth all things, the Psalme 108. Deus laudem. &c. For truely as fauour, grace and beneuo∣lence, remitteth and neglecteth many thinges: so agayne the gen∣tle benignitie of man being too much oppressed and grieued, see∣king to be deliuered and freed from the same, striueth and sear∣cheth to haue the trueth knowne, and casteth off that yoake by all meanes possible that geueth him.

&c. Haec Cassio∣dorus.

¶ What effect this letter wrought in them, to whom it was directed,* 82.2 is not in story expressed. This by the sequell may be coniectured, that no reason or perswasion coulde preuayle, but that the Pope retained here still his exacti∣ons, whatsoeuer was sayd or written to the contrary not∣withstanding.

And thus much being written hetherto of these actes and doings here in England, now to slipp a little into the matters happening the same time in Fraunce,* 82.3 vnder the raign of the foresayd king Philip aboue mentioned: forso∣much as about this time, an. 1329. was commensed a par∣liament, by the sayd king of Fraunce, agaynst the Pope, touching the iurisdiction both tēporall pertaining to prin∣ces, and ecclesiasticall belonging to the church: I thought it not vnprofitable for the reader, to heare & learne the full discourse and tractation hereof, according as we haue cau∣sed it to be excerpt faythfully out of the true copye and re∣cordes of Peter Bertrand Bishop of Eduenen, and chiefe doer & prolocutor in the sayd parliament vpon the Popes side, agaynst the king and state temporall.

For so much as the high Prelate of Rome, otherwise called Antichrist, being thē in his chief ruffe, extolling him selfe aboue all princes and potestates of the world, as in o∣ther countryes, so also in Fraūce extended his vsurped iu∣risdictiō aboue the princely authority of the king, claiming to himselfe full gouernement of both the states, as well se∣cular as also ecclesiasticall The king therfore not suffering the excessiue proceedinges of Pope Clement the 5. aboue specified, directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realme of Fraūce, to connēt & assemble themselues together at Paris, about the beginning of De¦cember, the yeare aboue prefixed. The tenor of which let∣ters of the king directed to the Prelates, followeth in this forme and maner.

¶ The Sommons of a Parliament by Phi∣lip the French king.

* 83.1PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce, to our welbeloued Bishop of Eduens, greeting and salutation. Reuerend Father in God, right trusty and welbeloued, we greete you well.

The more sight and knowledge you haue in diuinitye and the holye Scriptures of God, with the practise and experience of other good qualityes and vertues: you know the better a great deale, how that the Clergy and layty of this our Realme (as members of one body) ought to cleaue and sticke together: and how by theyr helping hand, vnity and peace should bee maynetayned of all, and the contrary eschued and auoyded, euery state contēting it selfe, & not incroching one vpon another. And because we are aduertised, how that our Barons and officers (as well in time past as of late) haue diuersly in diuers poyntes iniuried you, as semblably you and yours in many causes haue wrongfullye da∣maged them: by occasion wherof, the knot of vnitie and concord which ought to haue florished among you, is quite loosed and vndone. To the end therefore by Gods grace some good refor∣mation and redresse may be had herein: We most studious of vni∣ty and concord requere you, and by these our letters commaūd you, to appeare personally before vs at Paris the 15. day of Decē∣ber next ensuing the dare hereof: and there before vs to make re∣lation of such wrong as ye haue receiued at the laities hāds. And wee likewise straightly charge and commaund you our Barons, Bailiffes and officers not to fayle, but to make your personall ap∣pearaunces before vs, the day and place aboue written, & there to exhibite before vs a bill, of such complayntes wherewith you burden our Prelats and Clergy with their officials: that we with our counsell consulting thereupon, with due regard may see re∣dresse therin: wherby perpetuall loue and charity may euer here∣after raigne and remayne among them for euer:

Geuen at Paris the first day of September an. 1329.

At the day in the letters aboue specified,* 83.2 the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselues before the King at hys palace in Paris, that is to witte. The L. Baturicen, the L. of Auxitan, the L. Turonen, the L. Rothom, and the L. Senon, all Archbishops: The L. Beluaren, the L. Catha∣lan, the L. Laudun, the L. of Paris, the L. Nousonon, the L. Carnoten, the L. Constan, the L. Andegauen, the L. Pictauen, the L. Melden, the L. of Cameracen, the L. of S. Feri, the L. Brioce, the L. of Cabition, & the L. of Ed∣uen, all Byshops. Where after due reuerence done vnto the Kinges grace, there sitting in his owne person, wyth his Barons and counsell about him:* 83.3 a certayne noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs, (being one of the kin∣ges counsell) rose vp and openly in the Parliament house spake in the kinges behalfe on this wise, taking for hys Theame. Reddite quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, & quae sunt Dei, Deo: which is to say: geue and render vnto Cesar, whiche is his, and vnto God which is Gods: which he uery arti∣ficially prosecuted and applyed,* 83.4 deuiding it into 2. partes. First that obedience and reuerence is due vnto the king, Secondly that there ought to be a difference betweene the iurisdiction of the clergy and laity, so that spirituall mat∣ters should be defined and ordered by the Prelats and spi∣rituall men: and temporall causes ruled and determined by the king,* 83.5 his Barons, and temporall men. Which all he proued by many reasōs both of fact and law, as more ful∣ly appeareth beneath in the answere of the Byshop of Ed∣uen: finally he concluded, that the Clergy ought onely to deale and haue to doe with spirituall matters: in defence whereof, the kings highnes would stand their good Lord and maintayner. His Oration being ended, he repeated certayn wordes in the French toung which imported that the kinges will and pleasure was in some poyntes to re∣new the temporall state and iurisdiction: & therewith exhi∣bited a certaine bill in French, whereof also he gaue a copy to the Prelates, contayning certaine pointes and articles vnder writtē, the contentes wherof he affirmed not to ap∣pertaine to the order & iurisdiction of the spiritualty, but onely to the temporalty: complayning that the Clergy had wrōgfully proceeded in y^• same. But notwithstanding the premisses, & for all this his complaint, he sayd that y^• Pre∣lates should haue time to consult and deliberate thereupō with the king. The copy of which articles, with answers ensuing vpon the same, and the grieuaunces of the king∣dome of Fraunce, wrought by the clergy, and exhibited to the king, hereafter foloweth.

1. First the cognition of causes reall, whether they touch possession or their propriety or not,* 83.6 by commō law apper∣teineth to y^• iurisdicion temporall. But the Prelates wyth their officials to y^• end to infringe the tēporall iurisdiction, take vpon them the determination of such causes reall, e∣specially concerning possession and all other interdictes.

2. Item, when a temporall man is sued by any Clerke or spirituall man, for the possession of his land, obtayning an adiornament of the secular power, in the cause of nouite or otherwise: The prelates officials stopping hereby the tē∣porall iurisdiction, at the instaunce of the Clerke calleth by proces before them, both the secular iudge and the par∣ty: inhibiting them to proceed any farther in the cause, vn∣der payne of excommunication and forfeiture of a certayne summe.

3. Item, although the secular iudge haue the cognition of all lay mens matters (except in spirituall causes) yet wil y^• Bishops Officials at the instaunce of any partye, call such before them. And if the tēporall mē do except against their iurisdiction, alleadging the incompitency of the iudge, or els if they require the cause to be remitted to them (vnder whom they are) as the right iudges,* 83.7 yet doth the Officials refuse this to do, yea and by excommunication compell the parties to proceed before them.

4. Item, the Byshoppes Officials at the instaunce of the clerks, alledging that they are iniuried in matters of inhe∣ritance by a lay man, call by proces the laity. And if it be al∣ledged that those causes stand vpō reality, being so indeed, & for that consideration the cause to be remitted to the tē∣porall law: This notwithstanding the Officials prohibit them vnder payne of excommunication or some great for∣feit, not to proceed but before them.

5. Item, the Bishops Officials take vpon them to heare the plea of such contractes as either be conceiued in wri∣tings or made by word of mouth in the temporall law, sē∣ding out their monition of excommunication against thē that stand bound concerning the same contractes.

6. Item, the Byshoppes and Prelates decree prouinciall

coūcels and Sinodall Statuts, enacting & ordering ther∣in many thinges to the high & great preiudice of the tem∣porall iurisdiction, wherin they ought to haue no cognitiō at all neither to intermeddle themselues therwith.

7. Item, the foresayd Officials take vpon thē, before No∣taries to sweare persons for performance of contractes & bargaynes (made by them in places vnder the iurisdiction temporal) concerning the sale of inheritance or otherwise: incroching thereby vpon their iurisdiction, when verelye they haue nothing to do with any contracts and obligati∣ons, but with such as are made and agreed vpon within the compasse of their owne seat and iurisdiction.

* 83.88. Item, the sayd Officials of ther meere office, call before them the laity, to aunswere to such matters of correctiō as shalbe layd to theyr charge; the cognition where of as they say doth appertayn vnto them. And when the sayd persōs do appeare before them, & deny the crime obiected against them: the Officials deteyne them and put them in prison, although in such cases,* 83.9 they are to be released: and that im∣prisonment appertaineth onely to the temporall power, & not to them.

9. Item, in the cases aforesayd, although by making of their purgations and other the proces therein, they be foūd cleare of that which is layd to theyr charge and are acquit∣ted: these yet the said officials will in no wise discharge and dismisse thē before they haue to the vttermost payd for the writings and proces in that behalfe, a good piece of mony: when by law it ought to be done gratis and for nothing.

10. Item, it must not be forgotten to talke of the sentēce of excōmunication, which is decreed by vertue of one only ci∣tation, so often times as a man sayleth in his appearance.

11. Item, mentiō is to be made of those kinde of obligatiōs De nisi. whereby a man is excommunicated by and by, if he make not payment at the day prefixed, although he be not able so to do.

12. Item, whosoeuer by vertue of excommunicatiō in the Bishops court is excommunicate, and he •••• excōmunicate do not satisfy the summe due about the excommunication: by & by the summ is doubled: And the secular power char∣ged by the bishops or their officials, that they vnder paine of excōmmunication compell the excōmunicate by attaching their goods to pay the sayd summe, and not to misse a iote: which monitiō if the layry refuseth to put in executiō, they themselues are then excommunicate & in no wise to be ab∣solued before they disburse that mony the which the princi∣pall excommunicate person should haue payd.

13. Item, if the Balifes, Hedborowes, or other the kings officers and iudges of the temporaltye, receiuing the fore∣sayd monitions do put the same in execution, & finde those that be excōmunicate to be beggerlye and nothing worth: the sayd officers are bound at their owne proper costs and charges, to resort to the Bishops sea or consistory, where soeuer it is, & there to take a corporall oath, that y^e partyes excōmunicate are nothing worth. This if they fayle, those officers are sure to be excommunicate and therby inforced to disburse the due of the first excommunicate persons.

* 83.1014. Itē, if two lay men be in sute together before a tempo∣rall iudge about an action either reall or personall, & one of thē after contestation of law and great proces therin, do appeale vnto an ecclesiasticall iudge: he will presume then to deteine before him the plea of such cases & actions, both reall & personal,* 83.11 causing by vertue of his monitions & au∣thority, the temporall iudge to cease & leaue of from med∣ling therein: which if the secular iudge obeyeth not, he is pronounced excommunicate & compelled to make satisfac∣tion: by occasions wherof, the tēporal iurisdiction is much annoyed and cleane loseth the prerogatiue thereof: because by law no man may appeale from a spirituall iudge to the temporall law.

15. Item, if a lay man inhabiter of any the kings townes, procureth his debter, being also a lay man, to be arested by vertue of secular iustice in that place: & he which is so ar∣rested appealeth, & causeth also his creditor to be arrested, the officials will take vpō them to heare this matter: And if any thing be attēpted concerning the appeale, they misse not to demaūd cost and satisfaction both of the iustice, and also of him to whom the arrest was made. And if any of y^e Princes retinne compelleth them to resist this iniury, they are straight wayes pronounced excommunicate.

* 83.1216. Item, if the sayd Bishops haue a number of Officials vnder them, whom they terme Deanes of y^e clergy, which vsually causeth all sorts of people through the kinges do∣minions onely by word of mouth to come afore thē, & that sometime without commissiō: when that in euery Dioces there ought onely to be but one seat or Consistory, wher•••• matters should be heard and decided. And hereby it hap∣neth diuers times, that many are wrongfully & without cause cited, & to the end: that they may pay mony enough, to rid themselues thereof: which is to the no small preiu∣dice of the Kinges Maiestyes subiectes and the temporall iurisdiction.

17. Item, the sayd rulers of the clerks, sealeth vp the hou∣ses of their clergy, which are situate in the kinges townes and other of his noble mens villagyes, to the preindice of the kinges maiestyes iurisdiction, & other of his nobility: for that in such kinde of places the Bishops haue no suche kinde of iurisdiction.

18. Item, the sayd Prelates or their officials, doe presume to seale vp the moueable goods of maryed Clerkes, and of marchaunts,* 83.13 where in such cases, the order thereof apper∣teineth to the temporall law.

19. Item, they compel the laity to put in surety to answere clerkes before them in the spirituall court, yea and chiefly the kinges owne seruitures.

20. Item, they presume to heare and haue the cognition of actions: which are reall or at leastwise mixt, that is both reall and personall.

21. Item, the sayd prelates go about to haue cognition of such temporall mens matters as dwel in hospitals, almes houses, & the kings peculiars, and in villagies of his sub∣iectes, although the plea thereof apperteineth to the King himselfe, and his subiects: forbidding vnder payne of excō∣munication & great forfeits, no man so hardy to commēce any sute agaynst any of them, but before thēselues in pain of a great summe of mony.

22. Item, to the end the Clergye and Ecclesiasticall rule should be multiplied, they conferre a number of Tonsures to children vnder age, some of them being sonnes of bond∣men, other some bastardes borne, yea and to many more maried folkes insufficient, vnable and vnlearned.

23. Item, they do cause by the gouernors of their clerkes, widow women to be inforced & defiled, and will haue the discussing therof: as in like maner, they will determine the matters of Pupilles, applying their goods whē they died, as they do the goodes of them which dye intestate to theyr owne vse, the cognition wherof belongeth to the king him selfe: because those kinde of persons with their goods are ward to the kind and vnder his tuition.

24. Item, they procure through the sayd Deanes of the clergy of malice,* 83.14 temporall men of the kings dominiōs or other where (without all order of law) to be apprehended: obiecting agaynst them that they haue strayed from some article of christian fayth, & therewith shut them vp: when that theyr imprisonment appertaineth to the king, while they be conuicted therof.

25. Item, they exercise their iurisdiction in all places, ha∣uing no regard, neither to the kings peculiar townes nor yet to his subiects: but runneth in euery hole, whē by law they ought to haue no iurisdiction, without their owne li∣mits and precinct.

26. Item, when these Prelates or their officials by vertue of their monitions do charge the kinges officers & his iu∣stices to execute any thing: if they doe not performe that, which is prescribed vnto them, the forfet (which the moni∣tion conteyneth) is taken: yea and excommunication de∣nounced. And this is a new inuention sprong vp of late a∣mongst them, much to the preiudice of the King and his subiectes.

27. Item, when the Bishops or their o••••rals do prosecute a matter of office before themselues against any temporall man, and haue no proofe therof: They compell many of the laity to be deposed therin what they know, hauing no re∣spect whether they be the kinges burgesses, or no, or what they be, and yet will they not allow any charges & expēses for their paynes taken in that behalfe. But if they appeare not at theyr day, they are sure to be excommunicate.

28. Item, if malefactours be apprehended by any of the kinges iustices, and indicted of thest, and he (whose goods they were which were stollen) commeth before the kyngs Sheriffes and proueth thē to be his, and therfore the mat∣ter to be ordered by thē: if afterward the Bishops or theyr officiall affirme the sayd selon or malefactor to be a Clerke, they will by vertue of their decrees or monitions compell the Kinges Sheriffes to restore and bring in the stollen goodes and if they doe it not, they are pronounced excom∣municated.

29. Item, if it happē the kings Shiriffe or Baylife to take an offender for his defence, and he affirmeth himselfe to be a clerke: although he neuer tooke any kinde of tonsures or orders, wearing no habite apertaining thereunto. Yet the Bishops or their Officials will cause the detayners of thē by their censures to deliuer vnto them the sayd malefactor as their clerke.

30. Item, if it happen the kinges Shiriffe or other his iu∣stices

to take a theefe or murderer which beareth a clerkes mark and tonsure, and therfore deliuereth him to the cler∣gy to be ordered: It shall not be long before he be acquited by them, although he afterward recognise his fact: yea & notwithstanding his felowes and parteners of that offēce being mere temporall, receiued iustice for the same, and ap¦peacheth him therof. And so the like malefactors to be in∣couraged therby to commit after the like.

31. Item, if any complayneth and sayth that he is spoyled, by and by the Officials will decree a monitiō agaynst the spoyler: by vertue whereof. some one of the Deanes of the clergy shall monish him, to restore the thinges comprised in the monition & also minister to him an oath whether he hath not spoyled the plaintife of such thinges, as he sayth he was spoyled of. But if he refuse to take an oath before him, then the Deane will straightwayes seale vp y^e moni∣tion, & excommunicate him: and by no meanes shalbe ab∣solued before he restore and satisfy the contents in the mo∣nition, wherof the playntif sayd first he was spoyled of.

32. Item, if any for his offence be cast into prison by the se∣cular power, although at the time of his taking he were tēporall habite, and was in no orders, but all the dayes of his life liued like a temporall man: yet if he shall auouch & vow himselfe to be a clerke, to the intent to haue more ex∣pedition at the clergyes hands, and to escape vnpunished: The clergy wil incontinent, geue to the laity in commaū∣dement to restore vnto them the malefactor, or els suspēsi∣on to be denoūced throughout the whole township where the said malefactor shalbe so imprisoned. And for auoiding the ieopardy which might arise of the sayd seasement: the secular iudge of necessity is compelled to deliuer them the offēder, to the great preiudice of the kings temporall iuris∣diction, to whom the cognition thereof might appertaine, in case of resort and prerogatiue.

33. Item, when any offender is deliuered by the temporal Magistrates to the clergy, as their clerke: his frendes wil make sute to the Bishops Officials for him, and compoūd with them: by reason wherof, they demisse them vnpuni∣shed and so doe worse and worse,* 83.15 although theyr fact was neuer so notorious.

34. Itē, so soone as any maryed clerke being a marchant, or of whatsoeuer other science he be of, for any his offence by him committed, is called before he secular iudge: The sayd clerk obtayneth of the Officials a monition, bringing with them some priest, who doth inhibit the secular iudge vnder payne of 100. or 200. Markes, yea and of excommu∣nication to, not to proceede farther, nor to meddle in such causes, and not to molest such parties neither in body, nor in goods. But if the iudges obey not, they shall be suspen∣ded frō hearing of Masse in that place, although the mat∣ter concerneth the fact of marchaundise.

35. Item, the sayd Officials graunt citations without nū∣ber agaynst the laity in cases of warranties personally to ascite before thē persons vnknown. But if they be known it is contained in the citation that in no wise, and that vn∣der a great payn, he cause his aduersary to be called before a secular iudge, during the returne of the citation.

36. Item, when one is excommunicated in any place: the Officials graunt out personall citations agaynst them, which do perticipate and are conuersant with the excom∣municate: causing a whole country by the space of 8. miles about to be cited together. And further the frendes and ac∣quaintaunce of the party so excommunicate (sometime by 40. somtime 60. yea and sometime by 100. at once) are com¦pelled to make theyr purgation before them: that they doe not participate nor keepe company with their frendes the excommunicates. Wherby ensueth that many honest olde and auncient men for auoyding of troubles and expenses do pay some 12. d. some 2. s. By occasion wherof many vi∣nes are vnlooked to, much ground vntilled: yea and many good men constrayned to lay the key vnder the doore, and runne away.

37. Item, the sayd Officials doe burden many persons of good name and fame, to be vsurers: whereby they are con∣strained to agree with them, for auoiding the infamy, that thereby might ensue.

38. Item, the foresayd Officials call by Citation afore thē, the honest wedded (aswell man as woman) charging thē, that they haue committed adultery to the perpetuall infa∣my of theyr husbands and wiues. And for nothing els but by extortion to wring mony from them.

39. Item, mention must be made of the multitude & num∣ber of Proctors, which eate and deuoure vp all the world with their citations: catching vp clientes, and keeping a∣broad in the countryes, courts and Assises, who for mony returne not the citations, which by extortion they receiue of them which are cited.

40. Item, there be many other griefes and enormityes, which the Chapiters, Abbotes, Priors, Prouostes and o∣ther ecclesiasticall persons in the Realme of Fraunce, pra∣ctise agaynst the people. As whē they cause to be cited be∣fore them, many of the kinges burgesies, & other in diuers places being priuiledged: that is to say, Baiocēses, Man∣mectans in Britaine, Lugdons, Masticous, with other more. But specially the Prouos▪ of hospitals, vse more cō∣monly this trick, then any other do: wherby the people is much endamaged, and wilbe euery day more and more, if remedy be not had therein.

41. Item, ecclesiasticall magistrates labor to haue cogni∣tion of causes of iniury, in whatsoeuer cause it be: whether the iniury be committed by word or fact. Likewise, they take vpon them to heare the causes of maried clerkes, and of their wiues although they both vse marchaundise. And if at any time such couples be taken by the secular Magi∣strates, the Officiall causeth a suspension to be denounced in that Parish, by force of the councell Siluanecten.

42. Item, they chalenge to haue cognition concerning wi∣dowes goods, both moueable and vnmoueable. And if it happeneth at any time that a Marchaunt widow, in any the kings peculiars by way of rest, procureth any tempo∣rall man to be conuented before the secular iudge: and the matter so farre trauised, that he should haue bene condem∣ned by the sentence of the secular iudge, & then come to the eare of the ecclesiasticall magistrates, how & before whom the widow did conuēt him: The sayd temporal iudge shal be constrayned, to withdraw the same. And by their moni∣tions and censures to correct the same and this oftē times happeneth.

43. Item, many of the tenaunts & inhabitours of the Bi∣shops landes, calleth one an other to the court of y^e Offici∣als by a kinde of appellation: By vertue wherof, the Offi∣cials take vpon them, to proceede in the same and to haue cognition thereof: to the preiudice of the temporall iuris∣diction of our soueraigne Lord the king.

44. Item, if any man be apprehended by secular iustice in shedding of bloud: by thē if he be Lay, he is to be ordered: If he be a Clerke he is to be restored to the Ecclesiasticall iudge.* 83.16 But whether he be a temporall man or clerke that is so takē, and appealeth to the Officials court: They will be so bold to haue cognition therof, requiring herewith a∣mends of the secular court, which enterprised the foresayd apprehension. If this be suffered, the malefactor shal neuer be punished: For by and by they will appeale, and imme∣diatly after the appellation flye and auoyde away.

45. Item,* 83.17 when they cause many of Office, to be cited be∣fore them, they will admit them to haue no Proctors: To whom when they come at the day of appearance, they ob∣iect the crime of vsury. And except they answer as the pro∣motors wil thēselues, they are trodē vnder feet (although they be mere lay) and shall not be dismissed, before they fine euen as the Officials list themselues although they be no vsurers.* 83.18 But if any be vsurers, they take of them satis∣faction and bribes: and so be permitted to vse their vsury, no lesse then before. So that, they may haue their olde fees and bribes.

46. Item, they procure theyr officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoeuer soile they be foūd: albeit by iustice, they may appeal therefro. But if by any they be let of their will, here in they do forthwith by sentence of excommunicatiō, cause them to desist therfore.

47. Item, as often times as any temporall Magistrate, doth apprehēd any person, which afterward being requi∣red of the clergy,* 83.19 is quietly deliuered vnto them: yet for all that, the Officials causeth those Magistrats to be denoū∣ced excommunicate by law.

48. Item, the Prelates geue order of Tonsures aswell to men of 30. yeares as vpward, as also to maried men, whē they come vnto them: for feare of imprisonment & punish∣ment due vnto them for their criminal offences, before cō∣mitted: And this is often times put in practise.

49. Item, if it happen any of the kings seruants or any o∣ther to be excommunicate, & would fayne be absolued, be∣ing glad to pay reasonably for the same: The Clergy will not receiue but such satisfaction, as shall please thē wherby many of them remayne still excommunicate.

50. Item, when two persons haue bene at strife and law together for the possessiō of land, and the matter contenti∣ous be put into the handes of the king by some seruant or officer of the king, for the taking vp of the matter: then do the Prelates admonish the one part, not to trouble the o∣ther which is in possession. Otherwise if he do, they do ex∣communicate him.

51. Item, the foresayd Prelates, Deanes. Chaplens, and other the rout of the Clergy, putteth the kinges officers to

so much trauaile and expenses in trying out the kinges v∣surped iurisdictiō, as they terme it: that often times many of them spend and consume in the trauaell of the right and title thereof, all that they haue and more to.

52. Item, if any secular iusticer in a true and iust cause, at the request of the party, putteth in his helping hand cōcer∣ning the inheritaunce of Clerkes: the Ecclesiasticall Iud∣ges and their Ministers, sendeth out monitiōs in writing agaynst the sayd Iusticer: yea vnder payne of excōmunica∣tion & forfeiture, to take away his hand and leaue of: En∣ioyning him further to suffer the other party quietly to en¦ioy the sayd things. Otherwise they denounce him excom∣municate, & shall not be absolued before he haue well paid for it, euen as pleaseth maister Officiall, to the high preiu∣dice of the authority of our soueraigne Lord the king.

53. Item, the Ecclesiasticall magistrates, so soone as they heare any rich or fat Cob to dye, or thinke that he will not liue long: send out forthwith letters vnder seale to theyr chaplain,* 83.20 commaūding him in any wise not to presume to bury him, although he made his Testament, and receiued the rites of the Church. And when afterward, the frendes and kinsfolkes of the dead resort vnto them to know the cause of their inhibition: they declare vnto thē that he was an vsurer, and that he kept not the commaundementes of holy Church: And so long keep they the corpes of the dead vnburyed, while the frendes of him buy it out with good store of mony, heaping & hording by these meanes aboū∣dance of riches.

54. Item, if there be any violent shedding of bloud in any churchyard, wherby the interdict taketh place: the Clergy causeth a certain impositiō to be leuied of the parishioners there, for the salary towards y^e restoring therof. Although some of the parishioners be of an exempt iurisdictiō: yea & although he which shed the bloud be able to pay the whole taxe which they leuyed and more to.

55. Item, certaine Chaplaines affirme to haue certayn A∣postolicall priuileges, by vertue wherof they may appoint what Iudges they will (yea and oftentimes of their own house) & so be iudges in their owne cause, which is playne against the law. wherby often times it happeneth, that af∣ter great proces & expenses had & made in any great cause of inquest (more often about reality then otherwise) when they haue notice by the Proctors and Aduocates that they shall haue the foyle therin: they reuoke forthwith those na∣med Iudges, and so the kings subiectes are damaged, and can haue no iustice nor redresse at their handes.

56. Itē, if any temporall man call a Clerke before a secular iudge in a case of inheritance: the ecclesiastical iudge procu∣reth a stopp to be made therein, attributing to themselues the cognitiō therof: and so by adiourning & remouing, the lay man is constrayned to make satisfaction.

57. Item, the clergy chalengeth the cognition of such cau∣ses as maried Clerkes being marchauntes and artificers do commence: when by law it doth appertaine to the tem∣ralty, especially about the trade of Marchaundise.

58. Item, they oftentimes make interdictions in many of the kings townes and holdes, and cause the diuine seruice to cease: agaynst the priuiledges graunted by many of the high Bishops of Rome to our soueraigne Lord and mai∣ster the King.

59. Item, to and for the maintaynance & keeping of theyr temporalties, they appoynt Baylifs & other officers: who if they do offēd, may not condignly be punished according to law and iustice.

60. Item, the Ecclesiasticall Iudges haue promoters be∣longing vnto them: who whē any man is excommunica∣ted (be it right, or be it wrong) they cause to be made, that no man shall work or do anything for him that is excom∣municate: whereby the landes and vines are often times vnlooked to and vntilled, to the no small preiudice of the king and his common people.

61. Item, the foresayd Promoters cause Citation to be made out, by vertue wherof they call in one citatiō, 20.30.

40. persons to appeare, for participating with such Inter∣dicted persons: taking of some 10. of other some, 20. s. as much as they be able to make: wherby, the commō people are much oppressed.

62. Item, the Ecclesiasticall Iudges cause all the Aduo∣cates of their courtes to be sworne, that none shall retayne them of their Counsell agaynst any of them, without their licence, whereby oftentimes, the poore man quite leeseth his right, and the Kinges cause is delayed: Because, hys Solliciters cannot freely retayne counsell, without speci∣all licence.

63. Item, they will make Inuentories of theyr gooddes which dye intestate, or without making of will: And will haue the possession of thēir goods, as wel moueable as vn∣moueable in theyr owne hands to distribute to the hetres, or to whom they list.

64. Item, the execution also of Testamentes they take to their own hands, taking inuentories of dead mens goods, and keeping and disposing them to the heires after their pleasure. And haue officials properly deputed for the exe∣cution therof.

65. Item, they will not geue credite (sometimes) to testa∣mentes made before witnesse, vnlesse they be first by theyr owne Officials approued.

After he had thus spoken, the prelats required to haue time to answere therunto. wherupon was appoynted for the same the Friday next ensuing. On the which day, the Bishop Eduen,* 83.21 & Archbishop or Senon elect in the name of the whole clergy answered for them all before the king, holding his Parliament as that day at Uicenas, and thus he there proposided. For somuch as the Lord Peter Cug∣ner of late propounding against the Church of Fraunce, took to his Theame that is written in the 22. of Mathew: Render vnto Cesar, that which is Cesars, and vnto God, that which is Gods: by which words he sayd, two points were to be noted: First, the reuerence and subiection of the Prelates,* 83.22 that they ought to haue to the king their soue∣raigne: Secondly, the deuision of the temporall iurisdictiō from the spirituall. The which first part he proued out of the first Epistle of Peter in the second Chapter, where it is written. Submit your selues vnto euery creature, for the Lordes sake, whether it be vnto the king, as vnto the superior: or vnto gouernours, as vnto them that are sent of him: for the punishment of euill doers, and for the praise of them that doe well. The second poynt he proued by the wordes of our Sauiour Christ in the 22. Chap. of Luke where the Apostle sayth:* 83.23 Lord behold, here are 2. swords: And he said vnto them it is enough, signifying by the two swordes the two iurisdictions. And in likewise out of the 17. of Math. where Christ would pay tribute for him and Peter.* 83.24 Geuing hereby an example, how that Ecclesiasti∣call persons were bound to pay and yeld to the temporall power the tēporalities, which also is proued in y^e 11. quest. prim. cap Si tributum, & cap magnum.

And further,* 83.25 because this is proued by mans law, where it is sayd, 2. great gifts are bestowed, Priesthood and Em∣pire: The priesthood to rule ouer matters diuine: the Em∣pire to beare domination ouer humaine matters. wherby he cōcluded, that when these iurisdictions are distincted of God: The one being geuen and limited to the church, and the other to the temporalty: That in no wise the Church ought to intermeddle, or to haue any thing to do with the temporall iurisdiction. For it is written in the 22. of the Prouerb.* 83.26 You ought not to passe the old limits & bounds, which the forefathers haue set. And well by the way be bringeth in this word, olde & auncient: Because customes brought in to the contrary, be of no force, but rather are coūted abuses & corruptions. Neither can prescriptiō take place, for that ius fisci is inprescriptible: neither cā the king abrogate frō himselfe such law, nor renoūce his right: pro∣uing the same by many chapters contained in the 10.* 83.27 Dift. Wherefore seeing the king at what time he was crowned, sware not onely not to alienate or infringe y^e lawes of his realme, but also to call in such lawes as were alienated & vsurped either by the Church or by any other: y^e king was bound by his oath to reuoke the same abuses:

In especiall he did exhibite many articles in writing wherin (as he sayd) the Church did vsurpe vpon the iuris∣dictiō temporall. To answere these premisses which conci∣ling of the places (vnder protestatiō whatsoeuer I say or shall say) it is not to ground or make any finall iudgemēt or determinatiō herein: but onely to informe y^e consciēce of our soueraigne Lord the king and his assistaunts here as∣sembled, alledging the first Epistle of Peter the 2. chapter,* 83.28 where he sayth: Feare God & honour the king. By which wordes, the holy Apostle S. Peter teacheth vs 2. things. First that loue, feare, & obedience, is due vnto God for the mightinesse and puissaunce of his Maiesty: saying, Feare God. Secondly, how speciall honor & reuerence is due to the King, for the excellency of his dignity: saying, Honor the King. But note you by the way, how the Apostle pla∣ceth his woordes: First he sayth, that feare is due vnto God: because principally and in chiefe we ought to feare GOD: For if the King or any other should commaund things contrary to God, we ought to haue no regard ther of: but to contemne the King & feare God For it is writ∣ten in the 5. of the Actes of the Apostles.* 83.29 we ought rather to obey God then men: and also in the 7. chap. of Macha∣bes the 2. booke: where it is sayd: I will not obey the com∣maundements of the king but the law.

The reason whereof, S. Augustine geueth both in the

glose vpon the Romaines, & also in the 11. quaest. 1. He that resisteth the superiour power,* 83.30 resisteth the will and ordi∣naunce of God. But put case thou art commaunded to do that which thou maist not do, or to do not that which thou oughtest to do. Doubtlesse, thou must neglect the lesser po∣wer, and feare the higher, learning the degrees of worldly thinges.

As for example be it so, that a Proctour commaundeth thee any thing, which (if the same be agaynst the Procon∣sull:) thou oughtest not to follow it. Yea and further, put case the Proconsull commaundeth one thing, the Empe∣rour an other, and God willeth the third: Thou must not care for thē, but obey God, for God is the greater power: For they may threaten thee with prison, but GOD may threaten thee with hell fire: they may slay and kill thy bo∣dy, but God may send thee body and soule to perpetuall hell fire. And therfore worthely it is put first, Feare God. And here the place in the last of Ecclesiasticus is to be ad∣ioyned: where it is written: Feare God and keep his com∣maundements.

* 83.31And me thinketh that man is boūd to feare God chief∣ly in three sorts. That is to say: First in the bountifull be∣stowing of his giftes and benefites. Secondly, in the eui∣dent promoting of his seruauntes. And lastly, in the full rendring and restoring vnto man that is his.

First, I say in the bountifull. &c. and for this cause the Emperour Iustinian writeth: although there is nothing to be accompted good which doth exceede and is to great, yet for a prince to be stow accordingly vpō the church, it is very good. For why, the king and Emperour is bound to bestow so much the more substaunce, how much the more God hath geuen to him: & to bestow the same both franck∣ly, and especially to famous Churches, wherein the best & greatest measure is of the Lordes giftes, that is a great gift. And to this end Gregory enacteth a law, cap. i. extra. de donationibus, that nobility ought in maner to prescribe this law to himselfe: to thinke himselfe bound to geue, whē he geueth freely: & vnlesse he increase in geuing still, to think that he hath geuen nothing.

Wherfore, Abell, as appeareth in the 4. chapter of Ge∣nesis, who offered of the best to the Lord, was blessed of God. And therefore other Kinges, the more they offred to God, the more they were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him: As we read of Iosua, Dauid, Salomon & other in the booke of the Kings: and therefore it is so writ∣ten in the 18. of Numbers.* 83.32 And ye shall separate vnto the Lordes treasury, thinges that be chiefest and most princi∣pall. As likewise Dauid sayth in the first of Paralipome∣non last chapter.* 83.33 I haue geuen all this with a glad hart, euen with a good will, and now haue I had ioy to see thy people which here are present, offer with a free will vnto thee. And no maruell, for Dauid sayth in that place: For of thy hand we haue receiued all, and to thee we geue. And therefore it seemeth to me, that because the Kynges of Fraunce and Barons of the same,* 83.34 more then anye o∣ther hath geuen to GOD and his Church: therefore they were happy and blessed aboue all other kinges, and the more they did geue to God, the more they receiued at hys handes.

Examples wherof, we haue of Clodoue, Charles, and S. Lewes:* 83.35 the more one geueth to God, the more he re∣ceiueth of him: For he in the 6. of Luke hath promised, geue and it shal be geuen vnto you. wherfore, a gift that a Prince bestoweth vpon the Church is rendered agayne with triple encrease,* 83.36 and that no lesse in time of warr then in time of peace. I say in warre time: because victory pro∣ceedeth of no other but onely of God, for it is writtē in the 1. Machabecs the 3. Chapter.* 83.37 The victorye of the battayle standeth not in the multitude of the boast, but the strength commeth from heauen.* 83.38 And likewise, in the 17. Chapter of Exodus it is declared, that when Moyses held vp hys handes Israell had the victory:* 83.39 but when he let down his handes Amalec had the victory. To this end also serueth the last chapter Machabes. 2. where Iudas being at the poynt to haue the victory, thought he saw Amon and Ie∣remy (which had bene high Priestes and very vertuous men) holding vp their handes toward heauē,* 83.40 and praying for theyr people and all the whole Citye. &c. Likewise in peace time now, the long dayes of the king and of hys sonnes: their peace, prosperity, & obedience (by the prayer of the Church) is mayntayned & supported in the realme.* 83.41 For as long as Salomon was bent and geuē in building the house of God so long he had peace: who thus in the 16. chap. of the Prouerbes teacheth vs. when a mans wayes pleaseth the Lord,* 83.42 he maketh his very enemies to be hys frendes: And also in 1. Esdras 6. chapter, where it is read, how the Priestes were commaunded to offer sweet fauors to the God of heauen, and pray for the kinges life and hys children. And well therefore may it be called a gift both fa∣uorable & irreuocable, wherby victory is geuen, life graū∣ted, and peace with security conserued. To serue therefore God, & liberally to geue toward the worshipping of him: is the chiefest signe and token of diuine feare & loue.* 83.43 Eccl. cap. 2. O ye that feare the Lord beleue him, & your reward shall not be empty.

Secondly,* 83.44 cōcerning the feare of God, I do you to vn∣derstand, that among the precepts of the Lord, the first and chiefest commaundement of the second table is, To honor thy father. which precept is very well expoūded to y^• He∣brues in the 12. chapter. where it is not onely ment of the fathers of our bodies,* 83.45 but also of the father of spirites. For as spirituall thinges farre exceedeth temporall matters: so much more a great deale y^• spirituall sonne is bound to re∣uerence the spiritual father, & to be in subiection vnto him that he may liue. And that the Priestes and Prelates be the spirituall fathers, it is proued in the fourth book of the kinges the 6. chapter.* 83.46 where the king of Israell called E∣lizeus father, saying: my father, shall I finite them? Vnto this effect serueth the 10. of Luke,* 83.47 where our sauiour sayd to the Apostles (whose successors the Bishops are) he that heareth you heareth me, & he that despiseth you, despiseth me. Also in the first to the Thessaloniās 4. chapter.* 83.48 He that despiseth you, despiseth not men, but God. wherfore, Iu∣stinian the Emperour in an other place sayth: we haue great care to the Church of God, that therein may be true doctrine and integrity of Priestes life. which hauing we trust that for our great giftes we shall receiue such rewar∣des at Gods hands, both as be durable, and shall remain: yea and also that hetherto hath not happened. Blessed S, Hierome in his Register writing to a certayne Emperor, which is also to be scene in the decrees. decr. 11. q. 1. sayth: Let not the Emperour disdayne priestes,* 83.49 but haue speciall regard on them for his sake whose seruauntes they be: and so let him rule ouer them, that due and condigne re∣uerence be geuen vnto them. For they in deuine Scrip∣tures are sometime termed Gods,* 83.50 sometimes named An∣gels Exodus. 22. Then shall both their causes come be∣fore y^e Gods. Also Malachy the second, the Priests lippes should be sure of knowledge, that men may seeke the law at his mouth: For he is a Messenger of the Lord of hostes And therefore is it no maruell, if we should vouchsafe to honour them,* 83.51 when God himselfe in his speech attribu∣ting to them honour, termeth them Gods and Aungels. And here is to be noted, how Constantine the Emperor, when certayne of his subiectes presented vnto him libels accusatory agaynst the Bishoppes, receiued them at theyr handes. But calling before him those Bishoppes whiche were accused therein, cast in theyr sight those libelles into the fire, saying: depart you hēce and discusse these matters within yourselues: For it is not conuenient and meet that we iudge Gods, because it is written: God stood in the si∣nagoge of Gods, and in the middest of them he did iudge Gods: in which chap. it is declared, how that the Pagans who worshipped goldē & wooden Gods, attributed great honor to the Priests. what maruell is it then, if the godly & great and christian Emperors do honor & reuerence the priests of the true God? And doubtlesse, it is their duety so to doe. And it is reason which the Lord Peter the last day said,* 83.52 in this point. That there are two powers, priesthood and dominion, the one spirituall, the other tēporall which no lesse differeth one from the other, then the sunne from y^t moone, the heauē from the earth, and gold from lead. And therfore if honor is due to be geuē to y^e lesser power, by thē that be vnderneth him: he y^e is chiefe of the higher power, of right good duety is to be honoured, and reuerenced of all vnder him as expressely is declared Cap. Solit, Dema. & ob.* 83.53 In which chap. answere is fully made to the allegatiō of y^e L. Peter (alledged by him to make for his purpose) that is to say: Beye subiect to all creatures for Gods sake. &c. There he speaketh of the subiectiō which standeth vpon y^• merit of vertue,* 83.54 & not vpon the duty of necessity. For els if he should speak of y^e subiection which is by duty of necessi∣ty, thē must it needs follow, that euery bishop ought to be subiect to euery beggerly rascall in the city of Paris. For y^t text is, be ye subiect to all humain creatures: but a rascal is a human creature: ergo, bishops must be subiect to a rascal. Of y^e dignity of a B. Ambrose talketh in his pastorall: The honor saith he, & the maiesty of a B. is without all cōpari∣son: If you compare it to the royalty of a king, it is euē as you would cōpare mettall or lead to y^e beauty of gold. For y^e is to be seen, y^t kings & princes stooping vnder the knees of priests,* 83.55 & kissing their right hand: thinke thēselues to be defended by their prayer. And because y^e kings of Fraunce haue more then other, honored & reuerēced y^e Prelats: they

haue aboue al other florished & prospered.* 83.56 It is said in Ec∣cle. 4. he that honoreth his father, shall reioice in his sons. And it followeth there, he that honoureth his father, shall liue a long life. This is therefore the signe of the feare of God. And as it is written in Eccl. 4. He that feareth God, honoreth his parentes.* 83.57

Thirdly I say, that a man ought to feare God, in the full reuerencing & restoring vnto man that is his: For he that doth not geue to another y^• is his,* 83.58 but goeth about to vsurpe, doubtles he feareth not God. Contrary, he that re¦storeth all agayne, he is sayd to loue & feare God. Ecclesi∣ast. 18. He that feareth God will doe good thinges. And in the Psalme, I haue bene afeard of thy iudgementes, and haue done iudgemēt and iustice. For as the Lawyers say which is true: A thing may be made mine diuers wayes, as by succession, commutatiō, prescriptiō, or any other ac∣quisition, either by law or custome. And so of the rest. And where as the Lord Peter the last day, by distinction of iu∣risdictiō temporall & spirituall, endeuored to proue that he which had spirituall iurisdiction, ought not to haue tēpo∣rall: Otherwise there were no distinctiō therof, but rather a confusion of iurisdictions. I will therefore proue the cō∣trary, that these iurisdictiōs are cōpatible both in one per∣son, especially in an ecclesiasticall man. And this I wyll proue by the law of God,* 83.59 by the law of nature, canō law, ciuill law, by custome, and priuiledge. But first I aledge, that accidentall formes some of them are so distincted, that they are not clean contrary, but disalike: as whitenes and sweetnes. Other formes there be which are so distincted, y^e they are cleane contrary one to the other, & are not cōpa∣tible in one subiect. For one contrary expels another, and emporteth the negatiue of y^e other. wherfore those things be contrary, which one from another are most of all distāt and disagreing, and in one susceptible may come one after the other, but not together, as the Philosopher teacheth in the Predicamentes. But those formes which are so distin∣cted, that they be not contrary but disalike: are compatible in one subiect, as quantity and quality, which being distin¦cted in respect of their Genus generalissimum, yet may be in one person. And fortitude and temperance being vnder one kind of moral vertue, are foūd to be in one mā, as Lo∣gick and Grammer, which are also species & kinds in one genus, viz. of intellectus. Therefore it is no good argument: These formes be distincted, ergo, they be not compatible in one subiect. And therfore that the iurisdictions temporal & spiritual are so distincted, that they are not cōtrary but cō∣patible it is euident hereby, because things contrary be so that the one cannot be ordeined to concurre with y^e other, but rather confoundeth & destroyeth the other: but in this case iurisdiction temporall is ordeined for the spirituall: & contrary, the spirituall for the temporall. Or rather, y^e one so depēdeth of the other, as the clearenes of the moon doth of the brightnes of the Sunne: Also the one iurisdiction so helpeth & tomforteth the other, that there is no contrartety in them. And therfore it is no good cōsequēce, because they are distincted. Ergo, they are not compatible in one persō: This also is to be proued de facto. For the earth is y^e Lor∣des, and the plenty of the whole vniuersall world, and all that dwell therin. It is proued in likewise by this reason. For if the iurisdictions were not compatible: it should fol∣low, that no ecclesiastical person should haue any iot of tē∣porall iurisdiction, neither land, tower, castle, Lordship, or any thing els, which is most absurd: & so by this meanes it should follow, y^e no ecclesiasticall persō should be in sub∣iection vnto the king, which were to y^e great derogation of the kings maiesties crown and dignity. It must needs be therfore that these iurisdictions be cōpatible, notwithstan∣ding the distinction of them one from an other. And thus for answere to all these reasons, by the which Lord Peter proued the distinction of these iurisdictions.

These things premised this I proceed further to proue that a person Ecclesiasticall,* 83.60 which hath iurisdiction spiri∣tuall, may also haue temporall iurisdictiō: and that the iu∣risdiction temporall may be in an Ecclesiasticall person, I will proue it by the Scriptures: and first out of the old te∣stament, to the euidēt probation wherof, it is to be vnder∣stand: That God, after the creation of the world & mā, euē vnto Noes time, would gouerne the world himself as K. by the ministery of angels.* 83.61 By reason wherof, he gaue and pronounced sentence himselfe agaynst Cain. Gen. 4. Noe also, which offered burnt offeringes vnto the Lord & built an altar, as teacheth the 8. of Gene. (which thing apper∣tayned onely vnto the priestes) had the gouernement and rule of all thinges, as well spirituall as temporall, which were in the Arke of Noe. Melchisedech in likewise, the which was the priest of the most high God, and also king of Salem,* 83.62 as appeareth in the 14. of Gene. & had both the iurisdictions in his owne handes. For Magister Historiarsi, in the sayd 14. of Gene. declareth, that all the first begot of Noe, euen to Aarons tyme were priests: which at meales and offringes blessed the people, & which onely had the Ius primogeniturae, wherby the regimēt of others was due vn∣to them. Moses in like maner (of whom it is sayd in the Psalme, Moses &c Aaron in sácerdotibus eius) cōsecrated Aa∣ron and his childrē to be priests, which Aaron did iudge y^e whole people in temporal matters, yea & in that causes of inheritaunce and mere reall, as appeareth in the 27. chap. of Num. and many other places. To whiche purpose ser∣ueth the 17. chap. of Deut. where it is sayd,* 83.63 if a matter be to hard for thee in iudgemēt betwixt bloud and bloud, be∣twixt plea and plea, betwixt plague & plague: then shalt thou rise and goe vp to that place, that the Lord thy God hath chosen. And shalt come to the priests, the Leuits and to the Iudge thē being, and shalt aske who shall shew vn∣to vs the truth of the iudgemēt: and follow their sentence. And if any mā presumptuously shall refuse to obey y^e prie∣stes commaundementes and decree of the iudge, the same shal die. Behold how manifestly it doth appeare, how not onely y^e iudgemēt appertayneth to a priest, betwene plage and plage, concerning the circumstances and irregularity of the law: but also betwixt bloud and bloud, in matters criminall: yea and betwixt plea and plea in ciuill matters: which thing doth appeare to be in many iudges out of y^e book of Iudges.* 83.64 For Samuel, which was both a prophet & priest, was appoynted iudge of long time ouer y^e people in matters temporal: And whē y^e people desired a king, the Lord was highly offended with them, and sayd vnto Sa∣muel: they haue not refused thee but me, that I should not be king ouer them. Furthermore, as long as kings amō∣gest the people of God, vsed the aduise & coūsell of priests and bishops: it was well with them and their kingdome: But when they forsook and left the counsell of Byshoppes and priests, then was their kingdome diuided, and finally they brought into captiuity. In which captiuity, y^e people were altogether gouerned and ruled by the priests & pro∣phets, as by Esdras and Neemias: And last of all by the meanes of the Machabees, the kingdome and gouernmēt was deuoluted and brought into the priestes hands, who were the kinges and captaynes ouer the people: & had the gouernement as well of spirituall matters as of tēporall, as is read in the first booke of Machab. 2. cha.* 83.65 Of Matha∣tia and his sonnes videlicet of Iuda, Machaby, Ionatha, Simon, and Iohn the sonne of Simon: which in al spiri∣tuall and temporall matters, were gouernors ouer y^e peo∣ple of God.* 83.66 Moreouer the 1. chap. of Ier. declareth which was one of the priests, after this maner. I haue set thee o∣uer the people and kingdomes, that thou may•••• roote out, break, destroy, and make waste, and that thou mayst build vp and plant. Iere. capite primo. Besides this, in time of iudge Eliach: a priest in lyke maner had the iudgement of temporal matters. And so much concerning the poofe here∣of, out of the olde Testament.

Secondly, I proue my former proposition by authori∣ties taken out of the new Testament.* 83.67 For Christ had not onely by diuine nature both y^e powe••••, wherby he created all things of nothing, and by consequence was God of al, but also by his humanity had both powers. For he was y^e priest,* 83.68 secundum ordinem Melchisedech (as it is sayd in the Psalmes, and also is alleged to the Hebr.) which had both in his vesture and thigh written, king of kings, and Lord of Lords. By this vestiment or thigh was mēt his huma∣nity, which was ioyned to his diuinity, as the garment is to him that weareth it. He sayd of himselfe in y^e last of Ma∣thew: Geuen is vnto me all power both in heauen and earth. As also to y^e Hebrues the first chap. whom he made [unspec A] and constitute, heyre of al vniuersall things. And likewise in the 2. chap. to the Hebr. He hath made him not much in∣ferior to the Angels:* 83.69 he hath crowned him with glory and honor, and hath set him aboue the workes of his handes: Thou hast put all thinges in subiection vnder hys feete, sheep and oxen, and all the whole cattell of the field. Whē therefore it is sayd, he made all thinges subiect to him: He excludeth nothing as the Apostle there sayth. whereby it is apparant, that as concerning his humain nature, in the which he was made lesse then the Angels, all things were subiect to him.* 83.70 Also this appereth in the 2. chap. to the phi∣lippians, he humbleth himselfe, wherefore God exalteth him. &c. And it foloweth, that in the name of Iesus should euery knee bow, both of thinges in heauen and of things in earth, and of things vnder the earth. Beholde here that by nature by which he did humble himselfe, he was exal∣ted: because euery knee should bow downe to him.* 83.71 Thys in like maner hath S. Peter in the 10. chapter of the Actes where he sayth, he was constituted of God the iudge ouer

the quicke and the dead: And he speaketh of that nature which God raysed vp the third day, as the whole Scrip∣ture [unspec B] proueth. And likewise S. Peter had this power geuen him whō Christ constituted and made his Uicar, who also [unspec C] condēned by sentence iudicially Ananias and Saphira for lying and stealing. Act cap. ••. Paule also condemned a for∣nicator conuicted,* 83.72 1. Cor. 5. And that Christ would the cor∣rection [unspec D] and iudgement of ••••he matters to appertayne to his Church,* 83.73 a text in the •••• of Mathew expressely declareth where it is sayd. If thy brother trespasse agaynst thee, goe and tell him his fault betweene him and thee: if he heare thee, thou hast wonne thy brother. But if he heareth not, thē take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all thinges may be established: if he heare not then, tell vnto the congregation: if he heare not the cō∣gregation, take him as an heathen man and a Publican. Uerily, I say vnto you•• whatsoeuer you binde on earth, the same shall be bounde in heauen, and whatsoeuer you lose on earth, the same shall be losed in heauen. Beholde how expressely it is commaunded, that when soeuer in any matter one offēdeth the other, he being first charitably ad∣monished, the matter must be published and referred to the [unspec E] order of the Church and congregation. But if the offender do not obey and heare the admonition, he is to be taken as an heathen & a Publican: Which is as much to say, like one that is excommunicate by the Church & congregation, so that he may haue no communion or participation with it. And that this was the intention of Christ, this seemeth much to proue it, where in geuing the reason hereof he im∣mediately addeth. Uerely I say vnto you. Whatsoeuer. &c. (where note this terme distributiue) whatsoeuer so as the Apostle argueth to the Hebrewes the 2. chapter, that if he ordained al things to be subiect vnto him, he excludeth no∣thinge vnsubiected.* 83.74 Wherefore thus I may argue: If all things that the church and congregation doth lose be losed and euery thing that the Church bindeth is bound. There is nothing that the church may not lose & bynd: Or by Lo∣gicke [unspec F] thus, I may reason: There is nothing bounde by the Church, that is not bound in heauen, whiche argument is good by a certayn rule of Logicke which sayeth: that con∣traries if the negatiō be put after, are equiualant. For euery thing & nothing, what soeuer thing, and no maner of thin be cōtrary one to the other. And so nothing not, is as much to say, as all thinges. Secondly, I doe proue it out of an o∣ther text of S. Luke cap. 22.* 83.75 Which place alledged to make for his purpose, I will strike him with his owne weapon. For where he sayd, that by the two swordes the two pow∣ers tēporall & spirituall were to be vnderstood, it was so in deede but to whose handes would he (I pray you) haue these two swords cōmitted? Truely to the handes of Pe∣ter & other the Apostles. &c. But the holy Father the Pope succeeded Peter, and the other Apostles, the Bishops dis∣ciples, curates, persons as in the glose appeareth, Luk 10. wherby thus I argue, that by the 2. swords the 2. powers are ment. But Christ willed those two swordes to be put [unspec G] into the churches handes, ergo he would likewise the two powers. But you may reply and say, that Christ did repre∣hend Peter because he strake with a temporall sword and cut of an care, saying vnto him put vp thy sword. &c. whi∣the [unspec H] reason is of no force. For Christ did not will Peter to cast away quite frō him the sword, but to put it into y^e ska∣bard & to keepe it, geuing to vnderstand therby, that such power although it be in the churches hands: yet the execu¦tion therof (as much as appertaineth to bloud shedding in the new law) he would haue to appertayne to the secular iudge: notwithstanding yet perhaps, according to the dis∣cretion and will of the Clergy.

* 83.76Thirdly, I proue this by the intent of S. Paule in the 1. Cor. 6. where he sayth: that they which haue secular bu∣sines, and contēd one agaynst another, ought to be iudged [unspec I] by the sayntes. And that they should iudge therin, therfore he made this argument: know you not that y^e saynts shall iudge the world? and if the world be iudged by you, are ye not good enough to iudge smal trifles? As though ye wold say, do ye not know how that ye shall iudge the Angels? How much more then may you iudge things secular. And it followeth: If you haue iudgement of secular & worldly matters, take them which are dispised in the Church and congregations, & make them iudges: neither doth it make any thing against, because the Apostle in the same place in∣ferreth. Adverecundiā vestram dico. I say it to your shame. For that is to be referred to those, where he saith, appoynt those which are dispised. Wherfore the Apostle speaketh i∣roniously in this matter as meaning thus: Sooner & the rather you ought to runne to the iudgemēt of the dispised which be in the church, thē to the iudgemēt of those which be out of the Church.

Ergo, the rather to resort to the iudgement of the wise, who remayne in the Church and congregation. Wherfore the Apostle by and by added whē he sayd, I speak to your shame: What not one wise mā amōgest you that can iudge betwene brother and brother? Meaning thereby that there was some. By these therfore and many other like reasons it appereth (which for breuity I omit) that both the pow∣ers may be in an ecclesiasticall mans hand: And that an ec∣clesiasticall man is Capax both of the temporall and spiritu¦all iurisdiction. Nor is it any matter if it be obiected, that Peter and other Apostles & Christ himselfe, vsed litle thys temporall power. For in them was not the like reason as now is in vs, as is proued in the 22. q. 1. ca. and in many o∣ther [unspec K] places of the law.* 83.77 The Apostles at the first beginning took no receipt of landes & possessions, but the price onely therof, which now the church with very good reason doth receiue. And that to the great merite both of the geuer and offerer, as it appeareth of Constantine and others: In the which foresayd 1. cap. the reason of diuersity is well proued For that the Apostles did foresee, that the Church should be among Gentiles, and not onely to be in Iuda. &c. And further at the beginning Christ and his Apostles were wholy bent and geuen, to our health, saluation & cruditi∣on: [unspec L] litle sticking or standing vpō the exercise of euery chur∣ches iurisdiction, hauing regard to that which is written in the 6. chapter to the Corinthians. All thinges are law∣full vnto men, but all things are not expedient. And like∣wise in the 8. chapter of Ecclesiastes it is read, that euerye thing hath his time. But now (through the grace of God) the whole people of the realme of Fraunce haue submitted themselues to the christian fayth, worthely therefore the Church is occupyed about ministring of Iustice and pu∣nishing of vice:* 83.78 For peace shalbe the work of Iustice, Esay the 33. chap. And in these iudgements this onely is to be considered, that the life of man be reformed. &c. Thus you [unspec M] see,* 83.79 how this our conclusion somewhat is confirmed by y^e Scriptures. Now will I proue it by naturall law & rea∣son, & first after this maner. He seemeth most fittest to play a good iudges part, which followeth nerest God: For pro∣perly God is the ruler and directer of al iudgements, who sayth Prouerb. capite octauo. By me the law maker shall de∣cree iustice and iust thinges: But Ecclesiasticall persons, follow next to God, and be neerest him. For that they be e∣lected of God into a peculiar people: Whereof it is sayd 1. Peter. 2. you are a chosen generation, a royall priesthood, a holy nation, and a peculiar people, that you should shew the vertues of him that called you &c. Ergo it is most fittest that persons Ecclesiasticall, and churchmen, should iudge of such matters. Moreouer none doubteth, but that the cor¦rection and punishment of sinne, belongeth to ecclesiasti∣call persons: wherfore, whē such things be not committed without sinne & offence of the one party, it is euident that the Church may haue cognition thereof. Also who so hath power to iudge of the end, hath also power to iudge of thinges ordeined to the end: for the consideration of the thinges ordeined to the end riseth of the end. When there∣fore the body is ordeined for the life and soule, and tēporall thinges for spirituall, as to the end: The Church which doth iudge of spirituall things, may in like maner lawful∣ly iudge of tēporall things. All which is sufficiently confir∣med. In extra. c. Iudicijs. Where it is sayd that the Accessarye followeth the nature of the principall, which appeareth sufficiently by example. For so much therfore as these two iurisdictions be compared to two lightes, that is to say, to the Sunne, and to the Moone: and all the whole clearenes and brightnesse of the Moon both in forme and vertue, de∣pendeth of the Sunne, & in the Sunne. And y^t the bright∣nes of the Sunne is not of the Moone or in the Moone, it is playne: that spirituall iurisdiction which is compared to the Sunne, hath it both in forme & vertue, the iurisdic∣tion temporall: and not contrary. Many other like reasōs might be brought in. But for that the time waxeth short, I will omit them.

Thirdly, I proue by the ciuill law, Auth. Diffe. Iud. ¶Si tamen ix. col. where it is sayd: If a secular iudge be suspec∣ted, let the Bishop of the Citty be ioyned vnto him. But if he be negligent, then let the whole iudgement be referred to the bishop. In like sort Theodosius the Emperor enac∣ted such a law, that whosoeuer suter being plaintife in any kinde of matter, whether at the beginning thereof, or after contestation of law, or when the matter came to confirma∣tiō, or to sentēce: If the plaintife had once chosen the court & iurisdiction the holy sec: there without all doubt, though the defendant resisted and dissented, the matter before y^e bi∣shops & other ecclesiastical Iudges should be determined and ended. Which law afteward Carolus the great, who was king of Fraūce, confirmed in these words:

We will &

commaund that all our subiectes, as well Romaines and French∣men, as others vnder our dominion whatsoeuer, be by law and custome henceforth bound and charged to keepe this for a per∣petuall and prescript law: That whosoeuer began or commenced a sute. &c. as is aboue mentioned. &c.

11. q. i. Quicunque. &c. 2. But that you may obiect and say that this law is abroga∣ted, as the glose seemeth there to touche. But all will not serue: For although this law is not redacted into the body of the law, yet for al that it is not abrogated. But surely it is a priuiledge honorably graunted to the whole vniuer∣sall church which y^e Emperor cannot take away no more then any other liberty of the Church. By the canō law al∣so this priuiledge is confirmed.* 83.80 extra. de iud. c. timor Nouil. and moreouer seemeth to be confirmed by the ciuill law, C. de sacros. Si eccl. priuilegium: although it be not expressely, [unspec N] but generally named. And so it is cleare by the ciuill law, that such iurisdictiū doth pertain to Ecclesiastical persōs. By canon law in like maner in places infinit. Dist. 22. cap. Omnes Patriarchae. 2. quest. 5. ca. Si quis praesbyter. 11. quae 1. cap relatum. 25. distinct. cap. ecce. Extra de iudicijs. Nouit. De compe∣tenti foro. cap. licet. With many other places infinite: yea & further the canon law so farre proceedeth that whosoeuer goeth about by custom to interrupt or hinder any hauing such iurisdiction, encurreth sentence (ipso facto) of excom∣municatiō, as is proued cap. quoniam intelleximus de immu∣nitate eccl. li. sext.* 83.81 Which is most playne by the notorious [unspec O] custome, time out of mind, in the dayes of the good & chri∣stian Princes, where to violate such custome, it is playne sacriledge. 11. quest. 1. tit. 1. &c. 2. For by law, custome win∣neth and gaineth iurisdiction, especially to him that is Ca∣pax thereof: yea and further, custome (time out of mind) is amongst all persons in place of written & confirmed law. Now seing the church of Fraūce, hath in common vsed w^t the temporalty to iudge & decree both of actions personall and reall touching the Church: it is playne, that such cu∣stome winneth iurisdiction to it. Ergo. &c. But the Lord Peter auouched, that y^e custome could not preuayle in this case, because here lacked true dealing. Besids, the said law is called inprescriptible: for that it is Ius fisci: But this ma∣keth nothing agaynst vs. For the Church of Fraunce ra∣ther chalengeth this law by custome, then by prescription. Which custom semeth rather to be brought in of y^e free will and election of the people, frequēting more the ecclesiasti∣call Consistories, then the secular courts. Besides this, cu∣stome in that it hath bene oftentimes decided in iudgemēt contradictory, (many of the Barons dissenting, & not cō∣sēting therunto) is much therby confirmed.* 83.82 This custome I say of the church, hath bene fast established by the cōsent and assent of the Prelats, and then confirmed by the kings of Fraūce your predecessors, and so peaceably obserued of the Church.

* 83.83And yet may the church chalenge this by prescription: For that there are but 3. things which are required in pre∣scription: that is to say, title, true dealing, and continuance of time. And it is without doubt that the Churches both purely hath and in time past had a good title, as appereth by thy priuiledge graūted of Theodosius the Emperor, & confirmed by Charles: Who gaue in commaundement, to keepe y^e same inuiolably, which title it hath both by diuine natural, and humaine law, as before is mentioned. Wher∣fore it must needes haue true dealing, when so many great and cleare titles are knowne to condescend therunto. Also concurreth such continuance of time,* 83.84 that euen against Ius fisci, it is prescriptible. For it hath not onely continued by the space of 100. yeares, but also more then 600. yeares last past.* 83.85 Neither is this alwayes true, that this law is impre∣scriptible, especially of the church: the which in as much as it appertayneth to the spiritualty, is not subiect to y^e king, but is much more noble, and farre excelleth: Euen no lesse then the Sunne doth the Moone, golde, lead, and heauen, the earth. And this is certaine, and no lesse reason, that the higher & equall may duely prescribe law against him, that is either equall or lower in degree. As one king may do to another. Wherfore, it appeareth, that the church may pre∣scribe this, although it were Ius fisci, as in deed it is not.

Finally, this is proued by priuiledge graūted by Caro∣lus the great king of Fraunce, as before, & by Ludouicke the second, and by Philipp your vncle, and Ludouike and Philip your kinsemē,* 83.86 which priuiledges we haue here re∣dy to shew. But perhappes you will say, that these things cannot agree: that the Church hath this iurisdiction, both by law, custome, & priuiledge, which all cannot well hang together. For if the church haue it by one of these, it should folow that the church lacketh it by another.* 83.87 But this may I answere two maner of wayes. First, that the priuiledge may be double, one as a bringer in of a new law, & thus it cannot be reconciled: The other as a confirmatiu•• and de∣claratiue of the old law: and this way it may well be agre∣ed, which distinctiō may also take place in custome. Wher∣fore it may thus be answered: that although this incudic∣tion is due vnto the Church by lawe, it appertaineth also vnto y^e same by priuilege and custome: but yet not by suche kind of custome and priuiledge, which induceth new law: but which declareth and confirmeth the olde law. And ••a∣ny will reply, demanding wherfore the church of Fraunce shuld more chalēge this,* 83.88 then any other churches in other realmes, which haue no such prerogatiue, I can soone an∣swer them. If the kings of Fraunce (whome God wyth singular grace, honour, and priuilege, farre aboue al other Princes, hath blessed and endued them for 3. speciall cau∣ses, to wit, for their great faith & deuotion vnto God, for their honor & reuerence to the Church, and for theyr good iustice shewed vnto y^e people) hath graunted to the church special liberties, or haue permitted those which before wer graunted, peaceably to be kept and obserued. Why then they should haue them, it is no meruaile. Yea and further, theyr deuotion vnto the Church hath bene suche, that the nearer the Churches were vnto them, the more liberties they enioyed: and yet had these princes neuerthelesse ther∣fore, but rather the more: whych is euident and redoun∣deth to the great honor and nobilitie both of the king, and his realme.

I haue oftentimes heard of other,* 83.89 howe that 4. or 5. things doth especially habilitate and adorne this realme.

First, their sincere and inuiolable faith: for it was at no time red, that the kings of Fraunce (since the receiuing of the faith) did euer swarue from the same.

Secondly,* 83.90 the nobility of bloud which descended from Priamus the king of the Troianes, and successiuely, from Carolus and other royall kings.

Thirdly, the vnitie and peace of concord, which especi∣ally aboue all other raigned and florished in the Realme of Fraunce.

Fourthly, the solemnity and pompe of the prelates and Clergie.

Fiftly, the good disposed readinesse of the Barons and subiects to obey.

If therfore, the prelates of this realme sh••••ld not haue this law and priuiledge, but shuld be depriued therof: then should the king & his realme lose one of hys noble estates, wherby they are highly magnified (I meane the brauerie, solemnitie, & royaltie of the prelates) For then, they should not onely be neither pōpeous nor royal, but more begger∣ly & miserable then any other, the most part of their liuing consisting herein. I do cōclude therfore, to be proued both by deuine law, natural law, canon law, ciuil law, custome and priuiledge: that the right of determining such tēporall matters of the Churche, may of right appertaine to the Church of Fraunce, and so•••• returne the Lorde Peters theame against himselfe. Besides this, will I propounde that which is most plaine and manifest: that what so euer thynges be offered vp to the Church, and are conuerted to the dominion and property of the same, be Gods & apper∣taineth to him: For so much as they are saide, to be dedica∣cated & sanctified by hym, as sufficiently throughout y^e Le∣uites may appeare: as is declared in the 21. cap. 1. Regum, concerning the bread offered to God,* 83.91 where it is sayde: I haue no common bread vnder my handes to eate, but ho∣ly bread. Wherfore, it was not lawfull for the Laity to eat of the same bread, but in time of great neccesity: which is also proued in Daniel 5. chapter, where it is read. Because king Balthazar and his Lordes with his Queen,* 83.92 ••ronke in the golden and siluer vessels, which his father Nabu∣chodonoser had taken out of the temple of Ierusalem: In y^e same very hour, there appeared fingers as it had bene of a mans hand, writing right ouer the candle sticke vpō the playne wall in the kinges pallace: And the King saw the palme of the hand that wrote, and that which was writtē was Mane, Thetel, Phares. the interpretation wherof is this, as there it appeareth: Mane, God hath numbred this king¦dome and brought it to a••end: Thetel, thou art weyed in a ballaunce and art found to light: Phares, thy kingdome is delt in partes, and geuen to the Medes and Perses. The very selfe same night was Balthazar the king of the Ca••∣des slayne, and Darius succeeded in the kingdome of the Medes: the Monarchy of the Assirians being then tr••••∣slated vnto the Medes. Whereby it appeareth, that these things which are offered vp to the church, belong to God, & so dedicated to him, that no lay man may vse thē•• which if they do, they must looke to receiue vengeaunce at Gods hand, as Balthazar did. These things now ••uded, I will argue out the L. Peters theame (which was) Geue vnto the Emperor, that is the Emperors, and vnto God, that is Gods. But this iurisdiction, which (as I proued be∣fore)

is diuersly conuerted to the dominiō and property of the French Church, is now Gods: and therfore, to be re∣serued to and by him. Wherfore, whensoeuer any goeth a∣bout to take away the same: the good & godly ought to an∣swere as Ambrose did to the Gothē souldiors sent to him by the Emperor, which was to this effect. If the Empe∣ror (quoth he) had requested that which had bene mine,* 83.93 I woulde not haue denyed him, albeit that whatsoeuer I haue, all is the poores: But because he demaundeth those things which belong to God (wherin he hath no right or interest) I had rather he should imprison me, yea & cut off my head, then to cōdescend to his request therin: alluding to the history of Nabaoth, which is to be sene in y^e 21. chap. 3. Reg.* 83.94 How Nabaoth the holy man, possessor of his vine∣yard, was requested by the king to geue vp his vineyard: who made answere, I will not geue vnto thee the inheri∣tance of my fathers: at which answere the king was mar∣uelously offended:* 83.95 wherefore (quoth Ambrose) if Nabaoth would not deliuer his vineyard, shall we deliuer to you y^e Church of Christ? No, God forbid that I should deliuer you Christes heritage. Nabaoth did not deliuer the vine∣yard, nor surely will I deliuer Christes Church. And fur∣ther he addeth a good saying: I can neither diminish, nor adde any thing to the Church of God, for that I tooke not vpon me the charge of keeping of it: besides this, it is my duety and office to consult with the high Emperor of sal∣uation, in this matter what is to be done: And doubtlesse, I may not deliuer any thing to him, nor yet he receiue a∣ny thing of me, as is proued, 24. quaestione vltimo capite cō∣uenior. qui. Wherfore, by these and the like reasons it appe∣reth, that not onely iurisdiction spiritual (as the Lord Pe∣ter falsly hath suggested) doth belong to God: but also, all other kinde of iurisdiction whatsoeuer touching the chur∣che: whether it be by law, custome, or priuilege: in so much that neither may we surrēder the same to any, nor yet may the king at our handes take the same. Further the Lord Peter affirmed, that Christ for example sake did pay tri∣bute, which is vntrue as appeareth in Gene. 48. chap. For the land of Priestes were free from paying of all kinde of toll and tribute.* 83.96 And if the Lord Peter well considered the 17. of Math.* 83.97 he should haue found there, how that Christ did not onely pay tribute for example sake: but rather pro∣ued, how he was not bound to pay any at all. To conclude therfore, the children be free: but ye pay, to auoyd slaunder and offence: wherefore the text sayth. Least we shoulde of∣fend them goe to the sea.* 83.98 &c. But paraduenture it may be answered, that by the example of Christ (to auoyd offence) ought to pay. But this is vntrue, because there is double offence of the weakelings & of the Pharises: for as concer∣ning the offence of the weakelinges, which commeth of ig∣norance & not of malice, some things are to be omitted for a time, while they be better instructed: as the Apostle saith to the Romains in the xiiij. chap.* 83.99 But for the offence of the Pharises, which commit and offend of a pretensed malice: there is nothing to be omitted,* 83.100 as Christ sayth in Math, 16 Where to his disciples saying: Doe you not know how that the Pharises hearing this word are offended? answe∣red. Beholde, suffer them, they are blinde, and leaders of the blind: For that in the time of Christ, the offēce thē was of litle ones. But now is the offence of y^e Pharises: Wher∣fore, then it was not to be payd for auoyding of offēce: but now not so.* 83.101 Now therfore it is apparant that the third to∣ke n of the feare of God consisteth in the whole true resto∣ring of goods: And of him, which hath such feare, whereby he restored to God his own, it is spokē of in Eccle. 15. cha. The seed of the man that feareth God shall be brought to honor:* 83.102 but the seed which transgresseth the commaūdemēt of the Lord shall be shamed. And thus it fully appeareth, how louing feare and obedience is due vnto God, for the excellency of his maiesty: because the words be: feare God.

* 83.103Secondly I do say, that especiall honor and reuerence is due vnto the king, for his dignity sake: which follow∣eth in the theame. Now it is sayd honor the king: I will alledge the 10 of Eccle.* 83.104 where it is specified: In the middes of the brethren, the ruler is holden in honor among them. Wherfore it semeth to me, that there are 2. kind of honors: one which proceedeth from the lips,* 83.105 & that is named flat∣tery, wherof it is spoken in Math. the 17. chap. This peo∣ple doth honor me with their lips, but their hartes are far from me. There is on other kinde of honor which is reall, and commeth frō the hart. And this is the very true honor in deed, wherwith the king ought to be honored. But me thinketh that he doth really, and de facto in very deede ho∣nor the king: which wisheth and counselleth him, to keepe and do those things, wherby his dominion is beloued, his royalty not diminished, his honor and fame preserued, & his conscience not burdened: And he that perswadeth him contrary to these, I thinke doth not honour the king. To proceede therefore further. I say first, that he doth de facto honor the king, who perswadeth him those things, wher∣by he may be beloued of his subiectes. For a Prince ought to study rather to be beloued, then feared. And what more greater treasure can a Prince wish:* 83.106 then to haue the harts of his subiectes? According to the saying of Seneca. The loue of the Citizens, is a fortresse inuincible, and a bul∣warke not sautable. What thing is more to be wished for? what better then to liue and raigne, euery man willing and reioycing thereof? And in my opiniō, there is nothing which causeth more a Prince to be beloued, then if he keep and mayntayne his auncient liberties, and bring in no al∣terations▪ Wherefore it is sayd in the 22. chapter of Prou.* 83.107 Thou shalt not remoue the land markes, which thy fore elders haue set. This place the Lord Peter alledged to make for himselfe: which I wyll proue to make agaynst him, and that by his reason, ye ought not to transgresse the olde limittes and boundes which the fathers haue set: For nouity and alteration doth ingender discord.* 83.108 And for this cause in making of new alterations there ought to be both euident vtilitye, and vrgent necessitye. If therefore the Prince will abrogate and take away the liberties graun∣ted by his forefathers and predecessours: he shall not be of his Realme beloued, as it appeareth by Roboam in the 11 chap. of the 3. Reg.* 83.109 All which likewise is to be seene in the Chronicles, how that by these meanes many king∣domes and dominiōs were translated from nation to na∣tion, and from their owne natiue regiment to the rule of straūge people. And now for this time certayne it is, that your graunde predecessors Charles the great, S. Ludo∣wick, Philip the fayre, Ludowick and Philip his sonnes, with many others, haue sealed and confirmed this liberty of the Church. Wherfore for a man to councell & perswade your highnesse to spoile the Church of any thing: it is euen the next way to spoyle and vndoe your self, and to bereue you of that, by which your dominion is beloued. And for this cause I thought good to put your grace in remem∣braunce of the 20. of Math.* 83.110 where it is written: Remem∣ber the workes of your forefathers••, which they haue done in their generations, and you shal receiue great glory and renowne for euer. Note here your highnesse by the way, how that king Philip graundfather to S. Lewis: fostered and kept in his Realme S. Thomas Archbishop of Can∣terbury: who for that he stoutly defended the libertyes of his Church, was banished out of England. How much more therefore are you bound to defend and mayntayne your owne Prelates, in their liberties ratified and confir∣med by your graces predecessors, according to the saying of Gregory in 25. quaest. cap Si.* 83.111 If I should destroy and put downe those thinges which my predecessours haue built and ordeined: I should not be called a builder and maker, but iustly acompted a ••••roy good and puller downe as the voyce as the Lord sayth: Euery kingdome deuided with∣in it selfe shall be confoūded: All knowledge and learning deuided one agaynst the other, shall be destroyed. In an other place he sayth: It is ouer sharpe, and agaynst all good maner and ciuility (vpon what reason and excuse so euer) to breake and subuert those thinges which are well ordayned: or by his example, to teach other at theyr plea∣sures to dissolue olde constitutions.* 83.112 Marke here a story a∣bout a Castle which was geuen to Saynt Romige, to the Churches vse: by Clodoui the Kyng, which afterwarde King Pipine desired to haue by exchaunge and recouery.* 83.113 To whome the sayd Saynte Remige appeared in hys dreame, and highly blamed him therefore, saying: a better man then thou gaue it me, and yet wilt thou take it away from me? And with that he smote him, who the next day was founde all blacke. Since whiche tyme, no Kyng of Fraunce durst euer lye in that Castle. Uerely therefore, he doth not honour the Kyng, which geueth him counsell to passe the olde limittes that his olde Fathers did set. Yea rather the Kinges Maiesty ought to say vnto them,* 83.114 whi∣che is written in Saynt Iohn 8. chapter I do honour and glorify my Father, that is, in keepyng the libertyes of the Church, as they did which graunted them: but you haue dishonoured me,* 83.115 in counselling me that, which seemeth best to please your selues, as it is written in Ecclesiast. 4. The worship of a mans father is his owne worship, and where the father is without honor, it is the dishonor of the fo••ne.

Secondarily I say, that he truely doth honor the king, who counselleth him: whereby his power and dignity is not diminished. For as it is great honour to the Kynges highnesse to encrease and augment his power: so is it as much dishonour for him to diminish any iote thereof. And therefore, the Emperours were wont to call themselues

victorious, of augmenting and encreasing theyr common wealth. And to say that you and your predecessours could not graunt these things to the Churche, it were to too ab∣surde, and to the too muche derogation of your Maiesties most honourable estate. And therfore you (most soueraign Lorde) who holde and possesse so ample right and title in the realme of Fraunce, both by election and inheritaunce: not to graunt and leaue thys to your posteritie, it were to the great debasing of your Maiesties honour, crowne and dignitie. Yea if it were (as God forbid) it wold folow, that your predecessours liued continually in sinne: yea and fur∣ther, it were as much to say (which were too vile) that bles∣sed S. Lewes, by whome all Fraunce is beautified, could not be iustly canonized.

For as the Lord speaker declared, if he tooke his othe at his coronation both to alienate nothing, and also to call in that which was before alienated, which is inseparable frō the Crowne: it should followe that he was forsworne, and consequently committed deadly sinne, and so coulde neuer be canonized, which is to to absurde to be talked of. And if reply be made, that hee might haue repented: It is soone to be answeared: That his sinne is read of, but of hys repen∣taunce it is not founde, as is sayde of Salomon. But put case it be true that the Lord Peter sayd, then it must needes folow, that your grace could bestow nothing, neither coū∣trey, towne, nor tower. And yet there be few, whych wil∣lingly would not receiue them, notwythstanding their al∣legiaunce and homage, which they pretend to your hygh∣nes: Kepe therefore & confirme (most renowned Prince) y^t which was graunted by your noble progenitors: other∣wise, your royall honor shall decrease, that it may be veri∣fied in you which is read of, in the 11. to the Rom. I wil ho∣nor my ministerie.* 83.116

Thirdly I doe affirme, that he rightfully honoreth the king,* 83.117 which perswadeth him that, whereby his honor and renowne is preserued. For in matters of weyght, and of great importaunce, next after conscience we must haue re∣garde to name and fame,* 83.118 as it is wrytten the 22. of Prou. It is better to haue a good name, then riches. A good name farre passeth all things,* 83.119 and is aboue siluer & gold. And S. Augustine sayeth two things are necessary for thee, consci∣ence & name: Conscience for God, and name for thy neigh∣bour. And therefore it is wrytten in the 4. chapt. of Eccles. Labour to get a good name,* 83.120 for that will continue surer by thee then a M. great treasures of golde. A good life hath a number of dayes. Which renowne & name, the Lord (who annoynted your grace with the oyle of gladnes) hath in so litle time more aboundantly blessed you wythall, then any other Prince, wherfore you ought to be more vigilant and carefull, howe to kepe and enioy the same still: For it is no lesse vertue, to seeke and gette, then to keepe that whych is gotten: whereby not onely while you lyue, but also when you are dead, your gloryous renowne may liue for euer: yea and farther, that by you nothing be done, wherby any blotte or foyle shoulde creepe into that your so great re∣nowne: alluding that to your grace, which is sayde in the tenth of the Prouerbes. &c. The memoriall of the iust shall haue good report. &c. Beware therefore most noble Prince, and take heede that in your daies and time, the liberties of the church be not taken away (which God forbid) or dimi∣nished in any iote: For if your glorious name shoulde be blotted therw^t, there be thousands, which would chronicle the same to perpetuall memory. Wherefore most Christian Prince, if such (as trusted after their death for no other life, but only for fame & renowne) liued a life most godly & ver∣tuous: how much more ought we Christians, which looke after another life, by our wel doings here, to win vs a per∣petuall name & memory after our death. And you besides, if you shuld dishonor your name, and fame: what a matter were it, considering how the kings of Fraunce, were euer counted the most christian princes, and most bountiful to∣wards the church, geuing examples to other princes, how to enrich their churches & liberties thereof. And now espe∣cially, if your grace, y^e church in some places being in great persecution (which God forbid) should shew light to other to pul and take away that whych was geuen by your fore∣fathers to the church. What might the world say? For then by the like reason, might the Emperor depriue the Church of all, which was giuē to it by Constantine the Emperor. Also other kings would do the like in their Realme. God forbid that your highnes shuld geue such example. And for my parte, I woulde rather wish my selfe to be deade, then geue you such counsel, that in so pernitious and naughty a matter, you shoulde be example to other: Especially, when the kings of France your predecessors, were defenders al∣waies against such y^• went about to take away the liber∣ties from the church: which is the office of a king, Ierony∣mus sayth vpon Ieremy,* 83.121 which is foūd also in the 24. quaest. 5. cap. Regnum & C. Princeps. After this maner let the prin∣ces of the world know and vnderstand, how they are boūd to make an accōpt to God, for the Church which they take vpon them to keepe. Note you also, & read some examples out of stories & commentaries, what regarde the kings of France had in obseruing those things, and see you by the••r example, to follow and do the like: And then shall it be ve∣rified in your grace, which is wrytten in the 37. chapter of Eccle.* 83.122 A wise man shall obtaine honour amongst his peo∣ple: As also in the 3. of the same. He that honoreth his mo∣ther, is like one that gathereth treasure together.

Fourthly I say,* 83.123 that he in deede doth honor the King, which perswadeth hym to do that whereby his conscience is not hurt. For aboue all things, a Christen man ought to beware howe to doe that thing, which should be a grudge vnto his conscience, because the life is more then is meate. Mat. the 6. chap.* 83.124 And assuredly I beleeue, that your grace wold not commit that thing willingly, wherw^t your con∣science shuld be burdened, for all the worlds good: and that iustly. For the more miraculously God hath called your highnes to the state of a King, and hath indued you w^t hys grace: So much the more you ought to haue and take hede that you offende him not. For it is to be doubted, whether in doing the cōtrary, he will not be the more greuously dis∣pleased with you,* 83.125 as hee was with Saule. 1. Reg. chap. 15. Consider therefore most soueraigne Lorde, y^• at what time you were crowned, you sware only these things folowing & no other. First, that you would defend and maintaine the canonicall law,* 83.126 priuilege, and iustice, graunted to the By∣shops and the church: and as much as in you did lie, to en∣large and amplify the same. Also that by your arbitre••••t, all christian people at all times should keepe the true peace of God & his church. Also that you should forbid to all na∣tions, al kind of sacrileges, spoylings, and iniquities. Also that in all kinde of iudgements, you should will and com∣mand equity and mercy. Also that throughout your whole territory and iurisdiction, you shuld sincerely withal your indeuour, study to exterminate & cut off from the Church, the noted heretikes: which all, and no other your Maiestie sware to fulfill, at the time of your Coronation: vnder the leaue & correction of the Lorde Peter, which affirmed you were sworne to none other thing besides. Now therefore, seing it is a canonical priuilege of the church, & in the heart of the whole Cano. 6. qu. 1. Quicunque litem habens, incorpo∣rate: when also by custome which is canonicall, it came in •• that the Church and spiritualtie, may haue cognition in a number of cases, against which diuers articles haue bene here layde in: If this amongst the laitie should not be ob∣serued in the Church, your graces conscience therby might somewhat be burdened. In like maner if you be bound w^t all your whole might and power to procure, that al whole Christendome should keepe the true peace of God and his church: much more haue you to procure the same amongst your owne Barons & people, who euermore were all one with the Church. And alwayes where any church was in honor and estimation, there were belonging to it 20. sho••t Barons & knightes: whose office, as it was to defend the Church, so was it the part of the Church to pray for them & to offer sacrifice for them vnto God. And to this end, that blessed S. Lewes so much laboured in his time: who whē the greatest Barons of his realme had confederate to sup∣presse these liberties of the Church, & had consulted to geue him (to that ende) the hundreth part of their goods, would neuer condescend therunto, but alwais dissuaded thē ther∣fro: and finally by his authoritie, sealed and cōfirmed these liberties of the Church. Consider here your maiestie, how that pope Innocētius at that time proceded against those Barons. &c. I dare be bold to say, y^t if there should be now dissention betwene the Prelates and Barons: it wold not be long before the comminalty would vsurpe to rule and beare domination. As by experience it hath bene seene in many places, & likewise by practise, we of late myght haue sene: at what time the people stomaking the spiritualtie in the parties of Campania and Burgundie, at last rose and made in euery towne a king: and therw^tall caused the offi∣cers which brought citations & absolutions from the pope and other, to be well banged: and not long after, made in∣surrection against the Lords temporal, and serued them w^t the like sauce: vntill that by y^e kings power they were sup∣pressed, & many of them hanged. And this doubtles was in the daies of Lewis last king of y^t name.* 83.127 Truely the no∣ble men ought not to be griued w^t that that the Church is possessed w^tal. For that there be few of them, who haue not their brothers and kinsfolkes, which liueth and are main∣tained by the goods and reuenues of the Church. Amongst whome if they should deuide their inheritance, perhappes

they would bring a litle to nothing at all.* 83.128 Let the Barons also consider how y^t there is but few which beleeue not in y^• church. For the church is one, as in the 6. of Canticū: My Doue & derling is one. Wherfore without great perill of trasgression can they not perswade and counsell such liber∣ties of the church to be abrogated and taken away.

That therfore your Maiesties conscience may remain pure and immaculate: pleseth it your highnes by your an∣thority, to seale & confirme this good auncient & canonicall priuiledge. and contrary attempts (if any be made by way of proclamation or otherwise) to reuoke and call them in. And further, to keepe your mother the church of Fraūce in her auncient franck choyse, liberty, and customes. And thē by you in al thinges God shalbe glorified and honored, to whom be honor and glory for euer and euer. Amen. Who then will honor you as is sayd.* 83.129 1. Reg. 21. whosoeuer shall honour me. I will crowne him with that glory, in which consisteth the true honor, and is graūted to none vnwor∣thy. Wherunto also none is admitted but worthy, as bles∣sed S. Austen saith: which honor, graunt he vnto you & vs who is blessed world without end. Amen. And because a bill of many articles was exhibited,* 83.130 wherof part did in∣fringe the whole ecclesiastical iurisdictiō: to y^e defēce therof, we wil according to y^e 4. cha. of Ecclesiasticus stand euē to the death, where it is sayd: for y^e truth striue thou vnto the death, and God shall fight for thee agaynst thine enemies. Some other of thē contayne onely abuse, which we beleue none such to be. But if there be we will see redresse therin. Therfore for the honor of God, for the vnburdening of our consciences, for the kings maiesties reuerence, & for y^• peo∣ples profit and peace: All we here assembled, haue conclu∣ded to see remedy, that the aforesayd abuses, if any such be, shal be left, to the quietnes of the people, and prayse of al∣mighty God. To whom be honor and glory world with∣out end. Amen.

* Another sitting in the Parliament.

* 83.131The next Friday following, being the 29. of Decem∣ber: the prelates assembled themselues agayne together at the kings palace in Paris, Where, the reuerend father the L. Peter Bertrand, by Gods permissiō bishop of Eduen spake openly there before the king, sitting with his Coun∣sellors and Barons about him: taking to his theame the which is written in the 18. of Genesis, O Lord be not an∣gry, that I speake yet more.* 83.132 &c. The which he applyed to this end: that for the maiesty of the king, the prudency of his counsell, and insufficiency of himselfe (considering the waightinesse of the cause) he trembled and was afrayde to speake: yet neuertheles, trusting vpon his accustomed cle∣mency, tooke to him audacity, & presumed that which was appoynted to him by the prelates. Beginning with the 89 psalme: Lord thou art our refuge. &c. Which he prosecuted in extolling the king his persō, and his miraculous attei∣ning to the crowne of Fraunce: preaching further, how he ought to be the champion & defender of the faith: all which he proued in few words by many reasōs and authorityes. Afterward, he touched those propositiōs which were pro∣pounded by the foresaid Lord Peter of Cugner, and for no other onely cause as he protested, but to informe the cōsci∣ence of his soueraign Lord and king, & to aduise his grace concerning the same: Not going about to make any finall iudgement, determination, or answer, wherby either sen∣tence, Order, Statute, right to any man, or other processe, might thereof ensue or be groūded. And namely he first be∣ginning with the Theame of the Lord Peter: first affirmed (render vnto the Emperour, which is the Emperors, and vnto God which is hys: Marke 12.) By whych woordes was signified the obedience and subiectiō to the king,* 83.133 with the differēce of the spiritualty from the temporalty, wher∣of the first mēber is proued by the 1. Pet. 2. Where is sayde: be yee subiect to euery humaine creature, &c. Also by the Cap. solite, extra de maio. & ob. And by the c. nouit extra. de iu∣dicijs cap. de sacerdotib{us} 10. q. 1. with the notes about y^e same. Moreouer, as touching the distinction of both iurisdicti∣ons: whereof the Lord Peter prooued the temporall iuris∣diction to pertaine to seculare men, the spiritual to the cler∣gie, by the wordes of our Sauiour Christ. Luke. 22. where hee sayde: Beholde two swordes. Also for that Christ did pay tribute: Teaching thereby, how that the temporalties were to be reserued to the temporall men. Math. 17. 11. q. ca. Si tribut. ca. Magnum.

In like maner by y^e law of Iustinian: where it is writ∣ten, that 2. great giftes were ordained & graunted of God: a Byshoprike, and a kingdom: The first to beare rule ouer Gods matters, the other ouer worldly thinges. &c. And sayde moreouer, that these 2. be the cases which in no wyse could be altered or changed. Prou. 20. de Tiō. mo. lib. 1. & vlt. And affirmed also that o•• suche Princely right, the Kynge coulde not abrogate and depriue hymselfe. For that it was unprescriptible, appertaining to the crowne and his regal seat, (considering howe he tooke his othe at time of hys co∣ronation) not onely not to break or alienate y^e lawes of his realme, but also to restore and reuoke such as were broken and alienated. To which these his reasons it was answe∣red, that the iurisdiction and determination of ciuill causes (whereabout the controuersie now standeth) belongeth to the Church, both by Gods law and mans law. By Gods lawe it prooued was, euen from Adams time to Christes comming: per Innoc. ca. licet extra de foro, compe. And from Christes comming, to Peters time and hys successors. 22. di c••omnes patriarchae. Math. cap. 16. But how the Churche in the Realmes of Catholike Princes, attained vnto thys right and interest which at this presence it doth enioy, the law proueth. 2. q. ca. 5. Si quis. Praesbyter. 11. q. 1. Relatum 25. dist. Ecce. Whych also is confirmed by the Emperors in the body of the lawe. ff. 3. ¶ Si causam. col. 9 23. q. vlt c. his & a qui∣bus. The Canon furthermore teacheth, how that S. Peter commaunded all the Princes of the earth and others, to o∣bey and giue place to the Byshops. c omnes, extra de maior. & ob. 16. dist. duo sunt: Wherefore it was concluded, that in no wise this right is to be separated and taken away from the Church. And albeit in the realmes of tyrannous Prin∣ces, this state of the Church is violated and not kept: yet in this blessed realme of Fraunce, it hath bene alwayes euen to these dayes duely obserued: c. nouit. extra. de iudicijs. This iurisdiction, the lawes of Theodosius the Emperor and Carolus the great, hathe also confirmed. extra. de iudi∣cijs. c. nonne. all. 11. q. 1. quaecunque. &c. fe iurisdictio. c. expresse: Where it is mentioned, that the same Carolus Kynge of Fraunce (and Emperor) especially constituted y^e said lawe. And likewise to speake of custome, it hath bene known, frō time out of mind, y^e same to haue belonged to the church of Fraunce: He therefore which shal go about to violate this lawe,* 83.134 committeth sacrilege. 11. q. 1. ca. 1. & 2. And let not the kings maiestie maruell, if that in this most noble Realme of Fraunce thys prerogatiue be due vnto the Churche: As when hereby, his power and nobilitie is beutified. Anth. vt iud. sine quoquo suffra. fi. in principio Col 2. Besides this: our soueraigne Lorde and King, at what time hee was crow∣ned, was sworne by the Euangelists to keepe and obserue thys Canonicall priuiledge of the Churche. Further, the Barons who in a manner are all sworne to the Churche, swore fidelity to the same: by which oth of fidelity, they are bound to keepe these liberties and rights of the Churche. When therfore euery oth which tendeth not to the perditi∣on of the soule, is to be kept: a fortiori that oth which is ta∣ken in the fauor of the church, is much more to be obserued. c.* 83.135 Si vero extra. de iure iurando. 22. quaest. 4. c vlt. Besides thys, blessed Ludouicke, Phillip of Arragon, Phillip the faire, Ludouicke, Carolus the great, & Phillip: confirmed these priuiledges, customes, and liberties of the Church, which all were sworne at their coronations as before. &c. These things considered, who can aduise the kings maiesty with out damning of his owne soule, contrary to these liberties graunted and so confirmed to the Church? To whom be∣lōgeth great reward, whosoeuer bestoweth any thing vp∣on the Churche: Antho. de non alie. at permut. re. ecc. §. si minis col. 3. neyther maketh it against vs where it is sayde, that there are two swordes. &c. Neyther yet the distinction be∣twene the Byshoppricke and kingdome.* 83.136 Because it is true that there are two swordes, the power wherof is left to the churches hand, although y^e execution of the material sword is committed to the temporal and secular men. Matth. 26. where Christ saith to Peter: conuert and put vp thy sword into the place. But as touching the distinction betwixt the Byshopricke and kingdom, in deede it is true: asmuch as appertaineth to the end & to the execution of bloud,* 83.137 but not concerning the beginning & subiect: for that in one subiect, both the powers are, may be, and ought to be, as is before prooued. To that poynt where it is said that Christ payed tribute: it is answered, that not therfore he payd it, because he ought or was bounde thereunto: because it is certainly true, that y^e sonnes of y^e king (as hee was ought not to pay) but this he did to auoide offence: yea also the Clergy is not boūd hereunto Esdrae 1. & vlt. Wherfore, such things do not inferre a consequence. Neither yet maketh that against vs where it is sayd: that the king our soueraigne Lord & mai∣ster can not abdicate from himselfe this right, especially for that he was sworne thereunto at y^e time of his coronation, &c. for it is aunswered, that he may wel abdicate the same. And howe doth he abdicate the same from hymselfe, which be geueth and bestoweth to God & the Church? The land is the Lords. And doubtles, to geue is nothing els, but to

tender to God and the church their owne: for then by that reason, the gift giuē to the church by Cōstantine is naught and nothing woorth, which is false, and this is proued xvi. dist. ca. Const. Wherby it appeareth, that an Emperour and king may alienate things of the empire.* 83.138 ff. de legatis i. l. apud Iulianum §. vlt. nor yet heereby the Empire or kingdome is damaged: for that the thing returneth to the pristinat state ff.* 83.139 de pactis l. vnus § pactus. 35. dist. ab exordio. Furthermore, by this reason propounded: all the kings of France which euer were (and especially blessed Ludouike) shuld be spot∣ted: for if that were true (as God forbid) then al they were persured and died in mortal sinne, which is to too absurde. Last of all, it hurteth not where it is sayd: that such things are inprescriptible: It is true in deede, they cannot of sub∣iects, or otherwise then of the Church be prescribed: but in this cause we talke not of subiects. Also, seeing they may be alieuated, they may be prescribed, especially (the kinges thus consenting who confirmed the same so long a time) which excludeth all right both fiscal and ecclesiastical. The prelates therefore al with one consent, agreeth & affirmeth to the same as a verity to be maintained and defended. Be∣seeching the kings maiestie their Lorde, both for hys soule health, and peace of the Church, to maintaine the same, and keeping the liberties of the Church. Desiring hym to con∣sider what commoditie daily he receiueth by the Churche, and that hys Churche neuer failed him yet, when hee had neede of the laitie, shewing the daungers and examples of them who did to the contrary. Further, hee beseeched hys highnesse to way howe entierly hys Lord the Pope doeth and hath loued his person and realme: Affirming, that ne∣uer any placed in the seat of Peter, loued better his realme, then he doth. Alledging the text of Eccl. 6. where it is sayd: Stande in the multitude of the Priests,* 83.140 and beleeue them with thy heart.

After this in the sayd Session: The foresayde Byshop of Eduen prolocutour inferred many things beside,* 83.141 & an∣swered particularly to the articles aboue specified, and ex∣hibited by the Lord Peter in wryting to the king and par∣liament. Which, because they touch more the subtiltie of the law and stiles of the courtes, then are necessary to this our history, and because we would not burdē the volume with all, conteining no great profite in them: we haue heere of purpose for breuities sake omitted them, passing to the next sitting, which was the next friday next after following the same, as ensueth.

The next Friday after thys, the Prelates assembled at Uicenas before the Kyng, to heare theyr answere: where, the foresaid Lorde Peter of Lugner) being prolocutour for the king) spake on this wise,* 83.142 taking for hys theame. I am peace vnto you, do not feare. &c. which he prosecuted, mo∣nished that they shoulde not be troubled in any thyng that there had bene spoken. For that the intent and minde of the soueraigne Lorde their king was, to keepe the rites of the Church and Prelates, which they had by law, and by good and reasonable custome: Where, betweene the first and se∣cond conclusion, he went about to prooue: that the cogniti∣on of ciuill causes ought not to appertaine to the Church. For that such things were temporal and ought to pertaine to the temporaltie,* 83.143 as spirituall things to the spiritualtie. And besides his other reasons hee alleaged the 86 dist. de∣claring for a truth, y^t for this intent first the clarks crowns were shauen: in signe that they shuld be free frō all world∣linesse, and forsake all temporall things. Alledging to that end the 12. q. 2. Furthermore he declared, that the Byshops had cognition in certaine cases expressed by lawe. Where∣fore, these said cases ministred a certaine rule against them, alledging for the proofe thereof De reg. iuris. ff. de lega. 1. L. ti∣cie text oris. Also he affirmed that by reason of sinne, the de∣cretall Nouit. coulde not make for them. For the same dyd speake of the king of Fraunce his state, which hath no su∣periour: but in other persons it was (he sayde) otherwyse. And these things thus being prooued, then sayd he, and cō∣cluded: That neuerthelesse, their Lord and King was rea∣dy to heare the information of them, which would instruct him of any custome: and those customes which were good and reasonable he would obserue. Which answere, because it did not seeme to please and suffice the Prelates, inconti∣neutly the Byshop Eduen answered for them all in man∣ner folowing. First, commēding the good and general an∣swere, he spake in this wise: The Prince of the people (said he) shalbe praised, for the prudence of his talke, cōmending therewyth as touching the former good generall answer of the King, his purpose and talke propounded. But as con∣cerning the wordes of the Lorde Peter, whych engendred and brought darknes and obscuritie, and might geue occa∣sion to other temporall Lordes, to breake and infringe the rites and customes of the Church. Wherefore hys answere seemed not ful and plaine to the prelates. Speaking more∣ouer to the sayd Peter, he alluded to the words of the Uir∣gine speaking in the Scripture thus to her sonne: Sonne why did you so to vs: And so prosecuted y^t same, both mar∣ueling with himselfe, and yet couertly complaining of hys answere. Afterwarde answering to these things which the Lord Peter affirmed, and first to the Chapter. Ad verum he sayde, that it was before answered: touching the deuision of the two iurisdictions, that they may be in one subiect as before is proued. Neither doth it let which the Lord Peter sayd, these two iurisdictiōs could not be in one subiect, be∣cause that things whych be in themselues diuers, & be vn∣der one Genus, as a man & an asse cannot be in one subiect. But if they were vnder diuers kindes, as whitenesse and sweetenesse in milke, they might be well in one subiect. It was answered that thys rule was not true: because iustice and temperaunce are two diuers vertues, and vnder one kinde, and yet be in one subiect. Besides these differing spe∣cies, a man & an asse be not compatible in one subiect. Also to that which was spoken concerning the shauing of the crowne, it was answered y^t the crowne did betoken rule & excellency: and the shauing did signify: that they ought not to heape vp store of tēporal things, so to apply their hartes thereunto. But that the temporall things ought to be sub∣iect to them, and not they to the temporaltie, as is prooued in the saide chapter duo sunt genera. Also as concerning the thyng, whych was talked or de regula: he answereth, that this maketh for the church, as before was prooued. Yea, al∣so, the custome doeth make the rule for the Church. Also lawes in all kind offense doth alwaies except the custome. And therefore, his saying makes nothyng against it. And nowe to that place which the Lord Peter spake about the Decretall Nouit. That the case was onely in the kinges person, yet for all that it is expresly sayd in the same text of euery Christen man. And although theyr lawe doth speake onely of the Pope, yet the same is applied to all Bishops in their Dioces.* 83.144 Wherfore the sayd bishop concluded and be∣seched the king that it would please his grace to geue vnto them a more plainer and comfortable aunswere: and that they might not depart from hys presence all pensiue & sad, whereby occasion might be geuen to the laitie to impugne the rites and liberties of the Church. And that they doub∣ted nothing heereof in the good nature & conscience of their soueraigne Lord and King: In the end it was aunswered to them in the behalfe of the king, that hys minde & intent was not to unpugne the customes of the church.

The Sonday following the bishops assembled them∣selues againe before the king at Uicenas, where the Lorde Bishop of Eduen repealed their last supposition, with the last aunswere made vnto them in the behalfe by the King, when the Byshop of Byturien,* 83.145 had geuen them to vnder∣stand how the king willed them not to feare. For that they should suffer no hinderance or damage in his time, yea and wold defend them to their rights and customes because it should not be said that he would geue ensample to other to impugne the Church, assuring them that euen the Kinges grace hym willed so to declare vnto them. The sayde Lord Byshop of Senon in the name of the whole prelates gaue humble thankes to the King therefore, and the sayde B. of Senon beseeched y^t such proclamations which were made to the preindice of the Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction myght be repealed, & called in. Heereunto the king himselfe answe∣red wyth his owne mouth that they were not published at his commandement, neither did he know of them, nor ra∣tifie them. Thirdly, the Bishop proposed that those abuses which the temporaltie complained of, should be so ordered & reformed: that euery man should be wel contented ther∣w^t. Last of all, he beseeched the kings highnesse, y^t he would of his gracious goodnesse geue them a more comfortable & fuller answere.* 83.146 Then answered the lord Peter in the name of the king: That if the prelates and bishops would see re∣formatiō of those things which were to be amēded (wher∣aboutes he would take respect betweene this and Christ∣mas next folowing) his grace would innouate nothing in the meane season. And if in the foresaide space they woulde not correct & reforme that which was amisse, hys maiestie wold appoynt such order and remedy that shuld be accep∣table both to God and hys subiectes. After thys, the Pre∣lates had leaue of the king to depart and went home.

¶ A briefe recapitulation of the Byshops answere, wyth certaine notes answering to his Popish reasons vnto the Reader.

THe aunswere of Byshoppe Eduen in the name of the o∣ther Prelates,* 83.147 to the Oration and Articles before obiected by the Lorde Peter consisteth in two partes. Fyrst, in decla∣ring

the seate due to God. Secondly, the honour due to the king. Wherof the first is,* 83.148 the feare of God (he sayeth) consisteth in three things. 1. In geuing to God. 2. In honoring his ministers. 3. In restoring that, which hath bene taken away. &c. The 2. which is, the honouring of the king, he sayeth, consisteth in a double sort, that is. In wordes onely, wherein is flattery: And in deede: which againe he deuideth in 4. members: First, when a man cousaileth a king to that, whereby his dominion is loued. 2. When the king is counsailed to that whereby his honour and excellencie is not di∣minihed. 3. Thirdly, when the king is counsailed to that, where∣by his fame and renowne is maintained. 4. Fourthly, when a king is counsailed to that, wherby his conscience is not wounded. &c. And this is the order of his whole tractation. Nowe remayneth with like breuity to recite the reasons and argumentes in order, whereby he proueth the premisses, with the subdiuision of euery member and part thereof. Wherein the studious reader, may note both the subtile proceedings of these popish prelates, and also the feeble and impotent ground whereupon they build. Whose buil∣ding (as by this discourse and many other may appeare) wholy & finally tendeth to this, to maintaine their liberties, pompe, and e∣stimation aboue all other secular princes and persons.

First, as concerning feare to be geuen to God, which hee de∣uideth in 3. partes, in geuing, in honouring and restoring: for the first, hee proueth that princes ought to geue largely and wythout measure to the Church by these arguments.

By the testimonie of Iustinian: although nothing is good whych is too much,* 83.149 yet. &c. pag. 361. col. 2. I aunswere that in the time of Iustinian, goodes then geuen to the Churche, were the goodes of the poore. Wherein was vsed faithfull distribution, vo∣luntarie geuing, and necessary charitie. But nowe in our Popish Churches, reuenues and landes geuen, neither are distributed to the poore: and yet are men compelled against their will to geue still. And againe, so little necessitie is nowe to geue to such, that the most wealthes of Realmes almost is in their handes and hou∣ses: in so much that they flowing in such wealth, are nowe waxed so proude, that kinges can scarse beare any rule for them, as was prooued before, pag. 3 30. col. 2. that the Popes reuenues heere in England, mounted to more then three times double the stint of the kings crowne. Wherefore by the counsaile of Iustinian, it was so then, and then myght stand, quòd Religio peperit diuitias: But nowe as the time is altered, so that counsaile holdeth not, postquam nunc filia deuor auit matrē.* 83.150 That is, after that the daugh∣ter hath deuoured the mother. Finally concerning mens geuing to the Church in these our popish daies, foure faultes I note.

First, that they geue superfluously more then sufficient is to necessitie of life.

Secondly, that they geue to such as abuse it wickedly.

Thirdly, that in geuing to them that neede not, noble men in meane time defraude their poore neighbors, which nede in dede, and yet doe not complaine.

Fourthly, because of thys title of geuing, men haue vsed, and yet doe vse to put great hope of saluation therein, contrary to the Testament of God in Christes death, whereof examples are before.

* 83.151Pag. 361. col. 2. Abel offered of the best to the Lorde, and was blessed of God. Ergo, euery great man, that woulde be blessed of God, must offer of the best he hath vnto the Church. Aunswere. This argument as it is farre fet: so it is soone answered, wherein 3. notes are to be obserued.

* 83.152First, that he which offereth vnto the church of God, doth not therein offer vnto God immediatly as Abel did.

Secondly, neither is this to be graunted, that hee which offe∣reth to all Churchmen, offereth by and by to the Church of God. For many times the Churchmen are one: and the Church of God is an other. Laurence the Martyr shewing forth the church of god, brought out the poore of the Parishe, and not of the priestes of the Church. Pag. 72. col. 1.

The thirde note is this: that if noble persons should offer vn∣to God (by the example of Abel) that which is the best and fattest of the flocke: then should they offer vnto the Lord, of their flocke onely, and not of their landes. Yea, and to note the very truth, they are taught thereby to offer to God, neither cattel nor landes, but that which is the very best, that is, their owne bodies for a liuely sacrifice to God.* 83.153 Hee that offerd vp to God a proude heart, and killed it with the axe of humilitie, geueth vnto him the best and fattest bullocke he hath in all his flocke. With like reason I aun∣swere also the place of Numeri. 18. and of Paral. cap. vlt. that to of∣fer vp,* 83.154 or to seperate vnto the Lordes treasurie, is not nowe to geue to Priestes and Chaplaines of the Churche, whyche perad∣uenture haue more then they doe well occupie: but to giue libe∣rally to the communion of Sainctes, which are needy, and are the true treasurie of the Church in deede, as Laurence the true trea∣surer sayd, supra, pag. 72,

* 83.155Pag. 362 col. 1. By Gods commaundement we are bound of duetie to honour our temporall fathers. Ergo, by the same duety we are bounde much rather to honour our spirituall fathers, that is Priestes and Prelates. Aunswere. A father in common speche is diuersly taken, as by age, by nature, by office. And to al these we of duety, are bound to yeeld honour, reuerence, obedience sub∣mission, all be it not all after one sort, nor in like degree. For as we are bound to honour our father and mothers: so aged men & elders haue also their honour and name of fathers So Magistrates and spirituall teachers in their kinde, haue their honour and re∣uerence. And S. Paule sayeth,* 83.156 that such are worthy of double ho∣nour, qui benè praesunt, & qui laborant in sermone. But in thys two thyngs are to be noted, wherein this honour consisteth, and howe farre it extendeth. These spirituall fathers of the Churche, thinke they be not honoured inough, vnlesse Kings and Emperors geue and surrender vnto them all the temporall rule & gouerne∣ment, to doe what they list, and none to controll them. And vn∣lesse noble men and subiects indue them wyth temporall landes and possessions, so much as they woulde haue. And this they call honour, which they define onely by geuing temporally: where in deede it rather consisteth in geuing spiritually, as to haue a re∣uerent opinion of their ministration, to yeld a prompt obedience to their doctrine, to reuerence them as the ministers of God, and not to despise,* 83.157 defame, or molest their persones, whereof S. Paule also about the same place speaketh, wryting to Timothe. Let no man despise thy youth. &c. Also to Titus 2. Let no man despise thee. &c. And this is to honour our spirituall fathers.

Secondly,* 83.158 to consider howe farre this honour extendeth: as no man doeth denie, but these pastours are worthy their double honour, which rule wel: so if they administer not their office wel, they are vnder the ouersighte of the king,* 83.159 bearing the Temporall sworde, worthy of double punishment. And yet to consider thys double honour in them that rule well, howe farre it doth extend: if it be compared to the honour due to our parentes, case of ne∣cessitie will soone decide it. For be it, that our parentes, on the one side, and pastour of the other, stande in extreeme neede of the sonnes supportation, wherein he can helpe but the one: nature, I suppose, will and ought sooner runne, and the word of Christ will sooner driue vs to our father,* 83.160 then to the Priests Corban. Marc. 7. So that this distinction here may haue place: that as the one stan∣deth vpon merite of vertue, so the other standeth vpon mere due∣ty of necessitie.

Pag. 362. col. 1.* 83.161 These iurisdictions temporall and spiritual are compatible in one persone. Aunswere. I graunt pro ratione sub∣iects. That is, in the subiect it selfe there is no cause to the contra∣ry, but these vocations may be exercised both of one persone, as they haue beene of the Pope, one after the other (and so may contrary formes also) and yet the Popes persone hath bene able to sustaine them both. But now here is to be considered, not what the nature of the subiecte is able to beare by Logicke, but what order is taken heerein by the will of God, whose order is thys: That they, which with Peter, are called to the feeding of the flock, shoulde leaue their fishing nettes, and fishe for men: and that they which labour in the warfare of the Lord, should not intangle thē∣selues with the busines of this life, wherby they may be more free to please him,* 83.162 whose souldiours they are. Tit. 2, &c.

Pag. 362. col. 1. The iurisdictions temporall and spirituall, are so distincted that they are not contrary.* 83.163 &c. Aunswer. And what let is there then, but our Queene nowe, and other kings heereaf∣ter may haue the gouernement of both states, as well Ecclesiasti∣call as temporall? Seeing both the formes being compatible, may concurre both in one subiect: why not as well in the persone of the King, within the Realme, as in the person of the Pope without the Realme?

Pag. 363 col. 1. God after the creation of the world,* 83.164 &c. vnto Noes time: &c. Aunswere. If God vnto Noes time gouerning the worlde as king, gaue sentence himselfe against Caine (as yee say) howe then did he that by the ministerie of aungels? If he did it by the aungels his ministers:* 83.165 Whether is more like then that to make for the Pope, or rather for kings and princes, whom the Scripture thrise in one chapter, calleth the ministers of God to execute pu∣nishment to him, that doth euill. Rom. 13.

Pag. 363. Noe also which offered. &c. Aunswere. If offering of burnt sacrifices to God doe make a priest,* 83.166 then was Caine also, Abell, Abraham, Isaac, and all Patriarches priests. If hee had both temporall and spirituall iurisdiction vppon them, which were in his Arke: I maruell why hee did not curse ••hen the disobedyent crowe that returned not to him againe.

Pag. 363. col. 1, Melchisedech likewise. &c. Answere. Melchi∣sedech properly did beare a figure of Christ, both king and priest, and of none other.

Pag. 363. col. 2. A. I haue geuen to me.* 83.167 &c. Aunswere. That Christ hath all power geuen him, no man doubteth: but yet the same Christ sayth, that his kingdome is not of this world. Neither would he be made a king in this worlde. &c. Non eripit mortalia, qui regna dat caelestia, hym.

Pag. 363. col. 1. B. Whom Christ made his vicar. &c. Answere. Here in one line bee two lies.* 83.168 For neither had Peter the very same power in heauen and earth as Christ had, neyther was hee the vi∣car of Christ.

Pag. 363. col. 1. C.* 83.169 As the offence of Ananias and Saphira

was not temporall but spirituall: so did Peter kill them not iudi∣cially, that is, as a temporall iudge, but spiritually, that is, by the power of the spirite, which spirite wrought by him, not as by a iudge, but as a minister. And although this acte of Peter was ex∣traordinarie for a singular example: yet notwithstanding let any prelate with the like power of spirit, so do, & none wil blame him.

* 83.170Pag 363 col. 1. D. And so likewise the condemnation of Paule against the Corinthian, was onely spirituall and not temporall.

Pag. 363. 1. E. must be referred to the order. &c. Aunswere. Christ woulde these causes to be referred to the hearing of the Churche,* 83.171 for spirituall admonition, but not for temporall iurisdi∣ction of the prelates.

Pag 363. col. 1. F. All things that the true Church doth truely binde are bound. I graunt: but first let the Pope proue his Church to be the true Church, and himselfe to be the vniuersal head ther∣of, and then let him claime the keies.

Ibid. The two swords do as much signifie the two regiments: as doe the two fishes wherewith Christ did feede foure thousande persones.* 83.172

Ibid. Christ bad Peter put vp his sword and not to cast it away. Ergo, the Church may haue the temporall sworde. Answere. God geue you good morowe, I haue brought you a capon.

Pag. 364. col. 1. I. Know ye not the Saintes. &c. Aunswere. S. Paule heere willing the Corinthians to pleade their matters not before the heathen, but before the Saints: meaneth the faithfull of the congregation, not onely prelates.

* 83.173K. In them was not the like reason. &c. Aunswere. I graunt, for Christ and true Christians is one thing: Antechrist and hys Church is an other thing.

Ibid. As ye say, the Apostles had no laisure to take lands and possessions, for preaching: but nowe, for Lordly loytering you haue laisure inough.

* 83.174Pag. 364. col. 1. M. They are most fittest to beare temporal rule, which followe neerest to God. Prelates of the cleargie followe nearest to God. Ergo, Prelates of the Clergie are more meetest to beare temporall rule.

Resp. If God heere be taken for that God, which is called the belly. I graunt they seeme to followe nearer. But if it be taken for the true God, not I, but their owne fruites, life, and doctrine, and Esay also would denie their minor, and say, that this people draw∣eth neare to me with their lips, but their heart is farre from me.

* 83.175Pag. 364. col. 1. You are a chosen generation, a royal Priest∣hode. &c. Aunswere. This place of Peter was written not onely to persones Ecclesiasticall, but to the whole congregation of the Saintes disparsed, as the wordes following may declare. Qui era∣tis quondam non populus. &c.

And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be Ecclesiasticall, and beare wyth them some vtilitie to the diligēt reader (such as list to search, note and obserue the actes of men, and course of religion) I thought therfore here to place and adioyne next after, the other con∣tention before proceding betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface. Albeit as touching the perfect kee∣ping of yeres and time, I am not ignorant that thys fore∣said Parliament thus summoned and commenced against the French prelates falling in the yeare of our Lorde. 1329. was to be referred rather to y^• raigne of king Edward the i••. Of whom now remaineth (by the grace of Christ) in or∣der of historie to prosecute, declaring first the instructions and informations of his father geuen to him in the time of his departing.* 83.176 The yeare of our Lorde 1307. and the last yeare of the king, the foresayde king Edwarde in his iour∣ney marching towarde Scotland: in the North fel sicke of the flixe, which increased so feruētly vpon hym, that he dis∣paired of life. Wherfore, calling before him his Earles and Barons, caused them to be sworne, y^t they should crowne his sonne Edward in such conuenient time after his death as they might, & kepe the land to his vse, til he were crow∣ned. That done,* 83.177 he called before him his sonne Edwarde, informing and lessoning him wyth wholesome preceptes, & charged him also with diuers poynts vpon his blessing: first that he should be cou••teous, gentle, vpright in iudge∣ment, faire spoken to all men, constant in deede and word, familiar with the good: and especially to the miserable to be merciful. After this, he gaue him also in charge, not to be to hastie in taking his crowne, before he had reuenged his fa∣thers iniuries stoutly against the Scots: but that he shuld remaine in those parties to take w^t him hys fathers bones,* 83.178 being well boiled from the flesh, and so inclosed in some fit vessel, shoulde carie them with him til he conquered all the Scots: saying, that so long as he had his fathers bones w^t him, none should ouercome him. Moreouer, he willed and required him, to loue his brother Thomas, and Edmund: also to cherish & tender his mother Margaret the Quene. Ouer & besides, he straitly charged him vpon his blessing (as he would auoide his curse) that he should in no case cal to him againe,* 83.179 or sende for Peter Gaueston: whych Peter Gaueston the king before had banished the realme, for his naughty and wicked familiarity with hys sonne Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsaile. For the which cause, he banished both Peter Gaueston vtterly out of the realme, and also put the sayd Edwarde hys sonne in prison. And therefore so straitly charged hys sonne, in no wise to sende for this Gaueston, or to haue him in any case about him.* 83.180 And finally, because he had cōceined in himselfe a vow to haue returned hys owne person to the holy land (which for his manifold warres wyth the Scots, he could not performe) therefore he had prepared 32000. poundes of siluer, for the sending of certaine souldiours with hys hart vnto the holy lād. Which thing he required of hys sonne to see accomplished. So that the foresayde money, vnder hys curse & malediction, be not employed to other vses. But these iniunctions and preceptes, the disobedient sonne did nothing obserue or keepe after y^e decease of his father. Who forsaking and leauing of the warre with the Scots, wyth all speede hasted him to his coronation. Also, contrary to the minde of his nobles, & against the precept of hys father he sent for the foresayde Peter Gaueston, & prodigally be∣stowed vpon him al that treasure which his father had be∣quested to the holy land. He was moreouer a proud despi∣ser of his peeres & nobles. And therefore raigned infortu∣nately, as by the sequele of the story heere folowing, by the grace of Christ shalbe declared. Thus king Edwarde first of that name, leauing behinde him 3. sonnes, Thomas and Edmund by his third wife, and Edward by his first wife, whome he had sufficiently thus with precepts instructed, departed this mortall life. An. 1307. after hee had raigned neare 39. yeres. Of whom this Epitaph was wrytten.

Dum viguit rex,* 83.181 & valuit tua magna potestas: Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnauit honestas.

In y^e time and raigne of thys king, many other things happened, which here I omit to speake of: as the long dis∣corde and strife betweene the Prior of Cant. and the Prior of Douer, which continued aboue 4. yeres together: with much wrangling & vnquietnes betweene them. Likewyse an other lyke cōtention growing betwene Iohn Romain Archb. of York, and the Archb. of Cant. vpon the occasion, that when Iohn Archb. of York after his consecration re∣turned from the Pope, and comming to Douer, contrary to the inhibition of Cant. passed through y^e middle of Kent, with his crosse borne vp: although the story reporteth, that he had the kings consent therunto. An. 1286.

Item, betwene Thomas Bishop of Hereford, & Iohn Pecham Archb. of Cant. fell an other wrangling matter, in the time of thys king. Which Byshop of Hereforde ap∣pealing from the Archb. to the Pope, went vp to Rome, and in his iourney died. Who with lesse cost might haue taryed at home. 1282.

King Edward the second.

EDwarde the second of that name,* 83.182 and sonne of Edward the first, borne as is aforesaid at Car∣naruan in Wales, after the departure of his fa∣ther, entred the gouernment of the lande. An. 1307. But was crowned not before the yeare next folowing.* 83.183 An. 1308. by reason of the absence of Rob. Winchelsey, who was banished by king Edward the first. Wherupon the king thys present yere wryteth to the pope for the restitution of the sayd Archb. for that by an auncient law of the realme, the coronation of the king coulde not o∣therwise proceede without the Archb. of Cant. Which Ed∣ward as he was personable in body and outwarde shape, so in conditions and euill disposition much deformed. As vnstedfast of woorde, and light to disclose secretes of great counsaile: Also refusing the companie of hys Lords & men of honoure: hee much haunted among villaines and vile personnages: Geuen moreouer, to ouermuche drinking, and such vices as thereuppon be woont to ensue. And as of his owne nature he was to the sayd vices disposed, so was hee much worse by the counsaile and familiarity of certaine euill disposed persones,* 83.184 as first of Peter or Pierse Gaue∣ston before touched. Then after hym of the two Spensers and other, whose wanton counsaile hee followyng, gaue hymselfe to the appetite and pleasure of his body: nothing ordering hys common weale by sadnesse, discretion and iustice: which thyng caused first great variance betweene hym and his nobles, so that shortly hee became to them odible, and in ende was depriued of his kingdome. In the first yeare, hee tooke to wife Isabel daughter of Phillippe

king of Fraunce: wyth whome (the yeare after) hee was crowned at Westminster, by the bishop of Winchester: for that, Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury, was yet in exile not returned home. Notwithstanding, the Ba∣rons and Lords made first their request to the king to put Peter Gaueston from hym, or els they would not consent to his coronation.* 83.185 Whereupon he was enforced to graunt them at the next parliament, to haue their requests accom∣plished, and so was crowned. In y^e meane season, the fore∣sayd Peter or Pierse bearing himselfe of the kings fauour bolde: continued triumphing and setting at light all other states and nobles of the Realme, so that hee ruled both the King and the Realme, and all things went as he woulde. Neither had the king any delight els, or kept company w^t any, but with him: with him onely he brake all his minde, & conferred all his counsailes. This as it seemed straunge vnto the Lordes and Earles, so it inflamed their indigna∣tion so much against this Peter, that through the exciting of the Nobles, the Byshops of the land did proceede in ex∣communication against the said Gauerston, vnlesse he de∣parted the land. Upon the occasion whereof, the King the same first yeare of his raigne, being greeued wyth the By∣shoppes, wryteth to the Pope, complaining that they had proceeded to excommunication of the sayde Peter, vnlesse he departed the realme within a time certaine. The which letter of the king, what answere againe the king had from the pope, I finde not set down in storie. Ouer and besides, it befell in the said first yeare of the king, that the Byshop∣pricke of Yorke being vacant, the king gaue the office of the treasour to one of his owne clearkes: wherof the pope hauing intelligence wryteth to the King, commaunding him to call backe the same gift, and w^t all citeth vp to Rome the sayd clearke, there to answere the matter to a nephewe of one of his Cardinals, vpon whom he had bestowed the sayd dignitie whereunto the king maketh answere. Quod citationes huiusmodi & illorum executio &c.. i. That if such ci∣tations and the execution of the same should procede to the impeachement of our kingly iurisdiction, and to the preiu∣dice of our lawful inheritance and the honor of our crowne (especially of the deciding of suche matters which princi∣pally concerne our estate, should be prosequuted in any o∣ther place then within thys our Realme by any manner of wayes. &c.) Certes, although we our selues would winke thereat, or through sufferaunce permit matters so to passe our hands: yet the states and nobles of our kingdom, who vpon allegeance are obliged and sworne to the protection and defence of the dignitie of the crowne of England, will in no wise suffer our right and the lawes of the lande so to be violated.

Besides this, the foresaid pope wrote to the king, com∣plaining that by certaine councellours of king Edwarde his father lying sicke, vtterly ignoraunt thereof, a certaine restraint was geuen out, charging his nuncios and Le∣gates (whō he had sent for the gathering of the first fruites of the benefices vacant wythin the realme) not hereafter to entermeddle therewith. &c. whereunto the king maketh answere.

Gidelicet. Pater Sanctis. Datum fuit vobis intelligi. &c.

In English thus.

Most holy Father, it hath ben geuen you to vnderstand other∣wise then the truth of the matter is: for most true it is in dede that the foresaide inhibition was ratified by good acte of Parliament holden at Karlin, vpon certain causes concerning the execution of such collections (the said our father not onely being not igno∣rant, but also witting, willing, and of his owne meere knowledge agreeing to the same) in the presence not only of his owne Erles, Barons, and states, and commons of the Realme, but also your le∣gates and liegers being called thereunto.

Item, vpon other letters brought from the Pope to the king, for the enstalling of one Peter de Subaudia his kinseman into the Bishoppricke of Worcester being then vacant, and withall requi∣ring that if the sayd Peter would not accept thereof, the election shoulde be referred to the Priour and Couent of the same place.

The king therewith grieued, maketh answere by his let∣ters to the Pope and sundry his Cardinals.

Quod cum ele∣ctiones de futuris prelatis in ecclesiis Cathedral. &c. That for so much as elections of prelates to be placed in cathedral churches within his kingdome, are not to be attempted without his licence first had and obtained. &c.

Therefore he coulde not abide that any such straunge and vnaccustomed reseruations should or could take place in his Realme without manifest preiu∣dice of his kingly estate, requiring further that hee woulde not cause any suche nouelties to be brought in into hys kingdome, contrary to that which hys auncestors before him haue accustom ed to doe.

* 83.186Thus the time proceeded, & at length the Parliament appoynted came. An. 1310. which was the fourth of thys kings raigne. The articles were drawne by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same con∣teined In magna charta, and de foresta aboue specified: wyth such other articles as his father had charged him with be∣fore: to wit, that he should remoue frō him and his Court, all aliens and peruerse counsellours. And that all the mat∣ters of the common wealth should be debated by common counsaile of the Lordes both temporall and spirituall: and that he should stirre no warre out of England in any other foreine realme, without the common assent of the same. &c. The king perceiuing their intent to be, as it was in deede, to sonder Peter Gaueston from his cōpany: and seeing no other remedy: but nedes must yeld and graūt his consent, agreed that the said Gaueston shuld be banished into Ire∣land. And so the Parliament breaking vp, the Lordes re∣turned to their owne, well appeased: although of the other articles they could not speede, yet that they had driuen Pe∣ter Gaueston out of the Realme, at this time, it did suffice them.

Thys Peter Gaueston was a certaine Gentlemans sonne of Wasconie:* 83.187 whom being young, king Edward the first (for the good seruice, his father had done hym in hys warres) receiued to his Court, and placed hym with hys sonne Edwarde nowe raigning. Who, in processe of time growing vp with him, incēsed and prouoked him to much outrage and wantōnesse. By whose occasion first he began in his fathers dayes, to breake the parke of Walter bishop of Chester, then Chancelour of England, and after execu∣tor to the king. For y^e which so doing, the king (as is part∣ly touched before) imprisoned his sonne, and condemned this Peter to perpetuall banishment. Notwithstanding the young king, after the death of his father (as yee haue heard) sent for this Gaueston againe. And with all, so per∣secuted this foresayd Bishop, that he clapt him in y^e tower, and seised vpon al his goods. Moreouer, caused most strait inquisition to be made vppon him for guiding his office, wherein if the least crime might haue ben found, it would haue cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaueston, and of his origine. Now to the matter.

The king thus separated from his old compere (that is from the companie of Peter Gaueston,* 83.188 nowe exiled into Ireland) continued in great mourning and pensiuenesse, seeking by all meanes possible, howe to call him home a∣gaine, and conferring with such as were about hym vpon the same. Who did insinuate to the king, that for somuch as the Earle of Glocester was a man well loued and fauored in all the realme, if a marriage might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaueston: It might be a meane both for him to obtaine more frendship, and for the king to haue his desire. To make short, Peter Gaueston in all hast was sent for, & the marriage through the kings procuring, pro∣ceeded betwene the Earles sister, and the foresayde Peter, albeit sore against the Earles mind.* 83.189 Gaueston thus resto∣red and dignified, was so surprised in pride and exaltation, more then euer before: that he disdained & derided al other, whose rule & power more & more encreased. In somuch, y^t he hauing the guiding of all the kings iewels & treasure, cōueied out of y^e kings iewell house at Westminster a table & a paire of tressels of gold, vnto certain marchants beyōd the sea, with other iewels ••o to his behoofe: to the great impouerishing both of the king & Quene, and of the land. And ouer all that, brought the king (by meane of his wan∣ton conditions) to manifold vices,* 83.190 as aduoutrie, and suche other like. Wherfore, the Lords seing the mischief that dai∣ly increased by occasion of this vnhappie man: tooke theyr coūsell together at Lyncolne, and there concluded to voide him again out of England, so y^t shortly after he was exiled againe,* 83.191 and went into Flaunders: for in Fraunce or hys owne country he durst not appeare, for feare of Philip the French king, to whō the Queene of England hys daugh∣ter had sent ouer great complaintes, of the sayd Gaueston: who had so impouerished her & the whole Court, that she had not wherewith to maintaine her state. Uppon whych complaint, the French king through al his dominiōs layd strait watch to apprehend the sayd Gaueston: but he not vnwarned thereof,* 83.192 secretly coasted into Flaunders, from whēce it was not long, but he was fet againe by the king, as in further processe followeth: so much was the kinges hart infatuated by this wicked person.

About this yeare, or the next before came in first the crowched Friers.* 83.193 And also began first the knightes of the order of S. Iohn Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes: for that they, by manly knighthood put out the Turkes from the Isle of Rhodes.

In the history of king Edward this kinges father be∣fore precedent, mention was made of Pope Clemēt the 5. who succeeded after Benedict: also of putting down of the templaries, which in this yeare hapned by the meanes of

the French king:* 83.194 who as he caused to be burned in the Ci∣ty of Paris this yeare, 54. Tēplaries, with the great mai∣ster of the same order: so by his procurement the foresayd Pope Clement called a Councell at Uienna, where the whole order and sect of Templaries being cōdemned, was shortly after by the consent of all Christen kinges deposed all in one day. After whome, the Frenche king thought to make his sonne king of Ierusalem, and to conuert to hym all the landes of the sayd Templaries: But Clement the Pope would thereto not agree transferring all their lands to the order of hospitulers, for the great summe of money geuen for the same. The cause why these impious Tem∣plaries were put downe was so abhominable and filthy that for the reuerence of chaste eares it were better not told if it be true that some write.

An other matter worthy to be noted of like abhomi∣nation I thought here to inserte touching a certayne Noo∣nery in Fraunce called Prouines, within the which at the clensing and casting of a fishpond were found many bones of young children and the bodyes also of some infantes as yet whole vnconsumed: vpon occasion whereof diuers of the Nunnes of the sayd Nunnery to the nūber of 27. were had to Paris, and there imprisoned, what became of them afterward I finde not in mine author. Arpontacus Burde∣galensis.

In the the same Counsell also was decreed by the sayd Clement, y^t all religious orders exempted, shold be subiect vnder the common lawes as other were.* 83.195 But Cistercian Monkes with mony and great giftes, redeemed their pri∣uileges and exemption of the pope, and so had them graū∣ted Tho. Wals. These Cistercians sped better herein, then did y^e Minorites of Franciscās in theyr suite. Of the whiche Franciscans, when certayne of them had offered vnto the sayd Pope Clement 40. thousand florences of gold, beside other siluer,* 83.196 that the Pope woulde dispence with them to haue landes and possessions agaynst their rule: the Pope asked them where was that money? They aunswered, in the marchant mens hands. So the space of three dayes be∣ing geuen thē to bring forth these marchants: the P. absol∣ued the marchaunts of their bond made to the Fryers, and commaunded all that money to be imployed and reuerted to hys vse. Declaring to the Fryers, that he would not in∣fringe or violate the rule of S. Frauncis lately canonised: neither ought he to do it for any money. And thus the beg∣gerly riche Fryers lost both their money and theyr indul∣gence. Ex eodem autore.* 83.197

Concerning this pope Clement the 5. Sabellicus writeth that he excommunicated the Uenecians, for ayding and preferring of Azoda, vnto the estate of Ferrary: and wrote his letters throughout all Europe, condemning them as enemies of the Church, and geuing their goods as a law∣full pray vnto all men, which caused them to sustaine great harme. But Frauncis Dandulus a Noble man of Uenice being Embassadour from the Uenecians to the sayd Cle∣ment, for the obtayning of their absolution and safegard of their Citty and country,* 83.198 and for the pacifying of the popes fury toward them, was fayne so to humble himselfe before this proud tyrannicall Prelate, that hee suffered a chaine of yron to be tyed about hys neck, and so he lye down flat be∣fore his table, and so to catch the bones & fragmentes that fell from his table, as it had bene a dog, till the Popes fury was toward them asswaged: So that after that, he in re∣proche (because he so humbled himselfe for the behalfe and helping of his country) was of some called a dog. But the Citty of Uenice shewed themselues not vnkinde agayn to Dandulus for hys gentle good will declared to his coun∣try. For as he had abased himselfe before the vile and igno∣minious condition of a dog for his Countries sake: so they extolled him with as muche glory agayne being returned home, decking and adourning him after the best aray, with the chiefe princely ornamentes of the Citty, to make him a∣mendes for his former reproch receaued. Sabel Ennead. 9. li. 7

Concerning the Constitutions of this pope Clement, and of his decretals and Clementines: and how Henricus the Emperour in his dayes was poysoned in receauing of the Sacrament, ye haue heard before. About this tyme Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury (whō thys kinges father had banished before) was released and re∣turned home from Rome.

Those thinges thus declared, let vs proceede (by the Lordes grace) to the next yeare, which is of the Lord. 1311. & the fifth yeare after this kings raygne. In y^e which yeare compting the yeare from Michelmasse, to the same feast a∣gayne, as then the vsage of the Realme was: Peter Gaue∣ston, who had wandred the countryes about, & could finde no safe resting place (notwithstanding he was vtterly ba∣nished, vpon forfeiting life and goodes out of the realm, yet trusting vpon the kinges fauour, and the good will of the Earle of Gloucester, whose sister he had maried) secretly returning into England with a certain company of straū∣gers: presented himselfe to the kinges sight. At the behol∣ding of whom, the king for ioy ran to him, and imbracinge him,* 83.199 did not onely retayne him: but also for hys sake vndid all such actes as had bene in the Parliament before, enac∣ted. The Queene and the whole Court seeing this doting of the king, made an heauy Christenmas. After this return of Gaueston was noysed among the commons, y^e Pieres and Nobles of the Realme were not a little styrred, casting with themselues, what way were best to take. If he were suffered stil they saw not onely themselues reiected, but al∣so that the Queene coulde not enioy the loue of the King, neither could there be any quietnes in the Realme. Again, to stir vp warre in the land, it were not the best: to vexe or disquiet the king, also they were afrayd. But for asmuch as they could not abide, all the nobilitie so to be thrust out and vilepended for the loue of one straunger, & also the realme so to be spoyled and impouerished by the same: This way they took, that Thomas Earle of Lancaster, shoulde be e∣lected among them the chieftayn and chiefe doer in that bu∣sines: to whom all other Earles and Barons, and prelats also did concordly condescend & consent,* 83.200 except onely wal∣ter Byshop of Couentry, whome Robert the Archbishop therfore afterward did excommunicate. which Thomas of Lancaster by the publike assent of the rest, sent to the King (lying then at Yorke) humble petions, in the name aswell of the whole Nobilitie, as of the commons: Desiring his grace to geue the foresayd Gaueston vnto them, or els ac∣cording to the ordinance of the Realme, that the land might be auoyded of him. But the tyrannious king, who set more by the amour of one straunger then by his whole realme beside: neither would harken to theyr counsayle, nor geue place to theyr supplications: But in al hasty fury, remoued from Yorke to Newcastle, where he remayned almost till midsommer.

In the meane season, the Barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able souldiours, comming toward New∣castell: not intending any molestation against the king, but onely the execution of the lawes vpon wicked Gaueston. The king not hauing wherwith to resist theyr power: re∣moueth in all speedy manner to Thinmouth, where the Queene lay. And hearing there that Newcastle was ta∣ken: taketh shipping and sayleth from thence (notwithstā∣ding the Queene there being great with childe, with wee∣ping teares and all instaunce, desireth him to tary with her as safely he might) but he nothing relenting to her, tooke Peter his compiere with him, and coasted ouer to the Ca∣stle of Scarbrough,* 83.201 where he leauing Peter Gaueston to y^e safe keeping of hys men, himselfe iournieth toward y^e coast beside warwike. The Lordes hearing where Peter was, bendeth thether al theyr power: so that at length Gaueston seing no remedy but he must needes come into their hands yeldeth and submitteth himself:* 83.202 requiring none other con∣dition, but onely that he might talke but a few words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaueston being apprehen∣ded, the king hearing therof, sendeth vnto the Lordes, re∣quiring his life to be spared: and that he might be brought to his speech, and so promised, that in so doing he would sa∣tisfie their mindes and requestes, whatsoeuer. About this, aduisement was taken: but then the Earle of Penbroke hearing the kinges promise, perswaded the Barons to graunt vnto his petition: promising himself, vpon loosing all his landes to take theyr charge vpon him to be brought vnto the kinges speach, and so to be recommitted to thē a∣gayne. Which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Ga∣ueston with him, to bring him where the king lay. And so comming to Dedington, not farre from Warwike, leaueth him in the keeping of his souldiours,* 83.203 while he that night went to hys wife, being from thence not farre of.

The same night it chaunced, Guido the Earle of War∣wike to come to the same place where Gaueston was left: who taking him out of the handes of hys keepers, caryeth him to the Castle of Warwike,* 83.204 where incontinent they woulde haue put him to death: but doubting and fearing the kings displeasure, a little they stayed. At what time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsayle as myne author writeth) standing vp among them with his graue Oration declareth the nature of the man, the wickednes of his own condition, the realme by him so greatly endama∣ged, the nobles despised and reiected, the pride and ambi∣tion of the man intollerable, the ruine of things like to en∣sue by him, and the great charges and expences they had beene at in so long pu••••••ing and getting of him. And now being gotten and in theyr handes, he exhorteth them so to vse and take the occasion now present: that hereafter

being out of their handes, they afterward might seeke, and should not finde it.

* 83.205Briefly, in such sort he perswaded y^e hearers, that forth∣with he was brought out, and by common agreement be∣headed in a place called Blakelow, whiche place in other storyes I finde to be called Gaueshed,* 83.206 but that name (as I thinke was deriued vpon this occasion, afterwarde. And thus he, that before had called the Earle of Warwicke the blacke dog of Ardeine, was thus by the sayd dog worowed as ye haue heard. &c. His carkas, the Dominicke Fryers of Oxford had in their Monastery interred the space of two yeares: but after that, the king caused the sayd carkas to be taken vpp and buryed within hys owne Mannour of Langley.

After this, great disturbance began to rise betwene the king and the Lords: who hauing their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout messenge vnto the king at London, to haue their former actes confirmed. Gilbert Earle of Gloucester the kinges nephew (who neyther did holde a∣gaynst the king nor yet agaynst the Nobles) with the By∣shops and Prelates of the Realme: went betweene both parties with great dilligēce, to make vnitie. At which time also came 2. Cardinals from Rome, with letters sent vnto them from the Pope. The Nobles aunswered to the mes∣sage of the Cardinals, lying then at Saint Albans: that as touching themselues they shoulde be at all times welcome to them: But as touching their letters (forasmuche as they were men vulettered,* 83.207 and onely brought vp in warre and feates of armes) therefore they cared not for seing the same. Then message was sent againe, that they would graunt at least but to speake with the popes legates, which purpose∣ly came for the intent to set quyet and vnitie in the Realme. They aunswered agayne,* 83.208 that they had bishops both god∣ly and learned, by whose counsayle they would be led only and not by any straungers, who knewe not the true cause of ther commotion. And therefore they sayd precisely, that they would no foreiners or alians to be doers in theyr bu∣sines, and affayres pertaining the realme. Yet notwithkā∣ding, through the mediation of the Archbishop, and of the Erle of Gloucester: the matter at length was so takē vp, y^t the Barons should restore to the king, or his attourny of S. Albans, all the treasure, horses, and iewels of the fore∣sayd Gaueston taken at Newcastle, and so there requestes should be graunted. And so was the matter at time com∣posed.

Shortly vpon the same, Isabell the Queene was deli∣uered of a fayre child at Windsore, whō Lewes the French kings sonne (the Queenes brother, with other Frenchmē there present) would to be called by the name of the French king: but the English Lordes were contrary, willing him to be called by the name of Edward hys father. At the birth of whiche Edward, great reioysing was through all the land, and especially the king his father so much ioyed ther∣at: that he begon dayly more and more to forget the sorowe and remembrance of Gauestons death, and was after that more agreable to the will of his Nobles.

Thus peace and concord betwene them began to be in a good toward ones: which more and more might haue ben confirmed in wearing out of time, had not Sathan the au∣thor and sower of discord,* 83.209 styrred vp hys instruments (cer∣tain Frenchmen, Titinyllars, and makebates about the kyng) which ceased not in carping and deprauing the No∣bles, to inflame the kinges hatred & grudge agaynst them. By the exciting of whom, the old quarrels being renued a fresh, the king in his Parliament called vpon the same: be∣gan to charge the foresayd Barons and Nobles with se∣dion and rebellion, & for slaying Peter Gaueston. Neither were the nobles lesse stout agayne in defending theyr cause declaring that they in so doing had deserued rather thanke and fauour with the king then any displeasure, in vanqui∣shing such a publique enemy of the Realme, who not one∣ly had spoyled and wasted the kinges substaunce, but also raysed much disturbance in the realme. And for asmuch as they had begon with the matter to theyr so great labours & expenses: they wold proceed further, they sayd, not ceasing til they saw an end therof. To be short, great threates there were on both parts, and a fowle matter like to haue follo∣wed. But agayne through the dilligent mediation of the Queene,* 83.210 the Prelates, and the foresayd Earle of Glouce∣ster: the matter was taken vp and brought to reconcilemēt vpon these conditions, that the Lords and Barons open∣ly in Westminster hall shold humble themselues before the king,* 83.211 and aske pardon there of their doinges, and euerye man there to receaue a letter of the kings pardon, for their indemnitie, and assuraunce. And so passed ouer that yeare, within the whiche yeare died Robert Winchelsey Archbi∣shop of Canterbury. In whose roome, Thomas Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to suc∣ceede: but the Pope, cassating that election, placed Walter Reynald Bishop of Worceter.

In the meane tyme, the Scots hearing this ciuill dis∣cord in the Realme, began to be busie, and to rebell of new through the meanes of Robert Brius: who beyng chased out of Scotlād,* 83.212 by king Edward the first, as is aboue pre∣mised, into Norway, was now returned again into Scot∣lād: where he demeaned him in such sort to y^t Lords there: that in short processe he was agayne made kyng of the Re∣alme: And warred so strongly vppon them that tooke the kinges part: that he wanne from them many Castels and strong holds, and inuaded the borders of Englād. The K. hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water en∣treth the Realm of Scotland. Agaynst whō he encountred Robert de Bruys with hys Scots at Estriuallin, where was fought a strong battayle: in the end wherof, the Eng∣lishmē were discomfited, & so egerly pursued by the Scots, that many of the Noble men were slay ne, as the Earle of Gloucester, Syr Robert Clifford, Syr Edmund Maule with other Lords to the number of 4.2.* 83.213 & knights and Ba∣rons 227. besides men of name, which were taken priso∣ners: of common souldiours 10. thousād, or after the Sco∣tish story 50. thousand slayne. After which time, sir Robert Bruis reigned as king of Scotland.

About which time and in which yeare,* 83.214 dyed Pope Cle∣ment, who keeping in the realme of Fraunce, neuer came to the sea of Rome: after whose death the Papacie stoode voyde two yeares.

The Scots after this exalted with pride and fiercenes inuaded the realme of Englād so ••ore killing & destroying man,* 83.215 and woman, and child: that they came wyning & wa∣sting the Northpartes as farre as to Yorke. Besides thys, such dearth of victuals, and penury of all things so oppres∣sed the whole land,* 83.216 suche moraine of sheepe and Oxen: as men were fayne to eat horseflesh, dogges, cattes, myse, and what els they coulde get. Moreouer, suche a price of corne followed withall, y^t the king hardly had bread, for y^e susten∣tation of his own houshold. Moreouer some there were y^t stall children and did eate them, and many for lacke of vir∣tuall dyed. And yet all this amended not the king of hys euill liuing.

The cause and origene of this great dearth was,* 83.217 partly the warres and dissention betwene them and the Scottes: wherby a great part of y^e land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was, the vntemperate season of the yeare, which con∣trary to the common course, was so moyst w^t aboundaunce of rayne: that the graine layd in the earth could haue no ri∣pyng by heate of the sunne, nor grow to any nourishment. Wherby, they that had to eat, could not be satisfied with sa∣turitie, but eftsoones were as hungry agayne. They that had nothing,* 83.218 weve driuen to steale and rob: the riche were constrayned to auoyde and diminish theyr housholdes: the poore for famine died. And not so much the want of vitayle which could not be gotten, as y^e vnwholesomnes of y^e same when it was taken, so consumed the people: that the quicke were not suficient to bury the dead. For the corruption of the meates, by reasō of vnseasonablenes of the groūd, was so infectious: that many dyed of the f••ixe, many of hote fe∣uers, diuers of the pestilence. And not onely the bodyes of men thereby were infected, but also the bea••es by the pu∣trifaction of the hearbs and grasse fel in as great a morain: so farforth, as the eating of flesh was suspect & thought cō∣tagious. A quarter of corne and salt, from the moneth of Iune to September grew from 30. s. vnto 40. s. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poore. Many were dri∣uen to steale fat dogges and to eate them: some were sayde in secret corners to eate their owne children. Some would steale other mens children to kill them and eate them pri∣uily. The prisoners and theeues that were in bandes, such as newly were brought in vnto them, for hunger fell vpon them, and tearing them in pecces did eate them halfe aliue Briefly, this extreme pemiry had extincted and consumed (as it was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land: ha d not the king by the statute of the Londiners geuē forth commaundement through all his land, that no corne shoulde at that tyme be turned to the making of drinke. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do where he is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wealth and aboundaunce will not surcease dayly to prouoke hys terrible maiesty.

But let vs returne to the order agayne of our story.* 83.219 Af∣ter the Scottes had thus plagued miserably (as ye haue heard) the Realme of England: they inuaded also Ireland where they kept and cōtinued warre the space of 4. yeares. But in fine, the Irishmen (by ayd sent to them from Eng∣land) quitte themselues so well: that they banquished the

Scottes, and slew Edward Bruys, and many of the No∣bles of Scotland with many other, and droue the residue out of the country.

* 83.220The king about the 12. yeare of his raigne, assembled a new host and went into Scotland, where he layd siege to Barwike. But in the meane time, the Scottes by an other way, inuaded the marches of Yorkeshyre, robbing and ha∣rieng the countrey, that they slew much people. Wherfore, the Archbishop of of Yorke, and other Abbottes, Pryors, Clerkes, with husbandmen: assembled a great company, and gaue them battell at a place called Mytton,* 83.221 where the Englishmen were discomfited and many of them slayne: but the Archbishop, and the Abbot of Selby, and diuers o∣ther there escaped. But because there were so many spiri∣tuall men there slayne, it was called therefore the whyte battayle. By reason whereof, the king hearing of this, and partly because wynter did approche, was constrayned to breake vp his siege, and so returned not without great daunger.

* 83.222At this tyme the two Spensers (Syr Hugh Spenser the father, and Hugh Spenser the sonne) were of great po∣wer in England, and by the fauour of the King practised such cruelty, and bare themselues so haughtely and proud: that no Lord of this land might gainsay them in any thing that they thought good, wherby they were in great hatred and indignation both with the nobles, and the commons, no lesse then Peter Gaueston was before.

Soone vppon this, came two Legates from Rome, sent by pope Iohn the 22.* 83.223 vnder the pretence to set agree∣ment betwene England and Scotlād: who for theyr char∣ges and expences, required of euery spiritual person iiij.d. in euery marke. But all theyr labour nothing auailed: For the Legates as they were in the North parts (about Der∣linghton) with theyr whole family and trayne: were rob∣bed and dispoyled of theyr horses, treasure apparell, and what elles they had, and with an euill fauoured handling, retired backe agayne to Duresine, where they said a while wayting for an answere from the Scots. But when ney∣ther the popes Legacy nor his curse would take any place with the Scottes: they returned agayn to London, where they first excommunicated and cursed as blacke a s soote, al those arrogant and presumptuous robbars of Northum∣berland. Secondly, for supplying of the losses receaued, they exacted of the Clergy to be geuen and paid vnto them viij.d. in euery marke. But the Clergye thereunto woulde not agree, seeing it was theyr owne couetouines (as they say) that made them venture farther then they needed. On∣ly they were contēted to relieue them after iiij.d. in a mark as they promised before, further they woulde not graunt. whereof the king being aduertized, and taking part wyth his clergy, directeth his letters to the said Legates in form as followeth Rex Magistro Rigando. &c.

REX Magistro rigando de Asterio (canonico Aurelian. Salutem &c. In Englishe thus.

* 83.224The king to maister Rigand of Asserio (Canon of Au∣relia greeting. We haue taken notice of the clamours and lamentable petitions of the subiectes of our Realme, per∣ceauing by the same that you practise many and sondry in∣conueniences very straunge: neuer heretofore accustomed nor heard of in this our realme, aswell agaynst the Clergy and ecclesiasticall persons as agaynst the layrie euen to the vtter oppression and empouerishing of many our liege people which if should be wincked at (as God forbid) may in processe of time be occasion of greater perills to ensue whereat we are (not without cause) moued, and not a litle grieued. We forbid you therefore that from henceforth you practise not, ne presume in anye case to attempt any thinge within this our Realme either agaynst our Clergy or lay∣tie, that may any maner of way tend to the preiudice of our Royall person or of our Crowne and dignitie Regall, witness the king at wyndsoure the vi. day of February in the xi. yeare of his raigne. Per Concilium.

Likewise in the same yeare the sayd king writeth to the same effect to the Archbishop of Caunterbury as followeth Rex venerabili in Christo Patri. W. eadem gra. Archiepiscopo Cant. In English thus.

The king to the reuerend father in God. W. by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury 1. primate of Englande greeting. We are credibly enformed by many our subiectes that certayne straunge imposicions neuer heard of before within any our dominions vpō lands & tenemēts, goods and cattels concerning testaments and cases of matrimo∣ny are brought into our Realme to be executed vppon our subiectes by you or some others which if should proceede to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherisō of our Crowne, impeachment of our Crowne and dignitie Re∣gall and the intollerable damage of the subiectes of our realme (and to the dew preseruation of the whiche you are bound by solemne othe of alleageance) we therefore com∣maund and straitly charge you, that you proceede not in a∣ny case to the execution of anye suche letters either in your owne person nor by anye other, nor yet presume by colour of the same to attempte any thinge that may be preiudiciall or hurtfull to our Crowne or dignitie Regall. And if you or any other in your name haue done or attempted anye thing by colour of the same, that ye call back and reuoke the same foorthwith without delaye. Witnesse the King at Shene the xvii. of February the xi. yeare of hys raigne.

Peripsum Regem.

The like letters in effect were directed to the Archby∣shop of Yorke, and to euery other Byshop through Eng∣land. By force of whiche letters the greedy Legates beyng restrayned of theyr rauening purpose taking what they could get, and setting a peace (such as it was) betwene the king and the Earle of Lancaster were fayne to pack. Besides the restraynt aboue mentioned for strange impo∣sicions there followeth moreouer the same yeare the kings prohibitiō for the gathering of Peter Pence directed to the foresayd Legate the Tenor whereof followeth.

A prohibition of Peter Pence.

Rex magistro Rigando &c. In English thus. The king to mayster Rigand of Asserio Canon of Aurelia greeting.* 84.1 We are geuen to vnderstād that you doe demand and purpose to leuye the Peter Peny within our Realme o∣therwise then the sayd Peter Peny hath bene heretofore ac∣customed to be leuyed in the time of any our progenitours exercising herein grieuous censures ecclesiasticall to the great annoyaunce and damnifying of the subiectes of our Realme for present remedy whereof our louing subiectes haue made theyr humble supplication vnto vs. And for asmuch as the sayd Peter Peny hath bene hetherto accusto∣med to be gathered and leuyed vppon landes and Tene∣mentes within our Realme after a dewe maner and forme We not willing that any such vnaccustomed Imposicions shall in any wise be made vpon the landes and Tenemēts of any our subiects within our dominions: Prohibite you vpon grieuous payne strai ghtly charging that in no wise you presume to exacte gather or leuy the sayd Peter Peny in any other forme or maner then hath bene heretofore accu∣stomed to be gathered and leuied in the tyme of our proge∣nitours or since the beginning of our raigne: vntill further order be taken in our high Courte of Parliament by the aduise of the Nobles and Pieres of our realm, such as may well be taken without preiudice of our Crowne and da∣mage of subiectes. Witnesse the king at Westminster the first day of march.

Per ipsum Regem & Consilium.

To the same effect letters were directed to the Archbi∣shops, Deanes, Archdeacons and the rest of the clergy. Touching the first originall of which Peter pence though mention be made before in the life of king Offa and others: yet to make a briefe recapitulation of the same according to the Rolles as they come, to our handes thus it followeth. De Denarijs beati petri sic scriptum. &c. That is to say: It is thus found recorded in auncient Chronicles touching the Peter pence of S, Peter,* 84.2 an. 187. Offa king of Mercia tra∣uelled vp to Rome in the time of the Pope Adrian the first to obtaine the Canonizing of S. Albone. And hauing per∣formed his vow, visiting the Colledge of English Stu∣dents which then florished in Rome, did geue to the main∣tenance of the scholers of England Studentes in Rome, one peny out of euery Tenemēt within this Realme that had land belonging to the same, amounting to the yearely value of 30 pence. And for this his munificence he obteined of Pope Adrian that no person within his dominiōs pub∣licke repenting him for not perfourming enioyned pe∣nance should therefore be banished.

Anno Domini. 857. Adewulfus Rex Westsaxonium tempore Leonis Papae quarti Rome, singulis annis 300. Mancusas portari precepit, taliter diuidendas ibidem Viz. 100. Mancusas in honoré scilicet petri specialiter ad emendum oleum, quo impletétur om∣nia Luminaria ecclesiae Apostolicae in vespera paschae & in galli cantu: & 100. mancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli eisdem de cau∣sis. 100. preterea mancusas precepit exhiberi Vniuersali Pape ad suas Eleemosinas ampliandas. Et sciendum quod secundum anti∣quorum Anglorum interpretationem differunt mancusa, & man∣caiquia mancusa idem erat apud eos quod marca argentes: Man∣ca vero erat moneta aria quadra, & valebat communiter 30. dena∣rios argenteos.

Of which Peter Pence is founde a transcript of the ori∣ginall Rescript Apostolicall, the Tenor whereof is this.

Gregorius Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei venerabilibus fra∣tribus Cantuar, & Ebor. Archiepiscopis & eorum suffraganeis & dilectis filijs Abbatibus, prioribus, Archidiaconis eorum{que} offici∣alibus per regnum Angliae constitutis, ad quos literae istae perue∣nerint salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Qualiter denarij beati petri, qui debentur Camere nostrae colligantur in Anglia, & in quibus Episcopatibus & dioces debeantur, ne super hoc dubitari cōtingat, & presentibus fecimus annotari, sicut in Regi∣stro sedis Apostlicae continetur, De Cantuar. diocess. 7. l. 1••.5. sterlingorum. De London diocess. 16. l. 10. s de Rossens. diocess. v.l. 12. s De Norwicens. diocess. 21. l. 10.5. De Elienum v. l. De Lincol. 42. l. De Cistrens. 8. l. De Winton. 17. l. 6. s. 8. d. De Exon. 9. l. 5. s. De Wigorne 10. l. 5. s. De Hereforde 6. l. De Bathon. diocess. 12. l. 5. s. De Saref bur. 17. l. De Couentre. 10. l. 5. s. De Eboram. 11. l. 10. s. Datum apud Vrbem Veterem. 10. Kal. Maij. Pontificatus nostri. Anno secundo.

Summa. 30. marce & dimidi.

Concerning which Peter Pence it is touched in y^• lawes of king Edward the Saint chap. 10. when where of whō vnder what payne this Peter Pence must be gathered be∣ing but the kinges meere almes as is aforesayd. And thus much touching Peter Pēce. Now for other letters writtē by the k. to y^e Pope, the same yeare for other matters as cra∣ning the popes helpe in compounding the variaunce be∣twixt the 2. Archibishaps of Cant. and York for bearing the crosse from the one prouince to the other, thus it followeth that the king greeuously complayneth quod tantae dissentio∣nes. 1. that suche hurly burly and vproare arose thereof that they coulde not meete together in one place through the great multitude of armed men assistants on both partes in the very bearing of the crosse to the great disturbance of the people.

Now after this longe digression to tourne to our En∣glish matters agayne mention was made before of the va∣riaunce betweene the king and the Earle of Lancaster and of a peace concluded betwene them. But this peace did not long endure: which the king by his owne default did break sending to the Scots a priuy messenger) which was taken in the way) to haue the foresaid Earle of Lancaster by their meanes, made away, &c.

* 84.3In the mean time, the Lords and nobles of England detesting the outragious pride of y^e Spēsers, wherby they wrought dayly both great dishonor to the king and hin∣draūce to the cōmon weale: in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made are quest to the king, that he should remoue the Spensers frō his person. For the which, there was a Parliament called at London, & the Barons came together with a great cō∣pany. At which Parliament both the Spensers were ba∣nished the land for terme of their liues: and they took ship∣ping at Douer and so voided the land. But it was not lōg after, but the king (contrary to that ordinance made in the Parliament) sent for the Spensers agayne, and set them in high authority, & ruled all thinges after their sensuall ap∣petites, nothing regarding iustice nor the cominō wealth. Wherfore, y^e Barons entēding agayn to reforme this mis∣chief, assembled their powers: but the king (making so ha∣sty speed, and gathering his people so soone) was stronger then they, & pursued thē so in diuers places: that the Ba∣rons not fully ioined together (some flying, & some depar∣ting to the king, some slayne by the way) in the end were chased so egerly: that in short space, the foresayd Thomas Earle of Lancaster was taken & put to death in the rest of the nobility, to the number of 22. of the greatest men, and chicfest Captaines of this realme. Of whom onely, Tho∣mas Earle of Lancaster for the nobility of his bloud,* 84.4 was beheaded: All the other Lords and Barons, were hanged drawn & quartered. &c. which bloudy vnmercifulnes of y^e king toward his naturall subiects, not only to him procu∣red great dishonor within the realme, but also turned after¦ward to his much more greater harm & hinderance, in his forreine warres agaynst the Scots: And finally wrought his vtter confusion and ouerthrow of his seat royall, as in the sequell of his end appeared, and worthely.

After the ruine of these noble personages: the king as though he had gottē a great cōquest (who then in deed be∣gan first to be ouercomen and conquere himself, when he so oppressed and cut of the strength and sinews of his chiual∣rye) began to triumph not a litle with his Spensers: And to coūt himselfe sure as though he were in heauen,* 84.5 to exer∣cise more sharpe seuerity vpon his subiectes, trusting and committing all to the counsell onely of the foresayd Spen∣sers: in so much, that both the Queene and the residue of y^• other nobles could litle be regarded. Who as they grew euer in more contempt with the king: so they encreased in more hatred agaynst the Spensers: but strength & habi∣lity lacked, to worke ther will.

The next yeare, the king being at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spencer Erle, and Syr Iohn Baldocke a man of euill same to be Chauncellour of England:* 84.6 he thē areared a mighty host agaynst the Scottes. But for lack of skilfull guiding,* 84.7 expert Captaynes, and for want specially of due prouision of vitayles necessary for such an army: the great multitude, to the number reckoned of an hundreth thousand (wandring through Scotland, from whence the Scots, had conuayed all theyr goods and cattell into mou∣taynes, and marches) were so pynched and sterued with famyne, that a great part of the army, there presently peri∣shed: and they that returned home, as soone as they tasted of in eates, escaped not. The king neither hauing resistance of his enemies, and seing such a destruction of his subiects: was forced without anye acte done to retyre. But in his retiring, Sir Iames Duglas and the Scottes hauing knowledge therof, pursued him in such wise: that they clue many Englishe men, and had well neare taken the kyng himselfe. After whiche distresse, the king thus beaten and wearyed with the Scottes, woulde fayne haue ioyned in ••ruce with the Scottes: but because they stoode excommu∣nicate by the pope he standing in feare therof desireth licēce to entreate with them of peace, the sayd excommunication notwithstanding whiche licence beyng obtayned, a treaty was appoynted by commissioners on both parts at New∣castle at the feast of Sainct Nicholas next ensuing and so truce was taken for 12. yeares whereupon this is to be no∣ted by the way (gentle reader) not vnworthy of obserua∣tion that wheras in former tymes and especially of the late king Edward the first, so long as the Scottes were vnder the popes blessing, and we in displeasure with his holines for dealing with them, so long we preuayled mightely a∣gaynst them, euen to y^e vtter subuersion in manour of their whole estate. But nowe so soone as the Pope tooke our part, & the Scots were vnder his curse and excommunica∣tion. Then gat they greater victories against vs then any time either before or sithence, in somuch as being before not able to defend them selues agaynst vs, they nowe pur∣sued vs into the bowels of our owne country.

The king purposing to erect a house of Fryers Augu∣stines within the towne of Boston in Lincolneshyre first prayed the popes licence in that behalfe.

Polidorius Virgilius among other histories of our Eng∣lish nation which he intermedleth withall,* 84.8 prosecuting al∣so the actes and life of this present King, and comming to write of the Queenes goyng ouer into Fraunce: inferreth much varietie and diuersitie of autours and story writers, concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, be geueth hymself no true certainty of that matter, neyther yet toucheth he y^• which was the cause in deede. By reason partly, that he be∣ing an Italian and a foreiner, coulde not vnderstand our English toung. And partly agayne being but one mā ney∣ther coulde he alone come to the sight of all our Latine au∣tours. One I am sure came not to his perusing, an old an∣cient Latine history fayre written in patchment (but with∣out name) belonging to the library of William Cary Citi∣zen of London. In which story, the truth of this matter ••∣out all ambiguitie is there fully and with all circumstaun∣ces expressed, as here briefly is excerpted.

The king of England had bene diuers & sundry tymes cited vpp to the Courte of Fraunce,* 84.9 to doe homage to the French king, for the Dukedome of Aquitane & other lands which the king then helde of Fraunce. Whiche homage be∣cause the king of England refused to tender: the French K. began to enter at such possessions as the king then did hold in Fraunce, Whereupon, great contention and confirtes there were on both sides. At length in this yeare now pre∣sent, a Parliament was called at London. Where (after much altercation) at last it was determined: that certayne should be sent ouer, to witte the Bishops of Winchester, and Norwich, and the Earle of Richmond, to make agree∣ment betwixt the two kinges. For the better help and for∣tification of which agreement, it was thought good after∣ward: that Queene Isabell,* 84.10 sister to Charles then y^e Frēch king shold be sent ouer. Where is to be noted first that the Queenes landes, possessions and castles a little before vp∣on the breach betweene the Frenche king and the Kyng of Englande, were seised into the kinges handes, and the Queene put to her pension.* 84.11 &c. Thus the Queene beyng sent ouer with a few, to attend vpon her, onely Syr Iohn Cromwell Baron, and 4. knightes, tooke theyr passage into Fraunce: by whose mediation, it was there concluded that the king of England (if he would not himselfe come to do his homage) he should geue to his sonne Edward, the

Dukedome of Aquitanie, and the Earledome of Pontine and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to podesle the same.* 84.12 This being in Fraunce concluded, was sent ouer by message to the king of England, with y^e kings letters patentes adioyned for the sate conduct of him or of his sonne. Upon this, deliberation was taken in the coun∣salle of England. But the two Spensers fearing to take the Seas eyther with the king, or els without the king to remayne behinde for scare of the nobles: so appoynted, that Prince Edward the kings sonne was sent, whiche happe∣ned after to theyr vtter desolation, as it followed. For all thinges being quieted & ordered according to y^e agreement in Fraunce, K. Edward of England soone after Michael∣mas, sendeth for his wife and his sonne agayne out of Fraunce.* 84.13 But the sending home most part of her family, reinseth her self•• to returne. For what cause it is not fully certayne, whether for indignation that her possessions and landes were seised to the King, as is afore premised: or whether for feare and hatred of the Spensers, as is likely: or els for loue and familiaritie of Syr Roger Mortimer. For here is to be noted, that the sayd Syr Roger Morti∣mer, with diuers other of the Barōs part, which had bro∣ken prison in England, were fled before into Fraunce, and now resorted vnto the Queene.* 84.14 The king seeing this, ge∣ueth forth in proclamation, and limitteth a certayne day to y^• Queene and his sonne to return: or els to be proclaymed traytours to the King and to the Realme. Notwithstan∣ding, the Queene persisting in her purpose, denyeth to re∣turne, vnlesse the other Nobles which were fled, might be permitted safely also to returne with her. Whereupon, the king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed tray∣tours; and all them that tooke their partes.

Here then began great hatred betwene king & king, be∣tweene the king & the Queene, much preparation of warre great spoyling on the sea, much sending betweene the pope & thē, but that would not serue. Then the K. (by the coun∣sayle of the Spensers) sendeth priuily to procure the death of the Queene and of his sonne:* 84.15 which should be wrought by the execution of the Earle of Richmond, y^e Queenes fa∣miliar. But as the Lord would, that imaginatiō was pre∣uented and vtterly frustrate. Albeit, the Queene yet not∣withstanding, whether misdoubting and fearing what cor∣ruptiō of ••ony might do in the court of Fraunce: or whe∣ther the French king being threatned by the king of Eng∣land, and by the Pope, durst not deteine her: she remoued from thence, & was receaued with Edward her sonne ioy∣ously and honourably, in the Court or country of the Erle of Denawde, Where by meanes of such as were about her a mariage was concluded betweene the sayd Edward her sonne being of the age of 14. yeare,* 84.16 and Phillip the foresayd Earles daughter. When this was noysed in Eng. diuers men of honor & name came ouer to the Queene.* 84.17 And soone after the Erle of Daynawde prepared a crew of 5. hundred men of armes to set ouer the young Prince in his mother into England. Of this, the same sprang shortly through the realm. Wherfore, the K. in all defensable wayes made pro∣iusiō to haue the hauens and portes of his land surely kept, for to resiste the landing of his enemies. On the contrary side, the Queene with no lesse preparation prouideth all things to her expedition necessary. Who when she saw her tyme, speeding herselfe to the Sea coast with Prince Ed∣ward her sonne, Lord Edmund Earle of Kent the Kings brother, Syr Roger Mortimer, the Lord Hygmore and other exiles of Englād, accompanied also with the foresaid Hainawders,* 84.18 of whō Syr Iohn Henawd the Earles bro∣ther was Captayne of Englishmen & straungers hauing with her, the nuūber of 2757. souldiours she took shipping in those partes, & had the winde so fauorable, that they lan∣ded in England at a porte called Orwel beside Harwich in Suffolke,* 84.19 in the Dominion of the Earle Marshal the mo∣neth of September. To whom after her landing resorted Earle Marshall, the Earle of Leicester, with other Barōs Knightes, and Byshops also: namely of Lincolne, Here∣forde,* 84.20 Duresine, and Ely: The Archbishop of Caunterbu∣ry though he came not himselfe, yet sent his ayde and mo∣ney. Thus the Queene well furnished with plenty both of men and vitaile, setteth forward towarde London: so that the further she came the more her number dayly encreased, and the kinges power contrary, decreased, insomuch that as mine author affirmeth,* 84.21 not one almost in all the Realme could be hyzed with any wages to fight on the kinges be∣halfe agaynst the Queene. Neither did the Queenes ar∣my hurt any man or childe, eyther in goodes or any other thing, by the way.

* 84.22At the arriuing of the Queene, the King was then in London, whiche first would not beleue it to be true. After∣ward (seeing and perceauing how it was) he asketh helpe of the Londiners. Who after mature abuisement; ren∣dred this aunswere to the king agayne: that as touching the King, the Queene, and their sonne (the lawfull heyre of the kingdome) they were ready withall duety and ser∣uice to honour and obey. As for straungers and traitors to the realm, they would receaue none such within theyr Ci∣tie gates. Furthermore to goe out of the City to fight, that they sayd they would not,* 84.23 vnles it were so, that according to y^• liberties of their city, they might returne home againe before sonne set. The king hearing this aunswere (whiche liked him not well) fortifieth the Tower of London wyth men & vitaile: commieting the custody thereof to Iohn E∣altham his yonger sonne, and to the wife of Hugh Spen∣ser his niece. And leauing Walter Stapleton Bysh. of Ex∣cter behinde him to haue the rule of the citty of London: he himselfe hearing dayly the great recourse of the people that drew to y^e Queene: For more safegard to himselfe, fled w^t a small cōpany Westward toward Wales.* 84.24 But before his de¦parting frō London, he caused a proclamation to be made: wherin, all & singuler persons were charged vpon forteite of life & goods: euery man w^t all his power to rile & muade the rebelles & destroy them all, onely the life of the Queene his sonne, and his brother reserned. Also that no man, vpō payne pretaxate, should helpe, rescue, or relieue the sayd re∣bels, with goodes, vitailes, or any otherwise. Item, it was also proclaymed,* 84.25 that whosoeuer would bring to the King the head and body either dead or aliue of Sir Roger Mor∣timer: should haue out of the kinges cofers, W. pound.

In contrariwise, the Queene setteth forth an other pro∣clamation, wherein it was forbidden, to take spoyle vio∣lently the value of any mans goodes agaynst the wil of the owner, vnder payne of loosing his finger, if it were 3. d. Of his hand, if it were 6. d. Of his head, if it were 12. d. More∣ouer who soeuer woulde bring to the Queene the head of Hugh Spencer the yonger chopt off from his body: should receaue for so doing of the Queene 2. thounsand poundes. This done, the Queene sendeth her letters to the Citty of London for ayde and succont to subdue the oppressor of the Realme, to the which letters first no answere was made. Agayn, she wrote the second letter, which was then tacked vpon the crosse in Cheape, which was then called the new crosse. The copy and tenour of which letter was this.

The copie of a letter that the Queene sent vnto the Mayor and Citizens of London.

ISabell by the grace of God,* 85.1 Queene of England, Lady of Ire∣land, and Countesse of Pountif. And we Edward the first sonne of the King of England, Duke of Guyan, Earle of Chester, of Pon∣tif, and of Mounstrell, to the Mayor and all the comminaltie of London sendeth greeting.

For asmuch as we haue before this time sent to you by our letters, and howe we come into this lande in good aray and good maner, for the profite of holy Church and of our right deare Lord and king, and all the Realme with all our might and strength, to keepe and mayntayne the Realme as all good people ought for to do. Vpon that we pray you and desire you that ye woulde be helping to vs for the health and profite of the Realme, and we haue had none aunswere of you, nor knowe not your will in that parte. Wherefore we send to you agayne and pray you, & charge you, that ye beat you so against vs, that ye haue nor make no cause vs to greue, but that ye be to vs helping in all the wayes that you may. And were ye well in certaine that we and also those that commeth with vs into this realme, nothing for to done, but that shall be pleasing to God, and common profite to al the Realme. Not els, but for to destroy the Spensers, enemyes to the Realme as ye well know. Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the fayth that ye owe to our Lord the king to the Crowne and to vs, and vpon all that ye may forfeite, that if Hugh Spenser both the father and the sonne our enemies come within your power, that ye do thē hastely to be take, & fastly kept, til we haue ordeined for them our will. And as ye desire profite and honour of vs, and of the Realme. Vnderstanding well if it be so that ye doe our desire and prayer, we shall the more be beholden to you. And also we shall doe you profite and worship if that ye send vs hastely worde agayne of our will.* 85.2

Geuen at Baldocke the sixt day of Octo∣ber.

These foresayd letters being published and perused, the Bishop of Exceter, to whom (as ye heard) was committed the rule of the City: sent to the Maior for theyr keyes of the gates, vsing so sharpe wordes in the kinges name: y^• va∣riaunce began to kindle betwene him and the Cittizens, so farre forth that the commons in theyr rage tooke the fore∣sayd Byshop and beheaded him and two of his housholde at y^t Stādard in Cheape. Then the king went to Bristow, and ordayned sir Hugh Spēser the father there to keep the

Castle and the towne: and the king with Hugh Spencer the sonne, and Syr Robert Baldocke Chauncellour, & the Earle of Arundell went into Wales.* 85.3 And the Queene so pursued them, that first they tooke the towne yelded vp to her: Then they tooke syr Hugh Spenser the father, whom being drawn, and torne, they at last hanged vp at Bristow in chaynes of yron. As the king was thus flying, y^• queene caused to be proclaymed through her army, that the Kyng should come and appeare, and so to receaue his kingdome agayne if he woulde be conformable to his liege subiectes. Who when he did not appeare, Prince Edward his sonne was proclaymed high keeper of the Realme.

* 85.4In the meane tyme Henry Earle of Lancaster, & bro∣ther to the good Earle Thomas which before was behea∣ded, also Lord William Souch, and M. Upphowell were sent by the Queene into Wales to pursue the king: & there tooke him, and sent him to the Castell of Kenelworth: And tooke Hugh Spenser the sonne, and Sir Robert Baldock Chauncellour, and sir Iohn Earle of Arundell, & brought them all to the towne of Hereford, And anone after, Hugh Spenser the sonne was drawn and hanged on a gallowes fiftye foote highe, and after beheaded, and quartered, whose quarters were sent into 4. quarters of the Realme. Syr Iohn of Arundel was beheaded, sir Robert Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where shortly after he pyned away and dyed among the theeues. This done, a Parliament was assembled at London, from whence mes∣sage was sent to the Kyng, that if he would resigne vp his Crowne, hys sonne shoulde haue it after him: If not, an other shold take it to whom the lot would geue it. Where∣vpon, the king being constrayned to yelde vp his Crowne to hys sonne was kept in prison and after had to Barkley:* 85.5 where he is sayd to take great repentance. After this mes∣sage beyng sent, and the king halfe condescending there∣unto (the Parliament notwithstanding prosecuting and goyng forward) there was a bill exhibited and put vp con∣tayning certayne articles agaynst the sayd Kyng, then in prison in the Castle of Barkley, touching his misbehaui∣our and imprudent gouerning of the realme: whiche bill, openly before all the Lordes and commons by the speaker of the Parliament house was read.* 85.6 After long consultation thereof amongest themselues touching those articles, and also for the better and more circumspect gouernment of the Realme from that tyme forth: it was consulted and agreed vppon by the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and com∣mons there assembled: that they sayd Edward was a man not meete to be their Kyng, nor from that tyme forth anye more to beare the Crowne royall or title of a Kyng. But that Edward hys eldest sonne, who there in the same court of high Parliament was present, as he was rightfull heyre and inheritor therunto: so should he be crowned king ther∣of in hys fathers steade, with these conditions thereunto annexed: That he should take wise, sage, and true Coun∣sellers vnto him. That the Realme might be better and more circumspectly gouerned: then before in the tyme of Edward his father it was: That the old King his Father should be honourably prouided for and kept, so long as he liued, according as vnto his estate it appertayned. &c. These and other things thus finished and ended, the Par∣liament breaketh vp, and all thinges necessary to the coro∣nation of a Prince appertayning were in speedy wise pre∣pared, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shalbe spe∣cified.

In the meane tyme as touching the king whiche was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers: that the next yeare following by the meanes of syr Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slayne, with a spit (as is sayd) being thrust vp into his body, and was buryed at Gloucester, after he had raigned xix. yeares.

* 85.7In the time and raigne of this King, the Colledge of Cambridge called Michaell house was founded and buil∣ded by Syr Henry Stantō Knight, to the vse and increase of learning: a thing in a common wealth very profitable And necessary to be had, the want and need wherof, many sondry times, is sooner felt in this realme of ours, and o∣ther Realmes abroad, then is the discommoditie therof, of most men commonly vnderstoode.

About the same time also, was Nicholaus de Lyra, which wrote the ordinary glose of the Bible. Also Gulielmus Oc∣eham, a worthy diuine, and of a right sincere iudgement, as the times then would either geue or suffer.

In the tractation of this kings history, before was de∣clared what grudge did kindle in the harts of the Barons agaynst the king, for reuoking such actes and customes, as had bene before in the Parliament established, both for Pe∣ter Gauestō,* 85.8 & for y^t two Spensers. Also what seuere pu∣nishment the king did execute vppon them for the same, in suche cruell and rigorous sorte, that as he spared none of them, whom he could there finde: so he neuer ceased all hys life after to enquire out and to be reuenged of all suche, as had bene in any part or consenting to that matter.* 85.9 For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was in such hatred of all the people: that as he sayd, he could not fynde one of all the commons to take his part, when need requi∣red. Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Byshop of Hereford: who being unpea∣ched of treason with other moe,* 85.10 was at length arested in the Parliament, to appeare and answere to that should be to him obiected. Many thinges there were layde agaynst him, for taking part with them that rose agaynst the Kyng with matters moe and haynous rebukes &c. Whereunto, the Byshop a great while aunswered nothing.

At length,* 85.11 the Byshop clayming the liberties and pri∣uiledges of the Church, answered to the king in thys form. The due reuerence of your Princely maiesty euer saued,

E∣go Sanctae Ecclesiae Dei minister humilis, membrum eius, & E∣piscopus consecratus licèt indignus ad tam ardua nequeo respó∣dere nee debeo, abs{que} D. Cant. Archiepiscopi post summum pon∣tificem mei directi iudicis, cuius etiam sum suffraganeus, autori∣tate, & aliorum parium meorum Episcoporum consensu.

That is I an humble minister and member of the holy Churche of God, and Byshop consecrate (albeit vnworthy) cannot, neither ought to answere to these so hye matters without the authoritie of the Archbishop of Caunterbury my direct iudge, next vnder the high Bishop of Rome, whose suff••a∣gane also I am, and the consent likewise of the other my fellow Bishops. After which wordes by him pronounced, the Archbishop and other Byshops with him were ready to make humble intercession for hym to the king,* 85.12 and did. But when the king would not be wonne nor turned with any supplication: the sayd Byshops together to the Arch∣bishop and the Clergy, comming with their crosses: tooke him away, challenging him for the Churche, without any more answere making: charging moreouer, vnder the cen∣sures of the Churche and excommunication, none to pre∣sume to lay any further handes vpon him.* 85.13 The king mo∣ued with thys boldnes and stoutnes of the clergy: cōman∣deth notwithstanding to proceede in iudgement, and the iury of 12. men to go vppon the enquiry of his cause: who finding and pronouncing the Bishop to be gilty, the kyng caused immediately al his goods & possessiōs to be cōfiscate vnto himselfe: moreouer, made hys plate and all his hous∣holde prouision to be throwne out of his house into the streete, but yet he remained so stil vnder the protection and defence of the Archbishop. &c.* 85.14

This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey, after whom suc∣ceeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Caunterbury. an. 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham.

After pope Clement the 5.* 85.15 by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant (as ye heard) two yeares and 3. moneths next was elected Pope Iohn 22. a Cistercian monke, who fare in that papacy 18. yeares. He was stout and inflexible, geuen so much to the heaping of riches: that he proclaymed them heretickes, whiche taught that Christ and hys Apo∣stles had no possessions of theyr owne in thys world.

At this time was Emperour Ludonicus Bauarus, a worthy man: who with this Pope and other that folowed hym, had no lesse contention, then had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the thyrd. Insomuch that this contention and variaunce continued the space of 24. yeares. The cause and first origene of this tragical con∣flicte, rose vpon the constitution of Clemēt the 5. predeces∣sor to this pope, by whom it was ordayned as is afore mē∣tioned, that Emperours by the Germayne Princes elec∣ted, might be called kinges of the Romaynes, but might not inioy the title or right of the Empyre to bee nomina∣ted Emperour,* 85.16 without theyr confirmation geuen by the Pope. Wherefore, this foresayd Emperour because he vsed the emperiall dignitie in Italy, before he was authorised by the pope: the sayd Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperour. And notwithstanding, the Emperoure often∣times did profer himself to make intreaty of peace and cō∣corde, yet the Pope inflexible woulde not bend. The wri∣tinges of both partes yet be extant, wherein the sayd By∣shop doth make his auaunt: that he had full power to treat and depose kinges and Emperours at his pleasure. In the same time were diuers learned men, which seeing the mat∣ter: did greatly disalow the Bishop of Romes doynges, a∣mong whome was Guillerne Ocham, whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope, for writing a∣gaynst the temporall iurisdiction of theyr see. And an other named Marselius Patauius, which wrote the booke intituled Defensor pacis, geuen vp to the handes of the sayd Empe∣rour, wherein the controuersie of the Popes vnlawful iu∣iurisdiction

in things temporall is largely disputed & the vsurped authoritie of that see set forth to the vttermost. It is found in some wryters, that a great cause of this vari∣aunce first began, for that one of the Emperours secreta∣ries, vnknowing to the Emperour: in certayne of hys let∣ters, had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalips.* 85.17 At length, when the Emperour after much sute made to the pope at Auinion, could not obtayne his coronation: comming to Rome, was there receaued w^t great honour, where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lordes and Cardinals there, and moreouer, an other pope there set vp, called Nicholas the fift. After which thinges done, the Pope not long after departed at Auinion in France, after whom succeeded then Benedictus 12. a monke of Benedicts order, and rayned 7. yeares. Who by the counsayle of Phillip the French kyng confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursinges that Iohn his predecessour had published agaynst Lewes the Emperour: Moreouer depriued him of his Emperiall Crowne, and also of hys Dukedome of Bauaria. The Emperour vpon this commeth to Germany, and assem∣bling the Princes electors, Dukes, Bishops, Nobles, and the learned in a councel at Francford: there declared before them out of the auncient lawes and customes of the Em∣pire, how it standeth onely in the Princes Electours, and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Ro∣maines (for in both these names was no difference) so that the same Electors in chusing the king of the Romaynes, did also elect and chuse the Emperour, whiche Emperour so by them constitute had lawfull right, without any infor∣mation of the Apostolicall see, to exercise the administrati∣on of the Empyre. And if he were lawfully elect, ought to be annoynted of the Romayne Byshop: which if hee doe refuse, then might hee be annoynted and declared Em∣perour and Augustus by any other Catholicke Bishoppe thereunto appoynted (as by the olde maner and custome hath bene) especially seeing these iniunctions, are but cer∣taine solēnities added and inuented by the bishops, onely for a token of vnitie betweene the church & Empire, to go∣uerne and defend the fayth together. Wherefore in that the Emperour sweareth to the bish.* 85.18 of Rome: in that is to be vnderstand no homage or fealtie made to the Bishop, but onely is a Sacrament & a promise geuē to defend the faith. The which oth or sacrament so geuen, giueth no maioritie to the Pope in any temporal rule, but only byndeth y^e Em∣perour to be priest and ready to defend the fayth & churche of Christ, when need shall require obedience. Wherefore, where as the Pope leaneth onely to the electors authoritie to make the k. of Romaynes, and taketh vpon himselfe a∣lone to make the Emperor that as it is newly brought in & deuised a late by pope Clemēt the 5. so is it contrary both to all auncient order, and also derogatorie to the libertie & maiesty of the sacrate Empire. Agayne, neither is that also lesse absurd and contrary to all right and reason: y^t the pope in time of the imperiall seat being vacant, taketh vpon him to haue the whole & full doinges of the Empyre, as lawful Emperour for the time. Which prerogatiue and function, by auncient orders of our forcelders, shuld properly & one∣ly appertayne to the Palatine of Rhene, the Constitution Clementine of the foresayd Pope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then in the end for his own excuse, he in the presence of them al reciteth the publike confession of his fayth, to answere & purge himself of those obiections layde to him by the pope. This did the meeke Emperour Ludo∣uicke in that Councell: yet all this not withstanding, the sayd Emperour remayned still excommunicate, till tyme variaunce fel betweene this pope Benedict and Philip the French king. Wherfore to make his party good, at least to haue some friendes to flee to: he began to pretend fauour & absolution, rather for necessitie, then for anye good will to the Emperour. But not long after, this Pope died: of who this Epitaph was made.

* 85.19Hic situs est Nero laicis mors, vipera clero, Deuius a vero, cupa repleta mero.

After whome followed Pope Clement the sixt, a man most furious and cruell. Who renning agayne the former excommunications of hys former predecessors, caused hys letters to be set vp on Church dores, wherein he threatned & denounced most terrible thunderboltes agaynst the sayd Lewes the Emperour, vnlesse within three day••s he shold satisfie to God and the Church, and renounce the Imperi∣all possession of the crown. The Emperour vpon this, cō∣meth to Francford, and there ready to stand in al things to the ordinaunce of the pope: sendeth his Oratours to the court of Rome, to ent••eat the pope of his fauour and good will towardes him. To the whiche messengers the Pope answered againe, that he would neuer pardon the Empe∣ror, before he gaue ouer and confessed his errors & here••ies and resigning vp his Empire to his handes, woinde sub∣mit himselfe, his children, and all his goods to the will and pleasure of the bishop, promising that he shuld not receiue agayn any part of the same, but vppon his good grace; as his will should be to restore them.

The heresie here mentioned, which was to this Empe∣rour obiected by the pope was this:* 85.20 because (as is aboue touched) he vsed and executed the Imperiall dignitie after his election, before he was of the pope confirmed. Ouer & besides the Pope sendeth to the Emperour by the sayd O∣ratours, a certayne forme of a bill contayned in writing w^t certaine conditions, which he commaunded to be geuen to the handes of the Emperor. Here if the Emperour Lewis had had as much minde to set vpon the Pope with dint of sword, as he lacked neyther occasion nor power so to doe: what bloud might here haue bene spilled? But the good Emperour sparing the effusion of bloud, receiueth gently the bill: and not onely with his seale doth confirme it, but also sweareth to obserue all y^e conditions therof.* 85.21 Which the pope hearing of, doth greatly maruel. But yet al this wold nothing help to mollitie the modest heart of this Pharao.

The Princes and electors seeing the bill of the articles and conditions, whereof some sounded to malicious defa∣cing and destructiō of the Empire, abhorring the wicked∣nes thereof: desired the Emperour to stande to the de∣fence of the Imperial Dominion, as he had begoni promi∣sing that their assistance & ayde, to the vttermost thereunto should not lack. Upon that other Orators were sent to P. Clement from the Princes, desiring hym to abstaine from such maner of articles conceaued agaynst the state and ma∣iesty of the Empyre. The pope surmising all this to spring from Lewes the Emperour,* 85.22 to the vtter subuersion of him and all his posteritie: on Maundy thursday blustereth out most black curses agaynst hym, also renueth al the former processes of his predecessor agaynst hym, as agaynst both an hereticke & a schismaticke, commaunding moreouer the Princes electors to proceede in chusing a new Emperour. The Archbishop of Mentz seeing the innocency of the em∣perour, would not consent to the violating of his maiesty, wherefore was depriued by the Pope of all his dignities. Wherefore was depriued by the Pope of all his dignitie,* 85.23 The other bishops electors, as the Archb. of Cholē, which tooke 8. thousande markes, with the Duke of Saronye whiche tooke 2. thousand markes, beyng corrupted with mony by Iohn king of Boheme: elected Charles the sonn of the sayd Iohn, whome Pope Clement eftsoones in hys consistory did approue. Who seeth not here what matter was ministred by the P, of warre and bloudshed betwene these 2. Emperours,* 85.24 if the patience of Ludouicke had not bene more prudent to quench the fire, then the pope was to kindle it▪ Charles then the new Emperour elect, sped hym to Aquisgraue, according to the custome, there to be crow∣ned. But by the Citizens there, and the Empresse (Ludo∣uicus wyse keeping there about) was repelled. All this happened in the time and raigne of Edward the 3. King of England,* 85.25 with whō the sayd Charles, with the French k. and king of Boheme, set on by the P. encountred in warre where the king of England, had agaynst them a noble vic∣tory, and ••ue a great number of the Frenchmen and Al∣maynes,* 85.26 and put Charles the new Emperor to flight. In the meane tyme, among the Princes and Citties of Ger∣many what sorrow and what complayntes were agaynst pope Clement and those electors, it cānot be expressed. For as they were altogether at Spires congregated in a gene∣ral assembly, so there was none among them al: y^• allowed the election of Charles, or that cared for the popes processe, promising all to adhere & continue faithful subiects to Lu∣douicke theyr lawful Emperour.* 85.27 But Ludouicke remem∣bring his oth made before to the popes bill, voluntary and willingly gaue ouer his Emperiall dignitie, and went to Burgrauia, where shortly after, through the procured pra∣ctise of pope Clement (as Hieronimus Marius doth write) poyson was geuen him to drinke.* 85.28 After the whiche beyng dronke, when he would haue vomitted out, and could not: took hys horse & went to hun•• the beare, whereby through the chasing & heat of his body to expell y^e venim. And there the good & gentle Emperour wickedly persecuted & mur∣dered of the P. fel downe dead, whom I may wel recount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ. For if y^e cause being righteous doth make a Martyr, what Papist can iustly disprooue hys cause or fayth?* 85.29 if persecution ioy∣ned thereunto causeth martyrdome, what martyre coulde be more persecuted thē he? Who hauing 3. popes, like 3. bad∣dogs vpō him, at length was denoured by the same. The princes then hearing of his death, assembled thēselues to a

new election: who refusing Charles aforesayd, elected an other for Emperor,* 85.30 named Gunterus de Monte Nigro. Who shortly after falling sicke at Franckford through his phi∣sitions seruaunt was likewise poysoned, whome the fore∣sayd Charles had hyred with money to worke that feate. Gunterus tasting of the poysō, although he did partly cast it vp agayn, yet so much remained within him, as made him vnable afterward to serue that place. Wherfore for cō∣cordes sake being counsailed thereto by the Germaynes,* 85.31 gaue ouer his Empire to Charles. For els, great bloud∣shed was like to ensue. This Charles thus ambiciously a∣spiring to the Emperiall seat contrary to the mindes of the states, and pieres of the Empire, as he did wickedly & vn∣lawfully come by it: so was he by hys ambitious guiding, the first and principall meane of the vtter ruine of that mo∣narchie. For that he to haue his sonne set vp Emperour af∣ter him, conuented and graunted to the Princes electours of Germany, all the publicke taxes & tributes of the Em∣pire. Which couenaunt being once made betwene the Em∣perour & them, they afterward held so fast, that they caused the Emperour to sweare neuer to reuoke or cal back again the same. By reason whereof, the tribute of the countryes of Germany,* 85.32 which then belonged onely to the Emperor, for the sustentation of hys warres: euer since to this day is dispersed diuersly into the handes of the Princes, and free citties within the sayd monarchie. So that both the Em∣pyre beyng disfornished and left desolate, & the Emperors weakened therby: hauing neyther bene able sufficiētly since to defend themselues, nor yet to resist the Turke, or other forren enemies. Whereof a great part, as ye haue heard, may be imputed vnto the popes. &c. Hieronimus Marius.

* 85.33This Pope Clement first reduced the yeare of Iube∣ley to euery 50. yeare, which before was kept but on y^e hun∣dreth yeare. And so he being absent at Auinion (whiche he then purchased withhys money to the sea of Rome) caused it to be celebrated at Rome, an. 1350. In the whiche yeare were numbred of peregrines goyng in, and comming out euery day at Rome,* 85.34 to the estimation of fiue thousād. Prae∣monstrat. The bull of pope Clement geuen out for this pre∣sent yeare of Iubiley, proceedeth in these wordes as follo∣weth. What person or persons soeuer for deuotiō sake: shal take their perigrination vnto the holy Citty,* 85.35 the same day when he setteth forth out of hys house, he may chuse vnto him what cōfessor or cōfessors eyther in y^e way, or where els he listeth: vnto y^e which cōfessors, we graunt, by our autho∣rity plenary power to absolue all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Item, we graunt that whosoeuer being truely confessed, shall chaunce by the way to die, hee shall be quite and absolued of all his sinnes. Moreouer, we commaund the Angels of Paradise,* 85.36 to take his soule out of his body being absolued, and to cary it into the glory of Paradise. &c. And in an other Bull, wee will (sayeth he) that no paine of hell shal touche him, graunting moreouer to all and singular person & persons signed with the holy crosse,* 85.37 power and aucthoritie to de∣liuer and release iij. or iiij. soules, whome they list themselues, out of the paines of purgatorie. &c.

This Clement (as mine author affirmeth) tooke vpon him so prodigally in his Popedome,* 85.38 that hee gaue to hys Cardinals of Rome, Byshoprickes and benefices, whych then were vacant in England: and begā to geue them new titles for the same liuinges hee gaue them in Englande. Wherewith the king (as good cause he had) was offended, and vndid all the prouisions of y^e pope within his realme: Commanding vnder pain of prisonment and life,* 85.39 no man to be so hardy, as to induce & bring in any such prouisions of the pope, any more within his lād. And vnder the same punishment charged the two Cardinals to void y^t realme.* 85.40 An. 1343. In the same yeare all the tenthes as well of the templaries as of other spirituall men, were geuen & paide to the king through the whole realme. An. 1343. And thus much cōcerning good Ludouicke Emperour and martyr, & Pope Clement y^• 6. his enemy. Wherin, because we haue a little exceeded the course of yeares, wherat we left, let vs returne some what back agayn,* 85.41 and take such things in or∣der as belong to the church of the England and Scotland, setting forth the reigne of king Edward the 3. and the do∣inges of the Church, which in hys time haue happened, as the grace of Christ our Lord▪ will assiste and able vs ther∣unto.

* 85.42This foresayd king Edward the second, in his time builded 2. houses in Oxford for good letters: to wit, Oriall colledge and S. Mary Halle.

Here I omit also by the way the furious outrage and conflict which happened in the time of this king, a litle be∣fore his death, an. 1326. betweene the townesmen and the Abbey of Bury, wherein the townesmen gathering them∣selues together in a great multitude (for what cause or old grudge betweene them, the Register doth not declare) in∣uaded and sackt the monastery. And after they had impri∣soned y^e monkes, they risted the goodes and treasure of the whole house, spoyling and carying away theyr plate, mo∣ny, copes, vestimentes, sen••ers, crosses, chalises, basens, iewels, cups, masers, bookes, w^t other ornaments and im∣plementes of the house,* 85.43 to the value vnestimable. In the which conflict certayn also on both sides were slayn. Such was the madnes then of that people, that when they had gathered vnto them a great concourse of seruaunts & light persons of that country to the number of 20. thousand, to whom they promised liberty & freedome: by vertue of such writs whiche they had out of that house, first they got into their hands all theyr euidences, copies & instruments, that they could finde: then they tooke of the lead, that done, set∣ting fire to the Abbey gates they brent vp neare the whole house. After that they proceeded further to the farmes and granges belonging to the sayd Abbey, wherof they wasted spoiled and brent to the nūber of 22. manour places in one weeke: transporting away the corne, horses, cartell, and o∣ther moueables belonging to the same, the price wherof is registred to come to 922. li. 5, s. 11. d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasure within the Abbey, which can∣not be esteemed.

The Abbot all this space was at London in the par∣liament, by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down, that 24. of the chiefe of the towne (submitting thēselues) were committed to warde: 30. cartes full of the townesmē were caryed to Norwiche, of whome 19. were there hanged, diuers were put to conuict prison. The whole tounship was condemned in seuen score thousand pound, to be payd for damages of the house. Iohn Berton Aldermē, W. Herlng w^•i 32. priests, 13. women & 138. other of y^e sayd town were outlawd. Of whō diuers, after grud∣ging at y^e Abbot for breaking promise with thē at London, did confederate themselues together,* 85.44 & priuily in the night cōming to the mannour of Cheninton, where y^e Abbot did lye: brast open the gates, who then entring in, first bounde all his familie: & after they had robbed al his plate, iewels and mony, they tooke the Abbot and shaued him, & secret∣ly w^t them conueyed him away to London: where they re∣mouing him from street to streete vnknowne,* 85.45 from thence had him ouer Thames into Kent, at length ouer y^• sea they serried ouer to Dist in Brabante: where they a sufficient tyme kept him in much penury, misery and thraldome, till at length the matter being searched, they were all excom∣municate, first by the archb. of Cant. then by the pope. And at last being known where he was by his friends, was de∣liuered and rescued out of the theeues handes, and finally brought home with procession,* 85.46 and restored to his house a∣gayn. And thus was that abbey with the Abbot of y^e same (for what demerites I know not) thus vexed and afflicted about this tyme, as more largely I haue seene in theyr la∣tine register. But thus much briefly, touching the rest I o∣mit here, about the latter end of this Edward the 2. ceaseth the history of Nic. Triuet, and of Flor. Hist passing ouer to the raigne of the next king.

King Edward the 3.

COncerning the acts & story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing, & cruell death, wrought by the false and counterfet letter of sir Roger Morti∣mer, sent in the kings name to y^• keepers (for y^e which he was after charged, drawne, & quar∣tered.) I haue written sufficiently before, and more perad∣uenture thē the profession of this Ecclesiasticall history wil well admit. Notwithstanding for certayne respects & cau∣ses, I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more, wherby both kings & such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same, the one to haue y^e loue of hys subiects, the other to learne to flee ambition, & not to beare themselues to brag of theyr fortune and state, how hye so euer it be. Considering with thēselues nothing to be in this worldo so firme and sure, that may promise it selfe any certayne continuance, & is not in perpetuall dan∣ger of mutatiō vnles it be fastened by God his protection.

After the suppression of this king,* 85.47 as is aboue expressed Edward his soone was crowned king of England, beyng about the yeare of 15. & raygned the space of 50. yeares, who was a prince of much and great temperance. In feares of armes very expert, and no lesse fortunate and lucky in all hys warres, as hys father was infortunate before him. In liberallitie also and clemēcy worthely cōmended, briefly in all princely vertues, famous and excellēt. Concerning the memorable acts of which prince, doue both in warres and

peace, as how he subdued y^• Scots, had great victoryes by the sea, how he conquered Fraunce. an. 1332. wan Calice, an. 1348. and tras••ated the staple thither, tooke the French king prisoner, & how the French armes first by him was brought in, & conioyned with the English armes, also how the order o•• the Garter first by the sayd k. was inuented and ordayued, an. 1356. also an. 1357. How the king in hys parliament at Notingham, decreed, that al such in Flaun∣ders or other where, that had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabite the land and be welcome. For 3. yeares before y^•, it was enacted, that no wool shold be transported ouer the sea. Which was to bridle the pride of y^t Fleminges who then loued better the sackes of wooll, then the nation of Englishmē. All these with other noble acts of this wor∣thy Prince, although in other chronicles be fully intreated of: yet according to that order I haue begun (saying some∣what of ech kinges raigne, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history) I haue here inserted the same, making hast to other matters, shortly & compendiously abridging them out of diuers & sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.

The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all y^e pompe therof was no sooner ended: but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland, vnderstanding the state and go∣uernment of y^e realme to be (as it was in deed) in y^e queene, the yong king, the Erle of Kent, and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lords and Barons, as he was enformed, did scarsely wel agree amongst themselues (although he grew now in age,* 85.48 and was troubled with the falling disease) Yet thought he this a meet tyme for hys purpose, to make in∣uasion. Hooping for as good successe & like victory now, as but lately before he had at y^• castle of Eustriuelin. Wherupō about the feast of Easter, he sent his Embassadours wyth Heralds and letters of defiance to the yong king Edward the 3. the Queene, & counsaile: declaring that his purpose was w^t fire and sword to enter and inuade the Realme of England. &c. The K. Queene, and counsaile hearing this bold defiance, commaunded in all speedy preparation mu∣sters to be made throughout all the realme: appoynting to euery band captaines conuenient, & at the citty of York by a day assigned them, commaunding euery man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and throughly prouided They directed their letters also with all speede to sir Iohn of Heynault, requiring him with suche souldiors and men at armes as he might conueniently prouide in Flaunders, Heynalt, and Grabant, to meete the king and Queene vp∣on the Ascention day next ensuing at their Citty of Yorke.

* 85.49The king & Queene made speedy preparation for thys expeditiō: The noble men prouided thēselves of all things necessary therunto: the English captaynes and souldiors (theyr bands throughly furnished) were redy at theyr ap∣poynted time and place: Sir Iohn of Heynalt, Lord Bed∣mount mustring his men as fast, was ready to take ship∣ping: where at Wysant (in English Bothoms there lying for him redy) he wēt aboard, and w^t a mery winde landed at Douer, trauailing frō thence by small iournies dayly, tyll he came w^tin 3. dayes after the feast of Pentecost to the City of Yorke: where the king and Queene w^t a great power of 6000. men (within and about the City of Yorke) expected his comming: Before whome, in curteous wise he presen∣ted himselfe, and mustred his troupe, wherin he had to the number of 500. good men at armes wel appointed & moū∣ted. His comming and furniture was well liked both of y^e king & Queene, & was by the Harbinger, appointed to be lodged with his housholde retinue in the Abbey of whyte mōkes. To be briefe, such grudge and variance fel betwene some of the kings souldiors and his, within the suburbs of the towne being together lodged: That from the little to y^e more, whiles the king & Queene with diuers other of the nobles, (straungers & others) were at dinner: the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole army as many as wer in the town then lodged, stood to their defence: so that there was slain of the english archers in short space by the stran∣gers to the nūber of 300. men.* 85.50 Wherupō grew (after y^e fray was w^t much difficultie both of the king & Queene ended) such hartburning betwene the parties: as that the number of 6000. conspired together agaynst thē: thinking to haue burnt them in theyr lodginges, had they not bene by the great grace of God & discrete hādling, otherwise preuented & let. Wherupō the Heynolders were fayne to take & keep the field, vsing as diligēt watch and ward, as though they had bene among theyr hostile enemies.* 85.51 After this, the king set forward his army toward Durham, & encamped hym∣selfe neare about the same: who also sent the Lord Ufford & the Lorde Mounbry to Carlell with a sufficient company to keepe that entrance: and also the Lord marshal of Eng∣land to keepe the towne of Newcastle with a sufficient cō∣pany to defend the same, and the country adioyning. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries, the Scottes must passe into England, standing both of them vpon the riuer of Tyne, 24. miles distant.

But the Scots priuily with their army passed the riuer betwixt the two townes into Englād,* 85.52 few vnderstanding thereof, till that the great fyers which the Scots had kind∣led and made in England bewrayed them: who came bur∣ning and destroing the country al about as far as Stānop park. This thing being declared to the king, he commaun∣deth hys host with all speede to march towards thē, which so long trauailed y^t they came in sight ech of other. The K. also commaunded the passages of y^• riuer to be so straitly & narrowly garded, that by no meanes y^• Scots could retire and haue escaped back againe into Scotland, without bat∣taile geuen them of the K. But the Scots vnderstanding the great power of the king was of, kept alwayes the ad∣uantage of the hils retiring in the nightes frō one to an o∣ther: that w^tout great oddes & aduauntage in the one side & hazard to the other, the king could not set vpon them.

Thus in the day time the Scots keeping the aduaun∣tage of the hilles,* 85.53 and in the night times retiring to the ad∣uauntage of such other like came neare agaynst that riuer where they first passed ouer, where they made a shew to of¦fer battaile to the K. vpon the morow. Wherupon the king being busied in putting his mē and battailes in a readines to fight the next morning, being almost forweried in pur∣suing the Scots frō place to place: the Scots in the meane season gat ouer the riuer and escaped the daunger of the K. Which thing as it could not be done: without great treasō of some neare about the king: so sir Roger Mortimer was grieuously suspected thereof, and after was layd vnto hys charge.* 85.54 But to be short, by this meanes the Scots escaped the riuer, after whome it should haue preuayled the King very little to haue made pursute as the wily Scots knew full well. For the ioy wherof, y^e L. William Douglas one of the Scots Generals, w^t 200. horses gaue a larum in the kings camp: & came so neare, y^t he cut certayne of the lynes of the kings tent in sunder w^t his sword, and retired to hys company without great losse of any of his mē.* 85.55 Then on the morow the king perceauing the Scots to be gone, came to the place where ouer night they lodged, where was found 500. great Oxen and Kyne ready killed: fiue hundred Cau∣drens made of beastes skinnes ful of flesh, ouer the fire see∣thing: a thousands speetes full of fleshe ready to be rosted, and more then 10000. shoes of raw leather (the heare still vpon the same) whiche the Scottes had left behinde them: and fiue poore English prisoners tyed to trees & theyr legs broken. All which seeing the king, returned w^t hys armye (and left anye further pursuing the Scottes) to Durham: where he dismissed his army, and came agayne to London sending with Syr Iohn of Heynalt two hundred men at armes for theyr better safegard against the english archers (with whom at Yorke as you heard they frayed) till they had taken shipping, and so returned home.

The king then being at London,* 85.56 confirmed the liber∣ties of the Citizens, and ordayned that the Maior shoulde sit in all places as chiefe Iustice within the liberties of the same. And that what Alderman soeuer had beene Mayor before, should be a Iustice of peace within his own ward.

Then the king, the Queene, and the counsell sent ouer to the Erle of Heynault certayn Embassadours, touching the solemnisation of the mariage betwene the king and the Lady Philip his daughter: who in such sort sped their mes¦sage, y^t she was soone after conueied ouer to England very honourably, and at Douer ariued. And from thence came to London (some Chronicles affirme to Yorke) where vp∣on the day of the conuersion of S. Paule,* 85.57 the yeare aboue specified, the mariage and coronation of the Queene was w^t much triumph during the space of 3. weekes solemnised.

After which coronation and mariage, the king let som∣mon his Parliament to be kept at Northampton:* 85.58 wherat by the meanes of sir Roger Mortimer and the old queene, a peace was purchased for the Scottes (who had for that purpose sent theyr Embassadours) for foure yeares to en∣dure. Also the king (then beyng within age) granted to re∣lease the Scottes of al theyr homage and fealty which vnto the realme of England by theyr charter ensealed they were bound:* 85.59 as also theyr indenture which was called the Rag∣man Role, wherin was specified the foresayd homage and fealtie to the king and crown of England, by the sayd king of Scots, nobles and prelates to be made: hauing all their seales annexed to the same.* 85.60 Also there was then deliuered vnto them, the black crosse of Scotland, whiche king Ed∣ward before for a rich Iewell and relique had conquered & brought from Scone Abbey: with all suche rites and titles as anye the Barons els, had enioyed in the said Realme of

Scotland: with many other things more: to the great pre∣iudice both of the Realm & discontentation of al the nobles and Barons for y^• most part more then the old queene, syr Roger Mortimer, and the Bysh. of Ely. Who in such force ruled the rost, y^t al the rest of the nobles & barons, cast with thēselues how best they might redresse & remedy the great inconueniences, y^t vnto the realme by meanes of thē grew and happened. Wherupon the king & Queene and sir Ro∣ger Mortimer,* 85.61 caused an other Parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said syr Roger Mortimer was made Earle of March agaynst all the barons wils, to preuent & disapoynt the foresayd purpose of them, but the Erle Hen∣ry of Lancaster with others, woulde not be at the same: wherefore it was sayd vnto theyr charges,* 85.62 that they went about to conspire the kinges death.

And further, for that the king was as well vnder the gouernment of the Erle of Kent his vncle, as the Queene hys mother, and the Earle of March: & for that, they could not doe in all thinges as they lifted for the sayd Earle the k••nges vncle, who loued the king and the Realme: Enuie began to rise betweene the Earle Mortim••r and him, and by Isabell the Queenes practise, he founde, the meanes to perswade the king: that the Earle of Kent (to enioy the Crowne as next heyre vnto the king) went about to poy∣son him.* 85.63 Wherupon the king geuing light credite, caused his said vncle to be apprehended: & w^tout answere making to his accusation & accusers, to be beheaded at Winchester, the third of October and 3. yeare of hys raigne. But y^e iust iudgement of God not permitting suche odious crimes in him to be vnpunished nor vndetected, so in fiue fell forthe: that Isabell the old Queene the kings mother, was found and vnderstood to be with childe by the sayd Mortimer. Complaynt hereof was made to the K. as also the killing of king Edward hys father,* 85.64 and of the conspiracy of hym against the Earle of Kent the kinges vncle before put to death: Whereupon diuers other articles layd agaynst hym and manifestly read in the court, he was araigned and in∣dighted, and by verdit found gilty: hauing his iudgement as in cases of high treason, and suffered death accordingly at London, where vpon London bridge next vnto Spen∣sers, his head obtayned a place. The Queene hys mother also (by good aduise of hys counsell) was restrayned of her libertie, and within a certaine castell not permitted once to come abroad: Unto whō the king her sonne, once or twise a yeare would resort and visite.

This yeare, Prince Edward was borne at Woodstock who in processe of tyme and yeares grew, to be a most va∣liaunt prince, and was before he dyed, accompted through∣out the world the follower of chiualry.

After this, the king prepared an other army into Scot∣land in the yeare prefixed.* 85.65 But first he sūmoned king Da∣uid of Scotland, who had (in the last truce 4. yeares to cō∣tinue as you heard, his father then liuing) maryed the La∣dy Iane, sister to the king: termed Iane make peace, to doe his homage to the king but that he refused. Wherupon, not forgetting there withall the scoffing tymes, whiche dayly from that tyme of truce the Scots had in theyr mouthes: he did somuch that with an army well furnished, he entred Scotland by the riuer of Twede, for the Scottes had then the possession of y^t town of Barwick:* 85.66 the Scottish Gigges & runes were these. Long beards hartles, Paynted hoodes witles, Gay coates graceles, Makes England thristles, To be short,* 85.67 the king wasted the land, burnt, destroyed, & took townes and castels with small resistance or none: and the space of 6. monthes together did in that land what hym listed without any battaile offered to him. For the kyng of Scots was but a child & not aboue they age of 15. yeares and wanted good captaines that should haue defended the realme: in so muche y^t they were all fayne sauing those that kept in holdes for theyr defence to take the forrest of God∣worth, & there kept to themselues so long as the king re∣mained in Scotland:* 85.68 Who at length when he had sufficiēt∣ly wasted, and spoyled, & brent the same, returned toward Barwicke, about the which he bent his siege, vowing not to remoue the same, till he had gotten the towne.

The Scots that kept the same, after a certayne tyme and many assaultes made, were contented vpon certayne con∣ditions to haue deliuered vp the towne: But that the king refused, vnles that all conditions set apart, they woulde w^t bag and bagage depart. Whereupon they condescended to the king, that if by a certayne tyme they were not by the king of Scottes rescued, they would render vp the towne and with bag and bagage depart: & and so the time expired frustrate of all hope & rescue,* 85.69 at the day appointed they did. The king then entred the towne and taried there the space of 12. dayes: who after he had appointed sir Edward Bail∣lew Captayn ouer the towne and leauing also behind him other knightes, Squires, and Souldiors as well to keep the same as other holdes the king had conquered in Scot∣land and fronters therof: He returned with his people to∣wardes London, permitting euery man to depart and go what way them liked.

Then sir Robert de Artoys,* 85.70 a Noble man of Fraunce, and which descended of the bloud royall, being in Englād with the king: ceased not oftentimes to aduertise the kyng and put him in memory of his good & right title to the in∣heritaunce of the crowne of Fraunce. This sir Robert, for a certayne displeasure that Phillip the French king tooke agaynst hym for a certayn plea which by hym was moued before the king: was fayne for the safegard of hys life to flee the Realme of Fraunce, and so came to the kinges Court. King Edward was not vnwilling at all to heare thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that mat∣ter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to the crowne of France. But yet notw^tstanding, he thought it not good to make any attempt therunto without aduised and circūspect counsaile, for that it contayned matter of no small, but most difficult importaunce: neyther yet he tooke it to deserue the fame eyther of wisedome or prowes to let so good a title dye, or so fit oportunitie to passe. Wherefore he calling together certayne of his counsayle, vsed their de∣liberate aduises touching the seriousnes of this matter. In fine, it was by them thought good, y^• the king should send certayne Embassadours ouer to the Earle of Reynault,* 85.71 whose daughter he had maryed, as wel to heare hys aduise and counsell herein: as also of what friendes and ayde, by him & his meanes in this so great an expeditiō to be begon in the Empire, to him might be procured. The king here∣unto cōdescendeth, & appointeth for this Embassage y^• by∣shop of Lincolne with 2. other Barenets, and 2. Doctors: who in such speedy wise made theyr voyage, that in shorte space they returned agayne to the king with this answere That not onely the Earle hys counsaile & aduise,* 85.72 should be herein prest to the king of England theyr maister, but also the whole coūtry of Heynault. And further for that to such an expedition as appertained he sayd, the prouince of Rey∣nault was but a small matter to make accōpt of: he woulde procure for the king greater ayde & friendship in the Em∣pire, as the Duke of Brabant his cousin Germaine, and a puissant Prince, the Duke of Guerles, the Archbishop of Colayne, the Marques of Iuliers. &c. which are all good men of warre, and able to make 10. thousand fighting men sayth he.* 85.73 Which aunswere well liked the king, and made him ioyous therof. But this counsaile of the king as secret as it was, came to Phillip the French kinges cares: wher∣upon, he stayd the voiage of the Crosie whiche then he had in hand, sending forth countermaundes to stay the same, til he knew farther the purpose of the king of England.

The king hereupon himselfe taketh shipping accom∣panyed as to a king appertained, and when he had consul∣ted with all the foresayd Lords of the Empire in this mat∣ter and vnderstood theyr fidelitie: he made hys repayre to the Emperour at whose handes he was well intertayned & honorable receaued, whō the Emp. appointed to be his Lie••etenant generall,* 85.74 hauing thereby more authoritie both to will & commaund such as for this his expedition he tru∣sted vnto, and had made conuention with. This hearing Phillip, prepared his army and rigged hys nauy, that so soone as the K should enter into the dominiō of Fraunce, they also might enter into Englād, requiting like for like.

The king of England, after the feast of S. Iohn Bap∣tist, according to his purpose, prepared all thinges ready to such an expeditiō,* 85.75 cōducting his army & gathering a grea∣ter strength in the Empire, as before to him was promised vsing the Emperours authoritie therein, as his lieftenant general, howbeit at the charge altogether of the K. of En∣gland. The French king as soone as king Edward, had landed his army at Mackline in Flaunders, and hearing of the defiance, which the king and other Noble men of the Empire had sent vnto him: Sent certaine ships lying rea∣dy therunto, and wayting for such oportunitie vppon the cost of England, did so much that vpon a Sonday, whilest the townes men were at the Church little looking for any such matter, entred the hauen of Southampton, tooke the towne and spoyled the same,* 85.76 defloured maydens, enforced wiues, brent, kild, tooke captiues, and caryed away riche Ipoyles and great booties to theyr ships, and so agayn de∣parted into Fraunce. Further, as the king of Englād had allied himselfe with the noble men of the Empire, and had the friendly fauour of the Emperour also therunto: so the French king made the like league and aliance with Dauid the king of Scots, whom the king had so hardly delt with all in Scotland (as partly before you had) and kept the most part of Scotland vnder hys subiection: Binding the

sayd Dauid is well by writing, as oth & pledge, that with∣out his consent he should make no peace nor conclude any truce with the king of England, who agayne assured hym of ayd, and rescue, and helpe, and to recouer his kingdome & dominiō to his vse!* 85.77 and forth with sent certain garisons & bands into Scotland to keepe play with the Englishmen and there to fortifie diuers places till further oportunitie serued. Hee also fortified with men, money, vitayle, and munitiō, the town of Cambrey: which he suspected would be besieged, lying so neare vpō y^t Empire as in deed it came to passe. For, King Edward departing from Macheline, set forward his host towardes Heynault, and by the way assēbled such power, as in the Empirie he looked for, mar∣ching forward still till that they came to Cambrey & it be∣sieged with 40000. men: while that with an other compa∣ny, the Fleminges, Brabanters, and Holenders, went to S. Quentin. But in effect, neyther there, nor at Cambrey nor els where: any thing notorious was achieued, but the summer being well spent and little preuailing in the siege of Cambrey, being of situation strong & wel defenced ther∣wall w^t men & munition: brake vp the siege, & marched fur∣ther into the hart of Fraunce towardes Mutterell. Which thing the French king hauing vnderstanding of, prepared himselfe to geue battaile to the king of England, who with an other great army came to Uirōfosse, where daies were appoynted to meet in battaile: but in the end, nothing was done nor attempted betweene the princes.* 85.78 And the king of Englād (without any battaile either geuing or taking) re∣turned with his army from thence to Gaunt. Concerning the cause of the sodaine remouing of the K. out of Fraunce, seemeth most specially to rise of the pope: which at the same time sent downe his Legates, for the order of a peace to be taken betweene the kings. At Gaunt was gathered by the kings appointment all the nobles as well of England, as of the Empire in counsaile together what was best to be done. Where playn answere was made to the king of En∣gland, that vnlesse he would take vpon him the claime and title of Fraunce, as his lawfull inheritaunce and as King thereof prosecute his warres:* 85.79 It might not be lawfull for them any further, to ayde the king of England, or to fight with him agaynst the French king: for that the Pope had bound them in two millions of Florences of gold, and vn∣der payne of excommunication, y^t they should not fight a∣gainst the lawfull king of Fraunce.* 85.80 Whereupon, the king thought good therfore presently to make open challenge to the Realme and Crowne of Fraunce: and further, to quar∣ter & intermingle the armes of Fraunce, with the armes of England in one Scootchen. Wherupon eftsoones K. Ed∣ward made answere vnto the Pope agayne, directing vn∣to him his letters wherein he declareth at large his right & title vnto the Crowne of Fraunce, purging thereby hym∣selfe and hys cause vnto the Byshop. The copy and tenour of which letter, because it is to long to expresse, it is to be found in the story of Thom. Walsingham remaining in the Li∣brary of I. Stephenson Citizen of Londō, who so hath lift or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope he directed an other to the Pieres and Prelates of France, (he remayning yet at Gaunt) in tenure as followeth.

* The letter of king Edward to the Nobles and commons of Fraunce.

EDward by the grace of God king of Fraunce and of England, Lord of Ireland.* 86.1Vnto all Prelates and the Ecclesiasticall per∣sons, to the Pieres, Dukes, Earles, Barons, and to the commons of Fraunce, greeting:

The high Lord and king aboue, to whome al∣though his will be in his owne power, yet woulde that power should be subiect vnto law: commaunding euery thing to be geuē vnto him which is his, declaring thereby that iustice and iudge∣ment ought to be the preparation of the kinges seate. Wherefore seing the kingdome of Fraunce through the prouidence of God by the death of Charles last king of Fraunce of famous memory, brother Germaine to our Lady mother, is fallen vnto vs by playn and manifest law: And for somuch that Lord Phillip de Valoys, be∣ing the sonne of the Vncle of the foresayd king,* 86.2 and so being farre from the crowne by a farther degree of consanguinitie: through force and vsurpation hath intruded himselfe in the foresayd king∣dome (whilest we were yet in our Minoritie) & so contrary both to God and to iustice doth detayne and occupye the same: And least we shoulde seeme to neglect our owne right and the gifte geuen vs of God, or not to submit our will to Gods diuine ordi∣nance: We haue thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the almighty king haue taken vppon vs the defence and regiment of the sayd kingdome: Firmely purpo∣sing with our selues (as euery good man ought to doe) graciously to minister iustice to euery one, according to the rites and lauda∣ble custome of the foresayd kingdome. Also to renue the good lawes and customes whiche haue bene in the time of Ludouicke our progenitour, adding to moreouer, that which shall seeme ex∣pedient according to the condition and qualiitie of the time. As by any chaunge of coyne or any other inordinate exactions, we intend not to seeke our profites by your detrimentes: when as (the almighty bee praised therefore) we abounde and haue in∣ough. And as concerning the affayres of the Realme, our purpose is not to proceede rashely or by our owne will, but by the dis∣creete aduise and Counsell of the Pieres, Prelates, Nobles, and other our faythfull subiects of the kingdome so farre forth as shall make for the honour of God, the defence and aduauncement of the Church (which in all fulnes of deuotion we doe reuerence) and to the profite both publicke and priuate of all the subiectes thereof, with full execution of iustice by the grace of God to be executed vpon al and singular persons, being earnestly careful for the honour, profite, and tranquillitie of you all. For as the Lorde knoweth, nothing shall be more gratefull to vs, then that by our carefull solicitude peace may be engendered, specially betwixt vs and vniuersally among all Christen men:* 86.3 so that by our concorde the force and strength of all Christen Princes may be ioyned to∣gether for the recouery of the holy land: whiche our Sauiour and redemer hath dedicated with hys owne proper bloud, whereunto we wil indeuour our selues through the grace of the holy ghost. And for asmuch as we haue offered to the foresayd Lorde Phillip diuers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, whereunto he would neyther condescend, neyther agree to any conformation: yea rather moueth against vs vniust warre, to the vtter subuersion of our state: we are enforced of necessitie to the vttermost of our power (for the defence both of vs, and recouery of our right) to defend our selues by force of battaile: not seeking any slaughter of good and humble subiectes, but desiring theyr safegarde and profite. For the whiche cause, all and singular such subiectes of the kingdome of Fraunce, which shall submit themselues to vs as the true king of Fraunce, within the feast of Easter next ensuing: pro∣fessing vnto vs theyr fealtie, and doing to vs as to the Kyng of Fraunce, by duety appertayneth, so as our beloued subiectes of Flaunders haue done alredy, or be ready to offer themselues so to do: all such we willingly admit and receaue to our peace & grace vnder our protection to be defended, them to mayntayne as is conuenient, from all molestation and disquietnes whatsoeuer, in person or goodes hereafter to be inforced eyther by vs or by our officers, vpon what soeuer occasion of rebellion afore passed. And for as much as the premisses, cannot easely be intimated to all and singular persons: we haue prouided the same to be fixed vpon Church doores and other publicke places, whereby the ma∣nifest notice thereof may come to all men, to the comfort of you that be to vs deuout, and to the true information of them, whiche through sinister surmises of our enemies otherwise informed of vs.

Dated at Gaunt the 8. day of February the yeare of our king∣dome of Fraunce the first, of England the 14.

This done, for that the winter then drew on, neyther was there any hope as the time serued, of farther doyng good: the kyng thought best for a season to returne againe to Englande with his company, geuing ouer the warres vntill the next spring and so did, taking shipping and so a∣riued at Douer.* 86.4 When he came to London, it was decla∣red vnto him, of the great spoyle the Frenchmen had made at Southampton: who answered agayne that within one yeare, he doubted not the same to be well payd for & recom∣penced. And according to the same purpose of hys, he lin∣gered no time but calling a Parliament at Westminster: with much grudge & euill will of his subiects, was for the mayntenance of hys warres graunted to him a great sub∣sidie, which was the 5. euery mans goodes, and also the customes of his woolles 2. yeares before hand, and the 9. these of euery mans corne. At the spring the K. agayn pre∣pared his army, & rigged hys nauy purposing to land in Flaūders.* 86.5 But the Archb. of Canterb. then Lord Chaun∣cellour hauing vnderstanding of the Frenche power vpon y^e Sea lying for the k. gaue him aduertisement there of wil∣ling him more stronglier to go or els not to venture. But the king not crediting the Archbish. and being angry with him therefore, sayd that he would go forward: whereupon the bishop resigned the Chauncellorship, & remoued him∣selfe from his Counsayle: then the k. consulting hereupon farther with the Lord Morley, his Admirall, and others (hearing also the same of them) furnished himselfe with stronger power,* 86.6 and committed him to his ship: and did so much, that a few dayes before midsommer, he was vpō the Sea with a great fleete. Before the town of Sluse, y^e french king to stop hys passage, had layd ready a great nauy well neare to y^t number of 20. score sayle: and had made the Chri∣stopher of England (which before the French men took at Southamptō) theyr Admirall: betwixt which two nauies was a lōg and terrible fight. But in the end, the victory by Gods grace fell to the king of England, in which fight he

himselfe was personally. So that of the number of thirtye thousand Frenchmē,* 86.7 few or none were left & escaped aliue, and two hundreth sayle of shippes taken: in one of the which, were found 400. dead bodyes.

After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen (of whom many for feare of the sword lept into the sea) when no man durst bring tidinges thereof to the Frenche king: They which were next about the king,* 86.8 did subborne his foole, to insinuate the vnderstanding thereof by subtiltie of couert words, which was thus. As the foresayd foole being in the kinges presence, and was talking of many things: among other talke, he sodenly brast out (being prompt by others) into a vehement rayling of the Englishmen, calling them cowards & dastards, with many such approbrious words: tending to that effect. The king not knowing whereunto the words of the foole did appertayne: asked the foole, why he called the Englishmen such weakelings and cowards, &c. why, sayth the foole? Because the fearefull and coward∣ly Englishmen had not the hartes to leape into the sea so lustely, as our Normands, & Gentlemen of Fraunce had. Whereby the French kyng began to vnderstand the victo∣ry of his part to be lost, and the Englishmē to be victorers.

This victory atchieued, y^e fame therof spreading abroad in England, first was not beleued till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his sonne, being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops & prelates of the realme, the effect of which letters here followeth vnder written.

* 86.9THe bountifull benignitie of Gods great clemency powred vpon vs of late, for your true certification, and reioycing, we thought good to intimate vnto you. It is not vnknowne (we sup∣pose) to you, and to other our faythfull subiectes, which also haue bene partakers with vs of the same, with what stormes of boyste∣rous warres of late we haue bene tossed and shaken, as in the great Ocean. But although the rising surgies of the sea be merueilous, yet more merueilous is the Lord aboue: who turning the tempest into calme, in so great daungers, so mercifully hath respected vs. For where as we of late did ordaine our passage vpon vrgent cau∣ses, into Flaunders the Lord Phillip de Valoys our bitter enemye vnderstanding thereof, layd agaynst vs a mighty nauy of ships, en∣tending thereby eyther to take vs, or at least to stop our voyage. Which voyage if it had bene stayd, it had bene the cutting of, of all the great enterprises by vs intended and taken in hande, & more∣ouer we our selues brought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies seing vs so distressed in such perils and dangers hath gra∣tiously aud beyond mans expectation sent to vs great succour & strength of fighting souldiours, and a prosperous wynde after our owne desires. By the meanes and helpe whereof, we set out of the hauen into the seas, where we estsoones perceaued our enemies well appointed and prepared with a mayne multitude to set vpon vs, vpon midsommer day last past. Agaynst whome notwithstan∣sting, Christ our Lord and Sauiour hath rendered to vs the victo∣ry, through a strong and vehement conflict. In the which conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well neare all theyr whole Nauy was taken: with some losse also of our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs. By reason whereof, we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shalbe more quiet and safe for our subiectes, and also many other commodities shall ensue therof, as we haue good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we deuoutly considering the heauenly grace so mer∣cifully wrought vpon vs, do render most humble thankes & praise to Christ our Lord and sauior. Beseeching him, thar as he hath ben and alwayes is ready to preuent our necessities in time of opor∣tunitie, so he will continue hys helping hand euer towardes vs, & so to direct vs here temporally, that we may raigne and ioy with him in heauen eternally And in like sort we require your charitie that you also with vs rising vp to the prayse of God alone, who hath begon so fauourably to worke with vs to our goodnesse, in your prayers and deuine seruice do instantly recommend vs vnto the Lord, traueiling here in these foreigne countries and studying to recouer not onely our right here in Fraunce: but also to ad∣uaunce the whole Catholicke Churche of Christ and to rule our people in iustice. And that also ye call vpon the Clergy and peo∣ple, euery one through his diocesse to do the same, inuocating the name of our Sauiour, that of hys mercy he will geue to vs his hū∣ble seruaunt a docible hart, so to iudge and rule hereupon rightly doing that which he hath commaunded: that at length we may at∣taine to that which he hath promised. &c. Which letter was writ∣ten to the Byshops and prelates. an. 1340.

After this foresayd victory vpon the sea, & newes ther∣of with due thanks to our Sauiour sent into England: the Kyng striking into Flaunders, came to Gaunt in Bra∣baute where hee had left the Queene, who ioyfully recea∣ued him, being a little before purified or churched as we terme it of her fourth sonne, whose name was Iohn and commonly called Iohn of Gaunt, and was Erle of Rich∣monde, and Duke of Lancaster.* 86.10 At Uillenorth the king assembled his councell, whereat the noble men of Fraunce Brabant and Hennalt conioyning together in most firme league the one to helpe and defend the other, with the king of England,* 86.11 agaynst the French king, purposing and de∣termining from thence to march toward Turncy & it to be∣siege. But the French king vnderstanding theyr counsell, fortified and victualed the same before theyr comming thi∣ther. Furthermore the sayd Frenche king the same tyme to stop the sige of king Edward, sent w^t king Dauid of Scot∣land a great power, to that intent to make inuasiō in En∣gland, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remoue hys siege. In the meane time while king Edwarde wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous, making vnto him certain requestes, as in the same his letters here folowing is to be seen: who for y^e he wrote not vnto him as K. of France but by y^e name of Philip de Ualous, refused to answer him tou¦ching the same as by their letters here placed may be seene.

* The letter of the king of England, to Phillip de Valous the French king, goyng to the siege of Turney.

PHillip de Valous,* 87.1

of long time we haue gently requested you by our Embassadours (by all the reasonable meanes we might) to that intent you should haue rendered vnto vs our lawful right and inheritaunce to the crowne of Fraunce which from vs a long time you haue by great wrong and force deteined. And for that we well perceaue you meane to perseuere in the same your pur∣pose and iniurous detinue, without making any reasonable aun∣swere to our demaund. We let you vnderstand, that we are entred into the country of Flaunders, as the soueraigne Lord of the same and so passe through the country: and further signifie vnto you, how that by the helpe of our Sauiour Iesus Christ and our righ∣teous cause therein, and with the power of the sayd country, our people, and allyes: we purpose to recouer the right which we haue to that inheritaunce you deteine from vs by your iniurious force and therefore approche we towardes you to make a shorte end of this our rightfull challenge if you also will doe the like. And for that so great an host assēbled which we bring with vs on our part (supposing you also on the other part to doe the like) cannot lōg remayne together without great destruction both to our people and country, which thing euery good Christian ought to eschue: especially Princes and others which haue the gouernment of the same, auoyding by as short an end as may be, the mortality of chri∣sten men, according as the quarrell is apparaunt betweene you and me. For the which causes here touched, let the challenge (if you thinke meete) betweene our own persons and bodyes discus∣sed, that the great Nobillitie and prowesse of each other, may of e∣uery one be seene. And if you refuse this way, then let there (to fi∣nish this challenge) be an hundreth of the best souldiours you can chuse out of your part, matched with so many of our liege subiects to try the same. And if of these two wayes you refuse both the one & the other, then that you will assigne vnto vs a certain day before the town of Turnay, to fight with vs power agaynst power, which may be within ten dayes next insuing after the date of these our letters, offering the sayd conditions vnto you aboue specified (as we would all the world to know and vnderstand) not vppon anye orgoile, presumption or pride we take therein, but for the causes before alledged, and to the end that (the will of our sauiour Iesus Christ betwixt vs two herein declared and shewed) rest and peace might grow amongst Christen men. The power and force of gods enemies abated: and in fine, the limites of Christianitie enlarged and enfranchised. And therefore hereupon consider with your selfe what way you will take concerning our foresayd offers, and by the bearers of these our letters send vnto vs herein quicke and speedy aunswere.

Geuen vnder our great seale at Chyn in the playne of Leece the xxvii, day of this present month of July.

* The aunswere of the Lord Phillip de Valois vnto the letter aforesayd.

PHillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce, to Edward king of England.* 88.1

We haue seene the letters whiche you haue sent vnto our Court to Phillip de Valois, wherein are contayned certayne requestes which you make to the sayd Phillip de Valois. But for that the sayd letters come not as directed vnto vs, neyther yet the sayd requestes seeme to be made vnto vs (which thing clearely by the tenour of the sayd letters appeareth) we therefore write vnto you no aunswere touching the same. Notwithstanding, this suffi∣seth that we vnderstand by the said letters of yours, as also other∣waies, that you are entred into our Realm of Fraunce, to the great damage both vnto vs, our realme and people (more proceeding of wil, then reason) & not regarding that which a liege man ought to do vnto his Lord. For you are entred into our homage by you lie∣ged vnto vs, acknowleging your self as reasō is a liege mā vnto the

king of France: and haue promised vnto vs such obeisance as men are wont to do vnto their liege Lordes (as more plainly by your letters patēts appeareth, ensealed with your great seale, the which we haue with vs) for the which thing we will you to vnderstande: that our purpose is (when it shal seme good vnto vs) to driue you out of our realme, to the honor both of vs and our kingdome, and to the profité and commodity of our people. And this thing to do we haue firme and assured hope in Iesus Christ, from whome we haue all our power and strength. For, by your vnreasonable de∣maund more wilful then reasonable, hath bene hindred and staide the holy voyage to those partes of beyonde the seas, where a great number of Christen men haue bene slaine: the deuine seruice di∣minished, and the seruice of the churche lesse reuerenced. And as touching that where you say, ye intende to haue the obeysance of the Flemmings, we thinke and beleeue that the good people and commons of that country will behaue themselues in such sort to∣ward our Cosin the Countes of Flaunders their Ladie, as it be not their reproche, and to vs their soueraigne Lorde, they will respect their honour and loialty. And that thing wherein they haue done otherwise then well hitherto, hath beene by the euill counsaile of such people, as neither regarde the weale publike, nor honour of their countrey, but their owne onely gaine and commoditie.

Ge∣uen in the fielde neere adioyning to the Priorie of S. Andrew vn∣der our priuie Seale, in absence of our great Seale, the 30. day of Iuly. An. 1340.

* 88.2Mention was made a little before of Dauid King of Scots whome the French king had supported and stirred vp against the king and realme of England: which Dauid (with the aide of the Scots and Frenchmen) did so muche preuaile, y^t they recouered almost againe al Scotlād which before he had lost, and was cōstrained to liue in the forrest of Gedworth many yeres before. Then inuaded they En∣land, & came with their armie, wasting and burning the countrey before them, till they came as farre as Durham. & then returned againe into Scotland, where they recoue∣red all their holdes againe, sauing the towne of Barwike. Edenborough they tooke by a stratageme or subtile deuise practised by Douglas & certaine other: who apparaising themselues in poore mens habites, as vitailers with corne and prouender & other things, demanded the porter early in the morning what neede they had thereof, who nothing mistrusting opened the outward gate, where they shoulde tary til y^e Captaine rose: and perceiuing the Porter to haue the kaies of the inward gate,* 88.3 threw downe their sackes in the outward gate, that it might not be shut againe, & slewe the Porter, taking from him the kaies of the towne. Then they blew their horne as a warning to the bandes, which priuily they had laid not farre off: who in hastie wise com∣ming, & finding the gates ready opened entred vpon the sodaine and killed as many as them resisted, and so obtai∣ned againe the citie of Edenborough.

The Scots thus being busie in England, the Frenche king in the meane season gathered together a puissaunt power purposing to remoue the siege frō Turnay: and a∣mong other, sent for the king of Scots, who came to hym w^t great force, besides diuers other noble men of France: in so much that the French king had a great army, & thought himselfe able inough to raise the siege, and thither bent his host. But the French K. for al this his foresaid huge pow∣er & force, durst not yet so neare approch the king, as either to geue him battaile, or els remoue his siege: but kept him self w^t his army aloofe, in a sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burnt spoiled, and destroyed the coūtry 20. miles in maner com∣passe about Turnay,* 88.4 and tooke diuers and sundry stronge townes and holds at Ortois, Urles, Greney, Archis, O∣dint, S. Amand, and the towne of Lis••e, where he slewe a∣boue 300. men of armes, and about S. Omers, he slue and kild of noble men, the Lorde of Duskune, of Mauris••elou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, of Mounfaucon, and other Barons to the number of 14. and also slue and killed aboue 130. Knightes, being all men of great possessions and prowesse, and tooke other small cities and townes to the number of 300. Yet for all thys, Phillip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieue his owne men: but of hys great armie hee lost (which is to be marueiled at, being in the midst of his own countrey) by famine & other inconueniences, & for want of water more then 20000. men without any battaile by hym geuen. Whereupon at the treatie of the sayde Phillip by hys embassadours to the king sent, and by the mediation of the Lady Iane, sister to the sayd Philip, & mother to the Earle of Henault, whose daughter king Edwarde as you heard had married: A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one yeare was concluded, the king of Englande being very vnwilling and loth therunto. Yet notwythstanding, partly by the instance of the foresayd Lady, but specially for y^t the king was greatly disappoynted, through the negli∣gence of his officers in England, which sent hym not ouer such mony as he neded, for the continuance of hys warres and paiment of his soldiors wages (y^c articles being some∣what reasonable) he agreeth to the truce therof, the cōditi∣ons of which truce there concluded, heere followe vnder wrytten.

• 1. First,* 88.5 that during the sayde truce, no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breache of the same.
• 2. Item, that during the sayd respite or truce, eyther of the Princes, their helpers, coadiutors, and allies whatsoeuer: shall remaine and be in the quiete possession of all such pos∣sessions, holdes, territories and landes, as at thys pre••ent day, they kepe and enioy within the realme and dominion of Fraunce, in what maner so euer they haue atchieued the same, during the sayd truce.
• 3. Item, that the sayd princes their aiders, coadiutors, and allies whatsoeuer: shall passe safely from one country to an other, and all marchants with theyr marchandise, as well by sea as by land as accustomably they haue ben wont: ex∣cept such banished men as haue ben banished out of y^t sayd realmes, or any of them for other causes, then the warres betwene the sayd princes.
• 4. Item, that the said two princes shal not procure either by themselues or any other, any practice or other molesta∣tion to be made the one to the other, by y^c byshop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoeuer: ey∣ther for the warres begon, or any other cause, nor for the seruice of any of their allies, coadiutors, and aiders, or any of them. And that our holy father the Pope nor any other, shal disturbe or molest either of the sayd two kings during the sayd time.
• 5. Item, that immediatly after the truce be proclaimed in both the hostes, that they may stand bound of either side, to kepe and obserue al and euery such article as shalbe there∣in contained.
• 6. Item, that wythin 20, dayes next and immediately en∣suing, eache of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoyne and Guyen, and other their lands these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better obserued, kept, and knowne.
• 7. Item, if by any the sayd princes, their allies, people or coadiutours, any siege be layd in Gascoyne, or the Dutchy of Guyen, or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Ger∣sey, or any other: that the same sieges be raised, so soone as they shall heare of thys truce.
• 8. Item, that suche as are theeues and fugitiues out of the Countrey of Flaunders, shall not returne during the truce: and if they do, that then such as apprehēd them, shal see iustice done vpon them, and forfaite all the goodes they haue in Flaunders.
• 9. Item, it is accorded, that the debtes due to Arras, Tresponois, or other titles of Fraunce, shal neither be de∣maunded, nor executed during the sayd truce.
• 10. Item, that all suche prysoners as haue bene taken du∣ring these warres, shalbe released out of prison & sent home vpon theyr faith and othe to returne, if they be not raunso∣med during the sayd truce. And if any shal refuse so to doe, that then the Lord vnder whom he is, shall constraine him to returne againe to prison.
• 11. Item, that all the bandes whatsoeuer they be, whyche be made before thys sayde truce in the time of warre (whe∣ther they be of goods spirituall or temporall) be released w^t∣out restitucion, during the sayd truce.
• 12. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect betwene the Englishmen & Scots, their Lords, aiders and allies: and the same to endure vntill the Nati∣uitie of S. Iohn Baptist. And that certain persons be ap∣pointed by a certaine day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirme the same truce, vnder such cōdi∣tions as haue bene accustomed in those partes. And if the said Scottes refuse so to doe, that then they to haue no aide out of Fraunce, during the sayd truce.
• 13. Item, that this sayd truce be proclaimed in England, and in Scotlād, wythin the 26. dayes after the date therof.
• 14. Item, it is accorded that within this truce be contay∣ned Espamels, Chatellon, Geneuos, the Byshop and the towne of Cambrey, and castels of the same, &c.

In witnes wherof, we Iohn by the grace of God king of Bohemia, and Earle of Luxemburgh, Adulphe Byshop of Liege, Raoule Duke of Loreine, Ayemes Earle of Sa∣uoy, & Iohn Earle of Darminacke on the one party: And B. Duke of Brabante, C. Duke of Gelre, D. Marques of Iuliers, sir Iohn of Henault, and sir Beawmount on the other party, betwixt the high & puissant princes of France and England: Have scaled thys instrument of truce and

peace, and deliuered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline, on monday the 25. day of September, the yere of grace. 1340.

* 88.6This truce thus finished, king Edwarde brake vp hys campe, remoouing his siege from Tourney, & came againe to Gaunt. Frō whence (very early in the morning) he w^t a small company tooke shipping, and by long seas came to the tower of Lōdon, very few or none hauing vnderstan∣ding thereof. And being greatly displeased with diuers of his counsel and high officers (for that through their default he was constrained against his will, not hauing money to maintaine hys warres,* 88.7 to condescende vnto the foresayde truce) he commanded to be apprehended and brought vnto him to the tower, the Lorde Iohn Stonhore chiefe iustice of England, and syr Iohn Poulteney with diuers others. and the next morning, he sent for the Lorde K. Byshop of Chichester and the Lord Wake, the Lorde Treasurer & di∣uers other such that were in authority and office, and com∣manded them al to be kept as prisoners in the said tower,* 88.8 onely the sayd byshop excepted: whom for feare of the con∣stitution of Pope Clement, whych commaunded that no Byshop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at libertie & suffered him to goe his way, & in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight, Lord Chauncelour of England.

The historie intreating of this matter, reporteth thus that the king had this time vnder him euil substitutes, and couetous officers:* 88.9 who attēding more to their owne gain, then to the publike honour and commoditie of the realme, left the king destitute and naked of money. Wyth whyche crime,* 88.10 also Iohn Stratford Archbishop then of Caunter∣bury, was vehemētly noted and suspected, whether of hys true deserning, or by the setting on of other hereafter shall more appeare. In so much that the king ardently incensed against him, charged him with great falshode vsed against his person, as by these his letters wrytten and directed to the Deane and Chapter of Paules against the sayd Arch∣bishop manifestly appeareth, the tenor of which letter here followeth vnder written.

Edward by the grace of God king of England and Fraunce, and Lord of Ireland. To his welbeloued in Christ the Deane and Chapter of the Church of S. Paul in London, greeting in the Lord.

* 89.1IT is manifest by ancient hystories, but more plainely appeareth by those which daily are practised amongest vs: that many men abusing (through pride) the fauour of Princes, and honour besto∣wed vpon them, haue maliciously gone about to depraue the lau∣dable endeuour of kings. And nowe that the woordes which we speake may be more manifest vnto our subiects: we suppose that neither you nor they haue forgotten, that we being established in our kingly throne in yonger yeres, and coueting euen then to guide this our regal charge taken vpon vs with wholesome coū∣sailes, haue called vnto vs Iohn the Bishop of Winchester, nowe Archb. of Cant. whom we supposed for his fidelity and discretion to excede others: whose counsaile in matters appertaining vnto the health of our soule, as in matters also respecting the augmen∣ting and conseruation of our kingdome both spiritually & tem∣porally, we vsed: he was receiued of vs into all familiaritie. Wee found in him also such humanity, that he was saluted by the name of father, and of all next vnto the king had in honour. Now after∣wards, when by right of succession the kingdome of France shuld haue descended vnto vs, and was by violent iniurie by the Lorde Philip of Valois holden from vs: the said Archb. by his importune instancie, perswaded vs to enter league of amity with the princes of Almanie, against the sayde Phillip, and to commit our selfe and ours vnto the hazard of warres, promising and affirming that he woulde bring to passe, that the reuenues of our landes and other helpes by him deuised, shoulde suffice aboundantly for the main∣tenance of our said warres. Adding moreouer, that our only care should be for the furniture of strong and able souldiours, such as were fit for the purpose, and expert in warfare: for the rest, he him¦selfe would effectually procure, for money conuenient to suffice our necessitie, and the charges thereof. Whereuppon (entending great exployts) we conueyed our army beyond the seas, and with marueilous great charges (as behoued) we set forwarde: we be∣came also bound in great summes of mony, making sure accompt of the aide aforesaid promised vnto vs. But alasse, vnhappy is that man that reposeth confidence in mans deceitfull staffe of brittle reede: wherunto (as sayth the Prophet) if a man leane, it breaketh and pearceth the hand. Thus being defrauded of our long looked for subsidie, for very necessities sake, we were constrained to take vpon vs importable charges of debts by grieuous vsurie. And so, our expedition being staied, we were compelled to retyre into England, desisting from our enterprises so valiantly begun. Now, when we were returned into England, we laide before our Arch∣bishop our manifold calamities and misfortunes before rehersed, and thereuppon called a Parliament: wherein the Prelates, noble men and other the faithfull subiectes of our dominions, graunted vnto vs a new subsidie of corne, lambe, wool. &c. besides the tenth graunted by the Cleargie: which subsidie (if it had bene faithfully collected and obtained in due time) had greatly auailed for the expedition of our sayd warres, the paiment of our debts, and con∣fusion of our enemies. Our saide Archbishop promised diligently to do his endeuour, as well in collecting the same, as also in pro∣curing other necessaries to serue to our purpose. Wherupon, tru∣sting vnto these faire promises, hauing all thinges in a readynesse both men and furnished ships, we made saile towards Flaunders, and by the way vpon the dangerous seas buckeled with our ene∣mies (sworne to the destruction of our English nation) of whome we triumphed and were victors, not by our merites (their multi∣tude farre exceeding ours) but by the mercifull clemencie of him that ruleth both winde and sea. Which being done, we passed frō thence with a mighty power for the recouery of our right, & pit∣ched our rentes neare vnto the puissant citie of Tornaye: whe••e being deteined for a time in the siege therof, wearied with conti∣nuall toyle, our charges still encreasing, awaiting with silence our promysed ayde: day by day, wee hooped from oure Archby∣shoppe to receiue succoure in these our so great necessities. At length being frustrate of all conceyued hope, wee signified vnto our sayde Archbyshop, and other his adherents, by diuers messen∣gers and sundry letters, our great necessitie and perils which we were in for lacke of the sayd subsidie, graunted vnto vs. We added also the vtilitie and honour, which we sawe might be atchieued if we had receiued money in time. All this notwithstanding, we re∣ceiued from them no succour at all, for that, preferring their pri∣uate businesse and proper commodities, they cloked their slouth, or rather (as I may call it) their fraude and malice with vaine ex∣cuses: and painted glosing wordes, like vnto the deceitful, which (as saith Esay) vse to deride with these words: Manda remāda. &c.

By meanes whereof (alasse for sorrowe) it came to passe, that whiles good hope of subduing our ennemies gratiously smiled vppon vs, we were constrained (penurie preuailing against vs) to take truce to our shame, the hinderance of our expedition, and no smal reioysing of our euil willers: and so we returned into Flaun∣ders all voide of mony, oppressed with infinite debts, neither had we in our treasuries wherewith to discharge our necessities, nor yet to pay our soldiours wages: in so much, that we were compel∣led to enter into the deuouring gulfe of vsurie, and to sustaine on our shoulders great burdens of debts, heape vppon heape. This being done, our faithfull frends, companions in warres, and par∣takers of our tribulations came vnto vs, with whome we consul∣ted diligently by what meanes wee might best deliuer our selues from this dangerous storme of euill fortune.* 89.2 They all agreed, affir∣ming certainely, that the protracting of our warres, and cause of our manifolde necessity happened vnto vs through the fault and negligence (or rather the malice) of the sayd Archb. (vpon whose discretion the disposition of the whole kingdome seemed to de∣pend) and other officers whom we had adioyned in counsail with him touching the affaires of our kingdome: vehemently swearing and murmuring amongst themselues (for that we had left so long vncorrected the insolencie of the byshops and other officers) that if remedy in these cases were not had with spede: they wold with∣drawe themselues from our allegeance, and the couenaunt which they had sworne vnto: to the vtter subuersion of our kingdome, our perpetuall ignominie, and the euerlasting shame of our Eng∣lish nation (which God our most mercifull father forbid, shoulde come to passe in our daies, in whom is fixed immoueably the an∣chor of our hope.)* 89.3 Whereuppon entending the due correction of our officers, we remoued from offices (as semed good to our wis∣dome) diuers persons, whom we suspected in causes euidēt of euil administration of iustice, of subuersion, and oppressiō of our sub∣iects, of corruption, of bribes, and other hainous offences. Others also of inferiour degree offending in the premisses, we caused to be deteined in safe custody, least by their liberty, iustice might be troden vnder foote, and the inquisition of the trueth concerning the premisses not to come to light. Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the trueth in these cases might of none more cer∣tainly be knowen, then from the secrete brest of our sayd Archbi∣shop, for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him, vnto whome of so long a time had bene committed the administration of our whole common weale, and summe of our businesse: Wee sent vnto him our faithfull subiect Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandement from vs (all delayes set a part) that he should forthwith make his personall appearance be∣fore vs at our City of London. But he (as one alwaies timerous as wel in prosperity as in aduersity, and fearing where no feare was) vntruely alleageth that some of our assistents had threatned hym, and laid wait for his life, if at any time he departed frō the Church of Cant. which (God wee take to witnesse and a pure conscience) wee neuer meant nor any of our assistents.

Wee suppose he touched thereby our Cousin,* 89.4 although to all other aswell of the cleargy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious.

Wherfore, intending the safegarde of our subiects by letters or otherwise called before vs, we appoynted our trustie and wel∣beloued Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger, to offer vnto hym safe∣conducte: and moreouer to present vnto him our letters patentes vnder our seale, willing and commanding him therby againe per∣sonally to come before vs, that we might be enformed what of so long a time hee had done touching the affaires of the kyngdome. Wherunto,* 89.5 contemning our commanndement & gentle request, he answereth, that neither he wold in person appeare, neither yet in any matter conferre wyth vs, except it were in a full Parlia∣ment which for diuers reasonable causes coulde not then be cal∣led. Thus may you see this archb. (whom our royal benignity had amplified wyth large honours, admitted into all familiarity, recei∣ued into the bonde of vnnimitie and frendship, vpon whome as on a father our whole hope did consist: who, so long as wee ac∣complished his will in all things, pretended towardes, vs a face of counterfet loue cloaked wyth dissembling beneuolence, euen as though he had bene a louing father) howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken vs, requiting benefits with ingratitude, op∣pressing his benefactour wyth the arrogancie of feare:* 89.6 and finally (according to the vulgare prouerbe) rewarded vs as a horse in a satchell, a Snake in a mannes bosome, and fire cherished next the skinne rewardeth their receiuers. When we were first exalted vn∣to the throne of our kingdome, descended vnto vs by right of in∣heritaunce (Gods diuine prouidence so working) we thought and alwayes thinke it a detestable thyng to abuse so high authoritie, but rather desire to gouerne wyth clemencie, leuitie, and mode∣ration of iustice, that peace of all men desired might firmely take place.

* 89.7Neuerthelesse, our sayde Archbyshop hath gone about to de∣fame our innocencie, and the fidelitie and diligence our faithfull counsailers prosecutours of true iustice: openly declaring in hys letters patent, and publishing abroade in diuers places, that hee was oppressed by the kings power contrary, to iustice, the Clergy and comminaltie confounded, and the church ouer charged wyth diuers grieuous taxes & exactions. He subtilly vsurped the name of a good pastour, when in deede he was nothing lesse, but rather (as it should seeme by his owne cōfession, and the common opi∣nion had of him) a very hireling. He cloked his craftie subtilnesse with the zeale of defending the Churche, although he hymselfe in very deede was the onely cause, by his euill counsaile and craftie deuises, of the tribulations of the same. Hee also fained that not long agoe, certaine wrytings were brought vnto him to be sea∣led, containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in generall that were violaters of the liberties of the Churche: ho∣ping thereby to defame the opinion had of vs and our faythfull counsailours, to stirre vp sedition amongst the people, and finally to withdrawe from vs the hearts of our nobilitie. Hee gaue com∣maundement by hys letters, that these things shoulde be proclai∣med in all places of great resorte by diuers speciall articles con∣trary to his former order in his prouinciall Councel. Wherefore, respecting the integritie of our fame, entending to preuent the malice of the sayde Archbishoppe, and also to decline from vs the snares prepared for vs and ours: wee haue thought good at thys present (ouer & besides those which before are rehersed) amongst so many which wee omitte, to declare vnto you some of hys per∣uerse and wicked actes. When in our minoritie wee were consti∣tuted ouer our dominions, hee caused vs through hys vnaduised counsaile and rash perswasion (therby to winne excesiue fauour) to geue away so many wastfull giftes, and so many vnlawfull alie∣nations that nowe by meanes thereof our treasury is cleane con∣sumed, the reuenewes of our Exchequer without all order dimi∣shed, and he corrupted with bribes innumerable. Oftentimes also without cause why, when neither necessitie nor vtilitie so requi∣red, onely through his perswasion wee forgaue diuers men great summes of money due vnto vs, yea and the rents and reuenewes which ought to haue bene conserued for our necessitie and pro∣fite we applied to the vse of his frendes largely bestowing vppon such as euill deserued it. Moreouer (accepting aswell persones as money) contrary to our minde, and hys othe of fidelitie made vn∣to vs: he admitted vnto publique offices throughout our domini∣ons, persones vnworthy, neglecting those that had well deserued. Many other things he rashly tooke in hand, to the detrimēt of our state,* 89.8 the hurt of our dignitie royall, and no smal dammage of our subiectes, by abusing his authoritie & office committed vnto him. But if he persist in his proude obstinacie and stout rebellion, wee shall heereafter in conuenient time and place, cause it to be more openly knowen: willing and commaunding you to publish and cause to be published, all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall thinke it expedient, and to set foorth (as shal seeme best to your godly wisedomes) our good en∣tent for the suppressing of incommodities, and furthering of the commodities of our subiectes, that we may worthely commende your circumspect care herein.

Teste meipso apud Westm. 10: die Februa. Anno regni nostri Angliae. 15. Regni verò Franciae secundo.

By these foresayde obiections & accusations of the king premised, and layd against the Archbishop of Canterbury: what is to be thought of the doinges of the sayd Archbi∣shop, I leaue it to thy iudgeuient gentle reader (as I sayd before) to be coniected: For so much as our histories some∣what bearing with the sayd Archbishop, seeme either to be vncertayne of the truth of the matter, or els couertly to dis∣semble some part of that they knew. And especially of Pol••∣dor Virgil. I meruaile, who hauing so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so sleightly passe it ouer without a∣ny word of mention. In whiche matter if probable coniec∣ture (beside history) might here be heard, it is not vnlike•• but that some olde practice of prelates hath herein bene put in vre, through some crafty conspiracy betweene the Pope and the Archbishop. And the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy vnto the king in this his chalenge to the crowne of Fraunce: So the Archbishop against his Prince (as for the most part alwayes they haue bene) was a trend, as no man neede to doubt therof,* 89.9 vnto the Pope. Which thing also more probable may be supposed, because of the comming downe of the it. Cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of farther truce: wherof (Christ willing) more hereafter shall follow. Albeit, the Archbishop (this yet notwithstanding) subtely and featly excuseth himselfe to the king of the fore∣sayd obiections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth.

The letter of the Archbyshop of Caunterburie to the king.

REdoubted Syr,* 90.1

may it please your maiestie to vnderstand: that the most chiefest and speciall thing that: keepeth kings and Princes in the fauoure of God, and best preserueth them in theyr estate: is sage, wise, and deliberate counsaile. And therefore sayeth the wise man, concerning counsell in this wise: Good men haue thereby their safetie. And it is wrytten in the booke of kinges, howe Salomon which was the wisest Prince that euer was, tooke vnto him the most auncient and sage men of his Realme to be his counsailours: By whose aduisement and discretion, hee alwayes. Kept the lande of Israell in quiet and in peace, and besides that had: all other kinges and princes that bordered vppon him at his will and commaundement. After whose death raigned Roboh••m hys, sonne, who neglecting the good coūsel of his father, and good ad∣uise of his sage & discrete counsailours:* 90.2 harkened to such coun∣sel as lighter and younger men perswaded him vnto, that sought rather howe to please and flatter him, then the quiet state of hys Realme: whereby he lost all the whole lande of Israel, the 12. part only excepted. In like maner haue many kings of Israel and other kingdomes beside, by rash and euill counsell come to great ruine and mischiefe. And Sir (sauing your princely patience) you may call to remembraunce your owne time: for by the wicked and si∣nister counsell to our la••e soueraigne Lorde your father geuen (whome God forgeue) which he tooke and folowed: both against the lawe of his lande, and graund Charter of the peeres and other his people of the lande: some he put to shamefull death, from o∣ther some he tooke their goods, and such as fled, he put vnto their raunsome, and what ennemies he purchased thereby, your grace well vnderstandeth. And after this Sir, you knowe (enen in your owne time) howe by following and beleuing ouer light counsel: you yourselfe lost the hartes of many of your subiectes, from the which God deliuer you, if it be his will. And after that time again vntill nowe, by the good aduisement of your Prelates, Peeres, and sage counsailours of your land, your graces businesse and af∣faires haue bene so demained and ordered: that you haue had the hearts againe of all your subiectes, as well spirituall as temporall, as muche or rather more, then any of your graces predecessours, kings of England haue had. So that, by meanes of the sayde good counsell, the good will and aide of your people, and special grace of God; you haue had the victorie of all your ennemies, as well in Scotlande as in Fraunce, and all other places besides: That vn∣to this day (Gods name bee blessed therefore) your grace hathe bene estemed as one of the most noblest Princes in all Christen∣dome. And nowe your grace (by the euill and peruerse counsaile of some suche wythin the Realme, whiche are not so wise as they might be, and such also as consider and respect rather their owne priuate commoditie, then your graces honour and safetie of your Realme) beginneth to apprehende diuers Clerkes, Pieres, and o∣ther people of the land, and to directe processe against them, not beseeming: but contrary to the Lawe of the land, which to keepe and maintaine you are bounde by the othe you tooke at youre coronation: and contrary to the graunde charter, whereof all the realme are witnesses, & all the prelates of the same: and cōtrary to the sentence confirmed by the Bul of our holy father to the pope▪ which we haue to shew. All which things, as they are to the great pearill and daunger of your soule: so are they also to the vtter debasing of your regall state and honour. And Sir, although such as be your graces gouernours and counsailers (beyng a callynge

aboue their agree) doe geue your grace to vnderstande that their enterprises and yours doe please and content your subiectes and commons: yet your grace shall knowe for certaine, and prooue it your owne selfe to be farre otherwise, then that they beare you in hand. And that vnlesse God do remedy the same if you prosecute your purpose begon in this order: you will leese the hearts of all your subiects, as also your good and rightfull enterprise, and shal see such discord about the same: that you shall not be able to per∣forme that you haue begon, but rather enforce your ennemies to seeke your destruction, to loose your noble and renowmed fame, and in the ende your kingdom it selfe, which God forbid. Where∣fore soueraigne Lorde and King, I beseeche you: that for the safe∣gard of your honour and Realme, and enterprise begon, that you will take vnto you the most discrete and wisest men, wythin your Realme, and woorke by their aduise and counsell, as before thys time you haue bene accustomed without the aide and counsell of whome you can neither maintaine your enterprise, nor gouerne your realme.* 90.3 And for that, some such as are about your grace fals∣ly deuise against vs, treason and such like troubles (and therefore are of vs excommunicate, and as persons excommunicate doe so esteme of them) as your spirituall pastour, we also desire you so to esteeme and thinke of them, which also, make like report of other that haue bene with your grace beyonde the seas, that they haue naughtely & falsely serued you, wherby you haue lost the towne of Tourney, & much honor els, which you might haue wonne & gotten there. May it please your grace to call before you, the Pre∣lates and Pieres of your Realme in some conuenient place, where wee and other moe, may safely come and resorte, and there also to make search and enquirie, in whose hands after the beginning of your warres, the money and what thing els so euer, which was graunted vnto you in aide of the same your warres, vntill thys present day, doeth remaine and is not laide out againe, as also by whose default you were so enforced to leaue the sayde siege of Tourney: and those which shalbe founde in any poynt faultie and guiltie therin against you as a good Iusticer, your grace wil cause to be punished according to the lawe: and in so much as appertai∣neth vnto vs therein, we aske iudgement of our Peeres (the state alwayes of holy Church, of vs, & of our order reserued inuiolate) according as we haue wrytten vnto you heerein. And for Gods sake Syr, beleeue not either of vs or any other your true subiectes els, more then that you shall vnderstand the veritie of: for if men should be punished without making answere to that, which is ob∣iected against them, there should be then no difference in iudge∣ment betwixt the good doer and the bad.

And Syr, may it please you well to consider, of the great en∣terprise you haue in hande, the great good will which you haue neede of for this cause, and of your great ennemies the Scots, and the great ieoperdie of your realme besides. For, if your Prelates, your nobles, & al the wisemen of your realme, were of one minde and will (without any discorde or diuision amongst them) to dis∣pose and set in order those things, which are needeful in so great affaires and businesse: they shoulde haue all inough to beate their heads about, for the maintenance of your great enterprise begon, the honour of you, and sauegarde of your Realme. And Syr, may it please your grace, not to be displeased that so rudely and grose∣ly we declare vnto you the veritie: for why, the great loue & af∣fection which we beare vnto you, & alwayes haue done the same: the preseruation of your honour and sauegard of your realme, as also for that we are (although vnworthy) the primat of the whole realme of England: which thing appertaining vnto vs by our of∣fice, & being your spirituall father, doth incite vs the rather both to say and cōmaund that, which may turne to the benefite of your soule, and profite of your realme and kingly estate. Thus the holy spirite saue you both body and soule, and giue your grace both to heare and beleeue good counsaile, and further giue you victorie ouer all your enemies.

Written at Cant. the 1. day of Ianuary.

By your graces chaplen the Archbishop of the same.

* 90.4And thus node the case betweene the king & the Arch∣bishop of Caunterbury, who comming thus (as is said) in secret wise into Englande, from the siege of Tourney, hys army in the meane while, by ships was conueyed to little Britaine. Of whome a great number, through vnseasona∣ble and inconuenient meats and drinks, was there consu∣med. To whom also no lesse danger happened by the seas comming out of Britain into England, by tempest, thun∣der and lightening stirred vp, as is thought by the Necro∣maucers of the French king.

* 90.5About whych season, approchyng to the yeare of oure Lorde 1341. were sent from the Pope two other Cardi∣nals to entreat wyth Kyng Edwarde for thre yeres truce to be concluded more wyth the Frenche Kyng,* 90.6 beside the former truce taken before for one yere, and all by the popes meanes. For heere is to be vnderstanded, that as it was not for the Popes purpose to haue the Kyng of England to raigne ouer so many coūtreis, so his priuy supportation lacked not by all meanes possible, both by Archbyshops & Cardinals, and also by the Emperor to maintain the state of the French king, and to stablish him in his possession. Ex Tho. Walsing. ex chron. Albanens.

In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same yeare such plentye there was here in the realme of victuals, that a quarter of wheat was solde for ii.s. a fat oxe for a noble, and as some say a sheepe for iiii. d. And thus farre endureth the hystorie of Ranulphus Cestrensis called Polychronicon.

The next yere following,* 90.7 which was 1342, Ludouicus Bauarus the Emperor, who before had shewed great cur∣tesie to king Edward as in his first viage ouer, in so much that he made him his Uicar or Uicegerent general, and of∣fered hym also aide against the French king: Now (••yther turned by inconstancie, or seduced by the pope) wryteth to him contrary letters, wherein hee reuoketh agayne the Uicegerentship graunted to hym, and seeketh all meanes in the fauour of the French king, against king Edwarde: as by his letters heere vnder written may better appeare.

The letter of the Emperour vnto the king of England.

LVdouicus by the grace of God Emperor of the Romaines al∣waies Augustus, &c. To Edward king of England his beloued brother, greeting and vnfained loue.

Although great and vrgent busines of our owne do oppresse vs, & about the same our waigh∣ty affaires are daily incombred, yet with the discord & variaunce betwene your kingly dignity and the renowmed Phillip the king of Fraunce our cosine, for your sake wee are not a little troubled. And the rather the great charges which may heereafter growe both to you and to your kingdome, thereby considered bothe of men and money vnlesse the same be taken vp: doth more earnest∣ly prouoke vs to geue our selfe to the carefull studie of your af∣faires. Wherefore wee geue you to vnderstande that the foresayde Philip (at our request) hath geuen vnto vs by his letters, authori∣tie and power to intreat and conclude a peace betwene you, tou∣ching the variance begon: which peace (al the state diligently cō∣sidered both of your selfe, your kingdome and subiects) wee take and beleeue to be right expedient for you: moouing there withall your charity, and earnestly desiring you that to this also you will geue your consent: wherby we may bring you both to concord and vnitie, and establish betweene you a firme peace to endure, whereunto with willing minde we would apply our selfe and be∣stow our painfull labour in prosecuting of the same. And heerein if you will condescend and agree vnto our counsaile, as we trust you wil. It may please you by your letters to geue vnto vs the like autoritie as is aboue sayd, to entreat peace or ordering of a truce for one yeare or two at least to continue. Neither let it moue you that betwene vs and the sayde Phillip of Fraunce a truce is taken. For seeing that you without our consent tooke truce with hym: wee by the aduice of our Princes which know the bonds, dedes, and couenants betwixt vs, who also thought no lesse but that sa∣uing your honour we might do the same, haue also made a league with the said Phillip king of Fraunce, and for certaine causes doe reuoke and call backe the Liefetenantship which we assigned vn∣to you by our letters: Neuerthelesse geuing you for a certaine to vnderstande, that in our saide treaties and peace concluded, wee haue so brotherly considered you, that if you wil agree & condes∣cend vnto our counsel: your cause (by our meane and help) shalbe brought to good passe and effect. About which things farther to conferre with your brotherhode herein, we haue sent a deuout & religious man Eliarhardus, reader and brother of the Heremites of S. Augustine, and Chaplaine of our Courte: whome about the premisses we desire with speedy expedition to be sent to vs again.

Dated at Franckforde the 14 day of Iune in the 24. yeare of oure raigne, and 14. of our Empire.

The answere of the King of England, to the Emperour.

TO the high and mighty Prince Lorde Ludouicke, by the grace of God Emperor of the Romanes, alwaies Augustus, Edward by the same grace king of Fraunce, and England, and Lord of Ire∣land: salutation and prosperous successe.

We haue reuerently receined your highnes letters, amongst other thinges containing, that the noble Phillip de Valois (to the intent a peace and concorde betweene vs and him might be con∣cluded) hath geuen vnto you by his letters ful power and autho∣ritie thereunto at your highnesse request: And that if the same might content vs to doe in like sort, your highnesse woulde tra∣uaile to bring the concorde to passe: And that it would not moue vs any whit at all, that your highnesse and the sayde Phillip are in league together: For in so much as wee without your astent and consent (you say) tooke truce with the sayd Phillip, you haue al∣so done the like with him (which thing you might well do sauing your honoure, by the counsaile of all your Nobles and Princes) and for certaine causes reuoke againe the Lieftenauntship which

you committed vnto vs. Doubtlesse, the zeale and good will you haue to make this concorde and agreement, we much commend: letting you to vnderstand, that we alwayes haue bene desirous & still are, to haue a reasonable peace with the sayde Phillip: which peace, as much as to vs (our honour saued) appertained, we haue in iustice and by law prosecuted: and in very deede, it should be to vs acceptable, and as wee woulde wish, if by such a Mediatour as your Celsitude is, it might be brought to passe. But forasmuch as we: vnderstande the same our right and title to the kingdome of France, to be manifest and cleare inough: we purpose not to com∣mit the same by any of our letters to doutfull arbitrement. But while wee well consider and reuolue with our selues, howe your highnesse vpon circumspect consideration (manifestly beholding our iust and rightful doing, and the straight dealing and obstinate purpose and iniurie of the sayd Philip) with vs and in our behalfe against the said Philip, your graces highnes made a special league: adopting vs of your great and bountifull loue towardes our per∣son, to be one of your sonnes: Wherefore thus againe to alter and breake the same, wee cannot sufficiently maruell. Seeing your in∣uincible highnes being instituted of God to the laude and com∣mendation of good men, and reuenge of euill and wicked doers, hath made a league against vs with the saide Philip de Valoys our notorious and iniurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, without your assignement and consent wee tooke a truce or dayes of respite with the said Phillip which we ought not to haue done: If your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we haue done but as we might therein. For when we laide oure siege to Tourney, it was requisite we followed their aduise whose aide and societie therein we had. Besides, the soden and imminent necessity which we there stood in, & the distance of the place be∣twixt your highnesse and vs furthermore was suche, as by that no meanes wee might attaine the same, nor vse your assent therein. Yea & further, if your grace wel remember your self, your graunt vnto vs was such: that whensoeuer oportunitie thereunto should serue, we might entreate of any peace, and graunt what time wee thought mete thereunto, without your consent therin: So that to conclude any finall peace with the saide Philip de Valois, without either your consent or otherwise making your highnesse priuie thereunto, it might not be lawfull for vs: Which thing wythout your said counsaile, consent and aduise, we neuer minded or pur∣posed to do. But haue in all our doings done that which vs besee∣med, so farre as by any meanes our power would stretch: hoping likewise, that your brotherly beneuolence for a time would haue more louingly supported vs. It is thought also by some, that the reuoking backe againe, or restraint of your foresayd Liefetenant∣ship, was prematurate or done all out of time: when as according to your promise made to vs herein by your letters imperiall, you ought not so to haue done before the Realme and kingdome of Fraunce (or at the least the greatest part thereof) were of vs obtai∣ned and quietly in peaceable wise enioyed. These premised there∣fore we desire you, according to our nobilitie duely to consider, and heereafter to doe that which shall be thought both meete and conuenient: because that (God willing) we mea••e to recōpence and gratifie both you & yours, according to the measure of your beneuolence bestowed vpon vs. The almighty graunt vnto your Celfitude so much felicitie as your hart desireth.

Dated at Lon∣don the 18. day of Iuly in the 2. yeare of the raign of our kingdom of Fraunce, and of England 15.

* 92.1In this meane time died Pope Benedict the 12. men∣tioned a little before: after whome succeeded in that roume Pope Clement the 6. Of whome it is reported in storyes, that he was very liberall and bountiful to hys Cardinals of Rome, in riching and heaping them with goods & pos∣sessions, not of his owne,* 92.2 but with the Ecclesiasticall dig∣nities and preferments of the Churches of England. For so recordeth the author, that he bestowed vpon his Cardi∣nals the liuyngs and promotions, suche as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and wēt about to set vp new titles for his Cardinals,* 92.3 here within this realm. But the kyng beyng offēded therwith made voyd and frustrate all those foresayd prouisions of the pope, chargyng moreo∣uer and commaunding no person whatsoeuer, to busy him¦self with any such prouisions, vnder paine of prisonment & l••syng his lyfe. Which law was made the next yere folow∣ing which was an. 1344.

It followed then, that the said Pope Clement, agayne began to make new pronisiōs for two of his Cardinals of benefices and Churches that should be next vacant, beside Bishopricks and Abbotshyps, to the extent of two thou∣sand Marks. Wherupon, the procurators of the sayd Car∣dinals were sent down for the same. But the kyng and no∣bility of the realme not suffring that, vnder paine of impri∣sonment caused the sayd procurators foorthwith to depart the realm:* 92.4 wherupon, the nobles and commons shortly af∣ter, writeth a fruitfull Epistle to the Pope, for the liberties and the maintenance of y^• English church: Whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the Cardinals were not able to answer. The argument and tenor of which letter out of French, wee haue caused to be translated into Englishe, as insueth.

The letter of the king of England and nobles of the same, to the Pope, against the reseruations and pro∣uisions which he had in England.

TO the most holy father in God,* 93.1 Lord Clement by the grace of God of the holy church of Rome, and of the vniuersal church, chiefe and high Bishop:

His humble & deuout children, the Prin∣ces, Dukes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Citizens, Burgeses, and al the comminaltie of the Realme of Englande, assembled at the Parlia∣ment holden at Westminster the 15. day of May last past: Deuoute kissings of his holy feete, with all humble reuerence and humi∣litie. Most holy father, the holy discretion, gouernment & equitie which appeareth to be in you and ought of duety so to be (beyng so high and holy a prelate, and head of the holy church) by whom the holy vniuersall churche and people of God ought to be, as by the sunne beames inlightened: Geueth vs good hope and likely∣hode, that the iust petitions (to the honour of Iesus Christ & holy Church, and your holinesse also) by vs declared, shalbe of you gra∣ciously heard and considered. And that all errours and other ini∣quities quite taken away and remooued: in stede thereof, fruitfull exployts and necessary remedies (by the grace of the holy spirite; which you in so high an estate haue receiued) may be by you like∣wise graciously ordained and disposed. Wherfore most holy father all we (vpon great deliberation and common assent) come vnto your holines: shewing and declaring that the noble kings of Eng∣land our progenitours, our auncitours, and we (according to the grace of the holy spirite to them and vs geuen, euery one accor∣ding to his deuotion) haue established, foūded, and endowed with in the realme of Englande: Churches, Cathedrals, Colleges, Ab∣beis, Priories, and other diuers houses of religion in the same or∣dained: and to the Prelates and gouernours of the same places, haue geuen landes, possessions, patrimonies, franchesies, aduow∣sons, and patronages of dignities, reuenues, offices, churches, with many and diuers other benefices vnto them geuen: whereby the seruice of God and faith of Christ might haue bene honoured and had in reuerēce: that the hospitals & almes houses that are made, with all the churches & edifices, might be honestly kept & main∣tained: and that deuout praiers might in those places be made for the founders, & the poore parishioners aided and comforted. And such only ought to haue the cure therof, as are able to heare con∣fessions; and in their owne naturall toung otherwise meete to in∣forme & teach their parishioners. And for so muche as (most holy father) that you cānot well come to the notice of diuers such er∣rours & defaults, neither yet vnderstand the condition of the pla∣ces being so far of, vnles your holines be enformed & aduertised. We hauing the perfect intelligence and vnderstanding of the sayd errours and defaultes, of the places abouesayd, within the sayd Realme, haue thought meete to signifie the same vnto your holines. That diuers reseruations, prouisions and collations by your predecessours Apostolicke of Rome, and by you most holy father in your time haue bene graunted (and that more largely then they haue bene accustomed to be) vnto diuers persons, as well straungers and of sundry nations, as vnto some such as are our enemies, hauing no vnderstanding at all of the tongue and conditions of them, of whom they haue the gouernment & cure. Whereby, a great number of soules are in perill, a great many of their parishners in daunger, the seruice of GOD destroyed, the almes and deuotion of all men diminished, the hospitals perished, the churches with their appurtenaunces decayed, charitie with∣drawne, the good and honest persons of our realme vnaduaunced, the charge and gouernement of soules not regarded, the deuoti∣on of the people restrayned, many poore schollers vnpreferred and the treasure of the realme caryed out against the myndes and intentes of the founders. All which errours, defaultes, and flaun∣ders most holy father we neyther can nor ought to suffer nor in∣dure.* 93.2 We therefore most humbly require your holines, that the slaunders errors and defaultes, which we haue declared vnto you, may be through your great discretion considered and that it may, please you that such reseruations, prouisions, and collations may be vtterly repelled, that from henceforth the same be no more a∣mongst vs vsed. But to take such order and remedy therein, that the said benefices, edifices, rightes, with their apertinentes, may be to the honour of God by our owne countrymen cured, defended and gouerned. And that it may further please your holines, by your letters to signifie vnto vs without delay and other detract of tyme, what your plesure is touching this our lawful request & de∣maund, and that we may doe our indeuour with dilligence here∣in for the remedy, correction, and amendment of those enormi∣ties aboue specified. In witnes wherof, vnto these letters patentes we haue set our seales.

Geuen in the full Parliament at West∣minster the 8. day of May, an 1343.

After these thinges thus passed ouer, the King shortly after sent ouer his Procuratours, Earle of Lancaster and Darby, Hugh Spencer, L. Rafe Stafforde, wyth the By∣shop of Ex••tor and diuers other, to the popes court to dis∣cusse and plead about the right of his title, before the pope. Unto whom the said Pope Clement the 6. not long after, sent down thys message:* 93.3 how that Ludouike duke of Ba∣uarie, the Emperour whom the pope had before deposed, had submitted himselfe to hym in all things, and therefore deserued at his hands the benefite of absolution: And how the pope therfore had cōferred and restored vnto him iust∣ly and gratiously the Empire,* 93.4 which he before vniustly did holde. &c. Which message when the King did heare, beyng therwith moued to anger, answered againe, saying: That if he did agree and compound also with the Frenche king, he was ready to fight with them both, &c. Ex chro. Albanen.

Within the time of this yere, pence, halfepence, and far∣things began to be coyned in the tower.* 93.5 And the next yere folowing, which was an. 1344. the castle of winsor (where the king was borne) began to be repared: and in the same, the house called the rounde table was situate,* 93.6 the diameter wherof from the one side to the other, contained 200. feete, to the expēces of which house weekly was allowed an C. li. for the mainteining of the kings chiualrie: till at length by the occasion of the French warres, it came downe to ix. If a weeke. By the example whereof, the Frenche king be∣ing prouoked, began also the like round table in Fraunce, for the maintaining of the knighthoode. At which tune the sayd French king moreouer gaue free libertie through his realme to fel downe trees for making of ships & maintay∣ning of his nauie, whereby the Realme of Englande was not a litle damnified.

* 93.7During the same yere, the Clergie of England graun∣ted to the king tenthes for 3. yeres: for the which the king in recompence againe graunted to them his Charter con∣taining these priuiledges: that no Archbishop nor Bishop should be arreigned before his Iustices, siue ad sectam suam, siue partis, if the sayd clarke do submit & claime his cleargy, professing himselfe to be a member of holy Church, who so doing shall not be bound to come to his answer before the Iustices.* 93.8 And if it shall be layd vnto them to haue maryed two wiues, or to haue maried a widow: the Iustices shall haue no power to proceede against them, to inquire for the matter: So that the cause shall be reserued to the spirituall court. &c.

* 93.9About this present time at the setting vp of the rounde table, the king made Prince Edwarde his eldest sonne the first prince of Wales. At this while yet continued the truce betweene the 2. kings. Albeit it is likely to be thought that y^• French king gaue many attempts to infringe the same. Wherupon Henry earl of Lancaster w^t 600. men at armes, and as many archers as were sent ouer to Gascoin, y^• yere after,* 93.10 an. 1345. who there so valiantly is said to behaue him selfe, that he subdued 55. towneships vnto the king, 23. no∣ble men,* 93.11 he toke prisoners, encountring w^t the French men at Attebroke. So curteously and liberally he dealt with his souldiors, y^• it was a ioy to them and a preferment to fight vnderneath him. His maner was in winning any towne, litle or nothing to reserue to himself, but to sparie y^• whole spoile to his souldiors. One example in the author (whom I follow) is touched:* 93.12 howe the foresaide Earle at the win∣ning of the towne of Bryers, where he had graunted to e∣uery soldior for hys bootie, the house w^t all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtaine: among other his soldiors to one named Reh, fell a certaine house w^t the implements thereof, wherein was contained the mint and mony coyned for that country, to the valure of a great sub∣stance: which when the soldior had found, in breaking vp a house, where first the grosse mettall was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the Earle declaring to him the trea∣sure, to know what was his pleasure therein. To whome the Earle answered that the house was his, & whatsoeuer he found therein. Afterwarde the souldior finding a whole mint of pure siluer ready coyned, signified the same to the earle, for somuch as he thought such treasure to be to great for his portion, to whom the sayd Earl againe answering, declared that hee had once geuen him the whole house, and that he had once geuen,* 93.13 he would not call backe againe as childrē vse to play. And therfore had hym enioy that which was graūted to him: And if the mony were thrice as much it should be his owne: Ex chron. Albanens. Which story whi∣ther it was true or otherwise in those dayes, I haue not to affirm. But certes, if in these our couetous wretched daies nowe present, any author should reporte the like acte to be practised,* 93.14 I would hardly beleeue it to be true.

As the erl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony the Scots were as busy here in England, wasting & spoy∣ling without mercy, which were thought (& not vnlike) to be set on by y^• French king. And therfore was iudged both by that, & by other diuers wayes to haue broken the cout∣nants of truce betwene him and the king of England.

Wherfore y^• next yere insuing.* 93.15 An. 1346. king Edward first sending his letters to the court of Rome, & therin cō∣plaining to the pope of Philip de Ualois, how he had trās∣gressed,* 93.16 and brokē the truce betwene them made, which by cuidēt probations he there made manifest: about the mōth of Iuly made hys voyage into Normandy in suche secrete wise, that no man wel knewe whether he intended. Where first he entred the towne of Bogs,* 93.17 from thence proceeded vnto Cardone. Where, about the 27. of Iuly by the riuer of Cardone he had a strong battel, w^t the Normands & other French men, which to stop hys passage, defended y^• bridge. At the which battel were taken of the Lords of France, the erle of Ewe, the erle of Tankeruile. And of knights wyth other men of armes, to the number of an 100. of foote men 600. and the towne and suburbs beaten downe to the hard wals. And all that could be borne away transported to the shippes.

A little before mention was made how the French K. began first to infringe the truce taken, and howe the Earle of Lancaster, vpō the same was sent vnto Gascony. Now for the more euidence of the matter cōcerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs & vntrue dealing: It shal better in the kings letter appeare, who hearing word y^t the Lord Philip de Ualois (contrary to the forme of truce taken at Uanes) had apprehēded cer∣taine of his nobles of Englande, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned & put to death: beside other slaugh∣ters and spoilings made in Britaine, Gascony, and other places moe. He therfore seing the truce to be broken of the French kings part, & being thereto of necessity compelled: In the yeare aboue prefixed, the 14. of the month of Iune, did publish and send abroad hys letter of defiance, contai∣ning thys effect.

The kings letters of defiance against the French king.

TO all and singular,* 94.1 to whom these presents shal come, publike greeting.

We thinke it is not vnknowen vnto you all, that af∣ter the decease of Charles late king of Fraunce of famous memo∣rie, brother to our redoubted Lady mother Quene Isabel, Quene of England. That the crowne of Fraunce, by iust inheritance hath fallen vnto vs, as to the next heire male now liuing after the sayd king. Nowe Phillip de Valoys, being sonne but only to the vncle of the foresayde king Charles, and therefore by degree of consan∣guinity being further of remoued from the same (we being in the time of our minoritie) hath violently by force and power cōtra∣ry to God and iustice vsurped, occupied, and yet doth occupy the same, inuading further and spoyling our landes in the Dukedome of Aquitania, and ioyning himselfe with our rebellious ennemies the Scots, seeking our subuersion both by land and by sea, to the vttermost of hys endeuour. And although wee to preuent the da∣mages which might rise by warre, haue offred to the sayde Phillip diuers friendly waies of peace: to the entent we might better in∣tend our purposed voyage against Christes enemies the Turkes: Yet could nothing preuaile with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation, driuing vs of by crafty dissimulatiō, through false pretensed wordes, but perfourming nothing with heart and dede. Whereuppon, wee not neglecting the grace and the gyft of God, to defend the right of our inheritāce, and to repulse the in∣iuries of our enemie, haue not refused by force of armes, cōming downe to Britanie to encounter with him in open fielde. And so wee being occupied in our warres, there repaired vnto vs the re∣uerend father bishop of Preuest, and of Tusculane Cardinals, and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreate some reformation of peace betweene vs. At whose request wee consented, agreeing to such formes and cōditions of peace as then were taken betwene vs, sending moreouer our Embassadours to the court of Rome, specially to intreat of the same matter. And thus while some hope of truce seemed betwene vs to appeare: Newes sodenly came vn∣to vs, which not a little astonied our minde, of the death of cer∣taine of our nobles and adherents, whom the sayd Phillip vniust∣ly, and cruelly at Paris commaunded to be executed. Beside the wasting and spoyling our lands and subiects in Britany, Gascony and other places: with innumerable wrongs and iniuries deceit∣fully intended against vs both by sea and land. By reason wherof, the truce on his part being notoriously broken, it is most mani∣fest to haue bene lawfull for vs, forthwith to haue set vppon him with open warre. Yet notwythstanding to auoid those incommo∣dities that come by warre, wee thought first to prooue, if by any gentle meanes some reformation might be had touching the pre∣misses. And therfore sondry times, haue sent Embassadours to the Popes presence for the Treatyse of peace, and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses: requiring also for the tractation

therof, certayne termes of times to be appoynted, alwayes, reser∣uing to our selues notwithstanding free liberty to resume warre at our pleasure, according as the doinges of the sayd Philip shall constrayne vs therunto. And now forasmuch as the foresayd ter∣mes be already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace ap∣peareth,* 94.2 neither will the sayd Philip come to any conformity, be∣ing required and monished notwithstanding by the Popes letters therunto, (as the Pope by his letters hath written vnto vs) but al∣wayes hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations vsing ex∣tremeties agaynst vs, to omit here to speak of the excessiue enor∣mity of the Popes Legate,* 94.3 who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce, and whose part had bene rather to haue quenched and stayd the discord: hath stirred vp our enemy more egerly agaynst vs. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome (sauing his reuerēce) as yet prouided any remedy, albeit he hath bene diuers times required of vs so to do. Which things be∣ing so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if for the defect of other remedy to be had, we shalbe constrayned our selues to finde remedy agaynst such wrongs and iniuries: the case of iustice and necessity constrayning vs to geue out these our let¦ters of defiance, agaynst the violator of the truce, & the vniust in∣uader of our kingdome. Protesting that this we do, not vpon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome, or to the Apostolicke sea but onely for the moderation of equity, standing vpon the defence of our owne right & lawfull inheritaunce, intēding alwayes rather to haue peace, if by any reasonable way it might be had. And thus much for the stopping of slaunderous fame and the mouthes of backbiters, We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome, &c the foresayd Cardinals: that by them as persons indiffe∣rent, and mediators, the same may be insinuated to the contrarye part, and also vnto your whole vniuersity in general: recommen∣ding vnto you all the innocency of my cause and the communi∣ty of iustice.

Dated at Westminster the 14. of Iune, the 19. yeare of our reigne in England, and of Fraunce the 6.

And thus much for the kinges letter. Now let vs a∣gayne returne to his passage, from whence a litle we haue degressed. Concerning the which passage of the king, with the order of his actes atchieued in the same, from the win∣ning of Cadane or Cordoyne, vnto the towne of Pusiack, is sufficiently described by one of the Kinges Chaplaynes and his confessour, who being a Dominick Fryer and ac∣companying the King through all his iourney, writeth thereof as followeth.

* 94.4Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli &c. Great cause we haue to prayse and laud the God of heauen, and most worthely to cō∣fesse his holy name, who hath wrought so his mercy to vs. For af∣ter the conflict had at Cadame, in the which many were slayne, and the City taken and sackt euen to the bare walles, the Citty of Baia immediately yelded it selfe of his owne accord, fearing least theyr coūselles had bene bewrayed. After this the Lord our king directed his progresse toward Roane Who being at the towne of Lexon,* 94.5 there came certayne Cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace. Which Cardinals being curteously entertayned of the K. for the reuerence of the Popes sea, it was thus answered to them agayne. That the king being much desirous of peace, had as∣sayd by all wayes and meanes reasonable how to mayntayne the same. And therfore hath offered conditions and manifolde wayes of peace to be had to the no small preiudice of his owne cause. And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace, if by any meanes it may be fought &c. With this answere the Cardinalles going to the french king the kinges aduersary, to perswade with him in like maner:* 94.6 returned to King Edward agayne, offering to hym in the French Kynges name the Dukedome of Aqui∣tania, in as full assurance as his father before him euer had it, be∣sides further hope also of obteining more, if intreatye of peace might be obteined. But for so much, that cōtēted not enough the kings mind, neither did the Cardinals finde the frēch king so trac∣table and propense to the studye of peace as they looked for, the Cardinals returned, leauing the matter as they founde it. And so the king speeding forward, by the way as his iourney did lye, he subdued the country and the great townes without any resistāce of the inhabitans, who did all flye and run away. Such feare God stroke into them, that it seemed they had lost their hartes. In the same voiage, as the king had gotten many townes and villages, so also he subdued Castles and Munitiōs, very strong, and that with little stresse. His enemy being at the same time at Roane had rea∣red a great army, who notwitstanding being well manned, yet e∣uer kept on the other side of the riuer Seane, breaking downe all the bridges that we shoulde not come ouer to him. And al∣though the countrey roūd about continually was spoyled, sackt, and with fire consumed by the circuit of 20. miles round about: yet the French king being distant scarse the space of one mile frō vs, either would not or els durst not (when he might easily haue passed ouer the riuer) make any resistaunce for the defence of his countrey and people.* 94.7 And so our king iourneying forwarde came to Pusiacke or Poisy, where the French king had likewyse broke downe the bridge: and keeping on the other side of the ri∣uer, would rest in no place.

After whose comming to Poisie, the foresayd chaplain and confessor to the king, named Michaell Northburgh, describing the kings voyage and the actes of the English∣men from the town of Poisie, to his comming to Calis, in his letters writeth in this wise.

¶ A Letter of W. Northburghe the Kyngs confessor, describing the kings voyage into Fraunce.

SAlutations premised, we geue you to vnderstand, that our so∣ueraigne Lord the king came to the towne of Poisye the daye before the Assumption of our Lady, where was a certayne bridge ouer the water of Seane broken downe of the enemye, but the king taried there so long till that the bridge was made again. And whiles the bridge was in repayring, there came a great number of men at armes and other souldiours were armed, to hinder the same. But the Earle of Northhampton issued out agaynst them & flew of them more then one thousand: the rest fled away thankes be to God. And at an other time our men passed the water al∣though with much trauell, and flew a great number of the com∣mon souldiours of Fraunce, about the Citty of Paris, and coun∣trey adioyning, being part of the French kinges army, and tho∣rowly well appoynted: so that our people haue now, made other good bridges vpon our enemyes, God be thanked, without any great losse and damage to vs. And on the morrow after the As∣sumption of our Ladye, the king passed the water of Sceane, and marched toward Po••ye, which is a towne of great defence and stronglye immured, and a maruellous strong Castle within the same, which our enemies kept. And when our vaundgard was passed the towne, our reregarde gaue an assault thereunto and tooke the same: where were slayne more then 300. men at armes of our enemyes part. And the next day following, the Earle of Suffolke and Sir Hugh Spenser marched forth vpon the com∣mons of the countrey assembled and well armed, and in fine dis∣comfited them, and slew of them more then 200. and tooke 60. Gentlemen prisoners, besides others. And after that, the Kyng marched toward Graund Villers, and while he was there encam∣ped, the kinges vaundgard was discried by the men of armes of the king Bename: whereupon, our men issued out in great haste and ioyned battell with them, but were inforced to retyre. Not∣withstanding, thankes be vnto God, the Earle of Northhampton issued out and reskued the horsemen with other souldiours: so that few or none of them were either taken or slayne sauing one∣ly Thomas Talbot, but had agayne the enemye in chase within 2. leagues of Amians: of whom we tooke 8. and slew 12. of their best men at armes, the rest being well horsed, tooke the towne of A∣mians. After this, the king of England marched toward Pountife vpon Bartholomew day, and came vnto the water of Som, where the French king had layd 500. men at armes, and three thousand foote men: purposing to haue kept and stopped our passage: but thankes be to God, the king of England and his hoste entred the same water of Som, where neuer man passed before, without the losse of any of our men: and after that encountered with the ene∣my and slewe of them more then two thousand, the rest fledde to Abeuyle, in which chase was taken many Knights, Squiers, and men at armes. The same day, Sir Hugh Spenser tooke the towne of Croylay, where he and his souldiours flew foure hundred men at armes, and kept the towne, where they found great store of victuals. The same night, encamped the king of England in the Forest of Cressy vpon the same water, for that the French kinges hoste came on the other side of the town neare vnto our passage: But he woulde not take the water of vs, and so marched towarde Abeuile. And vpon the Friday next following, the King beyng still encamped in the sayd Forest, our Scuriers discried the french king, which marched toward vs in foure great battelles: And ha∣uing then vnderstanding of our enemies (as Gods will was) a lit∣tle before the euening tide we drew vnto the playne fielde, and set our battelles in aray: and immediately the fight began, which was sore and cruell, and indured long, for our enemyes behaued themselues right nobly. But thankes be geuen to God, the victo∣ry fell on our side, and the Kyng our aduersary was discomfited with all hys hoste, and put to flight: Where also was slayne the Kyng of Bename, the Duke of Loren, the Earle of Dabeson, the Earle of Flaunders, the Earle of Blois, the Earle of Aarcot, with his two Sonnes, the Earle of Damerley, the Earle of Nauers, and his Brother, the Lord of Tronard, the Archbyshoppe of Myemes, the Archbishop of Saundes, the high Prior of Fraunce, the Earle of Sauoy, the Lord of Morles, the Lord de Guis, Segniour de S. Nouant, Seigniour de Rosingburgh, with sixe Earles of Almayn, and diuers other Earles, Barons, Knightes, and Squyres, whose

names are vnknowne. And Philippe de Valoys himselfe, with an other Marques which was called Lord Electour among the Ro∣maynes, escaped from the battell. The number of the men at armes whiche were founde dead in the field, beside the common Souldiours and footemen, were 1542. And all that night the king of England with his hoste abode armed in the field where the battell was fought. On the next morrow before the Sunne rose, there marched towardes vs an other great hoste, mightye and strong, of the Frenchmen. But the Earle of Northhampton, and the Earle of Northfolke issued out agaynst them in 3 battels, and after long and terrible fight, them in likewise they discomfited by Gods great help and grace (for otherwise it could neuer haue bene) where they tooke of Knights and Squires a great number, and flew aboue 2000. pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battell was fought. The same night also the king encamped himselfe agayne in the forest of Cressy, and on the mo∣row marched toward Boleyne, and by the way he took the town of Staples: and from thence he marched toward Calis where he entendeth to plant his siege and lay his battery to the same. And therfore our soueraigne Lord the king willeth and commaūdeth you in all that euer you may, to send to the said siege victuals cō∣uenient. For after the time of our departing frō Chaam, we haue trauelled through the countrey with great perill and daunger of our people, but yet alwayes had of victuall plenty thankes be to God therfore. But now as the case standeth, we partly need your helpe to be refreshed with victuals.

Thus fare you well

Written at the siege before the towne of Calis the 14 day of September.

After the siege and winning of Poisie, the third day of September an. 1346.* 95.1 the king through the midst of Fraūce directed his passage vnto Calis, as by the tenor of this let∣ter you heare,* 95.2 & besieged y^e same: which siege he continued from the third of September aforesayd, til the third day of August the yeare next ensuing, vpon the which day it was rendered vp vnto the sayd king Edward the third, and sub¦dued vnto the crowne of England, as after the Lord wil∣ling shall more appeare.

* 95.3In the mean time during the siege of Calis, Dauid the Scottish king at the request of y^e French king with a great army brast into the North parts of England, and first be∣sieging the towne of Lidell, within sixe daies obteined the greatest part of the towne, & there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Salby a valiant knight which was the keper of the hold, caused him vncurteously to be put to the sword, and so from thence proceeded further into Eng∣land, till at length being met with all by William Surthe Archbish. of Yorke, and the L. Percy, and the L. Neuell, w^t other nobles of those parties (calling & gathering their men together) in the plain nere to Durham,* 95.4 the 17. day of October in the yere abouesayd through the gracious hand of Christ, there were subdued & conquered. In the which conflict, the Earles of Murrise, and Stratheron, with the flower of all the chiualry and principall warriors of Scot¦land were slaine. Also the foresayd king Dauid, with the Earles of Mentiffe & Fiffes, and other Lords, and Williā Douglas Mas klime,* 95.5 fleming, and William Douglas, & other many moe men of armes were taken prisoners, & so the mischiefe which they intended to other, fell vpon theyr owne heads.

During moreouer the sayd siege of Calis, the foresayd Pope Clemēt the 6. writing to the king of England, wēt about vnder the pretence of peace, to stop hys proceedings whose letters here follow nuder written.

The letter of the Pope to the king of Eng∣land, in the behalfe of the Frenchmen.

CLement the Bishop, seruaunt of Gods seruaunts: To his wel∣beloued sonne in Christ, Edward the puissaunt king of Eng∣land Salutation and Apostolical blessing.

If you diligētly consi∣der deare sonne (as ought a catholicke Prince to do) the slaughter of such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious bloud of Christ our redemer: the losse of their substaunce & soules, and the lamētable perils, which the dissentions and warres stirred vp be∣twene you and our welbeloued sonne Philippe, the noble king of Fraūce haue brought vpō vs, and yet dayly do without intermis∣siō: And also the bewayling of so many poore people, crying out of Orphans and pupils, lamentation of widowes, and other mise∣rable people, which be robbed and spoyled, and almost famished: what exclamation they make with teares running downe theyr cheeks, yelling and crying vnto God for helpe, as also the destru∣ction of churches, monasteries, & holy places, holy vessels and o∣ther ornamēts vnto gods seruice dedicated: the sacrilegious rob∣beries, takings, & imprisonings: the spoyling of holy churches & religious persons, with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefes, offending the eies of the diuine maiesty: All which, if your princely hart woulde consider and well remember with this also that Catholicke sayth (especially in the East partes) and the Christians there abiding by meanes of the same dissenti∣ons and warres, destitute of the helpes of such catholicke men as are in the West parties, are so afflicted of the Infidels seyng the o∣ther partes of Christendome so troubled, with cruell persecuti∣ons, yea and more crueller then euer it hath bene (although in these times to amplify this our sayth in the sayd East parts is cru∣ell persecution shewed more then hath bene of many yeares past) doubtles we beleue it would pity your hart. And to the end that such and so great euils should no further proceed, nor yet that so great good as might be done by delating of our foresayd fayth in these times should be let & hindered, we desire you that ye would applye your minde to make some agreement and peace with the foresaid king. For if (my welbeloued sonne) God hath geuen vnto you-prosperous successe and fortune, ye ought rather to humble thē to extoll your selfe: and so much the more readier to encline to his peace, and to indeuour your selfe to please God which lo∣ueth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men, and to eschew the foresayd euils which without doubt doe grieuously offend him. Furthermore, we maruell greatly that vnto our reuerend bro∣ther Anibaldus Byshop of Tusculane, and our beloued sonne Ste∣phen of the title of S, Iohn, and Paule, priest and Cardinall of the apostolicall sea, being sent as Legats by vs and the same see Apo∣stolical to intreat a peace, who diligently and faythfully laboring for the same as louers of verity, iustice and equity, and therwith∣all regarders of your honour: could not be suffered touching the intreatye of the same peace, to come vnto your Graces pre∣sence.

Wherefore we desire your kingly highnesse more earnestly, & for the mercy of God with more vehemence require the same: that you taking vp the foresaid horrible euils and preuenting the sweetnes of piety and compassion, may escape the vengeance of Gods indignation, which were to be feared, if you should perse∣uer in your former euils as God forbid. And as touching the in∣treaty for peace, for which our foresayd Cardinals were sent vnto you (howbeit secretly least it should be any derogation to your honor) we desire you to condescend therunto, & with all your af∣fection you will incline your minde to the same, so pleasaunt vn∣to God, so desired of the world, as also to you the foresayd king, & vnto the catholicke sayth profitable. And that the same peace by Gods help & grace established & made perfect, you might as∣say your puissant strength about gods busines in the foresaid east partes (so good occasion seruing as before is sayd in these our times) being so apt aduasicements of your honor, & happy increa¦sing of your princely name: for seruētly we haue heard of you re∣ported to behaue your selfe, in all your attemptes. Thus we doubt not but that you wil write vnto vs again touching the premisses, and the purpose of your intention touching the same.

Dated at Auinion the 18 of February, and 5 yeare of our Papacy.

The aunswere of the king of England, to the foresayst letter of the Pope.

MOst holy father,* 97.1

we vnderstand by the letters of the reuerēd fathers in God the Byshop of Tusculan, and Stephen of the title of S. Iohn Priest, Cardinals & Legats of the Court of Rome, as also by the letters of your holynesse sent vnto vs, that ye mar∣uell greatly for that your sayd Legates were of purpose sent vnto vs, and commaunded to intreat of a peace betwene our aduersa∣ry of Fraunce and vs, that we would not suffer them secretly to talke with vs, for the safegard of our honor: The intention of your hart to make the foresayd peace, complayning and bewayling therein the death of Christen men, the losse of their goodes, the perill of their soules, the lamentable waylings of the poore, of or∣phanes, the widowes, and destruction of other pittyfull persons, the pillage and robberies of Churches, and other mischiefes in∣numerable, and namely the diminishing of Christen sayth in the East partes, which by the warre betwene our aduersary of Fraūce and vs is sore decayed, as the said letters playnely do import: And that forasmuch as God hath geuen you triumphant fortune, that so much the more we ought to abase and humble our hart and to be the readyer to make and incline to a peace. As touching these thinges holy Father, we geue your holynesse to vnderstand that aswell vnto your foresayd Legates as other messengers sent from you vnto vs, we haue offered vnto euerye of them reasonable wayes of peace, and euery day declare the same, and that not se∣cretly but openly: For we doubt not to let our purpose be vn∣derstoode, for he that is the high Iudge both of him and vs, in whose disposition all thing lyeth, hath geuen vnto vs the crowne of Fraunce to our right and proper heritage. The which right, our foresayd aduersary hath by force, of long time deteyned from vs we seeking to obtayne the same in peaceable wise and yet do, if we might obtayne the same in any good maner, rather for the benefit of christen men, and that the foresayd euilles might cease, which by his wrongfull meanes onely haue increased & growne. Yet notwithstanding as before this time you know we assen∣ted to a truce with certayne Articles conteined in the same

writing, all this he hath infringed: Neither doth the wrong suffice him which he offereth vs in our foresayd heritage, but endeuou∣reth himselfe during the sayd truce to inuade our realme of Eng∣land and other our landes; and further maynteineth the Scottes, & aydeth them to the vtter destructiō of vs; our people, & lands aforesayd: whereby, we were inforced for the safegarde of our people and landes, by such lawfull meanes we may, to defend our selues and put him from his wicked purpose. And further∣more, for the same our quarell being in the handes of God, haue we commen against him to conquere our inheritaunce of Fraūce ouer whom God hath geuen vs diuers victories as we haue tru∣sted he would by his rightwise iudgement and power, whiche thing he hath shewed vpon vs, (all chaunce of fortune set a part) in respect of our rightfull title therein, and without our desertes: Wherefore with all humility of hart we geue him thanks alwaies therefore, most deuoutly night and day praysing his holy name, for we acknowledge the same commeth not by our strength and force. Wherefore most holy Father we desire your holynesse, and somuch, as in vs lyeth require the same, that you that supplye the place of the sonne of God in earth, and hath the gouernement of the soules of all Christen men and ought to be vpright and e∣quall, towardes all men without exception of persons: that ye will receiue good information and true, of the obiections aboue sayd, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our sayed aduersarye of Fraunce may acknowledge his wrong whiche he hath done to vs herein, and may be by your ayde redressed, and that he in this his wrong haue no maintey∣nance and ayde at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeale vn∣to the iudge of iudges which suffereth for a time wronges to be donne for the sinnefull default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, leauing no good deed vnrewarded, nor euill vnpuni∣shed most humbly requiring him to be to vs a true and vpright iudge of all our controuersyes,* 97.2 for his mercies sake, as in the meane time we repose our full trust and confidence in him. The holy spirit of God &c.

Moreouer during yet the siege of Calis, the French king had sent certayn offers to the men of Flaunders that if they would relinquish the king of England and adhere to him.

• First he would remitte all their former transgressions.
• Secondly, he would vnburdē them of their interdict.
• Thirdly, he would send vnto them such plēty of corne, that what was sold for 12.5. with them, should be sold for 4.5. and that for 6. yeares.* 97.3
• Fourthly, he would store them with plenty of French woll, to make cloth for a small price, & that they might sell the sayd clothes both in Flaunders and in Fraunce: & that the Frēch men should vse the same cloth, for so much as al other maner of cloth should be forbid in Fraunce, so long as any of that (made of French woll) might be found.
• Fiftly, he would restore them to these three Cities In∣sulam, Rowocum, and Betony.
• Sixtly, he would defend them from all their aduersa∣ries. And in pledge of the same, would sēd them mony be∣fore hand.
• Seuenthly, such as were able and forward men amōg them, he would reteine and promote them. &c.

But these offers seming to proceed more of faire words to serue the presēt turne, then or any harty truth, were not receiued. Thē the L. Iohn, Prince & heyre to the French king, during the foresayd siege of Calis aboue mentioned, comming with a mighty army of French men, set vpon y^• men of Flaūders and English men in the towne of Cas∣sels. In the which conflict during from morning to noone,* 97.4 the Frenchmē were vanquished and the young Dolphin driuen backe from whence he came. Of whose number di∣uers were slaine, and taken prisoners. Where on the other side (through the Lordes defence) not one is reported to be grieuously wounded.

As this passed on, not long after about y^• 7. day of Iune an. 1347,* 97.5 king Edward continuing still his siege agaynst Calis, Philip the French king came downe with a migh∣ty army purposing to remoue the siege: where not farre of from the English host, he incamped himselfe. Which done 2. Cardinals, Ambaldus, & Stephanus (procured for the same purpose) going betwene the two kinges, gaue to the king of England thus to vnderstand: that if he would cō∣descend to any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such honest prosers vnto him, as to rea¦son & to his contentation should seme agreeable. But in cō∣clusion when it came to talke, the nobles could not agree vpon y^• conditions. Wherefore the french king seing no o∣ther remedy, did it to be signified to king Edward: that be¦twene that present Teusday, & the next friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should haue battell geuē him. Thus the place being vewed of foure Captaines of either host,* 97.6 for the battaile to be fought: it so fell, that the French K. on Wednesday at night before the battell should ioyne, secretly by night setting his pauilions on fire, returned backe with his army, out of the sight of English men.

Upon the Friday folowing, they which were besieged in the towne of Calis, seeing the king to be retyred (vpon whose helpe they trusted, being also in great penury & fa∣mine for lack of victuals,* 97.7 & otherwise in much misery ve∣hemently distressed) surrendered the towne to the kinges handes: who like a mercifull Prince onely deteining cer∣teine of the chiefe, the rest with the whole cōmons he let go with bagg & baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, shewing therein more Princely fauour to them, then they did of late in Queene Maries dayes vnto our men, in re∣couering the sayd towne of Calis agayne.

After the winning thus of Calis as hath bene premi∣sed, king Edward remaining in the sayd towne a certaine space,* 97.8 was in consultatiō concerning his voyage & proce∣ding farther into Fraunce. But by meanes of the foresayd Cardinals, truce for a certayne time was takē, and instru∣mentes made (so prouided) that certayne noble mē as well for the french K. as for the king of England, should como to the Pope there to debate vpon the Articles. Unto the which king Edward, for peacesake was not greatly disa∣greing. Which was. an. 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh.

The next yeare folowing which was an. 1348.* 97.9 fell a sore plague, which they call the first generall pestilence in y^• realme of England,* 97.10 This plague (as they say) first sprin∣ging frō the East, & so spreading westward, did so mighte¦ly preuaile here in this land, beginning first at Dorcester & the countryes thereabout, that euery day lightly 20. some dayes 40. some 60. & moe dead corses were brought & layd together in one pitte. This beginning the first day of An∣gust: by the first of Nouember it came to Londō. Wheras the vehement rage therof was so hoate, and did increase so much: that from the first day of February, til about the be∣ginning of May in a Churchyard then newlye made by smithfield,* 97.11 aboue 200. dead corses euery day were buried, besides them which in other Churchyardes of the Cittye were layd also. At lēgth by the grace of Christ ceasing ther it proceded from thence to the Northparts. Where also the next yeare after. an. 1349. it swaged.

After this in the next yeare insuing. an. 1350.* 97.12 the towne of Calis was by treason of the keper of the Castle, almost betrayed and wonne from the English men.* 97.13 Within the compasse of which yere, dyed Philip the French king. Af∣ter whom king Iohn his sonne succeeded in the crowne. Who the next yeare after vnder false precence of frendship, caused the Constable of Fraūce Erle of Ewe to be behea∣ded: who being taken prisoner before in warre by English men,* 97.14 and long deteined in prison in England, was licēsed by king Edward to visite his country of Fraunce. In the same yere the town of Gwines was takē by Englishmē, while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleepe.

The yeare next folowing,* 97.15 the Marshall of Fraunce with a great army was put to flight, by Syr Roger Ben∣tele Knight and Captayne in Britaine,* 97.16 hauing but onely 600. Souldiours with him. In this battell were taken 9. Knightes, Esquires, and Gentlemen. 140. The French men & Britaines, by this victory were exceedingly discou∣raged, and there pride cut downe.

In the yere after,* 97.17 was Henry first made Duke of Lā∣caster, which before was Earle of Derby and Lancaster. Also diuers good ordinaunces were appoynted in y^e Par∣liament at Westminster. Which afterby auarice, and parci∣all fauour of the head men, were agayne vndone.

Concord and agreement about the yeare. 1354.* 97.18 began to come well forward, & instruments were drawne vpon the same,* 97.19 betwene the 2. kings. But that the matter being brought vp to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quareling of the Frēch men, partly by the winking of y^c Pope which euer held with the French side, the conditions were repea¦led, which were these: That the king of England, all the Dukedome of Aquitanie with other lands there, should be to him restored, without homage to the French king. And that king Edward agayn should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in Fraunce: whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult, which folowed af∣ter betwene the two Realmes.

It folowed after this,* 97.20 the yeare of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, & that king Iohn his sonne, had graūted the Duke∣dome of Aquitine to Charles his eldest sonne & Dolphin of Vienna:* 97.21 sent ouer Prince Edward with the Earle of Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a suffi∣cient number of able souldiors, into Aquitania. Where he being willingly receiued of diuers, y^• rest be subdued: part∣ly

by force of sword, partly receiued, submitting themsel∣ues to his protection.

* 97.22Not long after this in y^• same yere, word being brought to king Edward that Iohn the Frēch king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to geue him battayle, gathe∣red his power & set ouer to Calis with his 2. sonnes, Leo nell Earle of Wilton: and Iohn of Gaunt, Earle of Rich∣mond:* 97.23 & with Henry Duke of Lancaster, &c. who beyng come to S. Omers, the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his cōming, the nerer he ap∣proched to them the further they retyred backe: wasting & destroying behind them, to the intēt that the english army in pursuing thē should finde no victuals. By reasō wher∣of, king Edward folowing him by y^• space of 9. or 10 dayes vnto Hadē (whē neither he could ••inde his enemy to fight, nor victuals or forage for his army) he returned vnto Ca∣lis: where warre agayne being offered in the name of the king vpon vnstable conditions, and yet the same not per∣formed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, frō Calis crossed the seas into England: where he recoue∣red agayne the towne of Barwicke, which the Scots be∣fore by subtle traine had gotten. At which time was graū∣ted vnto the king in Parliament 50.* 97.24 s. for euery sacke or packe of woll that should be caried ouer, for the space of 6. yeares together. By the which graunt, the king might de∣spend euery day by estimation aboue 100. marks sterling. And for as much as euery yere 100000. sacks of woll were thought to be exported out of the Realme: the sum thereof for 6. yeres space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. poūd sterling.

* 97.25The same yeare, when king Edward had recouered Barwick, and subdued Scotland: Prince Edward being in Gascony, made toward the Frēch king. Who notwith∣standing by the way all bridges were cast downe, & great resistaunce made: yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, & many prisoners taken:* 97.26 at length ioyning with the French king at Poytiers, scarse with 2000. gaue the ouerthrow to the French king with 7000. men of armes and mor. In which conflict the French king himselfe, and Philip hys sonne with L. Iames of Bourbon, the Archb. of Senon, II,* 97.27 Earles. 22. Lordes were taken. Of other warriors and men of armes 2000. Some affirme in this conflict were slayne 2. Dukes, of Lordes and noble men 24. of men of armes 2002. of other souldiours aboue 8000. The commō report is, that mo Frenchmē were there taken prisoners, then was the number of them which took them. This no∣ble victory gotten by the grace of God brought no litle ad¦miration to all men.

It were too long, and litle pertayning to the purpose of this history to comprehend in order all the doinges of this king, with the circumstances of his victoryes, of the bringing in of the french king into England, of his abode there, of the raunsome leuied on him and of Dauid the Scottish king,* 97.28 of which, the one was rated at 3. millions of Scutes, y^t other at 100000. marks to be payd in 10 yeres how the staple was after translated to Calis, with suche like, I referre them that would see more, to the Chronicle of Tho. Walsing. of S. Albans, of Iohn Froysard, Adā Merimouth, who discourse all this at large.

Thus hauing discoursed at large al such marshal affairs and warlicke exploytes incident in the reigne of this king betwixt him and the realmes of Fraunce and Scotland: Now to returne agayne to our matters ecclesiasticall, fol∣loweth in order to recapitulate and notifye the troubles & contentions growing betwene the same king & the Pope and other ecclesiasticall persons in matters touching the church in order of yeares remayuing in the Tower taken out of the recordes as followeth. As where first in the 4. yeare of his reigne the king wrote to the Archbi. of Can∣terbury to this effect. That whereas King Edward the 1. his graund father did geue to a Clerke of his owne, being his Chaplain the dignity of Treasurer of York, the Arch∣bishopricke of Yorke being then vacant and in the kinges handes, in the quiet possession whereof the sayde Clerke continued vntill the Pope misliking therewith woulde haue displaced him, and promoted to the same dignitye a Cardinal of Rome to the manifest preiudice of the crown of England. The King therefore straightly chargeth the Archbishop of Yorke not to suffer any matter to passe that may be preiudice to the donation of his graundfather, but that his owne Clerke should enioy the sayd dignity accor∣dingly, vpon payne of his highnes displeasure.

The like precepts were also directed to these Bishops folowing vide to the Bishop of Lincolne, Bishop of Wor∣cester, Bishop of Sax, Monser Marinion, Archdeacon of Richmond, Archdeacō of Lincolne, the Prior of Lewē, the Prior of Lenton, to maister Rich of Bintworth, to •••• Iherico de Concoreto the Popes Nuncio, to M. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Calma. And with all wrote his letters to the Pope tou∣ching the same matter consisting in three partes. First is the declaration and defence of his right and title to the do∣natiō and gift of all maner of temporalties, of offices, pre∣bendes, benefices and dignities ecclesiasticall holdeir of his in capite as in the right of his crown of England. Se∣condly in expostulating with the Pope for intending him¦selfe into the auncient right of the crowne of England in∣termedling with such collations contrary to right & rea∣son and the example of all his predecessours which were Popes before. Thirdly intreating him that he would hēce¦forth absteyne and desist from molesting the Realme wyth such nouelties and straunge vsurpations, and so much the more for that in the publique Parliament late holden at Westminster it was generally agreed vpon by the vniuer∣sall assent of all the estates of the Realme that the Kyng should stand to the defence of all such rightes and iurisdic∣tions as to his crowne appertayned.

After this in the 9. yeare of the Reigne of this Kyng Pope Benedict the 12. sendeth down letters touching his new creation with certayne other matters and requestes to the King whereunto the King aunswering agayne de∣clareth how glad he is of that his preferment adding more ouer y^t his purpose was to haue sēt vnto him certain Am∣bassadors for congratulatiō of the sau••e: But being other∣wise occupyed by reason of warres could not attend hys holynesse requestes: notwithstanding he minded to call a Parliament about the feast of Ascention next, whereupon the assēbly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same and so direct his Ambassadours to his holynesse accordingly.

The next yeare after which was the 10. yeare of his reigne the King writeth an other letter to the Pope that forasmuch as his clergy had graūted him one yeres tenth for the supportation of his warres, and for that the Pope also had the same time to take vp the payment of 6. yeares tenth graunted him by the Clergy a litle before, therefore the Pope woulde vouchsafe at his request to forbeare the exaction of that money for one yeare, till that his tenth for the necessities of his warres were dispatched.

The same yere he wrote also to the Pope to this effect. That whereas the Prior and Chapter of Norwiche did nominate a Clerke to be Bishop of Norwich and sēt him to Rome for his inuestiture without the Kinges know∣ledge, therefore the Pope woulde withdraw his consent & not intermedle in the matter appertaining to the Kings peculiar iurisdiction and prerogatiue.

After this in the 16. yeare of this King it happened that the Pope sent ouer certayne Legates to heare and deter∣mine matters appertayning to the right of patronages of Benefices: which the King perceiuing to tend to the no small derogation of his right and the liberties of hys sub∣iectes writeth vnto the sayd Legates admonishing and requiring them not to proceede therein nor attempt any thing vnaduisedlye otherwise then might stand with the lawfull ordinaunces & customes of the lawes of his realm and liberty of his subiectes.

Writing moreouer the same yeare to other Legats be∣ing sent ouer by the Pope to treate of peace betweene the King and the French King with request that they would first make their repayre to the french King who had so of∣tentimes broken with him, and proue what conformitye the french king would offer: which if he found reasonable, they should soone accord with him: otherwise exhorted thē not to enter into the land nor to proceede any further in that behalfe.

The yeare following which was the 17. of his reigne ensueth an other letter to the Pope agaynst his prouisiōs and reseruations of benefices, worthy here to be placed & specified, but that the summe thereof is before set downe to be found in the page. 386.

The yeare following another letter likewise was sēt by the King to the Pope vpon occation takē of the church of Norwich: requiring him to surcease his reseruations and prouisions of the Bishoprick within the Realme, and to leaue the elections thereof free to the Chapters of suche Cathedrall Churches according to the auncient grauntes and ordinaunces of his noble progenitors.

Proceeding now to the 19. yeare of this kinges reigne there came to the presence of the king certayne Legats frō Rome complayning of certayne statutes past in hys par∣liament tending to the preiudice of the Church of Rome & the Popes primary viz. that if Abbots, Priors, or any other ecclesiasticall patrons of benefices shoulde not present to the sayd benefices within a certayne time, the lapse of the

same shoulde come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did not present, then to the Archbishop: if the Archbi∣shoppe likewise did fayle to present, then the gyft to per∣teyne not to the Lord Pope but to the Kyng and hys heyres. An other complaynt was this that if Archbi∣shops should be slack in geuing such benefices as proper∣ly pertayned to theyr owne patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise shoulde appertayne to the foresayd King and his heires. An other complaynt was that if the Pope shoulde make voyde any elections in the Church of England for any defect foūd therein, and so had placed some honest and discreete persons in the same, that then the King and his heires was not bounde to render the Temporaltyes vnto the partyes placed by the Popes prouision. Whereupon the Pope being not a little agrie∣ued, the Kyng writeth vnto him certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that Parlyament. And further as touching all o∣ther thinges he woulde conferre with his Prelates and Nobles and thereof would returne aunswere by hys Le∣gates.

In the 20. yeare of his raigne another letter was wri∣ten to the Pope by the King, the effect whereof in few wordes to expresse, was this, to certify him that in respect of his great charges susteyned in hys warres, he hath by y^e counsell of his Nobles taken into his owne handes the fruites and profites of all hys benefices here in England.

To proceed in the order of yeares that in the 26. yeare of this king one Nicholas Heath Clerke a busy headed body and a troubler of the Realme had procured diuers Byshops and others of the Kinges counsell to be cited vp to the Court of Rome there to answere such complayntes as he had made agaynst them: whereupon commaunde∣ment was geuen to the King to all the portes of the real∣me for the restraynt of all passingers out, and for searching and aresting all persons bringing in any Bulles or other proces from Rome tending to the derogation of the dig∣nity of the crowne or molestation of the subiectes concer∣ning which Nicholas Heath the King also writeth to the Pope his letters complayning of the sayd Heath and de∣siring him to geue no eare to his lewd complaynts.

The same yeare the King writeth also to the Popes Legate resident in England requiring him to surcease from exacting diuers summes of money of the Clergy in the name of first fruites of benefices.

The 31. yeare of this Kinges reigne the King by hys letters complayneth to the Pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas Stanneway remaining in Rome, whi∣che by his slaunderous complayntes procured diuers ci∣tations to be sent into the Realme, to the great distur∣baunce of diuers and sundry honest men: whereupon he prayeth and aduiseth the Pope to stay himselfe and not to send ouer such hasty Citatiōs vpon euery light occasiō.

To passe further to the 38. yeare of the same King thus we finde in the Rolles. That the King y^• same yeare tooke order by two of his Clergy, to witte Iohn a Stocke and Iohn of Norton to take into their handes all the tempo∣raltyes of all Deaneryes, Prebendes, Dignityes, and Benefices being then vacant in England and to answere the profites of the same to the Kinges vse.

The same yeare an ordinaunce was made by the King and his Counsell and to the same proclaymed in all porte townes within the Realme, that good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoeuer comming frō the Court of Rome. &c. doe bring into the Realme with him any Bull, instrument, letters patentes, or other pro∣ces that may be preiudiciall to the King or any of his sub∣iectes: nor that any person passing out of this Realme to∣ward the Court of Rome doe cary with him any instru∣ment or proces that may redound to the preiudice of the King or his subiectes: and that all persons passing to the sayd Court of Rome. &c. with the Kinges speciall license do notwithstanding promise and finde surety to the Lord Chauncellour, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the preiudice of the King or his sub∣iectes vnder payne to be put out of the Kinges protection and to forfeyt his body, goods, and Cattelles according to the statute thereof made Anno. 27.

And thus much concerning the letters and writinges of the King with such other domesticall matters, pertur∣bations, and troubles passing betwene him and the Pope taken out of the publique Recordes of the Realme, wher∣by I thought to geue the Reader to vnderstand the horri∣ble abuses, the intollerable pride, and the vnsatiable aua∣rice of that Byshop more like a proud Lucifer then a pa∣stor of the Church of Christ, in abusing the king and op∣pressing his subiectes with exactions vnmeasurable: not onely exercising his tyranny in this Realme, but raging also agaynst other Princes both farre and neare, emongst whom neither spared he the Emperour himselfe. In the story and artes of which Emperour Ludouicus mentio∣ned a title before, pag. 273. whom the Pope did most arro∣gantly excommunicate vpon maundy thursday, and the selfe same day placing an other Emperour in his roome. Relation was made of certayne learned men which tooke the Emperour's part agaynst the Pope. In number of whom was Marsilius Patauinus, Gullermus Ockam, Ioannes Gandauensis, Luitpoldus, Andreas Landensis, Vlricus Hangenor treasurer to the Emperour,* 97.29 Dantes, Aligerius, &c. Of whom Marsilius Patauinus compiled and exhibited vnto the Em∣peror Ludourke, a worthy worke intituled Defensor pacis: writē in the Emperors behalfe agaynst the Pope. Wher∣in (both godly & learnedly disputing agaynst the Pope) he proueth, all Bishops and Priestes to be equall: And that the Pope hath no superiority aboue other Bishopes, much lesse aboue the Emperour. That the word of God ought to be onely the chiefe iudge in deciding and deter∣mining causes ecclesiastical: That not onely spiritual per∣sons, but say men also being godly and learned ought to be admitted into generall councels: That the Clergy and the Pope ought to be subiect vnto Magistrates: That the Church is the vniuersity of the faythfull, and that the foū∣dation and head of the Church is Christ, and that he neuer appoynted any vicar or Pope ouer his vniuersall church: That Bishops ought to be chosen euery one by their own Church and Clergy: That the mariage of Priestes may lawfully be permitted: That S. Peter was neuer at Rome: That the Clergy and Sinagoge of the Pope is a deune of theeues: That the doctrine of the Pope is not to be folowed, because it leadeth to destruction: And that the corrupt matters of the Christians doe spring and flow out of the wickednes of the spiritualty.* 97.30 &c. He disputeth more∣ouer in an other worke of free iustification by grace: And extenuated merits, saying that they are no causes efficient of our saluation, but onely sine qua non, that is to say, that workes be no cause of our iustification, but yet our iustifi∣catiō goeth not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and Catholicke, he was condemned by the Pope. an. 1324. by the Popes decree extrauagant, cap. Licet intra doctrinam. Concerning the which man and his doc∣trine: I thought good thus much to commit to history, to the entent men may see, that they which charge this doc∣trine now taught in the Church with the note of noueltye or newnes, how iguoraunt and vnskilfull they be in the historyes and order of times fore past.

In the same part of condemnation at the same tyme,* 97.31 also was Ioannes de Gunduno. an. 1330. and contayned al∣so in the foresayd Extrauagāt, with Marsilius Patauinus. Whi∣che Ioannes wrote much vpon Aristotle and Auerrois, and are yet remayning. And no doubt but he wrote also of di∣uinity, but not vnlike that these workes haue bene aboli∣shed.

In the same number and cataloge, commeth also Guil∣lermus Ockam,* 97.32 who was in the yeare of our Lord 1326. as is afore mentioned pag. 375. and wrote likewise in defence of Ludouicus the Emperour agaynst the Pope: and also in defence of Michael Generall of Grayfriers,* 97.33 whom the Pope had excommunicated & cursed for an hereticke. Di∣uers treatises were by the sayd Ockam set forth, whereof some are extant and in print, as his questions & distincti∣ons: some are extinct and suppressed (as Ascentius repor∣teth) quoòd essent aliquando asperiora. Some againe be pub∣lished vnder no name of the author, being of his doing: as the dialogue betwene the souldiour and the clarke: wher∣in it is to be coniected, what bookes and workes this Oc∣kam had collected agaynst the Pope. Of this Ockā Iohn Sledane in his history inferreth mention, to his great cō∣mendation, whose wordes be these: William Ockam in time of Ludouicus, 4. Emperor did florish, about the yere of our Lord 1326. Who among other thinges wrote of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. In the which booke he handleth these 8. questions very copiously: whether both the administrations of the Bishops office, and of the Em∣perors may be in one man.* 97.34 2. Whether the Emperour ta∣keth his power and authority onely of God, or els of the Pope. 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome haue power by Christ, to set and place kinges and Emperors, and to commit to them theyr iurisdiction to be exercised. 4. Whether the Emperor being elected, hath full authority vpon the sayd his election, to administer his Empire. 5. Whether other kinges besides the Emperor and King of Romaines, in that they are consecrated of priestes, receiue of thē any part of their power. 6. Whether the sayd kings in any case be subiect to their cōsecrators. 7. Whether if the

sayd kings should admit any newe sacrifice, or should take to themselues the Diadeine without any further consecra∣tion, they shoulde thereby lose their kingly right and title. 8. Whether the seuen princes electors geue as much to the election of the Emperour, as succession rightfull geueth to other kings. Upon these questions he disputeth and argu∣eth with sundry arguments and sundry reasons on bothe sides at length decideth the matter on the parte of the ciuil magistrate: and by occasion therof, entreth into the menti∣on of the Popes decrees Extrauagant, declaring how li∣tle force or regard is to be geuen therunto.

* 97.35Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ari∣minensis a learned & a famous and right godly man: who not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about the yeare of our Lorde 1350. Disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will, as we doe nowe, and dissented therein from the Papistes and Sophisters, counting them woorse then Pelagians.

* 97.36Of the like iudgement, and in the same time was also Andreas de Castro, as apeareth super lit. 1. Sentent. dist. 45. and Burdianus vppon the Ethiques of Aristotle: which both maintained the grace of y^t gospel, as is now in the church receiued, aboue 200. yeres since.

And what should I speake of the Duke of Burgundy named Eudo,* 97.37 who at the same time, An. 1350. disswaded the French king not to receiue in hys land the new founde cōstitutions, decretall & Extrauagant, within his realme: whose sage counsail then geuen, yet remaineth among the French kings records, as witnesseth Charol. Molinaeus.

Dantes an Italian wryter a Florentine, lyued in the time of Ludouicus themperour,* 97.38 about the yere of our lord 1300. and tooke his parte with Marsilius Patauinus a∣gainst three sortes of men, which he sayd were enemyes to the truth: That is, the pope: Secondly, the order of religi∣ous men, which count thēselues the children of the church, whē they are y^t children of the deuil their father: Thirdly, the Doctors of decrees and decretals.* 97.39 Certain of his wry∣tings be extant abroad, wherein he prooueth the Pope not to be aboue the Emperour, nor to baue any right or iuris∣diction in the Empire. He cōfuteth the Donation of Con∣stantine to be a forged and a fained thing, as which neither did stande with any lawe or right. For the which, he was taken of many for an hereticke. He complaineth moreouer very much, the preaching of Gods worde to be omitted: and in stede thereof, the vaine fables of monkes and friers to be preached and beleued of the people: and so the flock of Christ to be fed not with the foode of the Gospell, but wyth winde. The Pope sayeth he, of a pastor is made a wolfe, to wast the church of Christ, and to procure with his Clergie not the word of God to be preached, but his own Decrees. In his canticle of purgatory, he declareth the Pope to be the whore of Babylon.* 97.40 And to her ministers, to some hee applieth 2. hornes, to some 4. As to the Patriarches, whō he noteth to be the tower of the sayd whore Babilonicall. Ex libris Dantes Italice.

* 97.41Hereunto may be added the saying out of the booke of Iornandus unprinted, with the foresaid Dantes: that for∣somuch as Antichrist commeth not before the destruction of the Empire, therefore such as go about to haue the Em∣pire extinct, are forrunners and messengers in so doing of Antichrist.* 97.42 Therfore let the Romaines (sayth he) and their Byshops beware, least their sinnes and wickednes so de∣seruing by the iust iudgement of God, the priesthood be ta∣ken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelates and prin∣ces of Germany take hede. &c.

And because our aduersaries which obiecte to vs the newnes of our doctrine, shall see the course and fourme of this religion now receaued, not to haue ben, eyther such a newe thing nowe,* 97.43 or a thing so straunge in times past: I will adde to these aboue recited, master Taulerus a prea∣cher of Argentine in Germany. An. 1350. Who contrary to the Popes proceedings, taught openly against al mennes merites, and against inuocation of Saintes, and preached sincerely of our free iustificatiō by grace, referring al mans trust onely to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.

With whom also may be adioyned Frāciscus Petrarcha, a wryter of the same age,* 97.44 who in hys works and hys Ita∣lian meeter speaking of Rome: calleth it the whore of Ba∣bylon, the schole and mother of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of traichery growing and increasing by y^t oppres∣sing of others: and sayeth farther that shee, (meaning the Popes Court) extolleth her selfe against her founders that is, the Emperours, who first set her vp and did so enriche her: And semeth plainly to affirme that the pope was An∣tichrist, declaring that no greater euil could happen to any man then to be made Pope. Thys Franciscus was about the yeare of our Lord. 1350.

And if time would serue vs to seeke out olde hystories,* 97.45 we should finde plenty of faithful witnesses of old and an∣cient time, to geue witnesse with vs against the Pope be∣side the other aboue rehearsed: as Ioannes de Rupe scissian. 1340. Who for rebuking the spiritualtie for theyr greate enormities and neglecting their office and duety, was cast in pryson.

Illyricus a wryter in our dayes,* 97.46 testifieth that he founde & red man old Pamphlet, that the sayd Ioannes should call the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon: and the Pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the Cardinals to be the false prophetes. Being in pryson he wrote a booke of Pro∣phesies, bearing the title: Vade mecum in tribulationem: in which booke (which also I haue seene) he prophesied & ad∣monished affliction and tribulation to hang ouer the spi∣ritualty.* 97.47 And pronoūceth plainly that God wil purge his Clergy, and wil haue priestes that shal be poore, godly, and that shal faithfully seede the Lordes flocke: moreouer, that the goods of the church shal returne againe to the lay men. He prophesied also the same time, that the French king and his army should haue an ouerthrow. Which came likewise to passe during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Ioan∣nes de Rupe, wryteth Froysard in hys time, and also Wick∣lisse,* 97.48 of whose prophecies, more may be said at more leisure (Christ willing) hereafter.

About the same yeare of our Lorde 1340.* 97.49 in the Citie Herbipoli, was one named master Cōradus Hager, who (as appeareth by the old bulles and registers of Otho by∣shop of the said citye) is there recorded, to haue mainteined and taught the space of 24. yeares together, the Masse to be no maner of sacrifice: neither that it profiteth any man ether quicke or dead,* 97.50 and that the money geuen of the dead for Masses, be very robberies & sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly do intercept and take away from the poore. And sayd moreouer,* 97.51 that if he had a stooue full of golde and siluer, hee would not geue one farthing for any Masse. For the same his doctrine, thys good preacher was condemned and inclosed in pryson: what afterward became vpon him, we doe not finde.

There is among other old and ancient recordes of an∣tiquity belōging to thys present time,* 97.52 a certain monument in verses Poetically compiled, but not wythout a certaine morall, intituled, Poenitentiarius Asini, the Asses confessor: bearing the date and yeare of our Lorde in thys number, Completus An. 1343. In this treatise be brought foorth the Wolfe, the Foxe, and the Asse comming to Christ and doing penaunce. First the Wolfe confesseth hym to the Fox, who easely doeth absolue hym from all hys faultes, and also ex∣cuseth hym in the same. In like maner the Wolfe hearyng the Foxes shrifte, sheweth to hym the like fauour agayne. After thys commeth the Asse to cōfession, whose fault was thys: that hee being hungry, tooke a strawe out from the cheafe of one that went in peregrination vnto Rome. The Asse although repenting of his fact, yet because he thought it not so heynous as y^e faults of the other, the more hee ho∣ped for hys absolution,* 97.53 But what followed? After the sely Asse had vttered his crime in auricular confession, imme∣diatly the discipline of the lawe was executed vppon hym with seueritie: neither was hee iudged worthy of any ab∣solution, but was apprehended vpon the same, slayne and deuoured. Whosoeuer was the author of thys fabulous tale, had a misticall vnderstanding in the same, for by the Wolfe no doubt was meant the Pope. But the Foxe was resembled to the Prelates, Curtisans, Priestes, and rest of the spiritualtie. Of the spiritualtie, the Lord Pope is soone absoyled,* 97.54 as contrary, the Pope soone doeth absoyle them in like manner. By the Asse is ment the poore laitie, vppon whose backe the straite censure of the law is sharpely exe∣cuted: especially when the Germane Emperors come vn∣der the Popes Inquisition, to be examined by hys disci∣pline, there is no absolution nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in these stories may partly appeare before. And though the matter be not the weyght of a strawe, yet what sayeth the holy father the Wolfe, if it please hym to make any matter of it.

Immensum scelus est, iniuria quam peregrin•• Fecisti, stramen subripiendo sibi. Non aduertisti quòd plura pericula paslus Plurima passurus, quòd peregrinus erat. Non aduertisti, quòd ei per maxima terrae Et pelagi spacia, sit peragranda via. Non aduertisti, sanctos, nec limina sancta, Sanctorum sanctam sed nec Hierusalem. Ille retransiuit eadem loca, tam violentum Ex inopinato sensit adesse malum.

De Papa Taceo, cuius protectio talem, Conduxit, cuius tu vilipendis opem. Totius Ecclesiae fuerit quam nuncius iste, Pertulit abstracto gramine damna viae. &c.

And thus they aggerating and exaggerating the fault to the vttermost, flye vpon the poore asse & deuour him. By the which Apologie, the tyrannicall and fraudulent practi∣ses of these spirituall Romanistes are liuely described.

* 97.55Not long after those aboue rehearsed, about the yeare of our lord 1350. Gerhardus Ridder, wrote also against the Monkes and Friers a booke intituled, Lacrima Ecclesiae: wherein he disputeth agaynst the foresaid religious orders namely against the begging Friers: prouing that kinde of life to be farre frō Christian perfection, for that it is against charitie to live vppon other, when a man may liue by his own labours. And affirmeth them to be hipocrites, filthy liuers, and such as for mans fauour, and for lucre sake, doe mixt with true diuinitie: fables Apocriphas, and dreames of vanitie. Also, that they vnder pretence of long prayer, deuour widdowes houses: and with their confessions, ser∣mons, and burials doe trouble the Church of Christ ma∣nifold wayes. And therfore perswaded the prelates to bri∣dle and keepe short y^e inordinate licence and abuses of these Monasticall persons. &c.

* 97.56Yet I haue made no mensiō of Michael Cesenas, pro∣uincial of the gray friers, n••r Petrus de Corbaria, of whō writeth Antoninus, in quarta parte summae & sayth they were condemned in the extrauagant of Pope Iohn, with one Ioānes de Poliaco. Their opiniōs saith Antoninus were these: That Peter the Apostle was no more the head of the Church, then the other Apostles: And that Christ left no Uicare behinde him or head in hys Church: And that the Pope hath no such authoritie to correct and punishe, to in∣stitute or depose the Emperour. Item, that all Priestes of what degree so euer, are of equall authoritie, power, and iurisdiction by the institution of Christ: but by the instituti∣on of the Emperour, the Pope to bee superiour, which by the same Emperour also may be reuoked agayne. Item that neyther the pope nor yet the Church may punish any man,* 97.57 punitione coactiua. That is, by externe coaction: vn∣lesse they receiue licence of the Emperour. This foresayd Michaell, generall of the gray Friers, wrote against the tiranny, pride, and primacie of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist: and the Churche of Rome, to be the whore of Babilon dronke with the bloud of Saintes. He sayd there were two Churches, one of the wicked florishing, wherein raigned the pope: the other of the godly afflicted. Itē, that the veritie was almost vtterly extinct: And for this cause he was depriued of his dignitie & condemned of the Pope. Notwithstāding,* 97.58 he stode constant in his assertions. This Michaell was about the yeare of our Lord 1322. And left behinde him many fautours & followers of his doctrine, of whom a great part were slayne by the Pope: Some were condemned, as William Ockam, some were burned as Io∣annes de Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara. In extrauag. Ioan 23.

With him also was condemned in the sayd Extrauagāt Ioannes de Poliaco, aboue touched, whose assertions, were these: That the pope coulde not geue licence to heare con∣fessions to whom he would, but that euery pastour in hys owne Church ought to suffice. Item, that pastours and bi∣shops had theyr authoritie, immediately from Christ & his Apostles, and not from the pope, Itē, that the constitution of pope Benedict. II. wherein he graunteth larger priuele∣gies to the Friers aboue other pastours, was no declara∣tion of the law, but a subuersion. And for this he was by y^e sayd Friers oppressed, about the yeare of our Lord. 1322.

* 97.59After Symon Mepham Archbishop of Caunterbury before mentioned, who liued not lōg: succeded Ioh. Stret∣ford. After whom came Iohn Offord, who liued but x. mo∣nethes. In whose rowme succeeded Thomas, & remained but one yeare. an. 1350. And after him Simon Iselyp was made archbishop of Canterbury, by Pope Clemēt the vi. who sat xvii. yeares, and builded Caunterbury Colledge in Oxford. Which Symon Islyp succeeded the Byshop of Ely named Symon Langham, who within two yeares was made Cardinall. In whose stede Pope Urbane the 5. ordeined William Wittlesey bishop of Worceter to be arch∣bishop of Caunterbury.* 97.60 an. 1366. In which yeare, William Bishop of Winchester elected and founded the newe col∣ledge in Oxford.

* 97.61Agayne in the order of the popes, next vnto Pope Cle∣ment the 6. before mentioned, about the same time. an. 1353, succeeded pope Innocent the 6. In the first yeare of which Pope two Friers Minors of Franciscans were burned at Auinion. Pro opinionibus (as mine author sayth) erroneis, prout. D. Papae & eius Cardinalibus videbatur. i. For certaine o∣pinions, as seemed to the pope and his Cardinals, erro∣neous. Ex Chron. Wals. Of the which two Friers, I finde in the Chronicles De actis Rom. pontificum,* 97.62 and in the history of Praemonstratensis, that the one was Ioannes Rochetay∣lada. Or rather as I finde in Catal. testium cited out of the Chronicle of Henricus de Herfordia,* 97.63 his name to be Haya∣balus. Who being (as he recordeth) a Fry or Minorite, be∣gan first in the time of Pope Clement the 6. an. 1345. to preach and affirme openly that he was by Gods reuelatiō charged and commaunded to preach: that tho Churche of Rome was the whore of Babilon, and the Pope with hys Cardinals to be very Antichrist.* 97.64 And that pope Benedict & the other before him his predecessours were dāned, with other suche like wordes, tending much agaynst the Popes tirannical maiesty. And that the foresaid Hayabalus being brought before the Popes face, constauntly did stand in the same, saying: that he was commaunded by Gods reuelatiō so to say,* 97.65 and also y^t he woulde preach the same, if he might. To whom it was then obiected that he had some heretical books, and so was committed to prison in Auiniō. In the time of his accusation it happened, that a certain priest cō∣ming before the Pope,* 97.66 cast the Popes Bull downe before his feete, saying, Lo here, take your Bull vnto you, for it doth me no good at al. I haue laboured now these 3. yeares withall, and yet notwithstanding for all this your Bull I cannot be restored to my right. The Pope hearing this, commaunded the poore Priest to be scourged, and after to be layd in prison with the foresayd Fryer. What became of them afterward, the foresayd wryter Henricus de Herfordia maketh no mention. But I may probably coniecture this Priest,* 97.67 and this Friar Rochetayladus, or rather Hayaba∣lus were the two, whome mine author Thom. Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Auinion, about the first beginning of this Pope Innocentius the 6. Of thys Roichtaylada, I thought good here to inferre the testimo∣ny and mention of Iohn Froysayd, written of him in hys first volum, chap. 211 in these wordes.

There was (sayth Froysard) a Frier Minor full of great Clergy in the Citty of Auinion,* 97.68 called Frier Iohn of Rochetaylada, the which Frier pope Innocent 6. held in prison in the Castell of Baignour for shewing of many meruails after to come, pricipally he shewed many things to fall vnto the Prelates of the Church for the great super∣fluitie and pryde, that was then vsed among them. And also he speake many thinges to fall of the realm of Fraunce and of the great Lordes of Christendome, for the oppressi∣ons y^t they did to the poore cōmon people. This Fryer sayd he would proue all his sayinges by the authoritie of the A∣pocalips, & by other bookes of holy Saints and prophets the which were opened to him by y^t grace of the holy ghost: he shewed many things hard to beleue, & many things fell after as he sayd. He said thē not as a prophet but he shewed them by authoritie of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the holy Ghost, who gaue him vnderstanding to declare the ancient prophetes, & to shew to all Christen people the yeares and times whē such things should fall, he made di∣uers books founded on great sciences and Clergy, wherof one was made the yeare of our Lord. 1346. wherin was written suche meruailes that it were hard to beleue them howbeit many thinges, according there to fell after. And when he was demaunded of the warres of Fraunce he said that al that had bene sene, was not like that should be seen after. For he sayd that the warres in Fraunce shoulde not be ended till the Realme were vtterly wasted & exiled in e∣uery part. The which saying was well sene after, for y^e no∣ble realme of Fraunce was sore wasted and exiled: & speci∣ally in the terme that the sayd Fryer had set. The which was in the yeares of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. & 59. He sayd in those yeares the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realme should not for feare shew themselues agaynst the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or cap∣tayne, and they shoulde doe as they list in the Realme of Fraunce, the which fell after as ye haue heard, how the cō∣panions assembled them together, and by reason of theyr robbery and pillage waxed rich & became great captains.

About the same time happened in Fraunce a certayne contention betwene the French Prelates, and y^e Fryers of Paris,* 97.69 testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis, the briefe effect of which story is this. The Prelates of France conuenting and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselues: caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes,* 97.70 maisters & Bachelers of euery facultie, with the chiefe heads also of al the Religious houses and Friers in the vniuersitie of Pa∣ris, who being al there congregated together in the bishop

of paris his house, where there were presēt 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops: first stood vp the Bishop of Biturecense, who there making his Sermon, tooke for his theame the place of S. Paule to the Ephesians, Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo,* 97.71 latitudo, altitudo, & profunditas charitatis &c. and concluded therupon, first that true charity would compell them to see and prouide for their flockes. Secondly, that the vigore of charity would arme them, to withstand er∣rors. Thirdly he concluded, that by duety of charity, they were bound to geue theyr liues for the soules of theyr flock committed to their charge. Fourthly, that by the same cha¦rity euery man to holde himselfe content with that which was his owne, and not to intevineddle or busye himselfe further then to him appertayned, or belonged to his office: For there (sayth he) all order ecclesiasticall is dissolued, where as men not concerning themselues in their owne precincts; presume in othermes charges where they haue nothing to doe. But this charity (sayth he) now a dayes waxeth colde, and all Ecclesiasticall order is confounded and vtterly out of order. For many there be, which nowe a dayes presume to thrust in themselues where they haue nothing to do, so that now the Church may seeme a mon∣ster. For as in a natural body appeareth a monster, where one mēber doth the office of an other: so in y^e spirituall bo∣dy, which is the church, may be thought likewise. As whē our learned and prudent brethren,* 97.72 to wit, the Friers ma∣iors and minors, do take vpon them to vsurpe and occu∣pye the office to vs specially apperteining: namely, where as the scripture warneth vs all, none to take vpō him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. Wherfore we haue heretofore oftentimes caused the sayd Friers, both by the king himselfe in his owne person, & also by other nobles to be spoken to, and desired: to fur∣cease from doing and intermedling in our office, & yet they would not, but haue preached agaynst our willes through all our diocesses, & haue heard confessiōs, saying that they haue the Popes priuiledge to beare them out therein. For the which cause we come to you, and not we here present onely, but also we haue the handwriting and the full con∣sent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the king¦dome of Fraunce, to compla••ne to you of this so great in∣solency and presumptiō of the Friers. For that as we are, you shall be. Neither do I thinke to be any of vs prelates here now, which haue not sometime bene taken out of this vniuersity of yours. We haue desired moreouer, and cau∣sed to be desired the foresayd Friers, to send their priuile∣gies to the Apostolicke see, to be interpreted and expoun∣ded more playnely by the Lord Pope: which they refused also to do. Wherefore, to the intent you may the better vn∣derstand and see what their priuiledges be, and how farre they do extend: we haue appoynted the said priuilege here openly to be read vnto you.

Then stood vp an other in the publicke place, and there read the priuileges of both the orders: and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5, of the decretals,* 97.73 and beginneth: Omnis vtriusque sexus. &c. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresayd priuilegies, as he there manifestly proued, decla∣ring how both the said priuiliges were derogatory to that constitution.

This done, then rose vp the Bishop Ambianensis, a great Lawyer:* 97.74 who discoursing frō article to article, there proued by good law, that the sayd constitution stood in hys full force and vigore, and ought not to be infringed by the friers priuilegies in no part. And therfore by the vertue of that constitution, that the Friers ought not so misorderly to intrude themselues in hearing confessiōs, in inioyning of penaunce, and in preaching in Churches and Diocesses without speciall licence of the Bishop of the Dioces, & cu∣rate of the parish: vnto whose words, neuer a Frier at that time replyed againe. And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion, desired the vniuersity to assist them in that case wherin they were all determined (saith he) to stand firme∣ly to the shedding of theyr bloud, in resisting that misorder and iniuries of the Friers. This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas.

The next day being sonday, one of the order of the mi∣norites or Franciscanes, went to the Church of the maio∣rites or preaching Friers: where he made a sermon (whi∣che was neuer sene before, the one order to come and resort with the other) beginning in the forsayd matter to reply, & to expound in order through euery article as well as he could:* 97.75 adding moreouer and saying, that they went not so farre in their priuilegies, as they lawfully might. And said moreouer, that what time the sayd priuileges were in ob∣teining in Rome: the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himselfe, resisting the same with all his power, yea all the Prelates also of Fraunce sent and wrote vp to the Court agaynst the same, and yet did not preuaile. For whē the Friers there presently declared & opened to the Pope in what maner and how farr they had vsed priuileges: the Pope the same time sayd, Placet: That is, agreed vnto the same. And now (sayth he) the Prelates require & demaund of vs to send vp our priuiledges to the Court, which were great folly in vs: For in so doing, what should we els but geue place & occasiō, to reuoke agayn the authority which is geuen in our handes already. Furthermore, our wardē and maister is now lately dead, and the maister here of the Dominike Friers, is not now present. Wherfore, we dare not determine in such a weighty cause (touching the priui∣leges of our order) without the presence of them. And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin ex∣cused, and not to be so lightly stirred against vs, for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity. &c.

The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth, whi∣the is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye, vpon which day it was determined likewise: that one of the do∣minicke Friers, should preach in the Church of the Fran∣ciscane or gray Friers, and so he did: tending to the same end, as the other frier in the other church had done before. Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto,* 97.76 whereof we read in the Gospell: Facti sunt amici Herodes & Pilatus in ipsa die.

It was not long after, that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed, in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uni∣uersity againe, were warned the third day after to congre∣gate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time. Which being done, and the assembly meeting toge∣ther, an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uni∣uersity,* 97.77 whose theame was: Prope est Dominus omnibus in∣uocantibus eum in veritate. &c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them, that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats. &c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis,* 97.78 who prosecuting the rest of the Theame, and comming to the word in veritate: deuided it in three parts, according to the common glose of the decretals.

Est verum vitae, doctrinae, iusticiaeque, Primum semper habe, duo propter scandala linque.

Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law,* 97.79 and by euidēt de∣monstratiō of experience: that the Friers first had no veri∣ty of life, because they were full of hypocrisy: neither had they verity of doctrine, because in their hart they bare gall, and in theyr toung hony: neither verity of iustice, because they vsurped other mens offices. And thus concluding w^t the same, caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges, with y^e constitution aboue specified. And so expoūding place by place, did argue and proue that the sayd constitution, in no part was euacuat or infringed by y^t priuilegies aforesayd. Which thing being declared he added moreouer, that where as the Friers say (sayd he) that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges, I graunt it to be true, & when word came to me thrise thereof, I went to the Pope reclay∣ming & requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked. But the next day after, it so pleased the Pope to send me out a∣broad vpon weighty affayres, so that then the matter had no end. After that, we sent also other messengers with our letters, for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome, whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed,* 97.80 but they lye therein. For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters, from the chief of the court of Rome, sealed w^t their seales which letters, we haue diuers times presented to our king & wil shortly shew them vnto you all. In the which letters, the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges, either to be vtterly abrogate, or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation, of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope.

At last, the sayd Bishop required & desired of all there of what Dioces, or countrey so euer they were: that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges, and send them a∣broad into their coūtries,* 97.81 that all men might see what they were, and how far they did extēd. In fine, the matter com∣ming into open disputation, it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers (who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers, in this wise) that after his sentence, the Prelates were in the truer part. &c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis.

¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned, whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuile∣gies

graūted by popes to the Friers, to intermedle in mat¦ters of Parish churches: As to heare confessiōs, to preach and teach, with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor, to bury within their houses, and to receiue impro∣priations, &c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof, also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād: The whole discourse therof more ample (Christ willing) shalbe declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing, when we come to the story of Armachanus.

About what time & yere, this brawle was in the Uni∣niuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there, as hath bene declared: the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed. 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies,* 97.82 so it went no farther, then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication: but this tumult rising of a dronken cause, proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes. The first originall wherof began in a ta∣uerne, betwene a scholer & the good man of the house. Who falling together in altercatiō, grew to such heat of words, that the student (contra ius hospitij) poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion geuen, estsoones parts began to be ta∣ken betwene townes men & the scholers. In somuch that a grieuous sedition & conflict folowed vpō the same: wher∣in many of the townes men were wounded, & to the num¦ber of 20. slayn. Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt. The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued. Vpon the second day, certain religious and deuout persōs ordei∣ned a solemne processiō general, to pray for peace. Yet not∣withstanding, all y^t procession as holy as it was, it would not bring peace.* 97.83 In the which procession (the skirmish stil waxing hoat) one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen, for succour in his flight, came running to the Priest or Frier, which caried about (as the maner was) the pixe: thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried & inboxed. Notwithstanding, the God there not presēt, or els not se∣ing him, or els peraduēture being a sleepe: the scholer foūd there small helpe. For the townesmen in the heate of the chase,* 97.84 forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstā¦tiation, folowed him so hard, that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head, & woūded him greuously. This done, at length some peace or truce for that day was taken. The next morow folowing, other townesmē in the villagies a∣bout, ioyning with the townesmē of Oxford: confederated together in great force and power to set vpon the studētes there, and so did, hauing a black flag borne before thē, and so inuaded the Vniuersity men. Wherupō, the scholers be∣ing ouermatched & compelled to flee into their haules and hostles, were so pursued by theyr enemies, that 20. of the doores of their haules and chambers were broke open, & many of them wounded,* 97.85 and (as it is sayd) slain and thro∣wen into priuies: their books with kniues and bils cut all in pieces, and much of theyr goods caried away. And thus the studentes of that Vniuersity being conquered by the townesmen of Oxford, and of the country about, departed & left the vniuersity. So that for a time, the scholes there, and all schole acts did vtterly cease from all exercise of stu∣dy, except onely Mertō Colledge haule, with a few other remayning behinde.

* 97.86This being done the 12. day of February, the Queene at the same time being at woodstock, was brought to bed, and purified on the first Sonday in Lent with great solē∣nity of Iusting: About which time, the Bishop of Lincoln their Diocesane hearing of this excessiue outrage, sendeth his inhibition to all Parsons and Priestes, forbidding thē throughout all Oxford, none to celebrate Masse or any di∣uine seruice in the presence of any lay persō within the said Towne of Oxford, interdicting withal the whole Town. Which interdiction endured the space of a whole yere and more.* 97.87

The king also sēt thether his Iustices to examine and enquire of the matter. Before whom diuers lay men & of the clergy were indicted. And foure of y^e chiefe burgeses of the sayd towne were indicted, & by the kinges commaun∣dement sent to the tower of London, were there impriso∣ned. At length through much labor of the nobles, the king so tooke vp the matter, that sending his writings vnto all Shiriffes in England, offered pardō to all & singular stu∣dents of that Vniuersity, (wheresoouer dispersed) for that transgression, whereby the Vniuersity in short time was replenished againe as before. Moreouer was graunted to the Vice chauncellor or Commissary (as they terme him) of the towne and Vniuersity of Oxford, to haue the a••ise of bread,* 97.88 ale, wine, and all other victuals, the Maior of the sayd town being excluded. Also was graūted and decreed, that y^e commōs of Oxford should geue to the vniuersity of Oxford 200. pound sterling in part of satisfaction for theyr excesses: reserued notwithstanding to euery one of the stu∣dents his seuerall action agaynst any seuerall person of y^t townesmen. &c.

About the yeare of our Lord. 1354. The king with the consent of his counsell, reuoked home agayne out of flau∣ders the staple of wolle, with all things thereunto apper∣tayning, & stablished the same in sondry places within the realme, namely in Westminster. Canterbury, Chichester, Bristow, Lincolne, and in Hulle. Which Staple after an. 1362. was translated ouer into Calice.

Of Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterb. mentioned a litle before, pag. 363. I read in the said author aboue spe∣cified,* 97.89 that he by his letters patent directed to al parsons & vicars within his prouince: straitly charged them & theyr Parishioners vnder payne of excōmunication, not to ab∣staine frō bodely labor, vpō certaine Saints dayes, which before were wont to be hallowed & consecrated to vnthrif∣ty idlenes. Item, that to Priests should be geuen no more for their yearely stipend, but 3. pound 6.5.8. pence, whiche made diuers of them to robbe and steale. &c. an. 1362. The next yeare following, which was 1363. the foresayd Kyng Edward kept his Parliament at London in the month of October:* 97.90 wherein was prohibited, no gold nor siluer to be worne in kniues, girdles, brooches, ringes, or in any other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might dispend 10, poūd by yeare. Itē, that none should weare ei∣ther silks or costly furres, except such as might dispēd 100 pound by yeare. Also that Marchaunt venterers should not export ouer any marchaūdise out of the realme, or seek for wines in other country: wherby other nations should be constrayned rather to seeke to vs. &c. But none of thys did take any great effect.

After this Simon Islip as is aboue recorded, folowed Simon Langham, then W. Wittelesey, after whome next in the place succeeded Simon Sudbury.

Much about the same time,* 97.91 the Nunnes of S. Brid∣gits order began first. About which time also was builded the Queenes Colledge in Oxford, by Queene Philippe of England,* 97.92 wife to king Edward the third Circa annum do∣mini. 1360.

Moreouer in the time of this Pope Innocent, Fryer Iohn Lyle Bishop of Ely, moued with certaine iniuries (as he thought) done to him by the Lady Blanche,* 97.93 made his complaynt to the Pope. Who sending down his curse to the Bishop of Lincolne, and other Prelates to be exe∣cuted vpon the aduersaries of the Bishoppe of Ely: com∣maunded them, that if they did know any of the sayd ad∣uersaries dead and buried (that notwithstanding) they should cause the same to be taken vp:* 97.94 which also they per∣formed accordingly, of whom some had bene of the Kings counsell. Wherefore the king being displeased and not vn∣worthely, did trouble and molest agayn the sayd Prelats. This comming to the Popes hearing, certayne were di∣rected downe from the court of Rome, in the behalf of the foresayd Bishop of Elye: who meeting, with the Byshop of Rochester the kinges treasurer, deliuered vnto him be∣ing armed, letters from the Bishop of Rome, the tenour whereof was not known. Which done, they incontinent a∣uoyded away. But certayne of the kinges seruaunts pur∣suing, did ouertake them: of whom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the iustices, and so were condemned to be hanged.* 97.95 Wherein may appeare what reuerence the Popes letters in this kinges dayes had in this realme of England. Ex Chro. Walsing. This Pope Innocēt ordeined the feast of the holy speare,* 97.96 and of the holy nayles.

And here to make an end of this fourth booke, now re∣mayueth after our order and custome before begunne, to prosecute the race of the Archbishops of Canter∣bury, in this foresayd fourth booke contei∣ned, beginning where before we left, pag. 170. at Lanc∣francus.

A Table of the Archbishoppes of Caunterbury, in this fourth Booke conteyned.

34. Lanf••ancus. 19.	Polyd. Virg. lib. 9. numbereth this Lanfrancus to be the 33. Archbish. But by the count of o∣ther authors (namely by yt chro∣nicle of the Monke of Douer) semeth to be deceiued as he was in the 28. yeares of Dunstane, whiche in deede did sit but 19. or 20. at yt most. This errour of Pol. seemeth to come by leauing out either Elsius, which was the 23. or by leauing out Elfricus, whi∣che was the 26. as in some au∣thors I finde.
Moreouer here is to bee no∣ted, that although the sayd Elfri∣cus were left out, yet Lanfran∣cus cannot be. 33.
Note also, that in the table of the 3. Booke before, after Sirici∣us to put in Sanctus Aluredus. whiche in the order of Archbi∣shops I left out in the end of the 3. booke. pag. 170.
This Lanffancus was an Italian, and a stout Champion of the Pope. After his stubberne dissention with Thomas Arch∣bishop of Yorke, he wrot against Berengarius, intitulyng hys Booke Opus Scintillarum. pag. 172.
Also the same Lancfranke builded the newe Churche at Canterbury, and pluckt downe the olde. By him was builded the Church of S. Gregorye. At length he was expulsed by king Wil. Rufus.
35. Anselmus. 20.	Of this Anselmus, and the strife betwene him and the king, looke in the pag. 184.
36. Radulphus. 8.	Under Rad. the order of Ci∣sternians began.
37. Guilielmus Curboil. 13.	By this W. the newe worke of the Church of S. Martines at Douer was builded.
38. Theobaldus. 24.	By this Theobald, Monkes were first brought into yt church of Douer. He was expulsed by king Stephen. In his time the church of S. Gregory was bur∣ned at Cant.
39. Tho. Becket. 9.	Of the life and death of thys Becket, see the pag. 205.
* 97.9739. Tho. Becket. 9.	Ex Crikeladensi. Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt, ne quis mar∣tyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret, intermi∣nantes minas mortis seu maxima∣rum poenarum omnibus consiten∣tibus eum fuisse martyrem, & mira∣cula eius praedicantibus. &c.
40. Richardus. 10.	This Richard was a Monk: in his time Christes Church at Canterbury was burned.
41. Baldwinus. 7.	Betweene this Baldwine & the Monkes was great discord. He suspended the Prior from his Priorship, and 22. Monkes from all seruice. He caused the Subprior with all his adherēts to be excommunicate through al Kent.
42. Hubertus. 14.	In the time of thys Hubert the Chappell of Lamheth was pluckt downe. Also the Church of Douer was burned.
43. Stephanus Langhton. 22.	This Stephen with the Monkes of Caunterbury, were expulsed by king Iohn.
This Stephen intending to geue orders in the Chappell of Lamheth, was stopped by the Monkes of Cant. through their appeale and prohibition. Wher∣fore he required Eustace Bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the Church of Saynct Paule.
In his time fell great vari∣aunce betweene the Monkes of Rochester and the Monkes of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monkes of Cant. would not admitte, be∣fore the Rochester Monkes had presented the Byshops staffe in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messen∣gers to the court of Rome.
44. Richardus Magnus. 4.	At the consecration of this Richarde, contention rose be∣twene the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath, who should consecrate him.
Item, betwene the sayd Ri∣chard and the Monkes of Can∣terbury fell a greuons discord a∣bout certayne libertyes belong∣ing to the Archb.
The sayd Archbishop for cer∣tayne quarels agaynst the king, went vp to Rome, who dyed in Tuscia.
After this Richard, the elec∣tion of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome: of Rodulphus de no∣ua villa, of Iohn Prior of Cant. Iohn Blund.
45. Edmund of Abenden. 7.	This Edmund was called S. Edmund. At whose election the Prior of Douer thinking to be present, as at the mariage of his Mother, was not permit∣ted by the Monkes of Canter∣bury. For the which iniurye he appealed and went to Rome to complayne, not against the elect, but agaynst the election: where he obteined of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Do∣uer, to haue full interest in the e∣lection of the Archbi. besides o∣ther priuiledgies which he ob∣teined, percase not without some good store of mony. Afterward y• Monkes of Cant. accused him to the Archbishoppe as though he stood agaynst the person of the e∣lect, & so obtayned of the Archbi. being angrye with him, to haue brought him vnder the chapter of Canter. there to be punished. Whereupon the Prior seing him so destitute of all helpe of Law∣yers, was constrayned in the foresayd chapter to crye peccaui. Then being suspended from his Priorship was at lēgth sēt home to Douer, being compelled first to set his hand to a certayn com∣position betwene him & the fore∣sayd Monkes.
The sayd Edmūd Archb. al∣so hauyng some quarell agaynst the king, went vp to Rome, and dyed before his comming home.
46. Bonifacius. 25.	In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly graū∣ted to king Henry 3.* 97.98 (for the get∣ting of the kingdome of Sicile whiche belonged not to him to geue, nor to the other to take,) tenthes of goodes temporall and spirituall, for fiue yeares, Item,

all the first yeares fruites of churches that should be vacant for 5. yeares. Item, halfe of all the goodes of beneficed men not resident at their benefices. I∣tem, all Legaces not distinctly geuen. And yet the kingdome of Sicile neuer came to his hands whiche belonged to Manfre∣dus, sonne of Fredericke Em∣perour. Strife betweene thys Boniface, and the prior of Cant. Item, betwene him and bishop of Ross. Item, betweene him & the Chapter of Lincolne, all which was after agreed. Chro. Douerens. fol. 20. pag. 2.
Strife in Winchester, about chusing the bishop after y• death of Ayonarus yt kings Brother.
Strife in the Conuocation whiche Boniface did holde at Lambheth. In the which coun∣cell were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new sta∣tutes made: Agaynst whiche, I. Hemelingforde the Kynges Chaplaine with other moe, and prince Edward on the Kynges behalfe did appeale. Chro. Douer. fol. 21.
Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge & Had∣lo first came vnder the custody of the Archb. of Cant.
Maister Iohn of Exeter bought the Bishoprick of Winchester for 6000. marks: which being known he was fayne to pay the same summe agayne to the Pope, and so was sent home.
Boniface the Archb. being in the partes of Se∣baudia. an. 1262, fell an other alteration betwene the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part, and the Prior and Chapter of Douer on the other part. Which two houses almost were neuer in quiet, and all about certayne liberties and Priuilegies: as for making the subprior, for receiuing in of monkes, and for visitations of the Church of Douer.
An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the Cittye of London, because in the same Cittye the Archb. of Yorke did holde vp his Crosse, the Archbishoppe of Cant. being there present, the king holding then hys Parliament at Westminster.
This Archb. died in the partes of Sebaudia.
	Iohn Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monkes a∣gaynst the kinges minde, but by the Pope refused.
	Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his electiō to the Pope.
47. Robert Kil∣warby. Frier. 6.	In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appeale was taken agaynst the Chapter of Canter∣bury by the Bishop of Winche∣ster, of Worcester, and Exceter: for the which cause the sayd By∣shops wēt vp to Rome to pro∣secute the appeale. The mat∣ter was because they did not theyr obedience to the Monkes of Caunterbury, the see beyng empty.
Walter Gissard Archb. of Yorke, going toward the generall counsell, bare vp his crosse through the middle of Kent, in the time of this Robert Archbi∣shop of Canterbury. an. 1272.
By Pope Gregory 10. in the generall Councell at Lyons, all the orders of Fryers were put downe 4. orders onely except, that is Dominicks, Francis∣cans, Carmilites, and Augustines.
This Robert Kilwarby by the commaundemēt of Pope Nicholas was made Cardinall of Rome, Bishop of Poruensis.
* 97.99Where is to be noted an vntruth in Polid Vir∣gill, which sayth that he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be.
48. Iohn Peck∣nam. 13	Robert Burnell Byshop of Bathe was elected, but by the Pope refused: For whom Iohn Peckham a gray frier, was pla∣ced by Pope Nicho.
In the first yeare of this Fri∣er Peckeham, Will. Wikewane Archb. of Yorke comming from his consecration at Rome to Douer, bare vp his Crosse tho∣rough the midst of Kent, wher∣at was no litle adoe.
Robert Gernemine Archdeacon of Cant. went to law to Rome for the liberties & possessions of his Archdeaconship 2. yeares and there dyed.
In his time also another wrāgling fell betwene ye Monks of Cant. & the Monkes of Douer, in ye time of this I. Peckhā; for admitting certayne Nouices of Douer into orders. Ex chr. Monach. Douer. fol. 42.
This Peckham holding a councēll at Lambheth ordeyned diuers statutes, and caused the ordinances of the councell of Lyons, and of Boniface Archb. of Cant. and his predecessor to be obserued.
Great strife and hatred was betwene this Pec∣ham and Thomas Byshop of Hereford. Who being excōmunicated by Peckham, appealed to Rome, & went to the Pope.
The Prior & couent of Cant. made their appeale agaynst this archb. Peckham, that he should not cō∣secrate Walter le Schamell new elect bishop of Sa∣lisbury, in any other place, except onely in the church of Cant. but by theyr leaue and licence first obteined. Notwithstanding the archb. nothing regarding their appeale, proceeded in the consecration of the sayd bi∣shop nere to the towne of Reading, whereupon the Prior and Couent ceased not to prosecute theyr ap∣peale agaynst the Archbishop.
Betwene Richard Ferringes archdeacō of Cāt. of the one party, and the Barōs of Douer of ye other party, the same yeare fell an other like wrāgling, for that the Archdeacon claymed to visite the Church of Douer, contrary the barons affirmed, that none had nor should haue to do there to order or dispose in spi¦rituall matters but onely the archb. & the Prior and couent of S. Martin. Ex eod. chron. fol. 46.
After the death of William Wicwane Archb. of Yorke, Iohn de Roma succeeded after him and cō∣ming from his consecratiō at Rome to Douer, bare his crosse through the midle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of Iohn Peckham.
48. Rob. Win∣chelsey. 19	This Rob. which was archb. in the latter time of K. Edward the 1. for certeine displeasure of ye K. cōceiued against him, depar∣ted ye realme, & in his banishmēt remayned 2. or 3. yeares. And a∣bout the beginning of the raign of K. Edwa. the 2. was restored againe. an. 1309. Ex chro. Rich. 2. Thus few Archb. of Cant. we finde, with whom kinges haue not had some quarell or other. The cause betweene the K. and him (sayth mine author) was this: that the K. accused him to Pope Clement to disturbe his Realme, and to take part with rebels. &c. Ex chro. S. Albani.
This Robert also excommunicated Walter Bi∣shop of Couent. for holding with the King and Pe∣ter Gaueston against the ordinances of the Barons wherefore the sayd Bishop appealed to the Pope, a∣gaynst whom the Archb. sent Adam Mirimouth.
In the time of this Robert Archbishop, the or∣der of Templaries were abolished by Pope Clemēt 5.* 97.100 in the councell of Vienna with this seittence diffi∣nitiue. Quanquam de iure non possumus, tamen ad pleni∣tudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.
50. Gualter Reynald. 15	Ai••ct the decease of Robert Winchelsey, who departed. an. 1312. Thomas Cobham a lear∣ned man was elected by full cō∣sent of the Monkes: who came to Auinion, to haue his election confirmed. But the Pope reser∣uing the vacant seat to his owne handes put in Walter Reynald B. of Worcester Chauncellor of England, who gouerned the seat 15. yeares.

The chronicler of S. Albans, recordeth also how in the dayes of this Archb. an. 1319. certayne Lepers conspiring with the Turkes and Iewes went a∣bout to impotionate, and infect all Christendome, by inueneming their fountains, lakes, pits, barels, and such other places. Of the which crime diuers of thē being conuict, were worthely burned in Fraunce. About the which yeare, the sayd author maketh also relation, how in ye realme of England much morain fell among the beas••es: in so much, that the dogs ea∣ting vpon their flesh (infected belike by the waters and fountaines) fell downe dead incontinent. Ney∣ther dur•••• men for that cause almost tast of any biefe. an. 1318. 1319. Ex Chron. Alban.
This Walter Archb. taking part with the Queen Isabell agaynst K. Edward her husband, dyed the same yere in which he was deposed. an. 1237. Ex chr. S. Albani.
After Walter the Archb. as affirmeth the chron. of S, Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham. Of whom I marnell that Polydor, maketh no word mention: belike he sate not long after folowed I. Stratford.
51. Iohn Strat∣ford. 29.	In the storye of Adam Mi∣rimouth is recorded that this I. Stratforde intending to vi∣sit the dioces of Northfolk, was not receiued by the Bishop, the chapter and clergy there, alled∣gyng that he obserned not the ordinarye Canon therein. To whom the Archb. sayd agayne, he had the Popes letters and shewed the same. But the other aunswered, that those letters were falsly obteined and tended to the suppression of the Clergy, & therfore they would not obey: wherfore the Archb. excommu∣nicated the Bishop, and suspen∣ded the Prior, & interdicted the couent. au, 1343.
52. Ioh. Offord. 10. monethes.	M. Iohn Offord Chauncel∣lor of England was elected and confirmed Archb. of Canter. but not consecrated, and sate but 10. monthes, about the yeare of our Lord 1350. Postilentia in Anglia.
53. Tho. Braid∣warden. 1.	This Tho. Braidwarden following after I. Stratford sat not long but died within 10 mo∣neths of the plague, as they say. Which was called then the first great plague in England,* 97.101 ra∣ging so fore in all quarters, that it was thought scarce the tenth part of men to be left aliue.
54. Simō Islepe. 17.	In the time of Simō Islepe which folowed after Bradwar∣den: K. Edward. an. 1362. is re∣ported after the blinde supersti∣tion of those daies, to offer in the church of Westminster the vesti∣mentes wherin S. Peter did ce∣lebrate masse.* 97.102 Which belike wer well kept from mothes, to last so long. Ex Chron. Alban.
The same Simon Islepe, among other constitu∣tious ordeined through all Churches & Chappelles vnder paine of excōmunication: that no man should abstayne from bodely labors vpon certayne Saints dayes, as is before touched. Which fact of his is not a litle noted in our monkish historyes.
This Simon builded Canterbury Colledge in Oxford.* 97.103

* The Conclusion of this Fourth Booke.

* 97.104¶ For as much as Sathan being theyned vp all this while, for the space of a thousand yeares, beginneth about this time to be losed and to come abroad, according to the forewarning of S. Iohns Reuelation. Therefore to conclude the fourth Booke, wherein sufficiently hath bene described the excessiue pride and pompe of Antechrist, florishing in his ruffe and securitye, from the time of William Conquerour hitherto: now (Christ willing & assisting vs thereunto) we minde in these latter Books hereafter following, in order of history to expresse the latter persecutions and horrible troubles of the Church, raysed vp by Satan as in his minister Antechrist, with the resistaunce agayne of Christes Church agaynst him. And so to prosecute (by the mercifull grace of Christ) the proceeding and course of times till we come at length to the fall and ruine of the sayd Antechrist.* 97.105 To the intent that if any be in such errour to thinke that Antechrist is yet to come, let him consider and ponder well the tragicall rages, the miserable and most sorrowfull persecutions, murders, and vexations of these latter 300. yeares now following, and I doubt not but he will be put out of all doubt to know, that not onely Antechrist is already come, but also to know where he sitteth, & how he is now falling apace (the Lord Christ be thāked for euer) to his decay and confusion.

Notes

• * 1.1

  William Conque∣rour.
• * 1.2

  Anno. 1067.
• * 1.3

  A blasing staire.
• * 1.4

  Tribute.
• * 1.5

  Rebellion. Erle Mar∣carus, and Eerle Ed∣wyne, Ed∣gar Athe∣ling, with hys mother, & ij. sisters. Margaret, and Chri∣stian fled into Scot∣land.

  New king new lawes. King Wil∣liam for∣sworne in abolishing King Ed∣wardes lawes.
• * 1.6

  Yorke with the minster of S. Peter brent.
• * 1.7

  The north countrey wa∣sted.

  Horrible fa∣mine in the north partes. Slaughter of Northumbland men.

  Scots subdued to K. William. The continuall affliction and disquietnes of this Realme of England.

  Fiue conquestes which haue bene in this Realme. Romaines, Scots and pictes, Saxons, Danes, Nor∣mandes.
• * 1.8

  Ex Henr. Hun∣tington. Lib. 6.
• * 1.9

  Ex histor. lor∣nalens.
• * 1.10

  England affli∣cted and scour∣ged for iniqui∣tie.
• * 1.11

  The vision of K. Edward.
• * 1.12

  Englishmen scourged for their vniust op∣pression of the Britaines.
• * 1.13

  Englishmen iustly scourged for their vniust cruelty against the Normands.
• * 1.14

  Three thinges in this conquest to be noted.

  Gods iust iudge¦ment.

  Lacke of succes∣sion.

  Foreine mari∣age.
• * 1.15

  Anno. 1070.
• * 1.16

  A councell hol∣den at Winche∣ster. Might ouer∣commeth right.
• * 1.17

  Diuers Bishops, Abbots, and priours deposed in England. Stigandus Archb. of Cant. depriued, and the causes why.
• * 1.18

  Faire counte∣naunce not to be trusted.
• * 1.19

  A couetous By∣shop.
• * 1.20

  Thomas made Archb. of York. Lanfrancus an Italian Archb. of Canterb.
• * 1.21

  The minster of Yorke builded.
• * 1.22

  The geuing of the palle.
• * 1.23

  Dist. 100 Cap. Prisca.
• * 1.24

  Dist. 100. cap. Nouit. Ex Lib. graua∣minum nationis Germanicae.
• * 1.25

  Iacobus Archb. of Mentz.
• * 1.26

  Eneas Siluius writeth to be 50. Bishoprickes n Germany.
• * 1.27

  Lucius the first king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Britanie christened Theonus first Archb. of London.
• * 1.28

  Ex Chron••, Sigeber••••.
• * 1.29

  Douer the head citie Kent.
• * 1.30

  This was a¦bout 150. yeares after the com∣ming of the Saxons.
• * 1.31

  Lancfrancus replyeth.
• * 1.32

  Thomas ar∣gueth.
• * 1.33

  Lancfrancus replyeth.
• * 1.34

  The digni∣tie of Cant. confirmed by priuile∣ges.
• * 1.35

  Well reply∣ed of an Ita∣lian.
• * 1.36

  If this simi∣litude were formed into a silogisme, neyther were the Maior true. And speci∣ally the mi∣nor were vtterly false.
• * 1.37

  Order 〈◊〉〈◊〉 betw••n•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉 Canterbury 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Yorke.
• * 1.38

  A letter of Lan∣francus sent to Pope Alexan∣der.
• * 1.39

  Byshops seates translated into England.
• * 1.40

  Dorobernia and Canterbury ta∣kē both for one.
• * 1.41

  A councell holden at Lon∣don, and what were the actes thereof.
• * 1.42

  Bishops of Eng∣land about to driue out Monkes and to place priestes agayne in their steede.
• * 1.43

  Opus Scintilla∣rum Lanfranci.
• * 1.44

  Anno. 1074.
• * 1.45

  Hildebrandus seu Gregor. 7. Hildebrand the cause of all this stoutnes and pride in pre∣lates.
• * 1.46

  The obedience of Bishops in auncient tyme to Emperours.
• * 1.47

  What Popes haue done.
• * 1.48

  Popes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then Prin∣ces.
• * 1.49

  Fridericus primus, shent for holding the Popes left stirrup.
• * 1.50

  Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no & al••s.
• * 1.51

  Gregory 7. Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.52

  The state and maner of the olde Church in tymes past.
• * 1.53

  Reuerend and obedi∣ence in old time geuen to princes.
• * 1.54

  The maners and vertue of the fore∣fathers de∣scribed.
• * 1.55

  The ambi∣tious pre∣sumption of Hildebrand.
• * 1.56

  Ex Auenti∣no, qui in∣uenit in in∣strumentis donationū. Priestes wiues cal∣led praesbi∣terissae, in old chapter seales.
• * 1.57

  Hildebrand a mortall e∣nemy a∣gaynst Priestes mariage.
• * 1.58

  Priestes maryage made here∣sie.
• * 1.59

  Ottho Bi∣shop of Cō∣stance.
• * 2.1

  Ottho ci∣ted to ap∣peare for suffering priestes with their lawfull wyues.
• * 2.2

  The Pope dis∣penseth for dis∣obedience.
• * 2.3

  Three thinges enacted by Hil∣debrand. Here commeth in the vow of chastitie.
• * 3.1

  The Clergy of Fraunce repug∣ning for deuor∣cing from th•••• wyues.
• * 3.2

  By••hop of Mentz. Ex Lambeyto Scaf••abut gensi. in Histo. Ger∣manorum.
• * 3.3

  The Priestes of Germany stout agaynst the popes vnlawfull proceedinges.
• * 3.4

  Single priest∣hoode how it began.
• * 3.5

  E••emples of 〈…〉〈…〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.6

  Ex Benno Car∣dinali.
• * 3.7

  Pope Hil∣debrand forsaken of diuers of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cardinals.
• * 3.8

  Pope Hil∣debrand compelle•••• the Bishop•• and priestes of Rome to sweare vn∣to him.
• * 3.9

  Pope Hil∣debrand vn∣orderly made Pope.
• * 3.10

  The Empe∣rour wrōg∣fully ex∣communi∣cated.
• * 3.11

  The Popes chaire brake vnder him as he rose to excom∣municate the Empe∣perour
• * 3.12

  The Pope deuideth the vnitie of the Church.
• * 3.13

  Of this mi∣racle we read in no approued history.
• * 3.14

  The pope hyreth one to slay the Emperour.
• * 3.15

  Hildebrand casteth the sacrament of the Lordes bo∣dy in the fire, because it woulde geue him no answere.
• * 3.16

  The Pope a false pro∣phet.
• * 3.17

  The Pope seeketh a∣gayne to murther the Emperour.
• * 3.18

  The Pope by hys own mouth con∣demned for an heretick.
• * 3.19

  The Empe∣rour preser¦ued by the power of God frō the Pope.
• * 3.20

  A suttle shift of Hildebrand to saue hys lying prophesie.
• * 3.21

  Three persons before they were conuict, put to execution by Hildebrand agaynst all law.
• * 3.22

  Centius taken by the Pope, and put into a barrell of nayles.

  The Pope taken of Centius. Centius execu∣ted by the pope contrary to p••o∣mise and fayth.
• * 3.23

  The villany of the pope in kil∣ling a widowes sonne whiche before had done hys penance.
• * 4.1

  Another letter of Benno.
• * 4.2

  A deuilish pra∣ctise of Hilde∣brand in setting the Bishops a∣gaynst the Em∣perour.
• * 4.3

  The Emperour caused by Hil∣debrand to ac∣cuse himselfe.
• * 4.4

  The great pati∣ence of the godly Empe∣rour.
• * 4.5

  Mēdaciū quid.
• * 4.6

  Pope Hilde∣brand a worker of sorcery and coniuring.
• * 4.7

  Much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made of Peters throne, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his life they let alon••.
• * 4.8

  Herma•••••• excommu∣nicate of Hildebrād.
• * 4.9

  Centius.
• * 4.10

  Hildebra•••• cast in the tower.
• * 4.11

  Guibert•••• Archbishop of Rauenn••.
• * 5.1

  The coun∣sell of Wormes a∣gaynst the Pope.
• * 5.2

  The counsel of Rome a∣gainst the councell of Wormes.
• * 5.3

  Henricus the Empe∣rour excom∣municated by Hilde∣brand.
• * 6.1

  Ex Plati••••.
• * 6.2

  Ma••ke this, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 papistes that ••ay the Pope can∣not erre.
• * 6.3

  The pope threatneth kindenes of S. Peter.
• * 6.4

  Quis tule∣rit grac∣chos de sedi∣tione que∣rentes? lu∣uen.
• * 6.5

  The Saxons take the popes part agaynst the Emperour.
• * 6.6

  Peace disturbed through wicked counsell.
• * 6.7

  A wonderous submission of a valiaunt Empe∣rour to a vile Pope.
• * 6.8

  Notable pati∣ence in a noble Emperour.
• * 6.9

  Proud conditi∣ons of the Pope.
• * 6.10

  Pope both ac∣cuser and iudge.
• * 6.11

  Here the beast of the Apoca∣lips appeareth in his colors.
• * 7.1

  The crafty con∣spiracy of the Cardinals a∣gaynst the Em∣perour.
• * 7.2

  The verse.
• * 7.3

  The glose vp∣on the verse of Hildebrand.
• * 7.4

  The Pope pro∣ued a double lyer.
• * 7.5

  The Pope traytor to the Empe∣rour.
• * 7.6

  Great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stirred vp by the pope.
• * 8.1

  O pestife∣rous hipo∣crite. The Pope prayeth S. Peter to dishonor hys king. And S. Pe∣ter byndeth the Pope to honour hys king. Crocodili lachryma. Scripture well apply∣ed. A figure called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cuius con∣trarium ve∣rum est. Vim faci∣unt scriptu∣ris, vt ple∣nitudinem accipiant potestatis.
• * 8.2

  Let all Pa∣p•••••• marke here well the holines of their ho∣ly father.
• * 8.3

  As though he were not set vp by you, rather then by them.
• * 8.4

  The more to blame Emperours to suffer you to be so sau∣cie with them.
• * 8.5

  Nego argu∣mentum.
• * 8.6

  Confer this clause with the history of the story hereafter following. O double hipocrite. Guibertus Archbishop depriued.
• * 8.7

  The 4. bat∣tell betwixt Henry and Rodulph. Henricus rectors.
• * 8.8

  Rodulphus at hys death re∣penting.

  The Pope ge∣ueth war but God geueth vi∣ctory.
• * 8.9

  Conciliam Brixonse. Anno. 1083.
• * 8.10

  No Bishop of Rome to be chosen without. the assent of the Emperour.
• * 9.1

  Abbas Vrsper∣gensis.
• * 9.2

  Henricus Mu∣tius.
• * 9.3

  Note here the Pope iudged and deposed of the councell.
• * 9.4

  The Pope see∣keth succour of hys paramour. The first exam∣ple to fight for remission of sinnes, began in Hildebrand.
• * 9.5

  Platina. Nauclerus. Sabellicus. Crantzius. Benno, &c.
• * 9.6

  Hildebrand, the first author and patrone of all misrule that followed in Popes.
• * 9.7

  The death of William Con∣querour.
• * 9.8

  Pestilence in England, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of beastes
• * 9.9

  London with the Church of Paules brent.
• * 9.10

  Wolstane Byshop of Worcester.
• * 9.11

  England peaceable frō thee••••••. The Abbey of battayle.
• * 9.12

  The Abbey of Barmo••∣desay.
• * 11.1

  The first byshop of Salisbury. Osmund Bishop of Sarum. Ordinale eccle∣siastici officy. Secundū ••sum Sarum.
• * 11.2

  Ex Eulogio hi∣storico, Lib. 3. The vse and or∣dinary of Sa∣rum, how and when it was de∣uised.
• * 11.3

  Example of Gods iust iudg∣ment vpon a Byshop, who being unmerci∣full to the poore, was ea∣ten with rattes and myse.
• * 11.4

  Anno. 1088.
• * 11.5

  William Rufus.
• * 11.6

  Wolstane Byshop of Worcester.
• * 11.7

  Anno. •• 1091.
• * 11.8

  The death of Lanfras cus Archb. of Canter••
• * 11.9

  Remigios Byshop of Lincolne.
• * 11.10

  Lincolne minster builded.
• * 11.11

  Stow Ab∣bey buil∣ded.
• * 11.12

  Anno. 1092.
• * 11.13

  Wynche∣combe steeple brent with lightning. Vi. hun∣dreth hou∣ses blowne down with wynde. The roofe of Bowe Church o∣uerthrown. Robert Ble∣uet paydv. thousand markes for hys Bishop∣pricke. Herbert Losinga Byshop of Norwiche. Losinga. 1. adulator.
• * 11.14

  Norwiche mynster builded by Herbert.
• * 11.15

  Pope victor the 3.
• * 11.16

  Pope victor poysoned in his chalice. A compari∣sō betwene Hildebrand Pope of Rome: and Ieroboam king of Isra∣ell.
• * 11.17

  The order of Charter monkes be∣gan.
• * 11.18

  Pope Vrba∣nus 2.
• * 11.19

  Two Popes in Rome.
• * 11.20

  The order of Cisterci∣an or whyte monkes be∣ganne.
• * 11.21

  Synodus Ro∣mana vel Placentina.
• * 11.22

  Synodus Claroman∣tana.
• * 11.23

  The viage vnto the holy land. The num∣ber that went. The cap∣taynes of thé whiche went to the holy land.
• * 11.24

  Anno. 1096.
• * 11.25

  The actes of the Chri∣stians in their viage to win Hie∣rusalem.
• * 11.26

  Antioch taken of the Christi∣ans.
• * 11.27

  Anno. 1098.
• * 11.28

  The slaughter of the Persian infidels.
• * 11.29

  Hierusalem conquered by the Christians.
• * 11.30

  Ex Henrie. li. 7.
• * 11.31

  The king of Englands iudg∣ment agaynst the Pope. Ex Math. paris.
• * 11.32

  Decrees of pops Vibanus.
• * 11.33

  Ioan Stella.
• * 11.34

  Nauclerus.
• * 11.35

  Dist. 31. Eos qui 15. 9.6 Iuratos.
• * 11.36

  30. q. 8. quod autem.
• * 11.37

  Example of Gods rightfull iudgement in punishing cruel murther.
• * 11.38

  Anselmus made Archbishop of Cant.
• * 11.39

  The saying of Anselme pon∣dered.
• * 11.40

  The vice of sin∣gularitie.
• * 11.41

  Anselme ill willing to take the Archbishop prick. Canterbury first geuen to the Archbishop wholy. Strife and con∣tention be∣tweene the king and Anselmus.
• * 11.42

  Anselme stop∣ped from hys consecration.
• * 11.43

  Anselme conse∣crated.
• * 11.44

  Anselme doth homage to K. William.
• * 11.45

  Vrbanus and Clemens stri∣uing for the pa∣pacie. England fauou∣red Clemens. Anselmus hol∣deth with Vr∣banus. Anselme denied leaue to goe to Rome. Anselme appea∣leth from the K. to the Pope. Anselme char∣ged for a tray∣tour.
• * 11.46

  The kinges ar∣gument agaynst Anselme. The custome of England, from William Con∣querours time not to Appeale to the Pope. Anselmus reply against the king. The reasons of Anselme to proue the popes authority aboue other kings. Anselme here ignorauntly cal∣leth the Pope the vicare of S. Peter, where the Cānon lawe calleth him but the successour of Peter and vicare of Christ.
• * 11.47

  All the Bishops of the Realme stoode of the kinges side a∣gaynst Ansel∣mus. William Byshop of Duresine.
• * 11.48

  Gualter•••• the Popes legate cum∣meth to England.
• * 11.49

  Anselme could not be remoued by the king. The pope taketh this no fault, for a subiect to repugne a∣gaynst hys king.
• * 11.50

  The stoat∣nes of An∣selme stan∣ding agay•• hys king.
• * 11.51

  The mane•• of bringing in Anselme palle into Cant.
• * 11.52

  An other quarrell of the king a∣gainst An∣selme.
• * 11.53

  Anselme a∣gayne ap∣pealeth to Rome. The king •••• aunswere to Anselme for hys ap∣pealing to Rome.
• * 11.54

  The cu∣stome of England, no prelate or noble man to goe to Rome with out the kinges sen∣ding.
• * 11.55

  The answer of Anselme to the king.
• * 11.56

  Note the bye reasons of Anselm.
• * 11.57

  The By∣shops left Anselme a∣lone.
• * 11.58

  Anselme flying out of England.
• * 11.59

  Anselme searched by the kinges officer for letten.
• * 12.1

  A fragment or portion of a letter of Anselme to Pope Pas∣chalts. Et ex legen∣da Ans. aut Edmero. Ex Epistol. An∣selm. 36.
• * 12.2

  The king would not haue the pope recea∣ued, nor ap∣pealed vnto in England.
• * 12.3

  Anselme com∣playneth of the K. & of hys suf∣fragane By∣shops.
• * 12.4

  The king con∣temneth the Popes warning.
• * 12.5

  Concilium Ba∣ronēse. Anselme and hys successours of Cant. placed at the right foot of the pope in generall coun∣cels.
• * 12.6

  De processione spiritus sancti.
• * 12.7

  The difference betweene the greeke Church and the latine.
• * 12.8

  Ex Registro ec∣cles. Herefor∣densis.
• * 12.9

  The articles and opinions of the greeke Church differing from the Latine church of Rome.
• * 12.10

  My copy here seemed to want somewhat.
• * 12.11

  This article see∣meth not to be rightly colle∣cted, out of the Grecians.
• * 12.12

  Anselme stout cham∣pion aga•••••• the Greci∣ans.
• * 13.1

  A letter of Anselme sent to Val∣trā Bishop of Nuren∣burgh. Ex Epi••. Adsel ••••••.
• * 13.2

  Bread in the commu∣nion to be vnleauened is not ne∣cessary.
• * 14.1

  Ex Epist. Anselme. 327. An other letter. Diuersitie of vsages is the Church to be borne with peace, rather than to be con∣demned with offēce. Diuers cu∣stomes in the Church hurt no∣thing.
• * 14.2

  Excommu∣nication de∣nounced a∣gaynst the Grecians. Excommu∣nication bent agaynst K. William. First breake hys head, and then geue him a playster.
• * 14.3

  Message be∣tweene the K. and the Pope.
• * 14.4

  A loude cracke of thunder, but without a thunder∣bolt.
• * 14.5

  A bribing mistery handled at Rome.
• * 14.6

  Concilium Romanum. ••ptimus ••ansidicus ••ummus.
• * 14.7

  Actes of the councel of Rome.
• * 14.8

  The hard∣nes or ra∣ther rashnes of K. Wil.
• * 14.9

  The saying of K. Wil. how he ne∣uer knew a∣ny K. drow∣ned.
• * 14.10

  The death of William Rufus.
• * 14.11

  Walter Tirrell. The new for∣res+.
• * 14.12

  Example of the iust hand of God reuenging the faultes of Kinges in their posteritie.
• * 14.13

  Couetousnes noted in king William. A famous ex∣ample of bribes refused.
• * 14.14

  Two bribing monkes both disapoynted.
• * 14.15

  Vrbane excom∣municated Henry the 4. Emperour.
• * 14.16

  Henry the 4. Emperour, by 4•• Popes excom∣municated.
• * 14.17

  Ludouicus erle conspiring and rebellious a∣gaynst the Em∣perour.
• * 15.1

  Anno. 1090.
• * 15.2

  Ex appendica Mariani Sc••ts.
• * 15.3

  Concorde and iust obedience necessary in a common wealth.
• * 15.4

  Disobedience punished of God.
• * 15.5

  Gal.
• * 15.6

  Iohn.
• * 15.7

  Rom.
• * 16.1

  A rayling aun∣swere to the former letter of Byshop Wal∣tram.
• * 16.2

  Well said, when ye are not able to withstand hys wisedome, call him a foole. Note howe the earle here cal∣leth light darck¦nes, and darck∣nes light.
• * 16.3

  He hath vttered more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then you are able euer •• aunswereth
• * 16.4

  Whether e∣uery powe•• is to be o∣beyed or no•• Osee. ••.
• * 16.5

  If euery power which of∣fendeth on subiectes is to be call out, then hath this Earle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a fayre argu∣ment.
• * 16.6

  How 〈◊〉〈◊〉 these Pa∣pistes de∣scribe them∣selues in their owne colours.
• * 16.7

  But Paule iudged the Emperour to be an or∣dinary po∣wer, when he appealed to him.
• * 16.8

  This is •••• ly that the Emperour would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his owne wife a com∣mon 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 16.9

  Euill will neuer sayd well.
• * 16.10

  A zeale, but fa••••e from knowledge.
• * 16.11

  And when they shall slay you, they shall thinke they doe God great ser∣uice. Iohn. 16.
• * 16.12

  Yea true, if he had có∣pelled you to for∣sake the name of Christ, which hee neuer did.
• * 16.13

  Oh how craftely doth Sa∣than here shape him∣selfe to an Angell of light.
• * 16.14

  Exvetusto chronico.
• * 16.15

  Kinges ceased in Wales.
• * 16.16

  Anno. 1100.
• * 16.17

  Henry Beuclerk the first, king of England. What learning doth in a prince? Lawes of King Edward redu∣ced. The mea∣sure of England made after the length of King Henries arme. Wanton per∣sons remoued out of the court.
• * 16.18

  Ex Math. Paris. Flor. Hist:
• * 16.19

  Example what it is to leaue of the Lordes bu∣sines.
• * 16.20

  Duke Robert taken prisoner.
• * 16.21

  The hospitall of Bartholo∣mew founded. Rayer; and Ri∣chard Whit∣tington foun∣ders of S. Bar∣tholomewes: in London.
• * 16.22

  Ex Henr. lib. 7. Anselmus.
• * 16.23

  The king orday∣ned and inue∣sted Byshops without the Pope.
• * 16.24

  Herbert bishop of Norwich di∣norsing hys priestes from their wiues had much a doe.
• * 16.25

  Anselmus cru∣ell and fierce a∣gaynst maryed Priestes. Ex epist. Ansel. 176.
• * 16.26

  Versus malò fe∣riati. ex biblio Ramsey.
• * 16.27

  Anno. 1103.
• * 16.28

  A strife be∣twene K. Hen∣ry and Anselme the Archbish. of Cant.
• * 16.29

  Gifford Bishop of Wint. refu∣seth to be con∣sectrate by the Archbishop of Yorke.
• * 16.30

  A strife be∣twene King Henry and An∣selmus, Archb. of Cant. Ex Guli. lib. 1. de Gestis.
• * 16.31

  A.〈◊〉〈◊〉 Romanes Councel a∣gaynst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 16.32

  Nospir•••• person to it vnderlo••••∣ction to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lay perso∣nage. Ex lor••••∣lensis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 others ••i∣historia. Anselme resuseth to do homage to his King. Messenge•• sent to Rome. Ex Math•• Paris. Ex Gul••••, lib. 1. de. gestis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ang.
• * 16.33

  The king hath no∣thing to do with the Pope hys letters.
• * 16.34

  Messenger sent agayn to Rome.
• * 16.35

  The letter of K. Henry the first vn∣to the Pope.
• * 16.36

  Spoken like a king.
• * 16.37

  The ••ing is a point to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••opes obe∣••ince.
• * 16.38

  Another ••tter of K. Henry the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent to ••he Pope.
• * 16.39

  A place of Polydorus Virg. found ••aultie.
• * 16.40

  Ex Guliel. lib. 1. de ••ont. Anglo.
• * 16.41

  The pope othe to go agaynst hys owne pro∣••it.
• * 16.42

  He mean∣eth beside the two bi∣shops Gi∣••ardus whiche made the third.
• * 16.43

  Anselme a deuout chaplaine to the Church of Rome.
• * 16.44

  Anselme iour∣nieth ag••yne to Rome.
• * 16.45

  The effect of the oration of W. Warlwast, at the popes court:
• * 16.46

  Ex Galial De gestis pont of •• lib. 1•• Ex Math. Pa∣ris. lib. 3. A proud aunswere of the pope.
• * 16.47

  Excommunica∣tion abused.
• * 16.48

  Anselme restray¦ned from com∣ming to Eng∣land. Ex Redulph, Londimensi:
• * 17.1

  A letter of An∣selme to kyng Henry.
• * 17.2

  The proude stoutnes of a prelate in a wrong cause.
• * 17.3

  Anselme about to excommuni∣cate the king.
• * 17.4

  Reconcile ••ent made betweene the king and Anselmus.
• * 17.5

  Ambassage to Rome.
• * 17.6

  Guliel. Malmes. lib. 1. de gestis pontisi. Priestes recea∣ued their wiues agayne by the Absence of An∣selme. The faultes of ecclesiasticall ministers long to none but to byshops to cor∣rect, quod An∣selme.
• * 17.7

  The K. brought vnder the Arch∣bishop.
• * 17.8

  Conditions graunted by the king to Anselm.
• * 17.9

  Lawfull matri∣mony punished.
• * 17.10

  Anselme retur∣neth into Eng∣land.
• * 17.11

  Priestes driuen agayne from their wiues.
• * 17.12

  Anno. 1106.
• * 17.13

  Exlib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 liel. de 〈…〉〈…〉 lib. 1. c•• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 17.14

  Priests 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parres., Archb••. concie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be ••••∣med.
• * 17.15

  Marriaged Priestes forbid••.
• * 17.16

  Vowe of chasti•••• brought in Benefice not to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hesitate. How he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gates.•• Lord Ch•••• celer•• Queen Maries••••
• * 17.17

  Priestes crownes Tythes Bying of prebendes Building of Chappels. Euery Churches finde hys own Priest Abbot to mayntayne no want Monkes ad∣mitted in geuing pe∣naunce.
• * 17.18

  Monke•••• Godfather nor nunce godmo∣thers.
• * 17.19

  Abbey landes. Improperp∣tions re∣streyned.
• * 17.20

  Priuy con∣contractes.
• * 17.21

  Rounding.
• * 17.22

  Mariage within the 7. degree restrayned.
• * 17.23

  Buryinges.
• * 17.24

  No holines to be geuen to shrines and places.
• * 17.25

  Selling and buying of men.
• * 17.26

  Sodometry.
• * 17.27

  A flap with a soxe tayle for sodomi∣try.
• * 17.28

  Ranulph. Cestrensis. lib. 7. Note the preposte∣rous proce∣ding of An∣selme in ceasing the vice of So∣domitry.
• * 17.29

  Penalties and forfaits agaynst priestes that kept their wiues.
• * 17.30

  In the latter dayes shall come false teachers forbidding mariage, and eating of meates, &c.
• * 17.31

  Purificatiō of priestes, that had bene mari∣ed.
• * 18.1

  K. Henry per∣mitted priestes to haue both churches and wiues. Ex Epist Ansel. 77. &. 377. Pope Paschal hath so decreed it at Rome. Ergo prieste: must haue no wiues.
• * 19.1

  Ex Epist. Ansel. 33.
• * 19.2

  If profite of the Church may come by priestes children, what hurt then were it to the church for priestes to haue wiues.
• * 20.1

  K. Henry and hys nobles rea∣dy to forsake the romish•• Church.
• * 21.1

  A letter of An∣selme agaynst priestes, recea∣uing agayne their wiues. Ex Epist. 37. Priestes excom∣municated for receauing agayn their wiues.
• * 22.1

  A letter of An∣selmus. Ex Epist. 255. Whether is more merite for a monke to cause himselfe in the chapter to be whipped: or to suffer o∣bediently the whippinge•• of his Abbot.
• * 22.2

  The iudgement or conclusion of Anselme vpon the case. False opinion of merite.
• * 22.3

  Anno. 1105.
• * 22.4

  Iudges corrup∣ted.
• * 22.5

  A terrible ex∣ample for corrupt iudges to beware.
• * 22.6

  Pope Paschalis the 2.
• * 22.7

  The pope tyrem••••••.
• * 22.8

  The seuen∣fold power of the pope.
• * 22.9

  Of Anti∣christ, borne and mani∣fest. The bishop of Fluence•• martyr. Sabellicus. A councell at Trecas.
• * 22.10

  A tragicall history of the Pope Paschalis setting the sonne a∣gaynst the father.
• * 22.11

  Ex historia Helmold••.
• * 22.12

  The pre∣lates set the sonne a∣gaynst the father.
• * 22.13

  A gratefull example of a good and thankefull Duke. A naughty sonne of a good father.
• * 22.14

  Ex Helmol∣ds, •••• Gor∣••rido Viter∣biensi.
• * 22.15

  The vnkind¦nes of a proud pre∣late.
• * 22.16

  Anno. 1106.
• * 22.17

  The Empe∣rour v. yeares with out buriall.
• * 22.18

  Anno. 1107.
• * 22.19

  Henricus Emperour. Ex Chronico Casionis lib. 3.
• * 22.20

  The pope taken priso∣ner.
• * 22.21

  We raysed vp by the Pope, and his papistes.
• * 22.22

  Peace con∣cluded be∣tweene the Emperour and the P.
• * 22.23

  Bernardus the Abbot. Bernardine. monkes came in. The Citty of Worce∣ster almost all consu∣med with fire. Mathildis. Example of the Lordes iust retribu∣tion and iudgement.
• * 22.24

  Two popes striuing to∣gether.
• * 22.25

  Pope Ca∣lixtus the 2.
• * 22.26

  The Pope ex∣communicate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Emperour.
• * 24.1

  Gregorius brought into Rome 〈…〉〈…〉 broughten and whea.
• * 24.2

  Dist. 76. cap. Ieiunium.
• * 24.3

  The order of Monkes, Praemonstratē∣ses.
• * 24.4

  Scripture clerk∣ly applyed of the pope. Priestes and ministers com∣pelled to leaue their wiues.
• * 24.5

  Anno. 1109.
• * 24.6

  The Bishoprick of Ely first plan∣ted. Henry first Bi∣shop of Ely.
• * 24.7

  Anno. 1110.
• * 24.8

  Trent dyed vp. An earthquake. Morayne and pestilence. Ex Gualthero. Gisburnensi.
• * 24.9

  Anno. 1113.
• * 24.10

  Wirceter consu∣med with fire.
• * 24.11

  Anno. 1114.
• * 24.12

  Rodulphus Archbishop of Cant. Thurstinus Archbishop of Yorke.
• * 24.13

  Dissention be∣tweene Thur∣stinus of Yorke, and Rodolph Archb of Cant. for subiection. The letter of Paschalis to K. Henry.
• * 24.14

  Ex Gualthero Gisburnensi. Ex Gulie. De pontif. Lib. 4. Ex Roger. Ho∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eabia. &c.
• * 24.15

  Anno. 1116.
• * 24.16

  Assemble of the nobles at Salis∣bury.
• * 24.17

  Thurstine refuseth to professe subiection to the Arch. of Cant. Thurstine promiseth to renounce hys archbi∣shopricke.
• * 24.18

  Anno. 1118.
• * 24.19

  Pope Ca∣lixtus brea∣keth pro∣mise with the king. Thurstine sacred arch∣bishop of Yorke by the Pope a∣gaynst the kinges minde.
• * 24.20

  Concision Rhemense, Actes of the councell of Rhemes.
• * 24.21

  The Actes sent to the Emperour.
• * 24.22

  The Empe∣rour agre∣eth not to the popes inuesting.
• * 24.23

  The coun∣cell deui∣ded.
• * 24.24

  Ex Rog. Houed.
• * 24.25

  Henry the Emperour excommu∣nicated. Agreed that England shoulde haue no other Le∣gate from Rome, but onely the Archb. of Cant. England spoyld by the popes legates.
• * 24.26

  All the cu∣stome of the Realme graunted of the pope.
• * 24.27

  Anno. 1120. The popes letter to the King.
• * 24.28

  The king compelled to receaue Thurstinus, for feare of the popes curse. Thurstinus restored.
• * 24.29

  Anno. 1122.
• * 24.30

  Wil. Archb. of Cant. The gray Friers first came into England.
• * 24.31

  Anno. 1125.
• * 24.32

  Priestes payd for their wiues. Ex Roger. Houed. El Guliel. Gisburnēsi. Ex Henrie. Hunting. lib. 7.
• * 24.33

  The Abbey of Gilburne bailded. S. la ues hand. Reading Abbey foū∣ded. Matilde daughter of K. Henry heyre to the crowne. Geffry Plā∣tagenet. Henry 2. borne of Matilde the Empresse.
• * 24.34

  Anno. 1130.
• * 24.35

  The priorie of Norton founded. Three terri∣ble visiōs of the king.
• * 24.36

  Three vowes made of King Henry.
• * 24.37

  Anno. 1131.
• * 24.38

  Danegelt re∣leased. The Church re∣lieued. Iustice rightly administred. Bishoprike of Carlile newly erected by king Henry. The Citie and Paules Church of London bur∣ned. Honorius the 2. Mathaeus Part∣siensis.
• * 24.39

  A romishe sta∣tute concerning priestes wiues and Concu∣bines.
• * 24.40

  Mariage forbid to the seuenth degree.
• * 24.41

  The Popes Le∣gate geuing preceptes of chastitie, was found with an harlot. Lotharius Em∣perour.
• * 24.42

  Arnulphus Martyred at Rome. The history of Arnulphus.
• * 24.43

  Arnulphus Martyr.
• * 24.44

  Ex Tretimio. A booke called Tripartitum, written 400. yeares agoe.
• * 24.45

  Number of ho∣ly dayes.
• * 24.46

  Curious singing in Cathedrall Churches.
• * 24.47

  The world o∣uercharged with begging Religions. Promotion of euill prelates. Supersluitie of apparell in Bi∣shops families.
• * 24.48

  Byshops seales abused to get mony.
• * 24.49

  Non residentes in benefices. Rash bestow∣ing of benefices.
• * 24.50

  Wastefull spen∣ding of the Church goods.
• * 24.51

  Old bookes of Councels lost by the negli∣gence of the clerkes.
• * 24.52

  The vnchaste lyfe of priestes condemned by the nature of the storkes.
• * 24.53

  Amendment of lyfe ought first to begin with the priestes.
• * 24.54

  The realme of Fraunce inter∣dited. King of Portin∣gale deposed.
• * 24.55

  The Knights of the Rhodes and Templars.
• * 24.56

  Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 centius the second.
• * 24.57

  Hurly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 betweene Popes.
• * 24.58

  The pope curse pro∣claymed a∣gaynst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any priest.
• * 24.59

  The death of K. Henry.
• * 24.60

  Anno. 1135.
• * 24.61

  Periury iustly puni∣shed.
• * 24.62

  Ex Chris. Anglico in certi aut••∣ris. The Bishop of Sarum and of Lin∣colne, take•• prisoners of the king, and led with ropes about their neckes.
• * 24.63

  Roger. ••e∣ued. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Steph. Ex Fabian, In vita. Step.
• * 24.64

  Anno. 1136.
• * 24.65

  K. Stephen.
• * 24.66

  Building of Castles in England.
• * 24.67

  The cruelty of the Scots agaynst the Englishe man.
• * 24.68

  Anno. 1140.
• * 24.69

  Maude the Empresse came into England a∣gaynst Ste∣uen.
• * 24.70

  King Steuē ••ken priso∣ner. What it is for princes to be hard and straite to their sub∣jectes.
• * 24.71

  K. Stephen and Robert Erle of Glocester deliuered by ex∣chaunge.
• * 24.72

  Ex incerti autoris chronise.
• * 24.73

  The decease of Geffry Plantage∣net.
• * 24.74

  Henry Duke of Normandy.
• * 24.75

  Henry entereth into England.
• * 24.76

  Theobalde Archbishop of Cant. Peace betwene king Steuen, and Duke Henry concluded.
• * 24.77

  The death of K. Steuen.
• * 24.78

  S. William of Yorke.
• * 24.79

  Gracianns the compiler of the popes decrees. Petrus Lom∣bardus maister of the sentence.
• * 24.80

  Petrus Come∣stet.
• * 24.81

  Hugo de sancto Victore. Bernardus Cla∣reualensis.
• * 24.82

  Hildegare.
• * 24.83

  Ioannes detem∣poribus.
• * 24.84

  The fewes cru∣cified a christen body at Nor∣wich.
• * 24.85

  The order of the Gilbertines.
• * 24.86

  The Lordes prayer and the Creede in Eng∣lishe.
• * 24.87

  Matthaeus Pa∣riensis lib. Chron. 4.
• * 24.88

  Steuen king of England.
• * 24.89

  Cursing with booke, bell, and candle.
• * 24.90

  Anno. 1138.
• * 24.91

  Pope Lucius, the ij. warring agaynst the Se∣nators.
• * 24.92

  Spirituall ex∣communication abused in tem∣porall causes.
• * 24.93

  Hadrianus a Pope an Eng∣lishman.
• * 24.94

  Anno. 1154. King Henry the second.
• * 24.95

  Thomas Becket chauncellor of England.
• * 24.96

  Anno. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 24.97

  Gerhardus, Dulcinus, Preaches agaynst An∣tichrist of Rome.
• * 24.98

  Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gisbaron si.
• * 24.99

  Anno. 11••••.
• * 24.100

  Fredericus Barbarosa Emperor.
• * 24.101

  The pope displeased, that the Emperour did not held his right stirrup. The Empe∣rour hol∣deth the Popes stir∣rup.
• * 24.102

  The Popes old practice in setting Princes to∣gether by the eares.
• * 24.103

  War more gaynefull to the Pope then peace. Warre stir∣red vp by the Pope.
• * 24.104

  The pope driuen to entreate for peace.
• * 24.105

  The godly proceedings of Frederick the Empe∣rour agaynst the pope.
• * 25.1

  A letter of Pope Ha∣drian, to the Emperour Fredericke.
• * 25.2

  The Empe∣rours name before the Popes.
• * 26.1

  A seditious and proud letter of the pope to the Bishops of Ger∣many.
• * 26.2

  Well bragged and like a Pope.
• * 26.3

  Scripture well wrasted.
• * 26.4

  Ex Radenuico, in appendice Frisingensis.
• * 26.5

  See the ambiti∣ous presumption of a proude priest.
• * 27.1

  Note here a couragious hart in a valiaunt Emperour. An example for all princes to follow.
• * 27.2

  Note.
• * 27.3

  The order of Erenu••••.
• * 27.4

  Anno. 1159.
• * 27.5

  The saying and iudge∣ment of P. Adrianus of the papall sea.

  The popes rather suc∣cessors to Romulus then to Pe∣ter.

  Pope A∣lexander the third.
• * 27.6

  Alexander curseth the Emperour.
• * 27.7

  Anno. 1164.
• * 27.8

  Holy scrip∣ture abused.
• * 27.9

  The Pope treading on the Empe∣rours neck.
• * 27.10

  Volateran ••ken with a ••tradiction
• * 27.11

  Concilium 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 27.12

  The clergie ••ounde to ••he vowe of ••hastitie. Papi••tes are not so much in pro 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cha∣stitie, as in desining chastitie.
• * 27.13

  Tho. Becket Archb. at Cant.
• * 27.14

  Becket no martyr.
• * 27.15

  Herberturde busebam. Ioan. Charnot. A lanus Abbot of Tenchbury. Gulselmus Can∣tuariensis. Tho. Becked described.
• * 27.16

  What commeth of blinde zeale destitute of right know∣ledge.
• * 27.17

  The life of Tho. Becket. Polydorus mis∣taketh the mo∣ther of Becket. Ex Roberto Cri∣••eladensi. Ex Florilego.
• * 27.18

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 27.19

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of van•••• recited be∣tweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Archb.
• * 28.1

  The kings custome.
• * 28.2

  Out of an Englishe Chronic•••• as it appear∣reth, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 en cured French•••• Erle ••••∣lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 30.1

  The lawes of Clare∣doun.
• * 30.2

  Beckets additiō. Saluo ordine suo.
• * 30.3

  The Bishop of Chichester.
• * 30.4

  The stubberne wilfulnes of T. Becket.
• * 30.5

  T. Becket relen∣teth to the king.
• * 30.6

  Becket yeldeth to the king.
• * 30.7

  Saluo ordine left out in the composition.
• * 30.8

  Becket repen∣teth of hys good deede.
• * 30.9

  A letter of pope Alexander to T. Becket.
• * 30.10

  Becket, en∣terprising agaynst the king•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to flye out of the realme.
• * 30.11

  Becket taunted of the king.
• * 30.12

  Ex Rogero Houed. pr••. parte histo∣ria continu∣as a post Be∣dam.
• * 30.13

  The kinge to be the Pope, Le∣gate.
• * 30.14

  The ce••sty dissimulati∣on of the Pope.
• * 31.1

  The popes secret let∣ters to Bec∣ket.
• * 31.2

  More then an C. mur∣thers done by the cler∣gye. Guliel. Neuburg. lib. 2. ca. 16.
• * 31.3

  Becket cited to Northampton.
• * 31.4

  The Archbish. condemned in the Councell of Northamtō, in the lo••••e of all hys moueables.
• * 31.5

  Becket required to geue an ac∣compt.
• * 31.6

  The verdite of Winchester.
• * 31.7

  The counsell of the Bishop of London.
• * 31.8

  Canterbury.
• * 31.9

  Winchester.
• * 31.10

  Chichester.
• * 31.11

  Moderate coun∣sell.
• * 31.12

  Lincolne.
• * 31.13

  Exceter.
• * 31.14

  Worcester. Becket the Archbishop re∣plyeth agaynst the Byshops.
• * 31.15

  A great ••••ielle growen in the church because that Byshop, may no•••••• aboue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and prince.
• * 31.16

  Becket de∣stitute and forsaken.
• * 31.17

  Becket 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣nes when he should appeale.
• * 31.18

  A masse of S. Steuen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saue hym from hys e∣nemies.
• * 31.19

  Becket an∣swere to the Bishops.
• * 31.20

  ••••c••••t ap∣pealeth to Rome.
• * 31.21

  London ap∣pealeth from the Archbish.
• * 31.22

  A masse to charme a∣way perse∣cutors.
• * 31.23

  Becket cary∣eth with hym the sa∣crament go∣ing to the king.
• * 31.24

  Houeden referreth not this sai∣••ing to the Bishop of London, but to the Archbishop of Yorke.
• * 31.25

  Becket cal∣led traytor of the king and of all hys nobles.
• * 31.26

  A blinde zeale for the proud li∣berties of the Church.
• * 31.27

  Who so taketh Beckets part is counted a rebells
• * 31.28

  Becket cited to Rome vpon periury by the Byshops.
• * 31.29

  Becket condem∣ned of periurie.
• * 31.30

  Becket cited to Rome.
• * 32.1

  Becket called to a full accompt.
• * 32.2

  Ex Rogero Ho∣uedeno.
• * 32.3

  Becket iudged to be layd in prison.
• * 32.4

  Ex quadripar∣tita historia. lib. 1 cap. 38. Becket appea∣leth to the Pope.
• * 32.5

  Becket thinketh not sufficient the protection of God without the pope.
• * 32.6

  Becket flyeth out of the court.
• * 32.7

  Becket chaun∣geth his name. and is called Derman.
• * 32.8

  Histories differ something in the order of hys flight.
• * 32.9

  The Fr•••••• king sup∣porteth Becket a∣gaynst the king of England.
• * 32.10

  Ambassa∣dour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 32.11

  Theories of the earl of A•••••• to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 32.12

  The Pope r••••••dereth Beckets cause a∣gainst the ••ing.
• * 32.13

  Becket cō∣playneth of the king to the pope.
• * 32.14

  Repen∣tance for his well doyng.
• * 33.1

  Beckets ar∣gument: the Pope brought him not in, but the K. Ergo God brought him not in.
• * 33.2

  And why might ye not (M. Bec∣ket) resigne it as well to his handes of whome ye tooke it?
• * 33.3

  A consultation betweene the Pope and the Cardinals a∣bout Beckets matter.
• * 33.4

  Becket in ba∣nishment 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeares.
• * 34.1

  The kinges de∣crees.
• * 34.2

  Anno. 1166.
• * 34.3

  Beckets kindred banished.
• * 34.4

  These monkes were of the Ci∣ste••••an order.
• * 34.5

  Becket com∣playneth of his prince to the Pope.
• * 35.1

  To keepe vnder the pride of prelates is no cause sufficient to vnking a Prince.
• * 35.2

  If ye meane by spiritual things, such as pertaine to the spirituall part of man, I graunt, but your liberties be not such as which pertayne to the inward or spiri∣tuall man but r••ther are thinges more corporall.
• * 35.3

  Pe••••••∣••yeth∣〈…〉〈…〉 bu•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cause ma∣keth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 true perse∣cution.
• * 36.1

  5.
• * 36.2

  6.
• * 36.3

  7.
• * 36.4

  9.
• * 36.5

  Note the Iudge∣ment of God a∣gainst this Bec∣ket, who was slaine at his masse making the bodie of Christ.
• * 39.1

  Answers the Popes letter.
• * 39.2

  Frede••ike falsly com∣pared to Pharao, but this was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 clawe the pope with••••
• * 39.3

  Becket a stubburne trespasser, Ergo no martyr.
• * 40.1

  A letter of Becket to the byshop of Norwych
• * 40.2

  The Bishop of London excommu∣nicated. This Bishop was excom∣municated because he set in the Deane of Salesbury without the licence of him being then beyōde the seas.
• * 41.1

  A s••ditious com¦plaint of Becket to the pope a∣gainst his king.
• * 41.2

  Godly articles condemned by Becket.
• * 41.3

  Becket reprehē∣ded for complay¦ning of his king.
• * 41.4

  Excommunica∣tion abused in priuate reuenge about lands and possessions.
• * 42.1

  The letters of the Byshops to Becket.
• * 42.2

  The cōmen∣dation of K. Henry 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his meeke∣nes and mo∣deration.
• * 43.1

  Scripture in wordes rightly a∣ledged but falsly apply∣ed.
• * 43.2

  I deny your Minor, M. Becket.
• * 43.3

  The church of Christ cā¦not be ouer∣throwen: Ergo, Bec. ought not to be resi∣sted.
• * 43.4

  Seruitude and libertie of the Church wrong∣fully defined. The wordes of holy scripture clarkely applyed
• * 43.5

  Turne to thee? Nay turne thou to the Lord and thou shalt be saued.
• * 43.6

  The soule of the Church is the libertie of the Church Faith Becket.
• * 43.7

  Vnbeseeming wordes of high presumption.
• * 43.8

  Christ is not iudged in the persons of any traytor.
• * 43.9

  Cōscience made where is none.
• * 43.10

  But he leaueth out here the ma∣••••r of his com∣ming to the court and the sturdines of his behauiour.
• * 43.11

  Becket seemeth here more skil∣full of his masse booke then of the booke of ho∣ly scripture, ei∣ther els hee might see it no new thing in the old law for kings to depriue priestes, and to place whom they would.

  Kings in the old law did not in∣termedle with the Priestes of∣fice in some thinges that were forbidden: But yet kinges were officers o∣uer priestes to correct them when they did amisse.

  If ye meane of Acha••, and Oze in the old testa∣ment, then we denie your Mi∣nor.
• * 43.12

  They be the successours and sonnes of ••aints, not that holde the places of sainctes. but that doe the workes of saints. Hierom.
• * 43.13

  If the king had bene an adulte∣rer or tyrant a∣gainst the true doctrine or prea¦ching of Christ, then might this reason serue, and God more to be obeyed then mā. Now where did Bec. learne, that the king in his temporall right was not to be obeyed? Take heede, ye marre all, and ye open that dore.
• * 43.14

  This Iohn was called •• schisma•••••••• because he tooke pa•••• with Regi∣nald A••••••. of Colen & the Empe∣rour against Alexander the Pope.
• * 43.15

  Clemen•••• decree.
• * 43.16

  Diuers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of excom∣munication.
• * 43.17

  The coun∣cel spea•••• of such which be worthely excommu∣nicated.

  This Grego¦ry other•••••• called Hi••∣debrād, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tooke away priestes ma∣riage, con∣demning 〈◊〉〈◊〉 priestes for fornicators which had wiues.
• * 43.18

  Discussing of a true ap∣pellation.
• * 43.19

  The forme of a true ap∣pellation.
• * 43.20

  One person can not both be the ap∣peale ma∣ker, and the partie appea¦led.
• * 43.21

  Though the Popes lawe will not de∣fend them yet the lawe of the scrip∣ture will and doth.
• * 44.1

  The letter of the Empresse to Becket.
• * 44.2

  Anno. 1169.
• * 45.1

  Becket stirring vp the French king against the king of England
• * 45.2

  A communicati∣on betweene Becket and the Cardinalles.
• * 45.3

  Beckets addi∣tion.
• * 45.4

  Becket would neither stand to iudgement nor triall.
• * 45.5

  Becket l••∣ueth ben•• his bis••o∣pricke th•••• the peace •• the churchd, for all his gaye talice.
• * 45.6

  Becket cō∣meth in with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 addition. Saluo hono∣re Die.
• * 45.7

  Becket ••••••∣ged with vnkinden••.
• * 45.8

  The kings offer to Bec∣ket both charitable and reaso∣nable,
• * 45.9

  The words of the Frēc•• king.
• * 45.10

  This maior if it had bin ioyned with a good Mi∣nor had made a good argument.
• * 45.11

  Exqua••i∣logo.
• * 45.12

  Anno. 1170.
• * 45.13

  The Bishop of London excommu∣nicated, with foure other By∣shops suspē∣ded.
• * 45.14

  The cause of the kinges wrath a∣gainst Bec∣ket.
• * 45.15

  Becket retur∣neth out of ba∣nishment.
• * 45.16

  Ex Rogerio Houedono.
• * 45.17

  The wordes of the king, which were the cause of Beckets death
• * 45.18

  If the Papistes will needes measure the suc∣cesse of things by seasons and wether: then must they by that reason con∣demne the cause of Becket, his aduersaries ha∣uing such for∣wardnes of we∣ther in doing their feate.
• * 45.19

  The talke be∣twene the foure souldiers and Tho. Becket.
• * 45.20

  The stout heart of Becket.
• * 45.21

  Anno. 1171.
• * 45.22

  The death of Tho. Becket.
• * 45.23

  What is to be thought or iud∣ged of Thomas Becket.
• * 45.24

  What is to be thought whe∣ther Thomas Becket dyed a sainct or not.
• * 45.25

  The pu••••∣tion of ••••••∣ket iud•••• not cau•••• call.
• * 45.26

  Becket ••••••¦ged with presump••••, and la•••••• diser••tion.
• * 45.27

  Ambi•••••• noted in Becket •••• not res•••••• but ta••ing his promo∣tion.
• * 45.28

  Byshop•• a∣gainst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wils th•••••• into their byshop••••••,
• * 45.29

  Ex chro••••¦co Nen••••••∣gensit.
• * 45.30

  Acta Bec∣kets impro∣bat••.
• * 45.31

  Ex Caesario Monacho. lib. 8. dialo. cap. 69.
• * 45.32

  Whether Tho. Becket be saued or damned.
• * 45.33

  If God in these latter dayes ge∣ueth no mir••cles to glorifie the glory of his own sonne: much lesse wil he giue myracles to glo∣rifie Thomas Becket.
• * 45.34

  Liber de mira∣culis b. thomae autore monacho quodam Cantu∣ar.
• * 45.35

  Miracles of Be••: considered.
• * 45.36

  Aqua Cantua∣riensis.
• * 45.37

  Singing at the masse forbidden by Tho. Becket after his death.
• * 45.38

  A blasphemous lye.
• * 45.39

  Beck. aboue the Martirs in hea∣uen.
• * 45.40

  A place prepa∣red in heauen for Becket xii. yeares before his death.
• * 45.41

  An impudent and a lying my∣racle.
• * 45.42

  Ex historia mo∣nachs Canti••a. de miraculiib. Thomae.
• * 45.43

  A blasphemous vision.
• * 45.44

  A false and im∣pudent myracle.
• * 45.45

  The blasphe∣mous an∣theme 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Becket. Tu per Tha∣masangm∣nem, quten prote impi∣des: Fat nos Chrihe scādere qu Thomas •••• cendi••.
• * 45.46

  The king sendeth •••• Rome.
• * 45.47

  Ex librio notatio•••• histeru••i manuscrip to ••. Skeng.
• * 45.48

  The penit of the four knightes.
• * 45.49

  Ex Houe•••• no.
• * 45.50

  Ireland 〈◊〉〈◊〉 subdued to England.
• * 45.51

  Anno. 1172.
• * 45.52

  The kings penance for the death of Becket.
• * 45.53

  Exquadri∣logo.
• * 45.54

  K. Héry the 2. goeth on pilgrimage with blou∣die steps to Tho. Bee. Ex Rogero Houdeno & quadri∣logo & alijs. Anno. 1174.
• * 45.55

  The citie of Canterbury almost con∣sumed with fire. Ex Houede∣no parte. 1. continua∣ta historiae. Anno. 1175.
• * 45.56

  Controuer∣sie betwene the sea of Can. & the sea of York. Archbishop of Yorke appealed the Archb. of Canter∣terbury to the byshop of Rome.
• * 45.57

  The clerkes of S. Oswald in Glocester ex∣communicated.
• * 45.58

  Agreement be∣tweene the Archb. of Cant. and of Yorke.
• * 45.59

  Anno. 1176.
• * 45.60

  Iustices of assise deuided into vj. circuites.
• * 45.61

  Ex Epitome Math. Parisen∣sis & alsarum historiarum.
• * 45.62

  A friuolous cō∣tention betwene the Archb. and the Abbot of Canterbury. Where was here the precept of the gospel: he that wil be grea¦test amōgst you, let him be an vnderling to other.
• * 45.63

  The tenor of the popes letter to the Byshop of Worcester.
• * 45.64

  Houedenus Gis∣bergensis. Anno. 1177.
• * 46.1

  A meeke Empe∣rour & a proude Pope.
• * 46.2

  The Emperour holdeth the Popes stirrup.
• * 46.3

  Contention be∣tweene two Archbishops who should sit on the right hand of the Cardinal.
• * 46.4

  The large dominion of K. Henry the 2.
• * 46.5

  Homage of Scotland in paine of in∣terdiction.
• * 46.6

  K. Hēry the 2. protection of Fraunce.
• * 46.7

  K. Henry chosen king of Ierusale •• & refused ••.
• * 46.8

  Ayde not to be denied to our neigh∣bours the cause being godly. Ex Poly•••••••• Ex Gira•••••• Cambrica••••.
• * 46.9

  ••ing Henry ••osen arbi∣••er by two ••nges.
• * 46.10

  The treasure of K. Henry the ••.
• * 46.11

  A couetous Archbishop.
• * 46.12

  Pride de∣stroyeth all.
• * 46.13

  K. Henry the 2. persecuted by his sonnes
• * 46.14

  The death of K. Henry the second. Howe the kyng being being dead bled at the comming of his sonne.
• * 46.15

  Anno. 1179.
• * 47.1

  Geuyng of the pall.
• * 48.1

  Ex libro gra∣uaminum nati∣onis germanic••.
• * 49.1

  The solemne oth of Byshops made to the Pope.
• * 49.2

  Saluo me•• ord. This was the clause that made Becket to be ba∣nished and to be slaine.
• * 50.1

  And howe be not those By∣shops then persured which at the death of Q. Mary, set and let out a great part of their possessions, frō their successors.
• * 51.1

  The vowe of chastitie layde vpon priestes.
• * 51.2

  Richardus Bald∣winus Archb of Canterb.
• * 51.3

  Valde•••••• seu paup•••••• do 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Leon•••••• Insabbate 4. Arch p••∣lers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 papist••y.
• * 51.4

  The history of Walden∣ses or Albin∣genses.
• * 51.5

  The true nature of Antichrist, neither hi•• selfe to fur∣ther the word nor suffer other men to do it.
• * 51.6

  The articles of Walden∣ses.
• * 51.7

  This article seemeth to be giuen vp of them in Bohemialōg after, for in∣dulgences came not in before Boni∣facius. 8.
• * 51.8

  Thomas A∣cuin first fin∣der of Pur∣gatory. Ex Ortbui∣n•• ••ratio.
• * 51.9

  Chronica Gesto∣rum. Or••gines super tertium librum Mosis.
• * 51.10

  The sacramen∣tall bread ought not to be kept or reserued.
• * 51.11

  Part of the dis∣putatiō betwene Doct. Austen and Waldenses.
• * 51.12

  Dilemmae. That is a capti∣ous question, i•• conferring on both sides an in∣conuenience.

  The answere of tho Waldenses.
• * 51.13

  What it is to re∣ceiue after a sa∣cramentall ma∣ner.
• * 51.14

  Naturall. Sacramentall.
• * 51.15

  An other Di∣lemma against Transubstantia∣tion.
• * 51.16

  Eneas Syluius Bohemica hi∣storia de Valdō∣sium dogmati∣bus.
• * 51.17

  The Temple of the Lord that is, the proper habitatiō wher∣in God most properly dwel∣leth and wor∣keth.

  That is, the ve∣rie place maketh not the mini∣stration of holy thinges either more or lesse holy.
• * 51.18

  De moribus et consu••tudiue Valdensium.
• * 51.19

  Their maner of grace before meate.

  Their grace af∣ter meate.
• * 51.20

  Reinerius •• olde inqui••i∣tor agata••: Walden••••
• * 51.21

  Pius ••ide∣tur locus is lasciuossa∣cerdotes. The power and multi∣tude of Wal∣denses.
• * 51.22

  Waldenses in all other points soūd, but onely for holding against the church of Rome.

  Ex Orthin. no Grain.
• * 51.23

  The crosse commonly foloweth the word.
• * 51.24

  Waldenses persecuted more then 300. yeares agoe by An∣tichrist.
• * 51.25

  Antichrist with whom he first begā his persecu∣tion.
• * 51.26

  An horrible m••rther of Christs ho∣ly martyrs.
• * 51.27

  Minerius an horrible persecutor.
• * 51.28

  A Glouer suffered mar¦tyrdome in Cheron. 44•• brought to examina∣tion.
• * 51.29

  Incidences in the reigne of K. Henry the, 2.
• * 51.30

  Becket a dis∣soluer of ma¦nages.
• * 51.31

  Two chil∣dren crucifi∣ed by the Iewes.
• * 51.32

  Babilon vt∣terly de∣stroied.
• * 51.33

  The holie crosse taken with the ci∣tie of Ieru∣salem, by the Saracens.

  Persecution of the Turk against the Christians.
• * 51.34

  A viage a∣gainst the Turkes.
• * 51.35

  Howe the difference of the crosses first came in amōgst chri∣stian princes
• * 51.36

  The kings pro∣mises fulfilled to the Pope.
• * 51.37

  King of Scottes doing homage to the king of England.
• * 51.38

  The Church of Scotland orde∣red by the church of York. Murtherers could not be pu∣nished by the Popes decrees.
• * 51.39

  London bridge of stone.
• * 51.40

  S. William of Paris.
• * 51.41

  Ireland subdued to England.
• * 51.42

  Pilgrimage to Canterbury sprang by a ly∣ing vision.
• * 51.43

  A iust reward for an idolatrous viage.
• * 51.44

  Transubstantia∣tion gaynsayd.
• * 51.45

  Queene Alio∣nor imprisoned.
• * 51.46

  Expositions made by Chris. both of the olde and newe testa∣ment.
• * 51.47

  The Charter house monkes.
• * 51.48

  The Bishop of Couētry v••••un∣tarely renoun∣ceth his byshop∣pricke.
• * 51.49

  S. Hugh of Lin∣colne.
• * 51.50

  Lambeth first begun to be built.
• * 51.51

  K. Henries gift to the Church of Rome for the death of Becket.
• * 51.52

  A worthie sto∣rie of Sibilla and Guido, in Ieru∣salem.
• * 51.53

  A worthie ex∣ample of a true wife to her hus∣band.
• * 51.54

  A worthy ex∣ample in Guido of a true subiect to the common wealth.
• * 51.55

  A singular ex∣ample of pru∣dence in a prin∣ces, and fidelitie in a wife.
• * 51.56

  The king admonished to amer•••• his life.
• * 51.57

  Sonday to be free 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bying and selling.
• * 51.58

  The seco•••• and thirde admoni•••••• to the ••ing to reforme his life.
• * 51.59

  Seuē things to be am••••∣ded.
• * 51.60

  The kinge•• victory was falsely im∣puted to the cause of hi•• pilgrimage. The death K. Henry the 2.
• * 51.61

  Anno. 1189. K. Richard crowned.
• * 51.62

  The kinges restraint that no Iew should enter the place nor Church during his coronation.
• * 51.63

  A Iewe through feare was baptized.
• * 51.64

  The Iewes in London staine and their houses set on fire.
• * 51.65

  The small regard of nobilitie had in tu∣mults and insurrectiōs.
• * 51.66

  A new chri∣stian reuol∣teth to an olde Iewe.
• * 51.67

  An vnadui∣sed answere of an Arcb.
• * 51.68

  Ex Chron. Westm. cui initium: A∣neas cum Ascanio. &c.
• * 51.69

  A miserable and deserued destru∣ction of the Iewes.
• * 51.70

  Anno. 1189.
• * 51.71

  The couetous greedinesse of Byshops noted, in bying great lordships.
• * 51.72

  Sleightes to get money.
• * 51.73

  A tenth gathe∣red thorough all England.
• * 51.74

  K. Philip and K. Richard con∣cluding to tra∣uayle to the holy lande.
• * 51.75

  Anno. 1190. A Northren braule in the Cathedrall church of York, betweene the new Archb. and the Deane.
• * 51.76

  Henry Deane of Yorke and Bucarde begin seruice, not tary∣ing for their Archb.
• * 51.77

  The Deane and Treasurer wold not cease euen∣long at the archbishops commandement
• * 51.78

  The Archb. be∣ginneth euen∣song againe be∣ing halfe done before. The Treasurer putteth out the candels at euen∣song.
• * 51.79

  The Popes Church can do nothing with∣out candle light The Deane and Church of York suspended by the Archb. from diuine seruice.
• * 51.80

  The stoutnes of the Deane and Treasurer in not submitting them selues to Archb.
• * 51.81

  The people in∣censed against the Deane of Yorke and his Canons. Ex Chron. ano∣nimo cui insti∣um: Anno gra∣tiae.
• * 51.82

  K. Richard pre∣pareth toward his iourney. William Bishop of Ely the kings Chauncellor, & Hugh Bysh. of Durham made chiefe ouerseers of the Realme in the kinges ab∣sence. William Byshop of Ely made the popes Legate in England and Scotland.
• * 51.83

  Captaines and Constables of the kinges nauie appointed.
• * 51.84

  The long con∣tention between Baldwyn Arch. of Cant. and the Monks of Chri∣stes Church.
• * 51.85

  Archbyshops of Canterbury commonly were wont to worke the kinges of England much sorrow. King of Eng∣land euer care∣full about the chusing of the Archbishop and wherefore. Ex chron. Ger∣uas.
• * 51.86

  Or xv. •••• some ruler.
• * 51.87

  Ieremy the Prior of C••••••∣ter. appea∣leth to Pope Inno∣cent. Ieremie the Prior depo∣sed by the Archb. Ieremie re∣stored to his place againe by the Pope. Consicium Remens••••••, 1140.
• * 51.88

  A friuolous strife be∣twene The∣obald Arch. and Silue∣ster Abbot of S. Austes about the place, in what church the Abbot shoulde take his cōsecra∣tion. Siluester go∣eth vp to Rome.
• * 51.89

  The Monkes of Christes church stri•••• against the Monkes of S. Austen is Cant. for the honour of their house. Walter Pri∣or of Chri∣stes Church appealeth the Archb. vp to Rome.
• * 51.90

  Siluester trudgeth a∣gaine to Rome.
• * 51.91

  Siluester co∣secrated Ab∣bot in his own church whether the archb. weld or not.
• * 51.92

  Petition of kyng Henry to the Prior of Cant. for chusing of the Archb. & yet coulde not be gran∣ted. Odo Prior of Cant.
• * 51.93

  Richarde Prior of Do∣ver elected Archb. of Cant. anno. 1173.
• * 51.94

  Another fri∣uolous con∣tention be∣tweene Ri∣chard Arch. and Roger Abbot of the Austen Monkes in Cant. about profession of obedience.
• * 51.95

  Roger Ab∣bot of Saint Austens ma∣keth his house tribu∣tary to pope Alexander. anno. 1177.
• * 51.96

  Roger the Abbot retur¦neth home with try∣umph. Appellation of the archb.
• * 51.97

  Concilium Lateranum sub Alexan∣dro Papa. Roger Ab∣bot of s. Aust. trauayleth vp againe to Rome.
• * 51.98

  Roger Ab∣bot cōsecra∣ted at Rome by the pope.
• * 51.99

  The house of the Austē Monkes in Cant. not a∣ble to shewe for them a∣ny deedes or writinges of antiquitie.
• * 51.100

  Ex hist. Ger∣••a••y^•.
• * 51.101

  Richard the Archb. going toward Rome to complaine of the Abbot, was stayed by the kyng.
• * 51.102

  A Catholicke practise of the Romish Court to set men toge∣ther at variance, that they might get their mony.
• * 51.103

  Trouble in chu∣sing the Archb. of Cant. after the death of Ri∣chard.
• * 51.104

  Monkes of Cāt. sent for by king Henry. 2. about chusing of their Archbishop.
• * 51.105

  Monkes of Can. partiall in chu∣sing their Arch.
• * 51.106

  Monks of Cant. againe sent for to the kyng a∣bout their elec∣tion.
• * 51.107

  Alanus Prior of Canterbury. The king offen∣ded with the Prior & Monks of Canterbury. The stubburnes of the Monkes againe the king.
• * 51.108

  The king sen∣deth to Rome against the Monkes. The kinges gen∣tle wordes to the Monkes.
• * 51.109

  Bishops of Eng∣land clayme to haue interest in the election of the Archb. of Cant.
• * 51.110

  The popes let∣ters commaun∣ding the By∣shops of the re∣alme with the Prior and Co∣uent to chuse the Archb.
• * 51.111

  The king sepa∣rateth the By∣shops from the Monkes.
• * 51.112

  The Monkes will lose no preeminence of their Church.
• * 51.113

  The forme of e∣lection of the Archb. set be∣tweene the By∣shops and the Monks of Cant.
• * 51.114

  The Bishops & Monks could not agree about the forme of e∣lection.
• * 51.115

  The election of the Archb. dif∣ferred to the moneth of De∣cember, an. 1184
• * 51.116

  The kings mes∣sage to the Monkes of Can. to agree and ioyne with the Byshops.
• * 51.117

  The kinges wordes to the monkes of Can.
• * 51.118

  The Monkes of Cant. compel∣led against their wylles to ioyne with the bishops touching the e∣lection of the Archbishop.
• * 51.119

  Byshops of the realme make the•• election of the Archb. without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monkes of Canterb••••••.
• * 51.120

  Condition prescribed to the king by the mo•••••• of Cant. •••••• the ratif••••••∣tion of the Archb. ma•••• by the By∣shops.
• * 51.121

  Baldwine Bishop of Worcester elected Archb. of Cant. anno. 1184.
• * 51.122

  The gre•••• trouble an•• contention betweene Baldwine Archb. & the Monkes of Cant.
• * 51.123

  The monkes of Cant. ap∣peale to th•• pope against their Archb. Reconcilia∣tiō between the Archb. and the Monkes, which did not lōg ho••••
• * 51.124

  The Archb. sendeth to the Pope.
• * 51.125

  The Archb. goeth about to plucke downe the pride of the Monkes of Cant.
• * 51.126

  Baldwine Archb. of Cant. about to build a a newe Church on the North side of Cant. The purpose of the archb. in building his newe Church at Cant.
• * 51.127

  Hakyngton Church.
• * 51.128

  The monkes of Canter. make their appeale a∣gainst Bald∣wine their Archb.
• * 51.129

  Three causes alledged a∣gainst the Archb. by the Monkes
• * 51.130

  The monkes of Canter. claime al the the goods of the Archb. to be their owne.
• * 51.131

  The monkes put them∣selues and their house in the popes protection.
• * 51.132

  Appellati∣on agaynst the Archb.
• * 51.133

  Busines be∣tween the Monkes and the Archb. for placing secular Clerkes in the Church of s. Stephēs in Cant.
• * 51.134

  The Prior of Cant. su∣spended.
• * 51.135

  An other garboile be∣twene the monkes of Cain & their Archb.
• * 51.136

  The k. commeth into the Chap∣ter of Cant.
• * 51.137

  Petrus Blesensis a great doer a∣gainst the Monkes.
• * 51.138

  The kyng en∣treateth peace betweene the Monkes and the Archb.
• * 51.139

  The Monkes deny to put their matter from the Pope to the kings hearing.
• * 51.140

  The Monkes excuse to the kyng.
• * 51.141

  The first letter of Pope Vrban sent to Baldwin Archb. of Cant.
• * 51.142

  The answere of the Archb. to the Popes let∣ter.
• * 51.143

  The Archb. ma∣keth his oyle and creame at London.
• * 51.144

  Three Abbots assoyle the Monkes of their suspension.
• * 51.145

  The Archb. ap∣pealeth vp the three Abbots to Rome. The Archby∣shops newe Church made of wood.
• * 51.146

  A letter of pope Vrban agaynst the Archb.
• * 51.147

  The archb. mes∣sengers come to the Popes court
• * 51.148

  Letters of the ••••ng, the archb. and of other Bi∣shops to the Pope.
• * 51.149

  M. Pilleus At∣turney in the Popes Court for the Monkes of Cant.
• * 51.150

  Petrus Blesensis agent for the Archb. of Cant.
• * 51.151

  The Pope hol∣deth on the Monkes side a∣gainst the kyng. the Archb. and the Bishops of the Realme. The Popes exe∣cuters comman∣ded by L. Glan∣uile in the kings name not to proceed against gainst the arch∣bishop.
• * 51.152

  Monkes of Can. commaunded to shew their pri∣uileges to the kyng. Certaine offi∣cers put in the house of Christs Church against the Monks wil.
• * 51.153

  An other appel∣lation of the Monkes against the Archb.
• * 52.1

  The copie of Pope Vrbans letter to the Archb. of Cant.
• * 52.2

  Note home the Popes stand all vp∣on their ho∣nour.
• * 52.3

  The Pope expectati•••• deceaued in the Archb. of Cant.
• * 52.4

  The Pope, expostula∣teth with Baldwin •••• contempt •••• his sea.
• * 52.5

  The Archb. commanded by the pope to throne downe the building of his newe Church, of his owne costes and charges. The Archb. comman•••••• to restored assoyle the Monkes whom he did depriue and exco••∣municate. The Archb. threatned by the Pope.
• * 52.6

  The Pope writeth to the Abbot, and also to the kyng.
• * 52.7

  Pope Vrb•• dyeth. Baldwin•••• king of He∣rusalē with many nob••s taken of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Saracens, & the citie wonne. The king •• Archb. g•••• to agree wi•••• the Monkes.
• * 52.8

  The Monk•••• got vpper had ouer t•••• Archb.
• * 52.9

  The misera∣ble subiecti∣on of kings vnder the Pope to be noted. Calypha is the high Priest of the Saracens, sit∣ting in Da∣mascus, vnto whom all the Sultans were subiect, ••s our prin∣ces now are to the Pope.
• * 52.10

  The kinges ••••nswere to the monkes of Cant.
• * 52.11

  Pope Gre∣gory. 8. dieth Pope Cle∣ment. 3.
• * 52.12

  Pope Cle∣ments let∣••ers to the Archb.
• * 52.13

  Honorius Prior of Cā∣terbury dyed ••t Rome.
• * 52.14

  The second letter of Pope Cle∣ment to the Archb.
• * 52.15

  K. Henry. 2. dieth.
• * 52.16

  K. Richard. 1 ioyneth with the Archb.
• * 52.17

  Agreement betweene the Archb. and Monkes of Cant. vp∣on what conditions.
• * 52.18

  Conditions of peace cō∣cluded.
• * 52.19

  Ex libr. ano∣••imo, & ex hist. Geruaiij Mo ••achi Can∣••queriensis.
• * 52.20

  Arcb. of Cant. purchaseth of the B. of Roche∣ster lād in Lam∣beth to builde his house vpon. Baldewin arch∣bishop of Cant. buildeth his house at Lam∣beth.
• * 52.21

  Three things to be obserued in this story of Canterbury. Monkes aboue rehearsed.
• * 52.22

  Hypocrisie in Monkery.
• * 52.23

  Kinges made slaues vnder the Pope.
• * 52.24

  No concord not vnitie in Popish Churches.
• * 52.25

  Examples pro∣uing what dis∣cord and how little vnitie is in the Popes Church.
• * 52.26

  Ex Math. Paris.
• * 52.27

  No vnitie in the popes Church.
• * 52.28

  Conclusions of the Friers con∣demned for er∣roneous by the Prelates of Pa∣ris.

  Ex Mat. Paris. sol 167.
• * 52.29

  Contention be∣tweene Friers abo••t the con∣ception of our Ladie.
• * 52.30

  Continuall va∣riaunce in the Popes church.
• * 52.31

  Anno. 1190.
• * 52.32

  King Richard taketh his iour∣ney toward the land of Hieru∣salem.
• * 52.33

  The oth of fide∣litie betweene Philip second French king, and king Richard the first, going to the holy lād.
• * 52.34

  Discipline and orders set by king Richard for malefactors.
• * 52.35

  The French king & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rich. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Lyons.
• * 52.36

  K. Richard commeth •••• Marsilia.
• * 52.37

  K. Richard complained of the filthe Symony of the Popes Court.
• * 52.38

  K. Richard departeth from Ma••••••∣lia.
• * 52.39

  The kyngs ships ar••e at Messana. The com∣ming of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Richard t•• Messana.
• * 52.40

  The French king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Messana
• * 52.41

  The French king driue backe again by the wy•• to Messan••
• * 52.42

  K. Richard obtaineth his sister Ioan que•••• sometime •••• Scicilia to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent vnto him.

  K. ••ichard getteth the monastery of Gr••••••••
• * 52.43

  Discord be∣tweene the Citizens & Messana of the Engli•••• armie.
• * 52.44

  The king ••oulde not ••tay the rage of the peo∣ple.
• * 52.45

  Communi∣cation about peace amōg the kings.
• * 52.46

  A skirmish betweene the Citizens of Messana & the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 52.47

  The French Kyng, a bearer with straungers a∣gainst the English men
• * 52.48

  English men w••ane the City of Mes∣sana in Sici∣lia.

  English ar∣mes set vp at Messana.
• * 52.49

  The league renued be∣tweene K. Richard, and the French king.
• * 52.50

  Peace cōclu∣ded betwene K. Richard, & Tancrede K. of Sicilia.
• * 52.51

  Fredericke 1. Emperour with his sonne Con∣rade come vp toward the siege of Achon. Fredericke the Emperor drowned in a riuer going to the siege of Achon.
• * 52.52

  A miserable fa∣mine in the siege of Achon.
• * 52.53

  Gods prouidēce in time of need.
• * 52.54

  The siege of A∣Achon.
• * 52.55

  Ignis Graecus. much vsed of the Saracens.
• * 52.56

  K. Richard con∣ferreth with Ioachim Abbot about the com∣ming of Anti∣christ.
• * 52.57

  Abbas Ioachim condemned in the councell of Laterane, by In∣nocent. 3.
• * 52.58

  Henricus sonne of Fredericke standeth to be Emperour.
• * 52.59

  Pope Clement dyeth. Celesti∣nas 3. Pope.
• * 52.60

  Anno. 1191.
• * 52.61

  The bountifull liberalitie of king Richard.
• * 52.62

  King Richard remoueth from Messana, and commeth to Cathneys.
• * 52.63

  The honorable intertainment of king Richard by king Tan∣credus.
• * 52.64

  Philip the frēch king trayterous∣ly seeketh the destruction of K. Richard by secret letters sent to the king of Sicilia.
• * 52.65

  A faithfull part of Tancredus kyng of Sicilia toward kyng Richard.
• * 52.66

  The first occasi∣on of discord be∣tweene the French king and king Richard.
• * 52.67

  K. Richard char¦geth the French king with false∣hood.
• * 52.68

  The Frēch king quarelleth with L. Richard a∣bout marying his sister.
• * 52.69

  Causes alledged why K. Richard could not marry with the French kinges sister. Agreement be∣tweene the two kinges, with the conditions tou∣ching the same.
• * 52.70

  The French king commeth to Achon.
• * 52.71

  Berengaria, or as some do call her Bernegera daughter to the king of Nauar∣re brought to be maried to kyng Richard by his mother Alinor.
• * 52.72

  Pope Celesti∣nus 3.
• * 52.73

  Conditions re∣quired of Hen∣ricus K. of Al∣manes before he should be made Empe∣rour by the Pope. The Pope of Rome in the ful toppe of his pride.
• * 52.74

  Pope Cele∣stine cro••∣neth Her••¦cus the em∣perour was his seete. The Pope striketh is the Empe∣rours 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with his foote. K. Richard moueth his Messana 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Achon.
• * 52.75

  K. Richard ouertaken with a ••••••∣pest in the Seas, going to Achon.
• * 52.76

  Isakiu•• king of Cyprus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cruell ene∣my to Eng∣lishe men.
• * 52.77

  K. Richard maketh sure to the king of Cyprus for his soul∣diours in captiuitie.
• * 52.78

  The dis•••••• full & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 answere of Isakius to K. Richard
• * 52.79

  K. Richard exhorteth his men to fight against Isakius.
• * 52.80

  K. Richard setteth vpon Isakius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Cyprus.
• * 52.81

  The battaile betwene the Emperour of Cyprus and K. Rich.
• * 52.82

  Isakius Em∣perour of the Griffōs put to flight▪ The towne of Lymez•••• taken by king Rich.
• * 52.83

  The king of Cyprus a∣gaine put to flight.
• * 52.84

  K. Richard marrieth Bernegera daughter of the king of Nauarie in the Isle of Cyprus.
• * 52.85

  Isakius king of Cyprus yeldeth him¦selfe to king Richard.
• * 52.86

  The king of Cyprus brea¦keth conditi∣ons with kyng Ri∣chard.
• * 52.87

  King of Cy∣prus againe submitteth himselfe, and was kept in golden fet∣ters.
• * 52.88

  K. Rich. ta∣keth his iourney to Achon.
• * 52.89

  A thousand & fiue hun∣dreth Sara∣cens sent to the rescue of Achon, van∣quished on the sea by K. Richard.
• * 52.90

  The Citie of Achon yel∣ded to the Christians.
• * 52.91

  An honest part of a se∣cret Christi∣an in the ci∣tie of Achō.
• * 52.92

  The forme of peace conclu∣ded betweene the Kings and the Princes of Achon.
• * 52.93

  Couenaunces made in giuing vp the citie of Achon.
• * 52.94

  Religion would be taught and not coacted.
• * 52.95

  The two kinges deuide the citie of Achon, with all the spoyle therof betwene themselues. Cōmonly seene, who so taketh most paynes, their part to be the least. Many of the Christian soldi∣diours for neede were constray∣ned to depart from Achon.
• * 52.96

  K. Richard re∣quireth of the French kyng to remaine three yeares with his army, but hee would not.
• * 52.97

  Christian cap∣tiues slai•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Saladine.
• * 52.98

  The Saracen captiues slaine by k. Richard.
• * 52.99

  Saladine put to flight.
• * 52.100

  A noble victory by Gods power gotten by Kyng Rich▪ against the Saracens.
• * 52.101

  K. Richard in possession of Syria.
• * 52.102

  The storie of William the proude Byshop of Ely.
• * 52.103

  Vt iustè iudica∣rent ••lerum & populum, verba hist.

  Foure chiefe Iu∣stices with two Byshops appoin∣ted ouerseers of the Realme in the kings ab∣sence.
• * 52.104

  William Long∣champ B. of Ely, Lord Chaunce∣lour, and the popes Legat.

  The church and belles of Yorke suspended be∣cause the Lord Legate was not set in with pro∣cession.
• * 52.105

  Bysh. of Ely get∣teth the ca••tel of Wyndsore from the b. of Durhā. Hugo Bishop of Durham vexed by W. Bishop of Ely.
• * 52.106

  The exce••∣siue pride and eno••••••∣ties of W••••∣shop of E••••.
• * 52.107

  Byshop of Ely neuer rode vnder a 1500▪ horse
• * 52.108

  His 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 52.109

  His vs••ry.
• * 52.110

  His riotous and d••licate life.
• * 52.111

  The Bishop of Ely play∣eth both king & priest
• * 52.112

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bish. of Ely garded with French men & Fle••¦mings.
• * 52.113

  Anno. 1191.
• * 52.114

  A generall complaint to the K. of W. Bish. of Ely.

  Of these foure associ∣ates read the page before.

  s
• * 52.115

  Another dissention betweene Iohn the kings bro∣ther & Wil∣liam Bish. of Ely.
• * 52.116

  Another broyle be∣tweene the Chauncelor and Geffray Archbish. of Yorke the kings bro∣ther.
• * 52.117

  The cruell handling of Geffray Archbish. of Yorke, by the B. of Ely the Popes ••egate and Chaunceler of England.
• * 52.118

  Geffray Archb. of Yorke deli∣uered out of prisō by cō∣mandement of Earle Iohn his brother.
• * 52.119

  A skirmish betweene the seruants of the B. of Ely and the seruants of Earle Iohn.
• * 52.120

  The nobles assembled in counsell a∣gainst the B. of Ely.

  The B. of E∣ly Chaunce∣lour of the realme and Legate depo¦sed.

  The B. of E∣ly resigneth his Castels.
• * 52.121

  The B of Ely clotheth himself in a womans ap∣parell.
• * 52.122

  A Fisherman taketh the B. of Ely to be a wo∣man.
• * 52.123

  The B. of Ely in a womans appa∣rell found to be a man.
• * 52.124

  Bayted of wo∣men by the Seas side.
• * 52.125

  Cast in a darke cellar in stead of a prison.

  Set at libertie by Iohn Earle of Morton.
• * 52.126

  The B of Ely gi∣ueth lx. markes to be receiued with procession.
• * 52.127

  The Bish. of Ely complayneth to the King and the Pope.
• * 52.128

  The letter of Pope Celestine, in the behalfe of the Bish. of Ely his Legate.
• * 52.129

  The B. of Ely bold vpon the Popes fauour.
• * 52.130

  The names of many which stoode against the B. of Ely ap∣pointed to be excommunica∣ted.
• * 52.131

  The Bish▪ of Ely complayneth to the king of the Earle of Morton his brother.
• * 52.132

  Anno. 1192.
• * 52.133

  Strife betweene the B. of Ely & the Archb. of Roan.
• * 52.134

  Pope Celestine standeth in ex∣cuse of the Bish. of Ely.
• * 52.135

  The Bish. of Ely with the kinges letters commeth again into Eng∣land.
• * 52.136

  What discord doth.
• * 52.137

  The french king returneth from Palestina.
• * 52.138

  Ann. 1193.
• * 52.139

  K Richard re∣turneth from Palestina.
• * 53.1

  Confedera∣cy of the French 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Earle Iohn against king Ri∣chard. Earle Iohn besieged a•• Wyndsore
• * 53.2

  Anno. 1195.
• * 53.3

  Ex Chro•••••• cui titulus Eulogium.
• * 53.4

  The iust pu∣nishment 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God vpon the Duke•• Austrige.
• * 53.5

  An. 1196.
• * 53.6

  The answer of k. Richard to his bro∣ther.
• * 53.7

  Anno. 1197.
• * 53.8

  3. daughters of the king ••oted.
• * 53.9

  He that all would haue, shall all for∣goe.
• * 53.10

  Couetous greedines plagued.
• * 53.11

  The death of k. Richard the first.
• * 53.12

  K. Richard forgeueth him that kil∣led him. Ex bibliothe¦ca Cariensi. Ex Gualte∣ro Hemyng∣ford, mona∣cho Gisbur∣••ensi. Vaine feare of purgatory
• * 53.13

  Ex Iornal. Gis∣burnensi. & alijs.
• * 53.14

  Monks put ou••, and secular priestes recei∣ued.
• * 53.15

  King Iohn.
• * 53.16

  Arthur of Bri∣tayne.
• * 53.17

  A communica∣tion betweene the king of eng∣land and the French king.
• * 53.18

  Marlage in the 3. degree forbid∣den by the pope
• * 53.19

  Anno. 1200.
• * 53.20

  Anno. 1202.
• * 53.21

  Nat. Paretti in vita Ioannis Regis.
• * 53.22

  Arthur.
• * 53.23

  Anno. 1203.
• * 53.24

  Normandy lost and gotten by the French mē.
• * 53.25

  Anno. 1205.
• * 53.26

  Striuing for the election of the Archb. of Cant.
• * 53.27

  Anno. 1206.
• * 53.28

  Prelates of the Church had thē money inough belike that they could keepe play at Rome a∣gainst their prince. Which thing caused the prin∣ces after to seeke such meanes to cut them short.
• * 53.29

  Anno. 1207.
• * 53.30

  Disse•••••• among the Mon••es 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the elec•••••• of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 53.31

  The pride and tyran•••• of the Pope.
• * 53.32

  Stephen Langton made archb. of Canter∣bury.
• * 53.33

  The king doth expo∣stulate with the Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 consecrating Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant.
• * 54.1

  The Popes letters an∣s••••••ng K. John.
• * 54.2

  It is pity but this Pope should be honoured of kinges and princes.
• * 54.3

  A pitifull case that a king cannot constitute an archb. with∣in his owne realme, who him most li∣keth.
• * 55.1

  Note the proceedings of this am∣bitious pope
• * 55.2

  Tho. Becket he meaneth.
• * 55.3

  Princes must be subiect to the pope.
• * 55.4

  Foure byshops appointed to interdict the realme.
• * 55.5

  England inter∣dicted by the pope.
• * 55.6

  Discipline of the church abused for priuate re∣uenge.
• * 55.7

  The inconside∣rate stoutnes of the prelates a∣gainst the king.
• * 55.8

  Stephen Lāgh∣ton stout against his kyng.
• * 55.9

  The king mo∣ued against the Archb. Langton
• * 55.10

  Two legates sent from the Pope.
• * 55.11

  Restitution re∣quired of the king.
• * 55.12

  Sentence of the popes curse pro∣nounced against the king.
• * 55.13

  The Pope au∣thor of rebelli∣on and disobe∣dience of sub∣iectes towardes their prince.
• * 55.14

  Like master lyke man.
• * 55.15

  Pandolph worse ai•• then hurt.
• * 55.16

  The Po•••• great curse.
• * 55.17

  The iust pu∣nishment of God vpon disobedient, subiecte••.
• * 55.18

  The Pope founde a murtherer.
• * 55.19

  Anno. 1212.
• * 55.20

  French ship•• takē by eng∣lishmen.
• * 55.21

  Peter the false Pro∣phet.
• * 55.22

  The false prophet foūd a lyar▪
• * 55.23

  The false prophet pro∣ue•• a lyer of K. Iohn.
• * 55.24

  The false prophet hanged.
• * 55.25

  K. Iohn sub∣mitteth him selfe to the Pope.
• * 55.26

  K. Iohn en∣treateth for peace with the Pope.
• * 55.27

  K: Iohn submit∣teth himselfe and resigneth his crowne.
• * 56.1

  The draught of instrument ••bli∣gatory where in king Iohn resig∣neth his kyng∣dome to the Popes hand. Christ was of∣f••red a kingdom and would none of it, but the Pope d••th not refuse it.
• * 56.2

  The vnreasona∣blenes of the clergy against their naturall Prince.
• * 56.3

  Anno. 1215.
• * 56.4

  The councell of Lateran holden by pope Inno∣cent.
• * 56.5

  The Pope to haue iurisdictiō of all Churches
• * 56.6

  Ioánes Scotus.
• * 56.7

  Transub••••••∣tiation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brought▪
• * 56.8

  Mariage of priestes for∣bidden by Pope Ino••∣cent.
• * 56.9

  Stephen Langhton suspended out of the Church.
• * 56.10

  Appeale to the genera••l councell.
• * 56.11

  Ann. 1215.
• * 56.12

  The discord betwene the nobles and the kyng.
• * 56.13

  Gualo Car∣dinall sent into Englād.
• * 56.14

  The French kyng and his sonne reaso∣ning about England.
• * 56.15

  Prelates and pri••stes con∣spiring a∣gainst the kyng.
• * 56.16

  Anno. 1216.
• * 56.17

  Walter Gray Archb. of York.
• * 56.18

  Gualo the popes Legate.
• * 56.19

  Radul. Niger. cap. 43. 44.
• * 56.20

  The popes curse laught to scorn.
• * 56.21

  Pandulphus the Popes collector made bishop of Norwich.
• * 56.22

  Mat. Paris. Ra∣dul. Niger. cap. 47.
• * 56.23

  The great pro∣uidence of God for the helpe of Englande.
• * 56.24

  Pope Innocent the third dyeth.
• * 56.25

  K. Iohn poyso∣ned by a Monke.
• * 56.26

  Ex Chronico cui titulus Eulogi∣um.
• * 56.27

  Ex Math. Pa∣ris.
• * 56.28

  The saying of K. Iohn dery∣ding the Masse.
• * 56.29

  Ex Caxtono. lib. 7.
• * 56.30

  Woebe•••• you that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 good eui••l and euill good. Simō Mon•••• absolued o•• his Abbot for poyso∣ning hi••••ing
• * 56.31

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dyeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 56.32

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 56.33

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 56.34

  K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ried 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ceter.
• * 56.35

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 12••••
• * 56.36

  The word•• K. Iohn
• * 56.37

  Math. Pari∣sian vitali∣hānis Reg••••.
• * 56.38

  Another description of kyng Iohns death Ex histor. G••alt. He∣myngford, ••isburnensi.
• * 56.39

  ••he first ••aior of Lō∣••on.
• * 56.40

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Henry the 〈◊〉〈◊〉rd.
• * 56.41

  ••••e issue of 〈◊〉〈◊〉g Iohn.
• * 56.42

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 example 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worthy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 faithfull ••nsailour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oration ••he Earle shall for 〈◊〉〈◊〉ng kyng 〈◊〉〈◊〉ty. 〈◊〉〈◊〉ly said, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 you per∣〈◊〉〈◊〉ed him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉ersecu∣〈◊〉〈◊〉ye were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 true mā 〈◊〉〈◊〉ur own 〈◊〉〈◊〉al king 〈◊〉〈◊〉well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eng∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 cry out 〈◊〉〈◊〉urblind 〈◊〉〈◊〉es and 〈◊〉〈◊〉s on.
• * 56.43

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chron. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Gis∣〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 56.44

  K. Henry the 3. crowned.
• * 56.45

  Berkhamstead and Hartford taken by Lewes.
• * 56.46

  Lincolne taken by Lewes.
• * 56.47

  Anno. 1217.
• * 56.48

  This Eustace some say he was a Spanyard.
• * 56.49

  A noble victory by Gods grace giuē to K. Iohns sonne.
• * 56.50

  Ex Math. Pari∣siensi.
• * 56.51

  Lewes the frēch kings sonne ••••••∣uen out of Eng∣lande.
• * 56.52

  The answere of the French king concerning his sonne Lewes.
• * 56.53

  Ex Florilego.
• * 56.54

  An admonition to Englishmen not to admit fo∣reine rulers into the realme.
• * 56.55

  It is a bad wind that bloweth no man profit.
• * 56.56

  Money cōming into the Pope and Cardinall. Hugo B. of Lin∣colne redemeth his Bishopricke for a 1000. marks
• * 56.57

  Ex Mat. Paris. in vita Reg. Henri. 3. Pope innocent the third.
• * 56.58

  Pope Honorius the third.
• * 56.59

  The effect of the letter of Pope Honorius the 3. to king Henry the 3. Ex parisien.
• * 56.60

  A straunge tale of pope Hono∣rius if it be true.
• * 56.61

  Ex Abbate Vr∣sperg. in Chro∣nico.
• * 56.62

  An. 1218.
• * 56.63

  K. Henry ••∣firmed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 liberties ••••••∣ted by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iohn.
• * 56.64

  Two ••••••∣lings of ••••∣ry pl•••••••• land gr••••∣ted to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Henry. T•••••• Becket ••••••∣ned.
• * 56.65

  Ex histor D. Scales. W. Marshal dieth and was buried at the Te••∣ple.
• * 56.66

  Anno. 1219.
• * 56.67

  Aliens co∣maunde•• out of E••••∣lande.
• * 56.68

  Faukes de Breut ••••••∣leth a〈◊〉〈◊〉 king He••••••
• * 56.69

  Ex Par••∣ens.
• * 56.70

  Anno. 1220.
• * 56.71

  K. Henry crowned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 second 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Wes••••••∣ster.
• * 56.72

  Pope Inno∣centius.

  The deedes and decrees of pope In∣nocent. 3.
• * 56.73

  Almerieus condemned, Ioachim Ab bas condem∣ned.

  Priuate ri∣ches brought in. Bell and cādle before the sacramēt Canon of the masse authorised.

  Transubstā∣tiation.

  Mariage in the 3. degree forbidden.
• * 56.74

  The pope setteth kings and Empe∣rours toge∣ther by the eares.

  Philip the Emperour deposed.

  Otho the Emperour deposed.
• * 56.75

  The councel of Lateran.
• * 56.76

  Martyrs of Alsatia, to the number of all. 100. burned in one day. Ex Herm. Mutio.
• * 56.77

  Collectes sent from the brethrē of Millane, to them of Alsatia.

  Obseruant Friers begā.
• * 56.78

  Dominick▪
• * 56.79

  Friers vphol∣ders of the popes Church.
• * 56.80

  The Minorite Friers discended from Sainct Fraunces.
• * 56.81

  Diuers sectes of Franciscans.
• * 56.82

  The table of all religious orders.
• * 56.83

  A prophe•• for the dee•• of the Re∣mish church
• * 56.84

  ••ildegardis ••••ophecying ••rier, and ••onkes.
• * 56.85

  Crossebearer Fryer••.
• * 56.86

  Albingenses.
• * 57.1

  A letter of the Bishop Porti∣nensis concer∣ning the Albin∣genses.
• * 57.2

  The blind igno∣rance of fryers described.
• * 58.1

  The fruites of Antichrist.
• * 58.2

  Antichrist his broode.
• * 58.3

  Patience pro∣ueth M. Fryer.
• * 58.4

  The Fryer must answere accor∣ding to Gods worde.
• * 58.5

  Friers may bet∣ter breake Gods law then mans lawe.
• * 58.6

  There is but one religion.
• * 58.7

  The Frier more bound to his habite then the man to his wife.
• * 58.8

  If the habite make the Fryer religious, as his habit weareth so doth his reli∣gion.
• * 58.9

  Holines of all hipocrites con∣sisteth in clo∣thing and out∣ward appearāce
• * 58.10

  All Fry•• found 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 58.11

  Fryers be dead men and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 begga••.
• * 58.12

  Gra••es 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for de•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and no•• courtly 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 58.13

  Friers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the king•• liege 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Friers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no m••s p••∣ers.
• * 58.14

  Friers gra••∣ter and be∣ter thé 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 58.15

  O vnch•••• table Fri••••
• * 58.16

  Friers stea∣lers of me•• children.
• * 58.17

  Shrift, an•• burials 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more ga••∣full then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ministring of the sacr••∣ments.
• * 58.18

  Poore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 haue no soules says my fello•• Fryer.
• * 58.19

  These be they that will not ••••∣ter them∣selues no•• suffer othe•• men that would. The Frier getteth by In prine•••• & yet hateth the Gospe•• Iudas for; •• pence, but the priest •• Frier for 4. pence sel∣leth Christ.
• * 58.20

  A compari∣••on betwene ••u••as & the ••rier.
• * 58.21

  The Frier writeth be∣••ause God ••orgetteth.
• * 58.22

  •• is better •• labour & ••eue: then •• loiter and ••g M. Frier.
• * 58.23

  ••lers begge ••om al men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make the ••ope rich.
• * 58.24

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 it be im∣••erfectiō to ••e rich, why ••o the friers ••esire to ••ake the ••ope vnper∣••••ct.
• * 58.25

  Fraunces ••der be cō∣••ary to Christ his ••••stament, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is Fran∣••s accursed.
• * 58.26

  He that is more holy in hand th•• in heart, is false to God.
• * 58.27

  A subiect to ex∣empt him selfe from the lawes of his prince smelleth o•• trea∣son.
• * 58.28

  Friers are forced to be theeues.
• * 58.29

  Workes of su∣pererogation.
• * 58.30

  God is the limi∣ter of n••eede and reward, and not the Frier.
• * 58.31

  Friers will not pray, but for them that be of their fraternitie.
• * 58.32

  Friers doe make Apostataes.
• * 58.33

  The number of Friers are super∣fluous & as ne∣cessary as ten fingers on one hande.
• * 58.34

  See so fast the Frier followeth Christ in his pouertie.
• * 58.35

  Friers are the letters of prea∣ching the Go∣spell.
• * 58.36

  What holynes is in a friers coat
• * 58.37

  The stouter beg¦ger the nobler Fryer.
• * 58.38

  Why fryers so much desire to haue rich men buryed in their frieries.
• * 58.39

  Friers behestes are false deceits.
• * 58.40

  Friers desire to be Lordes and Ladies confes∣sors.
• * 58.41

  Fryers and Pha∣rises say one and doe another.
• * 58.42

  Dilemma.
• * 58.43

  Which is the best order of Friers.
• * 58.44

  Friers neuer a∣gree one with an other.
• * 58.45

  The Frye•• thinkes: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rule pe••••∣ter the ••••∣stes, bee•••• be lea•••• the one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 follow 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the other.
• * 58.46

  Dilemma.
• * 58.47

  Fryers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sit in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aboue the Apostles.
• * 58.48

  Otho the Empero•• set vp 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deposed a∣gaine by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope.
• * 58.49

  A complaint of the nobles of England against the couetousnes of Rome.
• * 58.50

  Example rea¦ching neuer to take part against their king with foreigne po∣wer.
• * 58.51

  Cardinall Otho Legat
• * 58.52

  The pope re∣quireth two prebēdships in euery ca∣thedrall Church.
• * 58.53

  Note the cause why the pope is compelled to craue money of other countries.
• * 58.54

  A councell at London called.
• * 58.55

  Great rewardes giuen to the Cardinall.
• * 58.56

  Contention for sitting on the right hand of the Cardinall.
• * 58.57

  Why Saint Paul standeth on the right hand of the popes crosse Why the archb. of Cant. hath the right hand and the archb. of Yorke the left hande.
• * 58.58

  Note the theam of the Cardi∣nall applyed to
• * 58.59

  God, howe he applyeth it to him selfe. Scripture clerk∣ly applyed.
• * 59.1

  A letter of the Cardinal to bi∣shops and arch∣deacons. Censure of the Church well applyed.
• * 59.2

  Foure markes to be paide to the Pope of euery procuration.
• * 59.3

  Note the craftie practise of the Romish prelats to proyle for money.
• * 59.4

  Note the stile of Rome.
• * 59.5

  mmo malesi∣cium & nau∣fragiū pecuniae.
• * 59.6

  Fredericke the Emperour mari∣ed king Iohns daughter.
• * 59.7

  The fifth part of euery spirituall mans liuing gi∣uen to the Pope
• * 59.8

  Three hundred Romanes to be placed in the best benefices of England.
• * 59.9

  Petrus R••∣beus the Popes age••
• * 59.10

  A Romish sleight of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pope to ge•• English m••∣ney.
• * 59.11

  Exceptio•••• alledged fo•• not contri∣buting to the Pope.
• * 59.12

  Articles ex∣hibited in the councel of Lugdun•• for the gre∣uances su∣steined by the pope. The 1. gre∣uance. The secon••.
• * 59.13

  The third.
• * 59.14

  The fourth.
• * 59.15

  The fifth. He meaneth ••ercase O∣••ho or mai∣••er Marti∣••••s.
• * 59.16

  The sixte.
• * 59.17

  The seuenth
• * 59.18

  The Babilo∣••icall capti∣••••tie & sla∣••ery of Eng∣lande vnder the Pope.
• * 60.1

  The letter of K. Hēry the third to the Byshops.
• * 60.2

  K. Henry the ••. commaun∣deth no taxe nor tallage to be sent to the pope.
• * 60.3

  The popes say∣ing against kyng Henry.
• * 60.4

  K. Henry againe restraineth the popes taxes.
• * 60.5

  The pope taketh against the king.
• * 60.6

  The kyng com∣pelled for feare to gyue ouer to the pope.
• * 60.7

  The pope asketh the 3 part of the church goods.
• * 60.8

  A story of Car∣dinall Otho at Oxford.
• * 60.9

  A skirmish be∣twene the scho∣lers of Oxford and the Cardi∣nals men.
• * 60.10

  The Cardinall runneth away.
• * 60.11

  Thirtie scholers taken and had to prison.
• * 60.12

  Three score thousand Flo∣rens contributed to the pope in one yeare of the clergic.
• * 60.13

  Ludouicke the French kyng.
• * 60.14

  Ludouicke figh∣teth against Al∣bingenses.
• * 60.15

  Ludouicke be∣siegeth Tho∣louse. The hand of God fighting for his people. Ex Mat. Pari∣ensian vita Henrici. 3.
• * 60.16

  The generall of the army slaine.
• * 60.17

  The siege against Albingenses broke vp.
• * 60.18

  The expugnati∣on of a certaine strong castle of Dami••ta in E∣gypt by the Christians.
• * 60.19

  Damieta taken by the christiās.
• * 60.20

  The story of S. Elizabeth. Elizabeth daugh¦ter of the kyng of Hungary. S. Elizabeth prouoketh her husband to goe and fight for the holy lande.
• * 60.21

  The mother of S. Elizabeth ac∣cused of adulte∣rye. The sentence of a double mea∣ning.
• * 60.22

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sentence.
• * 60.23

  Elizabe•••• Can•••••• Saint 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mayne.
• * 60.24

  Ann. 1221.
• * 60.25

  Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pens•••• dius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The gray••••∣ers ••••tred into England The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gray 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first c••••∣med.
• * 60.26

  Ioannes o•• Egideo. Alexan•••• de Ha••••.
• * 60.27

  Charter∣house 〈◊〉〈◊〉 founded by Williā 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ela so••dre 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of La••••••••
• * 60.28

  Two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ned at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cell in Ox∣ford.
• * 60.29

  Ex Nic. ••••∣uet.
• * 60.30

  Dissent•••• betweene the Citiz•• of London, & of Wes∣minster.
• * 60.31

  Wholsome counsayle of the Maior of London refused of wilde heads
• * 60.32

  Constantine executed at London for ryot.
• * 60.33

  Hubert lord chiefe iustice of England.
• * 60.34

  Ex Math. Parisiensi.
• * 60.35

  Discord and contention amōg church men.
• * 60.36

  Ex Math. Paris. & ex Florilego.
• * 60.37

  Whether the monastery of Westmin∣ster be ex∣emted from the subiecti∣on of the bish. of Lon∣don or not.
• * 60.38

  Anno. 1222.
• * 60.39

  horrible tē∣pest in Eng∣lande. A woman with 8. of her householde slaine with thunder.
• * 60.40

  Grantham church bur∣ned with lightning.
• * 60.41

  Anno. 1223.
• * 60.42

  Lewes king of Fraunce. The French king false of his promise.
• * 60.43

  Anno. 1224.
• * 60.44

  Wardship first graunted to the kyng.
• * 60.45

  Ex Gisburnensi. & aelijs.
• * 60.46

  Magna Charta▪ Charta de fo∣resta.
• * 60.47

  The Pope rai∣seth warre.
• * 60.48

  Anno. 1226.
• * 60.49

  The popes wic∣ked malice a∣gainst the Chri∣stian Earle of Tholouse.
• * 60.50

  Marke reader the right nature of pharisies stri∣uing for the chiefe place.
• * 60.51

  The Pope ge∣ueth the right possessions a∣way from the owners. Reimundus wrongfully dis∣herited by the Pope.
• * 60.52

  Reimundus the good Earle of Tholouse an∣swereth for him selfe.
• * 60.53

  Albingenses falsly suspected for heresie.
• * 60.54

  The proud vi∣lanie of the Popes Legate.
• * 60.55

  Marke reader the practise here of prelates, for thy learning
• * 60.56

  The clergie of Fraunce answe∣ring to the le∣gate.
• * 60.57

  Inferiors euer∣more bolde to speake in diffi∣cult causes of trueth, then the rich.
• * 60.58

  The obiect••∣ons of the clergie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fraunce, a∣gainst the Popes 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 60.59

  God graunt say we.
• * 60.60

  The Card••∣nall repul∣sed, and de∣feyted of hi•• purpose in Fraunce.
• * 60.61

  Ex Math. Parisiensi. Pag. 63. The Pope rayseth was against the Earle & the people of Tholouse.
• * 60.62

  ••e••timony 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the autor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the cl••a∣••nge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reimun∣••s and of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Albin∣••oles.
• * 60.63

  ••he vnrea∣••••nable ty∣••••nny of the ••ope against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tholos∣••ins.
• * 60.64

  ••••commu∣••••cation a∣••••sed.
• * 60.65

  ••wes the ••••ench king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Romanus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popes ••••gate, mar∣••ing against ••lbingenses
• * 60.66

  ••eimundus, ••••le of Tho¦••••use excom¦••unicated.
• * 60.67

  ••he citie of ••uinion be∣••••eged.
• * 60.68

  Po••licie of ••arre.
• * 60.69

  Famine and pe∣stilence in the French campe.
• * 60.70

  The frēch soul∣diours destroied at the siege of Auinion.
• * 60.71

  Lewes the frēch kyng dyeth at the siege of A∣uinion.
• * 60.72

  The false dea∣ling of the popes Legate, in betraying the citie of Auini∣on.
• * 60.73

  The popes Le∣gate wickedly periured.
• * 60.74

  Periury of the papistes. The citie of A∣uinion taken by treason and per∣iury of the popes Legate.
• * 60.75

  The number of the French sol∣diours in this siege destroyed.
• * 60.76

  The incontinent lyfe of these Romish prelate•• to be noted.
• * 60.77

  Anno. 1227.
• * 60.78

  The kyng clay∣meth to be fre∣ed from gouer∣nours and to be his owne man.
• * 60.79

  Hubert the iu∣stice made Earle of Kent. The kyng vndo∣eth and dissol∣ueth the liber∣ties which be∣fore he graunted
• * 60.80

  Practises of prin¦ces to set in mo∣ney.
• * 60.81

  The citizens of London freed frō tole through all England.
• * 60.82

  Anno. 1228.
• * 60.83

  Ex Fabiae. part 7
• * 60.84

  Seditiō betwene the Romanes and the Pope.
• * 60.85

  The Popes Church may be iudged by their dissentions and schismes.
• * 60.86

  No peace in the Popes Church.
• * 60.87

  Dissention be∣tweene the pri∣or an•• couent of Durham, & the kyng.
• * 60.88

  Canonicall e∣lection.
• * 60.89

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sende••▪ Rome ••∣gains•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kyng.
• * 60.90

  Appel•••••• to Rome ••▪ gaynst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kyng.
• * 60.91

  Ex Math. Paris.
• * 60.92

  Another ••••▪ tention ••••∣tweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monkes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Couent•• & the C••∣nons of L••••∣field.
• * 60.93

  Ex Mat••. Parisien••. pag. 68. Stephe•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ate••o 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The ch••••∣t••rs of the bible 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stinc•••••• by Stephen Langhto••
• * 60.94

  An other conte•••••• disten••••r. 〈…〉〈…〉 Monkes of Cante••bu•••• and K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the third. Obiection laide ag•••••• the new. Archb.
• * 60.95

  Appea•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to R••••.
• * 60.96

  K. Henr. se••∣deth to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope.
• * 60.97

  Tithe of a∣moueable goods in England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ireland pr••∣mised to the Pope for grauntin•• the kin••••s sute.
• * 60.98

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 sacra 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••••pitie the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 60.99

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 t•• the election of Walter Archb. of C••••t.
• * 60.100

  No, but whē your darling Tho. Becket came, hee wa•• heard without such communica∣t••••ns.
• * 60.101

  The election of Walter Archb. of Cant dissol∣••••e•• of the P••pe for the kings mony.
• * 60.102

  Richarde chācelour of Lincolne ••ommended ••o the Pope ••o be Archb. ••f Cant.
• * 60.103

  Richarde ••ade archb. ••f Cant. by ••he Pope without e∣lection.
• * 60.104

  The effect of the Popes letters to the ••uffraganes of Cant. The pope beginneth first with a 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ex Math. Paris.
• * 60.105

  This was a deare archb. of Cant. bought with ••he tythes of ••ll England.
• * 60.106

  The Pope re∣quireth the t••nthes of all the moueables in Englande, Wales, and Ire∣lande. The contentes of the Popes letters, to the kyng. The false pre∣tēce of the pope vnder the name of the church, wrekyng his owne cankered malice.
• * 60.107

  The kynges mouth stopped.
• * 60.108

  The Earles and Barons refused payment to the Pope. The prelates in feare of the Popes curse.
• * 60.109

  Excommunica∣tion abused.
• * 60.110

  The Popes ex∣tortion.
• * 60.111

  Vsurers brought into England by the Pope to serue him with money.
• * 60.112

  Co••ne vpon the ground tythed to the Pope. Ranulphus Erle of Chester de∣nyeth to paye the Popes te••••hs
• * 60.113

  Anno. 1229.
• * 60.114

  The Church of Couentry fini∣shed.
• * 60.115

  The popes frēch army thinking to destroy Rei∣munde is de∣by the way.
• * 60.116

  The inconstant loue of Princes toward them that be chiefe a∣bout them.
• * 60.117

  Anno. 1230.
• * 60.118

  A soden terrour among the peo∣ple in Paules church by thun∣der and light∣ning. Ex Paris. Pag. 75.
• * 60.119

  Anno. 1231. Richard Archb. of Cant.
• * 60.120

  The complaint of Rich. Archb. of Cant. against Hubert L••rd chiefe iustice.
• * 60.121

  The kinges an∣swere to Rich. the Archb.
• * 60.122

  Excommunica∣tion abused.
• * 60.123

  Richard the archb. complai∣neth to the pope of his ••ing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of other matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 60.124

  Plurali•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 benefi••es complained of by the Archbish. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cant.
• * 60.125

  The king•• ••▪ tournie•• coulde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speede 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope. Respect of person 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much with the Pope. Richard the Archb. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iourney 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rome, 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 60.126

  Raffe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B. of Chi∣chester e••e••∣ted Archb. of Cant. The K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cant. Ex Math. Paris.
• * 60.127

  A rare ••••∣ample of •• good 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 60.128

  The pra•••• of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 elect.
• * 60.129

  Simō L••••••∣tō Arch••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Yorke, a ••∣licious ••••∣biter of ••••∣dolphus Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 60.130

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 she 〈…〉〈…〉 the pope. ••••cclection Radulfe ••rchb. elect ••••et••d by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cant. e∣••••ted & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 60.131

  ••he popes ••ollerable ••actions ••pon Eng∣••••nd.
• * 60.132

  ••x Math. ••aris pa. 79.
• * 60.133

  Hubert lord ••••hief Iustice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worker a∣••ainst the ••ope. ••he copy of ••he letter written vn∣••er the kings ••uthoritie ••o restraine ••he benefices of the Ro∣••••ns with∣••n the realm.
• * 61.1

  Anno. 1232. A Romayne priest, Chanon of Paules taken and robbed by souldiours.
• * 61.2

  The barnes of a Romane parson broke vp and the corne distri∣buted to the poore.
• * 61.3

  The Romanes and Italian par∣sons in England robbed of their rents and corne.
• * 61.4

  A general spoile of the Romayne parsons in Eng∣land.
• * 61.5

  The popes cho∣lar stirred vp a∣gainst England.
• * 61.6

  A furnish vicare of milde Christ.
• * 61.7

  Inquisitiō made for the spoyling of the popes corne.
• * 61.8

  Hubert de Bur∣go.
• * 61.9

  Robert Twing, spoyled of his benefice by the Romaines.
• * 61.10

  The Byshops go about to bring Hubert out of the kings fauor.
• * 61.11

  Obiections laid against Hubert, by the kyng.
• * 61.12

  Note, that with Wint. the kyngs charter is no lō∣ger in force then whilest he li∣ueth.
• * 61.13

  Other crimes obiected to Hu∣bert by the king.
• * 61.14

  Princ•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 be tru••••
• * 61.15

  The kings disple•••••• against ••••∣bert.
• * 61.16

  The king•• messag•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Mar•• of London
• * 61.17

  Old 〈◊〉〈◊〉 borne ••n minde.
• * 61.18

  Some wi•••• then 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 61.19

  Good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••••••∣creet C••••••∣zens.
• * 61.20

  Cruel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Peter's of Wint.
• * 61.21

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of disple•••• betweene Hubert an•• the bi••t••s of Wint.
• * 61.22

  Hubert ••••••∣strate vpo•• the grou•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 himselfe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God.
• * 61.23

  Sage coun∣saile of an Erle giuē to the kyng.
• * 61.24

  ••he marue∣••••us wor∣••ng of the ••ords helpe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time of ••eed, Iuxta ••••rsum saith ••he storie: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ales, alis ••lium ne lō∣••us ales. ••x addita ••entis Mat. ••arisiensi. ••ag. 81.
• * 61.25

  A notable ••xample of Gods iust ••unishment ••triking with ••eath him ••hat seeketh ••he death of ••nother.
• * 61.26

  Cōmendati∣on of Radulf B. of Chi∣chester.
• * 61.27

  The Archb. of Dubline againe ma∣keth inter∣••ession for Hubert.
• * 61.28

  Hubert fly∣eth to the Church for his refuge.
• * 61.29

  Hubert vio∣lētly draw∣en out of the Church. Hubert cast into the tow¦er of Londō
• * 61.30

  The kyng blamed for breaking the peace of ho∣ly Church.
• * 61.31

  The Kyng compelled to send Hu∣bert againe to his sanc∣tuary.
• * 61.32

  Example of a constant friend in the time of need.
• * 61.33

  Three things put to Hubert to chuse.
• * 61.34

  Hubert yeldeth himselfe to the Sheriffes.
• * 61.35

  Hubert reduce•• again to the Tower.
• * 61.36

  Faithfull dep••••∣sitaries.
• * 61.37

  Hubert berest of all his trea∣sures.
• * 61.38

  Anno. 1232.
• * 61.39

  God ruleth the heartes of kings.
• * 61.40

  The kings an∣swere in defence of Hubert.
• * 61.41

  A worthy w••rd of a kyng.
• * 61.42

  The kings mynd relenteth to∣ward Hubert.
• * 61.43

  Foure Earles sureties for Hu∣bert.
• * 61.44

  Hubert put in the Castle of Denisis.
• * 61.45

  Anno. 1233.
• * 61.46

  Hubert conuey∣ed out of the Castle into the Parish Church.
• * 61.47

  Hubert againe taken out of the church, and brought backe to the Castle.
• * 61.48

  Hubert deliue∣red out of prison and caried into Wales.
• * 61.49

  Roger B. of Lō∣don goeth to Rome to purge himselfe before the Pope.
• * 61.50

  Against Vsurers
• * 61.51

  Vsurers excom∣municated and expelled by the Byshop of Lon∣don.
• * 61.52

  Excommunica∣tion well vsed against vsurers.
• * 61.53

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 visitation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope, through 〈◊〉〈◊〉 religious houses.
• * 61.54

  Ex Parien••••
• * 61.55

  The grea•• diuersitie ••∣mong all re∣ligious o••∣ders noted.
• * 61.56

  Olde ••e••∣tures of the kyng p••••tect and discha••∣ged.
• * 61.57

  The King forsaketh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nobles and sticketh to straungers▪
• * 61.58

  Richard 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Marschal•• admoni∣sheth the kyng.
• * 61.59

  The disdaynfull answere of the B. of Wint. to the nobles.
• * 61.60

  Wicked coū∣saile about a kyng.
• * 61.61

  Petrus de Rupibus B. of Wint. per∣ter of the kyng.
• * 61.62

  A mery A∣pothegma of the kinges Chaplain.
• * 61.63

  The message of the nobles to the kyng.
• * 61.64

  Warre rai∣led by the kyng against his nobles.
• * 61.65

  Great thun∣ders & flouds in England.
• * 61.66

  Monasteries builded pro re∣demptione animae.
• * 61.67

  Iohn Archb. of Cant. elected by the Chap∣ter, againe vne∣lected by the Pope.
• * 61.68

  Corruption of bribes.
• * 61.69

  Edmund archb. of Canterbury.
• * 61.70

  Saint Edmund Canonysed, Robert Grosted made Byshop of Lincolne.
• * 61.71

  Anno. 1231. Faithfull coun∣saile of the By∣shops geuen to the kyng.
• * 61.72

  The counsaile of Winchest, and such other By∣shops about the kyng disproued for certayne causes.
• * 61.73

  Excōmunicatiō denounced by the Bishops a∣gainst the kyng.
• * 61.74

  The kyngs an∣swere to the by∣shops.
• * 61.75

  The pitie of the kyng toward the wife of Hu∣bert.
• * 61.76

  Edmund conse∣crated Archb. of Cant. which was afterward canonised by Pope Innocent the fourth for a Sainct.
• * 61.77

  Example of ex∣communication rightly practi∣sed.
• * 61.78

  The kyngs pro∣mise to the By∣shops.
• * 61.79

  Peter Bi••, of Wi••t•••• charge the Court. Peter K•••• called to a count of the kings tr••∣sures.
• * 61.80

  Pictauian•• & strange•••• sent home by the king into their countrey, Reconcilia∣tion sought betwene the king and the nobles.
• * 61.81

  Richard Earle Mar∣shall frau∣dulently ti cumu••nized and slaire •• Ireland, Catini 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about Al∣maine, iud∣ged of the Papistes for hereticker. Albinger•••••• slaine in Spaine by the Popes setting on
• * 61.82

  The Kli∣menteth the death of Ri∣chard Earle, Marshall.
• * 61.83

  The saying of Leonline kyng of Wales, The almost of K. Henry more feared thē his p•• saunce.
• * 61.84

  Peace cōclu∣ded between the king and the nobles.
• * 61.85

  Hubert Earle of Kent re∣stored agayn to the kings fauour.
• * 61.86

  Hubert ge∣ueth thanks to God.
• * 61.87

  ••lihood & murder com¦much out. Kings many ••imes abused by wicked ••ounsaile.
• * 61.88

  The Bish. of Winchester called to his answere.
• * 61.89

  Peter Riual, Stephē Se∣graue, Rob. Passelew, called to their answer
• * 61.90

  Variance be∣tweene the Pope & Ci∣tizens of Rome. The allega∣tion of the Romanes.
• * 61.91

  The Popes answere.
• * 61.92

  The 2. alle∣gation of the Romanes. The Pope bound to pay to Rome yearely tri∣bute.
• * 61.93

  The Pope replyeth.
• * 61.94

  The 3. cause & allegation of the Ro∣manes.
• * 61.95

  The Popes answere.
• * 61.96

  Excol∣cational
• * 61.97

  The Pope war∣reth against the Romanes.
• * 61.98

  A great slaugh∣ter of the Ro∣manes by the Pope. Ex Carienst. Pag. 92.
• * 61.99

  The Church of Rome degene∣rated from the image of the true Church.
• * 61.100

  Difference be∣tweene the church of Rome that was, & the church of Rome that is now.
• * 61.101

  Eastchurch. Westchurch.
• * 61.102

  Catholike.
• * 61.103

  The Schilme between the greeke Church and the Church of Rome. Equalitie mo∣ther of concord.
• * 61.104

  The cause & oc∣casion why the Gre••ke Church vtterly brake frō the Romanes.
• * 61.105

  Mat. Paris. fol. 112.
• * 61.106

  All Grecia gone from the obedi∣ence of the church of Rome Ex Mat. Parisi. fol. 186.
• * 61.107

  Germanus Pa∣triarch of Con∣stantinople wri∣teth to pope Gregory. 9.
• * 61.108

  The pope set∣teth the West¦church to fight against the East¦church. Ex. Mat. Parisi. fol. 112.
• * 61.109

  Ex libro Math. Paris. manu scripto. fol. 3. & 111.
• * 61.110

  The letter of Germanus Pa∣triarch of Con∣stantinople to Pope Gregory. 9. anno. 1237.
• * 61.111

  He shew•••••• the inco•••••• nience of discord.
• * 61.112

  Galat. 1.
• * 61.113

  Salomon.
• * 61.114

  Whether the Church of the green or the pope Church •••• eth more vnder the daunger or Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 61.115

  The Greek asrayd of he pop•• op∣presisions.
• * 61.116

  The Patri∣arch of Co••stantinople propheci∣eth of the martyrdome and slaugh∣ter of the Grecians.
• * 61.117

  The pope•• persecution in the I•••••• Cyprus.
• * 61.118

  The tyrany and ana•••••• of the pope chastened the words Saint Peter, 1. Peter. 1.
• * 61.119

  1. Peter. 1.
• * 61.120

  He exhor∣teth the pope to come and meete with him, that they might conferre to∣gether about the vnitie of sayth.
• * 61.121

  The Greeke church soūd and sincere in doctrine.
• * 61.122

  F••exhor∣teth the church of Rome to looke her face in Gods glasse, that is, to trye heir doc∣trin by gods ••ord.
• * 61.123

  Another letter of Ger∣manus Pa∣triarch of Constanti∣nople to the Cardinalles.
• * 61.124

  1. Cor. 1.
• * 61.125

  The Tyranny & oppressiō of the church of Rome, is the onely cause of brea∣king vnitie betwene the Greeke church and the Latine. Luc. 18.
• * 61.126

  The old amitie and concord be∣tweene the East church and the West.
• * 61.127

  Agapitus & Vi∣gilius, fled to Constantinople for succour.
• * 61.128

  Paule rebuketh Peter. Galat. 2.
• * 61.129

  Actes. 3. He meaneth of the kingdome of England and other into which were made tri∣bury to the sea of Rome. The immode∣rate auarice of the court of Rome. Peters faith sha∣ken.
• * 61.130

  Peter an ensam∣ple of repentāce
• * 61.131

  Christian coun∣tries & nations in the East parts which are not vnder the By∣shop of Rome.
• * 61.132

  Christ onely head of the Church.
• * 61.133

  The Pope pro∣claymeth war a∣gainst the Greek Church. The Archb. of Antioch & Cō∣stantinople ex∣communicate the Pope.
• * 61.134

  5. Notes to be considered. The first Note.
• * 61.135

  The true Ca∣tholike church, where it was, and when.
• * 61.136

  1. Vnitie. 2. Vniuersalitie. 3. Consent.
• * 61.137

  The second note
• * 61.138

  The third note.
• * 61.139

  The church hath her name of Catholicke, wherby & whē. together the doctrine of trā∣substantiation, made without the free consent of the Eastchur∣ches, be Catho∣licke or no.
• * 61.140

  The fourth note
• * 61.141

  The fifth note. The Church of Rome proued not to be Ca∣tholicke. The procedings of Rome stand vpon no free consent, but are coacted.
• * 61.142

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ble state of the Wes•• partes of christendo•• vnder the Pope. The Pope excommuni∣cation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to a scol•••• dagger. The false perswasi•••• of the pope supremacy, cause of much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chedner.
• * 61.143

  A brief •• table of the pope spoy∣ling & g•••••• ting of Eng∣lish mon•••• in the dayes of K Henry
• * 61.144

  Money (〈◊〉〈◊〉 ming to the pope by the elector of Iohn Hu∣ford Abbot of S. Al••••••
• * 61.145

  Eight th•••• sand man's genero•••• the Bishop∣pricke of Wint. to the pope, ab•••• the elec•••• of William Rale, anno, 1243.
• * 61.146

  Read before pag. 277.
• * 61.147

  The tenth part of all moueables in England and Ireland geuē to the pope. 1329.
• * 61.148

  Ex. Math. Parisi fol. 6. Mony spent at Rome be∣tweene the K. and the Archb. of Cant.
• * 61.149

  The costly election of the Byshop of Durham Read before pag. 276.
• * 61.150

  Mony com∣ming to the pope for the election of the b. of Co∣ventry and Lichfield.
• * 61.151

  Edmunde Archbish. of Cant. condemned at Rome in a 1000, marks.
• * 61.152

  The fift part of all the goods of the clergy gran∣ted to the Pope.
• * 61.153

  Great ex∣pence of mo∣ney in the court of Rome be∣tweene the B. of Lincoln and the Ca∣thedrall Church.
• * 61.154

  Money wast fully bestow ed. Mony com∣ming to the Pope, be∣tweene the b. of Lincoln & the monks within his Dioces.
• * 61.155

  How pretely the Pope can take with both handes.
• * 61.156

  Money may doe much at Rome.
• * 61.157

  The popes an∣swere to Rob, Grosted.
• * 61.158

  Iustice peruen∣ted by the popes authoritie for money.
• * 61.159

  Money comyng to the Pope by the election of Boniface archb. of Cant. and of Ethelmare B. of Wint. both strā∣gers and French men.
• * 61.160

  Mariage with Alinore the kings sister a Nunne, dispen∣sed by the Pope for money.
• * 61.161

  What inconue∣nience commeth by the Popes dispensations.
• * 61.162

  Wilfull periurie mainteined by the Popes dis∣pensations.
• * 61.163

  Enormities which spring out of the popes dispensations.
• * 61.164

  The miserable impouerishing of the Realme by the popes prouisions and contributions.
• * 61.165

  Cardinall O∣tho Legate in England. The receiuing of Otho the popes Legate into the Realm.
• * 61.166

  Anno. 1237.
• * 61.167

  Otho the Le∣gate seeketh to come into Scot∣lande. The king of Scottes his an∣swere to Car∣dinall Otho.
• * 61.168

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Sea•••••• hath 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 within 〈◊〉〈◊〉 popes Le∣gate.
• * 61.169

  Cardinal Otho 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ped 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ing into S•••• land.
• * 61.170

  Oppression of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Engl•••• by Cardi•••••• Otho the popes Lega••••
• * 61.171

  Anno. 1238.
• * 61.172

  The nobles of England writ to Pope Gregory 〈◊〉〈◊〉 collation•••• benefices wrasled or of their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Petrus Ru∣beus the popes 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 61.173

  All bene•••• ced men in England •••• pelled to geue the•••• part of the reuenewes to the pope anno. ••••••••
• * 61.174

  Anno. 1240.
• * 61.175

  Excuses of the Clergy why they would not contribute •• the Pope.
• * 61.176

  ••oc. chil∣drē of Rome ••laced in be∣nefices in England.
• * 61.177

  Edmund Archb. of Cant. depar∣••eth the ••ealme and dyeth in ex∣ile.
• * 61.178

  Three thou∣sand pounds to the popes ••se.
• * 61.179

  Romaynes 23. brought to Englande to be benefi∣ted.
• * 61.180

  The P. for money re∣leaseth chri∣stias of their ••ow••.
• * 61.181

  Mumelius 20 other messenger of the pope.
• * 61.182

  An execta∣ble exaction of the pope vpon the house of Pe∣terborough.
• * 61.183

  Abbot of Pe terborough thrust out of the popes court.
• * 61.184

  The obliga∣tion of kyng Iohns tri∣bute to the pope, bur∣ned. The bishops of England put their handes and seales to the popes bill.
• * 61.185

  Petrus Ru∣beus, Petrus de Supino, the Popes collectors in England.
• * 61.186

  A thousand and fiue hundreth markes brough•• out of Ireland for the Pope.
• * 61.187

  M. Martinus a•• other messenger for the Popes money. an. 1244.
• * 61.188

  Extortion of the Popes Legate vpon the clergie of Englando.
• * 61.189

  Contribution of x. M. markes for the Pope. The pope craf∣tely holdeth with the kyng that the king might holde with him.
• * 61.190

  Intimation ge∣uen to the king touching the importable op∣pression of the realme by the Pope.
• * 62.1

  K. Henries letter to the Pope.
• * 62.2

  The kyng offe∣reth to kisse the Popes feet.
• * 62.3

  Damage recei∣ued by the pope in the realme of England.
• * 62.4

  The pope pro∣uisions.
• * 62.5

  The kinges too much in subiec∣tion to the pope
• * 62.6

  Ex Mat. Paris. sol. 172.
• * 62.7

  The pope set∣teth Welch men against the king of England.
• * 62.8

  Contribution required of the clergie of Eng∣land for the pope with their excuses and rea∣sons against the same.
• * 62.9

  The portes of England layd to stop the popes letters, yet all would not serue
• * 62.10

  Si••••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 land 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yerely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 land•••••• Pope & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Italia 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 62.11

  M. Martin•••• the Popes legate ser•• out of En•• land in the deuils 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 62.12

  The pope in displeasure with the king of England.
• * 62.13

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lot The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wordes of the pope a∣gainst the French 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and king of England.
• * 63.1

  Anno. 1245.
• * 63.2

  The suppli∣cation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lords and commons of England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope.
• * 63.3

  The super∣stitious 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ding of neo∣nasterics in England.
• * 63.4

  Iniuries re∣ceiued in England by the Pope.
• * 63.5

  Benefices in ••uglande wickedly gi∣uen a way to Italians.
• * 63.6

  Three score thousande markes yere∣ly giuen to Italians out of the church of England.
• * 63.7

  Italians re∣ceiued more in this land of meer rēts then did the kings crown
• * 63.8

  Detestable dealings of the popes legate in England.
• * 63.9

  Complaint of M. Martin ••he Popes Legate.
• * 63.10

  K. Hēry the ••hird, vsed euery day to ••eare 3. mas∣••es by note.
• * 63.11

  The stout wordes of the Lordes ••o the Pope.
• * 63.12

  The suppli∣••ation of the English na∣••ion tooke no place with the Pope.
• * 63.13

  The Englishe Ambassadours agreeued with the Pope.
• * 63.14

  The Pope in an anger with England.
• * 63.15

  The Bishops of England set their seales to the popes tri∣bute.
• * 63.16

  Anno. 1246.
• * 63.17

  The pope stir∣reth Lewes the French king to warre against the K. of Eng∣lande.
• * 63.18

  Lewes the frēch kyng refuseth to warre against Englande.
• * 63.19

  The first yeares fruites for seuen yeares gathered of all benefices for the Archb. of Cant.
• * 63.20

  The prelates of England char∣ged to find horse and harnes for Popes warres.
• * 63.21

  A subtile prac∣tise of the pope.
• * 63.22

  The popes baite layde for more money.
• * 63.23

  A new lawe of the pope, to sea∣son vpon: all the goods of clergie men that die in∣testate.
• * 63.24

  A note of cer∣taine ecclesiasti∣call persons dy∣ing in England worth great substance.
• * 63.25

  Sixe thousand marks to be ga∣thered of the clergie of Eng∣lande for the Pope.
• * 63.26

  The king begin∣neth to with∣stand the Pope, but durst not holde out.
• * 63.27

  The Pope in a chafe.
• * 63.28

  The wordes of Ioannes Angli∣cu•• Cardinall to the Pope.
• * 63.29

  The miserable troubles of chri∣stendome.
• * 63.30

  Of Spaine he meaneth because the king of Ara∣gone a litle be∣fore had cut off the tongue of a certaine B. that did reprehend him. Paris. fol. 207.
• * 63.31

  Power giuen to the Bish. of Worcester to in∣terdict the land. The K. fayne to relent to the Pope. 238.
• * 63.32

  Of this diuision read before pag. 282. The Grecians vsed to washe their altar, if a∣ny latin masse had bene saide vpon them. Ex Act••s conci∣l•••• Lateran••••sis, cap. 4.
• * 63.33

  Goods gotten by vsury atta∣ched for the Pope. Excommunica∣tion abused.
• * 63.34

  False ••••••∣luti•••• o•• sinnes.
• * 63.35

  Vsurarie prau••las.
• * 63.36

  Goods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in dead •• wils for re∣stitution e••∣u••ted to the Pope. Goods ••••∣bequethe•• in de••d 〈◊〉〈◊〉 willes co•• uerted to war agai•••••• the G••••e•••• Goods ••••∣gotten co••∣uerted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope.
• * 63.37

  Abselo•• for 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 63.38

  An v••••••••∣nable e•••• on of the Pope.
• * 63.39

  Non 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 63.40

  Three ••••n thousande poundes ••••∣acted of •••• clergie to •• payde to •••• Pope.
• * 63.41

  A Parlia∣ment.
• * 64.1

  Letter sent the Pope the name all the e∣••tes & com ••altie of ••e realme.
• * 64.2

  ••ote fooles ••u••ingiuing the ••hurch so ••uch.
• * 64.3

  ••he Pope ••••••king be∣••••e Englād •• swimme ••th golde ••••d siluer.
• * 64.4

  The popes ••••swere a∣••aine to the ••••ng of Eng∣land.
• * 64.5

  The Pope ••alfe in his promise.
• * 64.6

  Note the subtle prac∣tise of the pope to get money.
• * 64.7

  The Bishop of Lincolnes answere to the Friers the Popes messengers.
• * 64.8

  The Abbot of S. Albons maketh great sute to the Pope for the 400. markes that he should pay. This Iohannes Anglicus was the more fierce against the Ab∣bot, because hee receiued him not with such reuerence as hee thought meete for the popes le∣gate.
• * 64.9

  Example howe this Realme of England was oppressed mise∣rably by the Pope.
• * 64.10

  The Abbot of Abbingdō cited to appeare be∣fore the Pope.
• * 64.11

  The Abbot of Abingdon con∣demned in 50. markes for de∣nying of an eng∣lish benefice to an Italian the Popes nephew.
• * 64.12

  A detestable ex∣tortion of the pope vs••d a∣gainst the prio∣rie of Binham.
• * 64.13

  The Grecians excused & pur∣ged in parting frō the Church of Rome.
• * 64.14

  The miseries that haue risen in Englande through subiec∣tion vnder the church of Rome
• * 64.15

  Englād plagued by the Pope when it needed not.
• * 64.16

  The Pope and court of Rome the principall cause of all the publique cala∣mitie•• through christendome.
• * 64.17

  The sicknes of Lewes the frēch Kyng.
• * 64.18

  The superstiti∣on of the kynges mother.
• * 64.19

  The 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 64.20

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 blinde•• with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 myracle
• * 64.21

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vowe•••••• Lewes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fre•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 64.22

  The Fa•••••• K. crofe•• go to the holy l••••
• * 64.23

  Great p•••• para••ce •• Fraunce •• ward 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vyage.
• * 64.24

  Con•••••••• in Fraunce to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vyage. The Pop•• maketh •••• uision 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contrib•••••• also in Fa•••• Anno 1147.
• * 64.25

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the king•• age appo••••∣ted. The Fre•••••• kyng 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to re••••••••x•• all iniu•••• done to i•• subiecta.
• * 64.26

  Will•••• ••••••∣spath •••• other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 English•••• prepare•••• the same•••• age. Pers•••••• geuen to •• French •••• to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •• viage.
• * 64.27

  The kings answere to his Lordes laying down•• & takyng •••• his crosie a∣gaine.
• * 64.28

  Ann. 1248.
• * 64.29

  The French ••ing setteth ••orth in his ••••urney.
• * 64.30

  The fifth K. ••esireth to ••econcilethe ••ope & the ••mperour.
• * 64.31

  The Empe∣••oar Frede∣••ike purgeth himselfe to ••he pope & ••ouncell.
• * 64.32

  The submis∣••on of the ••mperour.
• * 64.33

  The worthy ••ffer of the ••oble Em∣••erour.
• * 64.34

  The Empe∣••••ur offreth •• put in the ••rench king ••nd king of ••ngland to ••e his suer∣••••es. The Empe∣••our desireth •• answere ••r himselfe ••n the coun∣••••ll. ••he pestilēt ••ncour of ••ope Inno∣••ēt 4. against ••rederike 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the cause ••f all this ••ischiefe, ••hat to this ••ay we suf∣••er by the Turkes.
• * 64.35

  The begin∣ning of the Turkes vic∣••ories ouer Christēdom
• * 64.36

  Pope Inno∣••ēt 4. would not be recō∣ciled with the Empe∣rour.
• * 64.37

  The French ar∣my relieued by the Emperour Fredericke.
• * 64.38

  The french king again en••reateth the pope for the Emperour.
• * 64.39

  Damiata gotten againe by the Frenchmen.
• * 64.40

  The pride of the Erle of Artoys.
• * 64.41

  Death of certain of the••••ch cap∣taines in the way.
• * 64.42

  Anno. 1250.
• * 64.43

  Victory of the Frenchmen ouer the Saracens.
• * 64.44

  Frenchmen dis∣comfited by the Saracens.
• * 64.45

  The Frenchmen again well offe∣red by the Soldā
• * 64.46

  The Erle of Ar∣toys & the popes Legate againe refuse the for••e of peace offered
• * 64.47

  Famine & mise∣ry in the French campe.
• * 64.48

  The Frenchmen eate their horses in Lent time.
• * 64.49

  The Soldans message, dery∣ding the French men.
• * 64.50

  Soldan dy∣eth, a worse fol∣loweth.
• * 64.51

  The Frenchmen desire again the peace offered before, & coulde not haue it.
• * 64.52

  Victories ouer the Templaries and keepers of Ierusalem.
• * 64.53

  Causes debated why the Lord did not prosper the Christians fighting against the Saracens.
• * 64.54

  The Popes wars neuer went wel forward against the Infidels. Frederike the Emperour cur∣sed of the pope, blessed of God, Templaries set on by the pope to betray the Emperour.
• * 64.55

  William Longspath.
• * 64.56

  Grudge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 disdaine •••• tweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Frēche•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & the ••ng∣lishe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ours.
• * 64.57

  A boory •••• ten by the English •••• diours 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Alexandr••.
• * 64.58

  A ventr•• act of Wi•••• Longsp••th.
• * 64.59

  William Longspath inriched by Saracens goods.
• * 64.60

  William Longspath wronged by the French men.
• * 64.61

  Willia•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the English∣men depa∣teth to 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 64.62

  The despi••e∣full wor••s of the kings brother a∣gainst Eng∣lishmen.
• * 64.63

  Babilon in Egypt.
• * 64.64

  How Dami∣ata was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Chri∣stians.
• * 64.65

  The keeper or tribune of Damiata wrongfully put to death by the Soldā
• * 64.66

  The tribune to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de∣sireth to be Christened. W. Long∣spath sent for againe, & commeth.
• * 64.67

  The storie howe the French army was ouer∣throwen fighting a∣gainst the Saracens.
• * 64.68

  The sayre o••fers of the Soldan to the French∣men, if they had had grace to take it. The pope & his legate cause of all this mischief
• * 64.69

  The Christi∣ans refusing good offers could not haue them when they would. A cruell pro¦clamation of the Saracens against the Christians.
• * 64.70

  The Earle of Artoys with the 3. part of the Christen ar∣my palleth ouer the ri∣uer Nilus.
• * 64.71

  W. Long∣spath.
• * 64.72

  Victory of the Christi∣ans against the Saracens
• * 64.73

  Good coun∣••ell giuen but not fol∣lowed.
• * 64.74

  The despiteful rebukes of Earle Robert to them that gaue him good counsell.
• * 64.75

  The answere of the Templaries to Earle Robert
• * 64.76

  The worthy an∣swere of an eng∣lish knight to Earle Rob. the kinges brother.
• * 64.77

  A number of French souldi∣ours sent to Da∣miata, drowned & slaine by the way.
• * 64.78

  The village and castle of Mansor assaulted by the Frenchmen.
• * 64.79

  The Frēchmen discomfited at the siege of Mā∣sor.
• * 64.80

  Earle Robert•• army inclo••ed by the Soldan of Babylon.
• * 64.81

  The cowardly flying away of the Earle Rob. Earle Rob the kinges brother drowned.
• * 64.82

  The manly cou∣rage of William Longspath.
• * 64.83

  W. Longspath slain in battaile
• * 64.84

  The Frenchmen ouerthrowne.
• * 64.85

  The sorowes in the frēch campe for losse of their brethren.
• * 64.86

  The heads and handes of the Christians cut off.
• * 64.87

  The bartaile be∣twene the frēch kyng and the Soldan.
• * 64.88

  The French ar∣my ouerthrowē The pitifull. slaughter of the Frenchmen. The Frēch king with his two brethren taken captiue by the Soldan.
• * 64.89

  Damiata resig∣ned to the Sa∣racens.
• * 64.90

  The summe of the kynges ran∣some. The number of the French men slaine.
• * 64.91

  The two Soldans at varianee•• bout the Frēch 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 64.92

  What mis∣chiefe hau•• come to Christēd••m & by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meanes.
• * 64.93

  How Frede∣rike the Em∣peror reign haue send in good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against the Saracens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the pope would not suffer 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 64.94

  The tyran•• and deuil••d mischiefe is the pope ••∣gainst the Emperor.
• * 64.95

  What horse Fredericke came of.
• * 64.96

  What father and mother.
• * 64.97

  The time o•• maner of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 byrth.
• * 64.98

  What pa∣ti••nces hee had.
• * 64.99

  The conspi∣racies of pope Inno∣cent against Fredericke during his minoritie. The first cō∣spiracy.
• * 64.100

  The 2. con∣spiracy.
• * 64.101

  The 3. con∣spiracy.
• * 64.102

  The 4. con∣spiracy.
• * 64.103

  The 5. con∣spiracy.
• * 64.104

  Philip slain.
• * 64.105

  Variance be∣tweene Otho & the pope.
• * 64.106

  What learning and knowledge he was of.
• * 64.107

  What vertues he was indued with.
• * 64.108

  Fred. suspected for his graund∣fathers sake.
• * 64.109

  The coronation of Fredericke.
• * 64.110

  The death of Otho.
• * 64.111

  The consecratiō of Fred. the Em∣perour.
• * 64.112

  The liberal mu∣nificence of Fre. to the pope and church of Rome
• * 64.113

  Fred. gaue tho∣rough his libe∣ralitie a swword to cut his owne throte.••
• * 64.114

  The canon of proscription graunted & con∣firmed by Fred.
• * 64.115

  Fred. after his consecration di∣recteth his pro∣uinces and do∣minions.
• * 64.116

  Fred. expostula∣teth, the Pope curseth.
• * 64.117

  The Emperour replyeth to the popes demaund.
• * 64.118

  The Emperour speaketh but rea son howsoeuer it pleaseth the pope to take it.
• * 64.119

  The strife be∣twene the pope and the Empe∣rour for the e∣le••••ion and de∣prination of By∣shops.
• * 64.120

  Authorities, for the election of Byshops to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he Princes and their sub∣iectes.
• * 64.121

  Authorities of ele••en of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ron••e is be in the Emperour.
• * 64.122

  Gratianus in his distinc∣tion, rep••••∣red for the election of bi•••• open be in the Pope.
• * 64.123

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iustinian for the election.
• * 64.124

  The Grecian Emperour, electours of Byshops.
• * 64.125

  The elec•••• decreed by 153. byshops in the ••••∣cell of L••••∣rane to be in the Em∣perour.
• * 64.126

  Stephanus 4. first alt•••• of this ••••∣tion.
• * 64.127

  The Bishop Rome the first breaker of the de∣crees of the councell.
• * 64.128

  Lotharius renueth the Lateran de∣cree for elec∣tion of By∣shops.
• * 64.129

  ••••depo∣•• Iohn •• 14. and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a •••• decree •• election. Leo the 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣•••• by Otho •••• Emper. The election ••nce againe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be •• the Em∣perours iu∣risdiction.
• * 64.130

  Henry the •• and Leo the 9.
• * 64.131

  Henry the 3. and Ni∣cholas the 2.
• * 64.132

  The election ••itherto in ••he Empe∣rours and ••ow begin∣neth to faile, by Hilde∣brand.
• * 64.133

  Henry 4. a∣gaine cha∣••ngeth the election.
• * 64.134

  Henry the 5. also striueth ••or the elec∣tion & say∣••leth.
• * 64.135

  Priestes ac∣cused that take any be∣nefate at the handes of a ••••y man.
• * 64.136

  Henry 5. com∣passed by ciuile dissention for the prerogatiue of election as his father was.
• * 64.137

  Henry the 5. re∣signeth his pre∣rogatiue of e∣lection.
• * 64.138

  The electiō got∣te•• to the By∣shops of Rome.
• * 64.139

  Gratianus foūd a forger of the Canons. Sergius. 2. Iohn 6. and A∣drian 3. The secōd fault founde with Gratianus.
• * 64.140

  The third fault founde with Gratianus.
• * 64.141

  Howe shameles and impudent Gratianus is in forging the de∣crees.
• * 64.142

  The corrupting of many good workes to be feared.
• * 64.143

  The election wrasted frō the Emperour.
• * 64.144

  What Rome once catcheth, that she keepeth
• * 64.145

  Not without good cause desi∣red they to no••el the people in ignoraunce.
• * 64.146

  Euery kyng and prince in their seuerall king∣dome had also till that time the prerogatiue of election. Hispane had the same. Fraunce had the same.
• * 64.147

  England had the election.
• * 64.148

  Germanie had the election.
• * 64.149

  Sicilia had the election.
• * 64.150

  The death of Constantia the wife of Frede∣ricke.
• * 64.151

  A great ouer∣throw of the Christians in Egypt.
• * 64.152

  Fredericke and the pope made friendes.
• * 64.153

  Hon•••••• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he put •• practise •• vre aga•••• Frede••••••.
• * 64.154

  Gregori•••• as great an enemy to Fred, as Ho∣norius.
• * 64.155

  Frederike seth to ••••e into Asia the pope•• bidding in pope is an∣gry.
• * 64.156

  The caused the slay of the Empe∣rours iour∣ney into A∣sia.
• * 64.157

  The Pope dissembled his grudge.
• * 64.158

  The pre••∣ration ci••••∣riage of Fre∣dericke •••• Ierusal••••, and staye thereof.
• * 64.159

  The prepa∣ration of the Emperours war against the Turke.
• * 64.160

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 slick∣nes in the Emperours army.
• * 64.161

  The Empe∣rour him∣selfe sicke.
• * 64.162

  The Pope excommu∣nicateth the Emperour for staying ••is viage.
• * 64.163

  He layeth ••alse accusa∣tion to his ••harge.
• * 64.164

  The Empe∣••our put∣••eth him∣••••lfe of those ••imes the ••ope layde ••gainst him ••y his letters. ••edicated to ••l Christen ••••inces.
• * 64.165

  The effect of ••he Empe∣••••urs letters
• * 64.166

  The Empe∣••ours purga∣••••on.
• * 64.167

  The Empe∣••ours epistle ••eginning ••hus. In ad∣••irationem •••• iusticiā, ••nd agayne, ••enate ocu∣••••s.
• * 64.168

  A letter of the Emperour to the king of Eng∣land abstracted by Mat. Paris.
• * 64.169

  Many king∣domes haue ex∣perience of the popes practises.
• * 64.170

  The Church of Rome, the mo∣ther of mischief
• * 64.171

  King Iohns sub∣mission to the pope blamed by the Emperour.
• * 64.172

  Who be the ra∣uening Wolues in sheepes clo∣thing.
• * 64.173

  The treasure of the Church be∣longeth to the pope.
• * 64.174

  Christes church was builded in humilitie: The popes Church is all s••perilui∣tie, Ergo, the popes Church is not Christes Church.
• * 64.175

  An other iour∣ney of the Em∣perour to Ieru∣salem.
• * 64.176

  The Emperour oppressed by fa∣mine and by prayer myracu∣lously relieued.
• * 64.177

  A conclusion of a profitable pe••ce during x. yeares betwene the Turkes and the Christians.
• * 64.178

  The articles of the peace agre∣ed vpon.
• * 64.179

  The letters of Fredericke to the princes and pope of his suc∣cesse.
• * 64.180

  The Emperour crowned king of Ierusalem.
• * 64.181

  The first and secret prac∣tise of Pope Gregory ••
• * 64.182

  The Empe∣rour with∣standeth the secret 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which the pope had wrought a∣gainst him •• Ierusalem.
• * 64.183

  The second and man••••d treason of the Pope a∣gainst Fre∣dericke.
• * 64.184

  Brennus Pādolphus, Iohannes Columna •• Thomas •• traytor, the Popes gene∣ralles and leaders of his hoste.
• * 64.185

  What mea∣••ing the P. ••••d to sende ••redericke •• fight a∣••ainst the ••urke.
• * 64.186

  ••owe the ••ope cha∣••th & fret∣••eth at the ••rosperous ••uccesse of ••he Empe∣••our.
• * 64.187

  ••londus re∣••toued that ••ote so ••reatly in ••he Popes ••auour.
• * 64.188

  The third prac∣tise of P Gre∣gory against the Emperour.
• * 64.189

  The P. setteth the sonne a∣gainst the fa∣ther, as a good father of peace.
• * 64.190

  Henry Cesar at the popes intise∣ment put••eth from him h••s truthe counsai∣ler Ludonicus.
• * 64.191

  The Emperour hearing of the popes practises returneth se∣cretly out of Asia.
• * 64.192

  Iohn Brennus remoued frō the siege of Cala∣tia God prospereth Fredericke in all his affaires.
• * 64.193

  Fredericke en∣treateth for the Popes fauour although ••ee haue no n••••de.
• * 64.194

  The Pope refu∣seth a peace with the Em∣perour.
• * 64.195

  The price of the Emperours ab∣solution.
• * 64.196

  Vnshamefull Blondus.
• * 64.197

  Cuspinianus pr••tely gudeth the Pope.
• * 64.198

  What benefi∣cence the Em∣perour vseth to haue the Popes friendship which he shall neuer gette.
• * 64.199

  A well recem∣penced good tu••ne of the Pope to the Emperour.
• * 64.200

  Blondus taken with vntruth.
• * 64.201

  The Emperours sonnes no lōger suborned, make manifest rebel∣lion against their father.
• * 64.202

  A wicked murther•• Henry Ce∣sar for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seruice.
• * 64.203

  The outra•••• of H. Cesar against the Emperour his father.
• * 64.204

  The Empe∣rour 14. yeares 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Germany
• * 64.205

  The Pope feareth•••• his treason should be spied by the Emperour going into German••••.
• * 64.206

  Henry Ce∣sar condem∣ned of trea∣son, and ••∣eth in p••••••
• * 64.207

  Fredericke Austricus proclaymed an open 〈◊〉〈◊〉 my to his father and disherited.
• * 64.208

  The Empe∣rour mary∣eth kyng Iohns daugh∣ter of Eng∣lande.
• * 64.209

  The pope a∣gaine begin∣neth to play his part.
• * 64.210

  The Popes embassage to the Em∣perour.
• * 64.211

  The Empe∣rour againe vnto the Pope.
• * 64.212

  A secret cō∣spiracie of the pope a∣gainst the Emperour.
• * 64.213

  The Empe∣rour mar∣cheth into Italie, not∣witstanding the popes forbidding.
• * 64.214

  The Empe∣rour loth to breake the peace, of late concluded.
• * 64.215

  The pope refu∣seth to speake with the Empe∣rours Legates.
• * 64.216

  The new sen∣tence of pro∣scription against the Emperour.
• * 64.217

  The Pope wa∣geth and hyr••th 35. Galleyes to spoile the coasts of the Emperor.
• * 64.218

  The popes edict against the Em∣perour, Ascen∣dit de mari ••••t∣lica best••••.
• * 64.219

  Albertus Beha∣uus the popes one hand.
• * 64.220

  The P. threate∣neth to curse all those that wi••h well to the Em∣perour.
• * 64.221

  Otho with di∣uers other prin∣ces of Germany by the popes meane doe for∣sake the Empe∣rour.
• * 64.222

  What great good the orati∣on of Peter de Vineis did in the themperors be∣halfe.
• * 65.1

  The Emperours letter to all pre∣lates to bridle the pope and restraine him of his will.
• * 65.2

  Mā being made of two partes hath two seu••∣rall regiments Gods word and the materiall sworde.
• * 65.3

  The Apologie of the Emperor to the popes e∣dict. Ascendit de mars &c.
• * 65.4

  Antechrist long agone descried to the world by the Emperour.
• * 65.5

  The confe∣sion of the Emperours fayth wher∣of he was accused by the pope.
• * 65.6

  The pope vnder pre∣tence of his holines de∣ceiueth sim∣ple soules and ignorāt men.
• * 65.7

  The imperi∣all dignitie spurned at alwayes by the pope.
• * 65.8

  The answer of Symo∣nides apply∣ed.
• * 65.9

  The Empe∣ror prophe∣sieth of the popes fall,
• * 65.10

  The Empe∣rour vtterly reiecteth and the pope and Church of Rome.
• * 65.11

  The Empe∣rour calleth a parliament or councell to expresse the popes malice.
• * 65.12

  The godly Byshops of Germany are obedient to the kyng and prince.
• * 65.13

  The bishops of Germanie excommuni∣cate the popes legate and Cardi∣nall.
• * 65.14

  Iouanensis the Byshop, a true subiect to his prince.
• * 65.15

  The passage of the pope to maintaine the warre against his Lord and maister.
• * 65.16

  The pope besie∣geth Ferraria.
• * 65.17

  The fidelitie of papistes learned by this example.
• * 65.18

  The Emperours Gallies chased, and one of his ships taken by the pope.
• * 65.19

  The Gibellines and Gwelpes from whence they came.
• * 65.20

  The pope afraid of the Emperors comming into Italy.
• * 65.21

  The Emperour hangeth all the crossed souldi∣ours.
• * 65.22

  The Emperour retayneth the Saracens in his warres against the Pope.
• * 65.23

  The effect of a letter sent by the Emperour to the princes of Germany.
• * 65.24

  No enemy more hurtfull to the Church of God then is the pope
• * 65.25

  The Emperour voweth to re∣moue the pope and put another more carefull shepheard into the church of God.
• * 65.26

  Boiemus relen∣teth at the Em∣perours letter.
• * 65.27

  The practise of Otho with the pope against the Emperour.
• * 65.28

  The Pope rescript ••••∣sheth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 65.29

  By what meanes O∣tho attained so great pos∣sessions by the Empire his Ance∣stors.
• * 65.30

  The gover∣nour of A∣grippina re∣uolteth to the Pope.
• * 65.31

  The Empe∣rours great lenitie and and clemen∣cy, but we•• merueilou•••• enforced.
• * 65.32

  The Emp. enforced to make his money of leather.
• * 65.33

  The pope sendeth for forren ayde and is pre∣uented.
• * 65.34

  The Empe∣rour riggeth so••th a nauy to the sea.
• * 65.35

  A great vic∣tory on the sea against ••he popes consederates by the Em∣perours nauy
• * 65.36

  The Emp. obtaineth an other victory by land at Ticinum a∣gainst the pope and his confederates
• * 65.37

  The Emp. thin∣keth to make the P. a••ray de.
• * 65.38

  The Turke in∣uadeth Christē∣dome with a great and migh∣tie power.
• * 65.39

  The vnmercifull crueltie and the great slaughter of Christen men by the Turke.
• * 65.40

  The K of Vn∣garie craueth ayde of them∣perour for the which he offe∣reth him his lande.
• * 65.41

  The pope will graunt to haue no peace.
• * 65.42

  The popes fault that the Turke is not resisted.
• * 65.43

  The Pope had rather fight a∣gainst the Emp. then against the Turke.
• * 65.44

  The Emperor as well in his own person, as his predecessours haue triall of the Popes sub∣tile practices.
• * 66.1

  The great ami∣tie and long cō∣tinued league betweene the Empyre and kingdome of Fraunce.
• * 66.2

  The K. not with out great al∣lurement of the Pope would so haue written to the Emperour.
• * 66.3

  Here it should s•••••• the Emp. founde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fault of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tradition.
• * 67.1

  The French•• kinges I••∣ters co••••••ry to them∣selues.
• * 67.2

  A good A∣postolicall father with a two han∣ded sword.
• * 67.3

  120020, ounces of golde, as be∣fore you heard.
• * 67.4

  The craftie compassed •••• their cra••••∣nes.
• * 67.5

  Gregorys. dy••th for thought•• curst hea••.
• * 67.6

  C••rolus Molineus ••pon the de∣••et••ls of ••. Grego∣••y ••.
• * 67.7

  The creation and death of P. Coele∣tius.
• * 67.8

  The Empe∣••our prepa∣••eth an army ••o fight with ••he Tartari∣••n••, the Tar∣••••rian•• flye.
• * 68.1

  Fredericke ••gainst the Cardinals.
• * 68.2

  Peters ship by the dis∣dentious Cardinals greatly af∣flicted.
• * 68.3

  Peters shrill voyee turned in∣to a scoffing Eccho.
• * 68.4

  The Emperour releaseth the Cardinalls out of prison.
• * 68.5

  Innocentius the fourth created Pope.
• * 68.6

  The Emperour reioyceth of the popes election but without cause why.
• * 68.7

  The Pope ta∣keth Viterbi∣um whilest the Emperour ho∣ped after peace.
• * 68.8

  The dissimula∣tion of the sub∣tile Pope In∣nocent. 4.
• * 68.9

  The Emperour hath too much confidence in the Pope.
• * 68.10

  The Pope moc∣keth the Empe∣rour and goeth to Lyons where he proscribeth the Emperour.
• * 68.11

  The Emperour comming to make his appa∣rance before the Pope.
• * 68.12

  The extremitie of the Pope to the Emperour.
• * 68.13

  Vengeance fal∣leth vpon the Pope for his false iudgement.
• * 69.1

  Altogether in hurly bur∣ly thoroug•• the Popes malicious minde.
• * 69.2

  Germany spoyled by ciuill dissen∣tion through the Popes only prac∣tise against the Empe∣rour.
• * 69.3

  The robbers and rebels chased out of Germany
• * 69.4

  The fidelitie of Otho to the Emp.
• * 69.5

  The answer of Otho to the Legates.
• * 69.6

  Otho excō∣municated for turning from the pope to take the Empe∣rours part.
• * 69.7

  Caesar in daunger by Albertus.
• * 69.8

  Albertus 〈…〉〈…〉 order of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ery.
• * 69.9

  The Emperour when he had somewhat sup∣pressed these tu∣mults came to Cremona.
• * 69.10

  The Emp. thin∣keth to goe to Lions to the Pope.
• * 69.11

  Parma taken and kept by the popes legat and other friendes of his.
• * 69.12

  The Emp. alte∣reth his iourney from Lions to the siege of Parma.
• * 69.13

  The Emp. na∣med his campe and siege about Parma Victo∣ria.
• * 69.14

  The popes army discomfited by the Emperours Lieftenant at Auximum.
• * 69.15

  The negligence of the souldiers offereth an oc∣casion to the enemy.
• * 69.16

  The discomfi∣ture of the Emp. at the siege of Parma.
• * 69.17

  The Emp. vpon suspition of trea¦son imprisoneth diuers of his Captaynes.
• * 69.18

  Capras besie∣ged and taken of the Emperor.
• * 69.19

  The Emperour purposeth to make some great attempt.
• * 69.20

  The Emp. pre∣uented by death Fred. one of Gods elect.
• * 69.21

  Sundry opiniō, of the death of Frederick Emp.
• * 69.22

  The issue of Fredericke the Emp.
• * 69.23

  Fred. a most puisaunt prince in Marshall af∣faires.
• * 69.24

  Frede. was not with•••• his fault of humane fra∣gilitie
• * 69.25

  The world of Pandol∣phus tou∣ching the prayse and dispraised of the Emp.
• * 69.26

  Fredericke The popes church com∣pared with Christ his Church 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as like as blacke and white.
• * 69.27

  Deserued commenda∣tion vpon the Epistles of Fred.
• * 69.28

  Fredericke purposed with the ha∣zard of the imperiall state to re∣forme the church of Rome.
• * 69.29

  Fre. shewed himselfe no enemy but a friend to the Church of Rome.
• * 69.30

  Selfe doe, selfe haue, the prouerb is, Hope of gaine allu∣reth many to flatter and to write vn∣truthes.
• * 69.31

  Certaine prea∣chers in Sueuia.
• * 69.32

  Ex Chron. Ab••. Vrsperg. Crātz. lib. 8. cap. 10.
• * 69.33

  Resistance a∣gainst the Pope no new thing in Christes church
• * 69.34

  Arnoldus de no∣ua villa con∣demned of he∣resie.
• * 69.35

  Vide librum, de testibus verita∣tis.
• * 69.36

  Ioannes Semeca the glose writer to the Popes decrees excom∣municated.
• * 69.37

  Guilielmus de S. Amore.
• * 69.38

  The place 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Go••p•••• expounded, Go•• & sell all & come folow me.
• * 69.39

  Guliel des Amore co••∣demned of the pope for in here••ike.
• * 69.40

  The 1. signe and token to knowe 2 false Fryer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prophet ••y.
• * 69.41

  True Prea∣chers do not deceiue men with pain∣ted flattering wordes.
• * 69.42

  Signe 3. is, that true A∣postles take in good par•• when they be reproued.
• * 69.43

  The 4. signe is, that true preachers commend not them∣selues.
• * 69.44

  Signe 5. is, that true preachers neede no let∣ters commē∣datorie.
• * 69.45

  Signe 6. is, that true A∣postles preach not ••iles they be sent.
• * 69.46

  Signe 7. is when those false pro∣phets preach that were neuer sent.
• * 69.47

  Signe 8. is, that false prophetes pretende great holi∣nes in super∣stition.
• * 69.48

  Signe 9. is, that when they neyther preach nor minister, yet liue vpon o∣ther mens labours.
• * 69.49

  Signe 10. is, that false prophets take that to them which pertayneth to the worde of God.
• * 69.50

  Signe 11. is, that false prophets doe preach for gaine and not for Gods cause.
• * 69.51

  Signe 12. is, that false prophets doe counterfaite to loue where they hate.
• * 69.52

  Signe 13. is, that false prophets doe circumuent men to haue their goods, and care for nothing els.
• * 69.53

  Signe 14. is, that false prophets can not abide to haue the trueth preached.
• * 69.54

  Signe 15. is, that false prophets do infor••e them to heare that are not willing to heare.
• * 69.55

  Signe 16. i••, false pro∣phets doe cause pri•••••• to hate •••••• punish•••••• that 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 69.56

  Signe 17. is, that false prophets do not knowe neyther what God hath done, not yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doe as true prophets ••••.
• * 69.57

  Signe 18. is, that false prophetes doe preach for money •• are not to be discerned frō Wolues.
• * 69.58

  If the Prea∣cher do his duetie in preaching, he may 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lawfully for his ne∣cessarye thinges.
• * 69.59

  Signe 19. ••••, that true A∣postles doe not render euill for good as false doe.
• * 69.60

  Signe 20. is, that true A∣postles are not so well intertayned as false pro∣phets be.
• * 69.61

  Signe 21. is, that true preachers build not vpon an o∣an other mans foun∣dation.
• * 69.62

  Autoritie loueth them that refuse her, and yet abhorre her not.
• * 69.63

  Signe 22. is, that true prophets are not proude and vaine glorious as false pro∣phets be.
• * 69.64

  Signe 23. is, that false prophets be alwayes mē pleasers▪
• * 69.65

  Signe 24. is, that true prophets eat what is set before them and geue God thākes, but that doe not the false prophets.
• * 69.66

  Signe 25. is, that false prophets do loue more their owne estimation, then that the word of God should be truely taught.
• * 69.67

  Signe 46. is, that false prophets are not conten∣ted with neces∣sary thinges, but looke after su∣perfluous.
• * 69.68

  Signe 27. is, th•••• those that be false prophets, their belly is their God.
• * 69.69

  Signe 28. is, that true prophets reioyce not in miracles as false prophets doe.
• * 69.70

  Signe 29. is, that true prophets seeke not their owne glory as false prophets doe.
• * 69.71

  Signe 30. is, that true prophets doe not force vpon the so∣lemne salutatiōs of men as false prophets doe. Signe 31. is, that false prophets resort to o∣ther mens bordes, and flat∣ter them for a m••ales meate which true pro∣p••ets doe not.
• * 69.72

  Signe 32. is, that true prophets doe not hate their enemies as false prophets doe.
• * 69.73

  Signe 33. is, that true prophets do not persecute men as the false prophets doe.
• * 69.74

  Signe 34. is, that true prophets preach to those which be not yet conuerted, which the false prophets do not
• * 69.75

  Signe 35. is, that true prophets chiefly preach in their owne dioces, and not in other mens.
• * 69.76

  Signe 36. is, that fa•••••• proph•••••• attribute•••• to them∣selues 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which t••••y neuer die.
• * 69.77

  Signe 37. is, that false prophets ••o cleaue and leane to lo∣gicall and philosop••••∣call reaso••, Signe 3••. is, that false prophets do loue carr••••∣l•• and not spi••ituall••.
• * 69.78

  Signe 39. is, that fal••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prophets is hunt after the friend∣ship of the world.
• * 69.79

  Whatsoeue•• doth perishe in the church of God for wāt of prea∣chers shall be required.
• * 69.80

  A detestable booke of the Fryers called Euangelium ••••ernum.
• * 69.81

  The eternall and spiritual Gospell of the Fryers condemned with much a do of the Pope.
• * 69.82

  ••aurentius Anglicus condemned of the pope. Desensio Gulielmi. Ca••endum •• pseudo pro∣phe••••s. The Pope Antichrist. The syna∣gogue of Rome to be great Baby∣lon. Ex Nicolao Emerico in libro suarū inquisitio∣num. Petrus Ioan∣nes burned after his death. Robertus Gallus pro∣phesieth a∣gainst the Pope.
• * 69.83

  The Pope de∣scribed.
• * 69.84

  The visions of Robertus Gal∣lus.
• * 69.85

  The state of the church of Rom•• described.
• * 69.86

  The scholemen and the friuo∣lous questions described.
• * 69.87

  The reformati∣on of the church presignified.
• * 69.88

  The simonie and auarice of the clergie to be punished.
• * 69.89

  The story of R. Grostede By∣shop of Lincoln.
• * 69.90

  Ex Nic. Triuet. Rob. Grostede a Southfolke man borne.
• * 69.91

  The commen∣dation of Rob. Grostede.
• * 69.92

  The bookes and workes of Rob. Grostede.
• * 69.93

  Anno. 1253. The death of R. Grostede.
• * 69.94

  Malleus Roma∣norum Grosthe∣dus.
• * 69.95

  The trouble of R. Grost. with the Pope.
• * 70.1

  An vnreasona∣ble letter of the Pope.
• * 70.2

  Recte dictum fortassis filio.
• * 70.3

  Confectis.
• * 71.1

  The Pope•• vnreasona∣ble letter.
• * 71.2

  Excom••••∣nication ••∣bused.
• * 71.3

  A double ••ommenda∣••ion of B. Grosted.
• * 72.1

  The answer of R. Gro∣••••ed to the Pope.
• * 72.2

  Power giuē ••o ministers to edi∣ficatiō only, not to destruction.
• * 72.3

  Two principall princes of dark∣nes, Lucifer and Antichrist.
• * 72.4

  He mea••ieth either Christ & the Church, or els Peter and Paule.
• * 72.5

  Idest, both to Christ and hi•• Church.
• * 72.6

  Ex Ma••. Paris. ad verbu••.
• * 72.7

  Well sworne maister pope.
• * 72.8

  Giles Cardinall defendeth Ro∣b••rt Grosted to the pope.
• * 72.9

  The godly talke of R. Grosted in time of his sick∣nes.
• * 72.10

  Heresis quid.
• * 72.11

  Definition of heresie.
• * 72.12

  The P. proued here an heretick
• * 72.13

  The saying of Gregory.
• * 72.14

  The Pope accu∣sed of heresie.
• * 72.15

  Certain Apho∣rismes or arti∣cles layd of R. Grosted against the B. of Rome.
• * 72.16

  The Pope accused ••n his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 clause 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 72.17

  The P••••••∣sed for ••••••¦gating 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be equal but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to his pre••••¦cessours▪
• * 72.18

  The P•••••• sed for r••••••∣ing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and founda∣tions of his predecess•••• Proued tha•• the Pope •• liue is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our to hi•• predecess•••• before him. And ther∣fore to ha•• no authori∣tie to in∣fringe the priuileg••es of other Popes. Proued by example 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Benet th•• men more auncien•••••• time ough•• to be pref••••∣red in high∣er reuer••••••
• * 72.19

  The Pope accused for maintain•••• of vsur••.
• * 72.20

  Against r•••• re••s.
• * 72.21

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 practise of vsurers.
• * 72.22

  The Popes Vsurers worse then the Iewes.
• * 72.23

  Craftie sub∣til••ie of the Pope to get money.
• * 72.24

  Men signed to the holy land, sold for money lyke sheepe by the Pope, Remission of sinnes, solde for money. The Pope accused to be iniurious •••• churches in his pro∣uisions and seleruations.
• * 72.25

  The Pope accused to be iniurious to the Abbot of S. Albons.
• * 72.26

  The Pope accused for violent ex∣tortion.
• * 72.27

  The Pope accused for troubling & corrupting learned men of the spiri∣tualtie with his temporal a••••ayres.
• * 72.28

  The Pope accused for vnlawfull dispensation
• * 72.29

  Ex Mat. Paris.
• * 72.30

  The death of R. Grosted By∣shop of Lincoln.
• * 72.31

  What the reue∣nues of the Popes Clarkes here in England came to by yeare. Ex Cestrensis▪ lib. 7.
• * 72.32

  The Pope stro∣ken with the staffe of Grost. Bysh. of Lincoln
• * 72.33

  Anno. 1254.
• * 72.34

  Ex Mat. Paris. Ex Fl••r. hist. Senibalde pap•• miserime. The Popes new and true stile gi∣uen by Grost. Bish. of Lincoln.
• * 72.35

  The Pope dis∣quieted in his minde.
• * 72.36

  The reuenge of God vpon pope Innocent.
• * 72.37

  The Popes ar∣my vanquished and confounded
• * 72.38

  The death of Pope Inno∣cent. 4.
• * 72.39

  Anno. 1255.
• * 72.40

  A note to the reader concer∣ning the appea∣ring of dead men.
• * 72.41

  Dissention be∣twene the arch. of Cant. and the Church of Lin∣colne.
• * 72.42

  Excommunica∣tion abused. Appellation made to Rome. Henry Lexintō B. of Lincolne.
• * 72.43

  A childe cruci∣fied of the Iews at Lincolne.
• * 72.44

  Ex Nic. Triuet. Ex Cestrens. l. 7 cap. 34. Ex Flor. hist. The Iewes ex∣pulsed out of Fraunce.
• * 72.45

  A childe ••••∣cumcised •• the Iewes, and kept a whole yeare to be cruc••∣fied.
• * 72.46

  The Iewe•• aske leaue to depart the realme of England.
• * 72.47

  Ex E••lo••••, Iewes bur∣ned at N••••∣thampton.
• * 72.48

  A Iewe fa••∣len into a priuey, wold not be take•• out for kee∣ping his Sabboth day
• * 72.49

  Superstiti∣ous falling noted in Walter arch. of Yorke.
• * 72.50

  Ex Flo. hist.
• * 72.51

  Superstition in seeking saluation by wronge meanes.
• * 72.52

  The Pope iniurious to the Church of England.
• * 72.53

  A prebend∣ship of pa••••s giuen both of the Pope and of the king at one time to two seuerall per∣sons.
• * 72.54

  The Popes donation preferred before the kinges.
• * 72.55

  Two Ro∣main clarkes going to complaine were 〈…〉〈…〉 the way.
• * 72.56

  The story of Mat. Paris. here ceaseth.
• * 72.57

  Pope Alex∣ander 3. ma∣••er warre.
• * 72.58

  The Popes army slaine.
• * 72.59

  Lewlinus K. of Wales war••eth a∣gainst the kyng. Lewlinus & the K. cōcor∣ded.
• * 72.60

  Ex Polychro nico. lib. 7.
• * 72.61

  Ex autore Eulogij. Anno. 1257.
• * 72.62

  Pope Alexan∣der to make shifte for money ma••eth the king beleue his sonne should be kyng of Apulia. Richa••de the kings brot••er made king of Almaine.
• * 72.63

  What c••••ill dis∣corde worketh worketh. Resignation of the Earled••me of Normandy and Ang••ew.
• * 72.64

  Ex Gual. Gis∣burn.
• * 72.65

  The conflict & skirmish be∣tweene the Northern Welth men, and the Southern men in Oxford.
• * 72.66

  Variance be∣tweene ••he stu∣dentes and the Friers in Paris. Variance be∣tweene the V∣niuersitie of Oxforde and Cambridge. Variance be∣tweene the Archb. of Cant. and the chapter of Lincolne. Variance be∣tweene the Archb. of Cant. and the chapter of London. Ex Flor. ••••st.
• * 72.67

  Litle peace in the Popes Church.
• * 72.68

  Histori••s pro∣fitable for ex∣ample.
• * 72.69

  The occasions of commotion betweene the kyng and the Nobles.
• * 72.70

  Anno. 1260.
• * 72.71

  Straungers ha∣uing all the wealth of the realme vnder the kyng. Ex Gualt. Gis∣burnensi.
• * 72.72

  The wordes of the Nobles to the kyng.
• * 72.73

  The K. g•••••• teth to ••••. Lordes.
• * 72.74

  A sitting •••• the king and Lordes at Oxford.
• * 72.75

  The proui••••∣ons or law•••• ma••e at Ox∣forde. The King swearet•• to the prou••••∣ons ma•••• a•• Oxford.
• * 72.76

  The kinges brethren. ••∣gainst the prouisions of Oxford.
• * 72.77

  The proui••••∣ons of O••∣forde.
• * 72.78

  Ex histori•• G••alte•••• Gisburnen∣sis. God grau•••• this lawe might take place agai•••• God gra•••••• the like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 againe fo•• the wealth of the realm Diuers in this coun•••• impoiso••t.
• * 72.79

  The kyn•• repente•••••• his othe.
• * 72.80

  Anno. 1261.
• * 72.81

  The K. sneth to the pope to release him of his oath.
• * 72.82

  The Popes absolution abused.
• * 72.83

  The answer of the nobles again to the kyng.
• * 72.84

  The contro∣uersie be∣tweene the king & the Nobles put in compri∣mis.
• * 72.85

  The Pope releaseth the K. of his oath.
• * 72.86

  Wicked make∣bates.
• * 72.87

  Ex Flor. hist. in. Anno. 1261.
• * 72.88

  Bishops going about to reco∣uer benefices appropriate frō religious houses Ex Florilego ibid.
• * 72.89

  Pope Alexan∣der dyeth. Pope Vibane.
• * 72.90

  Anno. 1267.
• * 72.91

  A new release of the kings oth from Rome, with this epi∣taph:

  Hic pudor Hy∣politi. Paridis gerasensus V∣lisiss.

  Eneaepietas, Hectoris ira iacet.
• * 72.92

  The Welchmen rebell.
• * 72.93

  The p••ouisions of Oxford again graunted by the kyng.
• * 72.94

  The kings pa∣lace at Wellm. brent with fire.
• * 72.95

  Vsury punished for taking aboue •• pence a weeke in a pounde.
• * 72.96

  Anno. 1263.
• * 72.97

  The Nobles ry∣sing against the straungers ha∣uing the com∣modities of the realme Peter of Hereford a Bur∣gundian a rich Byshop,
• * 72.98

  Iohn Maunsell a rich priest.
• * 72.99

  The kyng agayn agreeth with the Nobles.
• * 72.100

  The Queene a great cause of this debate.
• * 72.101

  The sorme of peace concluded betweene the king and the Nobles.
• * 72.102

  The castle of Windsor recoue red out of the handes of straū∣gers.
• * 72.103

  Manet alta mē∣te repostum iu∣dicinum Paridis. &c. Virg.
• * 72.104

  The sentence of the french king, with the king of England a∣gainst the Ba∣rons.
• * 72.105

  Ex Flor. hist. ex Gisbur. & alijs.
• * 72.106

  Warre betwene the king and the Barons begin∣neth.
• * 72.107

  Vniuersitie of Oxford, remo∣ued for a tyme to Northamp∣ton.
• * 72.108

  Anno. 1264.
• * 72.109

  The Nobles taken at Northamp∣ton.
• * 72.110

  Simō Moūt∣fort the yoū∣ger taken prisoner. The scholers of Oxford stout against the kyng.
• * 72.111

  The studēts of Oxford spared.
• * 72.112

  The Lords taken at Northamtō.
• * 72.113

  Earle Simon Mountfort sayneth him selfe sicke.
• * 72.114

  Rochester besieged of the Barons.
• * 72.115

  The Kyng s••uaneth London.
• * 73.1

  The letter of the Lords in the kyng.
• * 74.1

  The answer of the king to the Lords
• * 75.1

  The letter of Richard K. of Almaine and prince Edward to the Barons.
• * 75.2

  The battaile of Lewes betwene the king and the Barons begin∣neth.
• * 75.3

  Richard king of Almaine with his sonne taken prisoners.
• * 75.4

  The kings main battaile at Le∣wes discomfor∣ted, and the king fayne to take the Abbey.
• * 75.5

  Prince Edward returning from the first chase, findeth altoge∣ther lost.
• * 75.6

  The prince figh∣teth a new bat∣tell.
• * 75.7

  Prince Edward also put to the worit, and fame to take the town
• * 75.8

  The Castle of Lewes besieged
• * 75.9

  A peace intrea∣ted betweene the king & Ba∣rones.
• * 75.10

  The two prin∣ces giuen in ho∣stage.
• * 75.11

  The kyngs souldiours in Tūbridge after they had spoyled the Lond∣ners at Crowdown kept them∣selues in ga∣rison at Bri∣stow.
• * 75.12

  Earle Simon after this victory bea∣reth himselfe so slout, the•• he impriso∣neth the ho∣stages of the kings.
• * 75.13

  The death of Pope Vr∣bane. Pope Cle∣ment. 4. Pope Cle∣ment first a maried man, & had wife and children Thomas A∣quine Bo••∣uenture ••∣ders at Pa••is
• * 75.14

  Ann. 1265.
• * 75.15

  Dissent•••• betweene Earle Simon and the Earle of Glocester
• * 75.16

  The Earle of Glocester and Roger Mortimer conspire to∣gether a∣gainst Earle Symon.
• * 75.17

  Prince Ed∣ward esca∣peth frō out of the custo∣dy of Earle Simon by a trayne.
• * 75.18

  The Earle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ien∣••••••h about, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gathe∣••••••h a pow-••••.
• * 75.19

  The first en∣terprise of prince Ed∣ward after his escape by the meanes of a spie.
• * 75.20

  The dispo∣sing of the princes bat∣tayle against the Earle Simon fought at Eusham.
• * 75.21

  Prince Edwar••s host desc••i•••• whereat the Earle was much abashed.
• * 75.22

  The wordes of Earle Simon to his sonne.
• * 75.23

  K. Henry almost slain in the bat∣tell, at length knowen by his voice & res••ued by his sonne.
• * 75.24

  Earle Simon, his sonne, and many moe Lordes and Barons slaine at this battell of Eusham.
• * 75.25

  Anno. 1266.
• * 75.26

  A parliament summoned at Winchester, where K. Henry was againe re∣stored to his re∣galitie.
• * 75.27

  Kenilworth ca∣stle besieged of the king. Kenilworth de∣cree against the disherited.
• * 75.28

  Kenilworth de∣cree gaynsayd by diuers.
• * 75.29

  Kenilworth ca∣stle yelded vp to the king be∣fore the returne of the messen∣gers out of Fraunce.
• * 75.30

  The tenth•••• graunted to the K••••y au∣toritie Apo∣stolicall.
• * 75.31

  A new as∣sembly of the Barons at Chester field, where they had the ouerthrow.
• * 75.32

  All the con∣federates of Symō Mei••∣fort, with their childrē disherited by the king. Simō Moūt∣fort and his confederates excommu∣nicated by the Popes Legate. Tenths grā∣ted by the pope to the kyng and queene for vij. yeares.
• * 75.33

  Anno. 1247.
• * 75.34

  The castle of Kenil∣worth again besieged.
• * 75.35

  An other assembly of the Barons at Axioline and discom∣forture of them.
• * 75.36

  The Iewes spoyled and slain at Lin∣colne.
• * 75.37

  The Barons fortified the Ileland of Elye.
• * 75.38

  The Ile of Ely assaulted and entred by prince Edward.
• * 75.39

  The king kept out of London. 40, dayes by the Barons and Citizens.
• * 75.40

  A peace cō∣cluded be∣tweene the Barons and the kyng.
• * 75.41

  The statutes of Marle∣berge. A conuoca∣tion holden at London by Octobo∣nus the popes legat.
• * 75.42

  The Legates departing out of Eng∣lande.
• * 75.43

  Valuation taken of all Churches by Octobo∣rus the Po∣pes Legate. Pensions out of Ca∣thedrall and conuentuall churches paide to the popes clarks
• * 75.44

  Pope Cle∣ment the 4. dyeth.
• * 75.45

  Pope Gre∣gory the 10.
• * 75.46

  The mari∣age of Ed∣mund Earle of Lancaster
• * 75.47

  Edward the kyng & con∣fessour shri∣ned.
• * 75.48

  The Byshop of Sarum put from his consecratiō.
• * 75.49

  The death and slaugh∣ter of L. Ri∣charde the kings sonne of Almaine at Viterbiū.
• * 75.50

  Anno. 1270.
• * 75.51

  The death of Boniface Archbish. of Cant.
• * 75.52

  Adam Che∣lindene elec∣ted Archb. of Cant.
• * 75.53

  Appellation from the K. to the Pope by the Mōks of Cant.
• * 75.54

  Adam Chelin∣dene goeth vp to Rome.
• * 75.55

  Variance be∣tweene the of∣ficiall of Cant. and the prior of Douer.
• * 75.56

  Appellation to Rome.
• * 75.57

  Adam Chelin∣don resigneth to the Pope. Rob. Kilwatby Archb. of Cant.
• * 75.58

  The cōcordance
• * 75.59

  The great expe∣dition to inuade the Turke stay∣ed by the con∣cluding of a peace.
• * 75.60

  The great voy∣age of the frēch kyng against the Turkes turned to a mony mat∣ter.
• * 75.61

  The clemēcie of prince Edwards toward the poore souldiers.
• * 75.62

  A great ship∣wracke of the Christians lying at anchor a litle from Trapes. Money euil got, as euill lost.
• * 75.63

  Non habet euē∣tus, sordida praeda bonos. Ex scala mundi. Ex Gualt. Gis∣burn. Ex Flor. hist.
• * 75.64

  Prince Edward and his men preserued from the tempest. The integritie of Prince Ed∣ward rewarded of God.
• * 75.65

  Prince Edward arriueth at Acra and taketh Na∣zareth.
• * 75.66

  The Noble men of Cyprus shew their fidelitie to the Prince and kings of Eng∣land.
• * 75.67

  A guilefull de∣ceipt of the Sa∣racens practised against prince Edwarde.

  Ex Gosb. Scala mundi.
• * 75.68

  The messen∣ger searched before he came to the princes pre∣sence.
• * 75.69

  Prince Ed∣ward woun∣ded & h•••• with an in∣uenemed knise of the Turkes mes∣senger.
• * 75.70

  The Prince in perill of death by rea¦son of his hurt is com∣forted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 phisition••.
• * 75.71

  The Prince restored to health, and the Soldian forl weareth himselfe.
• * 75.72

  The Prince returneth out of Tur∣ky toward England a∣againe.
• * 75.73

  A day of ••orte in Fraunce appointed, which tur∣ned to good earnest.
• * 75.74

  A conspira∣cy of the French men against the Englishmen
• * 75.75

  Exercise of battaile vsed in stede of Barrio••s and Torney.
• * 75.76

  The victorie of the prince and English men against the Earle of Chalons & Frenchmen.
• * 75.77

  Prince Edward was in Vasconia at the time of his fathers death.
• * 75.78

  Anno. 1272.
• * 75.79

  Pope Clement the 4. dyeth. Pope Gregory the 10.
• * 75.80

  Ex Annalibus Silesiae.
• * 75.81

  The Tartarians make great spoile in Chri∣stendome.
• * 75.82

  The Seythians army lyke lo∣custes.
• * 75.83

  Kyng Henry slaine, and his army vanqui∣shed.
• * 75.84

  Nine sackes full of Christians cares being slain
• * 75.85

  Richard king of Almaine dyeth. A great variāce betweene the Monkes and ci∣tizens of Nor∣wich.
• * 75.86

  Excution done at Norwich by the commaun∣dement of kyng Henry the 3. Adam Prior of Cant. refuseth to be Archb. of Cant. Rob. Kilwerby Archb. of Cant.
• * 75.87

  The death of K. Henry the 3.
• * 75.88

  K. Edward 1.
• * 75.89

  P••••ti•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parēts rewarded of God.
• * 75.90

  Ex Chron. Tho. Walsinghami.
• * 75.91

  A miracle of God in preser∣uing king Ed∣ward.
• * 75.92

  False was •• ip repre∣hended. God geue••s the be••••••te & a dum••••e stocke hath the tha••••••.
• * 75.93

  Example of prince••••. ••••∣mency 〈◊〉〈◊〉 learned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kinges and princes.
• * 75.94

  Ex Chron. Nic. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c Tho.
• * 75.95

  Wales sub. dued. The Kings sonne first prince of Wales.
• * 75.96

  Vayne pro∣phesies not to be sought to.
• * 75.97

  Punishment for Baker, S: Milners. The statute for Mort∣maine first enacted.
• * 75.98

  Anno. 1279.
• * 75.99

  Blacke Fry∣ers by Lud∣gate builded Bosten ble∣mished with fire. The great Conduit in Cheape. Westminster Church fini∣shed. The Iewes banished the Realme.
• * 75.100

  A place in Fabian cor∣rected.
• * 75.101

  Ex Thoma ••alsing∣••a•• & ••ualtero inburnensi.
• * 75.102

  Lack of suc∣cessiō what disturbance it worketh in a Realme
• * 75.103

  The klag of Englande proued by old records, chiefe head & foueraign Ann. 1291.
• * 75.104

  Sir Iohn Bayloll male king of Scotland by King. Ed∣ward. K. of Scots doth ho∣mage to the King of Eng¦lande.
• * 75.105

  The falsenes of the Scot∣tish king.
• * 75.106

  The towne and castle of Barwicke wonne of Englishmen.
• * 75.107

  Falsenes iust¦ly punished.
• * 75.108

  The Scots rebell again.
• * 75.109

  The second ••iage of king Edward in∣to Scotland.
• * 75.110

  Anno. 1298.
• * 75.111

  Ex Fabiano. A notable vic∣tory against the Sco••e. Anno. 1299. The Scottes sworne to the kings alleageāce
• * 75.112

  Ex Chron. Tho: Walsinghami. Auesburiensis. The Popes mes∣sage vnto the kyng.
• * 75.113

  The Kinges aun∣swere to the Pope.
• * 75.114

  The Pope cha∣lengeth the Realme of Scot∣land to be free from the domi∣nion of England
• * 75.115

  Anno. 1301. The K. replyech to the Pope.
• * 75.116

  Scotland alone with England. Brutus.
• * 75.117

  Lokrinus. Albanactus. Camber.
• * 75.118

  Alias 907.
• * 76.1

  A letter of the Lordes temporall to the Pope.
• * 76.2

  Anno. 1303. The P. let∣teth ••log a∣gainst king.
• * 76.3

  Ex R. Auesb.
• * 76.4

  Another Scottish re∣bellion sup∣prest.
• * 76.5

  The P. di∣spenseth with due & true obedi∣ence of sub∣iects toward their prince.
• * 76.6

  The Popes inhibition neglected in England.
• * 76.7

  Another re∣bellion of the Scots re∣pressed.
• * 76.8

  The Scots againe sub∣dued.
• * 76.9

  A greeuous variance be∣twene Phi∣lip the frech king & pope Boniface. Pope Nico∣las. 4. Popedome vacant two yeares.
• * 76.10

  Pope Cele∣stinus 5.
• * 76.11

  Crastie ing∣ling among Popes and Cardinals. Ex Massao.
• * 76.12

  The eight Nero.
• * 76.13

  P. Boniface. 8.
• * 76.14

  The mischiefe of Pope Boni∣face described.
• * 76.15

  Guelphes and Gibelines 2. fac∣tions in Rome.
• * 76.16

  Iubilei first be gonne in Rome.
• * 76.17

  The P. claimeth and practiseith power of both swordes.
• * 76.18

  Pope Boniface 8. Author of the booke of decre∣tals.
• * 76.19

  Romish pardōs first begunne by P. Boniface. 8.
• * 76.20

  Ex hist. Nie, Triuet.
• * 76.21

  Philip the French king ex∣communicated.
• * 77.1

  Ex lib. Stephant Ausrery.
• * 78.1

  A letter of king Philip of Fraūce to pope Boni∣face.
• * 79.1

  A Parliament summoned by K. Philip at Paris.
• * 79.2

  The appeale of Nagareta made against pope Boniface the 8.
• * 79.3

  Ex Registre.
• * 79.4

  An inuectib against the placing of Boniface, 8. in the papall sea.
• * 79.5

  The pope well com∣pared to Ba∣laam which was wont curse Gods people for reward of money.
• * 79.6

  Articles pro¦pounded a∣gainst pope Boniface.
• * 79.7

  The nature of this pope and al popes by his image painted out.
• * 79.8

  The pope thinkes him¦selfe equall with Christ.
• * 79.9

  Abhomina∣tio desolati∣onis Papa.
• * 79.10

  The appel∣lation of the French king and Nobles against pope Boniface. 8.
• * 79.11

  Pope Boniface had rather be a dogge then a French man.
• * 79.12

  Pope Boni∣face ene••y to the Frēch men.
• * 79.13

  Pope Bo∣niface an e∣nemy to peace.
• * 79.14

  Pope Boni∣face a mur∣derer of his predecessour
• * 79.15

  The prote∣••••ation of W. Plesiano.
• * 79.16

  Pope Boni∣••••ce proued i•• heretick.
• * 79.17

  The Kinges answere. The appeale of Philip the French king from the Pope.
• * 79.18

  The protestati∣on of Prelates.
• * 79.19

  The bishops of Fraunce appeale from P. Boni∣face to a gene∣rall councell.
• * 80.1

  The letter of the French pre∣lates to Pope Boniface.
• * 80.2

  Anno. 1304.
• * 80.3

  Pope Boni∣face besie∣ged.
• * 80.4

  Pope Boniface brought to a straight.
• * 80.5

  Three conditi∣ons put to the Pope.
• * 80.6

  Here may all kinges by the French kyng learne how to handle the pope Boniface chu∣seth rather to die then to giue ouer his pope∣dome.
• * 80.7

  Ex R. Aaesb. The excessiue treasures of the Popes house noted.
• * 80.8

  A pretie hand∣ling of the pope
• * 80.9

  The Pope de∣liuered o••t of prison.
• * 80.10

  What pouertie and affliction can do in pluc∣king downe the pride of man.
• * 80.11

  Pope Benedic∣tus. 11.
• * 80.12

  The kinges elec∣tion in his owne realme frustra∣ted.
• * 80.13

  Iohn Peckham Archb. of Cant.
• * 80.14

  A point of prac∣tise in the court of Rome.
• * 80.15

  Ecclesiasticall persons exemp∣ted by the pope, for not paying tribute to the kyng.
• * 80.16

  The Pope pro∣ceedeth against the manifest word, in setting the Clergie free from the kinges tributes.
• * 81.1

  Ex Chron. Rob. Gisburnensis.
• * 81.2

  Apostolica autorita•• frustra ob∣tendit•••••• bi Apos•••••• ca scriptura contem••••••
• * 81.3

  Quia•••••• quisquss, barbarismus Apostolicu••.
• * 81.4

  Flores At∣tics e•• ipso helicone de∣sumpts.
• * 81.5

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, rhetorica.
• * 81.6

  Taurscer∣nu. Ware the bulles home
• * 81.7

  The Clergy denyeth to geue tribute to the king.
• * 81.8

  The Clergy secluded frō the kinges protection. The Archb. of Cant. for his stubber∣nes had his goods con∣fiscate to the kyng.
• * 81.9

  The variance betweene K. Edward and his Ba∣rons & com∣mons.
• * 81.10

  Petitions of the Barons and commōs to the king.
• * 81.11

  Magna Charta. Charta de foresta.
• * 81.12

  Custome for Wolle.
• * 81.13

  The kynges answere to the petitiōs of the Barōs & the com∣mons.
• * 81.14

  Humfrey Bonne. Roger Bi∣got.
• * 81.15

  The articles conteined in Magna Charta.
• * 81.16

  Agreement concluded and sealed betwene the K. and his Barons.

  The moderate and good nature of K. Edward noted.
• * 81.17

  Rob. Winchel∣sey Archb. of Cant.
• * 81.18

  K. Edward was troubled with two Archb. of Cant.
• * 81.19

  The church of Rome, and Ro∣mish prelates set against kings and rulers.
• * 81.20

  Kings of Eng∣land commonly troubled with Archb. of Cant.
• * 81.21

  Priestes to haue but one benefice
• * 81.22

  Varlaun••e be∣tweene the Archb. of Yorke and the clergie of Duresme.
• * 81.23

  Inquisitiō made against yl rulers and false officers Traibastoun.
• * 81.24

  Ex Chron. Tho. Walsinghams.
• * 81.25

  A false miracle well spied out of the kyng.
• * 81.26

  Ex codem Chrō.
• * 81.27

  A true miracle.
• * 81.28

  Victorie against the Saracens.
• * 81.29

  Mertō colledge builded in Ox∣forde. I. Scot••••, duns.
• * 81.30

  Pope Clemēt. 5 The Popes court translated to Fraunce.

  A slaughter of nobles at the pompe of the popes coronati∣on.

  A Carbūcle in the popes myter valued at 6000. Florence.

  Emperour no Emperour ex∣cept he were cō∣firmed by the pope.
• * 81.31

  The Tem∣plaries put downe. The feast of Corpus Christi.
• * 81.32

  Septimus de∣cretalium, called the Clemētines. Henricus ••. Emperour poysoned in the host.
• * 81.33

  Paleologe•• Emp. of Cō∣stantinople excommuni∣cated with all his adhe∣rents by pope Clemēt, for not suffering the Grecians to appeale to Rome.
• * 81.34

  Anno. 1327.
• * 81.35

  Note the practise of the Romish prelates.
• * 81.36

  Platina in vit. Innocent••••.
• * 81.37

  When and how lōg the Greeke church was subiect to Rome.
• * 81.38

  Ex Baptist. Egnat. Rom. prime. li. 7.
• * 81.39

  The Greeke church dem∣eth subiecti∣on to the Church of Rome.
• * 81.40

  Ex Chron. Nic. Tri••••l.
• * 81.41

  The popes exactiōs cō∣plained of in the parlia∣ment.
• * 81.42

  Ex hist. qus incipis a•• Henrico se∣••••••••.
• * 81.43

  The Popes getting in one yeare. W. Testa the popes Legat sent into England.
• * 81.44

  First fruites first brought in by the Pope.
• * 81.45

  King Edw. with stādeth the Pope & his Legate.
• * 81.46

  First fruites of Abbeyes denyed to the Pope.
• * 81.47

  First fruites for 2. yeares graunted to the kyng.
• * 82.1

  Ex vetusto Chronico Albanensi.
• * 82.2

  A parliament in Fraunce assem∣bled, wherein is discussed, the iurisdiction ec∣clesiastical, how farre it exten∣deth.
• * 82.3

  Anno. 1329.
• * 83.1

  The letter of Philip king of Fraunce, to the byshops & pre∣lates.
• * 83.2

  The Parlia∣ment con∣uented.
• * 83.3

  Lord Peter speakes in the Parlia∣ment. The thea••e of his orati∣on.
• * 83.4

  The oration deuided in two partes. Obedience to the kyng.
• * 83.5

  Difference betweene the iurisdic∣tion of the state tempo∣rall and ec∣clesiasticall.
• * 83.6

  Articles in the Parlia∣ment pro∣pounded, contayning the iust com¦plaints of the laitie against the clergie. Causes real.
• * 83.7

  Prelates in∣termedle in temporall mens mat∣ters.
• * 83.8

  Ex Officio.
• * 83.9

  Imprison∣ment pertai∣neth not to the Clergie.
• * 83.10

  Action reall personall.
• * 83.11

  No mā may appeale frō a spirituall iudge to the temporall law by the Popes diui∣nitie.
• * 83.12

  Deanes of the Clergie.
• * 83.13

  Maryed clear.
• * 83.14

  Gynnes to g•••• money.
• * 83.15

  Resortum.
• * 83.16

  The clergie preiudiciall to common iustice.
• * 83.17

  Ex Officio.
• * 83.18

  Vsury craf∣tely obiected by the cler∣gie against laye men.
• * 83.19

  The prelates make the church a denne of theeues.
• * 83.20

  Note the practise of officials to get money.
• * 83.21

  B. Eduen and Archb. of Se•••••• elect Prolocu∣tor for prelates.
• * 83.22

  Repetition of the L. Peters o∣ration aboue touched. page 358.
• * 83.23

  Luke. 22.
• * 83.24

  Math. 17.
• * 83.25

  Two gifts giue. Priesthood, Empyre.
• * 83.26

  Prouerb. 22.
• * 83.27

  Dif. 10.
• * 83.28

  1. Peter 2.
• * 83.29

  Actes. 5. 2. Mach 7.
• * 83.30

  11. quast. 1.
• * 83.31

  Feare of God stādeth in three pointes.
• * 83.32

  Num. 18.
• * 83.33

  1. Paral. cap. vlt.
• * 83.34

  What benefite commeth by geuing to the church.
• * 83.35

  Luke. 6.
• * 83.36

  Time of warre.
• * 83.37

  1. Mach. 3.
• * 83.38

  Exod. 17.
• * 83.39

  2. Mach.
• * 83.40

  Time of peace.
• * 83.41

  Prouerb. 16.
• * 83.42

  1. Esdras. 6.
• * 83.43

  Eccle. 2.
• * 83.44

  The 2. part of fearing God. Hebr. 12.
• * 83.45

  Honouring of spiritu•••••• fathers.
• * 83.46

  4. Keg. 6.
• * 83.47

  Luke. 10.
• * 83.48

  1. Thess. 4.
• * 83.49

  11. q. cap. ••. Sacerd••••••∣bus.
• * 83.50

  Exod. 22. Malach. 2.
• * 83.51

  Honour to be giuen to priestes.
• * 83.52

  Two pow∣ers tempo∣rall and spi∣rituall, and what diffe∣rence be∣twene them both.
• * 83.53

  De mai. & obed. cap. Solit.
• * 83.54

  Double sub∣iection vpon merite of vertue, and vpon duetie of necessitie. The autho∣ritie of a by∣shop and a king compa∣red.
• * 83.55

  The pride of the prela∣cye.
• * 83.56

  Si••upekings Eccle. 4.
• * 83.57

  Eccle. 4.
• * 83.58

  The third part of fea∣ring God. Eccle. 18. A thing made myne diuers wayes
• * 83.59

  6. Proofes.

  • 1. Diuine lawe.
  • 2. by the law of nature.
  • 3. by canon lawe.
  • 4. by ciuill lawe.
  • 5. by custom.
  • 6. by priui∣ledge.

  Formes be∣ing dislike & not contrary, may be com¦patible in one subiect.
• * 83.60

  Proofes out of the olde Testament.
• * 83.61

  Melchise∣dech was both kyng and Priest, Ergo the P. may haue both iuris∣dictions.
• * 83.62

  Gene. 14.
• * 83.63

  Deut. 17.
• * 83.64

  Samuell was iudge in tempo∣rall matters. Ergo, the Pope may haue both iurisdictions.
• * 83.65

  1. Mach. ••.
• * 83.66

  Ierem. 1.
• * 83.67

  Proofes taken out of the new Testament.
• * 83.68

  Apoc. 19. Christ by his humaine nature had both pow∣ers.
• * 83.69

  Psal. 8. Hebr. 2.
• * 83.70

  Phil. 2.
• * 83.71

  Act. 10.
• * 83.72

  Acts. 5.
• * 83.73

  Math. 8.
• * 83.74

  Omnia termi∣nus distributi∣uus.
• * 83.75

  Luke. 22.
• * 83.76

  1. Cor. 6.
• * 83.77

  22. q. 1. cap. futuram.
• * 83.78

  Esay. 13.
• * 83.79

  Probation by ciuil lawe and reason. 1. Peter. 2.
• * 83.80

  Probation by the Ca∣non lawe.
• * 83.81

  Custome.
• * 83.82

  Iudicium contradicto∣rium.
• * 83.83

  Three things pertayning to prescrip∣tion.

  • 1. Titulus.
  • 2. bonafides.
  • 3. Temporīs continuatio.
• * 83.84

  Ius fisci.
• * 83.85

  The church not subiect to the kyng.
• * 83.86

  Obiection.
• * 83.87

  Answere.
• * 83.88

  The French 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more blessed then other in 3 thinges.

  • 1. Faith to God.
  • 2 Honour to the Church.
  • 3. Iustice to the people.
• * 83.89

  5. thinges doth nobilate the realme of Fraunce.
• * 83.90

  The bloud of Fraunce came out of Priamus king of Troy.
• * 83.91

  1. Reg. 2.1.
• * 83.92

  Daniel. 5.
• * 83.93

  Ambrose in case denieth to obey the Emperour.
• * 83.94

  3. Reg. 21.
• * 83.95

  Nabaoth deny∣eth to the kyng his Vineyard.
• * 83.96

  Gene. 48.
• * 83.97

  Math. 17.
• * 83.98

  Offence how it ought to be a∣uoyded.
• * 83.99

  Rom. 14.
• * 83.100

  Math. 16.
• * 83.101

  The 3. note of the feare of God.
• * 83.102

  Eccle. 15.
• * 83.103

  Honour of the kyng.
• * 83.104

  Eccle. 10.
• * 83.105

  Two kinde of honour. Math. 17. Double honour with lippes and with heart.
• * 83.106

  A prince ••••∣ther to be beloued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 feared. Seneca de clementia ad Ger••••••••. A sentence.
• * 83.107

  Prouerb. 22
• * 83.108

  In alteration what is to be cōsidered
• * 83.109

  3. Reg. 11.
• * 83.110

  Math. 20.
• * 83.111

  25. Quaest•••••• cap. Si.
• * 83.112

  Marke here a fable.
• * 83.113

  A dreaming fable.
• * 83.114

  Iohn. 8.
• * 83.115

  Eccle. 4.
• * 83.116

  Rom. 11.
• * 83.117

  Who hono∣reth the K.
• * 83.118

  Prouer. 22.
• * 83.119

  Conscience and good name.
• * 83.120

  Eccle. 4.
• * 83.121

  24. q. 5 cap. Regnum.
• * 83.122

  Eccle. 37. Eccle. 3.
• * 83.123

  The 4. honoring of the kyng.
• * 83.124

  Mat. 6.
• * 83.125

  1. Reg. 15.
• * 83.126

  The oth of the French kinges.
• * 83.127

  A••g. by the pos∣sessions of the church many brethren and kinsmen of the nobles be main∣tayned.
• * 83.128

  Ergo, such pos∣sessions are not to be grudged at.

  To beleeue in the Church, is not in our faith.
• * 83.129

  1. Reg. 21.
• * 83.130

  To the bill of articles exhibi∣ted.
• * 83.131

  An other dayes sitting in the parliament.
• * 83.132

  Bishop of Ed∣uen againe spea∣keth.
• * 83.133

  Math. 12. Marke 12.
• * 83.134

  11. q. 1. cap. 1. & 2.
• * 83.135

  22. q. 4. cap. Si vero.
• * 83.136

  Math. 26.
• * 83.137

  Why Christ payd tribute.
• * 83.138

  16. Dist. cap. Constanti∣••••••.
• * 83.139

  35. Dist. cap. ab exordio.
• * 83.140

  Eccle. 6.
• * 83.141

  Speciall an∣sweres to the articles premised by B. Eduen.
• * 83.142

  An other dayes sitting in the Parl∣iament.
• * 83.143

  ••••. Dist. cap. sum ad ve∣tum.

  Shauing of Priestes crownes wherefore. 11. quest. 2.
• * 83.144

  The B. findeth fault with the kings answere.
• * 83.145

  The gentle an∣swere of the king to Bishope.
• * 83.146

  The finall an∣swere of the kyng to the Prelates.
• * 83.147

  Notes vpon the bishops answer•• Pag. 36••. col. 2.
• * 83.148

  Feare of God consisting in three thinges.

  • 1. In geuing.
  • 2. In honoring.
  • 3. In restoring.

  Honour to the kyng, double. In word flatte∣ring, in deede effectuall.

  Honour effectu∣all standeth in foure pointes.

  • 1. in maintay∣ning the kings loue.
  • 2. in maintay∣ning his digni∣tie.
  • 3. in maintay∣ning his good name.
  • 4. in maintay∣ning his consci∣ence.

  Pag. 361. col. 2.
• * 83.149

  Pag. 361. col. 2.
• * 83.150

  Religio peperit diuitias, nunc filia deuorauit matrem. 4. incommodi∣ties that come in geuing to the church.
• * 83.151

  Pag. 361. col. 2.
• * 83.152

  3. Things to be noted, in offe∣ring to God and to the church.
• * 83.153

  Rom. 12.
• * 83.154

  Pag. 361. col. 1.
• * 83.155

  Pag. 362. col. 1.
• * 83.156

  1. Tim. 5. 2. Things •••• be noted •• geuing ho∣nour, wh••••∣in consi•••••• honour ge∣uing to Priestes.
• * 83.157

  1. Tim. 5. Titus. 2.
• * 83.158

  Qui benè praesunt.
• * 83.159

  How far ho∣nour giuen to priestes extendeth.
• * 83.160

  Marke. 7.
• * 83.161

  Pag. 362. col. 1.
• * 83.162

  Tit. 2.
• * 83.163

  Pag. 362. col. 1. 2. formes not contrary maybe com∣patible in one subiect.
• * 83.164

  Pag. 363. col. 1.
• * 83.165

  Rom. 13.
• * 83.166

  Pag. 363. col. 1. Noe was a priest, and had both iu∣risdiction in the Arke.
• * 83.167

  Pag. 363. col. 1. A.
• * 83.168

  Pag. 363. col. B.
• * 83.169

  Page. 363. col. 1. C.
• * 83.170

  Pag. 363. col. 1. D.
• * 83.171

  E.
• * 83.172

  Pag. 363. col. 1.
• * 83.173

  Pag. 364. col. 1.
• * 83.174

  Pag. 364. col. 1.
• * 83.175

  Pag. 364. col. 1.
• * 83.176

  Anno. 1307. The sicknes and death of K Edward,
• * 83.177

  Godly lessōs and precepts geuen to the yong prince.
• * 83.178

  The kyng cōmaundeth his bones to be caryed in the field a∣gainst the Scottes.
• * 83.179

  The fatherly care of kyng Ed∣ward in exclu∣ding wicked cōpany frō his sonne.
• * 83.180

  A rashe vow of kyng Edward. The kyngs heart to be car••ed to the holy land.
• * 83.181

  The Epitaph of kyng Edward
• * 83.182

  King Edward the second.
• * 83.183

  Anno. 1308.
• * 83.184

  King Edward led by wicked counsaile.
• * 83.185

  Peter Gaueston or Gauerston a wicked doer a∣bout the kyng.
• * 83.186

  Anno. 1310.
• * 83.187

  Peter Ga∣ueston.
• * 83.188

  The vnordi∣nate affecti∣on of the kyng to Pe∣ter Gaue∣ston.
• * 83.189

  The pride of Peter Gaue∣ston.
• * 83.190

  Peter Gaue∣ston spoileth the kynges treasure.
• * 83.191

  The queene complaineth to the frēch kyng her Father of Peter Ga∣ueston.
• * 83.192

  Gaueston a∣gaine exclu∣ded out of the land.
• * 83.193

  The crow∣ched Friers. The knights of S. Iohn, called the knightes of the Rodes.
• * 83.194

  Templaries burned at Paris, to the number of ••••. The order of the Templa∣rie put downe. The horri∣ble sect of the Templa∣ries.
• * 83.195

  Cistercian Monkes for money re∣deme their exemptions of the pope.
• * 83.196

  The Fryers minorites deceiued of Pope Cle∣ment. Ex Chron. Th••. Wals. One thiefe be guileth mother.
• * 83.197

  Pope Cle∣mēt excom∣municateth the Veneti∣ans for ma∣king a duke.
• * 83.198

  The pryde and tyranny of Pope Clement. 5. Fraūcis Dá∣dulus hum∣bleth him selfe for his countrey. Out of Sa∣bellie and is alleaged in the booke named the Image of ty∣ranny. The pietie of Dandulus to his coun∣trey. Pietie thāk∣fully rewar∣ded. Rob. Win∣chelsey re∣turned home from banish∣ment. Anno. 1311. The coun∣ting of the yeare was in the old time from Micha∣elmas to the same day a∣gaine.
• * 83.199

  Ex Chron. The. Wals.
• * 83.200

  The Archb. of Cant excom∣municateth the Bish. of Couen∣try for holdyng with Peter Ga∣ueston.
• * 83.201

  Peter Gaueston taken of the no∣bles.
• * 83.202

  The kyng en∣treateth for Ga∣ueston.
• * 83.203

  Guy of War∣wike.
• * 83.204

  Peter Gaueston againe appre∣hended by Gwy of Warwike.
• * 83.205

  Peter Gaueston beheaded.
• * 83.206

  The corpes of Peter Gaueston buryed in the kinges Manor of Langley.
• * 83.207

  The Nobles of England cared not for the popes letters.
• * 83.208

  The Popes Le∣gates not admit∣ted of the No∣bles of England.
• * 83.209

  Anno. 1312. The kyng ruled by foreine coun∣sayle.
• * 83.210

  Makebates a∣bout the kyng. Mediation for making peace.
• * 83.211

  The king recon∣ciled againe with his nobles.
• * 83.212

  Anno. 1313. What di••∣cord doth in a common weale. The Scot•• rebel against the realme of England.
• * 83.213

  English men ouercome by the Scottse.
• * 83.214

  Pope Cle∣ment neuer late in the sea of Rome
• * 83.215

  Ann. 1314.
• * 83.216

  Miserable death and famine in England.
• * 83.217

  A descripti∣on of an hor¦rible famine in the realm of England.
• * 83.218

  Ex Chron. Tho. Wals. in vita Ed∣ward••. 2.
• * 83.219

  The Scottes driuen out of Ireland.
• * 83.220

  Anno. 1317.
• * 83.221

  The white battaile of the spiri••••al men in York∣••••ire.
• * 83.222

  The two Spensers.
• * 83.223

  Two legates seat from Rome. The Popes pillage. The Popes legates spoi∣led of all their yl got∣ten treasure. The Popes curse cōtem∣ned of the Scottes. The Clergie of Englande denyeth to contribute to the popes legates.
• * 83.224

  A prohibi∣tion against strange taxes & impositi∣ons.
• * 84.1

  A prohibition for paying the Popes Peter pence.
• * 84.2

  Reade before so the liues of king Offa, and kyng Adelwulfe.
• * 84.3

  The pryde of the Spensers.
• * 84.4

  Anno. 1321. That Thomas Earle of Lan∣caster came of Edmund, youn∣ger sonne of K. Henry. 3.22. of the grea∣test nobilitie of the realme, put to death by the kyng.
• * 84.5

  Anno. 1322. The cruell re∣ioysing of the kyng.
• * 84.6

  Anno. 1323.
• * 84.7

  The king di∣stressed a∣gain in Scot. land.
• * 84.8

  Polydoru Virgilius, an Itallan wry∣ter of our English sto∣ries.
• * 84.9

  Anno. 1324.
• * 84.10

  The queene put to her pension.
• * 84.11

  The queene sent to F. Ser Prince E••.
• * 84.12

  Prince Ed∣ward made duke of A∣qutaine, and Earle of Pō∣••at.
• * 84.13

  The queene & the prince resuse to re∣turne into England.
• * 84.14

  The queene & the prince proclaymed •••••• tours in England.
• * 84.15

  The King co••spired priuely the death of the Queene and of his sonne.
• * 84.16

  Anno. 1325.
• * 84.17

  Prince Ed∣ward betro∣thed to the Erle of Hey∣nawdes daughter.
• * 84.18

  The queene returneth to England.
• * 84.19

  The landing of the queen
• * 84.20

  Anno. 1326.
• * 84.21

  The k. desti∣tute of help and soldiors.
• * 84.22

  The answer of the Lon∣diner to the kyng.
• * 84.23

  The liberties of the citie of Lon∣don in going out to warre.
• * 84.24

  The kings pro∣clamation.
• * 84.25

  The Queens proclamation.
• * 85.1

  The Queenes letter.
• * 85.2

  The Bishop of Exeter behea∣ded of the com∣mon at the sta∣derd in Che••p••. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 builded in Oxford 2. Col∣ledges, Exeter Colleage, and Hart hall, whose name was Gu••lter Staplet••••.
• * 85.3

  Hugh Spenser the father, takē and hanged in chayne.
• * 85.4

  The king taken in Wales. Hugh Spenser the sonne taken and executed.
• * 85.5

  A bill exhibi∣ted in the parli∣ament house a∣gainst king Ed∣ward the secōd.
• * 85.6

  King Edward deposed by con∣sent of the par∣liament house, and his sonne Edw. chosen kyng.
• * 85.7

  Michael house in Cambridge founded, Henry Stauntō founder of Mi∣chael house in Cambridge. Nicolicus de Ly∣rd. Guilielmus O∣cham.
• * 85.8

  Tyranny odious to the people.
• * 85.9

  A spiritual Bul., called and are••ted before a le∣culat iudge.
• * 85.10

  Ex Tho. Walsing.
• * 85.11

  The ••orm•• of wordes, when any Bish doeth chalenge the priui∣ledge of the church a∣gainst a se∣cular iudge.
• * 85.12

  The Bishop rescued by the Clergie.
• * 85.13

  The K. pro∣ceedeth in iudgement against the B. the priui∣legies of the church not∣withstanding to the con∣trary.
• * 85.14

  Simon Me∣pham archb. of Cant.
• * 85.15

  Pope Iohn 22. a Mon•••• Ciderc••an. A new solid heresie. Heresy with the Pope to say that Christ & the Apostles had no pro∣per po••••e••si∣ons here.
• * 85.16

  Strife be∣tweene the pope & the Emperour.
• * 85.17

  T••e Empe∣••••••r crow∣ned against the will of the pope. Pope Bene∣••••tus 12. a Monke of Benedictes order. Ludouicus the Empe∣rour depri∣uel and de∣posed by Pope Bene∣dict. 12. A councel at Frankford. The Empe∣rours prote∣••••ation to the councell of Germany.
• * 85.18

  Ex Hiero••. Mario. Elex Crā••∣••••.
• * 85.19

  E•• Chron. de •• mundi ••lalibus, in∣••i••ul••s: R••∣dimentum ••••••itiorum. Pope Cle∣ment. 6. The trouble of Ludouick ••he Emp.
• * 85.20

  Heresie of the Popes making obiected against the Emperour.
• * 85.21

  The proude heart of the Pope.
• * 85.22

  Lewes the Em∣perour accused by the Pope for an hereticke. A good & faith∣full Archbish. of Mentz.
• * 85.23

  Bribers corrup∣ted with mony.
• * 85.24

  The pope sowet of discord and bloudshed.
• * 85.25

  The pope again stirreth vp war.
• * 85.26

  Charles the new Emperor put to flight by the Englishmen.
• * 85.27

  Ludouike the right Emperour resigneth vp hys Empyre.
• * 85.28

  Ludouike the Emperour im∣poysoned.
• * 85.29

  1 Iudouicus Em∣peror & martyr.
• * 85.30

  Gunterus de Monte Nigro made Emp.
• * 85.31

  Gunterus the right Emperour poysoned.
• * 85.32

  The ruine of the Germaine Em∣pire, and the first cause thereof.
• * 85.33

  The yeare of Iu∣bilei reduced to the L. yeare.
• * 85.34

  Pilgrimes in the yeare of Iubilei at Rome.
• * 85.35

  The abhomina∣ble & blasphe∣mous bull of pope Clement.
• * 85.36

  The pope com∣maundeth the Angels.
• * 85.37

  O blasphemy of the Pope.
• * 85.38

  Ex bulla Cle∣mentis. Ex Chrō. Wals. in vit. Edu. 3.
• * 85.39

  The king resi∣st••th the pope.
• * 85.40

  The tenthes of Church goods giuen to the kyng.
• * 85.41

  Anno. 1326.
• * 85.42

  Oriall colledge and S. Mary hal in Oxford buil∣ded by K. Ed 2. A story of the commotion be∣tweene the towne and Ab∣bey of Bury.
• * 85.43

  Ex lati•••• quodam ••s∣gis••r••.
• * 85.44

  The Abnet robbed.
• * 85.45

  The Abbot stolne away to Brabante.
• * 85.46

  The Abbot restored a∣gaine.
• * 85.47

  King Ed∣ward the 3. Anno. 1327.
• * 85.48

  The defiance of the kyng of Scots.
• * 85.49

  The K. and Queene at Yorke, with an army of ••000. men, readie to meete the K. of Scottes entring the realme.
• * 85.50

  The great fraye in Yorke.
• * 85.51

  Carlile and new Castle then the keyes of England. Northward ••ept with Garisons.
• * 85.52

  The Scots pri∣uely passe ouer the riuer of Tine, burning and spoyling the countrey all about.
• * 85.53

  The kings armie and the Scottes are so neare that eche seeth o∣ther.
• * 85.54

  The Scots tho∣rough treason escape out of Englande vn∣fought withall.
• * 85.55

  The prouision left in the Scots campe.
• * 85.56

  The king retur∣neth to London.
• * 85.57

  The mariage of K. Edward so∣lemnised.
• * 85.58

  A parliament at Northampton.
• * 85.59

  The Ragman role deliuered vp to the Scot••.
• * 85.60

  The black crosse of Scotland. The B••r••••, geue vp their titles in Scotlād
• * 85.61

  A parliament at Salisbury.
• * 85.62

  E••rle Henry of Lancaster refu∣seth to come to the parliam••nt.
• * 85.63

  The Earle of Kent put to death giltles.
• * 85.64

  The Queene with childe by sir Roger Mor∣timer. Sir Roger Mor∣timer Earle of March. arrai∣ned, condemned and put to exe∣cution. The queene put in prison and so kept a long time The birth of prince Edward.
• * 85.65

  The expedition of king Edward into Scotland.
• * 85.66

  The Scottish times.
• * 85.67

  K. Edward wa∣s••••••h and de∣stroyeth the realme of Scot∣lande.
• * 85.68

  Barwicke besie∣ged and yeelded vp to the king.
• * 85.69

  The K. entreth the towne of Barwicke & ap∣pointeth the captaine therof.
• * 85.70

  Sir Rob••. de A••tois a ••••∣ble ma•••••• Fra•••••• in∣citeth the •• to prolec•••• his title in Fraunce. The king delibe•••••••• with his councell ••••∣cerning the title of Fraunce.
• * 85.71

  Embassa∣dors are •••• to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Heyna•• concerning the title.
• * 85.72

  The Embas∣sadours ••e∣turne with answere Ed the Erle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pleaseth the kyng.
• * 85.73

  K. Philip of France hea∣reth of the kings pur∣pose, and stayeth his viage of the Croisie.
• * 85.74

  K. Edward assigned lie••tenant Generall of the Empyre.
• * 85.75

  The first vi∣age of k•••••• Edward i•••••• Fraunce.
• * 85.76

  Southamp∣ton bu•••••• of the French men.
• * 85.77

  The Scottes styr••ed vp a∣gainst Eng∣land by the French K.
• * 85.78

  The Pope cause of the kings remo∣••ing out of Fraunce.
• * 85.79

  Anno. 1340.
• * 85.80

  The king of England ta∣keth the title of Fraunce.
• * 86.1

  K. Edward to the nobles and cōmons of Fraunce.
• * 86.2

  The title of France how it came to K. Edward.
• * 86.3

  Note the grose∣nes of this tyme when the bl••ud of Christ was thought but on∣ly dedicated to the holy land.
• * 86.4

  Southampton burnt & spoyled by the French men.
• * 86.5

  Counsaile of the Archb. ge∣uen to the king.
• * 86.6

  Battel vpon the sea betweene kyng Edward and Frenchmen.
• * 86.7

  The Frenchmen beaten vpon the sea.
• * 86.8

  The wordes of the foole to the French kyng.
• * 86.9

  The letters of K. Edward to the Byshops of England.
• * 86.10

  A c••••nc••l at Ville∣north.
• * 86.11

  Flaunders, Brabant and Hennalt take part with kyng Edward.
• * 87.1

  The letter of king Ed∣ward to the Frēch kyng.
• * 88.1

  The answere of the Frēch K to K. Ed∣ward.
• * 88.2

  The Scottes ••••de Eng∣l••••••.
• * 88.3

  Henbo∣rough reco∣••ered from the English∣men by the Scottes.
• * 88.4

  Tourney be∣sieged.
• * 88.5

  Articles of truce.
• * 88.6

  K. Edward re∣turneth from Tourney.
• * 88.7

  The kyng decei∣ued by his offi∣cers.
• * 88.8

  No bishop must be imprisoned by the Popes lawe.
• * 88.9

  Couetous offi∣cers.
• * 88.10

  Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant.
• * 89.1

  The kyngs let∣ter to the Dean and chapter of Paules.
• * 89.2

  Archbish. of Cant fal••e to the king.
• * 89.3

  Euil officers displaced by the kyng.
• * 89.4

  Archbish. of Cant. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to all the clergie.
• * 89.5

  The Archb. of Cant. de∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 89.6

  The Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈…〉〈…〉 & in∣gratitude.
• * 89.7

  The Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the ••yng.
• * 89.8

  The Archb. ••••useth his office.
• * 89.9

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 90.1

  The letter of the Archbishop to the kyng.
• * 90.2

  Good counsel∣lers necessary a∣bout a kyng.
• * 90.3

  Excommunica∣tion in his owne priuate cause abused.
• * 90.4

  The returne of the kings army from Tourney
• * 90.5

  Anno. 1341.
• * 90.6

  Truce taken for three yeares be∣tweene K. Ed∣ward and the French king.
• * 90.7

  Anno. 1342.
• * 92.1

  Pope Cle∣ment. 6.
• * 92.2

  Ex Chron. Albanens.
• * 92.3

  The kyng disanulleth the Popes prouision.
• * 92.4

  The Poges procurators driuen out of England.
• * 93.1

  A letter of the Nobles & com∣mons of Eng∣land to the pope
• * 93.2

  Decay of the Church of Eng∣land by the Pope.
• * 93.3

  The Popes mes∣sage to the king.
• * 93.4

  The kings aun∣swere to the Popes message.
• * 93.5

  Anno. 1344.
• * 93.6

  The Castle in Windsore enlar∣ged. The rounde ta∣ble builded in Windsore.
• * 93.7

  Tenthes graun∣ted to the king by the clergy for 3. yeares. Priuileges gran∣ted by the king to the clergie.
• * 93.8

  By this it is lyke that priestes had wiues.
• * 93.9

  Prince Edward first prince of Wales.
• * 93.10

  Anno. 1345.
• * 93.11

  Henry Erle, af∣ter made duke of Lancaster sent ouer to Gasconie.
• * 93.12

  A rare example of a liberal cap∣taine to his sol∣diours.
• * 93.13

  The liberall heart and con∣stant voyce of a worthy captain.
• * 93.14

  The Scots part∣ly a meane of breaking truce.
• * 93.15

  Anno. 1346.
• * 93.16

  The 1. via•••• of K. Edw. into France.
• * 93.17

  The battell at Ca••••••n.
• * 94.1

  The king••et ters of defi∣ance against the French king.
• * 94.2

  The Popes legate sur∣reth vp war.
• * 94.3

  ••••ke legate ••••ke Pope.
• * 94.4

  A letter of the kings cō∣••cllor tou∣ching his actes doing at Cardoyn.
• * 94.5

  The Cardi∣nal•• againe entreate for peace. The kyngs answere to the Cardi∣nals.
• * 94.6

  The French kyng shew∣eth no care∣full study of peace.
• * 94.7

  The kings com∣ming to Pusi∣acke.
• * 95.1

  Anno. 1346.
• * 95.2

  Siege of Calys.
• * 95.3

  Dauid king of Scots inuadeth England.
• * 95.4

  The Scots ouer∣throwen.
• * 95.5

  Dauid the Scot∣tishe K. taken prisoner.
• * 97.1

  K. Edward answereth to the pope.
• * 97.2

  The kyng appealeth from the P. to God.
• * 97.3

  Offers made to the men of Flaunders to forsake K. Edwarde.
• * 97.4

  The Dol∣phin with the French discomfited at Casseles.
• * 97.5

  Anno. 1347.
• * 97.6

  The French king flyeth before the battaile.
• * 97.7

  The towne of Calice wonne.
• * 97.8

  Truce cōcluded betweene Eng∣land & Fraunce.
• * 97.9

  Anno. 1348.
• * 97.10

  A vehement pe∣stilence in Eng∣land.
• * 97.11

  Now called the Charterhouse church yard.
• * 97.12

  Anno. 1350.
• * 97.13

  Calice almost lost by treason. The death of the French king.
• * 97.14

  Anno. 1351. The towne of Gwynes taken.
• * 97.15

  Anno. 1352.
• * 97.16

  Victory of Syr Roger Bentele.
• * 97.17

  First Duke of Lancaster.
• * 97.18

  Anno. 1354.
• * 97.19

  Pope inno∣cent. 6.
• * 97.20

  Chron. Adam••. Murimouth ca∣nonici D. Paul•• de gestis Edw. I.
• * 97.21

  Ann. 1355.
• * 97.22

  The third viage of K. Edward into Fraunce.
• * 97.23

  The French K. refuseth to ioyne in battell with kyng Edward.
• * 97.24

  Fiftie shillings for euery sack of wooll caryed out of England.
• * 97.25

  The custome of wooll for sixe yeres 1500000. poundes ster∣ling to king Ed∣ward.
• * 97.26

  Anno. 1356.
• * 97.27

  The French K. taken prisoner by prince Ed∣ward.
• * 97.28

  Euery Scute va∣luing 6. shil∣lings 8. pence.
• * 97.29

  Marsilius Pata∣uinus, author of the booke called Defensor paces. Article of Mar∣silius against the Pope.
• * 97.30

  Merites cause of saluation, sine qua non. Marsilius con∣demned of the Pope. Extrau cap. Li∣cet intra doctri∣nam.
• * 97.31

  Ioannes Gāde∣nensis condem∣ned by the pope
• * 97.32

  Guillermus Oc∣kam, wrote a∣gainst the pope.
• * 97.33

  Michael gene∣rall of the gray fryers excom∣municated for an heretike. Ascentionis in praesatione eius aeutoris. The dialogue betwene the souldier and the clarke, of Oc∣kams making.
• * 97.34

  Eight questions disputed by Ocham.
• * 97.35

  Gregorius Ari∣minensis main∣teineth the same doctrine nowe receiued. Ex Trithemio.
• * 97.36

  Andreas de Ca∣stro and Burdia∣nus both gos∣pellers 200. yeares agoe.
• * 97.37

  Eudo duke of Burgūdy against the popes de∣crees about 200. yeares since. Ex Charolo Mo∣linao.
• * 97.38

  Dantes an Italiā writer against the Pope.
• * 97.39

  Donation of Constantine a thing forged.
• * 97.40

  The pope the whore of Babi∣lon.
• * 97.41

  Ex lib. Iornandi. Pope Anti∣christ.
• * 97.42

  An admonition to the Romans.
• * 97.43

  Taulerus of Germany, a preacher a∣gainst the popes proceedings.
• * 97.44

  Franciscus pe∣trarcha. Vide 20, episto∣lam Francisci Petrarcha. Rome the mo∣ther and schole of errour.
• * 97.45

  Ioannes de rupe scissa. Iohn cast in∣to p••••••••.
• * 97.46

  Church of Rome, the whore of Babilon.
• * 97.47

  The refor∣mation of the Church before pro∣phesied.
• * 97.48

  Conradus Hager.
• * 97.49

  The Masse to be no sa∣crifice.
• * 97.50

  Conradus cast in pri∣son.
• * 97.51

  Ex bullis quibusdam Otthonis E∣pis. Herbi∣peli.
• * 97.52

  Ponitentia∣rius Asini.
• * 97.53

  The pope and his spi∣ritualitie cō∣federate a∣gainst the laitie.
• * 97.54

  The pope maketh the Emperour & lay mē A••••••
• * 97.55

  Gerhardus Ridder, a writer a∣gainst mōkes and friers.
• * 97.56

  Michael Ce∣senas, Pe∣trus de Cor∣baria, con∣demned of the Pope. Ioannes de Poliaco.
• * 97.57

  The opiniōs of Michael against the Pope. Michael Ce∣senas depry∣ued and cō∣demned of the Pope.
• * 97.58

  Martyres, Ioannes de Castilione, Franciscus de Arcata∣ra burned.
• * 97.59

  Archby∣shoppes of Cant. the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 succee∣ding the o∣ther.
• * 97.60

  New Col∣ledge in Oxforde founded an. 1366.
• * 97.61

  Pope Inno∣cent. 6. Two Fran∣ciscanes bur∣ned at Aui∣nion.
• * 97.62

  Ioan. Rochtay∣lada Martyr.
• * 97.63

  Ex Chron. Hen∣rici de Herfor∣dia.
• * 97.64

  The church of Rome declared to be the whore of Babilon by Gods reuelatiō.
• * 97.65

  Kochtaylada with an other Frier, Martyrs••
• * 97.66

  A priest for ca∣sting the popes bull before the popes feete scourged, cast in prison, and after burned at Aui∣nion.
• * 97.67

  Anno. 1354.
• * 97.68

  Ex Ionn. Prosi∣ardo volu. 1. cap. 211.
• * 97.69

  Ex scripta God∣fri de Fontanis.
• * 97.70

  A contention in France betwene the Prelates and the Friers there.
• * 97.71

  A sermon of the Bish. of Byters to the students of Paris agaynst the Friers.
• * 97.72

  That is, the Do∣minicke Friers and the Francis∣cane Friers.
• * 97.73

  The constituti∣on of Pope In∣nocent. 3. Omnis vtrius∣que sexus.
• * 97.74

  The Friers pri∣uilegies proued contrary to the Popes constitu∣tion. The Bish. Am∣bianensis. Friers ought not to preach in Churches without special licence of them to whom the church belon∣geth.
• * 97.75

  The Friers re∣ply against the Prelates.
• * 97.76

  Herode and Pilate were made friends in crucifying of Christ.
• * 97.77

  An other sermon a∣gainst the Friers.
• * 97.78

  Bishop Am∣bianensis. In veritates &c.
• * 97.79

  Veritie in three partes consisteth.
• * 97.80

  The Friers proued with a lye.
• * 97.81

  The Friers priuilegies confuted in disputation at Paris.
• * 97.82

  A seditious commotion betweene the townes men and the scholers in the vniuersi∣tie of Ox∣forde.
• * 97.83

  Procession for peace. The holie procession would bring no peace.
• * 97.84

  Transubstā∣tiation will not helpe in time of need
• * 97.85

  A conquest of the scho∣lers of Ox∣forde.
• * 97.86

  The vniuer∣sitie of Ox∣ford dissol∣ued for a tyme.
• * 97.87

  The towne of Oxford interdicted.
• * 97.88

  Chaunted to the Commissary of Oxford to haue the al ife of bread and ale and other priui∣legies aboue the Maior of the towne.
• * 97.89

  An holsome de∣cree of a good Archb. not to abstaine from bodely labour vpon certaine holy dayes.
• * 97.90

  A parliament
• * 97.91

  Simon Sudbury Archb. of Cant.
• * 97.92

  The Nuns of S. Bridges or∣der.
• * 97.93

  This Ladye Blanch was Duckesse of Lancaster.
• * 97.94

  Dead men ex∣communicated by the Pope.
• * 97.95

  The Popes mes∣sengers hanged.
• * 97.96

  The feast of the speare and of the holy nailes.
• * 97.97

  En histor. Criek∣ladensis.
• * 97.98

  46. Bonifaci∣us. 25.
• * 97.99

  An vntruth in Polyd. Virgil.
• * 97.100

  This Adam Mi∣rimouth was compiler of the story of K. Edw.
• * 97.101

  The first great plague in England.
• * 97.102

  The vest∣mēts wher∣in S. Peter sayd Masse, or els the papists doe lye.
• * 97.103

  Canterbury Colledge builded in Oxforde.
• * 97.104

  The conclusion of this booke. Antichrist in his pride.
• * 97.105

  The loosing out of Sathan.