Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

THE SECOND BOOKE, CONTAINING the next 300. yeares following, with such things specially tou∣ched, as haue happened in England, from the time of king Lucius, to Gregorius, and so after to the time of king Egebert. (Book 2)

BY these persecutions hytherto in the Booke before precedent, thou maiest vnderstand (Christian rea∣der) how the furie of Sathan and rage of men, haue done what they could to extinguish the name and religion of Christ. For what thing did lacke, that eyther death coulde doe, or torments coulde worke, or the gates of hell coulde deuise: all was to the vttermost attempted. And yet all the furie and malice of Sathan, al the wisedom of the world, & strength of men, doing, deuising, practising what they could: notw^t∣standing the religion of Christ (as thou seest) hath had the vpper hand. Which thing I wish thee greatly (gentle rea∣der) wisely to note, and diligently to ponder, in cōsidering these former histories. And because thou canst not consider them, nor profit by them, vnles thou do first read & peruse them: let me craue therfore thus much at thine handes, to turne & read ouer the said hystories of those persecutiōs a∣boue described:* 1.1 especially aboue all the other hystories of this present volume: for thy especiall edification, whych I trust thou shalt finde not vnworthy the reading.

Nowe because the tying vp of Sathan geueth to the Church some rest, & to me some leisure to addresse my selfe, to the handling of other stories: I minde therefore (Christ willing) in thys present booke, leauing a while the tracta∣tion of these generall affaires, pertaining to the vniuersal Church: to prosecute such domesticall hystories, as more neare concerne this our country of England & Scotland, done here at home: beginning first with king Lucius, with whome the faith first begā here in this Realme, as the sen∣tence of some writers doth hold.* 1.2 And for somuch as here may rise, yea and doth rise, a great cōtrouersie in these our Popish daies, cōcerning the first origine & planting of the faith in this our Realme: it shall not be greatly out of our purpose,* 1.3 somewhat to stay & say of this question, whether the Church of England first receiued the faith from Rome or not. The which, although I graunt so to be, yet being so graunted, it little auaileth the purpose of them whiche woulde so haue it: for be it so, that England first receaued the Christian faith and Religion from Rome, both in the time of Eleutherius theyr Byshop. 180. yeares after Christ: and also in the time of Austen, whome Gregory sent hether 600. yeares after Christ: yet their purpose followeth not thereby,* 1.4 that we must therefore fetche our Religion from thence still, as from the chiefe welhead and fountaine of all godlines. And yet as they are not able to proue the second, so neither haue I any cause to graunt the first: that is, that our Christian faith was first deriued from Rome, which I may proue by vj. or vij. good cōiectural reasons. Wherof the first I take of the testimony of Gildas,* 1.5 our coūtreyman, who in his history affirmeth plainly,1 1.6 that Britaine recea∣ued the Gospell in the time of Tiberius the Emperour, vn∣der whome Christ suffered. Lib. De victoria Aurelij Ambrosij. And sayth moreouer, that Ioseph of Arimathie after dispersi∣on of the Iewes, was sent of Philip the Apostle frō France to Britayne, about the yeare of our Lord. 63. and heere re∣mained in this land al his time: and so with his fellowes, laide the first foundation of Christian faith amōg the Bri∣tayne people. Whereupon other preachers and teachers comming afterward confirmed the same, and increased it.

2 1.72. The secōd reason is out of Tertullian, who liuing neare about, or rather somewhat before the time of this Eleuthe∣rius, in hys booke Contra Iudaeos, manifestly importeth the same: where the sayde Tertullian testifying how the Gospel was dispersed abroad by the sound of the Apostles, & there reckening vp the Medes, Persians, Parthiās, and dwel∣lers in Mesopotamia, Iewry, Cappadocia, Pōtus, Asia, Phrigia, Egypt, Pamphilia, with many mo, at length cō∣meth to the coasts of the Moorrians, and al the borders of Spayne: with diuers natiōs of Fraunce, & there amongst all other reciteth also the partes of Britayne, whyche the Romaines could neuer attaine to, and reporteth the same now to be subiect to Christ, as also reckeneth vp the places of Sarmatia, of the Danes, the Germanes, the Scithiās, with many other prouinces and Iles to him vnknowen: in all which places, sayth he, raigneth the name of Christ, which now beginneth to be commō. This hath Tertullian. Note here, how amōg other diuers beleuing nations, he mentioneth also the wildest places of Britaine to be of the same number. And these in his time were Christened, who was in the same Eleutherius time, as is aboue sayd. Then, was not Pope Eleutherius, the first whych sent the Christi∣an fayth into this Realme, but the Gospell was heere re∣ceiued before hys time, eyther by Ioseph of Arimathia, as some Chronicles recorde, or by some of the Apostles or of their scholers, which had bene heere preaching Christ, be∣fore Eleutherius wrote to Lucius.

3. My thirde probation I deduct out of Origen, Home. 4. in Ezechielem,3 1.8 whose words be these: Britāniam in Christianam consentire religionem. Whereby it appeareth that the faith of Christ was sparsed here in England before the daies of Eleutherius.

4. For my fourth probation I take the testimony of Bede, where he affirmeth that in his time, and almost a thousand yeare after Christ, here in Britayne: Easter was kept after the maner of the East Church,4 1.9 in the full moone: what day in the weeke soeuer it fell on, and not on the Sonday, as we do now. Wherby it is to be collected, that the first prea∣chers in this land, haue come out from the East part of the world,5 1.10 where it was so vsed, rather then from Rome.

5. Fiftly, I may alledge the woordes of Nicephorus, Lib. 2. cap 40. where hee sayeth, that Symon Zelotes did spreade the gospel of Christ to the West Oceane, and brought the same vnto the Iles of Britayne.

6. Sixtly may be added here also the words of Petrus Clu∣niacensis, who wryting to Bernard, affirmeth that y^e Scots in his time did celebrate their Easter,6 1.11 not after y^e Romane maner, but after the Greekes. &c. And as the said Britains were not vnder the Romane order in the time of this Ab∣bot of Cluniake: so neither were they nor woulde be, vn∣der the Romane legate, in the time of Gregory: nor would admit any primacy of the bishop of Rome, to be aboue thē.

7. For the seuenth argument, moreouer I may make my probation by the plaine woordes of Eleutherius, by whose Epistle wrytten to king Lucius,7 1.12 we may vnderstande, that Lucius had receaued the faith of Christ in his lande, before the king sent to Eleutherius for the Romane lawes: for so the expresse wordes of the letter do manifestly purport, as hereafter followeth to be seene. By all which coniectures, it may stand probably to be thought, that the Britaynes, were taught first by the Grecians of the East Church, ra∣ther then by the Romaines.

Peraduenture Eleutherius might helpe something, ey∣ther to conuert the king, or else to encrease the Faith then newly sprong among the people: but that he precisely was the first, that cannot be proued. But graunt he were, as in deede the most part of our English stories confesse, neither will I greatly sticke with them therin: yet what haue they got thereby, when they haue cast all their gaine? In fewe wordes to conclude this matter, if so be that the Christian faith and religiō was first deriued from Rome to this our nation by Eleutherius, then let them but graunt to vs the same faith and religion, which then was taught at Rome: and from thence deriued hether by the sayd Eleutherius, and we wil desire no more. For then neither was any vniuer∣sal Pope aboue all Churches and Councels,* 1.13 whych came not in before Bonifacius time, whych was 400. yeres after: neither any name or vse of the Masse, the partes whereof how and by whom they were compiled, here after in this booke following appeareth to be seene. Neither any sacri∣fice propiciatorie for the scouring of Purgatory was then offered vpon halowed altars, but onely the Communion frequented at Christian tables: where oblations and gifts were offered, as well of the people, as of the Priestes to God: because they should appeare neither emptie nor vn∣kinde before the Lord, as we may vnderstand by the time

of Cyprian▪ Neither was then any transubstātiation heard of, which was not brought in before a thousand yere after. Neither were then any images of Saints departed, set vp in Churches, yea a great number of the Saints worshyp∣ped in this our time, were not as yet borne, nor the Chur∣ches wherein they were worshipped, were yet set vp: but came in long after, especially in the time of Irene & Constans the Emperour. Likewise neyther Reliques nor peregri∣nations were then in vse. Priestes Mariage was then as lawfull, and no lesse receiued as now: neither was it con∣demned before the dayes of Hildebrand, almost a thousande yeares after that. Their seruice was then in the vulgare toung,* 1.14 as witnesseth Hierome. The Sacrament ministred in both kindes, as wel to lay men, as to Priestes, the wit∣nes wherof is Cyprian. Yea, and that temporal men which would not then communicate at Easter, Whitsontide, and Christenmasse: were not coūted for Catholiks, the Popes owne distinction can testifie. In funeralles, Priestes then flocked not together, selling trentals and diriges for swe∣ping of Purgatorie: but onely a funeral cōcion was vsed, with Psalmes of praises, & songs of theyr worthy deedes: and Alleluya sounding on high, which did shake the gilded seelings of the temple, as witnesseth Nazianzene, Ambrose, and Hierome, &c.

In the Supper of the Lord, & at Baptisme, no such ce∣remonies were vsed, as now of late hath bene intruded, in so much that as in this story is shewed hereafter, both Au∣sten and Paulinus Baptised then in Riuers not in halowed fountes,* 1.15 as wytnesseth Fabianus. The Portuis of Sarum, of Yorke, of Bangor, with Mattens and Euensong of the day: againe neither the orders and religions of Monks & Fri∣ers, were not yet dreamed of, to the space almost of a thou∣sand yeares after, &c. So that, as I sayde, if the Papistes woulde needes deriue the faith & religion of this Realme, from Rome: then let them set vs & leaue vs there, where they had vs: that is, let them suffer vs to stand content w^t that faith and religion, which then was taught & brought from Rome by Eleutherius (as nowe we differ nothing frō the same) and we wil desire no better. And if they wil not, then let the wise Reader iudge, where the fault is, in vs or them which neither themselues will persist in the antiqui∣tie of the Romish religion, whych they so much bragge of, neither will they permit vs so to do.

And thus much by the way, to satisfie the foresayd ob∣iection: whereby we may haue now a more ready passage into the order and course of the Hystorie.* 1.16 Beyng therefore graunted vnto them, whych they so earnestly sticke vpon, that the Christian faith and Religion of this Realme was brought from Rome, first by Eleutherius, then afterwarde by Austen: thus wryteth the Chronicles of that matter.

About the time and yeare of the Lord. 180. king Lucius sonne of Coilus,* 1.17 which builded Colchester, king of the Bri∣taines, who then were the inhabiters & possessors of thys land (which now we Englishmen call England) hearing of the myracles & wonders done by the Christians at that time in diuers places (as Monumetensis wryteth) directed hys letters to Eleutherius Byshop of Rome, to receaue of him the Christian faith. Although about the computation of the yere and time: great difference there is in authours, when this shoulde be. Nauclerus sayth it was An. 156. but that cannot be, forsomuch as Eleutherius was not yet By∣shop by the space of 20. yeres after that. Henricus de Erfordia sayth,* 1.18 it was An. 169. in the 19. yere of Verus Emperor, but that agreeth not with approued hystories: which all con∣sent, that Verus raigned not 19. yeres, and if he had, yet that yeare commeth not to the yere of our Lord. 169. but to the yere. 181. Some other say, that Eleutherius was made By∣shop, in the 6. yeare of Commodus, which was the yeare of our Lorde. 186. but that seemeth to goe to farre, but let the authours agree as they can. Let vs returne to Eleutherius the good Byshop, who hearing the request of thys king, & glad to see the godly towardnes of his wel disposed mind: sendeth him certaine teachers & preachers,* 1.19 called Fugatius, or by some Faganus, and Damianus, or Dimianus: which con∣uerted first the king and people of Britaine, and Baptised them w^t the Baptisme and Sacrament of Christes faith. The Temples of Idolatry and all other Monuments of Gentilitie they subuerted, conuerting the people frō theyr diuers & many gods to serue one liuing God. Thus true religion with sincere faith increasing, superstition decaied, w^t al other rites of Idolatrie. There were thē in Britaine 28. head Priestes, which they called Flamines, & 3. Arch∣priests among them, which were called Archflamines: ha∣uing the ouersight of their maners,* 1.20 & as Iudges ouer the rest. These 28. Flamines they turned to 28. Bishops. And the 3. Archflamines, to 3. Archbyshoppes, hauyng then theyr seates in three principall Cityes of the Realme: that is, in London, in Yorke, and in Glamorgantia, videlicet, in Vrbe legionum, by Wales. Thus the Countreys of the whole Realme, being deuided euery one vnder his owne Bishop, and all things setled in a good order: the foresaide king Lucius sent againe to the sayd Eleutherius, for the Ro∣mane lawes: thereby likewise to be gouerned as in Reli∣gion nowe they were framed accordingly. Unto whome Eleutherius againe writeth, after the tenour of these words ensuing.

The Epistle of Eleutherius Bishop of Rome,* 2.1 sent to king Lucius.

ANno. 169. a Passione Christi scripsit Dominus Eleutherius Papa Lucio Regi Britanniae, ad correctionem Regis & procerum regni Britanniae, and so foorth, as foloweth in English.

Yee require of vs the Romane lawes and the Emperours, to be sent ouer to you: which you may practise & put in vre wythin your Realme. The Romane lawes, & the Emperours, we may euer reproue, but the lawe of God we may not. Yee haue receaued of late through Gods mercie in the realme of Britaine, the lawe and faith of Christ: ye haue with you within the Realme both the par∣ties of the Scriptures.* 2.2 Out of them by gods grace, with the Coū∣cel of your realme, take ye a law, and by that lawe (through gods sufferance) rule your kingdome of Britayne. For you be Gods Vi∣care in your kingdome, according to the saying of the Psalme. Deus iudicium tuum Regi da, &c. That is. O God geue thy iudgement to the King, and thy righteousnes to the kings sonne. &c. He sayd not the iudgement & righteousnes of the Emperor, but thy iudgement and iustice: that is to say, of God. The kinges sonnes be the Christian people & folke of the Realme, which be vnder your gouernement, and liue and continue in peace within your kingdome, as the Gospel sayeth: like as the henne gathereth her chickēs vnder her wings, so doth the king his people. The peo∣ple and folke of the Realme of Britayne be yours, whome if they be deuided ye ought to gather in concord and peace: to call them to the faith and lawe of Christ, and to the holy church, to cherish and maintaine them, to rule and gouerne them, and to defende them alwaies from such as would do them wrōg, from malicious men and enemies. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of ha∣uing a Realme. You shalbe a king while ye rule wel, but if you do otherwise, the name of a king shall not remaine with you, & you shall lose it, which God forbid. The almightie God graunt you so to rule the Realme of Britayne, that you may raigne wyth him for euer, whose Vicar ye be in the Realme.

After this maner, as you haue heard, was the Christiā faith either first brought in, or els confirmed in this realme of Britayne, by the sending of Eleutherius, not w^t any crosse or procession, but onely at the simple preaching of Fagane and Damian, through whose ministerie this realme & Ile∣land of Britaine was eftsoones reduced to the faith & lawe of the Lord,* 2.3 according as was prophecied by Esay, as wel of that, as other Ilelands mo, where he sayth, chap. 42. he shall not faint, nor geue ouer till hee hath set iudgement in earth, and Ilelands shal waite for hys lawe. &c. The faith thus receiued of the Britaynes cōtinued among them and florished the space of 216. yeres, till the cōming of the Sax∣ones: who then were Paganes: whereof more followeth hereafter to be sayde, the Lorde Christ assisting thereunto. In the meane time somthing to speake of this space before, which was betwixt the time of Lucius, and the first cōming in of the Saxones: first is to be vnderstanded, that all this while as yet the Emperors of Rome had not receiued the faith, what time the kings of Britaine, & the subiects ther∣of, were cōuerted now, as is sayd, to Christ: for the which cause much trouble and perturbation, was sought against them, not onely here in Britayne, but through all parts of Christendome by the Heathen infidels. In so much that in the persecution onely of Dioclesian & Maximinian raigning both together within one moneth xvij. thousand martyrs are nūbred to haue suffered for the name of Christ, as hath bene hetherto in the booke before sufficiently discoursed.

Thus therefore although the foresayd Lucius, the Bri∣taine king, through the mercifull prouidence of God, was then Christened and the gospel receaued generally almost in all the land:* 2.4 yet the state thereof as wel of the Religion, as of the common wealth, coulde not be quiet, for that the emperors & nobles of Rome were yet infidels, & enemies to the same: but especially for this cause, the cause so hap∣pening, that Lucius the Christen king died without issue: for therby such trouble & variance fel amōg the Britaines (as it happeneth in al other Realmes, namely in this our Realme of England when soeuer succession lacketh) that not onely they brought vpon them the Idolatrous Ro∣maines, & at length the Saxons: but also in wrapped them selues in suche miserie and desolation, as yet to thys day amongest them remayneth. Such a thyng it is (where a Prince or a King is in a kingdome) there to lacke successi∣on, as especially in this case may appere. For after y^e death

of Lucius, when the Barons and Nobles of the land could not accord w^tin themselues vpon succession of the crowne: stept in the Romaines, & got the crowne into their owne hands, wherupon followed great misery and ruine to the realme: for sometimes the Idolatrous Romaines, some∣times the Britaynes raigned and ruled, as violence and victorie would serue, one king murderyng an other, till at length the Saxones came and depriued them bothe, as in processe hereafter followeth to be seene.

In the meane season touching the story of king Lucius, here is to be reproued the fable of some wryters falsely fai∣ning of him, that he shoulde after hys Baptisme receaued, put of all his kingly honor, and forsake the land & be made a preacher: who after long trauaile in preaching and tea∣ching, in Fraunce, in Germany, in Augusta, & in Sueuia, at length was made Doctor and Rector of the Churche of Cureak: where (as this fable sayeth) he suffered Martyr∣dome. But this phātasie of whomsoeuer it first did spring, disagreeeth from all our English stories: Who with a full consent do for the most part cōcord in this, that the said Lu∣cius, after he had foūded many Churches, and geuen great riches and liberties to the same: deceased with great tran∣quillitie in his owne lande,* 2.5 and was buried at Glocester, the 14. yeare after his Baptisme, as the booke of Flores Hi∣storiarum, doeth counte, which was the yeare of our Lorde (as he sayeth) 201. and reckeneth his conuersion to be. An. 87. In some I finde hys decease to be the fourth, & in some the tenth yeere after his Baptisme, and holde that he raig∣ned all the space of lxxvij. yeares, and thus much concer∣ning king Lucius.

Now to proceede in order of the storie, briefly to touch the state of the foresaid land of Britayne, betwene the time of king Lucius, and the entring of the Saxones, who were the kings thereof: and in what order they succeeded, or ra∣ther inuaded one after an other, this Catalogue heere vn∣der written will specifie.

Kinges of Bri∣taine from the time of Lucius till the cōming of the Saxons.

Lucius,

* 2.6a Britayne.

Seuerus,

a Romaine.

Bassianus,

a Romaine by the father.

Cerausius,

a Britayne.

Alectus,

a Romaine.

Asclepiodotus,

a Britayne.

Coilus,

a Britayne.

Constantius,

a Romaine.

Constantinus,

a Britayne by the Mother, named Helena, who being y^e daughter of Coel, & maryed to Constantius, father of Cō∣stantinus, is said to make the walles first of London, al∣so of Colchester, muche a∣bout the yere of the Lorde, 305. and borne in Britayne.

a Britayne by the mother.

Octauius,

a Gewissian.

Maximinianus,

a Romaine borne, but hys mother a Britaine.

Gratianus,

* 2.7a Romaine.

Constantinus,

a Britayne by the Mother, named Helena, who being y^e daughter of Coel, & maryed to Constantius, father of Cō∣stantinus, is said to make the walles first of London, al∣so of Colchester, muche a∣bout the yere of the Lorde, 305. and borne in Britayne.

a Britayne by the mother.

Constans,

a Romaine by the father.

Votigerus,

a Gewissian or Bri.

Vortimerus,

a Brit.

Vortigernus.

againe.

By this table may appere a lamentable face of a com∣mon wealth so miserably rent and diuided into two sortes of people, differing not so much in coūtrey, as in religion. For when the Romaines raigned: so were they gouerned by the Infidels. When the Britaynes ruled, so they were gouerned by Christians. Thus what quietnesse was or could be in the Church, in so vnquiet and doubtful dayes, it may easely be considered.

Albeit, notwithstanding al these foresayd Heathen ru∣lers of the Romaines, which here gouerned, yet (God be praised) we read of no persecution, during all these x. per∣secutiōs aboue mentioned, that touched the christian Bri∣taynes, before the last persecution onely of Dioclesian,* 2.8 and Maximianus Herculius, whych here then exercised much cru∣eltie. Thys persecution, as it was the last among the Ro∣mane Christians, so it was the first of many & diuers that followed after in thys Churche and Realme of England: wherof we will here after intreate (Christ willing) as or∣der of the matter shall leade vs. In the meane tyme this rage of Dioclesian as it was vniuersally through all the churches in the world fierce & vehement: so in this realme of Britayne also it was so sore, that as all our English Chronicles do testifie, and recorde, all Christianitie almost in the whole land was destroied: Churches were subuer∣ted, all bookes of the Scripture burned, many of the fayth∣full both men and women were slaine. Among whom the first and chiefe was Albanus, then Iulius, Aaron, and Amphi∣balus. Of whome sufficiently hath bene sayde before. What were the other, or howe many they were that suffered be∣side, stories make no rehearsall. And thus much therof.

Nowe as concerning the gouernement of these aboue named kinges of Britayne,* 2.9 although I haue little or no∣thing to note, which greatly appertaineth to the matter of this Ecclesiasticall hystorie: yet this is not to be past ouer: first how in the order of these kings commeth Constantinus the great & worthy Emperor,* 2.10 not onely a Britayne borne by hys mother Helina being kyng Coilus daughter, but al∣so by the helpe of the Britaynes army (vnder the power of God) whych the sayde Constantine tooke wyth hym out of Britain to Rome: obtained with great victory, peace and tranquilitie to the whole vniuersall Church of Christ: ha∣uing iij. legions w^t him out of this realme, of chosen & able soldiors. Wherby the strēgth of the lād was not a litle im∣paired & indangered, as afterward in this story foloweth.

After him likewise Maximian following his steppes, tooke wyth him also (as stories recorde) all the power and strength whych was left: and whatsoeuer he could make, of able and fighting men, to subdue Fraunce: besides the garrisons whych he had out wyth him before, sending for mo to the number of C.M. souldiors at once, to be sent to hym out of Britayne into Fraunce.* 2.11 At whych time also Conanus his partener being then in Fraunce, sent ouer for virgins from Britaine to the number of xi.M. who with Vrsula, the Prince Dionets daughter being shypped ouer, many perished in the sea:* 2.12 some were taken of the infidels, marching vppon the borders, wyth whome because they wold not be polluted, all were destroyed, being miserably dispersed (some one way, some an other) so y^t none escaped.

Thus poore Britayne being left naked and destitute on euery side, as a maimed body w^tout myght or strength: was left open to hys enemyes, not able to succour it selfe, without helpe of forreine friendes. To whome they were then constrained to flie, especially to the Romains to whō the Britaynes sent this worde or message. Aetio ter Consuli gemitus Britannorum. Repellunt nos Barbari ad mare. Repellit nos mare ad Barbaros. Hinc oriuntur duo sunerum genera, quia aut iugulamur, aut submergimur. But the Romains then be∣gan to forsake them, whereby they were in nearer danger to be oppressed by Gwanus and Melga,* 2.13 had not Gwetelinus the Archbyshop of London made ouer to lesser Britayne, and obtayning theyr helpe, had brought Constantinus the kings brother, to rescue his countrey against the infidels. Thys Constantinus was brother to Aldroenus king of litle Britayn, and father to Constans, Aurelius Ambrosius, & Vter, who after raigned kings in Britayne.

Thus by the meanes of the good Archbyshop and Constantinus, the state of the Religion and Realme of Bri∣tayne was in some meane quiet & safetye, during the time of the sayd Constantine and of the good Archbishop. But as the Realme of Britayne almost from the beginning was neuer without ciuill warre, at length came wicked Vorti∣gerne, who cruelly causing Constans his Prince to be mur∣dred,* 2.14 ambitiously inuaded the crowne: who then fearing the other two brethren of Constans, whych were Aurelius & Vter, being then in litle Britayne: did send ouer for the aide of the Saxons being then infidels, and not onely that: but also maried with an infidell, the daughter of Hengist called Rowen. Whereupon the sayde Vortigerne not long after, by the sayd Hengist and the Saxones was with like trayterie dispossessed of his kingdome, & the people of Britayne dri∣uen out of their countrey, after that the Saxons had slaine of their chiefe Nobles & Barons at one meeting, ioyning together subtiltie with crueltie, to the number of CC.lxxi. some stories say CCCC.lx.* 2.15 This wicked acte of the Sax∣ones, was done at Almisbury, or at a place called Stone∣henge, by the monument of which stones there hanging, it seemeth that the noble Britaynes there were buried.

This fabulous Storie of the Welshemen, of brynging these stones from Ireland by Merlyn I passe ouer. Some storyes record that they were slaine being bid to a banket, other do say that it was done at a talke or assembly, where the Saxons came with priuie kniues contrary to promise made, with the which kniues they geuing a priuie watch∣word, in their Saxones speache, neme your sexes) slewe the Britaynes vnarmed: and thus farre concerning the histo∣rie of the Britaynes. As this great plague could not come to the Britaynes without Gods permissiō, so Gildas she∣weth in hys Chronicle, the cause thereof, wryting thus:

Quòd Britones propter auaritiam & rapinā Principum, prop∣ter iniquitatem & iniustitiam Iudicum, propter desidiam praedi∣cationis Episcoporum, propter luxuriam & malos mores popu∣li, patriam perdidisse. &c.

A description of England, as it was deuided in the Saxones time into vij. kingdomes.

[illustration]

The entring and raigning of the Saxons.

THis was the comming in first of the Angles or Sax∣ones into this realme, being yet vnchristened and infi∣dels: which was about the yeare of our Lord, as William Malmesbury testifieth * 2.16 .CCCC.lxix. the Captaines of whō were Hengistus and Horsus. Although the sayd Hengist and Saxones at their first comming, for all their subtile wor∣king and cruell attempt, had no quiet setling in Britayne, but were driuen out diuers times by the valiantnesse of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his brother Vter aboue mētioned, who raigned after that among the Britaynes: yet notw^t∣standing they were not so driuen out, but that they retur∣ned againe, and at length possessed all, driuing the Bri∣taynes (such as remained) into Cambria,* 2.17 whych we call nowe Wales. Hengistus, as some Chronicles recorde, reig∣ned. 43. yeares, and died in Kent. Galfridus in suo Britanni∣co sayeth: that he was taken in warre by Aurelius Ambro∣sius, and beheaded at Coningesburgh, after he had raigned xxxix. yeare.

After the death of Hengist, hys sonne Osca, raigned xxiiij. yeres leauing his sonne Octa, to whose reigne with hys sonne Ymenricus, hystories doe attribute liij. yeares, who also were slaine at length by Vter Pendragon,* 2.18 Polichro∣ni. Lib. 5. cap. 4.

The Saxones after they were setled in the possession of England, distributed the Realme among themselues, first in seuen partes: euery part to haue his king, that is: The first to be the king of Kent. The second to be king of Sussex and Southerye, holding hys Palace at Cicester. The thirde king was of Westsexe. The fourth king of Es∣sex. The fift king was of the Eastangles,* 2.19 that is, of Cam∣bridgeshire, Northfolke, and Southfolke. The vj. king of Merceland, or Mercia, and in his kingdome were cōtei∣ned the Countesses of Lincolne, Leycester, Huntyngdon, Northampton, Orford, Darby, Warwike. &c. The vii. king had all the countries beyond Humber, and was cal∣led king of Northumberland.

Of these seuen kingdomes, although they continued not long, but at length ioyned all in one, comming all into the possession & subiection of the Westsaxons: yet for the space they cōtinued (which was w^t continuall trouble & warres among themselues) thys is the race and order of them, as in this Table particularly followeth to be seene.

A Table describing the seuen kingdoms of the Saxons, raigning here in England.

IN the tyme of Vortiger aboue mentioned, began the raigne of the Saxons in this land, the which comming out of 3. sortes of the Germaine people (to witte) the Saxons, the Intes and Angles, replenished the land, of them called now Anglia. Of whom first Hengistus raigned in Kent, which countrey of Kent he had obtayned by Rowen his daughter, of king Vortiger, which was about the yeare of our Lord as some doe count, 476. or as I finde in the computation of our English Tables, 456. in some, 463. After Hengist, came in Octha, with Eosa, or Ysse his kinsman: who afterward succee∣ded the sayd Hengist in Kent. Not long after came in an other company of the Saxons, with Elle their Captaine, which planted themselues in Southsexe. And after them agayne an other garrison of the Saxons with Cerdice their Captain, which did occupy the West part of the land, called by them Westsaxon. And so likewise the other multitude of the Saxōs after them, which as yet beyng vnchristened and Infidels, deuided the whole land among themselues into vij. king∣doms, as in this Table followeth.

456.	¶ The Kings of Kent, with the yeares how long they raigned.
Kent.	Hengistus, slaine. 31
	Eosa, or Ysse. 24
	Ocha, or Octha.
	Emenricus, or Emeri∣cus. 26
	Ethelbertus, the first of ye Saxon kings that receyued the fayth by Aug. an. reg. 35.56	This Ethelbert first of all the Sax∣ons receiued the fayth, and subdued all the other vj. kings, except onely the king of Northumberland.
	Edbaldus. 24
	Ercombertus. 24	Ercombert commaunded Lent first to be fasted in his dominion.
The kings of Kent.	Egebertus, or Edbrieth slayne. 9	Egebert killed two Sonnes of his Uncle.
	Lotharias slayne. 12
	Eadrichus. 6	Unto the time of Eadrick all the bi∣shops of Canterbury were Italians.
	Nidredus. 7	Some Chronicles doe place these two, Nidredus and Wilhardus, after E∣dricke, and geue to them seuen yeares, some agayne do omit them.
	Wilhardus. 7
	Withredus. 33
	Egfertus, or Edbert. 23
	Ethelbert. 11
	Alricus. 34	Betweene the raygne of Alricke, and Cuthred, some Stories do insert the raigne of Eadbert, which raigned two yeares.
	Eadbertus, surnamed Pren. 2
	Cuthredus. 18
	Baldredus, expulsed. 81

In the raigne of this Baldred the kingdom of Kent was translated to Egbertus, otherwise called Egbrict, king of the Westsaxōs, who sub∣duing the foresaid Baldred, an. 832. gaue the said kingdome to Athelstan his younger sonne. After whose decease it came to Ethelwolfe the elder sonne of Egbrict, and so was vnited to the Westsaxons, who then be∣gan to be the Monarch of the whole land. This kingdom began nere about the yeare of our Lord, 456. and continued 342. yeares, and had xv. kings.

478.	¶ The Kings of Southsaxe, with the yeares of their raigne.
South∣saxe.	Elle, or Alle. 31 Cissa.	Of this Cissa came Cicester, which he builded, and where he raigned.
Now cal∣led Sussex.	Nancanleus, or Nan∣canleodus.	This Nathanleod seemeth by some old stories to be a Britaine, & the chief Marshall of king Vter, whome Porth the Saxon slew.
	Porth.	This Porth a Saxon, came in at the hauen, which now is called of him Porthmouth.
	Ethelwelfus.	Because I find but little mention of these two I thinke it rather like to bee the same Ethelwold or Ethelwaldus, which after followeth.
The kings of Sussex.	Redwallus.
Condebertus.	Of Condebertus and Ethelred I find no mention but in one table only, sup∣posing therfore that the true names of these were Ercombertus and Egebertus, which were kings of Kent the same tyme, and peraduenture might then rule in Sussex.
	Ethelredus, or Ethe∣reus.
	Adelwood, or Ethel∣waldus, slayne.	This Adelwold was the first kyng of Sussex Christened, and as Fabian saith, the iiij. king of the Southsaxōs: as other say the vij. so vncertain be the histories of this kingdom.
	Adelbrich, or Bere∣thunus, slayne. 5
	Adhumus. 15

¶This kingdome endured y^e shortest season of all other, and soonest passed into other kingdoms, in the dayes as some write of Iue king of Westsaxe, and so endured not aboue an hundred & twelue yeres vnder seuen or at most xj. kings, beginning first in the yeare of the Lord, 47•• and about the 30. yeare of the first comming of the Saxons.

West∣saxe. 522.	¶ The principall kingdome of the West∣saxons, and of their raignes.
Cerdicus, or Credi∣cus. 17	This kingdome contained Som∣mersetshire, Barkshire, Dorsetshire, Deuonshire, Cornewall, &c.
	Kenricus. 26
	Chelingus 30.33. lib. cycl.
	Celricus, or Ceolfri∣cus. 5
	Celwulfus, or Ceolul∣fus. 14
	Kynigilsus & Quicelinus. 32	This Kynigilsus was first Kyng Christened in that prouince, conuerted by Birinus after made Monke.
	Kinewalkins. 31
	Sexburga. ••
	Escwynus, Ascwynus, or Elkwinus. 2
The kings of West∣saxe.	Centwinus, dyed at Rome. 7
Cedwalla. 3	Cedwalla went to Rome, and there was Christened and dyed.
Ina, or Iue. 35
	Edelardus, or Athelar∣dus. 14	Ina also went to Rome, and was made Monke.
	Cuthredus, or Cuth∣bert. 16
	Sigebertus, or Sighe∣rus, slayne. 1	Sigebert for his pride and crueltie was deposed of his people. And as he had killed before one of hys faythfull counsel geuing him wholesome coun∣saile: so after was he slayne of ye same counsellers Swynard, as he hid him selfe in a wood.
	Kynulfus, or Kynewl∣fus, slayne. 31
	Brithricus. 13
	Egbertus, or Egbrich∣tus, otherwise A∣thelbert{us}, or Athel∣brich, &c. 37	This Egbert was first expelled by Brithricus, who after returning againe and raigning, was much deryded and scorned with mocking runes for a co∣ward of Bernulfus king of Mercia. At lēgth the sayd Egbert subdued hym first, then all the rest, to his kingdome•• causing the whole land to be called no more Britayne, but Anglia. Concer∣ning the other kings after him in that Lordship hereafter followeth.

¶This Egebert subdued all the other seuen kingdomes, and first began the Monarchie of all the Saxones, which after by Alured was perfected, as hereafter followeth (the lord willing) to be declared. This kingdom of the Westsaxons began the yere of grace, 522. & as it subdu∣ed all the other, so it did the longest continue, til about the comming of William Conqueror, which is about the tyme of 554. yeares.

547. Nor∣thum∣berlād.	¶ The Kings of Northumberland, with the yeares of their raigne.
Ida. 12	This Ida of his wife had vj. chil∣dren, Adda, Elricus, Osmerus, Theodle∣dus, of concubines other 6.
After Ida the kingdome of Northumberland was deui∣ded into two prouinces, Deyra and Bernicia.
	Alle, or Elle, Deirorum. 30	This Alle was the sonne of Iffe, & raigned in Deyra, 30.
	Adda, Bernicorum. 7
	Some Chronicles set vnder Adda, to raigne in Berni∣cia these kings, Glappa or Claspa, Theonulfus, or Hussa, or The∣owalnus, Frihulfus, Theodoricus.
	Alricus, or Alfricus Deirorum. 5	This Alfricus was the sonne of I∣da and raigned fiue yeares.
		This Ethelfridus was he that slew the monkes of Bangor, to the number

of 2200. whyche came to praye for the good successe of the Britaynes, and by hys wife Accan, the daughter of Elle, had vij. sonnes, Eaufridus, Osualdus, Oswius, Oslacus, Osmundus, Os••, Of••a. Flor. Histor.
	Ethelfridus Bernicorū.
	Edwinus, Northum∣berland, slaine. 17	Thys Edwinus was the first of the Northumberland kings, whych was conuerted and Christened by Paulinus Byshop of London.
	Osricus Deirorum, slaine.	These two are put out of the rase of kings, because they reuolted frō the Christian faith, and were both slayne miserablye by Cedwalla a Brittayne, which then raigned in Northumber∣land, and in Mercia.
	Eaufridus Bernicia, slaine.
The kings of Northū∣berland.	Oswaldus, Northum∣berland, slaine.	This Oswaldus, called S. Oswald, fought with Cedwalla, & Penda with a small army, and by strength of prayer vanquished thē in the field. He sent for Aedanus into Scotlād to preach in hys coūtry, & as he preached in Scottish, ye king expoūded in English. He was a great geuer of almes to ye poore. Of his other actes more appeareth hereafter.
	Oswius, Northum∣berland. 28	This Oswius lighting against Pen∣da, vowed to make his daughter Elfred a Nonne, geuing wyth her .12. Lord∣ships, to build 12. Monasteries .vj. in Bernicia .vj. in Deira.
	Oswinus raigned to∣gether with Oswius in Deira slaine. 7	The same Oswius in the beginning of hys raigne tooke one Oswinus the sonne of Edwyne to be his partener o∣uer the countrey of Deyra. Afterward causing him to be killed, tooke to hym an other called Edelwald, the sonne of Oswalde. Of thys Oswynus more fol∣loweth hereafter to be declared.
	Egfridus, Northumber∣berland. slayne. 15	Thys Egfrid marryed Etheldrida, who being xij. yeares maried to hym, could after, by no meanes be allured to lye with him, but obtaining of him li∣cence, was made Nunne, & then Ab∣bes of Elye. She made but one meale a day, & neuer weare linen. At last the same Egfrid fighting against ye Scots, was slayne in the fielde by a trayne of the Scots, faining themselues to flee.
	Alridus, Northumber∣land, slaine. 20	Of this Alfride, Bede in his historie testifieth that he was exactly and per∣fectly seene in the holy Scriptures, & recouered much that hys predecessors had lost before. Bed. lib. 4. cap. 24. Some say he raigned not 18. yeares.
	Osred{us}, Northumber∣land, slaine. 11	Osred began his raigne being but viii. yeares old, and raigned the space of x. yeares.
	Kenredus, North. 2
	Oriscus, North. 20	Some affirme that Oriscus raig∣ned but xi. yeares.
	Celulfus, Northumb. made a Monke. 9	This Celulf after he had raigned .8. yeares was made a Monke. To hym Beda wrote his storie.
	Egbertus, or Eadber∣tus, Northumberlād, Monke. 21
	Osulfus, Northumber. slaine. 1
	Mollo, or Ethelwold, North. 11.	Mollo by the subtil traine of Altredus was made away, whych Altredus also himselfe after he had raigned x. yeres, was expulsed by his owne people.
	In some Chronicles vj. yeeres.
	Altredus, Northum. expulsed. 10	In some Chronicles this Altredus raigned but viij. yeares.
	Ethelbertus, or Edelredus, Northumberland, expulsed. 5
	Alfwoldus, Northumberland slaine, 11
	Osredus.
	Ethelbertus, or Adelwaldus, North. slaine. 16

¶After this Ethelbert, the kingdome of Northumberland ceased the space of xxv. yeares, till Egbertus King of the Westsaxons subdued also them, as hee did the other Saxons to his dominion. After the whych Egbert king of the Westsaxons succeeded in Northūberland hys sonne.

Kings of Westsaxons, raigning in Nor∣thumberland.

• ...Ethelwolfus.
• ...Ethelbertus.
• ...Ethelbaldus.
• ...Ethelredus.

In the tyme of thys Ethelredus there were two vnder Kinges in Northumberland Ella, and Osbright, whom the Danes ouercame and raigned in theyr place, whose names were these.

Danes.

• ...Exbertus.
• ...Richsi.
• ...Egebert.
• ...Gurthed.
• ...Guthrid.

¶After the raigne of these foresayd Danes, the kingdome of Nor∣thumberland came into the hands of the Westsaxons, in the time of A¦thelstane and his brother Edmundus. It began first. An. 547. and so endu∣red. 409. yeares. It contained Yorkeshyre, Notinghamshyre, Darbi∣shyre, the Byshopricke of Dyrham, Copeland and other.

(561)	¶The kings of Mercia, or Merceland with the yeares of their raigne.
Mercia.	Grida, or Creodda. 35
	Wibba. 20
	Ceorlus. 10
	Penda, slaine. 30	Penda slew in battaile Edwyne and Oswald kinges of Northumb. Also Si∣gebert, Edrike, and Anna, kinges of the Eastangles. Also he droue out Ken∣walkins king of the Westsaxons.
	Peda, or Weda, slayne by his wife.	Under Peda, and Wlferus, Chris••••s faith was receiued in those parts, they being conuerted by Finianus Bishop.
		The same Peda raygned in a part of Mercia, with hys brother Wlferus, which were both the sonnes of Penda.
	Wlferus. 29	This Wlfer{us} by his wife Ermeburg had iii. daughters, Milburg, Mildrith, and Mildgith, holy virgines,
	Adelredus, or Ethel∣red, made Monke. 30 or. 19	This Adelredus, or Ethelredus was Monke of Baroney, whose sisters were Kynedrid, and Kynswith, holye virgines.
	Kenredus made also Monke at Rome. 5
The Kinges of Mercia.	Ceolredus, or Kelre∣dus.	In the tyme of this Ceolred was Guthlake otherwise called S. Guthlake, the Popish Eremite of Crouland.
Ethelbaldus, slaine. 41	Under Ethelbaldus dyed Beda. E∣thelbad gaue that all churches should be free from all exactions and publike charges.
	Bernredus. 1	This Bernred for his pride & stoutnes toward his people, was by thē depo∣sed, & the same yeare by the iust iudge∣ment of God burned. Histor. Cariens. Offa causing or cōsenting to the death of good Ethelbert king of the Eastan∣gles, peaceably comming to mary his daughter, for repentaunce caused the Peter pence first to be geuē to Rome, and there did his penaunce.
	Offa. 39
	Egfredus. 1
	Kenulphus, slaine, 20 or. 16.
	Kenelmus, murthered Ceolwolfus expulsed, 1. or 3.	This Kenelme beyng of vii. yeares of age, was wickedly slayne after hee had raygned vi. monethes.
	Bernulphus, slaine. 3
	Ludecanus, slaine. 2Some Chronicles here insert Milefred{us}.	This Ludicane after the 2. yeare of his raigne was slayne of Egbert, king of the Westsaxons, by whome the rest of the Saxons were also subdued.
	Wilafius, or Withlacus beheaded. 12

¶This Withlacus in the beginning of his raigne was vanquished by Egfrid king of Westsaxe, to whome hee became tributarie wyth hys successours here following.

¶Some wryters say that these kinges were subdued by the Danes.

• Berthulfus. 12
• Buthredus. 20
• Celustus. 1
• Elfredus. 1

After this Elfride the kingdome of the Mercians was translated vnto the Westsaxons, in the latter time of king Alfred, or in the begin∣ning of Edwardus Senior, and so was adioyned to the Westsaxons, be∣ginning. An. 561. It endured the space of 250. yeares, til about the latter end of Aluredus, by whome it was ioyned to the kingdome of Westsax∣ons. This kingdome stretched out to Huntingtonshire, Hertford∣shire, Glocestershire, Worceter, Warwick, Lichfield, Couentry, Che∣ster, Darbishire, Staffordshire, Shrosebury, Oxforde, Buckingham Dorceter, Lincolne, Lecester. &c.

(561)	¶The kings of the Eastsaxons, with the yeares of their raigne.
Eastsax¦ons.	Erchwinus. 35
Sledda. 17
	Sebertus, or Sigeber∣tus. 14	This Sebertus n••phew to Ethelber•• king of Kent amōg these kings was first Christened by Mellitus, whych made the Church of Paules.
	Sexredus, and Sewar∣dus, brethren slaine. 7	Sexred, & Seward, and Sigebert, ex∣pelled Mellitus the Bishop, because he would not minister to them the sacra∣mētal bread, they being not baptised.

	Sigebertus paruus. 23	This Sigebertus Paruus with his bro∣ther Sebertus were slayne of Kynegilsus and Swithelinus his brother, by the iust iudgement of God, for they reuolted againe from their Faith, and expelled Mellitus Bishop of London.
	Segebertus Bonus, or Sibertus, slaine.	This Segebertus Bonus or Sibertus, much resorting to Oswy, king of Nor∣thumberland, by his perswasion was brought to Christiā baptisme, baptised of Finlanus Bish. to whō also was sent Cedde with other ministers to preache & to baptise in hys countrey. At last he was slaine of his mē about him, vsing to much to spare his enemies, & to for∣geue their iniuries that repented. Flor.
The kings of the East saxons.	Swythelinus. 14
	Sigherius, sonne of Segebertus Paruus.	This Sigherius and Sebbi first fell to Idolatry, then through the meanes of Wolferus King of Mercia, were redu∣ced, & at last Sebby became a Monke.
	Sebbi Sonne of Se∣wardus, which was made a Monke.
	Sigehardus, and Sue∣fridus, brethren. 8
	Offa. 5	Offa after hee had raigned a while, became a Monke at Rome.
	Selredus, or Colredus, slaine. 38
	Swithredus,

Thys Swithredus was subdued vnto Egbert King of Westsaxons, Albeit London remained vnder the Mercias to the time that they also were subdued to the Westsaxons. This kingdom began. An. 561. and so continued till the time of Egbertus. Some stories say it continued to the time of Edward sonne of Aluredus, about the cōming of the Danes, and contained vnder it the Lordship of Midlesex and London. The Me∣tropolitane sea of this prouince of Essex was London, where the fa∣mous Church of S. Paul was builded by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert king of Essex, whō Ethelbert had lately before turned to Chri∣stes faith: wherof the first bishop was Mellitus, the ij. byshop was Ced∣dus, y^e third came in by Simonie, whose name was Wine. Malmesb. de vi∣tis Pont. After him was Erkenwaldus, of whom writeth Bede, that he be∣ing diseased in hys legges that he could neither go nor ride, yet would be caried about in a litter to preach in his Dioces. &c. Although W. Mal∣mesb. wryting of the Byshoppes of London in his booke De vitis Ponti. sayth that Mauritius first the kings Chauncelor, then Byshop there, did first begin this so large and famous building of the Church of S. Paul in London: Which worke after him Richardus his successour did prose∣cute, bestowing al the rents of his Bishopricke vpon the same, and yet was scarsely seene: yet herein may be answered peraduenture, that the Church builded before by King Ethelbert, and king Sigebert, myght be ouerthrowen by the Danes, and afterward was reedified by these Bi∣shops aboue mentioned.

(561)	¶The kinges of the Eastangles, with the yeares of their raigne.
Eastan∣gles.	Vffa, or Vlfa, 30	Of thys Vffa the people of North∣folke were then called Vfkyns.
	Titulus, or Titila. 13	Redwaldus first was conuerted in Kent: afterwarde through the wicked perswasion of his wife and other, ioy∣ned Idolatry with Christianitie.
	Redwaldus. 12
	Erpwaldus, or Corpwal¦dus, slaine. 38	Notwythstanding his sonne Erp∣waldus through the meanes of Edwyn king of Northūberland, was brought to the perfect faith of Christ, & therein faithfully did continue.
	Sigebertus, or Sibrect first a mōke slaine. 3	Thys Sigebert made hym selfe a Monke, and afterwarde brought out to fighte agaynst Penda, wyth a white sticke in hys hande, was slayne in the field.
The kings of the East¦angles.	Egnicus, or Egricus, slaine. 3
Anna, slaine. 3	The daughters of Anna were Sex∣burga, Ethelberta, and Saint Etheldreda.
Adelhere, or Adelre∣dus, slaine. 2
	Adelwoldus, or Ethel∣baldus. 9
	Adulphus. 25
	Elkwoldus. 12	This Ethelredus for hys holinesse & godly vertues is counted for a Saint, he innocently comming to Offa kyng of Mercia to marrie wyth Althrid hys Daughter, by the sinister suspicion of Offa, and wicked counsaile of Kineswina his wife, was cruelly put to death in ye house of Offa. For the which cause Offa afterward repenting went to Rome, where he made him selfe a Monke.
	Beorna. 26
	Ethelredus, slaine. 52
	Ethelbritus, slaine. 5

¶After this sinfull murther of Ethelbert, the kingdome of Eastangles during the time of certaine yeares, was in great trouble and desolation, vnder diuers kings and ty∣rants, sometime the king of Westsaxe, somtimes of Kent, or of Mercia, hauing dominion ouer them, till the com∣ming of S. Edmund, whych was the last King there ruling vnder the Westsaxons.

• S. Edmund, Mar∣tyred. 16.

¶After the death of S. Edmund, being slaine of the In∣fidel Danes, the kingdom remained with the Danes .50. yeares, till at length Edward King of the Westsaxons, ex∣pulsed the Danes, and ioyned it to hys kingdome. It be∣gan about the yere of our Lord .561. and continued neare about 377. yeares. Fabian numbreth but 12. kinges, but in other I finde moe.

The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Eastan∣gles, which was first at a towne called Dunmoke or,* 2.20 or Dū∣wich (which in time past hath bene a famous & populous towne w^t a maior & 4. bailifs, & also diuers Parish Chur∣ches, & hospitals, whereunto great priuiledges by diuers kings haue bene graunted, whych towne is nowe fallen into ruine and decay, and more then half consumed by the eating in of the Sea, as also greatly impouerished by losse of the Hauen, which heretofore hath flourished wyth di∣uers tall shippes belonging to the same (the inhabitantes therof being not able of them selues to repaire it wythout the helpe of other good people,) where the first bishop was Felix, a Burgundian, who sate there 14. yeres. After this, vnto the time of Egbert King of Westsaxe, thys prouince was euer ruled by two Bishops, wherof the one had hys sea at Dunmoke, now called Dunwich. The other at De∣maham, where 12. sate, one after an other. From thence it was translated to Thetford, where sate three Bishops. At last by Byshoppe Herbert it was remooued to Norwich, where he erected a Monasterie of Monkes.

And thus standeth the order and race of the Saxon kinges, raigning together wyth the Britaines in thys Realme. Nowe foloweth the description of the Britayne kings, raigning with the Saxons in like maner.

Although the miserable Britaines thus were beriued of their land, by the cruel subtilty of the Saxons, yet were they not so driuē out or expulsed, but that a certaine king∣dom remained amōg them, in some part of the lād, name∣ly about Cornewall, and the partes of Cambria, which is deuided in two partes, Southwales, called Demetia, and Northwales called Venedocia. The sayd Britaines more∣ouer through the valiant actes of their kings, sometimes raigned also in other countreis, displacing the Saxons, & recouering againe their owne: somtimes more, somtimes lesse, till the time of Carecius, when as the Britaines being deposed by Godmundus, (whose help they themselues sent for out of Irelande, agaynst Carecius theyr wicked King) vtterly lost their land and kingdome: being thence driuen vtterly into Wales and Cornewale, the yere of our Lorde 570. What the order of these kings was, what were theyr actes, their names, and times when they raigned: in this briefe table vnder wrytten is expressed. Wherein first is to be premonished that Constantinus secundus had three chil∣drē, to wit, Constans, whych was made a Monke in Win∣chester, and after made a king: the seconde was Aurelius Ambrosius: the thirde was Vter Pendragon. This being pre∣mised, we wil now enter the description of our Table, be∣ginning with Vortigernus.

¶A Table declaring the Kings of Britayne, which raigned together with the Saxones, after their comming into this land.
Kinges of Bri∣taine whiche here raigned in the time of the Saxones.

• ...Vortigernus.
• ...Vortimerius.
• Vortigernus, againe.
• ...Aurelius Ambrosius.
• ...Vter Pendragon.
• ...Arthurus.
• Constantinus 3.
• ...Aurelius.
• ...Conanus.
• ...Vortiperius.
• ...Malgo.
• ...Carecius.

Here is to be vnderstand that these Britaine kings a∣boue mentioned, did not so raign here in this land, frō the time of Vortigerne, that they had the full possession and go∣uernement ouer all the whole realme: but only ouer par∣cels or partes, such as by force of armes, they could either

hold or win from the Saxons:* 2.21 which cōming in daily and growing vpon thē, did so replenish the land w^t multitudes of them, that y^e Britains at lēgth were neither able to hold y^t which they had, nor to recouer that which they lost: Lea∣uing exaple to al ages & countreis, what it is, first to let in forreine nations into their dominion,* 2.22 but especially what it is for Princes to ioyne in mariage with infidels: as this Vortiger did w^t Hengistus daughter, which was the mother of al this mischief: geuing to the Saxons not only strēgth, but also occasion and courage to attempt that whych they did. Neyther was this vncōsidered before of the Britaine Lords and Nobilitie: who worthely being therew^t offen∣ded, iustly deposed their king, & inthroned Vortimerus hys sonne in his roume. By the which Vortimer being a punāt prince, the Saxons were then repulsed and driuen againe into Germany, where they stayed a while till the death of Vortimer whome Rowen daughter of Hengistus caused trai∣terously to be poysoned.* 2.23 Then Vortiger being again resto∣red to his kingdome, through the entreatie of Rowen hys wife, sent into Germanie againe for Engist, who eftsoones making his returne, came in wyth a name of 300. shippes wel appointed.* 2.24 The Nobles of Britain hearing this, pre∣pared them selues to the contrary side in all forceable wise to put them of. But Engist through Rowen hys daughter so laboured the king: excusing himselfe, and saying that he brought not the multitude, to worke any violence eyther against him or against his coūtrey, but only thinking that Vortimer had yet bene aliue, whom he minded to impugne for the kings sake, and to take hys part. And nowe for so much as he heareth of y^e death of Vortimer hys enemie, hee therefore committeth both himselfe & his people to his dis∣position, to appoint how few or how many of thē he wold to remaine within his land: the rest should returne. And if it so pleased the King, to appoynt day & place, where they might meete and talke together of the matter, both he and his would stande to such order as the king with his coun∣saile should appoynt. With these faire words the king and his nobles (wel contented) did assigne to them both day & place, which was in the towne of Ambry: where he ment to talke with them, adding thys condition w^t all, that eche part shoulde come without any maner of weapon. Engist shewing him selfe well agreed thereto,* 2.25 gaue priuy intelli∣gence to his side, that eche man should cary w^t him secrete∣ly in his hose a long knife, w^t their watch worde also geuen vnto them whē they should draw their kniues: wherwith euery Saxon shoulde (and so did) kill the Britayne, wyth whō he talked, as is aboue declared. The Britaine Lords being slayne, the Saxons tooke Vortigerne the King, and bound him: for whose ransome they required to be deliue∣red to them the Cittie of London, Yorke, Lincolne, Win∣chester, w^t other the most strongest holdes within the lande whych being to them graunted, they begin to make spoile & hauocke of the Britaine nation, destroying the Citizens, plucking downe Churches, killing vp the Priestes, bur∣ning the Bookes of the holy Scripture, leauing nothyng vndone that tyrannie could worke, whych was about the yeare of our Lorde. 462. The King seeing thys miserable slaughter of the people fled into Wales.

This whyle Aurelius Ambrosius, & Vter Pendragon bre∣thren to king Constans aboue mentioned, whō Vortigerne wickedly caused to be killed,* 2.26 were in little Britayne. To whome the Britaynes sent woorde, desiring theyr ayde in helping their countrey. Aurelius vnderstanding the wofull state of the Realme,* 2.27 speedeth hym ouer to satisfie their de∣sire, and to rescue (what in him was) their necessitie. Who at his first commyng eftsoones being crowned for theyr king seeketh out wicked Vortigerne, the cause of all thys trouble and murder of king Constās hys brother. And fin∣ding him in Wales in a strong tower, wherein he had im∣mured him selfe,* 2.28 setteth hym and his castell on fire. That done he moued his power against the Saxons, w^t whom, and wyth Elle Captaine of the Southsaxons (who then was newly come ouer) he had diuers conflicts.

* 2.29Our English old Chronicles make record that Horsus the brother of Engist was slaine before in the time of Vorti∣mer. The same also doe recorde, that thys Engist was taken prisoner in the fielde, fighting against Aurelius Ambrosius▪ who then cōsulting with his Nobles and Barons, what was to be done with him: the Byshop of Glocester, called Eldadus,* 2.30 standing vp, gaue this counsaile, saying: that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all men would deliuer him, yet he with his owne hāds wold cut him in peeces, alleaging the exāple of Samuel against Agag King of the Ameleches, taken by King Saul in the field: whome the sayde Samuel caused to be cut in peeces. Euen so (saith he) do you to this Agag here: that as he hath made many a woman widow, and without childrē: so his mother mai be made this day of him likewise. And so was Engist taken out of the Citie by Eldo Consull or Maior of Glocester, and there was beheaded: if truth or credit be to be geuen to these our old Britaine stories: wherof I haue nothing certainly to pronoūce, but that I may suspect the truth therof, which was about the yeare of our Lord. 490. Henr. Hunting. Galfr. cum alijs.

A certaine auncient written history I haue in Latine, compiled in the .xiiij. yeare of king Richard the seconde, and by him caused to be writtē as the title declareth: whych be∣cause it beareth no name of the author: I cal it by the name of him of whom I borowed thys booke,* 2.31 wyth many other likewise without name, Historia Cariana. This hystorie re∣cordeth that Hengistus dyed in Kent the xxxii. yeare of hys raigne: which if it be true, then is it false that he was taken at Cunynburgh, and slaine in the North. Thys Aurelius Ambrosius before mentioned,* 2.32 is thought of Polidorus Vergi∣lius citing the authoritye of Bede, to descende of the stocke of the Romaines: whych as it is not vnpossible to be true: so this is certaine by the full accord of al our old wrytten sto∣ries, that both the sayde Aurelius, and his brother Vter Pen∣dragon being the sonnes of Constantinus, brother to Andoe∣nus king of litle Britaine, were nursed and brought vp in England, in their tender age, and instructed by Gultelinus Archbyshop of London, and after the murder of Constans their elder brother, were conueied from hence to litle Bri∣taine: whereby it is manifest that they were borne in thys land, and though their father were a Romaine as Polydo∣rus pretēdeth, yet lyke it is that they were Britains borne, and had a Britaine to their mother.

After the death of Aurelius, who (as the storie sayeth) was poysoned by the crafty meanes of Pascentius,* 2.33 sonne of Vortigernus (suborning one, vnder the weede of a Monke to play the Phisicion, and so to poyson him) next succeeded hys brother Vter, surnamed Pendragon, about the yeare of our Lord. 497. who fighting against Octa and Cosa,* 2.34 tooke them and brought them to London there to be kept. But they breaking out of pryson returned into Germanie for more aid. In this meane time daily recourse was of Sax∣ons, with great companies cōming out of Saxonie: with whom the Britains had diuers & sundry conflictes,* 2.35 some∣times winning, sometimes loosing. Not long after Octa & Cosa, renuing their power in Germany, in all most speedy hast did returne againe, and ioyne with the other Saxons against the Britaines. Heere began the state of miserable Britaine daily more and more to decay,* 2.36 while the idola∣trous Saxons preuailed in number and strength against the Christian Britaines: oppressing the people, throwing downe Churches and Monasteries, murdering the Pre∣lates, sparing neither age nor person, but wasting christi∣anity almost through the whole realme. To these miseries it fell moreouer that Vter their king was sicke & could not come out. Notw^tstanding being greeued with the lamen∣table destructiō of his people, caused his bed to be brought into the campe, where God gaue him victorie: Octa & Co∣sa there being slaine. After this victorie in short space Vter died of poyson (as is sayde) put into a fountaine of water, whereof the king was wont to drinke, about the yeare of our Lorde. 516. Hor. Hist.

About which time and yeare,* 2.37 came in Stuph and Wiga∣rius two nephewes of Certhice king of Westsaxons, wyth their companies so violently vpon the Britains, that they of the West part of the realme, were not able to resist them. Then the merciful prouidence of almighty God, raised vp for them King Arthure,* 2.38 the sonne of Vter: who was then crowned after him and victoriously raigned. To thys Ar∣thure the old Britaine historyes do ascribe xij. great victo∣ries against the Heathen Saxons: whose notorious & fa∣mous conquests, mētioned in the Britain stories, I leaue them as I finde them: referring them to the credite of their authors in whom they are found. Notwithstanding as I do not thinke contrary, but God by the foresayde Arthure, gaue to the Britaines some stay and quietnes during his life,* 2.39 and certaine of his successours: so touching certaine of great victories & conquests, not onely ouer thys land, but also ouer all Europe, I iudge them more fabulous, then y^t any credit should be geuen vnto them, more worthy to be ioyned with the Iliades of Homere, then to haue place in a∣ny Ecclesiasticall hystorie.* 2.40 After Arthure next King of the Britaines, was Constantinus the third. After him Aurel••us Conanus. Then Vortiporius, after whome followed Malgo, noted in storyes to be a Sodomite. And after hym the last King of the Britaines, was Carecius, all geuen to Ciuill warre, execrable to God & man. Who being chased out by the Britains thēselues, the land fell to the possession of the Saxons: about the yere of our Lord. 568. by whom all the Clergy and the Christiā ministers of the Britaines, were then vtterly driuen out: In so much that Theonus Archbi∣shop

of London,* 2.41 & Thadeoseus Archbishop of Yorke, seeing theyr Churches all wasted, and Parishes dispersed, wyth their cariages and monumēts: left theyr seas in Britaine, and fled into Cambria, which we nowe call Wales. Tou∣ching which matter, and touching also the cause of this de∣solation & ruine of the Britaines kingdom, the first foun∣taine & origin therof partly before is declared, where was shewed in the time of Cōstantinus Magnus and Maximinian, pag. 108. howe these noble Princes with other moe, achie∣uing their venturous affaires in other countreis, tooke w^t them great multitudes & armies out of Britaine: through the occasion whereof, the land was greatly empaired and depriued of his most chiefe and principall nobles, being caried away to serue in forreine warres. Whyche was no small cause, why the realme of Britaine (being so wasted) was the lesse able to helpe it selfe against theyr enemyes. Although this was not the chief occasion, but other causes there were greater, wherfore God by his iust iudgement, suffered this plague and ouerthrow to fall vpon that peo∣ple, as here out of an olde author,* 2.42 and partly out of Gildas, as I haue found it, so I thought to annexe it in hys owne woordes, first in Latine, then afterwarde Englishing the same, for the more credite of that which shalbe alleaged, in tenour as foloweth.

Nobiliores totius regni praedictos duces sequ••ti fuerunt & ignobiles remanebāt,* 2.43 qui cum vicem nobilium obtinere coepis∣sent, extulerunt se vltra quod dignitas expetebat. Et ob affluenciā diuitiarum superbi coeperunt, tali & tantae fornicationi indulge∣re, qualis nec inter gentes audita est. Et, vt Gildas historicus te∣statur, non solùm hoc vitium sed omnia quae humanae naturae ac∣cidere solent, & praecipue quod totius boni euertit statū, odium veritatis, amor mendacij, susceptio mali pro bono, veneratio ne∣quitiae pro benignitate: exceptatio Sathanae pro angelo lucis: vn∣gebantur reges, non propter dominium, sed qui caeteris crudelio∣res essent. Si quis verò eorum mitior, & veritati aliquatenus pro∣pior videretur, in hunc quasi Britanniae subuersorem omnia odia, tela{que} torquebantur. Omnia quae Deo placebant & displicebant aequali lance inter eos pendebantur. Et non solùm hoc seculares viri, sed & ipse grex domini, eius{que} pastores sine discretione facie∣bant. Non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patriam illam amittere quam praedicto modo maculabant.

* 2.44In English thus: The nobles of this realme folowing the Princes and Captaines aboue named: by the reason thereof the vulgare and rascall sorte remained behinde at home. Who when they had gotten the roumes and places of the nobles, they aduanced them selues aboue that their dignitie required. And through their aboundāce of riches, they surprised wyth pride, began to fal into such & so great fornication, as was neuer heard of euen among the Gen∣tiles. And as Gildas the Hystoriographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into al maner of wickednes, wher∣to mans nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the ouerthrow of al good estates, the hatred of the truth, loue of lies, imbracing of euil in stead of goodnesse, regar∣dyng of mischiefe in stead of vertue, receauing of the deuill in stead of an Angell of light. They annoynted kings not such as could wel rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be percea∣ued to be somewhat more humble or meeke, or to be more inclined to fauour the trueth then the residue, him did e∣uery one hate and backbite as the ouerthrower and de∣stroyer of Brittayne. All thinges whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alyke. And not secular men onely did this. but also the congregation of the Lorde and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marueiled, that such people so de∣generating and going out of kinde should lose that coun∣trey, which they had after this maner defiled.

And thus much hetherto concerning the history of the Britaines, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shal bring vs heereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalla∣drus. Nowe remaineth, in returning againe to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table aboue we haue sommarely comprehended.

In this order and rase of the Saxon kings, aboue spe∣cified which had thus thrust out the Britones, & now de∣uided their land in seuen kingdomes: as there were many noughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on warre and bloudshed, are greatly to be de∣tested and eschued of all true godly Princes) so some there were againe (although but fewe) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slaine in warre, or murdered in peace, or els constrained to make him selfe a monke. Such was the rage then and ty∣ranny of that time. Whether we shuld impute it to the cor∣ruption of mans nature, or to the iust iudgement of Gods hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not onely vexed of the Danes, and cōque∣red at last by the Normās: but also more cruelly deuoured them selues, one warring still agaynst an other, till they were neyther able to helpe themselues, nor yet to resist o∣thers. Of thē which are noted for good among these Sax∣on kings,* 2.45 the first and principal is Ethelbertus, or Ethelbrict the first king of Kent aboue specified, who by the meanes of Austen, and partly through hys wife, named Berda, firste receiued and preferred the Christian faith, in al this land of the English Saxons, wherof more foloweth hereafter to be said (the Lorde so permitting) as place and oportunitie shall require. The next place I geue to Oswaldus of Nor∣thumberland, who not onely did hys endeuour in furthe∣ring the faith of Christ amongst his people: but also being king, disdained not himselfe to stande vp and interprete to his nobles & subiectes the preaching of Aidanus, preaching Christ to them in his Scottish language. In the same cō∣mendation also, like as in the same line, commeth hys vn∣cle Edwin, king of Northumberlād, a good Prince, and the first receauer of Christes faith in that land, by the meanes of his wife, and Paulinus Byshop. Adde to these also Sige∣bert, first Christened king of the Eastangles, & Sebert, first Christened king of Essex: of whome the one was a great furtherer of Religion, & setter vp of scholes: y^e other which is Sebert or Sexbrieth, was neuew to Ethelbert of Kent, vn∣der whom he ruled in Essex. By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the sayd Sebert the Church of Paules was builded at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. &c. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the aduise of his coun∣saile perswaded to mariage (though against his wil) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride hys daughter, wher the good king meaning innocētly through the sinister and deuilishe counsaile of king Offa hys wife, was secretely beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be geuen to S. Peters church in Rome.

In the Cathologue of these good kinges is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:* 2.46 of the which ij. the first was falsely & abhominably circumuented & beheaded, by the meanes of his cruell sister and hys tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other whych is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slaine at Bury, or as some wryte at the Ca∣stle of Halesdon by the Danes: vpon what occasion, histo∣ries do vary. The author of Flores Historiarū sayeth, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the kings bloud, & being with his Hawke on the sea side in a litle boat, was driuen by force of weather into the coast of Northfolke, wher he being presented to king Edmūd, was retained in his Court with great fauour: til at length one Bericke the kings Fawkner, enuying and despiting hym, for his great dexteritie in that facultie, priuily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boate alone without all tackling, to be cōmitted vnto the Sea: and as it chāced so, was driuen into Denmarke, who there being seene in Lothbrockes boate, was straitly examined of the partie. He then to excuse himselfe, falsly sayd he was slaine by the cōmandement of the king. Upō the occasion wher∣of Inguar and Hubba sonnes to the sayde Lothebroke gathe∣ring an army of Danes, inuaded first Northūberland: af∣ter that bursting into Northfolke on euery side, sent thys message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dreade both by sea and lande) as he had subiect diuers other landes vnder him,* 2.47 so arriuing now to the coasts of Northfolke, where he intē∣deth to winter: chargeth and commaundeth him to deuide with him his olde treasures, and his fathers riches, and so to rule vnder him: which if he would not do, but wold cō∣temne his power so strōgly furnished wyth such an army, he should be iudged as vnworthy both of kingdom & life. &c. The king hearing this message, not a little astonyshed therat, calling his coūsaile about hym, consulted w^t them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secre∣tarie, what was best to be done: who fearing the kinges life, exhorted him by wordes & diuers examples to agree to the message. At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made aunswere againe in these wordes, saying: Go (saith he) tel your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the loue of this tempo∣ral life, wil not subiect him selfe to a Pagane Duke, vnles before he become a Christiā, &c. The messenger taking his answere was not so soone out of the gates, as Inguar mee∣ting him and bidding him to be short in declaring hys an∣swere, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about.

Some say that the king flying to Thetforde, there pitcht a field with the Danes, but the Danes preuailing,* 2.48 the good king from thence did flie to the Castle of Halesdon aboue mentioned: where he beyng pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bounde to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.

Now as concerning those kinges which made them selues Monks (which in number be vij. or viij.) although the example be rare & straung,* 2.49 and much commēded of the chroniclers of that time: yet I cannot rashly assent to their cōmendation, albeit the case therof is no matter of our hi∣story. First in altering their estate from kings to monkes, if they did it to finde more ease, and lesse trouble thereby: I see not howe that excuse standeth with the office of a good man, to chaunge his publike vocation, for respect of priuat commodity. If feare of ieoperdy & daunger did driue them therunto: what praise and commendation they deserue, in so doing let the monkish histories iudge what they lyste: me seemeth so much prayse as they deserue in prouiding their owne safetie, so much they deserue againe to be discō∣mended in forsaking the common welth. If they did it (as most like it is) for holinesse sake, thinking in that kinde of life to serue and please God better: or to merite more to∣ward their saluaciō then in the estate of a king, therin they were far deceaued: not knowing tha•• the saluation which cōmeth of God, is to be measured & estemed, not by mans merits, or by any perfectiō of life or by differēce of any vo∣cation more of one then another, but only by the free grace of the gospell, which freely iustifieth all them, that fayth∣fully beleeue in Christ Iesu. But here will be saide againe peraduenture, in the solitary life of Monkery, be fewer oc∣casions of euils, then in kings courtes, wherefore that lyfe serueth more to holines,* 2.50 & more is to be preferred then the other. To this I aunswere, to auoid the occasions of euill is good where strength lacketh to resist. But otherwyse, where duety & charge bindeth to tary, there to auoyde the occasiōs of euil, where rather they are to be resisted: rather declareth a weakenes of the man, thē deserueth any praise. As it is truely saide of Tullie: Out of Asia, saith he, to liue, a good life, is no god a mercy: but in Asia where so great oc∣casiōs of euils abound, there to liue a good mā that is praise worthy. With the like reason I may infer, if a man be cal∣led to be a king, there not to chaunge the vocation for voi∣ding of occasions, but rather to resist occasions, & to keepe his vocation, declareth a good & perfect man. But of these bymatters hetherto sufficient.

* 2.51These things now thus premised, concerning the or∣der & raigne of kinges, as is aboue prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such thinges, as in the time and raigne of the foresaide kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader againe in minde of the former persecutions within the realme, partly before tou∣ched in the time of the Britaine kinges, which speciallye were three or foure before the commyng of Austen into Englande.

1, The first was vnder Dioclesian, and that not onely in England but generally throughout al the Romaine Mo∣narchie, as is aboue specified. In this persecution Albanus Iulius, Aaron, with a great number moe of other good Chri∣stian Britanes, were martyred for Christes name.

2. The seconde persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the inuading of Gnauius and Melga, whereof, the first was captaine of the Hunnes, the other of y^e Pictes. These two tyrauntes, after the cruell slaughter of Vrsula, and other. 11000 noble virgines, made their rode into Brytaine hearyng the same to be destitute of y^e strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Chri∣stes Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mer∣cy either of women or children, sparing none.

3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the Sax∣ones: who likewise destroied and wasted the christen con∣gregations within the lande, like raging Wolues fleeyng vpon the sheepe, & spilling the bloud of Christians, til Au∣rellus Ambrosius came, and restored againe the Churches destroyed.

4. The fourth destruction of Christen faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africanes: who ioyning in league with the Saxons, wrought much gre∣uaunce to the christians of the land. In so much that Theo∣nus Byshop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of Yorke, with the rest of the people so many as were left, hauing no place wherin to remaine with safety, did flee some to Corn¦wall, and some to the mountaines of Wales about the yere of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.

In the raigne of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first receaued of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the meanes of Gregory bishop of Rome, in maner and order as here foloweth, out of old histories collected and recorded.

First then to ioyne the order of our history together: The Christē faith first receiued of king Lucius, endured in Britaine till this time, neare vpon the season of CCCC. yeares and odde: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is saide) fyghting wyth the Saxons against the Brytaynes, it was neare extinct in all the land, duryng the space about fortie foure yeares.* 2.52 So that the first springing of Chri∣stes Gospell in thys lande, was an. 180. The comming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The comming of Austen, was an. 596. From the first entring in of the Saxons to their complet conquest, and the driuing out of the Brytanes (which was aboute the latter time of Gad∣walader) were 240. yeares.* 2.53 In summe from Christ to Lu∣cius were, 180. yeares. The continuaunce of the gospel frō Lucius to the entring of the Saxons was 302. yeares. The decay of the same to the entring of Austen, was. 143. yeares which being added together make from Lucius to Austen. 445. from Christ to Austen they make 598. yeares. In this yeare then. 598. Austen being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion wherupon Gregory sent him hether was this.

In the daies of Pelagius Byshop of Rome,* 2.54 Gregory chauncyng to see certayne chyldren in the market place of Rome (brought thether to be sould out of England) being faire and beautifull of visage,* 2.55 demaunded out of what coū∣trey they were: and vnderstanding they were Heathenish out of England, lamented the case of y^e land being so beau∣tifull and Angelicall, so to be subiecte vnder the Prince of darknes. And asking moreouer out of what prouince they were it was aunswered, out of Deyra, a part of Northsax∣ons: wherof as it is to be thought, that which we now cal Deyrham taketh his name. Then he alluding to the name of Deyra, these people (saith he) art to be deliuered de Dei¦ira, which is from Gods wrath, Moreouer vnderstanding the kings name of that prouince to be Alle (aboue mentio∣ned) alluding likewise to his name: there (saith he) ought Alleluia to be song to the liuing God.* 2.56 Wherevpon beyng moued and desirous to go and helpe the cōuersion of that country, was not permitted of Pelagius and the Romanes for that time to accomplish his desire. But afterwarde be∣ing Bishop himselfe next after Pelagius, he sent thether the foresaide Austen with other preachers neere about to the nūber of xl. But by the waye, howe it happened I cannot saye: As Austen with his company were passing in theyr iourney, such a sodaine feare entred in their harts (that as Antonius saith) they returned all. Other write that Austen was sent backe to Gregory againe, to release them of that viage so daungerous and vncertaine, amongst such a bar∣berous people: whose language neither they knewe, nor whose rudenes they were able to resist. Thē Gregory with pithy perswasions confirming and comforting him, sent him againe with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis, willing him to helpe and aide the said Austen,* 2.57 and his com∣pany in all whatsoeuer his neede required. Also other let∣ters he directed by the foresaid Austine, vnto his fellowes, exhorting them to go foreward boldly in the Lords work, as by the tenour of the said Epistle here followyng maye appeare.

Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei,* 3.1 seruis Domini nostri. Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere, quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire, &c. In Englishe. Gregory the seruaunt of Gods seruaunts, to the seruaunts of the Lord. Foras∣much as it is better not to take good things in hande, then after they be begon, to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe therefore now you may not nor cannot (deare children) but with all feruent study and labor, must needes go forward in that good busines, which through the helpe of God you haue wel begunne. Neither let the labor of your iourney, nor the slanderous tounges of men appalle you, but that with all instaunce and feruency yee proceede, and accomplish the thing which the Lorde hath ordey∣ned you to take in hande: knowing that your great trauell shalbe recompensed with rewarde of greater glorye hereafter to come. Therefore as we sende here Austen to you againe, whom also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour, so doe you humblye obey him in all thinges, knowing that it shall be profitable so for your soules, whatsoeuer at his admonition yee shall doe. Al∣mighty God with his grace defend you and graunt me to see in the eternall country the fruite of your labour, that although I can not labour as I woulde wyth you,* 3.2 yet I may be found pertaker of your retribution, for that my will is good to labour in the same felowship with you together. The Lord God keepe you safe, most deare and welbeloued children. Dated the x before the Calendes

of August, in the raigne of our soueraigne Lord Mauritius most vertuous Emperour, the .xiiij. of his Empire.

* 3.3Thus they emboldened & comforted through the good wordes of Gregory, sped foorth their iourney till they came at length to the Ile of Thene••▪ lying vpon the East side of Kent. Neare to the which landing place, was then the Manory or palace of the king, not farre from Sandwiche (Eastward from Caunterbury) which the inhabitauntes of the Isle,* 3.4 then called Richbourgh: whereof some part of the ruinous walles is yet to be sene. The king then raig∣ning in Kent, was Ethelbert, as aboue appeareth, the fifte King of that prouince: who at that time had Maried to wyfe a French woman beyng Chrystened,* 3.5 named Berda: whom he had receiued of her parents vpon this conditiō, that he shoulde permitte her with her Bishop committed vnto her, called Lebardus, to enioye the freedome of her fayth and Religion: by the meanes whereof he was more flexible, and sooner induced to embrace the preachyng and doctrine of Christ. Thus Austen beyng arryued sent foorth certayne messengers and interpreters to the Kyng, syg∣nifying that such a one was come from Rome, brynging with hym glad tydinges to him and all his people, of lyfe and saluation eternally to reygne in heauen, with the one∣ly true and lyuing God, for euer: if he would so willingly harken to the same, as he was gladly come to preache and teach it vnto him.

The King, who had heard of this Religion before by meanes of his wife, within a few daies after commeth to the place where Austen was to speake with him: but that shoulde be without the house, after the maner of his lawe. Austen against his cōming, as stories affirme, erected vp a banner of the crucifixe (such was then the grosenes of that tyme) and preached to him the word of God.* 3.6 The Kyng aunswering againe saith in effect as followeth: the words be very faire that you preach and promise. Neuerthelesse, because it is to me vncoth and new, I can not soone starte away from my country law wherwith I haue bene so lōg inured and assent to you.* 3.7 Albeit yet notwithstanding for y^e ye are come, as ye saye, so farre for my sake: ye shall not be molested by me, but shall be rightwell intreated, hauing al thinges to you ministred necessarye for your supportatiō. Besydes this, neither doe we debarre you, but to haue fre leaue to preach to our people and subiects to conuert, whō ye may to the faith of your Religion.

When they had receaued this comfort of the king, they went with procession to the Citie of Dorobernia, or Caun∣terbury, singyng Alleluya with the Letanie, which then by Gregory, had beene vsed at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning thē at Rome, mentioned in old histories. The wordes of the Letany were these:* 3.8 Deprecamur te Do∣mine in omni misericordia tua, vt auferatur furor tuus & ira tua a ciuitate ista, & de domo sancta tua: quoniam peccauimus. Al∣leluya. That is. We beseech thee O Lorde in all thy mer∣cyes, that thy fury and anger maye cease from this Citie, & from thy holy house for we haue sinned. Alleluya. Thus they entryng in the Citie of Dorobernia, the head Citie of all that dominion at that time, where the king had gyuen them a mansion for there abode: there they contynued preaching and baptising such as they had conuerted in the east side of the Citty in the old church of S. Martine (where the Queene was woont to resorte) vnto the time that the kyng was conuerted himselfe to Christ. At length when the king had wel cōsidered the honest conuersation of their life,* 3.9 and moued with the myracles wrought through gods hand by thē, he heard them more gladly, and lastly by their wholsome exhortations, and example of godly life he was by them conuerted and christened in the yeare aboue speci∣fied. 586. and the 36. yeare of his reigne. After the King was thus conuerted, innumerable other daily came in, & were adioyned to the Church of Christ: whom the King did specially embrace but cōpelled none: for so he had lear∣ned that the faith and seruice of Christ ought to be volun∣tary, and not coacted. Then he gaue to Austen a place for hys Byshops sea at Christes Church in Dorobernia, & builded the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paule,* 3.10 in the East side of the sayde Citie, where after Austen, and all the Kinges of Kent were buried, and that place is now cal∣led S. Austen.

In this while Austen sailed into Fraunce to the By∣shop Arelatensis, called Ethereus: by him to bee consecrated Archbishop, by the commaundement of Gregory, & so was. Also the said Austen sent to Rome, Laurentius one of his cō∣pany, to declare to Gregory how they had sped, and what they had done in Englande: sending with all to haue the counsaile and aduise of Gregory, concerning ix. or x. questi∣ons, whereof some are partly touched before.

The tenour of his questions or interrogations, wyth the aunsweres of Gregory to the same: here follow in En∣glish briefly translated.

The questions of Austen Archbyshop of Caunterbury sent to Gregory, with the aunswere a∣gaine of Gregory to the same.

The first interrogation.

MY first question (reuerende father) is concerning Byshops,* 3.11 how they ought to behaue themselues towarde their clerks Or of such oblations as the faithfull offer vpon the altar: what portions or diuidentes ought to be made thereof.

The aunswere.

How a Bishop ought to behaue himselfe in the Con∣gregation,* 3.12 the holy scripture testifieth which I doubt not but you know right well, especiallye in the Epistles of S Paule to Timothie: wherein he laboureth to informe the sayd Timothe, how to behaue his conuersation in y^e house of the Lord. The maner is of the sea Apostolike, to warne and charge all such as be ordeined Bishops, of all their sti∣pend or that which giuen, to make foure pertitiōs. One to the Bishop for hospitalitie, and receauing commers in. An other to the Clergy,* 3.13 The third to the pore. The fourth to the repairing of Churches. But because your brother∣hode instructed with rules of Monasticall discipline, cānot liue separated from your clerkes about you, therfore in the English Church (which nowe through the prouidence of God is brought to the faith of Christ) you muste obserue this institution, concerning your conuersation, which was in the first Fathers in the begynning of the prymitiue Church, among whom there was not one which counted any thing to be his owne proper, of all that he did possesse: but all was common among them.

The seconde interrogation.

I desire to know and to be instructed,* 3.14 whether Clerkes that cannot containe, may marry. And if they do mary whether then they ought to returne to the secular state againe or no?

The aunswere.

If there be any Clerkes out of holy orders,* 3.15 which can not conteine, let them haue their wiues, and take their sti∣pends or wages without. For we read it so written of the foresayd fathers, that they deuided to euery person, accor∣ding as their worke was. Therfore as concerning the sti∣pend of such, it must be prouided and thought vpon. And they must be also holden vnder Ecclesiasticall discipline, to liue a godly cōuersation: to employ themselues in singing Psalmes, & to refraine their tongue, hart and body (by the grace of God) from all things vnseemely, and vnlawfull▪ As for the vulgar and common sort, which lyue after the common condition of men: to describe what partitions to make, what hospitalitie to keepe, or what works of mercy to exhibite to such, I haue nothing to saye but to giue (as our maister teacheth) in all our deedes of mercy; of that which aboundeth. Of that (saith he) whiche aboundeth or is ouerplus, gyue almes, and beholde all thinges bee cleane vnto you.

The thyrd interrogation.

Seing there is but one faith, how happeneth it then, the cere∣monies and customes of Churches to bee so diuers.* 3.16 As in the Church of Rome there is one custome, and maner of Masse▪ and the French Church hath an other?

The aunswere.

The custome of the Church of Rome,* 3.17 what it is you know: wherin ye remēber that you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bene brought vp frō your youth: but rather it pleaseth me better, that whe∣ther it be in the church of Rome, or in any Frēch Church: where ye finde any thing that seemeth better to the seruice and pleasing of God: that ye chuse the same: and so inferre & bring into the English Church (which is yet new in the faith) the best & pikedst thinges chosen out of many Chur∣ches: for things are not to be beloued for y^e place sake,* 3.18 but the place is to be beloued for the things that be good: wher∣fore such thinges as be good, godly, and religious: th•••••• chose out of all Churches, and induce to your people, that they may take roote in the mindes of Englishmen.

The fourth interrogation.

I praye you what punishment iudge you for him,* 3.19 that shall steale or pylfer any thing out of the Church.

The aunswere.

This your brotherhood may soone discerne,* 3.20 by the per∣son of a theefe, how it ought to be corrected. For some there be which hauing sufficient to liue vpon yet doe steale. O∣ther there be which steale of meere necessity. Wherfore con∣sidering the qualitye & difference of the crime, necessarye it

is that some be corrected by losse of goodes, some by stripes some other more sharply, and some more easly: yea, & whē sharpee correction is to be executed, yet that must be done with charity, and with no fury: for in punishing offenders this is the cause and ende wherefore they are punished, bi∣cause they should be saued & not perish in hell fire. And so ought discipline to proceede in correcting the faithfull, as doe good Fathers in punishing their children, whom both they chasten for their euill, and yet being chastened, they looke to haue them their heires, and thinke to leaue them all they haue, notwithstanding they correct them some∣times in anger. Therefore this charitie must be kepte in mind. And in the correction there is a measure to be had, so that the mind neuer do any thing without the rule of rea∣son. Ye adde moreouer with what recompence of measure those things ought to be required againe which be stollen out of Churches. But God forbid that the Church should euer require againe with increase, that which is lost in outwarde thinges, and to seeke her gaine by endamaging other.

The fift interrogation.

* 3.21Item, whether two brethen may mary two sisters, beyng far of from any part of kindred?

The aunswere.

This in no part of scripture is forbidden, but it may well and lawfully be done.* 3.22

The sixt interrogation.

Item, to what degree of kyndred may the mat••••mony of the faythfull extende with their kindred,* 3.23 or wheth•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it lawfull to marry with the stepmother and her kinsfolkes?

The aunswere.

A certaine terrene law amongst the old Romaines doth permit, that either brother or sister, or the sonne & daugh∣ter of two brethren may marry together.* 3.24 But by expery∣ence we learne, that the issue of such mariage doth neuer thryue, nor come forewarde. Also y^e holye law of God for∣biddeth to reueale the turpitude of thy bloude or kindred.

Wherefore necessary it is, that in the third or fourth degree the faithfull may lawfully marry, for in the seconde as being vnlawfull, they must needes refraine. To be co∣pled with the stepmother is vtterly abhominable, for it is written in the law. Thou shalt not reueale the turpitude of thy Father. Forsomuch then as it is so written in y^e law and they shall be two in one flesh: the sonne then that pre∣sumeth to reueale then the turpitude of his stepmother, which is one flesh with his Father, what doth he then but reueale the turpitude of his owne father.* 3.25 Likewise it was forbidden and vnlawfull to mary with thy kinswoman, which by her first Mariage was made one flesh with thy brother. For the which cause Iohn y^e Baptist also lost hys head, and was crowned a Martyr. Who though he dyed not for the confession of Christ: yet for so much as Christ saith: I am the truth, therfore in that Iohn Baptist was slayne for the truth, it may be sayd his bloud was shedde for Christ.

The seuenth interrogation.

Item, whether such as be so coupled togither in filthy and vnlawfull matrymony ought to be separated and denied the par∣taking of the holy Communion.* 3.26

The aunswere.

Because there be many of the nation of English men which being yet in their infidelitie,* 3.27 were so ioyned & cou∣pled in such execrable mariage: the same comming now to faith, are to be admonished hereafter to abstaine from the like, & that they know the same to be greuous sinne. That they dread the dreadfull iudgement of God, least for their carnall delectation, they incurre the tormentes of eternall punishment. And yet notw^tstanding they are not to be se∣cluded therefore from the participation of Christes body & bloud,* 3.28 lest we should seme to reuenge those things in them which they before their baptisme, through ignoraunce did commit. For in this time the holy Church doth correct some faultes more feruently, some faultes she suffereth a∣gaine through mansuetude and mekenes, some wittingly and willingly she doth wink at, and dissemble: that many times the euil which she doth detest, through bearing and dissembling she may stop & bridle. All they therfore which are come to the faith, must be admonished that they cōmit no such offence. Which thing if they doe, they are to be de∣priued of the Communion of the Lords body & bloud. For like as in them that fall through ignoraunce, their default in this case is to be tollerate: so in them againe it is strōg∣ly to be ensued, which knowing they do nought, yet feare not to commit.

The eight interrogation.

* 3.29Item, in this I desire to be satisfied, after what maner I should deale or do with the Bishops of Fraunce, and of Britaines.

The aunswere.

As touching the Bishops in Fraunce,* 3.30 I geue you no authoritie or power ouer them. For the Bishop of Arolas, or Orliance hath by the olde tyme of our predecessours re∣ceiued the Palle, whome now we ought not to depriue of hys authoritie. Therefore when your brotherhoode shall goe vnto the Prouince of Fraunce, what soeuer yee shal haue there to doe with the Byshop of Orliance, so do, that he loose nothing of that which he hath found and ob∣tayned of the auncient ordinaunce of our foreelders. But as concerning the Bishops of Brittayn, we commit them all to your brotherhoode,* 3.31 that y^e ignoraunt may be taught the infirme by perswasion may be confirmed, the wilful by authoritie may be corrected.

The ninth interrogation.

Whether a woeman being great with childe,* 3.32 ought to be bap∣tised, or after she hath children, after how long time she ought to enter into the Church. Or els that which she hath brought forth, least it should be preuented with death, after howe many dayes it ought to receaue Baptisme. Or after howe long tyme after her childebyrth is it lawfull for her husband to resorte to her? Or els if she be in her monthly course, after the desease of women, whe∣ther then she may enter into the Churche, and receaue the Sacra∣ment of the holy Communion? Or els her husband after the lying with hys wife, before he be washed with water, whether is it law∣full for him to enter the Church, and to draw vnto the mistery of the holy Communion? All which thinges must be declared and opened to the rude multitude of Englishmen.

The Aunswere.

The childing or bearing woman,* 3.33 why may she not be Baptised: seeing that the fruitfulnes of the flesh is no fault before the eyes of almighty God. For our first parentes in Paradise, after they had transgressed: lost their immortal∣litie by the iust iudgement of God which they had takē be∣fore. Then, because almighty God woulde not mankinde vtterly to perish because of hys fall (although he lost nowe hys immortallitie for hys trespasse) yet of hys benigne pi∣etie, left notwithstanding to hym the fruit and generation of issue. Wherefore the issue and generation of mans na∣ture, which is conserued by the gift of almighty God, how can it be debarred from the grace of holy Baptisme?

As concerning the churching of women after they haue trauailed: where ye demaund after howe many dayes they ought to goe to the Church, this you haue learned in y^e old law,* 3.34 that for a man child .30. dayes, after a womā child .66. dayes be appoynted her to keepe in. Albeit this you must take to be vnderstād in a mistery. For if she should y^e houre after her trauayle enter into the Churche to geue thankes, she committed therein no sinne. For why the lust and plea∣sure of the flesh, and not the trauaile and payne of the flesh is sinne. In the coniunction of the fleshe is pleasure, but in the trauaile and bringing forth of the child is payne & gro∣nyng. As vnto the mother of all it is sayd: In sorrow thou shalt trauaile. Therefore if we forbid the woman after her labour to enter the church, thē what doe we els but count y^e same the punishment geuen vnto her, for sinne? Therefore for the woeman after her labour to be baptised,* 3.35 eyther that whiche shee hath trauailed foorth (if present necessitie of death doth so require) yea in the selfe same houre, eyther shee that hath brought foorth, eyther that which is borne in the same houre when it is borne, to be baptised we doe not forbid.

Moreouer,* 3.36 for the man to company with his wife, that he must not: before the child that is borne be wayned. But now there is a lewd and naughty custome risen in the con∣ditiō of maryed folks, that mothers do contemne to nourse their owne children, which they haue borne, but set them to other woemen out to nourse: whiche seemeth onely to come of the cause of incontinency. For while they will not contayne themselues, therefore they put from them their children to nourse. &c.

As concerning the woman in her menstruous course whether she ought to enter the Churche? To this I aun∣swere: she ought not to be forbid. For the superfluitie of nature in her ought not to be imputed for any fault, ney∣ther is it iust that she shold be depriued of her accesse to the Church, for that which she suffereth agaynst her wil. And if the woeman did well, presuming in touching the Lords coate in the tyme of her bloudy issue: why then may not that be graunted vnto all woemen infirmed by the fault of nature, which is commended in one person done in her in∣firmitie? Therefore to receaue the misterie of the holy com∣munion, it is not forbidden them. Albeit if she dare not so farre presume in her great infirmitie, she is to be praysed: but if she do receaue, she is not to be iudged. For it is a point of a good minde in some maner to knowledge hys sinnes there, where is no sinne: because manye times that

is done without fault, which commeth of fault. As when we be hungry, we care without fault, notwithstanding it commeth by the fault of our first father to vs that wee are hungrye, &c.

Where ye aske, if a man after the company with hys wyfe, may resort to the Church or to the holy Communi∣on, before he be purged with water. The law giuen to the old people, commaunded that a man after the companye wyth his wife, both shoulde be purified with water, and also should tary the Sunnes set before he came to the con∣gregation. Which seemeth to be vnderstand spiritually: for then most true it is, that the man companieth with the woman, when his minde through delectation is ioyned to vnlawfull concupiscence in his hart and cogitation. At what time, before the said fire of concupiscence shall be re∣mooued, let the person thinke himselfe vnworthye the en∣traunce to the congregation, through the viciousnes of his filthy will. But of this matter sondry nations haue euery one their sondry customes: some on way & some an other. The auncient maner of the Romanes frō our forefathers, hath beene, that in such case, first they purged themselues with water, then for a little they abstaine reuerently, and so resort to the Church. &c.

After many other words debated of this matter, thus he inferreth: but if any person not for voluptuousnes of the flesh, but for procreation of children, do company with his wife, that man concerning either the comming to the Church, or the receauing the misteries of the Lords body & bloud, is to be left to his owne iudgement: for he ought not to be forbid of vs to come, which when he lieth in the fire will not burne. &c.

There is an other question also to these adioyned, with his aunswere likewise to the same, concerning pollutions in the night, but I thought these at this present to our en∣glish eares, sufficient.

To returne now to the story againe, Gregory after he had sent these resolutions to the questions of Austen, sen∣deth moreouer, to the Church of Englande moe coadiu∣tors, and helpers, as Mellitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffia∣nus, with bookes and such other implemēts as he thought necessary, for the English Church. He sendeth moreouer to the foresaide Austen a palle with letters wherein he set∣teth an order betweene the twoo Metropolitane seates, the one to be at London the other to be at Yorke. Not∣withstanding he graunteth to the sayde Austen during his lyfe to be the onely chyefe Archbyshop of al the lande: and after hys tyme, then to returne to the two foresaide seats of London and Yorke, as is in y^e same letter conteined, the tenour whereof here followeth in hys owne wordes as ensueth.

The copie of the Epistle of Gregory, sent to Augustinus into Englande.

REuerendissimo & sanctis. fratri Augustino coepiscopo, Grego∣rius seruus seruorum Dei. Cum certum sit, pro omnipotente Deo laborātibus ineffabilia aeterni Regis praemia reseruari, nobis tamen eis necesse est bonorum beneficia tribuere, vt in spiritualis operis studio ex remuneratione valeant multiplicius insudare: and so forth as followeth here in English.

TO the reuerende and vertuous brother Augustine, his felow Byshop, Gregorius the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God. Al∣though it be most certaine that vnspeakeable rewardes, of the heauenly king, be laide vp for all such, as labour in the wordes of almighty God, yet it shall be requisite for vs, to reward the same also with our benefites, to the ende, they may be more encoura∣ged, to go forward in the study of their spirituall worke. And for asmuch now, as the new church of Englishmen is brought to the grace of almightie God, through his mightie helpe, and your tra∣uayle, therefore we haue graunted to you the vse of the palle, on∣ly to be vsed at the solemnitie of your Masse: so that it shall bee lawfull for you to ordaine twelue Bishops, such as shal be subiect to your prouince or dition. So that hereafter alwaies the Byshop of the Citie of London, shall be ordeyned and consecrate by his owne proper Synode: and so to receaue the palle of honour frō the holy and Apostolike seate, wherein I here (by the permission of God) doe serue. And as touching the Citie of Yorke, we wyll sende also a Bysh. thether, whō you may thinke meet to ordayne. So that if that Citie with other places bordering thereby, shall re∣ceiue the word of God, he shall haue power likewise to ordayne twelue byshops, and haue the honour of a Metropolitane: to whō also if God spare me life, I entend by the fauour of God, to sende a palle: this prouided, that notwithstanding he shal be subiect to your brotherly appointment. But after your decease, the same Metropolitane, so to be ouer the Byshops whom he ordereth, that he be in no wise subiect to the Metropolitane of Londō after you. And here after betwixt these two Metropolitanes, of London, & Yorke, let there be had such distinction of honour, that hee shall haue the prioritie, which shall in time first bee ordeyned: Wyth common counsell, and affection of hart, let them go both toge∣ther, disposing with one accord, such things as be to be done, for the zeale of Christ. Let them forethinke and deliberate together prudently, and what they deliberate wisely, let them accomplish concordly, not gerryng, nor swaruing, one from the other. But as for your part, you shall be indued with authoritie, not onelye ouer those Byshops, that you constitute, and ouer the other con∣stituted by the byshop of Yorke. But also you to haue all other Priestes of whole Brytaine, subiect to our Lord Iesus Christ: to the ende that through your preaching and holines of life, they may learne both to beleeue rightly and to liue purely, and so in directing their life, both by the rule of true faith and vertuous maners, they may attaine, when God shall call them, the fruition and kingdome of heauen.* 4.1

God preserue you in health reuerend brother:

the x before the Kalend. of Iuly, in the raygne of our so∣ueraigne Lord Mauritius, most vertuous Emperour.

Besides this, the said Gregory sendeth also an other let∣ter to Mellitus,* 4.2 concerning his iudgement what is to bee done with the idolatrous temples and Phanes of the Eng∣lishmen newly cōuerted, which Phanes he thinketh not best to plucke downe, but to conuert the vse thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of their sacrifices and killyng of Oxen, how the same ought to be ordered, and howe to bee altered: disputing by the occasions therof, of the sacrifices of the old Egiptians, permitted of God vnto the Israelits the ende 〈…〉〈…〉 thereof being altered. &c.

He sendeth also an other letter to the foresaid Austen,* 4.3 wherein he warneth him not to be proude or puft vp, for the myracles wrought of God by him, in conuertyng the people of Englande, but rather to feare and tremble, least so much as he were puft vp by the outward work of mira∣cles, so much he shoulde fall inwardly through the vayne glory of his hart: and therfore wisely exhorteth him to re∣presse the swelling glory of hart, with the remembraunce of his sinnes rather against God, whereby he rather hath cause to lament, then to reioyce for the other. Not all the e∣lect of God (saith he) worketh miracles, and yet haue they their names written in the booke of life. And therefore he shoulde not count so much of those miracles done, but re∣ioyse rather with the Disciples of Christ, & labor to haue his name written in the booke of life, where al the electe of God be contained, neither is there any ende of that reioy∣cing. And whatsoeuer miracles it hath pleased god by him to haue beene done, he shoulde remember they were not done for him: but for their conuersion, whose saluation god sought thereby, &c.

Item,* 4.4 he directed an other Epistle to king Ethelbert, as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton, Lib. 3. in the which Epistle, first he praised God, then com∣mendeth the goodnes of the king, by whom it pleased god so to worke such goodnes of the people. Secondly exhort∣teth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christes faith, and to be feruent and zealous in the same: in conuerting the multitude, in destroying the temples and works of idolatry, in ruling and gouerning the people in all holines & godly conuersation, after the godly example of the Emperour Constantinus the great. Lastly, cōforting him with the promises of lyfe and reward to come, wyth the Lord that raigneth and liueth for euer: premonishyng him besides, of the terrours & distresses that shall happen (though not in his dayes) yet before the terrible daye of Gods iudgement: wherfore he willeth him alwaies to be sollicitous for his soule, and suspectfull of the houre of hys death, and watchfull of the iudgement, that he may be al∣waies prepared for the same, when that iudgement shall come. In the ende he desireth him to accept such presentes as giftes which he thought good to sende vnto him from Rome, &c.

Austen thus receyuing his palle from Gregory,* 4.5 as is a∣boue said, and now of a Monke beyng made an Archby∣shop, after he had baptised a great part of Kent: hee after made two Archbyshops or Metropolitanes, by the com∣maundement of Gregory, as witnesseth Polychronicon, the one at London, the other at Yorke.

Mellitus, of whō mention is made before, was sent spe∣cially of the Eastsaxons in the prouince of Essex, where af∣ter he was made Bishop of London, vnder Sigebert kyng of Essex: which Sigebert together with his vncle Ethelbert, first built the church and minster of saint Paule in Lon∣dō, and appointed it to Mellitus for the byshops sea, Austē (associate with this Mellitus and Iustus through the help of Ethelbert) assembled and gathered togither the Byshops & Doctours of Britaine in a place, which taking the name of the sayd Austen, was called Austens Oke. In this assēbly

he charged the sayd Byshops, y^t they should preach w^t him y^e word of God to the Englishmen,* 4.6 & also that they should among themselues reforme certayne rytes and vsages in their church, specially for keping of their Eastertyde: bap∣tising after the maner of Rome, and such other lyke. To these the Scotes and Brytons woulde not agree refusing to leaue the custome, which they so long time had conty∣nued, wythout the assent of them all which vsed the same. Here the stories both of Bede, Cestrensis in Polychron. Hun∣tyngtonensis, Iornalensis, Fabianus and other moe, write of a certaine miracle wrought vpon a blinde Englishe man: whom when the Britons could not helpe, Austen kneeling downe and praying, restored the blynde man to sight be∣fore them all: for a confirmation (as these authours saye) of hys opinion in keeping of Easter. But concerning the credite of this miracle, that I leaue, to the authours of whom I had it.* 4.7 Then Austen gathered an other Synode, to the which came seauen Byshops of Brytons, with the wisest men of that famous Abby of Bangor. But first they tooke counsell of a certayne wyse and holye man amongest them, what to doe: and whether they shoulde be obedient to Austen or not. And he saide: if he be the seruaunt of god agree vnto him. But howe shall wee knowe that, sayde they? To whom he aunswered againe: If he be meeke and humble of hart, by that know that he is the seruant of god. To this they said againe: & how shal we know him to bee hūble & meeke of hart? By this quoth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seing you are y^e greater number, if he at your comming 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your Synode rise vp, & courteously receaue you, 〈…〉〈…〉 him to bee an humble and a meke man. But if he shall contemne and de∣spise you (being as ye are) the greater part, despise you him agayne. Thus the Brytaine Byshops entring into the Counsell, Austen after the Romishe maner keeping hys chaire would not remoue. Whereat they being not a little offended, after some heate of words, in disdain & great dis∣pleasure departed thence. To whō then Austen spake: and said, that if they would not take peace with their brethren, they should receaue war with their enimies: And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the Eng∣lish nation, they should suffer by their handes the reuenge of deth.* 4.8 Which not lōg after so came to passe by the meanes of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande: who being yet a Pagan, and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester: where Brocmayl the Consull of that Citie, a fryend and helper of the Britaines side, was readye with his force to receaue him. There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceding great Monastery,* 4.9 wherin was such a number of Monkes, as Galfridus with other authors doe testifie that if the whole company were deuided into seuen parts in e∣uery of the seuen parts were conteined not so few as 300. Mōkes: which al did liue with the sweat of their browes, and labor of their owne hands, hauing one for their ruler named Dinoe. Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good succes of Brocmayl, fighting for them against the Saxons. Thre daies they cōtinued in fasting and praier. When Ethelfride the foresaide king, se∣ing them so intent to their praiers: demaunded the cause of their comming thether in such a cōpany. When he per∣ceaued it was to pray for their Consull, then (saith he) al∣though they beare no weapon, yet they fight against vs, & with their praiers & preachings they persecute vs. Wher∣vpon after that Brocmayl, being ouercome did flee awaye, the king commaunded his men to turne their wepons a∣gainst the sely vnarmed Monkes: of whome he slewe the same time, or rather Martired .1100. onely fiftie persons of that number did flee and escape awaye with Brocmayl: the rest were all slaine. The authors that write of this la∣mentable murder, declare & saye howe the forespeaking of Austen, was here verefied vpon the Britanes: which be∣cause they would not ioine peace with their frends, he said should be destroied of their enimis. Of both these parties, the reader may iudge what he pleaseth:* 4.10 I can not see but both together were to be blamed. And as I cannot but ac∣cuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First Austen in this matter can in no wise be excused, who being a monke before, & therfore a scholer & professor of humilitie: shewed so litle humilitie in this assembly, to seuen Byshops & an Archbishop, cōming at his cōmaundement to the Coun∣cell, that he thought scorne once to stirre at their comming in. Much lesse would his Pharisaicall solemnity haue gir∣ded himselfe, & washed his brethrens feete, after their tra∣uaile, as Christ our great maister did to his Disciples: se∣yng his Lordship was so hie, or rather so heauy, or rather so proude, that coulde not finde in his hart to giue them a little moouing of his body to declare a brotherly & humble hart. Againe the Britaynes were much, or more to blame, who so much neglected their spirituall duety, in reuenging their temporal iniury: that they denyed to ioyne vnto their helping labour, to turne the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of lyfe and saluatiō. In which respect all priuate cases ought to geue place, and to be forgotten. For the whiche cause, although lamentable to vs, yet no great meruaile in them, if the stroke of gods punishment did light upon thē: according to the wordes of Austen, as is before declared. But especially the cruell king, in this fact, was most of all to blame, so furiously to flee vpon them, which had neither weapō to resist him, nor yet any will to harme him. And so likewise the same or like, happened to himselfe afterward. For so was he also slayne in the field by Christian Edwine, who succeeded him: as he had slayne the Christians before, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 610. But to re∣turne to Austen agayne, who by report of authors was de∣parted before this cruelty was done: after he had baptised and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West riuer, that is called Swale, beside Yorke on a Christēmasse day: perceauing hys end to draw neare, he ordayned a suc∣cessor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishops sea of Dorobernia.* 4.11 Where note by the way Christian Rea∣der, that wheras Austen baptised then in riuers: it follow∣eth, there was then no vse of fontes. Agayne, if it be true that Fabian sayth,* 4.12 he baptised x. thousād in one day: the rite thē of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremoniall, neither had so manye trinkets at that tyme, as it hath had since, or els it could not be, that he coulde baptise so many in one daye.

In the meane season, about this time departed Grego∣ry Byshop of Rome: of whom it is sayd, that of the num∣ber of al the first Bishops before him in the primitiue time, he was the basest:* 4.13 of all them that came after him, hee was the best. About whiche tyme also dyed in Wales, Dauid Archbishop first of Kayrleion, who then translated the sea from thence to Meneuia,* 4.14 and therefore is called Dauid of Wales. Not long after this also, deceased the foresayd Au∣sten in England after he had set there xv. or xvi. yeares: by the which count we may note it, not to be true that Henry Huntington and other doe witnesse, that Austen was dead before that battaile of Ethelfride agaynst the Mōkes of Bā∣gor. For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder,* 4.15 to be done about the yeare of our Lorde. 609. and the comming of Austen first into the Realme, to be an. 596. then Austen enduring xvi. yeares could not be dead at thys battell. Moreouer Galfridus Monumetensis declareth, con∣cerning the same battell,* 4.16 that Ethelbert the king of Kent, beyng (as is sayd) conuerted by Austen to Christes fayth: after he saw the Britaynes to disdayne and deny their sub∣iection vnto Austen, neyther would assist him w^t preaching to the English nation: therefore stirred vp he the foresayd Ethelfride to warre agaynst the Britaynes. But that see∣meth rather suspicious then true, that he being a Christen king, eyther could so much preuayle with a Pagan Idola∣ter, or els would attempt so farre to commit such a cruell deede. But of vncertayne things I haue nothing certain∣ly to say, lesse to iudge.

About this present tyme aboue prefixed,* 4.17 which is 610. I read in the story of Ranulphus Cestrensis, the writer of Polychronicon, of Iohn the Patriarche of Alexandria who for his rare example of hospitality and bountifulnes to the poore:* 4.18 I thought no lesse worthy to haue place amongest good men, then I see the same now to be followed of few. This Iohn (beyng before belike a hard and sparing man) as he was at hys prayer vpon a tyme (it is sayd) there ap∣peared to him a comely virgine hauing on her head a gar∣land of Oliue leaues: which named her selfe mercy, saying to him and promising that if he would take her to wi••e, he should prosper well. This, whether it were true or not, or els inuented for a moralitie,* 4.19 I would wish this florishing damsell so to be maryed to moe then to this Iohn, that shee should not liue so long a virgine now as she doth, because no man will marry her. But to returne to his Patriarch, who after that day (as the story recordeth: was so merciful and so beneficiall, especially to the poore and needy, that he counted them as hys maysters, and himself as a seruaunt and steward vnto them. This Patriarch was wont com∣monly twise a weeke to sit at hys doore all the day long, to take vp matters, and to set vnitie, where was any vari∣aunce: One day it happened, as he was sitting all the day before hys gate, and saw no man come, lamented that all that day hee had done no good: To whome his Dea∣con standing by, aunswered agayne, that hee had more cause to reioyse, seeing he had brought the Cittie in that order and in such peace, that there needed no reconcile∣ment amongest them. An other time as the sayd Iohn the Patriarche was at the Seruice and reading the Gospell

in the church, the people (as their vsed maner is) went out of the church to talke and iangle: he perceauing that, went out likewise, and sat amongst them: wherat they maruey∣ling to see him do so. My children said he, where the flocke is, there ought the shepherd to be: wherefore either come you in, that I may also come in with you, or els if you tary out, I will likewise tary out together with you, &c.

* 4.20As touching the actes and deedes of Gregory aboue mentioned, how he withstood the ambitious pryd of Iohn, Patriarche of Constantinople, which woulde be the vny∣uersall Priest, and onely chiefe Byshop of all other: de∣claring him to be no lesse then the forerunner of Antichrist, that woulde take that name vppon him: howe and wyth what reasons he aunswered againe the letters of the Em∣peror Mauritius in that behalfe, sufficient relation is made thereof in the first entry and beginning of this booke. This Gregory among manye other thinges induced into the Churche (the specialties whereof hereafter shall followe Christ willing more at large) fyrst beganne and brought in thys title among the Romaine Bishoppes, to be called Seruus seruorum Dei:* 4.21 putting them in remembraunce ther∣by both of their humblenes, and also of their duetie in the Churche of Chryst. Moreouer as concerning his acte for the sole lyfe of Pryestes fyrst begonne, and then broken a∣gaine. Also concerning the order of Gregoryes Masse boke, to be receaued in all churches, hereof who so lifteth to read more, shall fynde the same in other places hereafter, namelye when wee come to the tyme of Pope Adrian the first.

* 4.22After the death of Gregory, aboue mentioned, first came Sabinianus, who as he was a malicious detractor of Grego∣ry & of his works, so he continued not long, scarse the space of two yeares. After whom succeded next Bonifacius the 3. which albeit he reigned but one yeare,* 4.23 yet in y^e one yeare he did more hurt then Gregory, with so great labours, and in so many yeres could do good before: for that which Gre∣gorye kept out, he brought in, obtaining of Phocas the wic∣ked Emperour for him and his successours after him, that the sea of Rome aboue al other churches should haue the preeminence: and that the Bishop of Rome should be the vniuersall head, through all Churches of Christ in Chri∣stedome: alleadging for him this friuolous reason, that S Peter had and left to his successours in Rome the keyes of byndyng and loosing, &c. And thus began first Rome to take an head aboue all other Churches, by the meanes of Boniface the 3.* 4.24 who as he lacked no boldnes nor ambitiō to seeke it, so neither lacked he an Emperour fit and meete to gyue such a gift. Thys Emperours name was Phocas a man of such wickednes and ambitiō most like to his owne Bishop Boniface, that to aspire to the Empire, he murthe∣red his owne maister and Emperour Mauritius, & his chil∣dren. Thus Phocas coming vp to be Emperour, after this detestable vilanie done: thinking to establish his Empire with friendship and fauour of his people, & especially with the byshop of Rome: quickly condescended to al hys peti∣tions, & so graunted him (as it is sayd) to be that he would, the vniuersall and heade Bishop ouer all Christen Chur∣ches. But as bloud commonly requireth bloud againe, so it came to passe on the said Phocas. For as he had crueltye slayne the Lorde and Emperour,* 4.25 Mauritius, before, so he in lyke maner (of Heraclius the Emperour succeedyng hym) had his hands and seete cut of, & so was cast into the Sea. And this wicked Phocas which gaue the first supremacy to Rome, lost his owne. But Rome would not so soone loose his supremacy once giuen, as y^e gyner lost his life: for euer since frō that day it hath holden, defended, and maintained the same still, and yet doth to this present day, by al force & policy possible. And thus much concerning Boniface, whō, by the words of Gregory, we may well call the runner be∣fore Antichryst. For as Gregory brought into their stile, Seruus seruorum Dei,* 4.26 so this Boniface brought into theyr heades, first Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus. That is. We will and commaunde, we enioyne and charg you. &c.

Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert kyng of Kent, and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxone or Nor∣thumbria. This Ethelbert hauing vnder his subiection al the other Saxon kinges, vnto Number, after he had fyrst receaued himselfe, and caused to be receaued of other, the Christian faith by the preaching of Austen, being cōfirmed afterward in the same faith, amōg other costly dedes, with the helpe of Sigebert kyng of Essex his nephew,* 4.27 then reig∣ning vnder him, began the foundation of Paules Church within the Citie of London,* 4.28 & ordained it for the Bishops sea of Londō. For the Archbishops sea which before tyme had bene at London, was by Austen and this Ethelbert at the praier of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the said Citie Malmesberiēsis Lib. de pontific.* 4.29 Wherfore such au∣thors as say that Paules was diuided by Sigebert, say not amisse: which Sigebert was y^e king o•• Essex, ••n which pro∣uince standeth the Citie of London. This Ethelbert also founded the Church of Saint Andrewe in the Citie of Do∣rubres in Kent, nowe called Rochester, of one Rot, distaunt from Dorobernia, 24. miles. Of this citie, Iustus was bishop ordained before by Austen. Moreouer the ••orenamed Ethel∣bert, styrred vp a dweller or Citizen of London to make a Chappell or church of Saint Peter in the west end of Lō∣don, then called Thorny, nowe the Towne of Westmin∣ster, which Church or Chappell was after by Edward the confessour inlarged or newe builded:* 4.30 lastly of Henry the 3. it was newly agayne reedified and made as it is nowe a large Monasterye. &c. After these Christian and worthye actes this Ethelbert when he had reigned the course of lvj. yeares chaunged thys mortall life about the yeare of our Lorde 616. whome some stories say to be slaine in a fyghte betweene him and Ethelfride king of Northsaxons.* 4.31

In the meane time the foresaid Ethelfride king of Nor∣thumberland, after the cruell murther of the Monkes of Bangor, escaped not long vnpaied his hire, for after he had raigned.* 4.32 24. yeares he was slaine in the fielde of Edwine, who succeded in Northumberland after him.

This Edwyne being the sonne not of Ethelfride,* 4.33) as Galfridus Monumetensis saith) but rather of Alla (as Giral∣dus Gambrensis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to witnes more truely) was first a Panim or 〈◊〉〈◊〉: afterward by Paulinus was Christ∣ned and the first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king in Northōberland. The occasion of which his calling or conuersion, as is in sundry stories contained, was this.

Edwine being yet a Pagane, maryed the daughter of Ethelbert king of kent, called Edelburge a Christian womā, otherwise called Tace. But before this mariage, Edwyne beyng yet young, Ethelfride the king, conceyuing enuy a∣gaynst him: persecuted him so sore, that he was forced to flee to Redwaldus king of Eastangles, as in the table of the kings is expressed. The which Redwaldus what for feare, what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride, at length priuily had intēded to haue betrayed Edwyne. But as gods will was, Edwyne hauing warning thereof by a secrete frynde of his, was mooued to flee and to saue himselfe be∣yng promised also of his friendes to bee safely conueyed a∣waye, if he would thereto agree. To whome Edwyne said, whether shall I flee which haue so long fleene the handes of myne enymies, through all prouinces of the Realme? And if I must nedes be slayne I had rather that he should doe it, then an other vnworthy person. Thus he remay∣ning by himselfe alone & solitarie, sitting in a great study, there appeared vnto him sodainely, a certaine straunger, to hym vnknowne, and saide, I knowe well the cause of thy thought and heauines. What wouldest thou giue him that should deliuer thee out of this feare, & should recōcile king Redwald to thee againe? I woulde gyue him (saide Edwyne) al that euer I coulde make. And he saide agayne: And what if he make thee a mightier king, then was anye of thy Progenitours? Hee aunswered againe as before. Moreouer, (saith he) and what if hee shewe thee a better kind and way of life, then euer was shewed to any of thine aunceters before thee: wilt thou obey him & doe after his counsell? yea (said Edwyne) promising most firmely, wyth al his hart so to do.* 4.34 Thē he laying his hand vpon his head when (said he) this token hapneth vnto thee: then remem∣ber this time of thy tribulation, & the promise which thou hast made, and the word which now I say vnto thee. And with that he uanished out of his sight sodainely. After this so done as Edwyne was sitting alone by him selfe pensiue and sad:* 4.35 his foresaid friend, which moued him before to fle commeth to him, bidding him be of good chere, for the hart (said he) of king Redwaldus which had before intended thy destruction, was nowe altered through the counsell of the Queene, and is fully bent to keepe his promise wyth you, whatsoeuer shall fall thereupon. To make the story short Redwaldus the King (although Fabian following Henry Huntyngton) saith it was Edwyne) with al conuenient speed assembled an host:* 4.36 wherwith he sodainly comming vpon Ethelfride, gaue battaile vnto him aboute the borders of Mercia, where Ethelfryde king of Northumberlande, also with Reyner Redwaldus sonne was slaine in the fielde. By reason wherof Edwyne (his enimies now being destroyed) was quietly placed in the possessiō of Northumberlād.* 4.37 All this while yet Edwyne remained in his old Paganisme, al∣beit his Queene being (as is aboue declared) king Ethel∣bertes daughter a Christen woman, with Paulinus the by∣shop, ceased not to stirre and perswad the king to christian fayth. But he taking counsell with his nobles and coun∣sellers vpon the matter, was hard to be wonne. Then the

Lord, who desposeth all things after his purpose, to bring al good things to passe, sent an other trouble vpon him, by meanes therof to cal him.* 4.38 For by affliction God vseth cō∣monly to call them whom he wil saue, or by whom he wil worke saluation vnto other. So his diuine wisdome thin∣keth good to make them first to knowe themselues, before they come to know him, or to teach him to other: so it was with Paule, who was striken downe, before hee was lyf∣ted vp, with Constantinus Edwynus and many moe. Howe long was Ioseph in prison before he bare rule? How hardly escaped this our Queene nowe being (Queene Elizabeth) by whō yet notwithstanding it hath pleased god to restore this his gospel now preached amongst vs? In what con∣flictes and agonies inwardly in his spirite was M. Luther before he came to preach the iustification of Christ openly? And so be all they most commonlye, which come to anye liuely feeling or sensible working of Christ the Lord.

* 4.39But to returne to Edwyne againe. The occasion of hys trouble was this: Quicelinus with Kynegilsus his brother, Kings of Westsaxons (as aboue is mentioned in the table of the Saxon kings) conspiring the death of Edwyne now king of Northumberland:* 4.40 vpon enuy and malice sent vp∣on an Easter day, a swordman named Emner, priuelye to slay the said Edwyne.* 4.41 This swordman or cutthrote came to a Citie beside the water of Darwent in Darbishire, there to waite his time, and lastly founde the king smallye accompanied, and intēded to haue runne the ki•••• through with a sword inuenemed. But one Lilla the kinges trustye seruaunt, disgarnished of a shield or other weapon to defēd his maister,* 4.42 start betwene the king & the sword, and was strikē through the body and died, and the king was woū∣ded with the same stroke. And after he wounded also the third which was a knight, & so was taken, and confessed by whom he was sent to worke that treason. The other knight that was secondly wounded died, and the king lay after long sicke, or he were healed.

After this, about whitsontide the king being scantlye hole of his wounde, assembled his host, intending to make against the king of westsaxons: promising to Christ to be Christened, if he would giue him the victory ouer his eni∣mies. And in token therof caused his daughter borne of E∣delburge y^• same Easter day when he was woūded, named Eufled to be baptised:* 4.43 with xij other of his familye, of Pauli∣nus. Thus Edwyne proceded to the battel against Quicel∣ne and Kynegilsus with his sonne Kenwalcus and other eni∣mies, who in the same battell being al vanquished & put to flight, Edwyn through the power of Christ returneth home victorer. But for all this victory & other things gy∣uen to him of God, as he was in wealth of the worlde, for∣gat his promise made, and had little mind therof, saue only that he by the preaching of Paulinus forsoke his maumen∣try. And for his excuse saide that he might not clearly deny his olde lawe, which his forefathers had kept so long, and sodeinly to be Christened without authority and good ad∣uise of his counsaile.

About the same season Pope Boniface the 5. sent also to the sayd Edwyne letters exhortatory, wyth sundrye pre∣sentes from Rome to him, and to Edelburge the Queene. But neither would that preuaile. Then Paulinus seyng the king so hard to be conuerted, poured out his praiers vnto God for his cōuersion: who the same time had reuealed to him by the holy ghost, the oracle aboue mentioned, which was shewed to the King, when hee was with Redwaldus king of the Eastangles. Wherupon Paulinus comming af∣terward to the king, on a certaine day, and laying his hād vpon the kings head, asked him if he knew that tokē. The king hearing this & remembring wel the token, was rea∣dy to fall downe at his feete. But Paulinus not sufferyng that, did lift vp hym againe, saying vnto him: behold, O king, you haue vanquished your enimies, you haue obtei∣ned your kingdome, now performe the third, which you haue promised, that is to receaue the faith of Christ, and to be obedient to him. Wherupon the king conferryng with his Counsell, & his nobles, was baptised of the said Pauli∣nus at Yorke, with many of his other subiectes with hym: Insomuch that Coyfi the chiefe of the Prelates of his olde maumentry armed him selfe wyth hys other Idolatrous Bishops, and bestrode good horses, which before by their old law they might not do, nor ride but onely a Mare: & so destroied al the altars of the maumentrye, & their tem∣ple of Idoles, which was at Godmundham, not far from Yorke,* 4.44 and this was the xi. yeare of his raigne,

From that time ••orth, during the life of Edwyne which was the terme of vj. yeares moe,* 4.45 Paulinus christened, con∣tinually in the riuers of Gweny, & Swala, in both pro∣uinces of Deira, and in Bernicia, vsing the said riuers for his fountes, and preached in the shire of Lincesey, where he builded also a Church of stone at Lincolne.* 4.46

In this time was so great peace in the kingdome of Edwyne after his conuersion, that a womā laden with gold might haue gone from the one side of the sea to the other, and no man molest hir. Moreouer by the hye waye sydes, through al his kingdom he caused by euery wel or spryng to be chayned a dish, or bole of brasse to take vp water; for the refreshing of such as went by the way, which boles of brasse there remained safe, that no man touched them, du∣ring all the life of the said Edwyne. Such was then the ten∣der care and study of Christen Princes, for the refreshing of their subiectes. But that was then the Brasen worlde, which now is growne to yron and leade, called Aetas ferrea or rather plumbea.

This Edwyne,* 4.47 who first brought in the fayth in the North partes continuing after his Baptisme. vj. yeres, at length was slaine in battell by Cedwalla,* 4.48 king of the Bri∣taines. and by wicked Penda, king of the Mercians, wyth his sonne also Offricus in the field called Hatfield.

This Paulinus was the first Archbyshop of Yorke, and as he was of Iustus Archbyshop of Caunterbury, or∣dained Archbyshop of the sea of Yorke, so he againe after the discease of Iustus, ordained Honorius to be Archbyshop of Caunterbury.

Paulinus after the death of godly Edwyne, seing vnmer∣ciful Cedwalla or Cedwallon with his Britaines,* 4.49 and wyc∣ked Penda w^t the Idolatrous merciās, to spoile the land in such sort, as they made no spare neither of age nor sexe, nor Religion, was compelled to fle with Edelburg the Queene and Euflede her daughter, by water into Kent: where the said Archbishop Paulinus remained Bishop of Rochester, the space of xix. yeares. And so the Churche of Northum∣berland lacked a Byshop for the space of xxx. yeares after. Notwithstanding he lett there one Iames his Deacon,* 4.50 a good man, who continued their baptising and preaching, in the North parts, till that peace being recouered, & the number of the faithfull increasing, the church came againe to his stay.* 4.51 Hunting. Lib. 3.

By the meanes of this Edwyne Erpwaldus King of the Eastangles sonne to Redwaldus aboue mentioned, was reduced to Christes faith.* 4.52

After the decease of Edwyne and his sonne Offrike, both slayne in battell, reigned Ofricus and Eufridus the one in Deyra, the other in Bernicia. Osricus was the sonne of El∣fricus which was brother to Ethelfride. Eaufridus, was the eldest sonne of Ethelfride (for Ethelfride had three sonnes to wit, Eaufridus, Oswaldus, & Osricus. These two kinges of Desyra and Bernicia, Osricus, and Eaufride, beyng fyrst Christened in Scotlande: after being kinges returned to their old idolatry, & so in the yeares following were slaine one after the other, by the foresaide Cedwalla, and wycked Penda, as is in the table aboue expressed.* 4.53

After whō succeded in Northumberlaad, the seconde sonne of Ethelfride named Oswaldus, hauing rule on both the Prouinces as well Deyra, as of Bernicia.* 4.54 Whereof when the foresaide Cedwalla, (or Cadwallo) the Brytayne king had vnderstanding:* 4.55 who before had made hauoke of the Saxons and thought to haue rooted them vtterlye out of England: he sent king Penda w^t a mighty host of y^e Brit∣taines, thinking to slea also Oswald, as he had before slaine his brother Eaufride, and King Edwyne before them. But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwal, and Penda made his prayes to God, and besought him meekely of helpe to withstand his enimie: for the sal∣uation of his people. Thus after Oswald had prayed for the sauing of his people, the two hostes met in a fielde named Denesburne, some say Heuenfield, where was faught a strōg battell. But smally the armye and power of Penda, & Ced∣wall, which were farre exceeding the number of Oswaldus host, was chased and most part slaine by Oswaldus, after he reigned ouer the Britanes xxij. yeares leauing after him a sonne, whom Gaufridus called Cadwaladrus, the last king of the Britanes.

Of this Oswald, much praise and commendation is written in authors, for his feruent zeale in Christes Reli∣gion, & mercifull pitty toward the poore, with other great vertues moe. As touching the miracles of S. Oswald, what it pleased the people of that time to reporte of him, I haue not here to affirme: This I find in stories certaine, that he being well and vertuously disposed to the setting foorth of Christes faith and doctrine, sent into Scorlande for a cer∣teine Bishop,* 4.56 there called Aidanus, which was a famous preacher. The king what time he was in Scotland bany∣shed, had learned the scotish toung perfectly: wherfore as this Aidanus preached in his scotish toung to the Saxons, the king himselfe interpreting that which hee had said, dis∣dayned not to preach & expounde the same to his nobles &

subiects in the English toung.

Moreouer, toward the poore and needy, his pitty & tendernes was such, being notwithstanding of so highe & Princely calling:* 4.57 that vpon a time being then Easter day, he sitting with the saide Aidanus at meate and serued after the maner of kings in siluer, there commeth to him one of the seruitures bringing him word, that there was a great multitude of poore people sitting in the strete, which desi∣red some almes of the king. Hee hearing this, commaun∣deth not only the meate prepared for his owne table to be caried vnto them,* 4.58 but also taking a Siluer platter whiche stode before him, brake it in peeces and sent it among thē: And so relieued his pore subiectes, not onely with y^e meate of his table, but with his dishes also. Aidanus the Byshop seing this and marueiling therat, taketh him by the hand, wishing and praying in this wise. This hand, sayth he, I pray God may continue and neuer putrifie. What the sto∣ries say more concerning this hand of Oswald, I entēd not to medle farther then simple, true, and due probalitie will beare me out. In those dayes and partly by the meanes of the said Oswald Kynigilsus king of the Westsaxons was cō∣uerted to Christes faith,* 4.59 especially through the godly labor of Berinus which was sent by Pope Honorius to preach in England, and was then made Bishop of Dorchester. To whom Quicelinus brother of Kynigilsus after he had also re∣ceiued baptisme of the said Berinus gaue to him y^e sayd Ci∣tie to make there his sea.* 4.60 And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quicelinus gaue after to the Byshop of Winchester, seauen myles compasse of land, to builde there the Byshops sea, the which was accomplished and finished Kenwalkus hys sonne.

Of this Berinus Malmesbery, Polychronicon, with dy∣uers other writers do report, a thing straunge and myra∣culous which if it be a fable as no doubt it is,* 4.61 I cannot but maruel that so many authors so constantly agre in repor∣ting and affirming the same. The matter is this: this Be∣rinus being sent as is said, by Honorius to preach in Englād promiseth him to trauell to the vttermost borders therof, and there to preach the Gospell, where the name of Christ was neuer heard. Thus he seting forward in his iourney passeth through Fraunce, and so to the sea side, where hee found a passage ready, and the winde serued so faire, that he was called vpon in such hast, that he had no leysure to remember himselfe to take all things with him, which hee had to cary. At length as he was on the sea sailing and al∣most in the middle course of his passage, remembred him∣selfe of a certaine relique left behinde him for hast: which Honorius had giuen him at his comming out. Malmesberi∣ensis calleth it Corporalia. Historia Iornalensis calleth it Pallu∣lam super quam Corpus Christi consecraret, which wee call a Corporas or such a like thing, and what els enclosed with in it I can not tell. Here Berinus in great sorow coulde not tell what to doe, if he should haue spoken to the Heathen mariners, to turne their course backe againe, they woulde haue mocked him,* 4.62 and it had bin in vaine. Wherfore as y^e stories write, he boldly steppeth into the Sea, and walke∣yng on fote back again, taketh w^t him that which was left behind, & so returneth to his company againe, hauing not one thred of his garments wette. Of his miracle, or whe∣ther I should cal it a fable rather, let the reader iudge ther∣of, as he thinketh, because it is not written in the Scrip∣ture we are not bound to beleeue it. But if it were true, it is then thought to be wrought of god not for any holines in the man: or in the Corporas, but a speciall gifte for the conuersion of the heathen, for whose saluation God suffer∣eth oft many wonders to be done. This Berinus being re∣ceiued in the ship againe with a great admiration of the Maryners, beyng therewyth conuerted and Baptysed: was driuen at last by the weather, to the coast of the West∣saxōs, where Kynigilsus and his brother Quicelinus aboue mentioned did raigne.* 4.63 Which two kinges, the same time by y^e preaching of Berinus were conuerted, and made Chri∣sten men, with the people of the country, being before rude and barbarous. It happened the same time when the for∣said kings shoulde bee christened, that Oswaldus (mentio∣ned a little before) king of Northumberland, was thē pre∣sent, and the same day maried Kynigilsus his daughter,* 4.64 and also was godfather to the king.

* 4.65Thus Oswald after he had reigned ix. yeares in such holines and perfectnes of life, as is aboue specified, was slayne at length in the field called Maxfield, by wicked Pē∣da, king of the Mercians,* 4.66 which Penda, at length after all his tyranny was ouercome and slaine by Oswy brother to Oswald, next king after Oswald of Northumberland, not∣withstanding he had thryse y^e people which Oswy had: this Penda being a Panim had iii. sonnes Wolferus, Weda, and Egfridus. To this seconde sonne Weda, Oswy had before time maried his daughter, by consent of Penda hys father. The whiche Weda by helpe of Oswy was made Kyng of Southmercia,* 4.67 the which Lordship is seuered from north∣mercia by the ryuer of Trent. The same Weda moreouer, at what time he maried the daughter of Oswy, promised to him that he would become a christen man, which thing he performed after the death of Penda his Father, but after∣ward within iij. yeares of his reigne, he was by reason of his wife slaine: And after him the kingdome fell to Wolfe∣rus the other brother, who beyng wedded to Ermenilda, daughter of Ercomber kyng of Kente, was shortlye after Christened, so that he is accounted the first christened king of Mercia. This Wolferus conquered Kenwalcus Kyng of Kent, and gat y^e Ile of Wight, which after he gaue to Sig∣bert King of Theastangles,* 4.68 vpon condition he would be Christened. And thus the Eastangles, which before had expulsed Mellitus there bishop,, as is declared recouered a∣gaine the Christian faith vnder Sigbert their King, who by the meanes of the foresayd Wolferus was reduced and Baptised by Finanus the Byshop.

But to returne againe to Oswy,* 4.69 from whom we haue a litle digressed, of whom we shewed before how he succe∣ded after Oswald in the prouince of Bernicia, to whom al∣so was ioyned Oswynus hys cosin, ouer the Prouince of Deyra, and therwith his felow, Oswy, raigned the space of vij. yere: this Oswyne was gentle, & liberal to his people and no ••••sse deuout towarde God: who vpon a time had giuen to Aidanus the bishop aboue mentioned, a Princely Horse with the trappers, & al that appertained therto:* 4.70 be∣cause he should not so much trauel on foote but some tyme ease himselfe withall. Thus Aidanus the Scottishe By∣shop as he was riding vpon his kingly horse, by the way meteth him a certaine poore man asking and crauing hys charitie. Aidanus hauing nothing els to giue him: lighted down,* 4.71 and giueth to him his horse trapped and garnished as he was. The King vnderstanding this, & not conten∣ted therwith, as he was entring to dinner with the sayd Aidanus what ment you father Byshop, (sayd he) to giue away my horse I gaue you, vnto the begger? Had not I other horses in my stable that might haue serued him well inough, but you must giue awaye that which of purpose was pickt out for you among the chiefest? To whome the Bishop made aunswere againe saying or rather rebuking the king, what be these wordes (O king saide he) that you speake? Why set you more price by an horse, which is but the sole of an horse, then you do by him which is the sonne of Mary, yea which is the sonne of God? He said but thys when the king forthwith vngirding his sword frō about him (as he was then newly come in from hunting) falleth downe at the feete of the Bishop,* 4.72 desiring him to forgiue him that, and he would neuer after speake word to him, for any treasure he should afterward giue away of his. The Bishop seing the king so mekely affected, hee then takyng him vp, & chering him againe with words, began shortly after to weepe & to be very heauy, his minister asking the cause therof, Aidanus aunswered in his scottish language saying to him: I weepe saith he for that this king cannot liue lōg. This people is not worthy to haue such a Prince as he is to raigne among them.* 4.73 And so as Aidanus sayd, it came to passe. For not long after Oswy the king of Berni∣cia disdaining at him, when Oswyne either being not able or not willing to ioyne with him in Battaile,* 4.74 caused hym traiterously to be slaine. And so Oswy, with his sonne Eg∣fride raigned in Northumberland alone.

In the time & also in the house, of this Oswy king of Northūberland, was a certaine man named Benedict, who was the bringer vp of Bede from his youth, & tooke him to his institution, whē he was but seuen yere old, & so taught him during his life. This Benedict, or Benet, descending of a noble stocke and rich kinne & in good fauour with Oswy: forsoke seruice, house, and al his kindred to serue Christ, & wēt to Rome (where he had bene in his life time v. times) and brought from thence bookes,* 4.75 into Monasteries, wyth other things which he thought then to serue for deuotion. Thys Bennedict surnamed Byshop, was the fyrst that brought in the arte and vse of glasing into this lande. For before that, glasse windowes were not knowen, either in churches, or in houses.

In the raigne of the foresaid Oswye and Egfride hys sonne, was Botulphus Abbot: which builded in the East part of Lincolne an Abbey. Also Aidanus, Finianus, & Col∣mannus, with iii. Scottish Bishops of Northumberlande holy men, held with y^e Britaines, against the Romish or∣der, for the keeping of Easter daye. Moreouer Cutbertus Iarumannus, Cedda, and Wilfridus liued the same time, who as I iudge to be Byshops of an holy conuersation, so I thought it sufficient here only to name them. As touching

their miracles wherefore they were made Saintes in the Popes calender, seing they are not written in the Gospel, nor in my Crede, but in certaine old chronicles of that age so they are no matter of my faith: notwithstanding as tou∣ching there conuersation,* 4.76 this I read, and also do credite, that the Clergy both of Britaine & Englande at that time, plied nothing that was worldly, but gaue thē to preching and teaching the word of our Sauiour, and followed the life that they preached, by giuing of good ensample. And o∣uer that, as our histories accord, they were so voyd of co∣uetousnes, that they receiued no possessions or territories as was forced vpon them.

About this season or not much before, vnder the raigne of Oswy & Oswyne,* 4.77 kynges of Northumberlande, an o∣ther Synode or Councell was holden against the Bry∣taines and the Scottish bishops, for the ryght, obseruyng of Easter, at Sternehalt. At what time Agilbertus By∣shop of westsaxons came to Northumberlande, to insty∣ture Wilfride, Abbot of Rypon, where this question for Easter day began to be moued.* 4.78 For Colmannus then By∣shop of Northūberland followed not y^e custome of Rome, nor of the Saxons: but followed the Brytaynes, and the Scottish Bishops, his predecessors in the same sea before. Thus on the on side was Colmannus the Archbyshop of Yorke and Hilda the Abbes of Sternhalt: which alleaged for them the doinges and examples of their predecessours, both godly and reuerend byshops: as Aidanus, Finianus, Archbishops of that sea of Yorke before them, and diuers moe. Who had vsed alwaies to celebrate the Easter, from the xiiij. day of the first moneth, till the xxviij. of the same. And specially for that S. Iohn y^• Euangelist at Ephesus, kept and obserued that day, &c. On the otherside was A∣gilbert bishop of westsaxons, Iames the Deacon of Paulinus aboue mentioned: Wilfride Abbot of Ripon: and King Al∣fride Oswyes sonne, with his Queene, holding on the same side. The full contentes of which disputation here follow∣eth, according as in the story of Beda at large is described: with their reasons and argumentes, on both sydes as insueth, &c.

* 4.79The question of Easter, and of shauing, and other Ec∣clesiasticall maters being moued, it was determined that in the Abbey which is called Streneshalch, of the which Hilda a deuout woman was Abbes: a conuocation should be had and this question there determined. To the which place came both the kinges, the father and the sonne. By∣shop Colman with his clergy of Scotland. Aigelbert wyth Agathon and Wilfride Priestes,* 4.80 Iames and Roman were on their sides. Hilda the Abbes with her company was on the Scottish part. And the reuerend Byshop Cedda was ap∣pointed Prolocutor for both parties in that Parliament. King Oswye begā first with an Oration: declaring that it was necessary for such as serued one God, to liue in one v∣niforme order, and that such as loked for one kingdome in heauen should not differ in celebration of the heauenly sa∣craments, but should rather seeke for the true tradition & follow the same. This said, he commaunded his Byshop Colman to declare what the rite and custome was in thys behalfe that he vsed,* 4.81 and from whence it had the originall. Then Colman obeying his princes cōmaundement, sayd: the Easter,* 4.82 which I obserue I receaued of my auncestors that sent me hether a Bishop. The which, all our forefa∣thers being men of God, did celebrate in like maner, & left it should be coutēned or despised of any man, it is mani∣festly aparant, to be y^e very same, which y^e holy Euangelist S. Iohn (a disciple especially beloued of the Lord) did cu∣stomably vse, in al churches and congregations, where he had authoritie. When Colman had spoken manye thinges to this effect, the king cōmaunded Aigelbert to declare his opinion in this behalfe, and to shew the order that he then vsed, from whence it came & by what authoritie he obser∣ued the same. Aigelbert requested the king, that his scooler Wilfride, a Priest, might speake for him: in as much as they both with the rest of h•••• clergy, were of one opinion here∣in: and that the said Wilfride coulde vttey his minde better and more plainely in the Englishe toung then he himselfe could.* 4.83 Then Wilfride at the kings cōmaundements, began on this sort and sayd: The Easter which we keepe, wee haue seene at Rome, whereas the holye Apostles, Peter, & Paule, did liue and teach, did suffer and were buried. The same also is vsed in Italy, and in Fraunce: the which coū∣tries we haue traueled for learning,* 4.84 and haue noted it to be celebrated of them all. In Asia also and in Aphricke, in Egipt and in Greece, and finally in all the world, the same maner of Easter is obserued, that we vse▪ saue onelye by these here present with their accomplice & the Pictes & the Britanes: with the which two (& yet not altogither agre∣ing) they condescend & striue foolishly in this order against the vniuersal world.* 4.85 To whom Colman replied, saying, I maruel you wil cal this order folish, that so great an Apo∣stle as was worthy to lie in the Lordes lap, did vse, whom all y^e world doth wel know to haue liued most wisely: and Wilfride aunswered,* 4.86 god forbid that I should reprooue S. Iohn of folye who kept the rites of Moses law according to the letter (the Churche being yet Iewishe in manye pointes) and the Apostles not as yet able to abdicate al the obseruations of the law before ordained: as for example y^• could not reiect Images inuented of the Diuel, the which all men that beleue on Christ ought of necessitie to forsake, and detest:* 4.87 least they should be an offence to those Iewes that were amongst the Gentiles. For this cause dyd S. Paule Circumcise Timothie, for this cause did hee sacrifice in the temple, and did shaue his head with Aquila and Pris∣cilla, at Corinth. all which thinges were done to none o∣ther purpose, then to eschue the offēce of the Iewes. Here∣upon also said Iames to Paule, thou seest brother howe ma∣ny thousand Iewes do beleue & all these be zealous (not∣withstanding) of the law. Yet seing the Gospell is so many∣festly preached in the worlde, it is not lawfull for the faith∣full to bee Circumcised, neither to offer sacrifice o•• carnall things to God. Therefore Iohn according to the custome of the law, the xiiij. day of the first moneth at euening, did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter, nothing respec∣ting whether it were relebrated in the Sabboth, or in any other feriall day. But Peter when hee preached at Rome, remembring that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after the Sabboth giuing thereby an hope to y^e world of the resurrection,* 4.88 thoughht good to institute Easter on y^e day, & not after the vse and precepts of the law (that was) the xiiij. day of the first moneth. Euen so Iohn looking for the Moone at night if it did arise, & the next day after were Sonday, which was then called the Sabboth, then did he celebrate the Easter of the Lord in the euening like as wee vse to do euē at this day. But if Sonday were not the next day after the xiiij,* 4.89 day, but fel on the xvi. day, or xvij or on a¦ny other day vnto the xxi: he taried alwayes for it, and did begin the holy solemnitie of Easter, on the euening nexte before y^e sabboth. And so came it to passe that Easter, was alwaies kept on the Sonday, and was not celebrated but from the xv. day vnto the xxj. Neither doth this tradition of the Apostle breake the law, but fulfilled the same. In the which it is to be noted, that Easter was instituted frō the xiiij. day of the first moneth at euening vnto the xxj. day of the same moneth at euening, the which manner all S. Iohns successours in Asia, after his death did follow, and the Catholike Church throughout the whole worlde. And that this is the true Easter, and onely of all Christians to be obserued, it was not newly decred: but confirmed by y^e Councell of Nice,* 4.90 as appeareh by the Ecclesiasticall histo∣ry. Wherupon it is manifest that you (Colman) do neither folow the example of S. Iohn as ye thinke, nor of S. Pe∣ter whose tradition you do willingly resist, nor of y^e church nor yet of the gospel, in the celebration of Easter. For S. Iohn obseruing Easter according to the preceptes of the law kept it not on the first daye after the Sabboth. But you precisely keepe it, onely on the first day after the Sab∣both. Peter did celebrate Easter from the xv. daye of the moone to the xxj. day, but you keepe Easter from the xiiij. vnto the xx, day, so that you begin Easter oftentimes the xiij. day at night: of which maner neither the law nor the Gospell maketh any mention.* 4.91 But the Lord in y^e xiiij. day either did eate the olde passouer at night, or els did cele∣brate the sacraments of the new Testament in the remē∣braunce of his death and passiō. You doe also vtterly reiect from the celebration of Easter the xxj. daye, the whiche the law hath chiefly willed to be obserued. And therfore as I saide in the keeping of Easter, you neither agree wyth S. Iohn, nor with Peter, nor with the lawe, nor yet with the Gospel. Then Colman againe aunswered to these things, saying. Did then Anatholius a godly man and on much cō∣mended in the foresaid Ecclesiasticall history, agaynst the law & the Gospell? who writeth that the Easter was to be kept frō the xiiij. day vnto the xx: or shal we thinke that Columba our reuerend father, and his successors being mē of God, who obserued the Easter, after this maner, did a∣gainst the holye Scripture? where as some of them were men of such godlines and vertue as was declared by their wonderful miracles. And I hereby (nothing doubting of their holines) do endenor to fallow their life,* 4.92 order, & dys∣cipline. Then saide Wilfride, it is certaine that Anatholius was both a godly and a learned man, and worthy of great commendation, but what haue you to do with him, seyng you obserue not his order? For he following y^e true rule in keping his Easter, obserueth the circle of xix. yeares. The which either you know not, or if you do, you cōtemne the

common order obserued in the vniuersal church of Christ. And moreouer the saide Anatholius doth so count the xiiij. day in the obseruation of Easter, as he confesseth the same to ••e the xv day at night, a••ter the maner of the Egiptiās. and likewise noteth the xx. day to be in the feast of Easter, the xxi. in the euening: the which distinctiō that you know not, by this may appeare, for that you keepe the Easter on the xiij. daye before the full Moone. Or otherwise I can aunswere you touching your father Columba, and his suc∣cessors, whose order you say you follow, moued therto by their miracles on this wise: that the Lorde will aunswere to many that shall say in the day of iudgement,* 4.93 that in his name they haue prophesied & cast out deuils, & haue done many miracles. &c. that he neuer knew thē. But God for∣bid that I should say so of your fathers, bicause it is much beter to beleue wel of those we know not, then ill. Where∣vpō I deny not, but they were the seruaunts of God and holy men,* 4.94 the which loued the Lord of a good intēt, though of a rude simplicitie. And I thinke that the order whiche they vsed in y^e Easter, did not much hurt them, so long as they had none amongst them that could shew thē the right obseruation of the same, for them to follow. For I thinke if the truth had beene declared vnto them, they woulde as well haue receiued it in this mater as they did in others. But you and your felowes if you refuse the order of the a∣postolicall sea, or rather of the vniuersal Church, which is confirmed by the holy scripture, without al doubt you doe sinne:* 4.95 and though your forefathers were holy mē, * what is their fewnes being but a corner of an Ilelād, to be pre∣ferred before the vniuersall Churche of Christ dyspersed throughout the whole world? And if Columba your father (& ours also being of Christ) were mighty in miracles, is he therefore to bee preferred before y^e Prince of the holy A∣postles? to whom the Lord said, thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke will I builde my Church, and the gates of hell shal not preuayle against it, & I will giue thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heauen?

Wilfride hauing thus ended his argument, the kyng said to Colman: Is it true that the Lord spake these things to S. Peter?* 4.96 And Colman aunswered yea. Then sayde the King: Can you declare any thing that the Lorde gaue to Colum. Colman aunswered no. Then quoth the king doe both of you agree and consent in this matter, without any controuersie, and that these wordes were principally spo∣ken to Peter, and that the Lord gaue him the keyes of the kingdome of heauen? And they both aunswered yea. Then concluded the king on this wise: for asmuch as S. Peter, is the doore keper of heauen. I will not gainesay him: but in that I am able, I will obeye his orders in euery point least when I come to the gates of heauen, he shut them a∣gainst me.

Upon this simple & rude reason of the king, the mul∣titude eftsoones consented:* 4.97 and with them also Cedda was contented to giue ouer. Onely Colmanus the Sto••, beyng thē Archbishop of Yorke, in displeasure left the Realme, & departed into Scotlande, carying with him the bones of Aidanus, Bed. Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter.

After the decease of Oswy,* 4.98 Egfride his sonne was King after him in Northumberland xv. yeares. By this Egfride Cutbert was promoted to the Bishopricke of the Ile of Farne. And Wilfride which before had bene Archbishop of Yorke, was displaced through the meanes of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury:* 4.99 and Cedda possessed that sea, Wilfride when he was put out, went to Rome & complai∣ned of him to Agathon the Bishop, and was well allowed in some things. But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and frindes, that hee returned without speeding of hys cause. Wherfore he returned into the Southsaxons and builded an Abbey in Silesey, and preached vnto the Southsaxons xv. yeares. The king of the Southsaxons at that time, Ethelwold, to whom he declared a little before, that Wolferus king of the Mercians, gaue the Ile of wight vpon condition, that he would be Christened, and so was baptised by Berinus:* 4.100 the sayd Wolfer being his Godfather and sonne in law, both in on day. Wherfore Wolferus now being licensed by Ethelwod the king, preached vnto his no∣bles & people of Southsexe, and conuerted thē to Christ. In y^e tune of whose baptising the raine which before they lacked three yeares together, was giuen them plentifully: whereby their great famine slaked, and the countrey was made frutefull,* 4.101 which before was dried vp with barēnes: In so much that as in some storyes is said, the people pe∣nured with famine, would go▪ xl. together, vpon the rocks by the seaside, and taking handes together would throw themselues downe to the sea. Moreouer, where they lac∣ked before the arte of fishing, the foresaide Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish,

And thus by processe haue we discoursed from tyme to tyme how and by what meanes the Idolatrous people were induced to the true fayth of Christ:* 4.102 of whome these Southsaxons with the Ile of wight was the last.

After Egfride who was slaine in the strayghtes of Scotland, next succeeded Alfride his brother, and bastarde sonne to Oswy, & raigned xviij. or xix. yeres in Northum∣berland. This Alfride restored againe the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of Yorke, whom his brother had before expelled, & put in Cedda. Notwithstanding, the same king within v. yeares after, expulsed the saide Wilfride againe and so went he to Rome. But at length by Osrike his successour was placed againe, the Archbishop of Yorke: and Cedda was ordayned by Theodorus Byshop of Mercia. The which prouince of Mercia,* 4.103 y^e said Theodorus Archbishop of Can∣terbury by the authoritie of the Synode holdē at Hatfield, did after diuide into fiue bishoprickes: that is, one to Che∣ster, the second to worceter, the third to Lichfield, y^e fourth to Cederna, in Lindesey, the fift to Dorchester, which was after translated to Lincolne.

Neare about this time,* 4.104 in the yeare of our Lord, 666. y^e detestable sect of Mahumet, begā to take strēgth & place: Although Polychronicon differing a little in yeares, accoū∣teth the beginning of this sect somwhat before:* 4.105 but y^e most diligent searchers of thē which write nowe, refer it to this yeare, which wel agreeth with the number of y^e beast, sig∣ned in the Apocalips. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That is. 666. Of this Mahu∣met came the kingdome of Agarenes (whome hee after na∣med Saracenes) to whom he gaue sondry lawes, patched of many sectes & religions togither, he taught thē to pray euer to the South: And as we keepe the Sonday, so they keepe the friday, which they call the day of Venus. He per∣mitted them to haue as many wiues as they were able to maintaine: to haue as many concubines as they list: to abstaine from vse of wyne, except vppon certaine solemne daies in the yeres:* 4.106 to haue & worship onely one God om∣nipotent: saying that Moses & the Prophetes were great men, but Christ was greater, and greatest of all the Pro∣phets, as being borne of the virgine Marye by the power of God, without mans seede: and at last was taken vp to heauen, but was not slaine: but an other in his likenes for him, with many other wicked blasphemies in his law cō∣tained. At length this kingdome of y^e Saracenes beganne to be conquered of the Turkes, & in processe of time wholy subdued to them.

But now to returne again to the time of our English Saxons. In this meane season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope, to bee Arch∣byshop of Caunterbury, & with him diuers other monks of Italy, to set vp here in Englād Latine seruice, Masses, ceremonies,* 4.107 letanies, with such other Romishe ware, &c. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropoli∣tane of Canterbury began to play the rex, placing & dys∣placing the byshops at his pleasure. As for Cedda & Wil∣fride Archbishops of Yorke he thrust them both out vnder the pretence, that they were not lawfully consecrated, not∣withstanding they were sufficientlye authorised by theyr kinges, and were placed against their willes. Wherfore Wilfride as is before touched went vp to Rome, but could haue no redres of his cause: yet to shew what modesty this Wilfride vsed against his enimie, being so violently mole∣sted as he was, because the wordes of his complainte are expressed in W. Malmesbery, I thought here to expresse the same both for the commendation of the partie, and also for the good example of other, in case any such be, whome good examples will mooue to well doing. This Wilfride there∣fore hauing such iniury and violence offered vnto him by the handes of Theodore: although he had iust cause to doe his vttermost, yet in prosecuting his complaint, how hee tempered himselfe: what wordes of modestie he vsed, ra∣ther to defende his innocencie, then to impugne his ad∣uersary, by this his suggestion offered vp to the Byshop of Rome, may appeare: whose words in effect were these: Quid autem acciderit,* 4.108 vt Theodorus sanctiss. Archiepiscopus (me superstite in sede) quam, licet indignus dispensabam: absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate (mea humilitate non acquiescente) ordinauit tres Episcopos: omittere magis quam vrgere, pro eiusdem viri reuerentia *cōdecet. Quem quide, pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est, ac∣cusare non audeo, &c. In English. Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus, the most holy & reuerend Archbishop (my selfe being aliue in the sea, which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose) hath of his own authority, without the cōsent of any bishop (neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same) ordained iij. Bishops: I had rather passe ouer in silence, then to stir any farther therin, because of the reue∣rence

of that man, and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe. The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall,* 4.109 I wyll not nor dare not here accuse, &c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride, al∣beit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome, to be well allowed for iust and innocent, yet it was not then redressed. In such estimation was this Theodorus then a∣mong y^e Romaines. Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter y^e words of W. Malmelbury, not vnworthy in my minde, to be noted, whiche be these in his Latine story.* 4.110 Vbi videri & doleri potest humana miseria, quod videlicet quantum libet, quis sanctitate polleat, non ad ple∣num peruicaces mores exuat, &c. That is: In the whiche Theodore, saith hee, the weake and miserable infirmitie of man, may be sene and also lamented, considering, that al∣though a mā be neuer so holy, yet in the same man is some thing, whereby it may be perceaued, that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions, &c.

* 4.111In the time of this Theodorus, and by the meanes of hym, a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford, men∣tioned in the storye of Bede:* 4.112 the principall contents wherof were these.

[unspec 1] First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme, vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima, 14. Luna mensis primi.

[unspec 2] Secondly, that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other.

Thirdly, that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD, [unspec 3] should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the by∣shops.

Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one [unspec 4] place (that is) from one Monastery to another, without y^e license of his Abbot: also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng.

Fiftly, that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne [unspec 5] Byshop, and to be receaued in any other place, wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop.

Sixtly, that forraine Byshops & Clergimen cōming [unspec 6] into the Realme, should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality, as should be offered thē: neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop, without his speciall permission.

[unspec 7] Seuenthly, that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare.

[unspec 8] Eightly, that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe be∣fore an other, but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration.

[unspec 9] Ninthly, that the number of Byshops should be aug∣mented, as the number of the people encreaseth.

[unspec 10] Tenthly, that no mariage should be admitted, but that which was lawfull, No incest to be suffered: neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause, except onelye for fornication, after the rule of the Gospell. And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode. &c.

In the next yere following was the sixt general coun∣cell kept at Constaunce, whereat, this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho, where Mariage was permit∣ted to Greeke priests, and forbidden to the Latin. In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate, before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople, in the temple of S. Sophy.

After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande (from whom he was digressed) succeeded his sonne Osre∣dus,* 4.113 raigning xj. yeares. After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares.* 4.114 And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares.

In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northum∣berland, king Iua reigned in westsaxe: who succeding after Cadwalder, the last king of the Britaines, began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde, 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons, the tearme of xxxvij. yeares. Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons, and other kinges: because I haue not to entermedie withal, I referre the reader to o∣ther Chroniclers.

About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue, Po∣lychronicon, & other make mentiōn of one Cuthlacus, whō they call S. Cuthlake a confessour, who about the 24. of hys age, renouncing the pompe of the world, professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon, and the third yeare af∣ter went to Crowlande, where he led the life of an Anker. In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey, called afterward for the great resort and gen∣tle entertainment of straungers, Crowlande the courte∣ous: but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his do∣inges, I see no great cause, as neither doe I thinke the fa∣bulous miracles reported of him to be true: as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue, that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot, and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses,* 4.115 with such other fables and lying miracles, &c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that, which the stories mention in the xi. yeare of the raigne of Iua, to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus: who ••eing dead a long season, was restored to lyfe againe, & told ma∣ny wonders of straunge things that he had seene, causing thereby great almes & deedes of charitie to bee done of the people. And so y^e disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos, where he continued the rest of his life.

Moreouer, about the xvj. yeare of the saide Iua Ethel∣dred king of Mercia, after he had their raigned, 30. yeares, was made a Monke: and after an Abbot of Bacducy.

And about the xviij. yeare of the raigne of Iue, died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus, first Abbot of Mal∣mesbery, afterward bishop of Schirborn: of whō William Malmesbery, writeth plenteously, with great commenda∣tion, and that not vnworthelye as I suppose: especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time (nexte after Bede) as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth, will declare. Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him,* 4.116 as first in causing an infant of ix. daies old to speak at Rome, to cleare pope Sergius, which was then suspected the father of the said child. Also in han∣ging his cauiule vpō the sunne beames. Item, in making whole the altarstone of Marble, brought from Rome. Ite in drawing a length one of the timber peces, which wente to the building of the temple in Malmesbery. Item, in sa∣uing the Mariners at douer, &c. As concerning these and such other myracles, which William Malmesbery, to hym attributeth, I can not consent to him therein, but thynke rather the same to be Monkishe deuises,* 4.117 forged vpon their Patrons, to maintaine the dignitie of their Houses. And as the Authour was deceaued (no doubt) in beleuing such fables himselfe: so maye he likewise deceaue vs, through the dexteritie of his style,* 4.118 and fyne handling of the matter, but that father experience hath taught the worlde nowe a dayes more wisedome, in not beleuing such practises: this Aldelmus was Byshoppe of Schyrborne, which sea after was vnited to y^e sea of Winton. In which Church of Win∣chester the like miracles also are to be read of Byshop A∣delwod, and S. Swithune, whom they haue canonized like∣wise for a Saint.

Moreuer neare about the xxv. yeare of Iue,* 4.119 by the re∣port of Bede S. Iohn of Beuerley, which was then Byshop of Yorke died, and was buried at the porche of the Min∣ster of Deirwod or Beuerley. In the which portch it is recorded in some Chronicles, that as the said Iohn vpon a time was praying, being in the portch of S. Michaell in Yorke: y^e holy Ghost in the similitude of a Doue sat before him vpon the altar, in brightnes shining aboue the sunne. This brightnes being sene of other,* 4.120 first commeth one of his Deacons running vnto the portche: who beholding the Bishop their standing in his praiers,* 4.121 and all the place replenished with the holy ghost, was strokē with the light therof, hauing al his face burnt, as it were with hote bur∣ning fire. Notwithstanding the Bishop by and by cured the face of his Deacon againe, charging him as the storye saith, not to publishe what hee had seene duryng hys lyfe time. &c. which tale semeth as true, as that we read about the same time done of S. Egwyne,* 4.122 in Polychron Abbot of Eusham, and Byshop of Worcester (then called Wyctes:) who vpon a time when he had fettered both his feete Iny∣rons fast locked, for certaine sinnes done in his youth, and had cast the key therof in the sea:* 4.123 afterward a fish brought the key againe into the ship, as he was saying homeward from Rome.

But to leaue these Monkishe phantasies, and returne into the right course againe of the story. In y^e time of this foresaide Iue, began first the right obseruing of the Easter day to be kept of the Pictes,* 4.124 and of the Britaines. In the obseruation of which day (as is largely set foorth in Bede, and Polychron, Lib. 5. cap. 17. and 22.) three thinges are ne∣cessary to be obserued, the full Moone of the first Moneth, that is of the month of March: Secondly, the Dominical Letter: Thirdly, the Equinoctiall day, which Equinocti∣all was wont to be counted in the East church, and espe∣cially among the Egiptians, to bee about the 17. daye of Marche.* 4.125 So that the full Moone either vppon the Equi∣noctiall day, or after the Equinoctiall day being obserued the next dominicall day following that full moone, is to be taken for Easter day. Wherin is diligētly to be noted two thinges. First the fulnes of the Moone, must be perfectly ful, so that it be the beginning of the third weke of y^e mooue which is the 14. or 15. day of the moone. Secondly, is to be

noted, that the said perfect fulnes of the moone beginnyng the thirde weeke,* 4.126 must happen either in the very euening of y^e Equinoctial day, or after the Equinoctial day. For els if it happen either on the Equinoctiall day before the eue∣ning, or before the Equinoctial day, then it belongeth to y^e last moneth of the last yeare, and not to the first moneth of the first yeare, and so serueth not to be obserued.

This rite and vsage in keping Easter day being re∣ceiued in the Latin church, began now to take place amōg the Pictes & Britaines, through the busie trauaile of Theo∣dorus Cuthlacus, but namelye of Elbert the holy Monke, as they terme him: and of Colfrid Abbot of Sirwin in Nor∣thumberlande, which wrote to Narcanus, or Naitonus the King of Pictes, concerning the same: who also among o∣ther thinges writeth of the shauen crownes of Priestes, saying:* 4.127 that it was as necessary for the vow of a Mōke, or degre of a Priest, to haue a shauen crowne for restrainte of their lustes: as for any Christen man, to blesse him against spirits, when they come vpon him. Bede Lib. 5. The coppy of which letter as it is in Bede, I haue here annexed, not for any great reason therin conteined, but only to delite y^e Reader with some pastime, in seing the fond ignorance of that Monkish age: the copy of the letter thus proceedeth.

¶ Of the shauing of Priestes, out of the fift booke of Beda the xxi. chap.

* 5.1 COncerning the shauing of Priests (wherof you wryte also vnto me) I exhort you that it be decently obserued according to the Christian faith. We are not ignorant that the Apostles were not al shauen, after one maner, neither doth the Catholicke Church at this day agree in one vni∣forme maner of shauing, as they do in faith, hope, and cha∣rity. Let vs consider the former time of the Patriarches, and we shall finde that Iob (an example of patience) euen in the very point of his afflictions, did shaue his head: and he proueth also: that in y^e time of his prosperitye, he vsed to let his heare grow. And Ioseph an excellent Doctour & ex∣ecutor of chastity, humilitie, pietie and other vertues: whē he was deliuered out of prison & seruitude was shauen: wherby it appeareth that whilst he abode in prisō he was vnshauen.* 5.2 Behold doth these being men of god did vse an order in the habite of their body one contrary to the other, whose consciences notwithstanding within did wel agree in the like grace of vertues. But to speake truely and ••rely the difference of shauing hurteth not such as haue a pure faith in the Lord, & sincere charity, towardes their neigh∣bor: especially for that there was neuer any controuersie amongst the Catholike fathers about the diuersitie there∣of, as there hath beene of the difference of the celebration of Easter and of faith. But of all these shauinges that wee fynde either in the Churche or els where: there is none in mine opinion so much to be followed & embraced, as that which he vsed on his head, to whō the Lord said, thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke. I will builde my Church and the gates of hel shall not preuaile against it, & I will gyue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. And contrary∣wise there is no shauing so much to be abhorred and dete∣sted as that which he vsed to whom the same S. Peter said, thy money bee with thee to thy destruction,* 5.3 because thou thinkest to possesse the gift of God by thy money, therefore thy part nor lot is not in this worde. Neither ought we to bee shauen on the crowne onely because Saint Peter was so shauen, but because Peter was so shauen; in the remebraunce of the Lords Passion: therfore we that de∣sire by y^e same Passion to be saued, must weare the signe of the same passion with him vpon the top of our head which is the highest part of our body. For as euery Church that is made a Church by the death of the Sauiour, doth vse to beare the signe of the holy crosse in the front: that it maye the better by the defence of that banner, bee kept from the inuasions of euill spirits: & by the often admonition ther∣of, is taught to crucifie the flesh, with the concupiscence of the same: In like maner it behoueth such as haue y^e vowes of Monkes and degres of the Clergy, to bind them selues with a straiter bit of continencie for the Lords sake. And as the Lord bare a crowne of thorne on his head in his pa∣ssion,* 5.4 wherby he tooke & caried away from vs the thornes and prickes of our sinnes: so must euery one of vs by sha∣uing our heads, patiently beare and willinglye suffer, the mockes and scorners of the worlde for his sake: That wee may receaue the crowne of eternall life, which God hath promised to all that loue him, & shall by shauing their cor∣poral crownes beare the aduersity, & contemne the pros∣perity of this worlde. But the shauing which Symon Ma∣gus vsed, what faithful man doth not detest together with his magicall arte? The which at the first apparance hath a shew of a shauen crowne, but if you marke his necke, you shal finde it curtailed in such wise as you will say it is ra∣ther meete to be vsed of the Symonistes then of the Christi∣ans.* 5.5 And such (of foolishe men) be thought worthye of the glory of the eternall crowne, whereas indede for their yll liuing they are worthy not only to be depriued of the same but also of eternall saluation.* 5.6 I speak not this against thē that vse this kinde of shauing, & liue Catholikely in fayth and good workes, but surely I beleeue there be diuers of them be very holy and godly men. Amongst the which is Adamnan, the Abbot and worthy Priest of the Columbians: who when he came Embassadour from his country vnto king Alfride desired greatly to see our Monastery: where be declared a wonderful wisedowe, humilitie and Religiō both in his maners and wordes. Amongest other talke I asked him why he, that did beleue to come to the crown of life y^t should neuer haue end, did vse contrary to his belief a definite Image of a crowne on his head. And if you seke (quoth I) the felowship of S. Peter, why doe you vse the fashion of his crowne whom S. Peter did accurse, and not of his rather with whom you desire to liue eternally? Adā∣nā answered saying: you know right well brother though I vse Symons maner of shauing, after the custome of my country, yet doe I detest & with all my heart abhorre hys infidelitie.* 5.7 I desire notwithstanding to imitate the foote∣steps of the holy Apostle as far forth as my power wil ex∣tend. Then said I: I beleeue it is so. But then is it appa∣raunt you imitate those thinges which the Apostle Peter did frō the bottom of your hart, if you vse the same vpon your face that you know he did. For I suppose your wise∣dome vnderstandeth that it is right decent, to differ in the triming your face or shauing, frō his whom in your hart you abhorre. And cōtrariwise as you desire to imitate the doings of him whom you desire to haue a * 5.8 mediator be∣tweene God & you, so it is meete you imitate the maner of his apparell and shauing. Thus much saide I, to Adam∣nan, who seemed then well to like our Churches: in so much that he returning into Scotland, reformed many of his churches there, after our celebratiō, albeit he could not do so amongst the Monks,* 5.9 with whom he had special au∣thority. He endeuoured also to haue reformed their maner of shauing if he had bene able. And nowe (O King) I ex∣hort your maiestie to labor together with your people (o∣uer whom the King of Kinges and Lorde of Lordes hath made you gouernor, to imitate likewise in all these points the Catholicke and Apostolical churches. So shall it come to passe that in the end of this your temporall kingdome y^e most blessed prince of the Apostles shall opē you the gates of the heauenly kingdome together with the other elect of god. The grace of the eternal king preserue you most dere∣ly beloued sonne in Christ long time to reigne ouer vs to the great tranquility of vs all.

When this letter was read before king Nayton wyth other of his learned men, and diligentlye translated into his proper language, he semed to reioyce very much at the exhortation therof, insomuch as rising vp from among his noble men, he kneled on the ground and gaue God than∣kes that he had deserued to receaue so worthye a presente out of England, & so caused it forthwith by publike procla∣mation to be writen out, learned, & obserued throught out all the prouinces of the Pictes, defacing the errours that had bene vsed there by the space of 700. and 4. yeares. For all the ministers of the altar & all Monkes, were shauen, on the crowne. And al the people reioiced for the new dys∣cipline of the most blessed Prince of the Apostles, S. Peter which they had receaued.

¶By this monkish letter aboue prefixed,* 5.10 voide of all Scripture, of all probation & truth of history, thou maiest note gentle Reader: howe this vaine tradition of shauen crownes hath come vp, & vpon how light and trifling oc∣casion: which in very deede was none other but the drea∣ming phantasies of Monkes of that time, falsely groun∣ding vpon the example of Peter: when by no olde monu∣ment of any aūtient record they can euer proue, either Pe∣ter or Symon Magus to haue bene shauen. Moreouer in the said leter also is to be noted, how the Scottish Clergy at that season, did weare no such Priestly crownes, as our English Churchmen then did.

But to cut of this matter of shauing,* 5.11 more worthy to be laught at thē to be storied, let vs now againe returne where as we left at king Iue, of whom W. Malmesbery, and Fabian in his chronicle do record that whē the foresaide Iue had ruled the west saxons by y^e tearme of 37. yeares, by the importunate perswasion, and subtile policie of his wife E∣thelburga, was allured to go to Rome, & there to be made a Monke. Which Ethelburga, after she had a long tyme la∣boured

him to leaue the world, and could not bring about her purpose:* 5.12 vpon a season when the king and she had re∣sted them in a faire pallace richly behanged, & were vpon the morow thence departed: she by her commaundement caused the pallace to be replenished with all kinde of filth & dong,* 5.13 and hogs and vile beasts therin to be sayd, as wel in the chambers as other houses of office. And in theyr owne chamber where they did lye, there was a Sow laid with her yong pigs. And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed, being a certain space out of the town, she besought the king to visite the said pallace. And when she had brought him therunto, she said to him: I pray you my Lord behold now this house, where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold & silke,* 5.14 and other rich apparel, that we left here this other day? And where be the delica∣cies & pleasant seruitors, and costly dishes, that you and I lately were serued with? Be not all these passed & gone? My Lord (saith she) in like maner shall we vanish away, as sodainly as you see these worldly things bene passed. And our bodies which now be delicately kept, shal fal and turne into the filth of the earth. Wherefore haue in mynde my wordes that before tyme to you I haue often shewed & told, and busie you to purchase that palace that euer shal endure in ioy without transmutation.

By meane of these wordes and other, the Queene tur∣ned so the kings mynd,* 5.15 that shortly after he resigned the gouernance of his kingdom vnto Ethelardus his nephew: & for the loue of Christ tooke vpon him the habite of a poore man. And setting apart all the pompe & pride of this wic∣ked world, associated himself in the felowship of poore men, and traualled to Rome with great deuotion, when he had bene king of Westsaxons, as before is sayd 37. yeares. Af∣ter whose departing, the foresaid Ethelburga his wife, went vnto Barking 7. miles from London, where in the Nun∣ry of Barking before of Erkenwald founded,* 5.16 she continu∣ed & ended the rest of her life, when she had bene Abbes of the place a certaine time. The said Malmesbery in his story also testifieth, that this Iue was the first king that granted a peny of euery fire house through his dominion to be paid vnto the Court of Rome, which afterward was called Romescot, or Peter pence, & long after was paid in many places of England.

This Iue, like as for his time, he was worthy and va∣liaunt in his actes: so was he the first of the Saxon kings (that I read of) which set forth any lawes to his country: the rehersall of which lawes, to the number of 80. & odde, were not vnprofitable here to be inserted together with o∣ther lawes of the Westsaxon kings after him, before the tyme of William Conquerour: in case it were not for the length & prolixitie of this present volume. And thus much concerning the raigne of king Iue, king of Westsaxons by the way. Now to repaire againe to the course of Northū∣berland kings something intermitted.

* 5.17Next vnto the foresaid Osricus, folowed Celulfus, whom he had adopted, brother to Kēred aboue specified. This Ce∣lulfus as he was himselfe learned, so were in his tyme di∣uers learned mē then florishing in England, among whō was Beda, who vnto the same king Celulfus offred his sto∣ry intituled Anglorum Historia, not onely to be ratified by his authoritie, but also to be amended, as Malmesburiensis writeth by his knowledge and learnyng.

* 5.18And for as much as I haue here entred into the men∣tion of Bede, a man of worthy and venerable memory, be∣cause of the certifiyng of the truth of that man: and for that I see all writers (as touching his life) do not agree,* 5.19 some saying that he was no Englishman borne: I thought so much to report of him, as I finde by his owne words te∣stified of himselfe in the latter end of his ecclesiastical histo∣ry of England, offred to the said Celulfus aboue mentioned the wordes of whom be these.

Thus much by the helpe of God, I Bede the seruant of Christ, and Priest of the Monastery of Peter and Paule at wire, haue compiled and digested concerning the Britain history. And so the same Bede proceding further in his nar∣ration, declareth that he being borne in the territorie of the sayd Monastery, beyng of the age of vij. yeares, was com∣mitted of his parents and friends,* 5.20 to the tuition and edu∣cation of Benedict (of whom aboue relation is made) and of Celfride Abbots of the foresaid Monastery. In the which place or Monastery he continuyng, from that tyme forth, all his lyfe long, gaue hymselfe and all his whole study to the meditating of holy scripture. Whatsoeuer tyme or lai∣sure he had frō his daily seruice in the church, that he spent either in learning, or in teaching, or writing somthing. A∣bout xix. yeares of his age, he was made Deacon, the xxx. yeare of his age he was made priest. From the which time to the age of 59. yeares, he occupied himself in interpreting the workes of the auncient fathers for his owne vse, and the necessitie of others: and in writing of treatises, which came in all to the number of 37. volumes, which he dige∣sted into 78. bookes.

Some say that he went to Rome either there to defend his bookes to be consonant to catholike doctrine either els if they should be found faulty, to amend & correct the same as he should thereto be commaunded. Albeit the reporter of this his life dare not certainly affirme that euer he was at Rome: but that he was inuited and called thether to come: both it is manifest in stories, and also this Epistle of Pope Sergius doth sufficiently prooue, declarnig moreo∣uer in what price and estimation Bede was accepted, as wel in the court of Rome, as in other places besides. The Epistle of Sergius sent to Celfride, thus proceedeth in tenor and forme as followeth in Latin.

The Epistle of Pope Sergius sent to Celfride Abbot of Wire Abbey, requiring Bede to be sent vp to him to Rome for the same of his worthy learning.

SErgius Episcopus seruus seruorsi Dei,* 6.1 Celfrido religioso Ab∣bati. Sal. Quibus modis ac verbis clementiam Dei nostri, at{que} inenarrabilem prouidentiam possumus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & dignas gratiarum actiones pro immensis eius circa nos beneficijs persoluere qui in tenebris & in vmbra mortis positos ad lumen scientia perducit? Et infra Benedictionis gratlam: quam nobis per praesentem por∣tatorem tua deuota misir religio; lib••i & hilari animo ficuti ab ea directa est nos suscepisse, cognosce Oportunis igitur ac dignis amplectandae tuae sollicitudinis petitionibus, arctissima deuotio∣ne satisfacientes: hortamur Deo dilectam religiositatis tuae boni∣tatem, vt quia exortis quibusdam Ecclesiasticarum causarum ca∣pitulis, non sine examinatione longius innotescendis, opus no∣bis sunt ad conferendum artes literaturae, sicut decet Deo deuo∣tum auxiliatorem sanctae matris vniuersalis Ecclesiae obedientem deuotionem huic nostrae exhortationi non desistas accommoda∣re: sed absque vlla immoratione religiosum Dei famulum Bedam, venerabilem Monasterij tui Praesbyterum, ad limina Apostolorū principum dominorum meorum Petri & Pauli amatorum tuo∣rum ac protectorum, ad nostrae mediocritatis conspectum non moreris dirigere: Quem, satisfaciente domino sanctis tuis preci∣bus, non diffidas prospere ad te redire (peracta praemissorum ca∣pitulorum cum auxilio Dei desiderata solennitate.) Erite enim vt confidimus etiam cunctis tibi creditis profuturum, quicquid Ec∣clesiae generali claruerit per eius praestantiam impartitum &c.

So notable and famous was the learning of this fore∣sayd Bede,* 6.2 that the Church of Rome (as by this letter ap∣peareth) both stood in need of his helpe, and also requireth the same, about the discussing of certaine causes and con∣trouersies appertaining to learning. Moreouer the whole Latin church at that time, gaue him the maisterie in iudge∣ment and knowledge of the holy Scripture.* 6.3 In all his ex∣planations his chiefest scope and purpose did euer driue, to instruct and informe his Reader simplely and without all curiousnes of stile, in the sincere loue of god, & of his neigh∣bour. As touching the holynes and integritie of his life, it is not to be doubted: for how could it be, that he should at∣tend to any vicious idlenes, or had any laisure to the same, who in reading & digesting so many volumes, consumed all his whole cogitations in writing vpon the scriptures: for so he testifieth of himselfe in the 3. booke vpon Samuel, saying in these wordes. If my treatises and expositions, saith he, bring with them no other vtilitie to the Readers therof: yet to my selfe they conduce not a little in this, that while all my study and cogitatiō was set vpon them, in the meane while of the slipperie intitements and vayne cogi∣tations of this world I had little mynd. Thus in this tra∣uail of study he continued til the age of 62. yeres.* 6.4 At length drawyng to his latter end, beyng sicke vij. wekes togither besides other occupiyngs of his mynde,* 6.5 and other studies which he did not intermit: he translated also the gospell of S. Iohn into English. At length with great comfort of spirite departed this lyfe, pronouncyng many comfortable sayings to them that stood about him, vpon the Ascension day, the same yeare when Nothelinus was instituted Arch∣bishop of Caunterbury. And thus much concernyng the story of Bede.

This Celulfus king of Northumberland afore mentio∣ned,* 6.6 after he had raigned viij. yeares was made a Monke in the Abbey of Farne, otherwise called Lindefar, or holy Iland: where by his meanes licence was geuen to the monkes of that house to drinke wyne or ale, which before by the institution of Aidanus aboue mentioned, dronke nothing but milke and water. After whom succeded Egbert his cosin, brother to Egbert (the same tyme beyng bishop of Yorke) which brought againe thether the palle that hys

predecessors had forgone,* 6.7 since the tyme that Paulinus had left the sea, & fled to Rochester, as is before declared. The said Egbert also erected a noble Library in Yorke, whose example I would other bishops now would follow.

About the beginning of the raigne of this Egbert, was Cutbert Archbishop of Canterbury: who collected a great Synode of Bishops and Prelates, in the yere of our Lord, 747. in the month of September,* 6.8 neare to the place called Clonesh••. In the which Synode assembled, these decrees were enacted.

• 1. First, that Bishops should be more diligent in seing to their office,* 6.9 and in admonishing the people of their faults.
• 2. That they shoulde liue in a peaceable minde together, notwithstanding they were in place disseuered a sunder.
• 3. That euery Bishop once a yere should go about al the Parishes of his Dioces.
• 4. That the said Bishops euery one in his dioces should monish their Abbots & monks to liue regularly: and that Prelates should not oppresse their inferiors, but loue thē.
• 5. That they should teach the Monasteries which the se∣cular men had inuaded, and coulde not then be taken from them, to liue regularly.
• 6. That none should be admitted to orders, before his life should be examined.
• 7. That in Monasteries the reading of holy Scripture should be more frequented.
• 8. That Priests should be no disposers of secular busines.
• 9. That they should take no mony for baptising infants.
• 10. That they shoulde both learne and teache the Lordes Prayer and Creede in the English toung.
• 11. That all should ioyne together in their ministery after one vniforme rite and maner.
• 12. That in a modest voice they should sing in the church.
• 13. That all holy and festinall dayes should be celebrate at one time together.
• 14. That the Sabboth day be reuerently obserued & kept.* 6.10
• 15. That the vij. houres Canonical euery day be obserued.
• 16. That the Rogation dayes both the greater and lesser should not be omitted.
• 17. That the feast of S. Gregory, and S. Austen our Patron, should be obserued.
• 18. That the fast of the foure times shoulde be kept and obserued.
• 19. That Monkes and Nunnes should go regularly ap∣parelled.
• 20. That Byshops should see, these decrees not to be ne∣glected.
• 21. That the Churchmen should not geue them selues to dronkeunesse.
• 22. That the Communion should not be neglected of the Churchmen.
• 23. Item, that the same also should be obserued of the laye men, as time required.
• 24. That lay men first shoulde be well tried, before they entred in Monkerie.
• 25. That almes be not neglected.
• 26. That Byshops should see these decrees to be notified to the people.
• 27. They disputed of the profite of Almes.
• 28. They disputed of the profite of singing Psalmes.
• 29. That the Congregation shoulde be constitute, after their habilitie of their goodes.
• 30. That Monkes should not dwell among lay men.
• 31. That publike prayer should be made for kinges and Princes.

* 6.11These decrees and ordinaunces beyng thus among the Bishops concluded: Cutbert the Archbishop, sendeth the copy therof to Boniface, whiche Boniface otherwise na∣med Winfride an English man borne, was than the Arch∣bishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish stories terme him.* 6.12

This Boniface being, as is sayd, Archbishop of Mentz in the time of this foresayd Synode, wrote a letter to Ethel∣bald king of Merceland: which Ethelbald was also present in the same Synode, of whome Bede maketh mention in his historie, calling him proude Ethelbald, and the greatest of the Saxon kinges in his time. First this Ethelbald after the departing of Ceolulphe into his Monkerie, inuaded and spoiled the countrey of Northumberland. Moreouer he exercised mortall and horrible warre a long space wyth Cudred, otherwise of some named Cutbert, King of West∣saxons. Furthermore he with other Saxon kings, so im∣pugned the Britains, that from that time they neuer durst prouoke the Saxons any more. At length the said Cudred refusing the intollerable exactions of proud Ethelbald, doth incounter with him in battaile: Where notwythstanding the great power that Ethelbald had to him adioyned, of the Mercians, of the Eastsaxons, of the Eastangles, and of Cantuarites: yet the saide Cudred through Gods power, and the meanes of a certaine valiant warriour called E∣delhim a Consul,* 6.13 ouerthrewe the pride of Ethelbald, after a sore and terrible cōflict. Which Ethelbald notwithstanding repairing his power againe the next yeare after, renued battaile with the foresayd Cudred. In the which battaile E∣thelbald after her had raigned xli. yeares in Mercia, was slaine by one Beornered, who after raigned in that dition but a smal tyme. For Offa nephew to the sayd Ethelbald ex∣pulsed the sayd Beornered, and succeeded king in that pro∣uince of Mercia, where he raigned xxxix. yeares, of whom more followeth hereafter (the Lord Iesu speeding therein our purpose) to be declared as place and time shal require. In the meane season not to forget the letter before mentio∣ned of Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, sent vnto thys E∣thelbald: I thought the same not vnworthy here to be in∣serted (at the least the effect thereof) not so much for the au∣thors sake, as for that some good matter peraduenture may be picked thereout, for other Princes to behold & consider.

The copy and tenor of the Letter of Boniface Arch∣bishop of Mentz, and Martyr of God (an Englishman) sent to Ethelbald king of Mercia, freely and yet charitably ad∣monishing him of his adulterous lyfe, and oppression of Churches.

REgi & filio charissimo,* 7.1 & in Christi amore caeteris regibus Anglorum praeferendo Ethelbaldo, Bonifacius Archiepisco∣pus legatus Germanicus Romanae Ecclesiae perpetuam in Chri∣sto charitatis salutem. Consistemus coram Deo, qui nouit an ve∣rè atque ex animo dicam: Quando prosperitatem vestram, & fi∣dem, & bona opera audimus, laetamur. Quando autem aliquid ad∣uersum vel in euentu bellorum, vel de periculo animarum de vo∣bis cognoscimus, tristamur. Audiuimus enim quòd eleemosinis intentus, furta & rapinas prohibes, & pacem diligis, & defensor viduarum & pauperum es, & inde gratias Deo agimus. Quòd verò legitimum matrimonium spernis, si pro castitate faceres, es∣set laudabile. Sed quia in luxu & adulterio & cum sanctimoniali∣bus volutaris, est vituperabile, & damnabile. Nam & famam glo∣riae vestrae, coram Deo & hominibus confundit, & inter idolola∣tras cōstituit, quia templum Dei violasti. Quapropter fili Charis∣sime poenitere, & memorare oportet, quàm turpe sit, vt tu qui multis gentib{us}, dono dei, dominaris, ad iniurià eius sis libidinis ••er uus. Audiuimus praeterea quòd optimates penè omnes gentis Merciorum, tuo exemplo legitimas vxores deserant, & adulteras & sanctimoniales constuprent. Quod quàm sit peregrinum ab honéstate, doceat vos alienae gentis institutio. Nam in anti∣qua Saxonia, vbi nulla est Christi cognitio: si virgo in ma∣terna domo, vel maritata, sub coniuge suerit adultera, manu pro∣pria strangulatam cremant, & supra fossa sepultae corruptorem suspendunt, aut cingulo tenus (vestibus abscissis) flagellant eam castae matronae, & cultellis pungunt. Et de villa in villam missae occurrunt nouae flagellatrices: donec interimant. Insuper & vi∣nuli, quod est faedissimum genus hominum, hunc habent morem vt mulier viro mortuo, se in rogo cremantis pariter arsura praeci∣piter. Si ergo gentiles Deum ignorantes, tantum zelum castitatis habent: quid tibi conuenit fili Charissime, qui Christianus & rex es' Parce ergo animae tuae: Parce multitudini populi tui pereù∣tis exemplo tuo: de quorum animabus redditurus es rationem. Attende & illud, quid si gens Anglorum (sicut in Francia, & Ita∣lia, & ab ipsis Paganis nobis improperatur) spretis legitimis ma∣trimonijs per adulteria deficit: nascitura{que} sit ex ea commixtio∣ne gens ignaua & Dei contemptrix,* 7.2 quae perditis moribus patri∣am pessundet: sicut Burgundionibus & prouincialibus, & Hispa∣nis contigit, quos Saraceni multis annis infestarunt propter pec∣cata praeterita? Praeterea nunciatum est nobis, quòd multa pri∣uilegia Ecclesiarum & monasteriorum auferens, ad hoc audendù duces tuos exemplo prouoces. Sed recogita quaeso quàm terri∣bilem vindictam Deus in anteriores reges exercuit, eiusdem cul∣pae conscios, quam in te arguimus. Nam Celredum praedecesso∣rem tuum stupratorem Sanctimonialium, & ecclesiasticorum pri∣uilegiorum fractorem, splendidè cum suis comitibus epulantem spiritus malignus arripuit: & sine confessione & viatico, cum di∣abolo sermocinanti, & legem Dei detestanti animam extorsit. Os∣redum quo{que} regem Deiorum & Bernicorum, earundem culpa∣rum reum, ita effrenatum regem egit: vt regnum & iuuenilem aetatem contemptibili morte amitteret. Carolus quo{que} princeps Francorum monasteriorum multorum euersor, & Ecclesiasticarū pecuniarum in vsus proprios commutator, longa tortione, & ve∣renda morte consumptus est. Et mox infra: Quapropter fili Cha∣rissime, paternis & obnixis precibus deprecamur. vt non despi∣cias consilium patrum tuorum, qui pro Dei amore celsitudinem tuam appellare satagunt. Nihil enim bono regi salubrius, quàm, fi talia commissa cum arguuntur, libenter emendentur. Quia per Salomonem dicitur: Qui diligit disciplinam, diligit sapientiam. Ideo, fili Charissime, oftendentes consilium iustum, contestamur

& obsecramus per viuentem Deum & per filium eius Iesum Chri∣stum, & per spiritum sanctum, vt recorderis quàm fugitiua sit vi∣ta praesens, & quam breuis & momentanea delectatio spurcae car∣nis: & quam ignominiosum sit, vt breuis vitae homo mala exem∣pla in perpetuum posteris relinquat. Incipe ergo melioribus mo∣ribus vitam cōponere, & praeteritos errores iuuentutis corrige∣re: vt hic coram hominibus laudem habeas, & in futuro aeterna gloria gaudeas. Valere celfitudinem tuam, & in bonis moribus proficere optamus.

In this Epistle here is to be seene and noted, first the corruption and great disorder of lyfe, which alwayes from tyme to tyme hath bene found in these religious houses of Nūnes,* 7.3 whose professed vow of coacted chastitie, hath yet neuer bene good to the Church, nor profitable to the com∣mon wealth, and least of all to themselues. Of such yong & wanton widowes, S. Paul in his tyme complayneth, 1. Tim. 5. which would take vpon them the wilfull profession of single lyfe, which they were not able to perform, but fal∣ling into damnable luxurie deserued worthily to be repre∣hended. How much better had it bene for these lasciuious Nunnes not to haue refused the safe yoke of christian ma∣trimonie, then to intangle themselues in this their super∣stitious vow of perpetuall maidēhood, which neither was required of them, nor they were able to keepe.

Secondly, no lesse are they also to be reprehēded, which mainetayned these superstitious orders of vnprofitable Nunnes and of other religions: In the number of whom was this foresayd Boniface otherwise called Winfride, who although in this epistle doeth iustly reprehend the vicious enormities both of secular, and of religious persons: yet he him self is not without the same or rather greater reprehē∣sion,* 7.4 for that hee gaue the occasion thereof in maintaining such superstitious orders of such lasciuious Nunnes and other religions, & restraining the same from lawful mari∣age. For so we finde of him in stories that hee was a great se••ter vp & vpholder of such blinde superstition, and of all Poperie. Who being admitted by Pope Gregory the secōd, Archbishop of Magunce, and indued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 full authoritie le∣gantine ouer the Germanes, brought diuers countreys there, vnder the Popes obedience: held many great Coū∣cels, ordained Bishops,* 7.5 builded Monasteries, canonised Saints, commaunded reliques to be worshipped, permit∣ted religious fathers to cary about Nunnes with them a preaching. Amongst all other he founded the great mona∣stery of Fulda in Germany of English monkes: into the which no women might enter, but only Lieba, & Tecla, two English Nunnes. Item, by the authoritie of y^e said Arch∣bishop Boniface, which he receiued frō Pope Zacharie, Chil∣dericus king of Fraunce, was deposed from the right of his crowne:* 7.6 and Pipinus betraier of his maister was cōfirmed, or rather intruded in. From this Boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine which now standeth registred in the Popes decrees, Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa which in a certaine E∣pistle of his, is this. That in case the Pope were of most filthy liuing, and forgetfull or negligent of himselfe, and of the whole christianitie, in such sort, that he led innumera∣ble soules with him to hell: yet ought there no man to re∣buke him in so doing. For he hath (saith he) power to iudge all men, and ought of no man to be iudged agayne.

In the tyme of this Archbishop, Pope Gregory the se∣cond, also Gregory the third, and Pope Zachary, and before these also Pope Constantine the first: wrought great mai∣steries against the Greeke Emperours, Philippicus, & Leo, and others, for the maintaining of Images to be set vp in Churches. Of whom Philippicus lost both his Empire and also his eyes. Leo for the same cause likewise was excom∣municate of Gregory the third. This Gregory the third (so farre as I can coniecture) was he that first wrote the foure bookes of Dialogues in Greeke, falsely bearyng the name of Gregory the first, which bookes afterward Zachary hys successour translated out of Greeke into Latin. Item, the same Gregory the third; first brought into the Masse Land, the clause for reliques beginning, Quorum solemnitates ho∣die in conspectu, &c. Item, brought into the sayd Canon the memoriall, the offring, and sacrifice for the dead: Lyke as Zachary brought in the Priests vesture and ornaments: & as the foresaid Constantinus also was the first that gaue his feete to be kissed of the Emperours. But turne agayne in∣to the course of our English story.

In the tyme of this Egbert king of Northumberland, Sigebert or Sigbert raigned in Westsaxony: a man of so cru∣ell tyranny to his subiectes (turning the lawes & customs of his forefathers after his owne will and pleasure) that when he was somewhat sharpely aduertised by one of his nobles, an Earle called Combranus, to chaūge his maners, and to behaue him more prudently toward his people: he therfore maliciously caused him to be put to cruell death. Whereupon,* 7.7 the sayd king Sigebert continuing in his cru∣ell conditions, by his subiectes conspyring agaynst hym, was put from his kingly dignity: and brought into suche desolation, that wandring alone in a wood without com∣fort,* 7.8 was there slayne euen by the swineheard of the sayd Earle, whom before he had so wrongfully murdered, as partly is aboue touched: whereby is to be seene, the cruell tyranny of Princes neuer to prosper well▪ without the iust reuenge both of God and man.* 7.9

This Sigebert being slayne, in his place succeeded Ke∣nulphus, in the yeare of our Lord 748. who with the agree∣mēt of the westsaxons was one of the chiefe doers against Sigebert his Maister. This Kenulphus kept stronglye his Lordship agaynst Offa; and agaynst the power of all hys enemies: till at length, after that he had raigned, as Fabian sayth 31. yeares,* 7.10 he resorting to a paramour which he kept at Merton, was there beset & likewise slayne by the trayn and meanes of a certayne kinsman of the foresayd Sigebert, named Clito or Cliton, in reuengement of king Sigebertes death.* 7.11

Moreouer in the raigne of the foresayd Egbert kyng of Northumberland, and in the viij. yeare of Kenulphus king of Westsaxons: Offa after he had slayne the tyraunt Beoru∣redus, which before had slayne Ethelwald kyng of Mercia, and Uncle to this foresayde Offa: raigned King of that Prouince.

Of this Offa are told many notable deedes, which be∣cause they concerne rather politicall affaires, and doe not greatly appertayne to the purpose of this ecclesiastical hi∣story, I omit here to recite.* 7.12 As his warres and victories against Egbert & the Northumbres, as also against Ethel∣dred king of East Angles. Item, against Egbert king of Kent, otherwise called Wren, whom Fabian saith he tooke prisoner, & led him bound with him to Mercia. Malmesbu∣ry witnesseth otherwise, this to be done not by Offa, but by Kenulphus, as Christ willing hereafter shall appeare. After these victories Offa had such displeasure vnto the Citizens of Canterbury,* 7.13 that he remooued the Archbishops sea, and landes of Lambrith Archbishop of Caunterbury (by the a∣greement of Pope Adrian) vnto Lichfield. He also chased the Britaines or Welchmen into Wales, and made a fa∣mous dyke betwene Wales and the vtter bonds of Mer∣cia or middle England, which was called Ofditche. And builded there a Church which long tyme a••ter was called Offekyrke.* 7.14 This Offa also married one of his daughters to Brightricus that was king of Westsaxons. And for that in his tyme was variance betwene him and the French∣men, in so much that the passage of merchants was forbid∣den: therfore he sent Alcuinus a learned man, vnto Charles the great, then king of France, to common the meanes of peace: which Charles had after that, y^e said Alcuinus in great fauour and estimation, and afterward made him Abbot of Turonia in Fraunce.

About the latter tyme of the raigne of Offa,* 7.15 kyng of Mercia: Ethelbert beyng then kyng of Eastangles (a lear∣ned and a right godly Prince) came to the Court of Offa: prouoked by the counsell of his Nobles, to sue for the ma∣riage of his daughter, wel accompanied like a prince, with his men about him. Wherupon, the Queene conceiuyng a false suspicion, and fearing that which was neuer minded: that Ethelbert with his company vnder the pretence and made matter of mariage,* 7.16 was come to worke some vio∣lence against her husband, and the kingdom of Mercia, so she perswaded with king Offa: and cettrine of her counsel that night: that the next day followyng, Offa caused him to be trayned into his pallace alone from his company, by one called Guymbertus: who tooke him and bound him, & there stroke of his head,* 7.17 which forthwith he thā presented to the king & Queene. And thus the innocent king Ethel∣bert was wrongfully murthered, about the yeare of our Lord, 793. but not without a iust reuenge at Gods hand. For as the story recordeth, the foresayd Queene worker of this villanie, liued not iij. monthes after: and in her death was so tormented, that she was fayne to bite and rent her tong in pieces with her owne teeth. Offa vnderstanding at length the innocencie of this king, and the haynous cruel∣ty of his fact: gaue the tēth part of his goods to holy church and to the church of Hereford, in remembraunce of this E∣thelbert, he bestowed great landes.* 7.18 Moreouer, builded the Abbey of S. Albons, with certayne other monasteries be∣side. And so afterward he went vp to Rome for his penāce, where he gaue to the Church of S. Peter a peny through euery house in his dominion, which was called common̄ly Romeshot, or Peterpence, payed to the Church of S. Pe∣ter: and there at length was transformed from a king to a monke, about the yeare of our Lord .794. with Kenredus

king of Northūberland aboue mentioned, although some storyes deny that he was a Monke.* 7.19

After Offa king of Mercia, when he had raigned xxxix. yeares succeded his sonne Egfretus, who raigned but foure monthes: of whome thus writeth the foresayd Alcuinus: Non arbitror quòd nobilissimus iuuenis Egfretus,* 7.20 propter pec∣cata sua mortuus sit: Sed quia pater suus, pro confirmatione reg∣ni eius multum sanguinem effudit, &c. That is: This noble yong man died not so much for offences of his owne, as for that his father had spilled much bloud, to confirme him in his kingdome.

* 7.21Next to which Egfretus, succeeded Kenulphus in the said kyngdome of Mercia, which Kenulphus keping and retai∣ning the hatred of Offa his predecessor against the Cantu∣arites, made warre against them: where he tooke Egbert their king otherwise called Wren, whom he bound and led prisoner to Mercia. Notwithstanding, shortly after being mollified with princely clemency in the towne of Winch∣combe, where he had builded the same tyme a church: vpō the day when he should dedicate the same in the presence of xiij. bishops,* 7.22 and of Cutbert, whom he had placed in y^e same kingdom of Canterbury before, and x. Dukes, and many other great estates. Kyng Kenulphus brought the sayd Eg∣bert king of Kent out of prison into the Church, where he enlarged him of imprisonment, and restored hym to his place agayne.* 7.23 At the sight whereof, not onely Cutbert the foresayd king reioyced, but also all the estates and people beyng there present, made such an exclamation of ioy and gladnes, that the church, (and not onely the Church, but also the streetes) range withall. At which tyme such boū∣tifulnes of gifts and iewels was then bestowed, that from the highest estate to the lowest, none departed without somthing geuē, according as to euery degree was thought meete.* 7.24 Although Fabian referreth this story to king Offa, yet causes there be, why I assent rather to Malmesbury and to Polychronicon, which attribute the same to Kenulphus the second king of Mercia, after Offa.

A little before in speaking of certain bishops of Rome, mention was made of Pope Constantine the first, Pope Gregory the second, Pope Gregory the third, & of Pope Za∣chary, which deposed Childerike, & set vp Pipinus the French king,* 7.25 &c. Next after this Zachary, in order followed Pope Stephen the second, to whom the foresayd Pipinus to gratitie agayne the sea of Rome for this their benefite shewed to him, gaue and contributed to the said sea of Rome, the ex∣archat or Princedome of Rauenna, the kingdome of the Lombardes, and many other great possessions of Italie, with all the Cities thereto adioyning vnto the borders of Uenice.* 7.26 And this donation of Pipine, no doubt if the truth were rightly tried, should be found to be the same, which hitherto falsly hath bene thought to be the donatiō of Con∣stantine. For els how could it be, that the exarchate of Ra∣uenna could belong all this while to the Emperours of Constantinople, if Constantine before had geuen it and all Italy from the Empire to the sea of Rome?* 7.27

To this Pipinus, as witnesseth Polychronicon, was sent first into France, the mention of the Organs out of Gre∣cia, by Constantine Emperour of Constant. 757.

Next to this Stephen the ii. succeeded Paule the first, who following his predecessors, thundred out great excō∣munications against Constantinus the Emperor of Con∣stantinople, for abrogating and plucking downe Images set vp in Temples. Notwithstandyng this Constantine neglecting the Popes vaine curses perseuered in his bles∣sed purpose, in destroying Idolatry till the end of his lyfe. Then came to be Pope, Constantinus the second a lay man, and brother to Desiderius the king of Lombardy: for the which cause he was shortly deposed, and thrust into a mo∣nastery, hauing his eyes put out.

In whose stead succeeded Stephen the iij. who ordained that after that, no lay man should be Pope: condemnyng moreouer the councel of Constantinople the vii. for here∣tical, because in that councell the worshipying of Images was reprooued and condemned. Contrary to the which Councell, this Pope not only maintained the filthy Ido∣latry of Images in Christian Temples, but also aduaun∣ced their ueneration, commaunding them most Ethnical∣ly to be incensed, &c. At this tyme Carolus Magnus called Charles the great a little before mentioned, began to raign, by whom this Pope caused Desiderius the Lombard king, to be depriued,

Then in this race of Popes, after this Stephen the iij. commeth Hadrianus the first, who likewise followyng the steps of his forefathers the Popes, added and attributed to the veneration of Images more then all the other had done before, writing a booke for the adoration and the vti∣litie proceding of them, commaunding them to be takē for lay mens Calenders, holdyng moreouer a Synode at Rome against Felix,* 7.28 and all other that spake against the setting vp of such stockes and Images. And as Paul the first, before him made much of the body of Petronilla S. Pe∣ters daughter: so this Hadrian clothed the body of S. Pe∣ter all in siluer, and couered the aulter of S. Paule with a Palle of gold,* 7.29 This Pope Hadrian was he, whome we de∣clared in the former part of this treatise, to ratifie and con∣firme by reuelation the order of S Gregories Masse, aboue the order of S. Ambrose masse, for vnto this time which was about the yeare of our Lord, 780. the Liturgie of S. Ambrose was more vsed in the Italian churches. The story where∣of, because it is registred in Durandus,* 7.30 Nauclerus, and Iaco∣bus de Voragine, I thought here to insert the same, to this especiall purpose, for the Reader to vnderstand the tyme, when this vsuall Masse of the Papists began first to be v∣niuersall & vniforme, & generally in churches to be recea∣ued. Thus it foloweth in the story by the foresayd authors set forth. Iacobus de Voragine in the life of Pope Gregory the first telleth a tale concerning this matter.

In tymes past (saith he) when the seruice which Am∣brose made, was more frequented and vsed in Churches, then was the seruice which Gregory had appointed, the bi∣shop of Rome then called Adrian, gathered a Councell to∣gether: in the which it was ordained, that Gregories ser∣uice should be obserued and kept vniuersally: which de∣termination of the Councell, Charles the Emperor did di∣ligētly put in executiō while he ran about by diuers Pro∣uinces, & inforced all the Clergy, partly with threatnings, and partly with punishments, to receiue that order. And as touching the bookes of Ambrose seruice, he burnt them to ashes in all places, and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter. Blessed Eugenius the Bishop comming vnto the Councell, found that it was dissolued iij. dayes before his comming. Not∣withstanding through his wisedome, he so perswaded the Lord Pope, that he called agayne all the Prelates that had bene present at the Councell, and were now departed by the space of three dayes. Therfore when the Councell was gathered agayne together, in this all the fathers did con∣sent and agree, that both the Masse bookes of Ambrose and Gregory should be layd vpon the aulter of blessed Peter the Apostle, and the church dores diligently shut, and most warily sealed vp with the signets of many and diuers bi∣shops. Againe, that they should all the whole night geue themselues to prayer, that the Lord might reueale, open & shew vnto them by some euident signe or token, which of these two seruices he would haue vsed in the Temples.* 7.31 Thus they doing in all pointes as they had determined, in the morning opened the church dores, and founde both the Myssals or Masse bookes open vpon the aulter: or ra∣ther, as some say, they found Gregories Masse booke vtter∣ly plucked asunder one piece from an other, and scattered ouer all the church. As touching Ambrose booke, they only found it open vpō the aulter in the very same place where they before laid it.* 7.32 This miracle Pope Adrian like a wyse expounder of dreames, saith, that as the leaues were torne and blown abroad all the church ouer, so should Gregories booke be vsed throughout y^e world, whereupō they thought themselues sufficiently instructed and taught of God, that the seruice which Gregory had made, ought to be set abroad & vsed throughout the world, and that Ambrose his seruice should onely be obserued and kept in his owne church of Mediolanum, where he sometyme was bishop.

Thus hast thou heard (brother Reader) the full and whole narration of this misticall miracle, with the Popes exposition vpon the same, which semeth to be as true, as that which Daniell speaketh of, how the Idoll Bell did eate vp all the meate that was set before him all the night, Daniel, 14. Concerning the which miracle, I need not ad∣monish thee to smell out the blind practises of these night∣crowes, to blind the world with forged inuentiōs in stead of true stories. Albeit to graunt the miracle to be most true & vnfallible, yet as touching the exposition therof, another man beside the Pope, percase might interprete this great miracle otherwise, as thus: That God was angry with Gregories booke, and therfore rent it in pieces, and scatered it abroad, and the other as good, lay sound vntouched, and at the least so to be preferred. Notwithstanding, whatsoe∣uer is to bee thought of this miracle with the exposition therof,* 7.33 thus the matter fell out, that Gregories seruice had only the place, and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe, y^e seruice of Ambrose beyng excluded. And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian, for the setting vp of the Masse. By the relation wherof, yet this know∣ledge may come to the Reader, at least to vnderstand, how that commonly in christen nations abroad, as yet no vni∣forme

order of any Missall or Masse booke was receiued, as hath bene hetherto discoursed.

Now from the Popes to returne againe to the empe∣rours from whence we digressed, like as Pipinus the father of Charles (as hath bene before sufficiently told) had geuen to the sea Papall all the princedome of Rauenna, with o∣ther donations and reuenewes, & landes in Italy: so this Carolus following his fathers deuotion, did confirme the same, adding moreouer therunto, the Citie and dominion of Venice,* 7.34 Histria, the Dukedome Foroiuliense, the dukedom Spoletanum and Beneuentanum, and other possessions moe, to the patrimonie of S. Peter, making him the Prince of Rome and of Italy. The Pope agayne to recompence his so gentle kindnes, made him to be intituled most Christen king, and made him Patricium Romanum Moreouer ordei∣ned him onely to bee taken for Emperour of Rome.* 7.35 For these and other causes moe, Carolus bare no little affection to the sayd Adrian aboue all other Popes: as may well appeare by this letter of Carolus Magnus sent to king Offa, what tyme the said Offa (as is aboue prefixed) sent to hym Alcuinus for entreatie of peace: whereunto the foresayd Ca∣rolus aunswereth agayne to the message of Offa in a letter, the contents whereof be these.

The tenour of a Letter sent by Carolus Magnus to king Offa, answering to his request con∣cerning the intreatie of peace betwene them.

* 8.1CArolus Rex Francorum & Longobardorum, Patricius Ro∣manorum viro venerando, & fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum Salut. Primò gratias agimus omnipotenti Deo, de Catholicae fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabilibus paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis verò qui pro amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum, beatorum Apostolorum limina deside∣rant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si ali∣qui religioni non seruientes, sed lucra sectantes inueniantur in∣ter eos, locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia. Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinum habeant in regno nostrolegitime. Et si in aliquo loco, iniusta affligantur op∣pressione, reclament se ad nos, vel nostros iudices, & plenam ••••∣stitiam iubemus fieri. Cognoscat quoque dilectio vestta quod a∣liquam benignitatem de Delmaticis nostris vel pallijs ad singu∣las sedes Episcopales regni vestri vel Ethelredi direximus, in e∣leemosinam Domini Apostolici Adriani, deprecantes vt pro eo intercedi iubeatis, nullam habentes dubitationem beatam illius animam in requie esse, sed vt fidem & dilectionem ostendamus in amicum nobis charissimum. Sed & de thesauro humanarum rerum, quum Dominus Iesus gratuita pietate concessit aliquid per Metropolitanas ciuitates: Direximus vestrae quoque dilecti∣oni vnum baltheum, & vnum gladium & duo pallia serica, &c.

* 8.2The cause why this Carolus writeth so fauorablye of Adriā partly is touched before, partly also was, for y^e Caro∣lomane his elder brother being dead, his wife called Bertha with her two Children came to Adrian, to haue them con∣firmed in their fathers kingdome: whereunto the Pope to shew a pleasure to Carolus would not agree: but gaue the mother with her two children, & Desiderius the Lombard king with hys whole kingdome, hys wife and Children, into the hands of the said Carolus, who led them with him captiue into Fraunce, and there kept them in seruitude during their lyfe.

Thus, Carolus Magnus beyng proclaymed Emperour of Rome, through the preferment of Adrian, and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him, was the Em∣pire translated from the Grecians about the yeare of our Lord 801.* 8.3 vnto the Frenchmen: where it continued about 102. yeares till the comming of Conracus and hys nephew Otho, which were Germaynes: and so hath continued af∣ter them amōg the Almanes vnto this present time. This Charles builded so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A.B C. he was beneficiall chiefly to Church∣men also mercifull to the poore, in hys actes valiaunt and triumphaunt, skilde in all languages, he held a counsell at Francford, where was condemned the Councell of Rice and Irene, for setting vp and worshipping Images, &c.

Concerning which Councell of Nice, & thinges there concluded and enacted (because no man shal thinke, the de∣testing of Images to be any new thing now begon) thus I finde it recorded in an auncient written history of Roger Houeden, called Continuationes Beda▪ His wordes in Latin be these: Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam, sibi à Constantinopoli directum. In quo lib. Heu, proh dolor, multa inconuenientia, & verae fidei contra∣ria reperiuntur, maximè quòd pene omnium orientalium Do∣ctorum non minus quàm 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum vna∣nimi assertione confirmatum sit, imagines adorari debere: Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur. Contra quod scripsit Albinus E∣pistolam ex autoritate diuinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affir∣matam,* 8.4 illam{que} cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum, Regi Francorum attulit. Haec ille. That is. In the yeare of our Lorde, 792. Charles the Frenche King sent a booke contayning the actes of a certeine Sy∣node, vnto Brittayne, directed vnto hym from Con∣stantinople.* 8.5 In the which booke (lamentable to behold) many thinges inconuenient, & cleane contrary to the true fayth are there to be found: especially for that by the com∣mon consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church, not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Ima∣ges should be worshipped.* 8.6 Which thing the church of god hath alwayes abhorred. Against which booke Albin{us} wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authoritie of holy Scripture. Which Epistle with the booke, the sayde Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Prin∣ces, did present to the French king.

And thus much by the way of Romish matters: now to returne agayne to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert.* 8.7 Which Egbert as is before declared, succee∣ded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monke.* 8.8 And like∣wise the sayd Egbert also followyng the deuotion of hys vncle Ceolulphus, and Kenredus before him: was likewyse shorne monke after he had raigned 20. yeres in Northum∣berland, leauing his sonne Osulphus after him to succeede:* 8.9 about which tyme, and in the saine yeare when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery, which was the yeare of our Lord, 764. diuers Cities were burnt with sodaine fire, as the citie of Wenta, the citie of London, the citie of Yorke, Dōacester, with diuers other townes besides. Roger Ho∣ueden. Lib. Contin. post Bedam, who the first yeare of hys raigne, which was the yere of our Lord, 757, beyng inno∣cently slayne, next to him followed Mollo, otherwise called Adelwald, who likewise beyng slayne of Alcredus after hee had raigned ii. yeres departed. After, Alcredus whē he had raigned 10. yeres, was expulied out of his kingdom by his people. Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the sonne of the foresayd Mollo receaued kyng of Northum∣berland. which Ethelbert, or Adelred in like sort after he had raigned v. yeares, was expulsed. After whome succeeded Alswold,* 8.10 who likewise when he had raigned ii. yeres, was vniustly slaine. So likewise after him his nephew, and the sonne of Alcredus named Osredus raigned one yeare & was slayne. Then the foresayd Ethelbert the sonne of Mollo after 12. yeares banishment, raigned agayne in Northumber∣land the space of foure yeares, and was slayne: the cause wherof (as I finde in an old written story) was that for∣saking his old wife, he maried a new. Concerning the re∣storing of whō Alcuinus writeth in this maner: Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus. Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwal∣di de carcere processit in solium, & de miseria in maiestatem, cu∣ius regni nouitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos, &c. And afterward the same Alcuinus againe speaking of his death, writeth to king Offa, in these wordes: Sciat veneranda dile∣ctio vestra, quod Do. Carolus amabiliter & fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis, & in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum. Ideo & vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera, & per Episcopales se∣des regni vestri, similiter & Edelredo Regi, & ad suas Episcopo∣rum sedes direxit dona. Sed heu Proh dolor, donis datis, & Epi∣stolis in manus missorum, superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reuersi sunt, De infidelitate gentis, & nece Re∣gis. Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam, vt ait, perfidam & peruersam, & homicidam dominorum suorum, peiorem eam paganis estimans, vt nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset, & mali machinari, iam fecisset, &c.

The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth.

Thus as you haue heard,* 8.11 after the raigne of king Eg∣bert, before mentioned, such trouble and perturbatiō was in the dominion of Northumberland: with slaying, ex∣pulsing, and disposing, their kings one after an other, that after the murdering of this Edelred aboue specified, none durst take the gouernemēt vpon him, seing the great dan∣ger thereupon insuing. Insomuch that the foresayd king∣dome did lye void and waste the space of xxxiij yeares to∣gether, after the terme of which yeares this kingdome of Northumberland, with the kingdomes also of the other Saxons besides, came all together into the handes of Eg∣bert king of the Westsaxons and his progeny: which Mo∣narchy began in the yeare of our Lord. 827. and in the 28. yeare of the raygne of the sayd Egbert: whereof more shall be sayd (Christ willing) hereafter.* 8.12 Of this troublesome & ragious time of Northumberland people, speaketh also the sayd learned man Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus, in

the same country borne: writing out of Fraūce into Eng∣land, and complayning of the same in diuers his letters, as first to Offa, where he thus writeth. Ego paratus eram eū muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire, & in patriam reuerti. Sed melius visum est propter pacem gentis meae, in peregrinatione remanere,* 8.13 nesciens quid fecissem inter eos, vbi nullus securus es∣se, vel in salubri consilio proficere potest. Ecclesia sancta a Paga∣nis vastata, altaria periurijs faedata, monasteria adulterijs violata, terra sanguine dominorum & principum faedata, &c. Moreouer the sayd Alcuinus writing to the foresayd Edelred a little a∣boue mentioned, after the same tenor reporteth: Ecce Ec∣clesia sancti Cuthberti sacerdotum Dei sanguine aspersa (omni∣bus spoliata ornamentis) locus, cunctis in Britannia venerabili∣or. Paganis gentibus datur ad depraedādum. Et vbi primùm post decessum S. Cuthberti ab Eboraco, Christiana religio in nostra gente sumpsit exordium: ibi miseriae & calamitatis caepit initiū, &c. Item, writing to Osbert a noble piere of the Mercians, complayning on the same maner, sayth: Regnum nostrum Northumbrorum penè perijt, propter intestinas dissentiones, & fallaces coniurationes, &c.

Item, in another place the sayd Alcuinus writing to A∣delard Archbishop of Caunterbury, complayneth moreo∣uer: Hoc dico propter flagellum, quod nuper accidit partibus insulae nostrae, quae prope trecentis & quadraginta annis à paren∣tibus inhabitata est nostris. Legitur in libro Gildae sapientissimi Britonum, quòd ijdem Britones propter auaritiam & rapinam principum: propter iniquitatem & iniustitiam iudicum: propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum: propter luxuriam & ma∣los mores populi: patriam perdidere. Caueamus haec eadem vi∣tia nostris temporibus inolescere, quatenus benedictio diuina nobis patriam conseruet in prosperitate bona, quam nobis mise∣ricordissima pietate perdonare dignatus est, &c.

Ouer and besides the same author Alcuinus writyng to the foresayd Edelred king of Northumberland,* 8.14 maketh re∣cord of a straunge sight which he himselfe did see the same time in y^e citie of Yorke, to raine bloud: wherof, his words which he wrote concerning the same,* 8.15 to the said king Edel∣red be these. Quid significat pluuia sanguinis, quam quadragesi∣mali tempore in Eboraco ciuitate, quae caput est totius regni in Ecclesia beatiprincipis Apostolorum, vidimus de borealibus par∣tibus domus, (sereno aëre) de summitate minanter cadere? Non∣ne potest putari, à borealibus partibus venire sanguinem super terram? That is: what signifieth the rayne of bloud which in tyme of Lent in the Citie of Yorke, the chiefe Citie of that dominion, and in the church of S. Peter the chiefe of the Apostles, we our selues did see to fall from the Church top (the element being cleare) out of the North partes of the temple,* 8.16 &c. This wondrous sight testified by Malmes∣buriensis, is thought of Fabian to happen in the second yere of the raigne of Brigthricus (as with the tyme doth well a∣gree) which was the yeare of our Lord,* 8.17 780. & is thought of some expositors to betoken the comming of the Danes into this land, which entred shortly after about vij. yeres, in the 9. yeare of the raigne of Brigthricus king of the West∣saxons. Which Brigthricus in defence therof, sent foorth hys Steward of his housholde with a small companie which shortly was slaine: but by the strength of the sayd Brig∣thricus and the other Saxon kings, they were compelled to voyd the land for that time,* 8.18 which was, An. 790. To this Brigthricus king Offa, as is aforesaid, gaue his daughter E∣thelburga to wife, by whom he at length was impoysoned, be••ides certaine other of his nobles: vpon whom, the said Queene before hym had practised the same wickednesse. Who then after that, fledde ouer to Charles the great into Fraunce, where she beyng offred for her beautie to marrie either to him, or to his sonne, because she chused rather his sonne, married neither the one nor yet the other: but was thrust in a Monastery,* 8.19 where she then playing the harlot with a Monke, was expulsed from thence, and ended her lyfe in penury and misery.

* 8.20In the meane tyme while this Edelburga was thus workyng her feates in England: Irene Empresse of the Greekes, was as busie also for her part at Constantino∣ple. Who first through the meanes of Pope Adrian,* 8.21 tooke vp the body of Constantine Emperour of Constantinople, her owne husbands father. And when she had burned the same, she caused the ashes to be cast into the sea, because he disanulled, Images. Afterward raigning with her sonne Constantine the 6. sonne to Leo the 4. (whome also we de∣clared before to be excommunicate for taking away Ima∣ges) beyng at dissention with him,* 8.22 caused him to be taken & laid in prison. Who afterward through power of frends beyng restored to his Empire againe, at last she caused the same her owne sonne to bee cast in prison, and his eyes to be put out so cruelly, that within short space he dyed. After this the sayd Irene Empresse, with the counsaile of Therasi∣us Bishop of Constantinople, held a Councell at Nicea, where it was decreed that Images should agayne be re∣stored to the church: which Councell, after was repealed by an other Councell holden at Franckford by Charles the great.* 8.23 At length she was deposed by Nicephorus (who raigned after) and was expulsed the Empire: who after the example of Edelburga aboue mentioned (condignely punished for her wickednesse) ended likewise her lyfe in much penurie and miserie.

About the tyme when the foresayd Brigthricus was im∣poysoned by Edelburga his wife, died also king Offa,* 8.24 which was about the yeare of our Lord, 795. or as some say, 802. After which Offa (as is aforesayd) succeeded Egfert, then Kenelphus, after whom succeeded Kenelmus his sonne, who in his yonger age was wickedly murthered by his sister Quindreda, and Askebertus, about the yeare of our Lorde, 819.* 8.25 And in the Church of Winchecombe was counted for an holy Martyr. After him succeded his vncle Ceolulphus, whom Bernulphus in the first yeare of his raigne expulsed and raigned in his place. Who likewise the third yeare of his raigne was ouercome and expulsed by Egbert kyng of the Westsaxons, and afterward slayne by the Eastangles. And the kingdom of Mercia also ceased, and came into the handes of the Westsaxons.

¶Hetherto I haue brought, as thou seest (good Rea∣der) the confused and turbulent raignes of these vij. Sax∣on kings, who after the expulsion of the Britaines, ruled and raigned asunder in sundry quarters of this land toge∣ther, vnto this present tyme of Egbert king of the Westsax∣ons. By whom it so pleased God to begin to reduce and vnite all these scattred kingdomes into one monarchicall forme of dominion. Wherfore, as in the foresayd Egbert be∣ginneth a new alteration of the common wealth here in this land among the Saxons: so my purpose is (the Lord willing) with the same Egbert to enter a new beginnyng of my third booke, after a briefe recapitulation first made of such things as in this second booke before, are to be col∣lected and noted, especially touching the monasteries buil∣ded, the kings which haue entered the life and profession Monastike: also Queenes & Queenes daughters, which the same tyme professed solitary life in monasteries, which they or their auncetors had erected.

The conclusion of the story precedent, concer∣ning the seuen kingdoms of the Saxon kings aboue mentioned.

¶And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) concerning the vij. kingdoms of these Saxons, ruling altogether in En∣gland, the course and order of their doings briefly descri∣bed and discoursed vnto thee, in such order, as the matter beyng so intricate, in such confusion & diuersitie of things incident together, would permit: followyng especially in this story hitherto, the line of the Northumberland kings as the other stories most folow the line of Westsaxō kings. The which seuen kingdoms of these sayd Saxones, after they had vntruely expulsed and chased out the Britaines from their land, like as they neuer were in quietnes amōg themselues, raigning thus together till the tyme of this Egbert: so also after the raigne of Egbert, the whole realme beyng reduced into one regimēt, no lesse were they impug¦ned & afflicted by the Danes continually frō tyme to time, till the last conquest of William the Normand Thus it ple∣seth (God euer) lightly to reuenge with bloud,* 8.26 bloudy vi∣olence, and the vniust dealings of men, with iust and lyke retribution. But of this let the christian Reader consider, as Gods grace shall worke in him. In the meane tyme we, as much as in vs did lye, satisfiyng the part of an Hi∣storician, haue thus hetherto set forth and declared concer∣ning these vij. foresayd kingdoms: first the names and li∣neall descent of the kings seuerally by themselues, as by the table precedent may appeare, then what were the do∣ings and actes of the same. How first being Pagans, they were conuerted to the christian faith: what things in their time happened in the church, how many of them, of kings were made monkes: how deuout they were then to holy church and to the churchmen, and especially to the church of Rome. But the churchmen then were much otherwyse in lyfe, then afterward they declared themselues to bee. Through which deuotion of the said kings, first came in, the Peterpence or Romeschots in this Realme, as by Iue first in his dominion, then by Offa in his Lordship, & af∣terward by Adelwulph brought in and ratified through the whole Realme: where also is to be noted, that by the fore∣sayd Kings and Queenes of the sayd Saxons, the most part of the greatest Abbais & Nunneries in this realme, were first begun and builded, as partly the names of some

here follow to be seene.

* 8.27First the Church or Minster of S. Paule in London, was founded by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert kyng of Essex, about the yeare of our Lord. 604.

* 8.28The first crosse and aulter within this realm was first set vp in the North partes in Heuenfield, vpon the occa∣sion of Oswald king of Northumberland, fighting against Cadwalla, where he in the same place set vp the signe of the crosse, kneelyng and praying there for victory, Polychron. lib 5. cap. 12. An. 635.

The Church of Winchester was first begon and foun∣ded by Kingilsus king of Mercians,* 8.29 hauing 9. myles about it: after finished by his sonne Kewalcus, where Wyne, of en∣glishmen was first bishop, An. 636. Guliel. Malmesb. Lib. De gestis pont. Ang.

* 8.30The Church of Lincolne first founded by Paulinus Bi∣shop, An. 629.

The Church of Westminster began first by a certayne Citizen of London,* 8.31 through the instigatiō of Ethelbert king of Kent, which before was an Ile of thornes, Bed. An. 614.

* 8.32The common schooles first erected at Cambridge by Si∣gebert king of Eastangles, An. 636.

The Abbey of Knouisburgh builded by Furceus the Hermite, An. 637.

The monasterie of Malmesbery by one Meldulfus a Scot, about the yeare of our Lord, 640. Afterward inlarged by Agilbert bishop of Winchester.

The Monasterie in Glocester, first builded by Ofricus King of Mercia,* 8.33 as Cestrensis sayth. But as William Mal∣mesb. writeth, by Vlferus, and Etheldred brethren to Kinebur∣ga Abbesse of the same house, An 679.

* 8.34The monastery of Mailrose by the floud of Twide by Aidanus a Scottish bishop.

The Nunnery of Heorenton by Heui, who was the first Nunne in Northumberland,* 8.35 Bede, Lib. 4. cap. 1.

* 8.36The Monastery of Hetesey by Oswy Kyng of Nor∣thumberlād, who also with his daughter Elfred, gaue pos∣sessions for twelue monasteries in the partes of Northū∣berland, An. 656.

* 8.37The monasterie of S. Martine in Douer, builded by Whitred king of Kent.

The Abbey of Lestingey by Ceadda (whom we call S. Cedd) through the graunt of Oswald, sonne to S. Oswald, King of Northum. An. 651.* 8.38

The Monastery of Whitby called otherwise Stren∣halt by Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwyne Kyng of Northumberland, An▪ 657.

Item an other monastery called Hacanos, not far from the same place builded by the sayd Hilda the same yeare.

The Abbey of Abbington builded by Cissa Kyng of Southsex, An. 666.

Item an Abbey in the East side of Lyncolne, called Io∣anno, by S. Botulph. Polychro. Lib. 5. cap. 16. An. 654.

The monastery in Ely founded by Etheldred or Edel∣drida daughter of Anna king of Eastangles, and the wyfe of Elfrid king of Northumb. An. 674.

The Monastery of Chertsey in Southrey, founded by Erkenwald bishop of London, an. 674. thrown down by the Danes, after reedified by king Edgar.

Item the Nunnery of Berking edified by the sayd Er∣kenwaldus bishop of London about the same tyme.* 8.39

* 8.40The Abbey of Peterborough called otherwise Mode∣hamstede founded by King Ethelwald King of the Merci∣ans, An. 675.

* 8.41Bardney Abbey by Etheldredus King of the Merciās, An. 700.

* 8.42Glastonbury by Iua king of the Westsaxons, and after repayred and enriched by King Edgar, an. 701.

* 8.43Ramesey in the tyme of king Edgar by one Ailwinus a noble mā, an. 973. King Edgar builded in his tyme 40. mo∣nasteries, who raigned, an. 901.

* 8.44The Nunnery of Winburne builded by Cuthburga si∣ster to Ingilsus, king Iua his brother, an. 717.

* 8.45The Monastery of Sealesey by the Ile of Wight, by Wilfridus bishop of Yorke, an. 678.

* 8.46The Monastery of Wincombe by Kenulphus Kyng of the Mercians, an. 737.

* 8.47S. Albanes builded by Offa, King of the Mercians. Anno. 755.

* 8.48The Abbey of Eusham by Egwinus Byshop. An. 691.

* 8.49Ripon in the North by Wilfridus Bishop. An. 709.

* 8.50The Abbey of Echelinghey, by king Aluredus, an. 891.

* 8.51The Nunnery of Shaftesbury by the same Aluredus, the same yeare.

Thus ye see what monasteries in what tyme began to be founded by the Saxons kings, newly conuerted to the Christian fayth, within the space of 200. yeares: who, as they semed then to haue a certain zeale & deuotion to god∣ward, according to the leading & teaching that then was: so it semeth againe to me, two things to be wished in these foresayd kings.* 8.52 First, that they which began to erect these monasteries and celles of Monkes and Nunnes, to lyue soly and singlely by themselues out of the holy state of ma∣trimony: had forseene what daunger & what absurd enor∣mities might and also did thereof ensue, both publikely to the Church of Christ, & priuately to their own soules. Se∣condly, that vnto this their zeale & deuotion had bene ioy∣ned like knowledge & doctrine in Christes gospell, especi∣ally in the article of our free iustification by the faith of Ie∣su Christ.* 8.53 Because of the lacke wherof, as wel the builders & founders therof, as they that were professed in the same, seeme both to haue run the wrong way, & to haue bene de∣ceiued. For albeit in them there was a deuotion & zeale of mynd, that thought well in this their doyng, which I wil not here reprehend: yet the end and cause of their deedes & buildings cannot be excused, beyng contrary to the rule of Christes Gospel, for so much as they did these things see∣king thereby merites with God, and for remedy of theyr soules, and remission of their sinnes, as may appeare testi∣fied in their owne recordes, wherof one here I thought to set forth for probation of the same. Read this Charte (if it please thee gentle Reader) of king Ethelbald his donation, & charter giuen to churches and religious persons, which Ethelbald was the builder (as is sayd) of Peterborough, the wordes of his record and instrument be those.

* The donations and priuiledges granted and ge∣uen by King Ethelbald, to religious men of the Church.

PLerum{que} contingere sole••it,* 8.54 pro incerta temporum vicissitu∣dine, vt ea quae multarum fidelium personarum testimonio consilio{que} roborata fuerint fraudulenter per contumaciā pluri∣morum, & machinamenta simulationis, sine vlla consideratione rationis, periculose dissipentur, nisi autoritate literarum (testa∣mento Chyrographorum) aeternae memoriae comittantur. Qua∣propter, ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum, pro amore caelestis patriae, & remedio animae meae studendum esse praeuidi: vt eam per bona opera liberam efficerem in omni vinculo delictorum. Quoniam enim mihi omnipotens Deus per misericordiam cle∣mentiae suae, absque vllo antecedente merito, sceptra regiminis largitus est: ideo libenter ei, ex eo quod dedit, retribuo. Huius rei gratia hanc donationem, me viuente, concedo, vt omnia mo∣nasteria & Ecclesiae regni mei, à publicis vectigalibus, & operi∣bus, & oneribus absoluantur: nisi instructionibus arcium, vel pontium quae nulli vnquam prosunt. Praeterea habeant famuli Dei, propriam libertatem in fructibus siluarum & agrorum, & in captura piscium, ne munuscula praebeant vel regi, vel principi∣bus, nisi voluntaria. Sed liberi Deo seruiant, &c.

By the contentes hereof may well be vnderstand (as where he sayth, pro amore caelestis patriae, pro remedio animae, pro liberatione animae, & absolutione delictorum, &c) how great the ignoraunce and blindenesse of these men was: who lacking no zeale, onely lacked knowledge to rule it withall: seeking their saluation not by Christ onely, but by their owne deseruings and meritorious deedes. Which I recite not here to any infamy or reprehensiō of them, but rather to put vs in minde and memory, how much we at this present are bound to God, for the true sincerity of his truth: hidden so long before to our foreauncetors, and ope∣ned now to vs by the good will of our God, in his sonne Christ Iesu. This onely lamēting by the way, to see them to haue such works, and to lacke our fayth: and vs to haue the right fayth, and to lacke their workes. And this blinde ignoraūce of that age, thus aboue prenoted, was the cause not onely why these kinges builded so many Monasteries vpon zealous superstition, but also why so many of them, forsaking their orderly vocation of Princely regiment, gaue themselues ouer to Monasticall profession, or rather wilfull superstition. Concerning the names and number of which kings that were professed Monkes, is sufficient∣ly in the storye before declared:* 8.55 the names of whome wee shewed to be seuen or eight, within the space of these two hundreth yeres. Such was then the superstitious deuotiō of kings & Princes in that age: and no lesse also to bee no∣ted in Queenes and kings daughters, with other noble women, of the same age and time. The names of whom, it were to long here to recite. As Hilda daughter to the ne∣phew of Edwine king of Northumberland. Abbesse of the house of Ely. Erchengoda with her sister Ermenilda daugh∣ters of Ercombertus king of Kent:* 8.56 whiche Erchengoda was professed in Saint Brigets order in Fraunce. Item Edel∣berga wyfe and Queene to Kyng Edwyne of Northum∣berland, and daughter of kyng Anna, which was also in

the same house of S. Brigit made a Nunne. Item, Ethel∣dreda whō we terme S. Eldride, wife to king Ekfride of Nor∣thumberland, who beyng maried to two husbands, could not be obtained to geue her consent to either of them du∣ring the space of 12. yeares, but would needes liue a Uir∣gin, and was professed Nunne at Helings.* 8.57 Werburga was the daughter of Vlferus king of Mercians, & made Nunne at Ely.* 8.58 Kinreda sister of king Vlferus and Kinswida her sister, were both Nunnes professed. Sexburga daughter of kyng Anna king of Mercians, and wyfe of Ercombert kyng of Kent, was Abbesse at Ely. Elfrida daughter of Oswy kyng of Northumberland, was Abbesse of Whitney. Mildreda, Milburga, and Milguida, all three daughters of Merwaldus king of West Mercians, entred the profession and vow of Nūnish virginitie.* 8.59 Kineburga, wife of Alfride king of Nor∣thumberland, and sister to Ofricus king of Mercians, and daughter of king Penda, was professed Abbesse of the Mo∣nastery in Glocester, Elfleda, daughter of Oswy king, and wyfe of Peda, sonne of king Penda, likewise inclosed her self in the same profession and vow of Romish chastitie.* 8.60 Like∣wise Alfritha wyfe to king Edgar. And Editha daughter to the sayd Edgar, with Wolfrith her mother, &c. All which ho∣ly Nunnes with diuers mo, the Romish catholikes haue canonised for Saintes, and put the most part of thē in their Calender, and onely because of the vowe of chastitie so∣lemnly professed. Concerning the which chastitie, whether they kept or no, little I haue to say against them, and lesse to sweare for them. But whether they so kept it or not, if this gift of chastitie which they professed, were geuen them of God, small prayse worthy was it in them to keepe it: If it were not geuen them, I will not say here of them so much, as hath bene sayd of some other, which sufficiently haue painted out to the world, the demeanour of these ho∣ly votaries. But this will I say, that although they kept it neuer so perfectly, yet it is not that which maketh saints before God, but only the bloud of Christ Iesus, and a true fayth in him.

Likewise remayneth, that as we haue declared the de∣uotion of these noble women, which professing Monastick lyfe, haue cast of all worldly dignitie and delightes: so we should also intreate of such noble men, who among the Saxon kings in lyke zeale of deuotion, haue geuen ouer themselues from the world (as they thought) to the con∣templatiue life of Monkish profession. The names of whō as in the Catalogue of the Saxon kings before is descri∣bed, be these, to the number of ix.

A Table of such Saxon Kings, as were after made Monkes.

1.

* 8.61Kynigilsus, king of Westsaxons.

2.

Iue, king of Westsaxons.

3.

Ceolulfus, king of Northumberland.

4.

Eadbertus, king of Northumberland.

5.

Ethelredus, king of Mercia.

6.

Kenredus, king of Mercia.

7.

Offa, king of Eastsaxons.

8.

Sebbi, king of Eastsaxons.

9.

Sigebertus, king of Eastangles.

Of whiche kynges and their doynges, what is to be iudged, looke gentle Reader before▪ pag. 133.

By these historyes it is apparaunt: what mutations, what perturbations, and what alteratiō of state hath bene in this Realme of Britayne, first from Brittaynes kings, to Romaines, then to Britaynes agayn, afterward to the Saxons. First to vij. altogether raigning, then to one. &c. And this alteratiō not onely happened in y^e ciuile gouern∣ment, but also followed in the state Ecclesiastical. For as in the Britaynes tyme the Metropolitan sea was in Londō: so in the Saxons time after the comming of Austen, it was remoued to Cāterbury, the Catologue and order of which Metropolitanes, from the tyme of Austen to Egbertus, is thus, as in the history of Malmesberiensis described.

¶ The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterbury, from Augustine, to the tyme of king Ethelbert.

1.	Augustinus.	16.
2.	Laurentius.	5.
3.	Mellitus.	5.
4.	Iustus.	3.
5.	Honorius.	25.
6.	Deus dedit.	10.
••.	Theodorus.	22.

¶Hitherto from Augustine all the Archbishops of Caunterbury were Italians and foreiners.

8.	Berctualdus English. 37	In his tyme the Monasterie of S. Martin was builded in Do∣robernia, by Witredus & hys bro∣ther, kings of Kent.
9.	Tacuinus. 3
10.	Nothelinus. 5
11.	Cuthbertus. 17	This Cutbert after his death forbad all funerall exequies or la∣mentation for him to bee made. William Malm. De vitis, Lib. 1.
12.	Breguinus. 3
13.	Lambrihtus, or Lambertus. 27	In his tyme king Offa tran∣slated the Metropolitane sea from Caunterbury to Lichfield by the graunt of Pope Adrian, beyng o∣uercome with Apostolicall argu∣ments, as sayth Flores Hist. that is with money.
	Ethelardus. 13
15.	Vlfredus. 28
16.	Fegeldus. 3 m.	This Ethelardus by his Epi∣stles to Pope Leo, obtayned the Metropolitane sea agayne to Cā∣terbury.
17.	Celnochus. 41

Duryng the course of these 17. Archbishops of Cant. in Rome passed in the meane tyme 34. Popes, of whome partly heretofore we haue declared.

And thus much touching the tyme of the seuen king∣domes of the Saxones, rulyng together in Englande, from the raygne of Hengist, vnto Egbert, the first Kyng and Monarche of the whole lande, after the expulsion of the Britaynes.

NOw remayneth (by the grace of Christ) in the next booke followyng, to prosecute the order of such kings as princi∣pally raigning alone, had this realme in their possession: from the tyme of Egbert king of Westsaxons, to the com∣ming of William Conqueror the Normand, comprehending therin the rest of the next 300. yeares, with the actes & state of Religion, as in that space was in the Church: wherin may appeare the declining tyme of the Church, and of true Re∣ligiō, preparing the way to Antichrist, which not long after followed. For here is to be noted, that during yet this mean tyme, Sathan (as is sayd) was bound vp from his raging and furious violence, counting from the tyme of Constanti∣nus, to the next loosing out of Sathan, which was foretold by the Reuelation of S. Iohn aboue mentioned, to be a thou∣sand yeares. Wherof by the order of the history (Christ graunting) more shall be sayd hereafter.

The ende of the second Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  A petition to the reader, dili∣gently to read ouer the former booke of the x. persecutions.
• * 1.2

  The first plan∣ting of Christē fayth in Eng∣land.
• * 1.3

  Question.
• * 1.4

  Whether Chri∣stian Religion in this Realme came first from Rome.
• * 1.5

  Aunswere.
• 1 1.6

  Gildas.
• 2 1.7

  Ex Tertul. contra Iudaeos.
• 3 1.8

  Ex Origen hom. 4. in Ezech••.
• 4 1.9

  Ex Bed••.
• 5 1.10

  Ex Niceph. Lib. 2. cap. 40.
• 6 1.11

  Ex Pet. Cluniacen∣si. ad Ber∣nardum.
• 7 1.12

  Ex Epist. Eleutherij. ad Luc••••••.
• * 1.13

  What diffe∣rence be∣tweene the late church of Rome, from the old Church of Rome, and in what matters.
• * 1.14

  De conse∣crat. Dist. 2.
• * 1.15

  ••abianus. cap. 119. & 120.
• * 1.16

  Eleutherius Byshop of Rome.
• * 1.17

  Austen. 2. The fayth of Christ brought in∣to this Realme. Lucius first christe∣ned king of the Brit∣taines.
• * 1.18

  Ex Monu∣metensi & alijs.
• * 1.19

  Paganus, Damianus.
• * 1.20

  28. Byshops within this Realme. 3. Archb.
• * 2.1

  Ex vetusto co∣dice regum an∣tiquorum. The Epistle of Eleutherius to king Lucius.
• * 2.2

  The king, Gods vicare within hys owne king∣dome.
• * 2.3

  Esay. 42.
• * 2.4

  H. Huntendon. Lib. 1

  What incom∣moditie com∣meth by lacke of succession.
• * 2.5

  The decease of King Lucius. Ex Florilego.
• * 2.6

  Ex Beda Poly∣ero, monume∣tensi.
• * 2.7

  An. D. 390. Se∣cund fab. Bed. An. 433. fab. An. 443. An. 448. An. 464.
• * 2.8

  The Brittaynes neuer touched with any perse∣cution before the time of Dioclesian.
• * 2.9

  Constant. the great, borne and bred in Brittayne.
• * 2.10

  The cause how this Realme of Brittaine was first weakened.
• * 2.11

  Brittayne spoyled of souldiors.
• * 2.12

  Vrsula, with a xi. thousand virgins.
• * 2.13

  Gueteli•••••• Archb. of London. Ex Chroni∣co. Mon••∣metensi. Constanti∣nus. Constant. Aurelius, Ambrosius, Vter Pen∣dragon.
• * 2.14

  The Saxons sent for to Brittayne. Kyng Con∣stans slayne by Vorti∣gerne. Hengist and Horsu•• Captaynes of the Sax∣ons.
• * 2.15

  A wicked murther of the Saxons.
• * 2.16

  Aurelius and Vter. sonnes to Constanti∣nus.
• * 2.17

  Ex Gaufri∣do.

  Ex Alfrido in suo Bri∣tannico.
• * 2.18

  Ex Policron. lib. 5. cap. 4.
• * 2.19

  Seuen kings ruling in Eng∣land.
• * 2.20

  This Dun∣wich, lyeth vpon the sea side in Suffolke.
• * 2.21

  Example what it is to let in straunge nations.
• * 2.22

  Maryage with Infi∣dels what destruction it worketh.
• * 2.23

  The second returne of Engist. into Brit∣tayne.
• * 2.24

  The dissem∣bling words of the Sax∣ons to de∣ceaue the Brittaynes.
• * 2.25

  Neme your sexes, the watche∣word. All the Nobilitie of the Brit∣taynes de∣stroyed in one day. The king raunsomed. The Saxons enter pos∣session of the land. The Chri∣stian Brit∣taynes per∣secuted of the Infidel Saxons.
• * 2.26

  An. 462.
• * 2.27

  Aurelius Ambrosius returneth into Brit∣tayne,
• * 2.28

  Aurelius crowned king of Brittayne.
• * 2.29

  Vortigerus burned in hys tower.
• * 2.30

  Horsus slayne. Engist ta∣ken in the field.

  The counsel of Eldadus Byshop of Glocester. Engist behea∣ded.

  Anno. 490. Ex Henr. Hun∣tingtonensi. Galfrido. Ex Chronico quodā Cariensi.
• * 2.31

  The vncertainty of our old Brit∣tayne storyes.
• * 2.32

  Ex historia Cariana, Aurelius Ambrosius Brit. kyng.
• * 2.33

  Anno. 497.
• * 2.34

  Vter Pendragō. Brit. Kyng.
• * 2.35

  Remember the wordes of Gildas. 633. hist. Caria.
• * 2.36

  The Christian Brittaynes per∣secuted by the Heathen Saxōs.
• * 2.37

  Anno. 516.
• * 2.38

  King Arthur.
• * 2.39

  The tales of King Arthur.
• * 2.40

  Constantinus. 3. Aurelius. Conanus. Vortipor••u••. Malgo. Carecius. Kings of Brittayne.
• * 2.41

  The Archb. of London and the Archbishop of Yorke flee into Wales.
• * 2.42

  Ex historia quadam Cari∣ensi.
• * 2.43

  The causes of the destruction of the Brit. de∣clared.
• * 2.44

  In English thus.
• * 2.45

  This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beyng a Christi•••• was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnto E∣thelbert vpon the conditi•••• that she should be suffered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 enjoy her religion. Ethelbe•••• kyng of Kent. Oswaldus king of Northum∣berland. Edwinus king of Northum∣berland. Sigebertus of Eastan∣gles.

  Sebert or Sexbrieth of Essex. The first building 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Ch••••c•• of Paul•••• London. Ethelbert king of the Eastangles.
• * 2.46

  Peter pence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they first came vpon be payd to Rome. Kenelmu•• king of the Mercians. S. Edmund▪ king of Eastangles.
• * 2.47

  The mes∣sage of Inguar to Kyng Edmund.
• * 2.48

  The martir∣dome of K. Edmund in North∣folke.
• * 2.49

  A Questiō, Whether kings which made them∣selues Monkes did well in so doing or not.
• * 2.50

  Aunswere. Where vo∣cation byn∣deth to ta∣ry there not to flye but to resist the occasions of euill, it is a good mans part.
• * 2.51

  Foure per∣secutions in Brittany before the comming of Austen into Eng∣land.

  The perse∣cution of Dioclesian about the yeare of our Lord. 210.

  The perse∣cution of Gnauius and Melga.

  The perse∣cution of Hengist in Brittayne.

  The fourth destruction of Christen fayth in Brittayne by Gurmū∣dus. an 595.

  This Gur∣mundus as some sto∣ries record, leauing hys kingdome at home to hys brother sayd he would pos∣sesse no kingdome, but which he should win with his sword
• * 2.52

  King Lucius dyed 428. before the comming of Austen.
• * 2.53

  The computati∣on of times con∣cerning the continuaunce and decay of Christes Gos∣pell betweene the Brittaynes and the Saxons:
• * 2.54

  Anno. 598.
• * 2.55

  Beda Polychro∣nico••. li. 5. ca. 8.6. Malesburien∣sis de regib. Henr. Hunting∣ton lib 3. Fabianus part. 5. cap. 119. Liber bibliothe∣cae tornalensis.
• * 2.56

  Deyrham in Northumber∣land.
• * 2.57

  Episcopus Are∣lalensis.
• * 3.1

  Ex Henr. Hun∣tingtonensi. li 3. The Epistle of Gregory to them whiche went to preach in England.
• * 3.2

  The Bishop of Rome calleth the Emperour hys Lord.
• * 3.3

  Austen and hys company com∣meth to Eng∣land.
• * 3.4

  Ethelbert King of Kent.
• * 3.5

  What goodnes commeth, to haue a good and godly wife.
• * 3.6

  The kinges an∣swere to Austen.
• * 3.7

  The king staieth vpon olde custome.
• * 3.8

  The Letany of Austen.
• * 3.9

  Miracles wrought by God for the conuersion of the land.
• * 3.10

  Austen made Archbishop.
• * 3.11

  Ex decre•• Grego∣rij primi•••• concil. tom. 2. 1. Interro∣gation.
• * 3.12

  The aun∣swere.
• * 3.13

  Distributi∣on of Churche goodes.
• * 3.14

  2. Interro∣gation.
• * 3.15

  The aun∣swere. The glose vppon the 12. q. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rag. Si. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sayth that this nowe holdeth not, and al∣ledgeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 extran. Decler. comming ca. Iob. & Whereby note how the Popes decrees be repugnant to them∣selues. Luke. 11.
• * 3.16

  3. Interro••▪
• * 3.17

  The aun∣swere.
• * 3.18

  Note a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thy saying of Gregory.
• * 3.19

  4. Interro∣gation.
• * 3.20

  The aun∣swere.
• * 3.21

  5. Interro∣gation.
• * 3.22

  The aun∣swere.
• * 3.23

  6. Interro∣gation.
• * 3.24

  The aun∣swere.

  In what de∣gree of kindred a man may marry.
• * 3.25

  By this rule the mariage of Kyng Henry with Queene Katherine Dowager. was vnlaw∣full.
• * 3.26

  7. Interro∣gation.
• * 3.27

  The aun∣swere.
• * 3.28

  A discrete saying of Gregory to be noted.
• * 3.29

  8. Interrog.
• * 3.30

  The aunswere.
• * 3.31

  25. q 2. cap. in Galliarum.
• * 3.32

  9. Interrog.
• * 3.33

  The aunswere.
• * 3.34

  The Churching of woemen.
• * 3.35

  He speaketh here after the custome of the tyme.
• * 3.36

  Mothers that nurse not their owne Children reprehended.
• * 4.1

  Gregory calleth t••e Emperor hys Lord.
• * 4.2

  A letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gregory to Mellitus.
• * 4.3

  A letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gregory•• Austen.
• * 4.4

  A letter of Gregory to King ••∣thelbert.
• * 4.5

  An. 600. Polycrō. lib. 5. ca. 9. Fab. part. 5. ca. 119. Archbi∣shops of London & of York made by Austen. Mellitus Byshop of London.
• * 4.6

  The Brit∣taynes and Scottes vsed not the rites of Rome.
• * 4.7

  Abbey of Bangor. Ex libro Iornalensi. Fabiano & alijs.
• * 4.8

  Ethelfride king of Northum∣berland. Brockmayl Consul of Chester.
• * 4.9

  The mona∣stery of Bangor. Galfridus Monume∣tensis. Polychron. Lib. 5. cap. 10. Liber bibli∣othecae lor∣nalensis. Gu Mal∣mes••erien∣sis. lib. 1. de. Reg. Fabian part. 5. cap. 109.120. A pittifull slaughter of vnarmed Monkes of Bangor.
• * 4.10

  Whether Austen or the Brit∣taynes in this case were more to blame.
• * 4.11

  Laurentius Archbish. after Austen.
• * 4.12

  Baptising in ri∣uers, not in footes.

  Baptising a∣mong the old Romaines was not vsed with so many cere∣monyes as since.
• * 4.13

  Anno. 60••.
• * 4.14

  S Dauid in Wales, other∣wise called Dewy.
• * 4.15

  Computation of tyme exami∣ned.
• * 4.16

  Galfridus Monumetensis.
• * 4.17

  Anno. 610.
• * 4.18

  Poly. lib. 5. cap. 10. A story of Iohn Patriarch of Alexandria.
• * 4.19

  Mercy may liue a mayden, for no man will marry her. This Iohn was so bounti∣full in geuing that he assayd to striue in a maner with the Lord, whether the Lorde should geue more or he should distri∣bute more of that whiche was geuen.
• * 4.20

  The actes of Gregory the first.
• * 4.21

  Whereupon the Romaine By∣shop, vse in their stile, Seruus seruorū Dei.
• * 4.22

  Sabinianus bishop of Rome.
• * 4.23

  Boni••acius 3. Byshop of Rome.
• * 4.24

  How Rome be∣gan first to take an head aboue other churches. Phocus traitor and murderer of hys Empe∣rour.
• * 4.25

  Bloud reuen∣ged with bloud.
• * 4.26

  Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus brought in by Boniface the third.
• * 4.27

  Fabian. cap. 120.
• * 4.28

  Ethelbert and Sigebert buil∣ders of Paules Church.
• * 4.29

  The Arc••∣bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 translate from Lon∣don to Dorober•••••• Malmesbe∣riensis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de pontif••▪ H. Hun∣tington▪ lib 3.
• * 4.30

  This Ed∣ward was the third of that name before the Conquest.
• * 4.31

  The Mona∣stery of Westmin∣ster.
• * 4.32

  An. 616.
• * 4.33

  Bloud re∣uenged with bloud. Edwine first Chri∣stened king in North••••∣berland. Giraldus Gambren•••••• The order and maner of the con∣uersion of Edwine, to the faith of Christ. The trou∣ble of Ed∣wine.
• * 4.34

  The marue∣lous calling of Edwine.
• * 4.35

  Edwine miraculous∣ly deliue∣red.
• * 4.36

  W. Malme∣sburiensis. lib. de. Reg.
• * 4.37

  This Queene was Edel∣burga, daughter to King Ethel∣bert the Christened King of Kent.
• * 4.38

  God calleth commonly by affliction and trouble
• * 4.39

  An other daunger of Edwyne.
• * 4.40

  An. 627.
• * 4.41

  Polycron. lib. 5. ca. ••2. Hen. Hunt. lib. 3.
• * 4.42

  Fabianus parte. 5. A part of a trusty ser∣uaunt.
• * 4.43

  Edwyne forgetteth hys promise to Christ. Prosperitie forgetfull. Olde cu∣stome in matters of religion, not to be follo∣wed, but onely truth. Old cu∣stome let∣teth Ed∣wyne to be Christened. A miracle of God in the conuer∣sion of kyng Edwyne. The part of a godly bish. exemplified in Pauli∣nus. Edwyne baptised. He was baptised in S. Peters Church at Yorke which he first caused to be made of woode, which after by S. Os∣wald was builded of stone.
• * 4.44

  An. 628.
• * 4.45

  Note Pau∣linus chri∣stened in ri∣••ers.
• * 4.46

  What true iu∣stice of a good Prince may do in a realme. Great peace and trueth a∣mong the peo∣ple in the dayes of Edwyne.
• * 4.47

  Anno. 634.
• * 4.48

  Archbishop of Canterbury and Yorke, the one ardayneth the other.
• * 4.49

  Ex Flor. hist.
• * 4.50

  Iames a godly Deacon.
• * 4.51

  A Deacon then might baptise.
• * 4.52

  Erpwaldus otherwise na••named Corp∣waldus, Kyng of Eastangles con∣uerted to the fayth of Christ.
• * 4.53

  S. Oswalde kyng of Northum∣berland.
• * 4.54

  Anno. 636.
• * 4.55

  Galfridus. Malmesberien∣sis.

  Polycro. Historia iorna∣lensis.

  Fabian. Strength of prayer ouer∣commeth ar∣myes.

  Penda beaten in the field. The commen∣dation of king Oswalde.
• * 4.56

  King Oswald•• disdayned not to expound and preach the gos∣pell to hys peo∣ple.
• * 4.57

  The goodnes and charitie of Oswald toward the poore.
• * 4.58

  Historia iorna∣lensis. Polycronicon. lib. 5. cap. 12.
• * 4.59

  Kinigilsus King of the Westsaxons, conuerted to Christes fayth.
• * 4.60

  Ex Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 13. Fabian part. 5. Landes geuen to Winchester.
• * 4.61

  Malmesberien∣sis lib. de pontifi. Angl. Gestrensis. lib. 5. Hist. Iornalen∣sis.
• * 4.62

  Hunting. lib. 3. Berinus wal∣king on the sea with lye and al.
• * 4.63

  Oswaldus god∣father and sonne in lawe to Kinigilsus, and all in one day.
• * 4.64

  Kyng Oswald slayne in the field.
• * 4.65

  Anno. 643.
• * 4.66

  Penda King of Mercians slayne. Oswy King of Northumber∣land.
• * 4.67

  The con••uerting o•• the Merc••∣ans to the fayth of Christ. Wolfer•••• first chri••••••ned king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mercia.
• * 4.68

  The East••angles re∣duced to the Chri••••••••an fayth.
• * 4.69

  Oswy and Oswyne, fellow kinges in Northum∣berland.
• * 4.70

  Note the worthy li∣beralitie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the king and no••••e in the birt••••
• * 4.71

  H Hunting de histori•• Angloru•• lib. 9. Example of true almo••e.
• * 4.72

  A perfect example of humilitie in a Prince.
• * 4.73

  Oswyne trayterously murdered.
• * 4.74

  An. 651.
• * 4.75

  Benedict•• Benet the bringer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Bede. The vse of glasing first brought in∣to this Realme. Botulpus. Aida••eus. Finiam••s. Colma••••us. Cutbertus. Iarumann••••▪ Cedda••. Wilfridus.
• * 4.76

  O quanta mutatio? Beda. lib. 4. cap. 5. Hunting. Polycr. Iornalensis. Fabia.
• * 4.77

  An. 664.
• * 4.78

  Controuer∣sie about Easter day.
• * 4.79

  Ex Beda. lib. 2. cap. 23.
• * 4.80

  A disputa∣tion be∣tweene the Romayne Bishops and the Scottish bishops for the day of Easter and other cere∣monyes.
• * 4.81

  The king beginneth.
• * 4.82

  Colman speaketh.
• * 4.83

  Wilfride replyeth.
• * 4.84

  Vniuersali∣ty alledged.
• * 4.85

  Colman agayne spea∣keth.
• * 4.86

  Wilfride repli∣eth.
• * 4.87

  Why Paule circumcised Timothy.
• * 4.88

  Example of Peter alled∣ged, but no proofe brought thereof.
• * 4.89

  Peter and Iohn did not agree in the celebrating of Easter.
• * 4.90

  In the counsell of Nice no such matter appea∣reth.
• * 4.91

  Colman agayn•• aunswereth.
• * 4.92

  Wilfride re∣plyeth.
• * 4.93

  The aucthoritie of men is not to be sticked vnto, for their doyng of myracles.
• * 4.94

  The example of them that follow not, for lack of teaching excuseth not them which be∣ing taught will not follow.
• * 4.95

  Yea sir, Suffra∣gia ecclesiae a non numeranda sunt sed ponde∣randa. Aug.
• * 4.96

  The king con∣cludeth.
• * 4.97

  Mobile mutatur semper cum principe ••ulgus.
• * 4.98

  Egfride or Ed∣fride of Nor∣thumberland.
• * 4.99

  Malmesber. Huntingt. Fab. cap. 135. Wilfride Arch∣bishop of Yorke.
• * 4.100

  Southsaxons conuerted to Christen fayth.
• * 4.101

  H Huntingt. Lib. 3.
• * 4.102

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wygh•••••• conuen•••• to Christ Alfride Kyng of Northe•••• Wilfride restored ••igayne to the sea of Yorke.
• * 4.103

  Mercia di∣uided in •• v. byshop∣prickes.
• * 4.104

  The wicke•• se••t of Ma∣humet. Apoc. 13.
• * 4.105

  An. 666.
• * 4.106

  Ex Poly∣cron. Ex Giran Cam••••••••. Ex Stepen no Cal•••••• riensi.
• * 4.107

  Theodorus Archbish. of Cant.
• * 4.108

  Gis. Mal∣mesbericir sis. lib. 1. de gestis pon∣tifi. Anglo∣rum.
• * 4.109

  Bede. lib. 4. cap. 22.
• * 4.110

  Gul. Mal∣mosb. lib. de gostes pon∣••ifo. Anglorum. Lib. 1. Polichron. lib. 5. ca. 19.
• * 4.111

  An. 680.
• * 4.112

  Bede. lib. 4. cap. 21.
• * 4.113

  An. 705.
• * 4.114

  Osredus, Kenredus, Osricus, Kinges of Northum∣berland. The king∣dome of Brittaine ceaseth. Iua. or Iue, King of Westsaxōs. Polycron, lib. 5. cap. 21.

  S. Cuthlake a popishe Sainct. Crowland the curte∣ous. Lying mira∣cles.
• * 4.115

  what straunge sightes this Berthwalde, or Drithelm, did see after hys death, read the ix. booke of Henr. Hunting∣ton. King E∣theldred made Abbot of Bard∣ney.

  Adelmus. Gu. Malmes••, lib. 5. de pontifi••
• * 4.116

  Lying miracles.
• * 4.117

  Malmesbery commended for hys stile.
• * 4.118

  Lying miracles reproued. Aldelme By∣shop. Swithune, Bi∣shop of Wine.
• * 4.119

  Bedo. lib. 5. cap. 23. Ex historia Iornalensi do regib us Nor∣thumb.
• * 4.120

  S. Iohn of Be∣uerlay.
• * 4.121

  Anno. 717.
• * 4.122

  Annother lying fable of Sainct Eguyne.
• * 4.123

  Ranulphus in Polychro. lib. 5. cap. 23.
• * 4.124

  Beda. lib. 5. de gestes. Angl. Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 17.
• * 4.125

  A generall rule seruing for the obseruation of Easter day. This rule of Easter seemeth to be taken out of the booke of Numer.
• * 4.126

  And they go∣ing out of Ra∣messe the 15. day of the first moneth, the next day after held their Ea∣ster. &c.
• * 4.127

  Why priestes crownes were shauen.

  Bede de. gest. lib. 5.
• * 5.1

  The copy of a Monkish letter of Colfride to King Naiton for the shauing of Priestes crownes.

  How proueth he that the A∣postles Iob and Ioseph were shauen.

  Much sayd, no∣thing proued.
• * 5.2

  Diuersitie of rites hurteth not the Church. See how these shauelinges would father their shauing vpon Peter, which is ney∣ther found in Scripture, nor in any approued story, but onely in paynted clo∣thes.
• * 5.3

  Why Priestes and Monkes be shauen in the crowne.

  The shauing of the crowne what it repre∣senteth.

  How doth the signe of the crosse defend Churches from euill spirites, when it cannot keepe them from euill Priestes?
• * 5.4

  If shauing of the crown doth each men pati∣ence in suffering how commeth it that we see none more washpish and irefull then these shorne ge∣nerations, of Monkish vipers.
• * 5.5

  Simon Ma∣gus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as he say••.
• * 5.6

  The diffe∣rence be∣tweene the shauing of Peter and Simon Ma∣gus.
• * 5.7

  In outward habite chri∣stians ought not to reli••••ble wicked doers.
• * 5.8

  There is but one mediator betweene God and man Christ Iesus.
• * 5.9

  The Scot∣tish monke and the Englishe monkes dif∣fered in their sha∣uing.

  If Peter shall let in the elect of God into heauen, Christ the•• serueth in little stede.
• * 5.10

  A note to admonish the reader.
• * 5.11

  Fabia. cap. 141. Guliel. Malmesb, de. Reg.
• * 5.12

  An. 724.
• * 5.13

  Ethelburge the Queene perswadeth her husbād to be a monke.
• * 5.14

  The crafty head of a woman.
• * 5.15

  King Iue resigning hys king∣dome, went to Rome and became a Monke.
• * 5.16

  Ethelburga the Queene made Nūne of Barking.

  Peter pence first graunted and payd to Rome.

  The lawes made by King Iue to his peo∣ple.
• * 5.17

  Celulphus King of Northum∣berland. Bede.
• * 5.18

  An. 729.
• * 5.19

  The life of Bede, briefly de∣scribed.
• * 5.20

  This Bene∣dict maister to Bede, was the first that brought in the vse of glasse win∣dowes into England. Also the sayd Benet 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 6.1

  An Epistle of Pope Sergius.
• * 6.2

  The famous learning of Bede.
• * 6.3

  Bede commen∣ded for integri∣tie of lyfe.
• * 6.4

  Anno. 735.
• * 6.5

  S. Iohns. Gospell translated into English by Bede.
• * 6.6

  Celulfus of a King made a Monke.
• * 6.7

  Egbert Kyng of Northumber∣land.
• * 6.8

  Anno. 747.
• * 6.9

  Ex Malmesb. lib. de. gestis pontifi. Anglo. Cutbert. Arch∣bishop of Caun∣terbury.
• * 6.10

  The rogation dayes had not then that super∣stition in them as they had af∣terward.
• * 6.11

  Boniface an English man Archb. of Mentz.
• * 6.12

  Ethelwold kyng of Merceland.
• * 6.13

  Edelhim a strong 〈◊〉〈◊〉 valiant warriour. Pride ouer••throwne.
• * 7.1

  A letter of Boniface. otherwise called Winfrid•• sent to kyng Ethelbald.
• * 7.2

  Nihil fa∣ctum quod non factum prius.
• * 7.3

  The corrupt lyfe of Nunnes no∣ted.
• * 7.4

  The popish actes and doynges of Boniface Archbishop of Magun∣ce.
• * 7.5

  The Mona∣stery of Fulda in Germany, builded by Boniface.
• * 7.6

  Childericus The French king depo∣sed, and Pipinus in∣truded. Dist. xl. cap Si Papa. Images in Churches subuerted by Empe∣rours, mayntained by Popes. Philippicus for holding agaynst I∣mages, lost hys Empyre & his eyes. The author of the book called the dialogues of Gregory. Memoriall of reliques, offring and sacrifice for the dead brought in∣to the masse Canon. The Popes feete first kissed of the Emperours. Segebert king of Westsax∣ons.
• * 7.7

  Sigebert slayne.
• * 7.8

  Cruell tyranny with like cruel∣ty reuenged.
• * 7.9

  Kenulphus king of West∣saxons.

  Anno. 748.
• * 7.10

  Murder reuen∣ged with mur∣der.
• * 7.11

  Offa King of Mercia.
• * 7.12

  An vntruth noted in the story of Fabia∣nus.
• * 7.13

  The primacy of Canterbury re∣moued to Lich∣field.

  Lambrith Archbishop of Cant.
• * 7.14

  This Alcuinus is commended for hys learning nex to Adelmus and Bede a∣boue all Saxons.
• * 7.15

  Ethelbert king of Eastangles wrongfully murdered by Offa.
• * 7.16

  The vayne sus∣picion and wic∣ked counsell of a woeman.
• * 7.17

  Ex historia Iornalensi & Malmesocriensi, Cruell murder reuenged.
• * 7.18

  Offa and Ken∣redus of Kinges made monkes at Rom••.
• * 7.19

  Egfretus King of Mercia.
• * 7.20

  Alcuinus Os∣b•••• to patritio.
• * 7.21

  The fathers fault punished in the childe. Egbert King of Kent taken pri∣soner.
• * 7.22

  A princely ex∣ample of cle∣mency in a no∣ble king.
• * 7.23

  The Church of Winchcombe builded by K. Kenulphus. Egbert King of Kent released out of prison.
• * 7.24

  A place of Fabian doub∣ted.
• * 7.25

  Pope Steuen the second.
• * 7.26

  The donation of Pipinus falsely taken to be the do∣nation of Con∣stantine.
• * 7.27

  Ex polyer. lib. 5. cap. 25.

  Pope Paule the first.

  Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope a∣gaynst the Em∣perour.

  A lay man pope who was de∣posed, and had hys eyes put out.

  Pope Steuen the third.

  The counsell of Constantino∣ple the 7. con∣demned of the Pope, for con∣demning Ima∣ges.

  The pope also ordayned Glo∣ria in Excelsis to be song in the masse at S. Peters altar by the Cardinals. Pope Hadrian the first.

  Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope to be mens Kalen∣ders.
• * 7.28

  The body of S. Peter clothed i•• siluer.
• * 7.29

  The order of the Ro∣mish masse book when it came in.
• * 7.30

  Ex Dura••∣do Nau••••∣ro. Iacob•••• Voragine▪ in vita. Greg.
• * 7.31

  Et tame•• ipsis com∣mentum placet. Te∣rent.
• * 7.32

  Note well the practise of Prelates in planting their popish masse.
• * 7.33

  Gregories masse ta∣keth place in Europe.
• * 7.34

  Carolus Magnus beneficiall to the sea of Rome.
• * 7.35

  Rex Chri∣stianissimus intituled to Fraunce.
• * 8.1

  A letter of Charles the great sent to king Offa.
• * 8.2

  How the Pope hea∣reth the cry of poore widowes and Or∣phanes
• * 8.3

  The Em∣pire transla∣ted from Greece to Fraunce.
• * 8.4

  Images written agaynst, as con∣trary to the true fayth.
• * 8.5

  This Albinus was Alcuinus aboue mentio∣ned.
• * 8.6

  The Bishops and Princes of England against Images.
• * 8.7

  King Egbert made a monke.
• * 8.8

  Anno. 757.
• * 8.9

  Osulphus, Mollo, other∣wise called Adelwold. Alcredus or A∣luredus.

  Ethelbert o∣therwise na∣med Adelred or Eardulphe. Alfweld. Osredus.

  Adelred, agayn kinges of Nor∣thumberland.
• * 8.10

  Anno. 764.
• * 8.11

  Northumber∣land kingdome ceaseth.
• * 8.12

  Alcuinus other∣wise called Al∣binus.
• * 8.13

  The troubles of the kingdome of Northum∣berland and descri∣bed by Alcui∣nus.
• * 8.14

  Ex Historia Malmesberiēsi.
• * 8.15

  How it rayned bloud in Yorke.
• * 8.16

  Anno. 780.
• * 8.17

  Brigthricus K. of Westsaxons.
• * 8.18

  Edelburga daughter to Offa, poysoned her husband.
• * 8.19

  Wickednes re∣uenged.
• * 8.20

  Irene.
• * 8.21

  Anno. 784.
• * 8.22

  Images restored agayne by Irene at Constantino∣ple.

  The second councell at Nicea.
• * 8.23

  The wic∣kednes of Irene con∣dingly re∣warded.
• * 8.24

  Kenelmus king of Mercia in∣nocently slayne.
• * 8.25

  Celulphus Ceolul∣phus, Bernulphus kings of Mercia. The king∣dome of Mercia cea∣ceth.
• * 8.26

  Vniust dea∣linges of men iustly rewarded.
• * 8.27

  Paules Church.
• * 8.28

  The first aultar and crosse set vp in England.
• * 8.29

  The church of Winche∣ster.
• * 8.30

  The church of Lincolne.
• * 8.31

  The church of West∣minster.
• * 8.32

  The scholes at Cam∣bridge. Abbey of Knouis∣burgh. Malmesb.
• * 8.33

  Abbey of Glocester.
• * 8.34

  Mailrose.
• * 8.35

  Heorenton.
• * 8.36

  Hetesey.
• * 8.37

  The mona∣stery of S. Martin at Douer. Lestingey.
• * 8.38

  Whitbie. This Hilda was first con∣uerted to the fayth by Pau∣linus a godly and learned woman, out of her Mona∣stery came fiue Byshops Do∣sa, Eatha, O••••∣ford, Ioannes, Wilfride. Hacanos. Abington. Ioanno at Lincolne. Ely Abbey. Chertsey.
• * 8.39

  Berkyng.
• * 8.40

  Peterbo∣rough.
• * 8.41

  Bardney.
• * 8.42

  Glastonbe∣ry.
• * 8.43

  Camesey.
• * 8.44

  Winburne.
• * 8.45

  Sealesey.
• * 8.46

  Wincombe.
• * 8.47

  S. Albones.
• * 8.48

  Eusham.
• * 8.49

  Ripon.
• * 8.50

  Echelin∣ghey.
• * 8.51

  S. Shaftes∣bury.
• * 8.52

  Two thinges to be wished in them, that first builded Mon∣kishe Monaste∣ries.
• * 8.53

  The article of free iustification not knowne.
• * 8.54

  Ex Crouici•• Gul••el. Mal∣mesb. Lib. ••.
• * 8.55

  A b••iefe Cata∣loge of Queenes and Kinges daugh∣ters, which lea∣uing their estate were made Nunnes. Hilda.
• * 8.56

  Erchengod•• Ermenilda. ••delberga. Etheldreda.
• * 8.57

  Werburga.
• * 8.58

  Kynreda. Kineswida. Sexburga. Elfrida. Mildreda. Milburga. Milguida.
• * 8.59

  Kineburga. Elfleda.
• * 8.60

  Alfritha. Wulfritha. Editha.
• * 8.61

  Kinges made Monkes.