Memorials of the Most Reverend Father in God, Thomas Cranmer sometime Lord Archbishop of Canterbury wherein the history of the Church, and the reformation of it, during the primacy of the said archbishop, are greatly illustrated : and many singular matters relating thereunto : now first published in three books : collected chiefly from records, registers, authentick letters, and other original manuscripts / by John Strype ...

MEMORIALS OF Arch-Bishop CRANMER. BOOK III. (Book 3)

CHAPTER I. Queen Mary soon recognized. The Arch-bishop Slandered and Imprisoned.

I Find the Arch-bishop present among Queen Iane's Counsel∣lors. Whose Party seemed to be resolute for her until the 19th of Iuly.* 1.1 All these Persons of Quality were with her in the Tower, consulting of Affairs for her Service: Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Ely Lord Chan∣cellor, the Earl of Winchester Lord Treasurer; the Dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland; the Earls of Bedford, Arundel, Shrews∣bury, Pembroke; the Lords Darcy and Paget; Sir Thomas Cheiney, Sir Richard Cotton, Sir VVilliam Petre, Sir Iohn Cheke, Sir Iohn Baker, Sir Robert Bowes, being all of her Council. All which (ex∣cepting Northumberland) signed a Letter dated Iuly 19. to the Lord Rich, Lord Lieutenant of the County of Essex, who had signified to them, that the Earl of Oxford was fled to the Lady Mary. In their Letter they exhorted him to stand true and tight to Q. Iane, as they said they did, and would do. It was penned by Cheke; for Secretary Cecyl was absent, and Petre the other Secretary, though present, did it not, though he signed it.* 1.2 The Letter is in the Ap∣pendix. The Day before this Letter was sent, viz, Iuly 18, there being a Rising in Buckinghamshire, and the Parts thereabouts, Queen Iane her self, thinking her self sure of Sir Iohn Bridges and Sir Ni∣colas Poyntz, signed a Letter to them, therein ordering them to raise with speed all the Power they could of their Servants, Te∣nants, Officers and Friends, to allay that Tumult: And so She had written to other Gentlemen in those Parts to do. This Letter also I have put in the Appendix.* 1.3

And yet, (to see the vicissitude of Mens Minds, and uncertainty of human Affairs) Iuly 20.* 1.4 Divers of those very Counsellors that but the Day before set their Hands resolvedly to stand by Q. Iane, proclaimed Q. Mary in the City of London, and immediately dis∣patched the Earl of Arundel, and the Lord Paget unto her with a

Letter, writ from Baynard's-Castle, (where they now were removed from the Tower).

In which Letter they beg her Pardon, and to re∣mit their former Infirmities, and assure her, calling God to witness to the same, that they were ever in their Hearts her true Subjects since the King's Death: but could not utter their Minds before that time without great Destruction and Bloodshed of themselves and others.* 1.5

The Copy of this Letter may be read in the Appendix.

The same day the Council wrote to the Duke of Northumberland their Letters dated from VVestminster,* 1.6 sent by an Herald. Where∣in the Duke was commanded and charged in Q. Mary's Name to disarm, and discharge his Souldiers, and to forbear his return to the City, until the Queen's Pleasure. And the same was to be de∣clared to the Marquess of Northampton, and all other Gentlemen that were with him. The Herald was also, by virtue of his Let∣ters from the Council, to notify in all Places where he came,

That if the Duke did not submit himself to the Queen's Highness,* 1.7 he should be taken as a Traitor, and they of the late King's Coun∣cil would persecute him to his utter Confusion.

And thus far our Arch-bishop went. For this was signed by him, and the Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellor, the Marquess of VVinchester, the Duke of Suffolk, the Earls of Bedford, Shrewsbury, Pembrook; the Lord Darcy, Sir Richard Cotton; Petre and Cecyl, Secretaries; Sir Iohn Baker, Sir Iohn Mason, Sir Robert Bowes. The Duke saw it in vain to op∣pose, and so submitted to this Order. And the Plot that his ••mbi∣tion had been framing so long and with so much Art, fell on a sudden.

* 1.8Very speedily Queen Mary was owned Abroad, as well as at Home: Dr. VVotton Dean of Canterbury, Sir VVilliam Pickering, Sir Thomas Chaloner, Ambassadors in France, writ their Letters to her and the Council, acknowledging her, and ceasing any further to act as Am∣bassadors. She continued Dr. VVotton, and sent for Pickering and Chaloner Home; and sent Sir Anthony St. Leger, the beginning of Au∣gust, Ambassador thither joined with VVotton. This Determination the Council August 12, signified to the said three Ambassadors.

* 1.9But now to cast our Eyes upon the State of Religion at this Time. Upon this Access of Queen Mary to the Crown, whose Interest as well as Education made her a Zealous Papist, the good Progress of Religion was quite overthrown; and the pious Arch-bishop's Pains and long Endeavours in a great measure frustrated; and he himself soon after exercised with great Afflictions. The first pretended Oc∣casion of which was this. It was reported Abroad, soon after King Edward's Death, that the Arch-bishop had offered to sing the Mass and Requiem at the Burial of that King, either before the Queen, or at S. Paul's Church, or any where else; and that he had said, or resto∣red Mass already in Canterbury. This indeed had the Suffragan of Dover, Dr. Thornton, done, but without the Arch-bishop's Consent or knowledg.

* 1.10But however such good Impressions of Religion had the Arch-bishop left at Canterbury, that though Mass was set up there, and Priests were through fear forced to say it, yet it was utterly contrary to their Wills. And about New-years-tide, there was a Priest said Mass there one Day, and the next came into the Pulpit, and desired all

the People to forgive him. For he said, he had betrayed Christ; but not as Judas did, but Peter. And then he made a long Sermon against the Mass.

But the aforesaid slanderous report so troubled the Arch-bishop,* 1.11 that to stay it, he wrote a Letter to a Friend of his, that he never made any promise of saying Mass, nor that he did set up the Mass in Canterbury: but that it was done by a false, flattering lying Monk, Dr. Thornden (such a Character in his just Anger he gave him) who was Suffragan of Dover, and Vice-dean of that Church, in the absence of Dr. Wotton, who was then abroad in Embassy.* 1.12 This Thornden, saith my Manuscript (writ but a few Years after by Scory, or Becon, as I conjecture) was,

A Man, having neither Wit, Learning, nor Honesty. And yet his Wit is very ready. For he preacheth as well extempore, as at a Years warning: so learnedly, that no Man can tell what he chiefly intendeth or goeth about to prove: so aptly, that a gross of Points is not sufficient to ty his Sermon together: Not unlike to Iodocus a Monk, of whom Erasmus maketh mention in his Colloquies, who, if he were not garnished with these glorious Titles, Monk, Doctor, Vice-dean, and Suffragan, were worthy to walk openly in the Streets with a Bell and Cocks-comb.

Besides this Letter, the Arch-bishop resolved to do something in a more publick manner, in vindication of the Reformation, as well as of himself. So he devised a Declara∣tion: Wherein he both apologized for himself against this false Re∣port, and made a brave Challenge, with the assistance of Peter Mar∣tyr, and a few more, to maintain, by Disputation with any Man, the Reformation made under K. Edward. This Declaration, after a first draught of it, he intended to enlarge, and then, being sealed with his own Seal, to set it upon the Doors of S. Paul's Church, and other Churches in London. This Writing, wherein the good Religion and Doctrine practised and taught in the former Reign, was so nobly owned, and offered to be defended in such a publick manner, was not only read by some Body boldly in Cheapside, but many Copies thereof were taken; and so became dispersed. It was also soon after printed in Latin, and I suppose in English too. Sure I am, in the Year 1557, it was printed beyond Sea by the Exiles. From which Print I shall here transcribe it, being sent from Grindal to Iohn Fox, for his use in the writing his History.

A Declaration of the Reverend Father in God Thomas Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury, condemning the untrue and slanderous Report of some, which have reported, That he should set up the Mass at Canterbury, at the first coming of the Queen to her Reign 1553.

AS the Devil, Christ's antient Adversary, is a Liar,* 2.1 and the Father of Lying; even so hath he stirred his Servants and Members to persecute Christ, and his true Word and Religion. Which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present. For whereas the most noble Prince of famous Memory, King Henry VIII, seeing the great Abuses of the Latin Masses, reformed some∣thing

herein in his Time; and also our late Soveraign Lord K. Ed∣ward VI, took the same whole away, for the manifold Errors and Abuses thereof, and restored in the place thereof Christ's Holy Supper, according to Christ's own Institution, and as the Apo∣stles in the Primitive Church used the same in the beginning. The Devil goeth about by lying to overthrow the Lord's Holy Supper, and to restore the Latin Satisfactory Masses, a thing of his own Invention and Device. And to bring the same more ea∣sily to pass, some have abused the Name of Me, Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, bruting abroad, that I have set up the Mass at Canterbury, and that I offered to say Mass before the Queen's Highness, and at Paul's Church, and I wot not where. I have been well exercised these twenty Years, to suffer and bear evil Re∣ports and Lies; and have not been mych grieved thereat, and have born all things quietly. Yet when untrue Reports and Lies turn to the hindrance of God's Truth, they be in no wise to be tolerate and suffered. Wherefore these be to signify to the World, that it was not I that did set up the Mass at Canterbury, but it was a false, flattering, lying and dissembling Monk, which caused the Mass to be set up there, without my Advice or Counsel.

And as for offering my self to say Mass before the Queen's Highness, or in any othea Place, I never did, as her Grace know∣eth well. But if h••r Grace will give me leave, I shall be ready to prove, against all that will say the contrary; and that the Com∣munion-Book, set forth by the most innocent and godly Prince, K. Edward VI, in his High Court of Parliament, is conformable to the Order, which our Saviour Christ did both observe and com∣mand to be observed, and which his Apostles and Primitive Church used many Years. Whereas the Mass, in many things, not only hath no Foundation of Christ, his Apostles, nor the Primitive Church, but also is manifest contrary to the same: and containeth many horrible Blasphemies in it. And altho many, either unlearned, or maliciously do report, that Mr. Peter Martyr is un∣learned; yet if the Queen's Highness will graunt thereunto, I with the said Mr. Peter Martyr, and other four or five which I shall choose, will by God's Grace, take upon us to defend, that not only our Common-Prayers of the Churches, Ministration of the Sacraments, and other Rites and Ceremonies, but also that all the Doctrine and Religion, by our said Soveraign Lord K. Edward VI, is more pure, and according to God's Word, than any that hath been used in England these thousand Years: so that God's Word may be the Judg, and that the Reason and Profes may be set out in writing. To thentent as well all the World may examine and Judg them, as that no Man shall start back from their Wri∣ting; and what Faith hath been in the Church these fifteen hundred Years, we will joyne with them in this Point: and that the Doctrine and Usage is to be followed, which was in the Church fifteen hundred Years past. And we shall prove, that the Order of the Church, set out at this present in this Church of England by Act of Parliament, is the same that was used in the

Church fifteen hundred Years past. And so shall they never be able to prove theirs.

Some Copies of this Declaration soon fell into the Hands of cer∣tain Bishops, who brought them to the Council. The Council sent a Copy to the Queen's Commissioners.* 2.2 Who soon after ordered him to appear before them, and to bring in an Inventory of his Goods. The reason, as is alledged, of his being ordered to bring in this Inventory, was, because it was then intended, that he should have a sufficient Living assigned him, and to keep his House, and not meddle with Religion. So on the Day appointed, which was August 27, the Arch-bishop, together with Sir Thomas Smith, Secretary of State to K. Edward, and May Dean of S. Pauls, came before the Queen's Commissioners in the Consistory of Pauls: and the Arch-bishop brought in his Inventory. We are left to guess what he was now cited for. I suppose, it was to lay to his charge Heresy, and his Marriage; What more was done with him at this time I find not. He retired to his House at Lambeth, where he seemed to be con∣fined.

For about the beginning of August,* 2.3 as may be collected from a Letter of the Arch-bishop's to Cecyl, he was before the Council, about the Lady Iane's Business, without all question. And then with the severe Reprimands he received, was charged to keep his House, and be forth-coming. At that time he espied Cecyl who was in the same Condemnation; and would fain have spoken with him, but durst not, as he told him in a Letter dated August 14; as it seems, out of his Love and Care of him, lest his very talking with Cecyl might have been prejudicial to that Pardon which he now lay fair for. But by Letter he desired him to come over to him to Lam∣beth, because he would gladly commune with him, to hear how Matters went, and for some other private Causes, Cecyl being now at Li••erty. September 13 following, the Arch-bishop was again summoned to appear that Day before the Queen's Council. Then he appeared, and was dismissed; but commanded to be the next Day in the Star-Chamber. And so he was. The effect of which appea∣rance was, that he was committed to the Tower, partly for setting his Hrnd to the Instrument of the Lady Iane's Succession, and partly for the publick Offer he made a little before of justifying openly the Religious Proceedings of the deceased King. But the chief Reason was the inveterate Malice his Enemies conceived against him for the Divorse of K. Henry from the Queen's Mother: the blame of which they laid wholly upon him, though Bishop Gardiner and other Bi∣shops were concerned in it as deep as he. In the Tower we leave the good Arch-bishop a while, after we have told you, that soon af∣ter the Queen coming to the Tower, some of the Arch-bishop's Friends made humble suit for his Pardon, and that he might have access to her: but She would neither hear him, nor see him.

Holgate also,* 2.4 the other Arch-bishop, about the beginning of October, was committed to the Tower, upon pretence of Treason, or great Crimes: but chiefly, I suppose, because he was Rich. And while he was there, they rifled his Houses at Battersea and Cawood. At his former House they seized in Gold coined three hundred

Pounds; in Specialties and good Debts, four hundred Pounds more; in Plate gilt and Parcel gilt, sixteen hundred Ounces: A Mitre of fine Gold with two Pendants, set round about the sides and midst with very fine pointed Diamonds,* 2.5 Saphires and Balists, and all the Plain with other good Stones and Pearls, and the Pendants in like man∣ner, weighing one hundred twenty five Ounces. Six or seven great Rings of fine Gold, with Stones in them; whereof were three fine blew Saphires of the best; an Emerald very fine; a good Turkeys, and a Diamond; a Serpent's Tongue set in a Standard of Silver, gilt and graven; the Arch-bishop's seal in silver, his Signet, an old Antick in Gold: The Counterpane of his Lease of Wotton, betwixt the late Duke of Northumberland and him, with Letters Patents of his Purchase of Scrowby.

* 2.6Taken from Cawood, and other Places appertaining to the Arch-bishop, by one Ellis Markham; First, in ready Money, nine hundred Pounds: Two Mitres; in Plate, parcel gilt, seven hundred and seventy Ounces; and gilt Plate, eleven hundred fifty seven Ounces; One broken Cross of Silver gilt, with one Image broken, weighing forty six Ounces; three Obligations, one 37 l. 5 s. 10 d; another for 15 l; another for 10 l. Sold by the said Markham fivescore Beasts, and four hundred Muttons. Sold all the Sheep belonging to the Arch-bishop, supposed to be two thousand five hundred. More∣over, he took away two Turky-carpets of Wool, as big and as good as any Subject had: Also a Chest, full of Copes and Vestments of Cloth of Tissue: Two very good Beds of Down, and six of the best young Horses that were at Cawood. Profered to make Sale of all his House-hold-stuff in five Houses; three very well furnished, and two metely well. Sold all his Stores of Household: Wheat, two hundred Quarters; Malt, five hundred Quarters; Oats, sixty Quar∣ters; Wine, five or six Tun. Fish and Ling, six or seven hundred, with very much Household Store; as Fuel, Hay, with many other things necessary for Household. Horses at Cawood, young and old, four or five scorce: They received Rent of his own Land, five hundred Pounds yearly at the least. This was done by this Markham upon pretence, that he was guilty of Treason, or great Crimes. He gave to many Persons Money to the value of an hundred Pounds and above, that they should give Information against him. Besides, they took away good Harness and Artillery sufficient for seven score Men. All this Spoil was committed, when he was cast in the Tower. Of all this Injury he made a Scedule afterwards, and com∣plained thereof to the Lords. By this one Instance, which I have set down at large, as I extracted it from a Paper in the Benet-College Library, we may judg what Havock was made of the Professors of Religion, in their Estates as well as their Persons; as this Bishop was served, before any Crime was proved against him.

Thus the other Arch-bishop (of York) was not to go without Ani∣madversion, any more than he of Canterbury. The former lay eighteen Months in the Tower, and was deposed at last for being Married,* 2.7 as well as Cranmer. Of this, Gardiner Bishop of Win∣chester, in his Sermon at Paul's Cross, (at which were present King Philip and Cardinal Pole) gave, as he thought this nipping Gird:

Thus while we desired to have a Supream Head among us, it came to pass, that we had no Head at all; No, not so much as our two Arch-bishops. For that on one side, the Queen, being a Woman, could not be Head of the Church; and on the other side, they were both convicted of one Crime, and so deposed.

This Arch-bishop of York continued in Prison till 1554, when the Queen granted the Request of the new King, for the Liberty of a great many Pri∣soners, whereof this Prelate was one. He died the next Year through Grief (as it is probable) and Suffering.

CHAP. II. Protestant Bishops and Clergy cast into Prisons, and deprived.

INdeed in this first Entrance of Q. Mary's Reign,* 2.8 it was a wonder to see that fierceness that it was ushered in with; the Papists thinking that this Rigour at first would terrify all out of their for∣mer Principles of true Religion, and bring them to the Devotion of the Church of Rome again. And it was as marvellous to observe the stedfastness of the generality of the Professors.

This Queen be∣gan her Reign after that manner,* 2.9 (I use the words of one that lived in that Time) that it might be conjectured, what She was like after to prove. Sending up for abundance of People to ap∣pear before the Council, either upon the Lady Iane's Business, or the Business of Religion; and committing great numbers into Prisons. And indeed She boasted her self a Virgin sent of God to ride and tame the People of England.

To explain somewhat these Austerities. They thought fit to be∣gin with the Protestant Clergy, Bishops and others.* 2.10 For this pur∣pose a Commission was directed to the Bishops of London, Win∣chester, Chichester and Durham, Men sufficiently sowred in their Tempers by what befel them in the last Reign. These were to dis∣charge the Protestant Bishops and Ministers of their Offices and Pla∣ces, upon pretence, either of Treason, Heresy or Marriage, or the like, to make way for their own Men.* 2.11

Thus Iohn Tayler Bishop of Lincoln was deprived, because he had a bad Title, there being this clause in the Letters Patents, whereby he was made Bishop, Quamdiu bene se gesserit, and because he thought amiss concerning the Eucharist. Iohn Hoper was deprived of the Bishoprick of Worcester by the restitution of Nicolas Hethe, formerly deprived: and removed from the See of Glocester, for his Marriage and other Demerits. Iohn Harley Bishop of Hereford deprived for Wedlock and Heresy. Robert Farrar, Bp of S. David's, deprived for Wedlock and Heresy. William Barlow, Bishop of Bath, made a voluntary Re∣signation. The Bishoprick of Rochester was void three Years, since Scory was translated to Chichester. Iohn Bird, an old Man, Married, was deprived of the Bishoprick of Chester. Thomas Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury (for I do but transcribe now out of the Register of the Church of Canterbury) being called in∣to question for high Treason, by his own Confession was judged

guilty thereof. Whence in the Month of December the See of Canterbury became Vacant. Robert Holgate Arch-bishop of York was deprived for Wedlock, and was cast into the Tower, and led a private Life. The like happened to Miles Coverdale of Exeter, by the restoring Iohn Vayse, who out of fear had formerly re∣signed. Cuthbert Bishop of Durham, formerly deprived, was resto∣red. Edmund Bonner Bishop of London restored: Nicolas Ridley being removed from the said See, and cast into Prison for making an ill Sermon, and being noted for heretical Pravity. Stephen Gar∣diner Bp of Winchester restored: Iohn Poinet being ejected and Impri∣soned, and deprived of Episcopacy for being Married.

To which I must add, the See of Bristol, resigned by Paul Bush the Bishop thereof.

* 2.12How they proceeded with the inferior Clergy in general for being Married, may be measured by their proceedings with the Clergy of London and Canterbury, which we shall see by and by. So that K. Edward's Clergy were now in the very beginning of this Queen very hardly used.

Some were deprived, never convict, no ••or never called * 2.13 (I use the words of an ‖ 2.14 Author that Lived in that Queen's Reign, and felt her Severity) Some called, that were fast locked in Prison, and yet nevertheless deprived immediately † 2.15. Some deprived without the cause of Marriage after their Or∣ders ‖ 2.16. Some induced to resign upon promise of Pension, and the Promise, as yet never performed * 2.17. Some so deprived, that they were spoiled of their Wages, for the which they served the half Year before; and not ten days before the Receit sequestred from it. Some prevented from his half Years Receit, after Charges of Tenths and Subsidy paid, and yet not deprived six weeks after. Some deprived of their Receits somewhat after the day,* 2.18 with the which their Fruits to the Queen's Majesty should be contented. And in general the Deprivations were so speedy, so hastily, so without warning, &c. The Bishops (saith another * 2.19 Writer and Sufferer in these Days) that were Married, were thrust out of the Parliament-House, and all Married Deans and Arch-deacons out of the Convocation: many put out of their Livings, and others re∣stored, without Form of Law. Yea some Noble-men and Gen∣tlemen were deprived of those Lands which the King had given them, without tarrying for any Law, lest my Lord of VVinchester should have lost his Quarter's Rent.* 2.20 Many Churches were changed, many Altars set up, many Masses said, many Dirges sung, before the Law was repealed.

All was done in post haste.

* 2.21Nor was their Deprivation all they endured, but they, together with many other Professors of the Religion, were taken up very fast: For VVinchester did resolve to make quick Work, to reduce, if he could, the Realm to the old Religion. So that they came into the Marshalsea thick and three-fold for Religion, sent by him thither. And that they might be sure to suffer Hardship enough, when the Bishop's Almoner, Mr. Brook's (he, who was I suppose after Bishop of Glocester) came to this Prison with his Master's Alms-Basket, he told the Porter,* 2.22 named Britain, that it was his Lord's Pleasure that none of the Hereticks that lay there, should have any part of his Alms. And that if he knew any of them had any part thereof,

that House should never have it again so long as he lived. To which the Porter replied,

That he would have a care of that he would warrant him; and that if they had no Meat till they had some of his Lordship's, they should be like to starve. And so he bad him tell his Lord: and added, That they should get no favour at his Hand.

These Sufferings P. Martyr, now gotten out of England,* 2.23 took no∣tice of in a Letter to Calvin, dated Novemb. 3. Where having related to him, how the two Arch-bishops of Canterbury and York, the Bi∣shops of Worcester and Exon, and many other Learned and Pious Preachers, were in Bonds for the Gospel, and together with them many other godly Persons were in extream Danger, he proceeded to mention two things to Calvin, to mitigate the Trouble he knew he conceived for this ill News. The own was,

That although the Infirmity of some betrayed them, yet great was the constancy of far more than he could have thought. So that he doubted not England would have many famous Martyrs, if Winchester, who then did all, should begin to Rage according to his Will. The other was, That it was the Judgment of all, that this Calamity would not be long. And therefore, said Martyr,* 2.24 let us pray to God, that he would quickly tread down Satan under the Feet of his Church.

The same Learned Man,* 2.25 speaking in another Letter concerning the good Forwardness of Religion at the first coming of Queen Mary to the Crown, said,

That he had many Scholars in England Stu∣dents in Divinity, not to be repented of, whose Harvest was al∣most ripe. Whom he was forced to see, either wandring about in uncertain Stations, or remaining at home unhappily subverted. And that there was in this Kingdom many Holy as well as Learned Bishops, that were then in hard Confinement, and soon to be dragged to the extremest Punishments, as if they were Robbers. And that here was the foundation of the Gospel, and of a Noble Church laid: and by the Labours of some Years the holy Build∣ing had well gone forward, and daily better things were hoped for. But that unless 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, God from above,* 2.26 came to the succour of it, he thought there would not be a Footstep of Godliness left at last, as to the external Profession.

All the Matters of the Church the Queen left wholly to the ma∣nagement of the Bishop of Winchester,* 2.27 whom She now advanced from a Prisoner in the Tower, to be Lord High Chancellor of England. And indeed the Governance of the whole Realm was committed to him with a few other. He ruled Matters as he would, and that all England knew and saw plainly. Nay, the Consent of the whole Par∣liament followed his Head and his Will. So that against their Wills, and against the Wills of many thousand true Hearts in the Realm, as they of the Parliament well knew, they condescended unto him: and what he could not do in one Parliament, that he did in another. So that in a Year and an half he had three Parliaments. During which time, many things the Parliament condescended unto against their Wills. As that the Queen should Marry with a Foreign Prince; that the Service in the English Tongue should be taken away: that

the Bishop of Rome should have his old ejected Authority here again: as one of the Divines in those Times had intended to have told Winchester to his Face,* 2.28 had he been permitted Speech.

October 1. The Queen was Crowned at the Abby-Church at West∣minster.* 2.29 And then was proclaimed a Pardon; but not over-graci∣ous. For all the Prisoners in the Tower and Fleet were excepted, and sixty two besides; whereof the Printers of the Bible, Grafton and Whitchurch, were two. Most of these excepted were of the chief Professors of the Gospel: No Pardon for them. At the Coronation, among other triumphal Showes, Paul's Steeple bare top and top Gallant, like a Ship with many Flags and Banners, and a Man stood triumphing and danceing on the top. Whereat one Vnderhill, a Gen∣tleman, that sat on Horse-back there to see the Show, said to those a∣bout him,

At the Coronation of King Edward I saw Paul's Steeple lay at Anchor, and now She wears top and top Gallant: Surely the next will be Ship-wrack or it be long.

And indeed there follow∣ed a Ship-wrack of the Church.

* 2.30The Service established in K. Edward's Days did not cease upon Queen Mary's grasping the Scepter. But the Ministers performed the Worship of God, and celebrated the Holy Sacrament, and used the Common-Prayer diligently and constantly. And the People fre∣quented the same with more seriousness than before. They fore∣saw what Times were coming; which made them meet often toge∣ther, while they might: Lamenting bitterly the Death of K. Edward, and partaking of the Sacrament with much Devotion. It was the Bishop of Winchester's Resolution, to redress this in London: For he was purposed to stifle the Religion as speedily and as vigorously as he could. And one way he had to do this, was to send his Spies in∣to all the Churches in London. And these would come into the Churches, and disturb the Ministers with rude Words and Actions in their very Ministration; and then go to the Bishop and make their Informations. And so the Ministers were fetch'd up by the Officers before him, and then committed, unless they would comply. And this in the very beginning of the Queen's Reign, when the Preachers did but according to the Laws then in Force, before the Parliament had repealed the Book of Common-Prayer, and the rest of K. Edward's Reformation. And there were forward Men in most Parishes, that were very active and violent for the restoring the old Superstitions.* 2.31 For the Queen had set forth a Proclamation, which did declare what Religion She did profess in her Youth,

That She did continue in the same, and that She minded therein to end her Life: Willing all her Loving Subjects to embrace the same.

And this they reckoned to be sufficient Warrant to set up Mass, and in∣troduce Popish Priests and Popish Usages every-where, without stay∣ing for Orders and Acts of Parliament.

* 2.32Nor was this Change of Religion, and these Miseries following it, unexpected. The Learned and pious Sort in King Edward's Time did reckon upon a great Calamity impending over their Heads: Concluding thereupon, from two Causes, among others. One was, the corrupt Manners that generally overspred the Nation, notwith∣standing the Light of the Gospel, and the much and earnest preaching

up of Sobriety and Vertue. The other was, the taking off by Death divers most eminent Men, the great Stays of Religion. So that the Preachers did commonly in their Sermons declare and foretel, what afterwards indeed fell out. This Becon, an Exile, in his Epistle to those in England, that suffered Persecution for the Testimony of Christ's Gospel, spake of in these words.

Divers Signs had we long before, besides the Godly Admonitions of the faithful Prea∣chers, which plainly declared unto us an utter subversion of the true Christian Religion to be at Hand, except it were prevented by hasty and harty Repentance. What shall I speak of that good and mighty Prince Edward, Duke of Somerset, which in the Time of his Protectorship, did so banish Idolatry out of this our Realm, and bring in again God's true Religion, that it was a wonder so weighty a Matter to be brought to pass in so short a Time. Was not the ungentle handling of him, and the unrighteous thrusting him out of Office, and afterwards the cruel Murthering of him, a Man, yea, a Mirror of true Innocency, and Christian Patience, an evident token of God's Anger against us? The sudden taking away of those most goodly and vertuous young Imps, the Duke of Suffolk and his Brother, by the sweating Sickness, was it not also a manifest Token of God's heavy Displesure against us? The Death of those two most worthy, and godly Learned Men, M. Paulus Fagius, and D. Martin Bucer, was it not a sure Prog∣nostication, some great Mishap concerning Christen Religion to be at Hand? But passing over many other, to come to that which is most lamentable, and can never be remembred of any true Eng∣lish Heart without large Tears, I mean the Death of our most Godly Prince and Christen King, Edward VI. that true Iosias, that earnest destroyer of false Religion, that fervent setter up of God's true Honour, that most bounteous Patron of the godly Learned, that most worthy Maintainer of good Letters and Ver∣tue, and that perfect and lovely Mirror of true Nobility, and sin∣cere Godliness: Was not the taking away of him, (alas! for Sor∣row) a sure Sign and an evident Token, that some great Evil hanged over this Realm of England? Who, considering these things, perceived not a Shipwreck of the Christen Religion to be at Hand?

CHAP. III. The Arch-bishop adviseth Professors to fly.

THE Favourers of Religion,* 2.33 seeing it was now determined to proceed in all manner of Severity against them, began to flee into other Countries for their Safety as fast as they could. Indeed there were some, that made a Case of Conscience of it: Among the rest one Mrs. Wilkinson, a Woman of good Quality, and a great Re∣liever of good Men. Her the Arch-bishop out of Prison advised to escape and avoid a Place where She could not truly and rightly serve God. He took off with spiritual Arguments the Objections,

which She or others might make for their stay; As their lothness to leave their Friends and Relations, and that it might look like a slan∣dering of God's Word, if they should thus run away, and decline the open and bold Defence of it. The Letter of the Arch-bishop de∣serves to be read, as it fell from that Venerable Prelat's own Pen. Which I have therefore put in the Appendix.* 2.34

Though Cranmer himself refused to flee, being advised by his Friends so to do,* 2.35 because of the Reports that were abroad, that he should be speedily carried to the Tower. For he said,

It would be no ways fitting for him to go away, considering the Post in which he was; and to shew that he was not afraid to own all the Changes that were by his means made in Religion in the last Reign.

* 2.36But great numbers fled, some to Strasburgh, some to VVesel, some to Embden, some to Antwerp, some to Duisburgh, some to Wormes, some to Frankford, some to Basil, Zuric, and Arrow in Switzerland, and some to Geneva, to the number of eight hundred, and upwards. And these are the Names of some of these Refugees.

BISHOPS.

* 2.37Poynet of VVinchester, Barlow of Bath and Wells, Scory of Chichester, Coverdale of Exon; And Bale of Ossory.

DEANS.

Richard Cox, Dean of Christ's-Church Oxon, and of Westminster; Iames Haddon, Dean of Exeter, Robert Horn of Durham, William Turner of Wells, Thomas Sampson of Chichester.

ARCH-DEACONS.

Edmund Cranmer, the Arch-bishop's Brother, Arch-deacon of Cant. Iohn Aelmer of Stow, Bullingham of Lincoln, Thomas Young Pre∣center of S. Davids.

DOCTORS of Divinity and Preachers.

Edmund Grindal, Robert King, Edwin Sands, Ios. Iewel, Reinolds, Pil∣kingtons, two Brothers; Iohn Ioseph, David Whitehead, Iohn Alvey, Iohn Pedder, Iohn Biddil, Thomas Becon, Robert and Richard Turner, Edmund Allein, Levers, three Brothers, Iohn Pekins, Tho. Cottisford, Tho. Donel, Alex. Nowel with hi•• Brother, Barthol. Traheron, Iohn Wollock, Iohn Old, Iohn Medwel, Ioh. Rough, Iohn Knocks, Iohn Appleby, Iohn Perkhurst, Edward Large, Galf. Iones, Robert Crowley, Robert Wisdome, Robert VVatson, VVilliam Goodman, Ant. Gilby, VVill. VVhittingham, Iohn Makebrey, Hen. Reynolds, Iames Perse, Iugg, Edmunds, Cole, Mounteyn; two Fisher's, Da. Simson, Iohn Ben∣dal, Beaumont, Humfrey Bentham; Reymiger, Bradbridg, Saul, &c.

Besides, of Noble-men, Merchants, Trades-men, Artificers and Plebeians, ‖ 2.38 many hundreds. And God provided graciously for them, and raised them up Friends in England, that made large Contributi∣ons

from time to time for their Relief, and for the maintenance of such as were Scholars and Students in Divinity especially. And great was the Favour that the Strangers shewed to their Fugitive Guests.

Here at home Vengeance was taken upon those that set up the Lady Iane. And the Chief of all, the Duke of Northumberland,* 2.39 was brought to Tower••ill to lose his Head. Who indeed was cared for by no Body, and was the only Instrument of putting the King upon altering the Succession; and who was broadly talked of to have been the short∣ner of that excellent Prince's Life by Poison, to make Room the sooner for his Son's Advancement, who had Married the said Iane. In Prison he was Visited by Bishop Hethe, and afterwards pretended to be brought off by him to the acknowledgment of the Roman Ca∣tholick-Religion. After his Condemnation he, with the Marquess of Northampton, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir Iohn Gates, Sir Thomas Pal∣mer, heard a Mass within the Tower, and received the Sacrament in one kind, after the Popish fashion. The Duke of Northumberland was drawn hereunto by a Promise that was made him,

That if he would Recant and hear Mass, he should have his Pardon, yea, though his Head were upon the Block.

In his Speech August 22, when he was Executed▪ he acknowledged,* 2.40

How he had been misled by others; and called the Preachers Sediti∣ous, and Leud, and advised the People to return home to the old Re∣ligion. And that since the new Religion came among them, God had plagued them by Wars and Tumults, Famine and Pestilence. He propounded the example of the Germans, how their new Doctrine had brought Ruin upon them. And quoted that Article in the Creed to them, I believe the Catholick Church, to convine them of the Roman Catholick Faith.

If this Speech were not of Hethe's inditing to be used by the Duke, yet this Argument from the Creed, I am apt to think was his, it being his Custom to make use of it. For I find in a Conference betwixt this Bishop, and Rogers, he asked him, if he did not know his Creed, and urged Credo sanctam Ecclesiam Ca∣tholicam. But Rogers could tell him, that he did not find the Bishop of Rome there. If any be minded to see the Duke's Speech at length, he may have recourse to the Appendix, where I have set it down,* 2.41 as I found it in one of the Cottonian Volumes.

But Gates and Palmer, notwithstanding their hearing Mass,* 2.42 at their Execution the same Day and Place, confessed the Faith they had learned in the Gospel. The former confessed,

That he had lived as vitiously and wickedly all his Life, as any in the World. And yet, that he was a great reader of the Scripture; but a worse follower there was not living. For he read it, not to edify, but to dispute, and to make Interpretations after his own Fancy. Ex∣horting the People to take heed how they read God's Word, and played and gamed with God's Holy Mysteries. For he told them, that except they humbly submitted themselves to God, and read his Word charitably, and to the intent to be edified thereby; it would be but Poison to them, and worse. And so asked the Queen, and all the World Forgiveness.

Palmer thanked God for his affliction. For,* 2.43

That he had lear∣ned

more in one little dark Corner of the Tower, than ever he learned by any Travailes, in as many Places as he had been. There he had seen God, what he was, and his numerous Works, and his Mercies. And seen himself thorowly what himself was; a Lump of Sin and Earth, and of all Vileness the vilest. And so concluding, that he feared not Death; That neither the sprinkling of the Blood of two shed before his Eyes, nor the shedding there∣of, nor the bloody Ax it self, should make him affraid. And so praying all to pray for him, he said some Prayers, and without any daunting laid down his Head upon the Block.

* 2.44But the Duke of Northumberland submitted himself to base and mean Practices to save his Life. He renounced his Religion: nay, disavowed,

That he ever was of the Religion professed in K. Ed∣ward's Days (if we may believe Parsons) but only hypocritically for worldly Ends complied with it.* 2.45 And if he might but have lived, he could have been contented to spend his Days in a Mouse-hole.

For from a Priest I have this Relation, and the Papists best knew the Intrigues of Queen Mary's Reign. After Sentence pro∣nounced upon him, he made Means to speak with Bishop Gardiner, who he knew could do most of any with the Queen. When the Bishop came to him in Company with another Councellor, to be Witness of their Discourse, (who himself told my Author these Pas∣sages) the Duke asked the Bishop,

If there were no hope at all for him to live, and to do some Penance the rest of his Days for his sins past. Alass! said he, let me live a little longer, though it be but in a Mouse-hole. The Bishop replied, That he wished to God any thing could have contented his Grace, but a Kingdom, when he was at liberty, and in prosperity. And even at that present he wished it lay in his Power to give him that Mousehole: For he would allow him the best Palace he had in the World for that Mousehole. And did moreover then offer to do for him what he could possible. But because his offence, he said, was great, and Sentence past against him, and his Adversaries many, it would be best for him to provide for the worst: and especially, that he stood well with God, in matter of Conscience and Religion. For to speak plainly, as he went on, it was most likely he must Die. The Duke answered, He would dispose himself, and desired he might have a learned Priest sent him for his Confession, and spiri∣tual Comfort. And as for Religion, said he, you know, my Lord Bishop, that I can be of no other but of Yours, which is the Ca∣tholick. For I never was of any other indeed, nor ever so foolish as to believe any of that which we had set up in K. Edward's Days: but only to use the same for my own purpose of Ambition. For which God forgive me. And so I mean to testify publickly at my Death. For it is true. The Bishop, saith my Author, went away with an afflicted Heart, and shed many Tears, as he returned: and went to the Queen, and entreated so earnestly for him, as he had half gained her Consent for his Life. Which so much terrified the Duke's Adversaries, as presently they got the Emperor Charles, that was in Flanders, to write to the Queen a very resolute and ear∣nest Letter, that it was not safe for her, nor his Estate, to Pardon his Life.

And with that he was Executed.

Whatever credit is to be given to the rest of this Relation, I can hardly believe that Passage that he is reported to say to the Bishop,

That he was never otherwise than a Roman-Catholick, and that he did all along dissemble his Religion for worldly Ends:* 2.46 and that he would testify as much at his Death.

Because this doth no ways comport with his Speech upon the Scaffold; wherein he mentioneth no such thing, but rather the contrary. Nor did he declare any such thing when he came to Die. He said indeed, that he was de∣ceived and misled, but no where, that he dissembled. And if he were deceived, he dissembled not.

CHAP. IV. Peter Martyr departs. A Parliament.

THE Strangers had this piece of Mercy shewn them,* 2.47 that they were suffered to depart the Kingdom. Among the rest that went away this Year was Peter Martyr, the famous and learned Pro∣fessor of Divinity in Oxford. But with much ado; For at first he was not only forbid to read his Lectures, but not to stir a Foot out of the City of Oxon, nor to convey any of his Goods away. He obeyed, and afterwards was permitted by the Council to depart. He came first to Lambeth to the Arch-bishop; but when he was commit∣ted to Prison, Martyr went to London, where he remained in great Danger, both for his Religion, and for his great Familiarity with the Arch-bishop, and other pious Protestant Bishops. However he thought not fit to transport himself without leave from the Go∣vernment. He signified to them, that he came not hither on his own Head, but that he was sent for by K. Edward, and sent from the Town of Strasburgh. And produced his Broad-seals from both. And so since there was no further need of him, he desired leave to depart. Which he obtained by Letters from the Queen her self. But the Pa∣pists, his fatal Enemies, cried out, That such an Enemy of the Po∣pish Religion ought not to be dismist, but to be fetched out of the Ship, and carried to Prison, and punished. He understood also by his Friends, that when he was got over the Sea, the Danger was not past. For there were Snares for him in Flanders and Brabant; whereby they made no doubt to take him. But he used his Wits to save himself. For when other Congregations of Protestant Strangers went straight, some for Freezland, and some for Denmark, by Vessels they had hired, (among which was Iohn a Lasco's Congregation) he procured an honest and godly Ship-master, who kept him fourteen Days in his own House, that so all might think he was gone with the other Strangers, and his Enemies cease making search for him in the Ves∣sels that were bound for Foreign Parts. And then the Master sailed away with P. Martyr to Antwerp, going into that Place by Night for the more privacy. And by him he was brought to his Friends; and by them, before Day, conveyed in a Waggon out of Town, and so travelled safely through Countries that hated him, unto Strasburgh. And by God's Goodness, and his own Celerity, he arrived safe among

his Friends, who received him with the greatest Joy. And the Se∣nate conferred upon him his old Place which he enjoyed before he went for England.* 2.48

And Martyr needed not to be discontented that he was gotten out of England,* 2.49 considering how insufferably he was affronted, undermined, belied by the Popish Party in Oxon: Who, one would think might have better intreated a Man of Quality by Birth; a Man besides, of great Learning, Integrity and Reverence, and whom the King had thought good for his great Parts to place for his Professor of Divinity in that University; and a Man who also had always carried himself inoffensively unto all. The blame of this inhospitable Usage might lie upon the English Nation, and be a Reflection upon the Natives; were it not more truly to be laid to the furious Spirit that Popish Prin∣ciples inspire Men with. This Peter Martyr did resent, and took no∣tice of to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in his Epistle Dedicatory, before his Book of the Eucharist. There he writes,

That he could not have thought there were any in the World, unless he had found it, that with such crafty Wiles, deceitful Tricks, and bitter Slanders, would rage so against a Man that deserved no manner of Evil of them, nor ever hurt any one of them either in Word or Deed. And yet they tore his Name with most shameless Lies; and would never make an end.

And if they did thus rudely carry themselves towards him in K. Edward's Time, what then may we conclude they would do, when the Government favoured them?

* 2.50In this first Year of Q. Mary, a very foul Scandal was blown about of her, that She was with Child by her Chancellor, Bishop Gardi∣ner; however it was raised, whether of her Enemies to render her odious, or of some Zealots of Popish Religion, to shew the desire they had of her Matching with him, or some other round Roman Catholick, as he was, and for whom She carried a very great Reve∣rence. A great Reflection upon her Chastity, and might have spoiled her Marriage. It fled as far as Norfolk, and there spred it self. But such an infamous Report, not being fit to be put up, Henry Earl of Sussex, being Lord Lieutenant of that County, took upon him to examine this Scandal, and to search it to the very first Re∣porter.* 2.51 And so I find a Bill drawn, in the Cotton-Library, subscri∣bed by that Earl's own Hand, which set forth, that Laurence Hunt of Disse in Norfolk, came to Robert Lowdal, Chief Constable, and told him,

That he did hear say, that the Queen's Majesty was with Child by the said Bishop, and that his Wife did tell him so.

And when his Wife was examined, She said, She had it of one Sheldrake's Wife. And when Sheldrake's Wife was examined She said, She had it of her Husband. And when he was examined, he said he had it of one Wilby of Diss. And Wilby examined, said, he had it of one Iohn Smith, of Cockstreet. And Iohn Smith said, he heard it of one Widow Miles. And She being examined, said, she had it of two Men, but what they were she could not tell, nor where they dwelt. And then after this Bill follow all their Examinations distinctly. Which I suppose was drawn up for the Council, signed with Sussex's Hand. And what followed of this I know not. Only in ano∣ther Manuscript there is a Memorial of one Iohn Albone of Trunch

in Norfolk, who in the first of the Queen was indicted for saying, that the Queen was with Child by Winchester.

A Parliament met this Year in the Month of October. The Queen knew how difficult it would be to obtain her Purpose,* 2.52 to overthrow all that had been established concerning Religion in her Brother's Days; And therefore when this Parliament was to be summoned, She impeached the free Election of Members, by dispatching abroad into the several Counties her Letters directing the choice.* 2.53 And such Knights and Burgesses were chosen by Force and Threatning for many Places, as were judged fit to serve her Turn. And divers that were duly chosen, and lawfully returned, were thrust out, and others without any Order or Law put in their Places. For the People were aware what the Queen intended this Parliament should do; and therefore did bestir themselves in most Places to return ho∣nest Men. In the Upper House Taylor Bishop of Lincoln was in his Robes violently thrust out of the House. In the House of Com∣mons, Alexander Nowel, and two more, chosen Burgesses, lawfully chosen, returned and admitted, were so served. Which, according to the Judgment of some, made the Parliament actually void, as by a Precedent of the Parliament holden at Coventry in the 38^o of H. VI. it appeareth. As also her third Parliament was reckoned by many to be void, because in the Writs, from Philip and Mary, part of the Title of the Kings of England, viz. Supream Head of the Church of England, was left out. Which by a Statute made in the 35^o of Henry VIII. was ordained to be united and annexed for ever to the Imperial Crown of this Realm. In which third Parliament of the Queen they repealed what was done by K. Henry VIII. for the restitution of the Liberty of the Realm, and extinguishing the usurped Authority of the Bishop of Rome. This Flaw Gardiner, the Lord Chancellor well seeing, thought craftily to excuse by saying, (as may be seen in a Piece of the Statute made in the same Parliament, Cap. 8.)

That it lay in the free Choice, and free Liberty of the Kings of this Realm, whether they would express the same Title in their Stile, or no.

But it is replied to this, that though any Man may renounce his own private Right, yet he may not renounce his Right in that which toucheth the Common-Wealth, or a third Person. And this Title and Stile more touched the Common-Wealth, and the Realm of England, than the King.

In this first Parliament an Act was made for confirmation of the Marriage of the Queen's Mother to her Father K. Henry.* 2.54 Herein the leading Men shewed their Malice against the good Arch-bishop by their wording of the Preamble: as

That Thomas Cranmer, late Arch-bishop did, most ungodly and against Law, judg the Divorce upon his own unadvised Understanding of the Scriptures, and up∣on the Testimonies of the Universities, and some bare and most untrue Conjectures.

And they declared the Sentence given by him to be unlawful. But I cannot let this pass, for the Reputation of the Arch-bishop, without taking notice of the Censure that the Bishop of Sarum doth worthily bestow upon Bishop Gardiner,* 2.55 whom he concludes to be the drawer up of this Act:

That he shewed himself herein to be past all Shame, and that it was as high a

pitch of Malice and Impudence, as could be devised. For Gar∣diner had been setting this on long before Cranmer was known to the King, and had joined with him in the Commission, and had given his Consent to the Sentence. Nor was the Divorce meerly grounded upon Cranmer's understanding the Scriptures, but upon the fullest and most studied Arguments, that had perhaps been in any Age brought together in one particular Case. And both Houses of Convocation had condemned the Marriage before his Sentence.

CHAP. V. The Arch-bishop Attainted.

* 2.56THIS Parliament Attainted Cranmer with the Lady Iane and her Husband, and some others. And in November he was adjug∣ed guilty of High Treason at Guild-hall. And under this Judgment he lay for a good while: which was very uneasy to him, desiring to suffer under the imputation of Heresy under this Government, rather than Treason. He was now looked upon as devested of his Arch-bishoprick, being a Person attainted: And the Fruits of his Bi∣shoprick were Sequestred.

* 2.57Canterbury being now without an Arch-bishop, the Dean, Dr. VVotton, acted in that Station, according to his Office, in the Vacancy of the See. So he sent out many Commissions. There was a Com∣mission from him to Iohn Cotterel, and VVilliam Bowerman, to exer∣cise Jurisdiction in the See of VVells,* 2.58 by the Resignation of Barlow Bishop there. Another Commission to the See of Bristol, upon the Resignation of Bush. Another for the See of Litchfield, up∣on the Death of Richard Sampson. Which Commission was di∣rected to David Pool, LL. D. dated 1554. Septemb. ult. Another to exercise Jurisdiction in the See of Exon, Vacant by the Death of Veysy, February 9. 1554. Another for the Consecration of Gilbert Bourn Bishop of Bath and VVells, Iohn VVhite Bishop of Lincoln, Morice Griffith of Rochester, Iohn Cotes of Chester, Henry Morgan of S. David's, Iames Brook of Glocester. Who were all Consecrated to∣gether in the Church of S. Saviour's Southwark, April 1. 1554. This Commission I suppose was to the Bishop of VVinchester. Another Commission for the Consecration of Hopton Bishop of Norwich, dated Octob. 6. 1554. consecrated Octob. 28. following. Another Commission to Consecrate Holiman Bishop of Bristol, and Bayn Bi∣shop of Litchfield, dated Novemb. 16, 1554. consecrated Novemb. 18. following. Another Commission to Consecrate Iames Turbervil Bi∣shop of Exon, who was Consecrated September 8. 1555. And for VVilliam Glin Bishop of Bangor, the same Date. All these five last named were Consecrated in a Chappel of the Bishop of London in London.

* 2.59The poor Arch-bishop most instantly sued to the Queen for his Pardon, acknowledging his Fault in the most submissive manner that could be. But though She had granted Pardons to divers others that had signed K. Edward's Will, and made no such boggle to do it as the

Arch-bishop did, yet the Arch-bishop remained unpardoned. He sent divers humble petitionary Letters to the Queen and her Council for the obtaining this Favour. In one Letter to her, he called it his Hainous Folly and Offence: and said,

That he never liked it; nor that any thing that the Queen's Brother ever did, grieved him so much: and that if it had been in his Power, he would have letted the doing of it: That divers of the Queen's Council knew what he had said to the King and the Council against proceeding in it: and that he endeavoured to talk to the King alone about it, but was not permitted: and that when he could not disswade him from this Will, he was hardly brought to sign it, notwithstanding what the Judges told him, to satisfy him in Point of Law. And that at last it was the King's earnest Request to him, that he would not be the only Man that refused it. Which with the Judgment of the Lawyers, overcame him to set his Hand.

But I refer the Reader to the Appendix to weigh this whole Letter,* 2.60 as it is there transcribed. Another Petition the next Year, 1554, he sent up from Oxon, by Dr. VVeston, to the Council. And therein he begged them to interceed with the Queen for his Pardon. But VVeston carrying it half-way to London, and then opening it, and seeing the Contents of it, sent it back again to the Arch-bishop, and refused to be the Mes∣senger.

This at length was the Resolution that was taken concerning him in this Matter: (because for shame,* 2.61 they could not deny him a Par∣don, when others far more Guilty, and deeper in the Business, had it) That he should be pardoned the Treason as an Act of the Queen's Grace, and then he should be proceeded against for Heresy, for di•• they were resolved he should. When this Pardon was at length ob∣tained, he was right glad; being very gladly ready to undergo Af∣flictions for the Doctrine that he had taught, and the Reformation he had set on Foot, because this he reckoned to be suffering for God's Cause, and not as an Evil-doer.

The Arch-bishop looked now with weeping Eyes upon the present sad Condition of Religion,* 2.62 and the miserable Apostacy of the Church, lapsed into all the formerly rejected Superstitions. Nor could he now procure any Redress. Yet he felt a pressure upon his Spirit to do something towards it. So he attempted in a Letter to the Queen, to get Liberty from her freely to open to her his Mind about the State of Religion: Hoping that when She heard plainly and truly the Reasons that moved her Father and Brother to do what they did (a thing studiously concealed from her) She might be bet∣ter inclined. He told her,

That indeed it lay not in him▪ nor in any private Subject, to reform Things, but only in her Majesty, but quietly to suffer what they could not amend; yet he thought it his Duty, considering what Place he once bore, and knowing what he did, and bearing a great part in all the Alterations made in Re∣ligion, to shew the Queen his Mind. And when he had done this, then he should think himself discharged. And therefore he ear∣nestly sued to her for her leave.

But I do not find that ever he ob∣tained it.

CHAP. VI. A Convocation.

* 2.63THERE was now a Convocation: which was so packed, or so compliant, that six only of the whole House publickly owned K. Edward's Reformation: Haddon Dean of Exon, Philips Dean of Rochester, Young Chanter of S. David's, Philpot Arch-dea∣con of VVinchester, Elmer Arch-deacon of Stow, and Cheiny Arch-deacon of Hereford, which last owned the Presence with the Papists, but denied the Transubstantiation. The Queen commanded this Convocation to hold a publick Disputation at S. Paul's Church, con∣cerning the Natural Presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. Which how well it was opposed by four or five of the six (for Young went away) in the presence of abundance of Noblemen and others, recourse is to be had to Fox. There was a true Report of the Disputation of these Men at this Convocation, which Philpot, one of the Disputants, wrote, and had it printed. Which he owned at one of his Examinations before the Bishop of London and others; And perhaps may be the same we have extant in Fox's Mon••∣ments.

But because both Fox and Bishop Burnet are brief concerning the opening of this Convocation,* 2.64 therein I shall be more large and par∣ticular. The Bishop of London's Chaplain, Harpsfield, began in a Sermon at Paul's to the Clergy then assembled. That finished, those of the Upper House advised those of the Lower to chuse a Prolocu∣tor. And they chose Weston Dean of VVestminster. Who by P•• Dean of Chichester, and VVymbesly Arch-deacon of London, was presented by Speeches to the Bishops. At which time VVeston made his gratulatory Oration to the House, and the Bishop of London an∣swered him. Which Sermon and four Orations were put together in a Book printed in December, 1553. by Cawood. Harpsfield's Text was, Attendite vobis, & universo gregi, &c. Act. 20. Whence he took occasi∣on to treat of three Things.

I. How well Paul took heed to him∣self and his Flock. II. How ill the Pastors of late regarded each. III. What way was to be used, that they might take heed to them∣selves and their Flocks. Under the first Head he shewed how S. Paul took heed to himself by keeping under his Body, and bring∣ing it into Subjection: by taking heed of three Pests of an Ecclesiastical Li••e, Flattery, Avarice, and Vain-glory: and that he might in all things propound himself a Pattern to Believers. And Secondly, as he thus took heed to himself, so he took heed to the Flock in three particulars: In the Doctrine, which he preached; In his diligence to preserve his Flock from Wolves; and in his Impo∣sition of Hands, whereby he provided ••it Ministers for the Church.

And then, when he came unto the Second Head in the Division of his Discourse, he took occasion at large to vent his Malice against the Reformed Ministers in K. Edward's Days; shewing how they failed in all the Particulars before-said.

That they were Belly-Gods; gave themselves over to Junketings and pampering of their

Carcases: that they were unchaste, taking to themselves Wives, some that had lived threescore Years single. That they were Flat∣terers, Insinuating themselves into the Favour of the Courtiers: Covetous also, keeping no Hospitality; Vain-glorious, vaunting themselves to understand the Holy Scripture, as well as any of the Antients, daring to compare themselves with Hierom, Augustin, Ambrose, &c. And some of them from a Shop, endued with no liberal Discipline, not so much as Grammar, would mount the Pulpit, and there give out themselves for Learned Men, if they did but rail against whatsoever was Holy, and boast that they had the Spirit. No Vice of the Laity, but they were guilty of it. And then as to their neglect of the Flock, their Doctrine was such, as they might well repent and be ashamed of. How did they tear the Lord's Flock, and how many Souls send to Hell, and what pernicious Doctrines bring into the Kingdom? That they brought into the Ministery, and to preach God's Word, Coblers, Dyers, Weavers, Fullers, Barbars, Apothecaries, Beggers, Jesters, fitter for the Plow-tail than the Ministry of the Word.

And with a great deal more of such railing Stuff were the Minds of the Clergy to be prepared, vigorously to overthrow all the Reformation, and to bring back Popery again.

The Tower, as well as the Fleet and Marshalsea,* 2.65 was crowded with Prisoners. All that were supposed to favour Religion, or that made any whisper against the Popish Religion, or that had any the least Hand in Q. Iane's Business, being taken up and committed. The Tower being so full, our Arch-bishop Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and Bradford, were all thrust together into one Chamber. Which how∣ever inconvenient it were, yet they were very glad to be together; that they might have the opportunity of conferring with one ano∣ther, and establishing one another. There they read over the New Testament together with great deliberation and study; on purpose to see if there were any thing that might favour that Popish Doctrine of a Corporal Presence. But after all, they could find no Presence, but a Spiritual. Nor that the Mass was any Sacrifice for Sin. But they found in that Holy Book, that the Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross was perfect, holy and good; and that God did require none other, nor that it should be ever done again: as Latimer, one of the four, related in his Protestation given to VVeston.

CHAP. VII. The Queen sends to Cardinal Pole.

THE Queen out of that great Opinion She had of Cardinal Pole,* 2.66 either to make him her Husband, or her Arch-bishop in Cran∣mer's Room, sent Letters to him, one dated from London, October 28. written in Latin, conveyed to him from the Emperor's Court: pro∣bably brought thither by Commendone, who had been sent by the Pope's Legat in that Court, a private Agent unto her: and another Dated Ianuary 28. The Cardinal was coming now from the Pope,

as his Legate, and in his Journey staid, for some Reason of State, in the Emperor's Dominions. In this stay he thought fit in answer to both her Letters, to send his Mind at large by his Messenger Thomas Goldwel; who was once, if I mistake not, Prior of the Church of Canterbury; but long since fled out of England, and lived with Pole; and by the Queen afterwards preferred to the Bishoprick of S. Asaph.

* 2.67The Contents of the Queen's former Letter consisted in two Points: The one concerning the difficulty She feared in renouncing the Title of the Supremacy.* 2.68 For She writ him, that when the Parliament yielded to the abolishing of the Laws, wherein her Mother's Matri∣mony was made Illegitimate, the lower House willingly agreed to the establishment of her Right of succeeding to the Crown, but made a great boggle of abolishing the Title of the Supremacy: thinking that might be a way to the introducing the Pope's Authori∣ty again, which they could not gladly hear of: And therefore neither did they like to hear of a Legate from the Pope. Hence the Queen, who knew Pole was now commissioned by the Pope for his Legate in this Kingdom, and ready to come, did entreat him to stop for a while. And She desired his Advice, in case the Parliament would not be brought to let go the Law, wherein the Supremacy was pla∣ced in the Crown Imperial of this Land. The other Point, wherein the Queen desired information of the Cardinal, was, how the Com∣mission She had privately given to Commendone, was published in the Consistory of Rome, as her Ambassador resident at Venice had certified her.

* 2.69The Sum of her other Letter to the Cardinal, was, concerning cer∣tain Persons, that She had in her intentions to make Bishops in the void Sees: They were Morgan, White, Parfew, Coates, Brooks, Ho∣liman and Bayn: How they might be put into those Sees without de∣rogation to the Authority of the See Apostolick. For She intended not to extend the Power of the Crown further than it was in use before the Schism. She sent him also the two Acts that had past in the Par∣liament, the one of the Legitimation of the Matrimony of Q. Ka∣tharine with K. Henry, and the other of the Sacraments to be used in that manner as they were used the last Year of K. Henry VIII. which She sent to him, because She knew they would be Matter of Com∣fort and Satisfaction to him.

* 2.70As to both these Letters of the Queen, he gave Instructions to Gold∣wel to signify to her Majesty what his Thoughts were. As to the first his Advice was,

That the Authority and Acceptableness of the Per∣son goes a great way, to make any Proposition well entertained and received by the People.* 2.71 And that seeing there were none, neither of the Temporalty nor Spiritualty, but that had either spoke or writ against the Pope's Supremacy; therefore he thought that her Majesty her self would be the fittest Person to propound it with her own Mouth. Which was the course the Emperor took to justify his War with the French King. He did it by his own Mouth before the Pope and Cardinals. He would have her at the same time to let the Parliament know plainly, that he (Cardinal Pole) being the Pope's Legate, was to be admitted and sent for.

And therefore that in order to this the Law of his Banishment might be repealed, and he restored in Blood.

As to the second Point, which seemed to offend the Queen, that Commendone had re∣vealed that in the Consistory, which She told him in much Secresy, Pole said,

That he kept her Counsel, and told nothing that he heard from her Mouth, but only what he had heard of certain devout Catholicks that knew the Queen's mind. Which was in general concerning the devout Mind her Majesty bare to God and the Church: But that nothing was spoken of that particular Mat∣ter, that She would have none but the Pope made acquainted with.

Which private matter it seems was, that She desired the Pope to make Pole his Legate to England.

But that he should be thus stopped in his Journey,* 2.72 when the Pope had sent him upon such a weighty Errand, the Cardinal sig∣nified in the same Letter his disgust of. And,

He feared it might be so ill taken by the Pope and Cardinals, that they might send for him back again to Rome, and not permit him to go on that intended charitable Design. And that it was contrary to her first Commission; when She shewed, more fervency to receive the Obedience of the Church, (as he took the confidence to tell her). And that therefore he was in some suspicion, that the next Com∣mission he should receive from the Pope, should be to return back into Italy again: Because the Pope might think, that he had done his part touching his Demonstration of his Care of the Queen, and her Realms, when he offered both so readily all Graces that tended to make a Reconciliation of both to the Church. In which perhaps, (said he) the Cardinals would think his Holiness had been too Liberal. And that they might take his Stop, without their Consent, for a great Indignity. And this Revocation he still more feared, if his stay should be deferred any longer space.

The Cardinal upon this his Stay sent a Servant of his by Post to Rome to make a fair Excuse for this Stop; namely,* 2.73 that the Queen shortly trusted that the Matters of the Parliament should have that Satisfaction that the Cardinal desired. Which was the effect of a Letter the Queen writ to one Henry Pyning his Servant. He also let the Pope know by the aforesaid Messenger, that it was the Empe∣peror's Advice, that the Queen should proceed in Matters of Religi∣on warily and slowly, and not to be too hasty, until temporal Matters were better settled.

He also wrote Letters to the Emperor,* 2.74 which he sent by his Ser∣vant Pyning, to perswade him to remove this Stop: and bad his said Servant to repair to the Emperor's Confessor, that he should perso∣nally resort unto him, and by all means possible, move the Emperor to let the Cardinal go forward.

As to the two Acts of Parliament, which the Queen sent him,* 2.75 he wrote her,

That they were partly to his Satisfaction, and partly not. For the Act of Ratification of the Matrimony was defec∣tive, in that the Parliament mentioning the Wisdom of the Parents in making the Match, did make no mention of their Wisdom; in that, besides their own Consent, they procured the Pope's Dis∣pensation, and the Authority of the See Apostolick; whereby the

impediments of Conjunction by the Laws of the Church were taken away: Which, (he added) ought by all means to have been mentioned. As to the other Act for Confirmation of the Sacra∣ments, the defect of that, (he said) lay, in that this Act made those capable of partaking of the Sacraments, that were not yet entred into the Unity of the Church, and remained still in Schism.

But to receive more full Satisfaction in these matters I refer the Reader to the Instructions given by the Cardinal to Goldwel, as they may be read in the Appendix.* 2.76

CHAP. VIII. The Dealings with the Married Clergy.

* 2.77THE Marriage of the Clergy gave great Offence to those that were now uppermost. For many of both Perswasions, Pa∣pists as well as Protestants, had taken Wives; it being allowed by a Law in K. Edward's Days; but would now no longer be endured, and was pretended to be against an Oath they had taken, when they received Holy Orders. For the Queen sent a Letter and Instructions, dated March 4, to all the Bishops; some of the Contents whereof were,

To deprive all the Married Clergy, and to amove them from their Benefices and Promotions Ecclesiastical; and besides this, not to suffer them to abide with their Wives, or Women, (as the Papists now chose rather to stile them) but to divorse and punish them. But that such Priests should be somewhat more favourably dealt withall, that with the Consent of their Wives, did openly promise to abstain. These nevertheless were to be enjoined Pe∣nance by the Bishop, and then it lay in him to admit them again to their former Ministration; but not in the same Place they were in before. Of which they were to be deprived; and a part of that Benefice they were outed of, was to be allowed them, ac∣cording to the Bishop's Discretion.

According to these Instructi∣ons of the Queen, a sad Havock was made among the Clergy, some thousands being computed to be put out of their Livings upon this Account. And a good Expedient it proved to get rid of the soberer Clergy, that were not for the present Turn.

That the Reader may take some prospect of these Transactions with the Married Clergy, I will here set down what was done with some of them under the Jurisdiction of Canterbury by the Dean and Chapter, our Arch-bishop being now laid aside.

* 2.78Of those Priests, beneficed in London, that pertained to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Jurisdiction there, nine were cited, by a Ci∣tation March 7, (that is but three Days after the Queen's Letter) from the Dean and Chapter, Sede Cant. tunc vacante, (as it is said in the said Citation) to appear in Bow-Church London, before Henry Harvey, LL. D. Vicar-general, for being Married Men. These Per∣sons thus cited were these: Iohn Ioseph Rector of the Church of S. Mary Le Bow, Stephen Green Rector of S. Dionys Back-Church, Laurence Saunders Rector of the Church of Alhallowes in Bredstreet.

Peter Alexander Rector of Alhallowes Lumbard-street, Christopher Ashburn Rector of S. Michael's Crooked-Lane, Thomas Mountain Rector of S. Michaels in Riolane, Iohn Turnor Rector of S. Leonards in East-cheap, Richard Marsh Rector of S. Pancrace, Iohn Eliot School-master in the Parish of S. Leonard East-cheap. It may not be amiss to set down the Tenor, wherein the Citation ran, viz.

That since it was (alas!) notoriously manifest,* 2.79 Quod Rectores & Presbyteri, quorum nomina in pede hujus Edicti specificantur, con∣tra jura Ecclesiae, sanctorum patrum Decreta, & laudabiles Ecclesiae Ca∣tholicae generatim observatas & usitatas consuetudines, sese praetextu foederis conjugalis cum nonnullis foeminis illicitè conjunxerint, sub falsa Matrimonii appellatione, cum iisdem publicè cohabitaverint, & im∣pudicè vixerint, in voti sui aliàs emissi violationem, animarum su∣arum detrimentum, ac aliorum Christi fidelium exemplum longè perniciosum, in Christi Ecclesia non ferendum, unde pro officii nostri debito, & tantorum scelerum ab Ecclesiae Christi eliminati∣one penitus eradicandum, &c. juxta illustrissimae Dominae nostrae Reginae monitionis in hac parte continentiam procedere volentes, &c.

The Citation was returned by the Apparitor: who declared, That he found and personally cited Richard Marsh and Iohn Turnor, and that he affixed the Citation of the rest on the Church Doors, belong∣ing to the respective Rectors, on March 8. And no wonder the Ap∣paritor met with no more of them, some being fled, and some in Prison, and some already violently turned out of their Churches and gone. On March 16. according to the Citation, Marsh and Tur∣nor made their personal appearance, and were sworn to make true answer to such Interrogatories as should be put to them. What those Interrogatories were, I shall set down by and by. These Persons con∣fessed, that they made profession of Religious Vows, and after holy Orders, were married, and lived with their Wives. Hereupon Sen∣tence was denounced against them, to prohibite them to officiate, and to suspend them from the Profits of their Benefices. And on Monday following, to appear again to receive further Sentence of Deprivation, Divorce, &c. Iohn Eliot, School-master, it seems sub∣mitted to Penance: for he was not presently thrust out of his School, but enjoined not to teach his Scholars Matins, Psalter, or the like, in English, but in Latin, so as they might be able to answer the Priest that officiated. The rest, that appeared not, were declared contuma∣cious, and to be proceeded against on Monday following, by Depri∣vation, &c.

The Interrogatories ministred unto these Men,* 2.80 and to be mini∣stred to all other Married Priests, were these.

I. An fuit Religiosus: Cujus ordinis; & in quo Monasterio sive Domo.

II. An fuit promotus ad sacros Ordines, dum fuit in Monasterio.

III. In quo & quibus sacris: & an ministravit in Altaris ministe∣rio; & quot annis.

IV. An citra professionem regularem conjunxit se mulieri sub appel∣latione Matrimonii.

V. Cum qua: & in qua Ecclesia fuit solemnizatio Matrimonii; & per quem.

VI. Quam duxit, eratne soluta, an vidua.

VII. An cohabitavit cum ea in una & eadem domo, ut vir cum uxore.

VIII. An prolem, vel proles ex ea sustentaverit, necne.

IX. An post & citra Matrimonii hujusmodi solemnizationem, assecu∣tus fuit, & est, beneficium ecclesiasticum, habens Curam animarum, & quot annis illud obtinuit.

X. An officium Sacerdotis post & citra assertum matrimonium hujus∣modi contractum, in altaris ministerio se immiscuit, & Sacramentis & Sacramentalibus ministrandis se ingessit.

XI. An praemissa omnia & singula fuerunt & sunt vera.

According to these Articles, the Confessions of Marsh, Turnor and Eliot, are registred at large. On Monday March 19, Sentence was pronounced against Marsh and Turnor, 1. Of Deprivation from their Benefices. 2. Of Suspension from their Priestly Function. 3. Of Inhibition to cohabit with their Wives. 4. Of nulling and voiding the pretended Bond of Matrimony; And, 5. of declaration of fur∣ther Punishments, according to the Canons of the Church. And▪ March 20, the like Sentence was pronounced against the rest that did not appear. Next, the Sentence of Divorce against Iohn Turnor and his Wife was pronounced: and he was ordered to do penance on May 14, 1554, in his late Parish-Church of East-cheap, by hold∣ing a burning wax Taper, and making a Solemn Confession openly and distinctly, with a loud Voice, standing in the Body of the Church before the face of the People, in these words following:

* 2.81GOod People, I am come hither, at this present time, to declare unto you my sorrowful and penitent Heart, for that being a Priest,* 2.82 I have presumed to marry one Amy German, Widow; and under pretence of that Matrimony, contrary to the Canons and Custom of the Universal Church, have kept her as my Wife, and lived contrary to the Canons and Ordinances of the Church, and to the evil Example of good Christen People: Whereby now being ashamed of my former wicked living here, I ask Almighty God Mercy and Forgiveness, and the whole Church; and am sorry and penitent even from the bottom of my Heart therefore. And in to∣ken hereof, I am here, as you see, to declare and shew unto you this my Repentance, that before God on the latter Day you may testify with me of the same. And I most heartily and humbly pray, and desire you all, whom by this evil Example doing I have greatly offended, that for your part you will forgive me, and re∣member me in your Prayers, that God may give me Grace, that hereafter I may live a continent Life, according to his Laws, and the godly Ordinances of our Mother the holy Catholick Church, through and by his Grace. And do here before you all openly pro∣mise for to do, during my Life.

The manner of the Restitution of these Priests, thus performing their Penance, may be seen in the Appendix.* 2.83

And this is some Account of the Church of Canterbury's Doings, in pursuance of the Queen's Instructions before-mentioned.* 2.84 But Bi∣shop Boner, with his Zeal, was before-hand with the Queen; not staying for any Orders from Above in dealing with his Clergy; but

of his own Power, in the latter end of February, deprived all mar∣ried Priests, in his Diocess in London, from their Livings. And af∣ter this done, commanded them all to bring their Wives within a fortnight, that they might be divorced from them.

These were some of the Doings with the Married Priests in Lon∣don. And in the same manner did they proceed about this time in Canterbury with Edmund Cranmer, the Arch-bishop's Brother,* 2.85 Arch-deacon and Prebendary of that Church; together with William Wil∣loughby, William Devenish and Robert Goldson, Prebendaries, and divers others. For March 15. At the Chapter-house in Canterbury, before Henry Harvey LL. D. Vicar-general, Richard Bishop of Dover, Subdean, Richard Parkhurst and Iohn Mills, Prebendaries of the said Church, personally appeared the said Arch-deacon and Prebendaries, Thomas Brook and Tho. Stevens, Preachers, and Sherland and Good∣rick Petty Canons of the said Church: Who all subscribed with their own Hands to a Confession of certain Articles exhibited against them, touching their being Married. And being asked, what they could say, why they should not be suspended, and deprived for the said pretended Marriages, They gave this Answer, as it is set down in the Register of that Church; Se nihil habere dicendum, &c.

That they had nothing to say that might be profitable for them, the Ecclesiastical Law, and the Decrees of the Holy Fathers stand∣ing in their full Force: But by the Law of God, they thought they had lawfully married their Wives; and being married, might not forsake them with a safe Conscience.

Then Sentence of Suspension from Priestly Function, Sequestration, Deprivation, and Prohibition to live with their Wives, was pronounced.

It is regi∣stred, that they acquiesced in these Sentences against them, no one of them appealing, but all remaining silent.

This is the Account of the good Arch-bishop's Brother, his manner of Deprivation, and his peaceable Behaviour under it.

Thus he was deprived of his Prebend,* 2.86 and one Robert Collins was admitted into the same: Of his Rectory of Ickham, and Robert Marsh succeeded him there, April 12. 1554. and of his Arch-deacon∣ry, and Nicolas Harpsfield was admitted thereunto.* 2.87 Who at the same time entred into Obligation to pay, out of the Profits of the said Arch-deaconry, unto William Warham late Arch-deacon, during his Life, a yearly Pension of forty Pounds Sterling, March 31. 1554. But some of the Church then appeared not, being either fled, or in Prison; and those were pronounced Contumacious, viz. Iohn Ioseph, Peter Alexander, and Bernard Ochin, Prebendaries; Lancelot Ridley, Richard Turner, Thomas Becon and Richard Besely, Preachers.

These Doings in all Quarters of the Realm raised great Admirati∣on among the People, upon divers and sundry Considerations,* 2.88 inci∣dent and depending upon such Proceedings: Since these Marriages were no more than what were agreeable to the Laws of the Land. So that these married Preachers, in Marrying themselves, were no Transgressors of the Law: and yet underwent as great Punishments, as though they were so in some high Degree. And the Proceedings seemed contrary even to the Queen's Commission, comprized in cer∣tain Articles (before-mentioned) to her Bishops: Which was,

That they should proceed, according to Learning and Discretion, in these weighty Matters, and that they should not put any other Canons and Constitutions of the Church in exercise, than such as might stand with the Law of the Realm.

Yet they went in most Pla∣ces both against Learning and Discretion, and the Laws of the Land.

* 2.89For the bringing this to pass, they first possest the Queen with great Prejudices against these Marriages. They cried in her Ears, how un∣comely these Copulations were; how against God and his Honour; how against the Churches Decrees and Discipline; and how worthy to be dissolved again. And when they had obtained their Ends with the Queen, and gotten out her Letter and Instructions for that pur∣pose, and by Warrant thereof executed their Purposes; then for the giving a better Countenance to a thing that looked so odious, and had so much Severity in it, to the ruining of so many thousand Fa∣milies, Books were thought fit to be published; the purpose of which was to make Married Priests contemptible, and to shew how unlaw∣ful and wicked Marriage was in Men of Holy Orders. Dr. Thomas Martin's Book made the greatest Noise; a Book writ with a Brow of Brass, so did it abound with confident Untruths and Falshoods. And to the further accumulation of the heavy State of the Ministers deprived, were added in this Book most slanderous Accusations, and untrue Matters surmised against them to the Queen and Realm. The Author greatly pretended Antiquity and Authority all along for his Doctrine: Whereas indeed it was nothing but counterfeited Imitation of Authority, and belying Antiquity.

And in short, (to give you the sense of one * 2.90 who wrote against the Book, and did suf∣ficiently expose it) It was meer Subtilty without Substance, Wit without Wisdom, Zeal without Knowledg, and Heat without Charity.

To give but one Instance of the unfair and false dealing of the Author, he saith, in his Book,

That the Hereticks affirmed, that all Priests and Bishops must of necessity Marry, whether they have the Gift of sole Life, or no; and that they were so beastly and ignorant, that they should teach that the Fel∣lowship and Company of a Woman in a Spiritual Man, is a means to perfect Religion, and that single Life was an hindrance to the same, and that they should despise all manner of Virginity and single Life in them that had the Gift of God; and that they pro∣nounced it wicked and abominable, and termed it a Doctrine of Devils, and the Invention of Antichrist.

All which Bishop Ponet, in the Name of all the Protestants, in his Book did utterly deny, that ever they said, writ, or thought so.

* 2.91This Book was indeed made by the Bishop of Winchester, when he was in the Tower, (and he borrowed much of it from Albertus Pighius) and published about that time: Martin being then a Student at the University of Bourges in France; it once happened in some Conversation there, that Edward the King of England was com∣mended, whether it were for his Vertue, or Learning, or Abilities beyond his Years; whereat Martin began, as it seemed, to eclipse the King's Honour by mentioning the Imprisonment of Winchester, say∣ing, That there was a Head-Papist Prisoner in England, meaning him. Upon which several asked him, Whether it was not the same

Winchester, that had set out an Hodgpodg concerning Marriage of Priests? He laughing, answered, It was even he. But that no Man ought to marvel; for that VVinchester was more meet for Warlike,* 2.92 than for Ecclesiastical Disputations. Which Passage I have from Bale; who was acquainted at that University with Franciscus Baldwin, the Learned Professor of Law there.* 2.93 Out of this Book Martin framed that which went under his Name, with Winchester's Privity. And this was well enough known to Bale and others in those Times. Ponet said, that Martin was abused by others, who set him a-work to bear the Name, and to desire the Fame of so gay a Book, rather than he was the Author of it indeed.

The said Ponet, or Poinet, late Bishop of Winchester, but now an Exile, very learnedly answered this Book, in two several Treati∣ses. The first was intitled, An Apology against Tho. Martin's Blasphe∣mies. In this Treatise, upon occasion of the Papists prohibition of Marriage to Priests, he proved, that the said Papists were Hereticks, and had taken part in the most principal Parts with all the Hereticks,* 2.94 that had corrupted the true Church of Christ. The Second Trea∣tise, replenished with great Learning, he lived not to finish, (though some doubt whether he were the Author of this Book) but the Copy falling into the Hands of Matthew Parker Arch-bishop of Canterbury, he published it in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign, with very large and excellent Additions of his own. Ponet had thorowly stu∣died this Point, and I believe was put upon the Study of it by Arch-bishop Cranmer, whose Chaplain he was. For before this, he put forth two Books upon this Argument, viz. Of the Marriage of Mi∣nisters; And a Defence of that Marriage.

The last thing I have to say concerning these Orders taken with the Married Clergy, is, That there were two things thought very Hard,* 2.95 which were put upon those that were willing to comply, and put away their Wives. The one was in relation to the publick Confessions they were to make. Which were put into their Mouths by others, and drawn up for them in that manner, as made them tell horrible Lies. They must speak their own Shame in Bills of their Penance: lying against themselves most vilely, and most shamefully; disabling their Credit and Estimation for ever. And to give an Instance: One such Confession, which was much cried out against, was made by one Sir Iohn Busby of Windsor, Iune 29. in the Year 1555. Which Ponet calleth a goodly Confession of his hearty and earnest Repen∣tance.

Which, saith he, was so finely penned,* 2.96 and so Catholickly tracted, that I warrant you it was none of the smallest Fools that forged it.

The other thing was,* 2.97 that after these poor Men had thus done their Penances, and spoke their Confessions, the Imposers of these Penalties upon them were not so good as they pretended they would be, and as the Queen's Instructions required them to be, towards them: Not restoring them to their Ministration. Some that had been two or three Years parted from their Wives, could not be ad∣mitted again to Ministration: yet they must do open Penance, and go by the Cross, without any Redemption or Entreaty, that could be made.

CHAP. IX. Evils in this Change. A Parliament.

* 2.98BY this time the face of the Church was perfectly changed: and all the Reformation that was made for twenty Years be∣fore, namely, from Cranmer's first ascent to the Archiepiscopal Chair to this time, was unravelled in less than a Year, and abolished. But the Favourers of the Gospel lamented it exceedingly: And Bishop Ridley writ a Treatise, wherein he shewed what a deplorable Change in Religion this was, by setting down at large what Religi∣on was in K. Edward's Days, and what it was at that present, laying the Cause of this sore Judgment upon the vile and naughty Lives of the People, so unsuitable to the good Religion professed. The Professors lamented two great Evils, lighting upon the People upon this turn of Religion: Not only that it brought the People into error and Superstition, but involved them universally in the Crime of Perjury. The blame of which they laid upon the Po∣pish Clergy. For they not only had connived at, but allowed and encouraged the casting off the Pope's Supremacy, and made both Priests and Laity swear to the King. And now they set up the Pope's Authority again in England, and required all to swear to that. For they compelled not only such as were Priests to perjure themselves, but all the Laity, Nobility, Gentry, Magistrates, Merchants and others; for hardly any were exempted the Oath of Supremacy in the former Reigns. For in every Law-day, the Keepers of the same were sworn to call all the Young Men of their Hundred, even as they came to Years of Discretion, to swear never to receive the Bishop of Rome, nor no other Foreign Potentate, to be Head of the People of England, but only the King and his Successors. Which Oath, if it were unlawful, as the Clergy-Men now said, then all the Realm had reason of high Displeasure against them, that so led them and knew it.* 2.99 Such gross Dissembling were the Bishops guilty of to the invol∣ving the People in Guilt. And this dissembling Quality the Priests still retained in this Queen's Days. For when any came to some of them, shewing them that his Conscience was not satisfied in the present way of Religion, the Priest would tell him,

that he said the Truth; My Conscience, would he say, is as yours; but we must bear for a time; and that he himself looked for another Change.

When another of a contrary Opinion came to the Priests, and talked about Religi∣on, they would say to him,

That they had been deceived; and thanks be to God, said they, that ye kept your Conscience all this while. And even so was mine, but I durst not do any otherwise, but trusted that this time would come, as is now, thanks be to God.

Nay and sometimes in the same Town, they would minister the Ser∣vice two ways to the People, to please both. In so much that the Bishops and Priests grew, for this Cause, as well as for their Cruelty, into great dislike with the People. This more at large is shewed in a short Manuscript Treatise I have, made by a certain Person nameless, imprisoned for Religion, intitled thus, All sorts of People of England

have just Cause of displeasure against the Bishops and Priests of the same.* 2.100

There was this Year, April 2, a new Parliament,* 2.101 that the last Year being dissolved. Great was the Sadness that now possessed the Hearts of the English Nation, even of Papists themselves, the most considerate and wisest part of them, seeing the great Slavery the Kingdom was like to be ensnared in, by what the Parliament was now in doing; that is to say, restoring the Pope's Tyranny here in England, that had been so long and happily cast out, and allowing the Queen's matching with Prince Philip; whereby a Spaniard should become King of England: Which when P. Martyr had signified, in a Letter from Strasburgh, to Calvin, May 8, he told him, Tanta est rerum perturbatio, ut nullo pacto explicari queat: That it could not be told what a Disturbance there now was; and that all good Men that could, fled away from their own Country, from all Parts of the Land: Mentioning three noble Knights to be come lately to Stras∣burg, not less famous for Piety then Learning, Morisin, Cheke and Cook. At this Parliament, wherein the Mass was set up, and con∣firmed by an Act, all that were suspected to favour the Truth, were turned out of the House. Which made Hoper out of Prison in one of his Letters write,

Doubtless there had not been seen before our Time such a Parliament as this, that as many as were suspected to be Favourers of God's Word, should be banished out of both Houses.

In this Parliament a strong and certain Report went,* 2.102 that the bloody Act of the Six Articles should be revived, and put in execution. This created abundance of Terror in Mens Hearts. There was no∣thing but Sighs and Lamentations every where: and a great many were already fled out of the Realm; unto whom this Rumor had reached. Iohn Fox, a Learned and Pious Man, who had an excel∣lent pathetick Stile, was now set on work. Who took his Pen in his Hand, and in the Name of the Protestant Exiles, wrote a most ear∣nest expostulatory Letter to the Parliament, to disswade them from restoring this Law again.

He told them they had a Queen, who as She was most Noble, so She was ready to listen to sound and whole∣some Counsel. And that they had a Lord Chancellor, that as he was Learned, so of his own Nature he was not Bad, were it not for the Counsels of some. But that, as among Animals, some there were that were born to create Trouble and Destruction to the other: so there were among Mankind some by Nature cruel and destructive; some to the Church, and some to the State.

The Letter is worthy the Reading. Which I have therefore placed in the Appendix,* 2.103 as I transcribed it out of a Manuscript Collection of Fox's Letters. There was indeed such a Design in the House of Commons, of bringing again into force that Act of the Six Articles; but whether it were by the importunity of this and other Petitions, or that the Court thought it not convenient so much to countenance any of K. Henry's Acts, this Business fell. And this Parliament was short-liv'd, for in May it was dissolved; by reason of a Bill for confirming Abby-Lands to the present Possessors, which it seems gave offence to the Court.

CHAP. X. Arch-bishop Cranmer disputes at Oxon.

* 2.104A Convocation of the Clergy now met in S. Paul's, but was ad∣journed, the Prolocutor Dr. Weston Dean of Westminster, and some other of the Members, being sent to Oxon (and it was general∣ly thought the Parliament would remove thither too) to dispute cer∣tain Points of Religion in Controversy, with three of the Heads of the Protestant Party, Arch-bishop Cranmer, Bishop Ridley, and old Father Latimer, now all Prisoners. Who for that purpose, in the Month of April, were removed from the Tower, by the Queen's War∣rant to the Lieutenant, towards Windsor, and there taken into Custody of Sir Iohn (afterwards Lord) Williams, who conveyed them to Oxford, there to remain in order to a Disputation. The Convocation, while they sat at London, agreed upon the Questions to be disputed; and they resolved, that these three pious Men should be baited by both the Universities; and therefore that they of Cam∣bridg should be excited to repair to Oxford, and engage in this Dis∣putation also. The Questions were these:

* 2.105I. In Sacramento Altaris virtute verbi divini a Sacerdote prolati, praesens est realiter, sub speciebus panis & vini, naturale corpus Christi, conceptum de virgine Maria: item naturalis ejus sanguis.

II. Post consecrationem non remanet substantia panis & vini, ne{que} alia ulla substantia, nisi substantia Christi, Dei & Hominis.

III. In Missa est vivisicum Ecclesiae Sacrificium pro peccatis, tam vivo∣rum, quam mortuorum, propitiabile.

* 2.106These Questions the Convocation sent to the University of Cambridg, requiring them seriously to weigh and deliberate upon them, and if they contained true Doctrine, then to approve of them. Accordingly the Senate of that University met, and after due deli∣beration found them agreeable in all things to the Catholick Church, and the Scripture, and the antient Doctrine taught by the Fathers: and so did confirm and ratify them in their said Senate. And because Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, the Heads of the Hereticks, that held contrary to these Articles, were formerly Members of their Universi∣ty, and being to be disputed withal at Oxford concerning these Points, they decreed, in the Name of all the University, to send seven of their Learned Doctors to Oxford, to take their parts in dis∣puting with them, and to use all ways possible to reclaim them to the Orthodox Doctrine again. And accordingly the said Senate, April 10. made a publick Instrument to authorize them in their Names to go to Oxford and dispute: Which Instrument may be seen in the Appendix.* 2.107 They also wrote a Letter the same Date to the University of Oxford, to signify, that they had appointed those Per∣sons to repair unto them, not so much to dispute Points so profes∣sedly Orthodox, and agreeable to the Fathers and General Councils, and the Word of God, as to defend those Truths in their Names, and reduce those Patrons of false and corrupt Doctrine, if possible, unto a sound Mind.* 2.108 This Letter is also in the Appendix. So that this

coming of the Cambridg-Divines to Oxford was to seem a voluntary thing, to shew their Zeal for Popery, and vindication of their Uni∣versity against liking or approbation of Cranmer and his two Fellow-Prisoners. So roundly was the University already come about to the old forsaken Religion.

This Oxford-Disputation was after this manner;* 2.109 Hugh Weston S.T.P. Prolocutor of the Lower House of Convocation, Owin Oglethorp, Iohn Seton, W. Chedsey S. Th.P.P. Hen. Cole, Will. Geffrey LL.PP. William Pye, Ioh. Feckenham, Ioh. Harpsfield, S.T.B.B. representing the whole Lower House of Convocation, went down to Oxford. To them were join∣ed by Commission, the Chancellor of the University, the Vice-Chan∣cellor, the Professors and Doctors, &c. as namely, Holyman, Tresham, Ri. Marshal, Morwent, Smith, S. T. P. P. of Oxford: And Iohn Young, William Glyn, Ri. Atkinson, Tho. Watson, Cutbert Scot, Alban Lang∣dale, Tho. Sedgwick, S. Th. P. P. of Cambridg, in the Name of the Whole University. All these being met at S. Mary's, there were read the Letters Commissional to them, sealed with the Bishop of London's Seal, and the Subscription besides of the Bishops of Winton, Dur∣ham, Wigorn, Chichester, Lincoln, Bath, Roff. Hereford, S. Davids, Glocester and Oxon. And with these Letters were conveyed certain Articles, which had been lately by the Upper House resolved upon; which Articles were, of the Sacrament of the Altar, of Transubstan∣tiation, and of the Adoration of the Eucharist, and the Reservation of the Sacrament of the Church, and of its Institution, and by whom, and for whom, and to whom it is to be offered. The Contents of the Let∣ter were to summon before them Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, and to propound those Articles to them to dispute on publickly. The Sum of which it seems were contracted into the three Questions abovesaid. Then they provided themselves three publick Notaries. Next, they celebrated and sung the Mass of the Holy Ghost. Then they went a Procession according to the Custom of the University. This formal Pageantry being finished, and the Commissioners re∣turned to S. Mary's, and being come into the Choire, to the number of three and thirty, seated themselves before the Altar. And then sent to the Mayor and Bailiffs to bring Dr. Cranmer before them, by virtue of the Queen's Letters to them. Who within a while was brought guarded with Bill-men.

Coming before them, he gave them great Reverence,* 2.110 and stood with his Staff in his Hand. They offered him a Stool to sit, but he refused. Then VVeston the Prolocutor, began a Speech, wherein

he commended Unity in the Church of Christ: and withal turning to the Arch-bishop, told him, how he had been a Catholick Man once, and in the same Unity, but that he had separated himself from it by teaching and setting forth erroneous Doctrine, making every Year a new Faith. And therefore that it had pleased the Queen to send them to him to recover him again, if it might be, to that Unity.

And then shewed him the Articles to be disputed on, causing them to be read to him, and requiring his Answer and Opinion thereupon. Then the Arch-bishop answered extempore, That as for Unity, he was very glad of it, and said, that it was a Preserver of all Com∣mon-wealths, as well Heathen as Christian. And illustrated the

Matter by some Stories out of the Roman History. And added, that he should be very glad to come to an Unity, so it were in Christ, and according to the Church of God. Then he read over the Arti∣cles three or four times. And being asked, whether he would sub∣scribe to them, he answered, That in the form of words in which they were conceived, they were all false and against God's Word; and therefore that he would not agree in that Unity with them. Nevertheless, he said, if they would give him a Copy of the Arti∣cles, and time to consider of them, he would by to Morrow send them an Answer. Which was granted him, the Prolocutor bidding him write his Mind of them that Night. It was moreover agreed between them, that in whatsoever he dissented from them, they would proceed to publick Disputation thereupon, in the publick Schools, by Scholastical Arguments in Latin. And lastly, they told him, he should have what Books he would ask for. And so VVeston gave the Mayor charge of him, to be had to Bocardo, where he was before.

* 2.111His Behaviour all this while was so grave and modest, that many Masters of Art, who were not of his Mind, could not forbear weeping. This was the Work of Saturday. On Sunday Cranmer sent in what he had writ upon the Articles to the Prolocutor to Lincoln-College, where he lay.

* 2.112After Cranmer was carried back, the Mayor and Bailiffs brought Bishop Ridley. And when the same Articles were read to him, he said, That they were not true. But desired a Copy of them, and he would draw up in writing his Answer, and soon transmit it to them. And did offer to dispute, as Cranmer had done before.

* 2.113Lastly, Latimer was brought, to whom the Prolocutor said as he had to the two former. Latimer confessed, that in the Sacrament of the Altar there was a certain Presence, but not such an one as they would have. And he also promised to send them his Answer shortly to these Articles, requiring a Copy. But by reason of his old Age, his Infirmities, and the weakness of his Memory, he said, he could not bear a Dispute; but that he could and would declare his Mind of the said Articles. All this that I have above said concerning the managery of this Affair, I do for the most part extract out of a Letter of VVeston's writ unto the Bishop of London, from Oxon. I cannot here omit old Father Latimer's Habit at this his appearing be∣fore the Commissioners, which was also his Habit, while he re∣mained a Prisoner in Oxford. He held his Hat in his Hand; he had a Kerchief on his Head, and upon it a Night-cap or two, and a great Cap such as Townsmen used, with two broad Flaps, to but∣ton under his Chin: an old thredbare Bris••ow freez Gown, girded to his Body with a penny lether Girdle, at which hanged, by a long string of Leather, his Testament, and his Spectacles without case hanging about his Neck upon his Breast. This was the Work of Saturday.

* 2.114On Monday Cranmer was brought into the Respondents Place in the Divinity-Schools, the Mayor and Aldermen sitting by him. In the midst of the Disputation, because what he was to answer was more than he could well remember extempore, he gave in to Dr. VVeston

his Opinion written at large in answer to each Proposition; and de∣sired Weston, who sat on high, to read it. These Writings are pre∣served in Fox's Monuments, and may there be seen. This Disputa∣tion began at eight in the Morning, and lasted till two. The Beadle had provided Drink, and offered the Arch-bishop thereof sometimes; but he refused; nor did he stir all the while out of his Place, though the Prolocutor had granted him leave to retire for a while, if he had any occasion. And after having learnedly and boldly maintained the Truth against a great many clamorous Opponents, he was carried back by the Mayor to Prison. And then the two next days Ridley and Latimer took their Courses.

Cranmer had cautiously provided two Notaries to take Notes of what he said, lest he might be misrepresented.* 2.115 And they were Iewel, afterward Bishop of Sarum, and one Gilbert Mounson. Who also at Ridley's request were granted him.

Cranmer required at the Commissioners Hands,* 2.116 more time to have these weighty Matters more diligently scann'd and examined: Urging, that he had so much to speak, that it would take up many Days, that he might fully answer to all that they could say. He required also, that he and his Fellows might Oppose, as well as Re∣spond: that they might produce their Proofs before the Popish Doctors, and be answered fully to all that they could say. But neither of these Demands would be allowed him. Which he in a Letter complained of to the Council. For indeed, as Cranmer plain∣ly apprehended, the Design now was not to look impartially into the Truth or Falshood of these Doctrins, but to gain Glory to them∣selves, and to have a shew for the Resolution that was before taken up of condemning them all three.

The same Week, on Thursday, Harpsfield disputed for the degree of Bachelor of Divinity. And among other Opponents,* 2.117 Cran∣mer was called forth for one by Dr. Weston. Where first taking notice of Weston's opposing Harpsfield out of the Scripture against a Corporal Presence (which was Harpsfield's Question) but whereas he left the sense of the Scripture to the Catholick Church, as Judg, Cranmer told him

he was much mistaken, especially because, that under the Name of Church, he appointed such Judges, as had cor∣ruptly judged, and contrary to the sense of the Scriptures. He wondred also, he said, why Weston attributed so little to the reading of Scriptures, and conferring of Places, seeing Scripture doth so much commend the same, in those very Places which himself had alledged. And as to his Opinion of these Questions, he said, they had neither ground of the Word of God, nor the Primitive Church. Nay, and that the Schools have spoken diversly of them, and do not agree among themselves.

And having prefaced all this, he began his Disputation with Harpsfield, by asking him some Questions: as how Christ's Body was in the Sacrament, according to his Mind and Determination? And whether he had the Quantity and Qualities, Form, Figure, and such-like Properties of Bodies? And when there was great declining to answer this; and some affirmed one thing, and some another; Harpsfield said, they were vain Questions, and not fit to spend time about; and added, that Christ was there as it

pleased him to be there. Cranmer to that, said,

He would be best con∣tented with that Answer if their appointing of the Carnal Presence, had not driven him of necessity to have inquired, for disputation-sake, how they placed him there, sithence they would have a natural Body.

Then some denied it to be Quantum; some said, it was, Quantitativum; and some affirmed, that it had Modum quanti: and some denying it, Dr. Weston then stood up, and said, It was Corpus quantum, sed non per modum quanti. A very grave decision of the Point!

Then Cranmer asked,

Whether good and bad Men do eat the Body in the Sacrament; and then, how long Christ tarried in the Eater. Harpsfield said, They were curious Questions, unmeet to be asked. Cranmer replied, He took them out of their Schools, and School-men, which they themselves did most use. Then he asked, how far he went into the Body, and how long he abode in the Body.

With these Questions Cranmer puzzled them most heavily. For which way soever they answered, there would follow Absurdities, and Inextricable Difficulties. In conclusion, Dr. Weston gave him this Complement,

That his wonderful gentle Behaviour and Modesty was worthy much commendation: Giving him most hearty thanks in his own Name, and in the Name of all his Bre∣thren.

At which all the Doctors put off their Caps.

* 2.118On Wednesday, as soon as Latimer, who came up last, had ended his Disputation, the Papists cried Victoria, applauding themselves loudly, as though they had vindicated their Cause most strenuously and satisfactorily against Cranmer, and his two Fellows. And so VVeston had the confidence to tell them to their Faces. Though to him that reads the whole Disputation, and considereth the Argu∣ments on both sides impartially, there will appear no such matter: allowing for all the Hissings and Noises, confused Talk and Taunts, that were bestowed upon these very Reverend and good Men. Whereof Ridley said,* 2.119 in reference to his Disputation,

That he never in all his Life saw or heard any thing carried more vainly and tumultuously; and that he could not have thought, that there could have been found among English Men any Persons, honoured with Degrees in Learning, that willingly could allow of such Va∣nities, more fit for the Stage, than the Schools. He added, That when he studied at Paris, he remembred what Clamors were used in the Sorbon, where Popery chiefly reigned; but that that was a kind of Modesty in comparison of this Thrasonical Ostentation. Whence he concluded very truly, That they sought not for the sincere Truth in this Conference, and for nothing but vain Glory.

* 2.120But the Professors of the Gospel on the other hand, were as glad of this Dispute, wherein these three chief Fathers of the Church had so boldly and gallantly stood in the defence of the Truth, and maintained the true Doctrine of the Sacrament so well. And Dr. Rowland Taylor, in Prison elsewhere at this time for Christ's sake, wrote them a Congratulatory Letter in the Name of the rest. Which is as followeth.

RIght Reverend Fathers in the Lord, I wish you to enjoy con∣tinually God's Grace and Peace through Jesus Christ. And God be praised again for this your most excellent Promotion,* 3.1 which ye are called unto at this present, that is, That ye are counted worthy to be allowed amongst the number of Christ's Records and Witnesses. England hath had but a few Learned Bishops, that would stick to Christ ad ignem inclusive. Once again I thank God heartily in Christ for your most happy Onset, most valiant Pro∣ceeding, most constant suffering of all such Infamies, Hissings, Clappings, Taunts, open Rebukes, loss of Living and Liberty, for the Defence of God's Cause, Truth and Glory. I cannot utter with Pen how I rejoice in my Heart for you three such Captains in the Foreward, under Christ's Cross, Banner, or Standard, in such a Cause and Skirmish: when not only one or two of our dear Redeemer's strong Holds are besieged, but all his chief Castles, ordained for our Safeguard, are trai∣terously impugned. This your Enterprize, in the sight of all that be in Heaven, and of all God's People in Earth, is most plea∣sant to behold. This is another manner of Nobility, than to be in the Forefront in worldly Warfares. For God's sake, pray for us, for we fail not daily to pray for you. We are stronger and stronger in the Lord, his Name be praised; and we doubt not, but ye be so in Christ's own sweet School. Heaven is all, and wholly of our side. Therefore Gaudete in Domino semper, & ite∣rum gaudete, & exultate: Rejoice always in the Lord, and again rejoice and be glad.

Your assured in Christ, Rowland Taylor.

Ridley knowing their Tricks,* 3.2 and suspecting they would publish hi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unfairly, and to their own advantage, prudently took 〈…〉〈…〉 gave an account of it with the greatest exactness, as he 〈…〉〈…〉 it in his Memory. He was promised by the Prolocu∣tor, ••hat he should have a view of the Dispute, as it was taken by the Notaries, that he might supply and amend, and alter, as he should see any Error or Mistake in the Notes. He promised him likewise, and that in the Face and hearing of the rest of the Com∣missioners, and the whole Schools, that he should have a Time and Place allowed him, wherein he might produce, what he had more to say, for the confirmation of his Answers. But nothing was perfor∣med. Ridley never found Language more ready to him, nor such a Presence of Mind in any Business he had to do, as he had in this Dis∣putation. Which he took particular notice of, and thanked God for. Of this Relation, as he himself had penned it, he wrote to Grindal, then at Frankford,

That except he had that he gathered him∣self after his Disputation done, he could not think that he had it truly; but if he had that, then he had therewithal the whole man∣ner, after the which he was used in that Disputation.

This whole Disputation between these three excellent Men,* 3.3 and the Oxford-Divines, was, under the Seal of the University, and the Subscription of Notaries, exhibited into the House of Convocation by Hugh VVeston, and some Lawyers. This Iohn Fox had found

some Years after, writ in the Register of a certain Church in London. Whereupon, for the sight hereof, he applied himself to Dr. Incent, that had been Actuary: But he put him off, telling him the Writings were in Boner's Hand, or in the custody of the Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury, and that he had them not; probably not being minded they should come to light. Fox, when his Pains succeeded not, wrote to the ArchBp and the Bp of London, Parker and Grindal, about 1567, acquainting them with this; and desired their assistance: and the ra∣ther because perhaps there might have been other things met with there, not unworthy knowledg, under the same Seal. And so he left the Arch-bishop and Bishop to consult as they thought fit, for the finding out these Writings of the Disputations.

* 3.4Fox by his diligence procured many and divers Copies of them. Which I have seen; and that which he printed in his Acts and Mo∣numents, was I suppose from a Copy which he reckoned the largest and truest. Ridley apprehended, there would many Copies of these Disputations fly about, (as there were) whereby they might be wronged. Therefore to prevent Misrepresenting, as I said before, he wrote a brief Account of what he had said at his Disputation. This whether he writ it in English or Latin originally, I cannot tell; I suppose in Latin; as it was lately in the Year 1688 published at Oxon. Among Fox's Manuscripts I meet with a better Copy than that, which by comparing both, I find faulty in many things: be∣sides Ridley's Epilogue to the Reader, which is there placed as a Pre∣face before the Book, the true place being at the end of it.

CHAP. XI. Cranmer condemned for an Heretick.

* 3.5WIthin two days after these Disputations were ended, that is, on Friday April 20, Cranmer, with his two Fellows, were brought again to S. Mary's before the Commissioners. VVeston disswaded them from their Opinions; and asked them, Whether they would subscribe? and required them to answer directly and peremptorily: and told the Arch-bishop that he was overcome in Disputation, with more words to that purpose. To whom the Arch-bishop boldly re∣plied,

That whereas VVeston said, that he had answered and oppo∣sed, and could neither maintain his own Error, nor impugn the Truth, he said, All that was false. For he was not suffered to oppose as he would, nor could answer as he was required, unless he would have brawled with them, and ever four or five interrupting him.

Latimer and Ridley, being asked what they would do? said, They would stand to that which they had said. Then being called together, Sentence was read over them, That they were no Mem∣bers of the Church; and therefore they were condemned as Here∣ticks. And while this was reading, they were asked if they would turn? They bad them read on in the Name of God: for they were not minded to turn. And so the Sentence of Condemnation was awarded against them. Then the Arch-bishop said,

From this

your Judgment and Sentence, I appeal to the just Judgment of the Almighty: trusting to be present with him in Heaven. For whose Presence in the Altar I am thus condemned.

And so Cran∣mer was returned to Bocardo, and the other two to other Places: as they were kept apart almost all the while they were in Oxon.

VVeston, after this ingrateful Business done,* 3.6 went up the next week to London. And Cranmer wrote to the Lords of the Council a Letter, containing two Points: One was to desire the Queen's Par∣don, as to his Treason, (for so little Favour could he find at Court, that he had not yet this absolutely granted him) And the other was an account of the Disputation: Weston being desired by the ABp to carry the Letter. But after he had carried it half way, reading the Contents, he liked them so ill, that he sent back the Letter most churlishly to Cranmer again. Indeed he cared not to carry Complaints of himself to the Court. But because it gives further light into these Matters, I have inserted it in the Appendix.* 3.7

It was such an imaginary Victory, as they had now got at Oxford,* 3.8 that they intended also to obtain at Cambridg. And much talk at this time arose, that Hoper, Rogers, Crome and Bradford, whom they had in Prisons at London, were to be had to this Universi••y▪ to be baited, as Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer newly had been at Oxford: and several of the Doctors of Oxford should be sent in likewise to Cambridg for this purpose. But Hoper, Farrar, Taylor, Philpot, Bradford, and the others, having an inkling of it, consulted among themselves what to do; and resolved to decline it, unless they might have indifferent Judges. And for this purpose Bradford sent a pri∣vate and trusty Messenger to Oxford to Ridley, to have his, and his two Fellows, their Judgments concerning this Matter. They were at this time all separated from one another: So, though Ridley sig∣nified this in a Letter to Cranmer, yet he could only give his own Sense.

He misliked not, he said, what they were minded to do.* 3.9 For he looked for none other, but that if they answered before the same Commissioners that he and his Fellows had done, they should be served and handled as they were, though ye were as well Learned, said he, as ever was either Peter or Paul. Yet he thought occasion might afterward be given them; and the consideration of the profit of their Auditory might perchance move them to do other∣wise. But determinately to say what was best he could not, but trusted, He whose Cause they had in hand, would put them in Mind to do that, which should be most for his Glory, the Profit of his Flock, and their own Salvation.

It came at length to that forward∣ness, that VVeston and his Complices had taken out the Commission. And it was easy to obtain such a Commission at such a Lord Chan∣cellor's Hands. And they were likely speedily to put it in execution. Hoper, who seemed to have the first notice of it, sent the intelligence in a Letter to Farrar, Taylor, Bradford and Philpot, Prisoners in the King's Bench. He shewed them what his Advice was, and desired them to consult among themselves what Course were best to be taken. His own Thoughts were, considering what foul Play the three Learned Men had at Oxford, and which they were like to have themselves at this Disputation; I. Because they did commonly make

false Allegations of the Doctors, and took Pieces and Scraps of them, to prove their Tenets, against the real Mind and Sense of those Au∣thors, they should therefore refuse wholly to dispute, unless they might have Books present before them. II. To have sworn Nota∣ries, to take things spoken indifferently: which would be hard to have, the Adversaries having the oversight of all things: and so would make theirs better, and the Protestants worse. III. If they perceived, when they were disputing, that two or three, or more, spake together, and used Taunts and Scoffs, as they did at Oxon, then to refuse to dispute any longer; but to appeal to be heard be∣fore the Queen, and the whole Council. Whereby this Benefit would happen, that they should be delivered from the Commissioners, appointed to hear and judg them, who meant nothing less, than to hear the Cause indifferently, being all Enemies already unto the Pro∣testants, and their Cause, and at a point to give Sentence against them. And then many at the Court might be strengthned, who know the Truth already; and others better informed, who erred rather of Zeal than Malice; and a third sort, that be indurate, might be an∣swered fully to their shame. He knew, he said, the Adversaries would deny their Appeal, but yet he advised to challenge it, and to take witness thereof, of such as should be present, and require, for indifferency of Hearing and Judgment, to be heard either before the Queen and Council,* 3.10 or else before all the Parliament, as it was used in K. Edward's Days. So wise and wary now were they. But I do not find, that this Project of the Papists went further.

And let us return, and visit these three faithful Prisoners of Iesus Christ.* 3.11 After their Disputation and Condemnation, their Servants were discharged, that so they might not have any Conference, or Intelligence of any thing abroad. But God provided for every one of them, instead of their Servants, faithful Fellows, that would be content to hear and see, and do for them whatsoever they could, as Ridley wrote in a Letter to Bradford. To these Fathers also came supplies of Meat, Money and Shirts from London, not only from such as were of their Acquaintance, but from Strangers, with whom they had no acquaintance; doing it for God's Sake, and his Gospel's. The Bailiffs so watched them now, that they would not suffer them to have any Conferences among themselves. The Scholars of that University seemed universally against them. Which Ridley, in a Letter to his Friend Bradford, could not but take notice of, calling it,

A wonderful thing, that among so many, never yet Scholar of∣fered any of them, so far as he knew, any manner of Favour, either for, or in Christ's Cause.

They had all things common among them, as Meat, Money, and whatever one had, that might do another good.

* 3.12Neither of them now in Prison, were idle. Old Latimer read the New Testament through seven Times deliberately, while he was a Prisoner. Cranmer busied himself earnestly in vindication of his Writings of the Sacrament against Winchester, under the Name of Marcus Constantius. And so did Ridley: who in two Treatises, which he now made, shewed how Winchester varied from other Pa∣pists in eighteen Articles, and from himself in eighteen more. And a

third Paper he wrote, shewing several things Winchester yielded un∣to, concerning the spiritual Use of the Sacrament. Fox hath set down these in his History, and preserved them to us, these Collecti∣ons of Ridley falling into his Hands. Ridley also wrote, while he was a Prisoner in Oxford, De Abominationibus Sedis Romanae, & Pon∣tificum Romanorum: and Annotations more large upon Tonstal's first Book, (of Transubstantiation, I suppose;) and more sparingly upon the Second. He was now also diligent to set others on work for the exposing false Religion: Desiring one Grimbold to translate Lauren∣tius Valla his Book, which he made and wrote against the Fable of Constantine's Donation and glorious Exaltation of the See of Rome. And having done that, he would have had him to translate a Work of Aeneas Sylvius, De Gestis Basiliensis Concilii.

In which altho,* 3.13 said he, there be many things, that savour of the Pan, yet I dare say the Papists would glory but a little to see such Books go forth in English.

He directed Austin Bernher, Latimer's Servant, to re∣commend those Works unto Grimbold, who had been his Chaplain, and a Man, (as Ridley gave him the Character) of much Eloquence both in English and Latin; (but he complied and subscribed.) And he also bad Austin tell Grimbold,

That if he would know where to have these Books, he might find them in a Work set forth by Ortwinus Gratius, intitled, Fasciculus rerum expetendarum. And ad∣ded, That if such things had been set forth in our English Tongue heretofore, he supposed great Good might have come to Christ's Church thereby.

But we have not yet mentioned all the Pieces that Ridley wrote in Prison. For besides those above-mentioned, were these following.* 3.14 I. A little Treatise, which was jointly composed by him and Lati∣mer in the Tower (which is preserved in Fox) with the Letters N. R. before Ridley's Sayings, and H. L. before Latimer's. II. A Draught, which he drew out of the Evangelists and S. Paul, shewing thence that the words of the Lord's Supper are figuratively to be under∣stood, alledging out of the Doctors, three of the Greek Church, Origen, Chrysostom and Theodoret, and three of the Latin, Tertullian, Augustin and Gelasius. III. Three Positions to the third Question propounded in Oxford, concerning the Propitiatory Sacrifice of the Mass. IV. His Disputation in the Schools, as he wrote it, after it was over. V. A Letter, Ad Fratres in diversis Carceribus. All these fell into the Hands of the Papists, by this Mishap, or Treachery. Grimbold expressing a great desire to have every thing that Ridley had writ during his Imprisonment, Mr. Shipside, Ridley's Brother-in-Law, procured and sent him all those Writings before mentioned: but they were all seized, whether in Grimbold's Possession, or in the sending them to him, it was uncertain. Some suspected Grimbold himself, but others rather the Messenger, for it would not enter into Shipside's Head, that Grimbold should play such a Iudas's part.

CHAP. XII. A Parliament. Pole reconciles the Realm.

* 3.15GREAT Care was now to be taken of getting Parliament-men, that might do what was to be laid before them, now the Pope's Legat was to be received, and the last Parliament failing Ex∣pectation. Therefore Letters were dispatched from the Queen, and Interests made all the Nation over, to procure such Persons to be elected, as should be named to them. In a Manuscript containing divers Orders that were sent into Norfolk in Q. Mary's Time, there is a Letter from that Queen, Anno 2^o, dated Octob. 6, to the Earl of Sussex, directing him to assist in choosing such Men to sit in Parlia∣ment,

As were of Wise, Grave and Catholick sort, such as indeed meant the true Honour of God, with the Prosperity of the Nati∣on. The Advancement whereof We, (as the Letter runneth) and our dear Husband the King, do chiefly profess and intend, with∣out alteration of any Man's particular Possession, as amongst other false Rumors, the hinderers of our good Purposes, and favourers of Heresies, do most utterly report.

For to make the intent of restoring the Abby-Lands to be the less credited, it was thought convenient to be laid upon the Hereticks. With these general Let∣ters, there seemed to go private Instructions what particular Men were to be set up. For upon the aforesaid Letter, the Earl of Sussex sent a Letter, Octob. 14, to Sir Tho. Woodhouse, High Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, and to Sir William Woodhouse, about the Elections of Knights of those Shires, viz.

That they should reserve their Interests and Voices for such as he should name, and that he would soon consult with them about the Matter.

He then, in pursuit of the Queen's Letter, recommended to the Bailiff of Yarmouth, Iohn Millicent, to be elected Burgess for that Town. This Parliament sate Novemb. 11.

Cardinal Pole was this Summer brought to Flanders by the Empe∣ror,* 3.16 who had stayed him before on the Way. The Queen sent over the Lord Paget, and the Lord Hastings to the Cardinal to conduct him over, in quality of the Pope's Legate. And the same day he landed at Dover, (which was Novemb. 21.) the Bill past for the taking off his Attainder. Three days after he came to London, and so to Lambeth-house: Which was ready prepared for his coming. Cardinal Pole, before he came into England, and in the last Reign, had the reputa∣tion here ordinarily of a vertuous, sober and learned Man, and was much beloved by the English Nation as well for his Qualities, as his honourable Extraction. Latimer, in one of his Sermons before K. Edward, hath these words of him:

I never remember that Man, (speaking of Pole) but I remember him with a heavy Heart; a Witty Man, a Learned Man, a Man of a Noble House: so in favour, that if he had tarried in the Realm, and would have con∣formed himself to the King's Proceedings, I heard say, and I be∣lieve it verily, he had been Bishop of York at this Day. And he would have done much good in that part of the Realm. For those Quarters have always had need of Learned Men, and a

preaching Prelate.

One great Author the Cardinal much con∣versed in, was S. Hierom. Latimer wished,

That he would have fol∣lowed S. Hierom in his Exposition of that Place, Come out of her, my People. Where that Father understood it of Rome, and called that City, The purple Whore of Babylon. Almighty God saith, Get you from it; get you from Rome, saith Hierom. It were, subjoined Latimer, more commendable to go from it, than to go to it, as Pole hath done.

Soon after his return into England,* 3.17 he was mighty busy in recon∣ciling the Realm to the Pope. He performed it in his own Person to the Parliament on the thirtieth of November, with much Solem∣nity; and to the Convocation on the sixth of December. On which day, the Parliament being dissolved, he, the Lord Legate, sent for the whole Convocation of Upper and Lower House to Lambeth: And there he absolved them all from their Perjuries, Schisms, and Here∣sies. Which Absolution they received upon their Knees. Then he gave them an Exhortation, and congratulated their Conversion: and so they departed.

Ianuary 23. Upon the dismission of the Convocation,* 3.18 the Bishops and inferior Clergy waited again upon the Legate at Lambeth. Where he willed them all to repair to their Cures and Charges, and exhorted them to entreat their Flocks with all Mildness, and to en∣deavor to win them by Gentleness, rather than by Extremity and Rigor: and so let them depart.

Ianuary 28. He granted a Commission to the Bp of VVinchester,* 3.19 and divers other Bishops, to sit upon, and judg according to the Laws lately revived against Hereticks, all such Ministers and others that were in Prison for Heresy. Which was done undoubtedly to take off all the eminentest of the Protestant Clergy, then in hold. And the very same day (such haste they made) they sat in Commission in S. Mary Overies Church, upon Rogers, Hoper and Cardmaker. And the next to that, upon Hoper and Rogers again, upon Taylor also and Bradford; when the two former were formally excommunicated. The day following, they sat upon Taylor and Bradford again: to which were added Ferrar, Crome and Saunders. Then they excom∣municated Bradford and Saunders.

But that this Reconciliation to the Pope and Church of Rome might sound the louder in all Parts and Corners of the Nation,* 3.20 and all Persons every where might make their formal Submissions to the Pope, and thankfully take the mighty Benefit of his Yoke upon them again, the Legate was not contented to reconcile the Nation himself under their Representatives in the Parliament and Convoca∣tion; but upon pretence that he could not, in his own Person, pardon and reconcile all the People, therefore he granted out a Commission to each Bishop in his own Diocess, to do it to their respective Clergy and Laity, deputed in his Name, and by his Authority de∣rived from the Pope.

Such a Commission he granted February 8,* 3.21 to the Dean and Chap∣ter of Canterbury, that See being then held Vacant.

Therein au∣thorizing them to absolve all manner of Persons, as well Lay as Ecclesiasticks, Religious as Secular, from their Schism, Heresies and Errors, and from all Censures due thereupon. And to dis∣pense

with the Clergy upon divers Irregularities: as with such who had received Orders from Schismatical Bishops, or had been collated into their Livings by them. To dispense also with the Religious and Regulars for departing from their Cloisters with∣out the Pope's Licence, permitting them to wear the Habit of Priests, and to serve Cures, considering the scarcity of Priests, and to live out of their Cloisters. Also, to dispense with Priests that had married Wives, though they were Widows, or Women defiled, and with such who had been twice married, doing Pe∣nance and forsaking their Wives. Allowing them to minister at the Altar, and to serve Cures, provided it were out of the Dio∣cesses, where they were married. The said Bishops, by this Commission, were also empowered to grant, to fit Rectors and Curates, a Power to reconcile and absolve their respective Parishes.

This Commission I have placed in the Appendix,* 3.22 as it was transcribed out of the Register of the Church of Canterbury.

* 3.23The Lord Legate also, for the better discharging of this his migh∣ty Office, gave out his Instructions, how the Bishops and Officials of the Vacant Sees should perform this Work of the Reconciliation, deputed to them by the said Legate: together with the Form of Ab∣solution to be pronounced. Which Instructions and Form, as they were extracted from the said Register,* 3.24 may be found in the Appendix. Each Bishop was to call before him the Clergy of his respective City, and to instruct them in divers things: As concerning the Pope's fatherly Love and Charity towards the English Nation, in sending Cardinal Pole his Legate hither, as soon as he knew the Lady Mary was de∣clared Queen, to bring this Kingdom, so long separated from the Catholick Church, into Union with it, and to comfort and restore them to the Grace of God: Concerning the joyful coming of the said Legate; concerning what was done the last Parliament, when the Lords and Commons were Reconciled; and concerning the re∣pealing of all the Laws made against the Authority of the Roman See by the two last Kings, and restoring Obedience to the Pope and Church of Rome: Concerning the Authority restored likewise to the Bishops; especially, that they might proceed against Hereticks and Schismaticks. Then the Bishops were to acquaint their Clergy with the Faculties yielded to them by the Legate: which were to be read openly. Then all that were lapsed into Error and Schism, were to be invited humbly to crave Absolution and Reconciliation, and Dis∣pensations as well for their Orders, as for their Benefices. Next, a Day was fixed, when the Clergy were to appear, and petition for the said Absolutions and Dispensations. On which day, after they had confessed their Errors, and sacramentally promised that they would make Confession of the same to the Bishop himself, or some other Catholick Priests, and to perform the Penance that should be en∣joined them; then the Bishop was to reconcile them, and to dis∣pense with their Irregularities: Always observing a distinction be∣tween those that only fell into Schism and Error, and those who were the Teachers of them, and Leaders of others into Sin. The same time was to be appointed another day for a Solemn Festival; wherein the Bishops and Curates in their Churches should signify to the People

all that the Bishops before had spoken to their Clergy; and then should invite them all to confess their Errors, and to return into the Bosom of the Church; promising them, That all their past Crimes should be forgiven, if so be they repented of them, and renounced them. And a certain Term was to be fixed, namely the whole Octaves of Easter, within which Term all should come and be re∣conciled. But the Time to be reconciled in, being lapsed, all that remained unreconciled, as also all that returned to their Vomit after they had been reconciled, were to be most severely proceeded against.

The said Bishops and Officials (where any Sees were Vacant) were to name and depute the Rectors of the Parish-Churches, and other fit Persons, who should absolve the Laity of their Parishes from He∣resy and Schism, and Censures, according to a Form to be given them by the Bishops.

The Bishops, and Officials, and Curates, were to have each a Book; in which were to be writ the Names and Parishes of all that were re∣conciled: That it might afterwards be known, who were reconciled, and who were not.

After the Octave of Easter was past, the Bishops were to visit, first their Cities, and then their Diocesses; and to summon before them all such as had not been reconciled; and to know of them the Cause why they would not depart from their Errors: and remaining obstinate in them, they were to proceed against them.

In this Visitation, all the Clergy were to be required to shew the Titles of their Orders and Benefices; and notice was to be taken, if any Defect were therein. And now the Bishops were to take care to root out any Errors in their Diocesses, and to depute fit Persons to make Sermons, and hear Confessions. They were also to take care to have the Sacred Canons observed; and to have inserted into the Books of Service the Name of S. Thomas the Martyr, and of the Pope, formerly blotted out: and to pray for the Pope, according as it was used before the Schism.

They were advised to insist much upon the great Miseries we were in before, and the great Grace that God now had shewed to this People: Exhorting them to acknowledg these Mercies, and devoutly to pray for the King and Queen, that had deserved so exceedingly well of this Kingdom; and especially to pray for a happy Off-spring from the Queen.

In these Instructions there are several Strictures,* 3.25 that make it ap∣pear Pole was not so gentle towards the Hereticks, (as the Professors of the Gospel were then stiled) as is reported, but rather the contra∣ry; and that he went hand in hand with the bloody Bishops of these Days. For it is plain here, that he put the Bishops upon proceeding with them according to the Sanguinary Laws, lately revived, and put in full Force and Virtue. What an Invention was that of his, a kind of Inquisition by him set up, whereby not a Man might escape, that stood not well affected to Popery? I mean, his ordering Books to be made and kept, wherein the Names of all such were to be written, that, in every Place and Parish in England, were reconci∣led: and so whosoever were not found in those Books, might be known to be no Friends to the Pope; and so to be proceeded against. And

indeed after Pole's crafty and zealous Management of this Reconci∣liation, all that good Opinion that Men had before conceived of him, vanished: and they found themselves much mistaken in him; espe∣cially, seeing so many Learned and Pious Gospel-Bishops and Mi∣nisters imprisoned and martyred under him, and by his Commission. Insomuch that now People spake of him as bad as of the Pope him∣self, or the worst of his Cardinals. The Gospellers before this did use to talk much among themselves, that he did but dissemble at Rome in his present outward Compliances with them and their Su∣perstitions; and that he would, upon a good Opportunity, shew him∣self an open Professor of the Truth. And indeed he often had Con∣ferences before him of Christ, and of the Gospel, of a living Faith, and Justification by Faith alone; and he often would wish the true Doctrine might prevail. But now the Mask was taken off, and he shewed himself what he was. A notable Letter to this Purpose was written, concerning the Cardinal, about this Time, by a pious Ita∣lian to his Friend, who had conceived these good Opinions of him. This I have put in the Appendix; and the rather, because it will give some Light into our present History.* 3.26

CHAP. XIII. A Convocation. Articles framed therein.

AT a Convocation the latter end of this Year, an Address was made by the Lower House to the Upper,* 3.27 wherein they peti∣tioned for divers things in 28 Articles, meet to be considered for the Reformation of the Clergy.* 3.28 One whereof was,

That all Books, both Latin and English, concerning any heretical, erroneous, or slanderous Doctrines, might be destroyed and burnt throughout the Realm.* 3.29

And among these Books, they set Thomas Cranmer, late Arch-bishop of Canterbury, his Book, made against the Sacrament of the Altar, in the forefront; and then next, the Schismatical Book, as they called it, viz. the Communion-Book. To which they subjoined the Book of ordering Ecclesiastical Ministers, and all suspect Transla∣tions of the Old and New Testament; and all other Books of that nature. (So that if Cranmer's Book was burnt, it was burnt with very good Company, the Holy Bible, and the Communion-Book.) And that such as had these Books, should bring the same to the Ordi∣nary by a certain Day, or otherwise to be taken and reputed as Fa∣vourers of those Doctrines. And that it might be lawful for all Bishops to make enquiry, from time to time, for such Books, and to take them from the Owners. And for the repressing of such pesti∣lent Books, Order should be taken with all speed, that none such should be printed or sold within the Realm, nor brought from be∣yond Sea, upon grievous Penalties. And from another Article we may learn, from what Spring all the Bloody Doings that followed the en∣suing Years sprang; namely, from the Popish Clergy. For they petitioned,

That the Statutes made in the fifth of Richard II. and in the second of Henry IV. and the second of Henry V. against

Heresy, Lollards, and false Preachers, might be revived, and put in force. And that Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Ordinaries [whose Hands had been tied by some later Acts] might be resto∣red to their pristine Jurisdiction against Hereticks, Schismaticks, and their Fautors, in as large and ample manner, as they were in the first Year of Henry VIII.

I shall not recite here the whole Address, as I find it in a Volume of the Benet-College Library,* 3.30 be∣cause the Bishop of Sarum hath faithfully printed it thence in his History. Only I observe, that the 17th Article is in the Manuscript scratched out and crossed, viz.

That all exempt Places whatsoever might be from henceforth under the Jurisdiction of the Arch-bi∣shop or Bishop, or Arch-deacon, in whose Diocesses or Arch-dea∣conaries they were.

That they judged might grate a little too much upon the Pope's Authority, which they were now receiving, since these Exemptions were made by Popes. And the last, or 28th Article was added by another Hand, viz.

That all Ecclesiastical Persons, that had lately spoiled Cathedral, Collegiate or other Churches, of their own Heads, might be compelled to restore them, and all singular things by them taken away, or to the true value, and to reedify such things as by them were destroyed or de∣faced.

This I suppose was added by Boner's Interest, that he might hereby have a pretence against Ridley his Predecessor; it affording a fair opportunity to crush the good Bishops and Preachers, that had in Zeal to God's Glory taken away out of their Churches all In∣struments of Superstition and Idolatry. And it might serve their turn, who had lately in a most barbarous manner plundered the rich Arch-bishop of York▪

And as they of this Convocation were for burning Hereticks Books,* 3.31 so they were as well disposed to the burning of the Hereticks themselves. For Protestants were already not only imprisoned, but put to Death, without any Warrant of Law, but only by virtue of Commissions from the Queen, and the Lord Chancellor. Where∣upon, when one in the Convocation started this Objection,

That there was no Law to condemn them:

Weston, the Prolocutor, an∣swered,

It forceth not for a Law: We have a Commission to pro∣ceed with them: and when they be dispatched, let their Friends sue the Law.

CHAP. XIV. The Condition of the Protestants in Prison. Free-Willers.

BY this time, by the diligence of the Papists,* 3.32 the Popish Religi∣on was fully established in England. This Apostacy Cranmer saw with a sad Heart before his Death, and all his Labour overtur∣ned. And Ridley sends the bad News of it from Oxon to Grindal beyond Sea, in these words;

To tell you much naughty Matter in a few words, Papismus apud nos, ubi{que} in pleno suo antiquo robore regnat.

As for the Protestants, some were put in Prisons,* 3.33 some escaped

beyond Sea: some went to Mass, and some recanted, and many were burned, and ended their Lives in the Flames for Religion's sake.

* 3.34They that were in Prison, whereof Cranmer was the chief, being the Pastors and Teachers of the Flock, did what in them lay to keep up the Religion, under this Persecution, among the Professors. Which made them write many comfortable and instructive Letters to them; and send them their Advices, according as Opportunity served.

* 3.35One thing there now fell out, which caused some disturbance among the Prisoners. Many of them that were under restraint for the Profession of the Gospel, were such as held Free-will, tending to the derogation of God's Grace, and refused the Doctrine of Absolute Predestination, and Original Sin. They were Men of strict and holy Lives, but very hot in their Opinions and Disputations, and unquiet. Divers of them were in the King's-Bench, where Bradford, and ma∣ny other Gospellers were. Many whereof by their Conferences they gained to their own Perswasions.* 3.36 Bradford had much discourse with them. The Name of their chief Man was Harry Hart: Who had writ something in defence of his Doctrine. Trew and Abingdon were Teachers also among them: Kemp, Gybson and Chamberlain were others. They ran their Notions as high as Pelagius did, and va∣lued no Learning: and the Writings and Authorities of the Learned they utterly rejected and despised. Bradford was apprehensive, that they might now do great Ha••m in the Church, and therefore out of Prison wrote a Letter to Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, the three chief Heads of the Reformed, (though Oppressed) Church in England, to take some Cognizance of this Matter, and to consult with them in remedying it. And with him joined Bishop Ferrar, Rowland Taylor and Iohn Philpot. This Letter, worthy to be read, may be found among the Letters of the Martyrs, and transcribed in the Appendix.* 3.37 Upon this Occasion Ridley wrote a Treatise of God's Election and Predestination. And Bradford wrote another upon the same Subject; and sent it to those three Fathers in Ox••ord for their Approbation: and theirs being obtained, the rest of the emi∣nent Divines, in and about London, were ready to sign it also.

* 3.38I have seen another Letter of Bradford to certain of these Men, who were said to hold the Error of the Pelagians and Papists con∣cerning Man's Free-will, and were then Prisoners with him in the King's-Bench. By which Letter it appeared, that Bradford had often resorted to them, and conferred with them; and at his own Charge and Hindrance had done them good. But seeing their Obstinacy and Clamours against him, he forbore to come at them any more: but yet wrote Letters to them, and sent them Relief. They told him,

He was a great Slander to the Word of God in respect of his Doctrine, in that he believed and affirmed the Salvation of God's Children to be so certain, that they should assuredly enjoy the same. For they said it hanged partly upon our Perseverance to the end. Bradford said, it hung upon God's Grace in Christ; and not upon our Perseverance in any Point: For then were Grace no Grace. They charged him, that he was not so kind to them as

he ought, in the Distribution of the Charity-Money, that was then sent by well-disposed Persons to the Prisoners in Christ, [of which Bradford was the Purse-bearer] But he assured them he never de∣frauded them of the Value of a Penny: and at that time sent them at once thirteen Shillings and four Pence; and if they needed as much more, he promised that they should have it.

But abating these little casual Heats and Peevishnesses, there was a good Christi∣an Correspondence maintained among them. The fore-mentioned Holy Man advised them,

That though in some things they agreed not, yet let Love bear the Bell away; and let us pray, said he, one for another, and be careful one for another. He said, That he was persuaded of them, that they feared the Lord, and therefore he loved them. I have loved you in him, my dear Hearts, though you have taken it otherwise, without Cause on me given. He ad∣ded, That he had not suffered any Copy of his Treatise of Predestina∣tion to go abroad, because he would suppress all Occasion so far as might be. I am going, said he, before you to my God and your God, to my Father and your Father, to my Christ and your Christ, to my Home and your Home.

By Bradford's Pains and Diligence he gained some from their Er∣rors: and particularly one Skelthorp: for whom,* 3.39 in a Letter to Care∣less, he thanked God, who gave this Man to see the Truth at the length, and to give place to it; hoping that he would be so heedy in all his Conversation, that his old Acquaintance might thereby think themselves gone astray.

Careless also, another eminent Martyr, as well as Bradford,* 3.40 had much conference with these Men, Prisoners with him in the King's-Bench. Of whose Contentiousness he complained in a Letter to Philpot.* 3.41 And there is extant an Answer of Philpot to Careless about them: Where he writes,

That he was sorry to hear of the great Trouble which these Schismaticks did daily put him to, and wish∣ed that he were with him in part, to release his Grief. He bad him take his Advice, and to be patient, whatsoever his Adversa∣ries could say or do against him: That he should commit the Suc∣cess of his Labours [in rightly informing these Men] unto God, and not to cease▪ with Charity, to do his endeavour in the defence of the Truth, against these arrogant and self-willed blinded Scat∣terers. That these Sects were necessary for the trial of our Faith, and for the beautifying thereof: Not to be perverted with them that were perverse and intractable. That he should shew as much Modesty and Humility as he might possible: and that then others, seeing his modest Conversations among these contentious Bablers, should glorify God in the Truth of him, and the more abhor them. That he should be content that Shimei do rail at David, and cast Stones a while. That he should desire all the Brethren, in the Bowels of Jesus Christ, to keep the Bond of Peace, which is the Unity of Christ's Church: To let no Root of Bitterness spring up, which the Devil, with all his Diligence, seeketh to thrust in a∣mong the Children of God. To kiss one another with the Kiss of unfeigned Brotherly Love, and to take one another by the Hand cheerfully, and say, Let us take up our Cross together, and go to the Mount of Calvary.

This Contention could not be laid asleep amongst them, notwith∣standing the grievous Tribulations they endured for the same Cause of Religion. They wrote also against one another: For in 1556, Careless wrote a Confession of his Faith,* 3.42 some Part whereof savour'd absolute Predestination against Free-will. This Confession he sent unto the Protestant Prisoners in Newgate from the King's-Bench, where he lay. Whereunto they generally subscribed; and particular∣ly twelve that were a little before condemned to die. Hart having gotten a Copy of this Confession, on the back-side thereof wrote his Confession in opposition thereunto. When they in Newgate had sub∣scribed Careless's Confession, this Hart propounded his unto them; and he, with one Kemp and Gybson, would have persuaded them from the former to the latter, but prevailed not. One Chamberlain also wrote against it. I do not meet with this Confession; only I find one Article was,

That the Second Book of Common-Prayer, set forth in K. Edward's Days, was Good and Godly: But that the Church of Christ hath Authority to enlarge and diminish things in the same Book, so far forth as it is agreeable to Scripture.

This Paper of Careless's Confession, with the Answer wrote on the back∣side by Hart, fell by some accident into the hands of Dr. Martin, a great Papist; who took occasion hence to scoff at the Professors of the Gospel, because of these Divisions and various Opinions amongst them. But Careless, before the said Martin, disowned Hart, and ••aid that he had seduced and beguiled many a simple Soul with his foul Pelagian Opinions, both in the Days of K. Edward, and since his De∣parture.

* 3.43Besides these Anti-predestinarians, there were some few, who laid in Prison for the Gospel, were Arians, and disbelieved the Divinity of Jesus Christ. Two of these lay in the King's-Bench. These dif∣ferent Opinions occasioned such unseemly quarrelsom Disputes and Heats among them, that the Marshal was ••ain to separate them from one another. And in 1556, the Noise of this reached to the Council; who, the better to know the Matters controverted between them, sent Dr. Martin to the King's-Bench to examine it.

* 3.44These were some of the Transactions that past among the Prisoners. Another Matter concerning them deserves relating: which was this; They boldly and bravely made a Declaration to the Queen and Parlia∣ment that sat this Year: taxing them for overthrowing (as they had lately done) the Laws of K. Henry and K. Edward, and the Reforma∣tion so maturely and deliberately made, and after the Rejection of a Religion, which, as they said, there was not a Parish in England de∣sired to have restored again. They offered likewise to maintain the Ho∣milies and Service, set forth in K. Edward's Days, before them, either by Writiting, or by Disputation in the English Tongue. By whom this Declaration was drawn up, unless by Iohn Bradford, I know not: for I meet with it a MS. which contains divers Pieces of that good Man. This remarkable Declaration I have reposited in the Appen∣dix.* 3.45 This now is the second time a publick Challenge was made to justify K. Edward's Reformation; the former the last Year by Cran∣mer, the latter now by divers of the Learned Men in Prison.

After they had lain fifteen or sixteen Months thus in Prison, their Livings, Houses and Possessions, Goods and Books taken from them, they made such another Address unto the King and Queen,* 3.46 and the Parliament: therein undertaking, either by Word or Writing, before them, or indifferent Arbiters to be appointed by them, to prove themselves no Hereticks, nor Teachers of Heresy, as they were pre∣tended to be, nor cut off from the true Catholick Church, (though by the Popish Clergy excommunicated:) and Secondly, By the Testimony of Christ, his Prophets and Apostles, and the Godly Fa∣thers of the Church, to prove the Doctrine of the Church, the Ho∣milies and Service, taught and used in K. Edward's Time, to be the true Doctrine of Christ's Catholick Church, and most agreeable to the Articles of the Christian Faith. And this was the third publick Challenge they made. This being preserv'd in Fox's Acts,* 3.47 I forbear to transcribe it.

CHAP. XV. The Exiles, and their Condition.

BUT let us now turn our Eyes from the Prisoners,* 3.48 which were kept under close Confinement here in England, unto the Exiles, that by the good Providence of God made their Flight into foreign Countries from these Storms at home. These were both of the Cler∣gy and Laity. Who, though great watch was laid for them, and Prohibitions given out against any that should privately attempt to transport themselves, yet by taking their Opportunities, and the fa∣vour of divers Masters of small Vessels at Lee in Essex, and upon the Coasts in those Parts, they safely got to the other side of the Sea.

They scattered themselves,* 3.49 and took up their Harbours as they could. But they found little Hospitality in Saxony, and other pla∣ces in Germany, where Lutheranism was professed. But on the con∣trary, the Exile English were much hated by those of that Pro∣fession, because they looked upon them as Sacramentaries, and holding as Calvin and Peter Martyr did in the Doctrine of the Sacrament. Therefore when any English came among them for Shelter, they expelled them out of their Cities. And when a grave Pastor of Saxony, (a Friend of P. Martyr's,* 3.50 who though he were a Minister, yet was not of their Mind) had entertained some of them, the rest clamoured against him, and hated him for it. About this time the Saxon Divines wrote many Books against the Sacramenta∣ries; and namely,* 3.51 one Ioachim Westphalus wrote a Book against Cal∣vin. And he and the rest got these Books printed at Frankford, on purpose, as Martyr conjectured, the more to spight the English and French Churches that abode now there, and to provoke them.

At Wesel the English were under some trouble:* 3.52 and the Senate were about to command them to depart thence, because of their dif∣ferent Sentiments from the Augustan Confession in some Points.* 3.53 But Philip Melancthon interposed, and interceded with the Senate on their

behalf. And when some clamoured against them, he took their part, saying,

That their Case ought to be weighed by friendly Disputations, and not exploded by Noise and Hissing: and de∣clared his judgment to be, That these poor Exiles were to be re∣tained and helped, not afflicted and vexed by any rough Sentence.

He wrote also to the Governors of Frankford to the same purpose, viz.

That the English were not to be oppressed, but to be cherished, considering their Sentiments were found in the main Articles of the Christian Confession: and that whereas they differed in some Points, they were to be instructed and informed, and not to be rudely thrown out from among them by Force and Violence.

* 3.54And indeed it was admirable to observe at this Time the exceed∣ing Heats that were in the Lutherans against all other Protestants, only for differing from them in this one Point of the Sacrament. There was a Book published in the Year 1555. in favour of their Opinion of the Corporeal Presence, which was called, Farrago Doctrinae Lutheranae. This P. Martyr called Valdè insulsa, a very foolish Book. It contained a Collection of Sentences out of the Fa∣thers, and also out of the Writings of Luther, Philip, Brentius, Po∣meran, &c. They added some out of Bucer, Illyricus, and Ioachim Westphalus, to shew that they agreed together. They inserted divers Letters sometime writ against the Sacramentaries. Indeed Calvin and Martyr they mentioned not by Name, but A Lasco they did. In this Book there was a Discourse added under this Title, Quod Christi Corqus sit ubi{que}. Which was to serve as a Proof of their Doctrine. And in the conclusion there was a Common-place, De Magistratus officio. Which was thought to be put in upon no other reason, but to in∣flame and irritate Princes against the Sacramentaries. These Saxon Divines were exceeding hot against those that believed not as they did. In their ordinary Discourses they stiled them Hereticks, False Prophets, Suermeros, Sacramentiperdas. About this Time they were gathering new Votes against Calvin, and, as it was thought, they in∣tended to attempt some Excommunication against such as differed from them in this Point. And this that I have said is enough to explain the Reason of the Inhospitality of the Lutherans to our Exiles.

* 3.55But in other Places they were received with much Kindness, and had the Liberty of their Religious Worship granted them, as in Strasburgh, Frankford, Embden, Doesburge, Basil, Zurick, Arrow, Geneva.

At Zurick they were received into one House with Bullinger, and had great Favour and Countenance shewn them by the Towns-men and Magistrates. Who offered them, by Bullinger, to supply them with such a quantity of Bread-corn and Wine, as should serve to sustain thirteen or fourteen People. But they with Thanks refused it: Having, I suppose, wherewith to subsist otherwise of themselves, and being willing to be as little burthensome as might be.

* 3.56In these Places some followed their Studies, some taught Schools, some wrote Books, some assisted at the Printing-Presse, and grew very dear to the Learned Men in those Places. At Embden, they ••aving gotten among them, by Sir Iohn Cheke's Means, as was

thought, an Original Copy of Arch-bishop Cranmer's Book of the Sacrament, translated it into Latin, and printed it there, with a Preface before it. And there they preserved the said Original, as a most invaluable Treasure. Here they printed other good Books in English, and conveyed them into England. At Geneva a Club of them employed themselves in translating the Holy Bible into English, intending to do it with more Correctness, than had hitherto been done; having the opportunity of consulting with Calvin and Beza in order thereunto. What they performed may be perceived by the Bible that goes under the Name of the Geneva Bible at this Day. It was in those Days when it first came forth, better esteemed of than of later Times. At Frankford,* 3.57 where they had great Countenance of the Magistrates of the City, arose great Contentions and Quar∣rels among themselves, about the Discipline of the Church, and in framing a New Service, different from what was before set forth in K. Edward's Reign, to be used in the publick Congregation: which new Service came nearer to the Form of the Church of Geneva. This occasioned great Troubles, Animosities and Separations, to the discredit of themselves and the Reformation. These Matters may be seen at large in the Troubles at Frankford. There is one thing which that Book making I think no mention of, I will here relate.* 3.58 Some of the English upon this Dissension carried their Children to be baptized by Lu∣theran Priests: for tho the Lutherans were against the poor Exiles, they thought so well of them, as to be willing their Children should be initiated into the Church by their Ministry. The Occasion whereof seemed to be, that in the Divisions of this Church, one Party would not let their Children be baptized by the English Minister. This causing a new Disturbance, some wrote to the great Divine P. Martyr, now at Argentine, for his Resolution of this Question, An liceat ho∣minibus Evangelicis Baptismum a Lutheranis accipere. To this he an∣swered in a Letter to the Church, disapproving of their doings: Telling them,

That the way to heal their Differences, was, to bring their Children to be baptized in such Churches, with which they agreed in Faith and Doctrine.

So that this created a new Quarrel among them; for some held it unlawful to receive Baptism from those that were not Orthodox in their Doctrine: and others again thought it lawful. And this made them send to Martyr for his Judgment, as aforesaid. Who wrote,

That he would not say it was unlawful, for that it could not be judged by the Word of God; but he disliked the Practice, and propounded divers Argu∣ments against it.

Those that were for it, said,

It was an indif∣ferent thing. To which Martyr, made this reply, That indiffe∣rent things were not to be used to the Scandal of the Weak. They said, The Difference was not so great between us in the matter of the Sacrament. But Martyr said, It was of great Moment, be∣cause in it there was a Contest concerning the chief Head of Re∣ligion. They added, that the Lutheran Divines did think in the Matter of Baptism, as they did. But Martyr answered, That they were mistaken: for those Divines affirmed more of the Sacra∣ment, than is fit: and tied the Grace of God to Baptism: and that

they thought there was no Salvation without Baptism: and that they affirmed that Infants had Faith.

To the Exiles residing here at Frankford, some in the Year 1555, conveyed Gardiner's Book against Cranmer,* 3.59 intitled Marcus Antonius, with Ridley's Answer to the Objections of that Book, and a Treatise in English of Transubstantiation, wrote by the same Ridley. This last they intended to turn into Latine, and so to print both. But on second Thoughts they demurred upon it: fearing it might en∣rage Gardiner the more against Ridley, who was yet alive. Where∣upon Grindal wrote to him to know his Mind therein, before they proceeded to Print.

* 3.60Many of the Fugitives took up their Residence at Basil upon two Reasons: one was, because the People of that City were especially very kind and courteous unto such English as came thither for Shel∣ter: the other, because those that were of slenderer Fortunes might have Imployment in the Printing-houses there, the Printers in Basil in this Age having the Reputation of exceeding all others of that Art throughout Germany, for the Exactness and Elegancy of their Printing. And they rather chose English Men for the Overseers and Correctors of their Presses, being noted for the most careful and di∣ligent of all others. Whereby many poor Scholars made a shift to subsist in these hard Times.

* 3.61Indeed many of these Exiles assisted in promoting of Learning and Religion, by publishing to the World their own or other Mens Writings.

* 3.62Iohn Scory, that had been Bishop of Chichester, wrote a very com∣fortable Epistle unto all the Faithful, that were in Prison, or in any other Trouble for the Defence of God's Truth: Printed in the Year 1555. He was Preacher to the English Congregation at Embden, and stiled their Superintendent. From hence this, and many other good Books were sent into England, by certain Persons, to be dispersed about in London, and other Places. There was one Elizabeth Young, that came thence with a Book, called Antichrist, and several others. Who was taken up for bringing in Prohibited and Heretical Books, and endured much Trouble. There was also another named Thomas Bryce, that brought Books from Wesel into Kent and London; he was watched and dogged, but escaped several Times. Sir Iohn Baker a Kentish Man, and a great Papist, and a Courtier, laid his Spies to attack him.

* 3.63Iohn Old printed a Book at Waterford 1555, intitled, The Acquittal, or Purgation of the most Catholick Christen Prince, Edward VI. against all such as blasphemously and traiterously infamed him, or the Church in his Reign, of Heresy or Sedition. The writing of this Book was occasi∣oned from the Preachers of England in Q. Mary's Time in their Ser∣mons at S. Paul's Cross, and in other Pulpits: spewing out, as the Book expresseth it, with Scolding, Roaring and Railing, the Poison of Antichrist's Traditions; and infaming the Order, Form and Vse of Preaching, Prayers and Administration of the Holy Sacraments, set forth and exercised by common Authority in the Church of England, reformed under the Government of Edward VI. and vilely slandering

of his Father K. Henry VIII. for banishing the violent usurped Power and Supremacy of the Romish antient Antichrist for his Brother's known Wife, and for taking justly upon him the Title and Estate of Supremacy, incident and appertaining, by the undoubted Ordinance of God, to his Regal Office and Imperial Crown.

Thomas Sampson, formerly Dean of Chichester,* 3.64 wrote an Epistle to the Inhabitants of Alhallows-Breadstreet, where in K. Edward's Time he had been Incumbent.

William Turner Doctor of Physick,* 3.65 and that had been Physician in the Duke of Somerset's Family, and after Dean of Wells, another Exile, put forth a Book, Anno 1555. called A new Book of Spiritual Physick for divers Diseases of the Nobility and Gentlemen of England. Dedi∣cating it to divers of the chief Nobility. It consisted of three Parts. In the first he shewed who were Noble and Gentlemen, and how many Works and Properties belong unto such, and wherein their Office chiefly standeth. In the second Part, he shewed great Diseases were in the Nobility and Gentry, which letted them from doing their Office. In the third Part, he specified what the Diseases were: as namely, the whole Palsy, the Dropsy, the Romish Pox and the Leprosy: shewing afterward the Remedies against these Diseases. For being a very facetious Man, he delivered his Reproofs and Counsels under witty and pleasant Discourse. He wrote also The hunting of the Romish Fox.

Iohn Iuel, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury,* 3.66 assisted Peter Martyr at Strasburgh, in setting out his Commentaries upon the Book of Iudges. Who being publick Reader of Divinity there, had first read those Commentaries, and had many Learned English-Men for his Audi∣tors; as Poynet, Grindal, Sands, Sir Iohn Cheke, Sir Anthony Cook, and divers other Knights and Gentlemen, as well as Divines. And when he was removed to Zurick to succeed Pelican, he took Iuel with him thither. In Frankford there happening, as was said before, unhappy Contentions about Ceremonies and Matters of Discipline, (and it was feared that these Dissensions might spread themselves in∣to the other Fraternities in Zurick and other places) Iuel's great Business was to allay these Animosities, partly by Letters, and partly by his own verbal Exhortations:

That they should, as Brethren, lay aside Strife and Emulation, especially for such small Matters: That they would hereby offend the Minds of all good Men: which things they ought to have a special heed of.

Some who seemed more complaining and uneasy at these things, he exhorted to Patience, admonishing,

That we ought not to leap from the Smoke into the Fire: and that we ought to bear a part in Christ's Cross, and to consider how much better it was with them, than with their poor Brethren, that endured Tortures in England.

And he would often repeat to them, Bear a while then, things will not endure an Age.

Thomas Becon, formerly a Minister in Canterbury,* 3.67 and well known to the Arch-bishop, wrote an Epistle in his Exile, and sent it to cer∣tain Godly Brethren in England: Declaring in it the Causes of all the Miseries and Calamities that were fallen upon England: How they might be redrest; and what a merciful Lord our God is to all

faithful penitent Sinners, that unfeignedly turn to him. This E∣pistle was brought into England, and read of the Brethren in their Religious Meetings, not without Fruit.

In this Epistle he added a Supplication to God, at good length, for the restoring of his Holy Word to the Church of England: Wherein the devout Christian com∣plaineth his Grief and Sorrow to his Lord for taking away the Light of Christ's Gospel, and humbly acknowledging his Fault, and wor∣thy Punishment; most heartily wisheth the Subversion of Anti-christ's Kingdom, and the Restitution of Christ's most Glorious King∣dom in this Realm.

He wrote also an Epistle to the Massing Priests, wherein he shewed what a wicked Idol the Mass was, and what a Difference there was between the Lord's-Supper and that: and what Popes brought in every part of the Mass, and put them together, as it was then used.

Laurence Humfrey, while he was in exile, wrote a Book in Latin, intituled,* 3.68 Optimates, being Instructions for Noble-men, in three Books. It was printed at Basil by Oporinus, and dedicated to Q. Elizabeth soon after her entrance upon her Kingdom. The Reason of this his Discourse was out of an universal Love to Mankind, and de∣sire to better the Condition of the World, whose Welfare depended so much upon the Sobriety and Vertue of those of Noble Rank and Quality:

Since Nobility, as he wrote, widely spread it self through all the Regions and Coasts of Christendom, and was preferred to Places of Trust and Honour in all Princes Courts, and was the ve∣ry Nerve and Strength of Commonwealths: and since from it is∣sued the greatest Helps or Hindrances to the Publick Safety, Pure Religion, the Lives and Maners of Men: Therefore he thought the Gentry and Nobility being imbued with Right and Christian Opinions, not formed to the corrupt Rules of Antiquity, Kings would govern better, the Ministers of Ecclesiastical Matters would more faithfully perform their Functions; and the common Sort would more diligently discharge all necessary Offices, and the whole Common-weal might seem more healthfully to breath, to live, and to recover and persist in a good Constitution.

Beside this excellent Book both for the Matter and Elegancy of the Latin Stile, he printed two or three other things at Basil; and he wrote, while he was abroad, a Commentary upon the Prophet Isaiah. But I know not whether it were published.

Bartholomew Traheron, Library-Keeper to K. Edward, and Dean of Chichester,* 3.69 made divers Readings to the English Congregation upon the beginning of St. Iohn's Gospel; and after printed them, against the wicked Enterprizes of the new start-up Arians in England.

Iohn Fox, famous to Posterity for his immense Labours in his Acts and Monuments,* 3.70 was received by the Accurate and Learned Printer Oporinus of Basil, for the Corrector of his Press. He published (and which I think was the first thing he published, and his first-fruits) a Chronological History of the Church. The first Part, from the first Times unto Martin Luther. This Book he presented unto Oporinus, with an handsom Epistle:

Wherein he desired to be received by him into his Service, and that he would vouchsafe to be his Learned Pa∣tron, under whom he might follow his Studies, being one that would

be content with a small Salary: Promising him, that if he would employ him either there, at Basil, or at Argentine, or some Univer∣sity, (which he should rather chuse) Aut me, (said he) destitu∣ent omnia, aut efficiam, Christo opitulante, ut omnes politioris literaturae homines intelligant, quantum Operiano & nomini & officinae debeant.

While he was here employed by Oporinus,* 3.71 at spare Hours he began his History of the Acts of the Church in Latin. Which he drew out more briefly at first; and before his return home into England, well near finished. Having here compleated the Copy, which was but the first Part of what he intended, but making a just Volume in Folio, he sent this Work to Basil to be printed. And so it was in the Year 155—. It remained many Years after in those Parts in great Request, and was read by Foreign Nations; although hardly known at all by our own. Being now in Peace and Safety at Home, Fox reviewed this his Work, and in the Year 1566, first published it in English very Voluminous, because of those many Relations of the Persecutions in Q. Mary's Days, that came to his Hands. All this Work he did himself, without the help of any Amanuensis, nor had he any Servant to do his necessary Domestick Business: being fain to be often diverted by his own private Occasions from his Work. He afterwards enlarged these his Labours into three large Volumes, which have since undergone many Editions.

But to look back to what he published in his Exile:* 3.72 There came to his Hand all the Trials and Examinations of the Learned Martyr Ioh. Philpot, Arch-deacon of Winchester, drawn up by himself, and final∣ly his Death, being burnt in Smithfield, 1555. These things Fox put into Latin, (as he had an excellent Latin Stile) and printed with this Title, Mira ac elegans cum primis Historia, vel Tragoedia potius, de tota ratione examinationis & condemnationis J. Philpotti Archidiaconi Wincestriae, nuper in Anglia exusti: Ab autore primum lingua sua congesta; nunc in Latinum versa, Interprete J. F. A. He had also a great Hand in publishing of Zonaras and Balsamon upon the Apostles Canons in Latin. To which he set this Title, Enarrationes, seu Commentarii in Canones Sanctorum Apostolorum & Synodorum, tum quae Vniversales, tum quae Provinciales: Quae{que} item & privatim quorundam priscorum Patrum propriae extiterunt. Autoribus Jo. Zonara Monacho religiosae & Sanctae Glyceriae: Qui prius Drungarius, seu Praefectus erat Biglae, & summus Secretarius. At{que} etiam Theodoro Balsamensi; qui prius ecclesiae Antiochenae Diaconus, Librarius seu custos chartarum, & Praepositus Blachernensium, deinde & Archiepiscopus est factus ejus∣dem Ecclesiae simul & totius Orientis. Which probably was a Book printed at Oporinus's Press, over which he had Care; and made this Title, and perhaps translated it into Latin.

Here at Basil,* 3.73 Fox was set on work by Peter Martyr to translate into Latin Arch-bishop Cranmer's Book of the Sacrament: that is, his large Dispute with Winchester. Which Fox fell upon, while Cranmer was yet in Prison. In quo [libro] videbit spero, saith he, in a Letter to Oporinus, propediem universa Germania, quicquid de causa Eucharistica vel dici vel objici, vel excogitari a quoquam poterit. But this never saw the Light, the Manuscript thereof yet lying in my Hands. In 1557, Fox set forth a little Book, pleading the Cause of

the Afflicted with their Persecutors, and comforting the Afflicted. Of which Thomas Lever, who was Preacher to the English Congregation at Arrow, gave this Character, in a Letter which he sent to Fox, who had presented him with this Book:

* 4.1SAlutem P. in Christo, Charissime Frater; Literas tuas accepi, & libellum parvum, in quo magna cum eruditione, & Pien∣tissimo zelo, causam afflictorum apud persecutores tyrannos sic agis, ut omnes, qui curant aut impios admonendos, aut pios con∣solatione recreandos,* 4.2 id plene a te perfectum videant. Quod ipsi bene curatum velint. Et quoniam meae vocationis munus in hu∣jusmodi admonitionibus & consolationibus versatur plurimum, scias velim, quod misso ad me parvo libello, magnum dedisti mihi beneficium. Dignum igitur, nihil habens, quod tibi pro meritis rependam, exiguum aureolum mitto, rogó{que} accipias, ut certum indicium mei animi erga te tuá{que} studia; quibus alendis augendis{que} tantum nunc polliceor, quantum unquam potuero, prae∣stare. Vale in Christo, & mihi saluta Uxorem tuam at{que} omnem Familiam: Rogó{que} ut mei, me••{que} ministerii memores sitis in preci∣bus vestris apud Deum. Iterum vale, vivens in Domino.

Aro∣viae, 7. Novemb. 1557.

Tuus fideliter in Christo, Th. Leverus.

Fox also wrote an Expostulatory Letter to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of England, to desist those Barbarities that were then used towards innocent Men in England: Killing, Burning, Impri∣soning, Sequestring them without all Mercy. The Letter so pathe∣tically penned,* 4.3 deserves a place in the Appendix, for the preserva∣tion thereof.

* 4.4To all these English Writers during their Exile must Iohn Bale the Antiquarian, be added, who now published and printed in Basil, his admirable Book of Centuries, giving an Account of the Lives and Writings of all such as were born English and Scotish.

Iohn Knokys or Knox, another Fugitive, is the last I shall men∣tion,* 4.5 fearing I have been too large in this Digression already. He was a Scotch-Man, but had lived in England in King Edward's Days, with great Respect; and very zealously preached the Gospel in Lon∣don, Buckinghamshire, Newcastle, Berwick, and other Places of the North and South Parts. He wrote now an Epistle to the Faithful in those Places, and to all others in the Realm of England.

Where∣in he earnestly disswaded them from communicating in the Idola∣try then established; and to flee, as well in Body as Spirit, having Society with the Idolaters: and that as they would avoid God's Vengeance: as the burning of Cities, laying the Land waste, Enemies dwelling in the strong Holds, Wives and Daughters de∣filed; and Children falling by the Sword. Which he assured them would happen to the Nation, because of its return to Idolatry, and refusing of God's Mercy, when he so long had called upon them. This his Affirmation, he said, would displease many, and content few. But to confirm them in the belief of what he had said, he bad them recollect what he had formerly spoke in their

presence, and in the presence of others: a great part whereof was then come to pass. He mentioned particularly what he said at Newcastle and Berwick, before the Sweating Sickness, and what at Newcastle upon All-Saints Day, the Year in which the Duke of Somerset was last apprehended: and what he said before the Duke of Northumberland in the same Town, and other Places more. Also what he said before the King at Windsor, Hampton-Court and Westminster; and what he said in London, in more Places than one, when both Fires and riotous Banquetings were made for the pro∣claiming of Q. Mary. He foretold these present Calamities; not that he delighted in them, as he said, or in the Plagues that should befal this unthankful Nation. No, his Heart mourned: but if he should cease, he should then do against his Conscience and Know∣ledg. Then he proceeded to give them the ground of this his Certitude: which he took from the Scriptures. And so in con∣clusion, he counselled them, as they would avoid the Destruction that was coming, that they should have nothing to do with the abominable Idol of the Mass; that is, the Seal of that League which the Devil had made with all the pestilent Sons of Antichrist, as he phrazed it.* 4.6

It may be enquired, how these Exiles were maintained,* 4.7 consider∣ing the great Numbers of them, and the Poverty of many. God stirred up the Bowels of the abler sort both in England, and in the parts where they sojourned, to pity and relieve them, by very liberal Contributions conveyed unto them from time to time. From Lon∣don especially came often very large Allowances: till Bishop Gardi∣ner, who had his Spies every where, got knowledg of it; and by casting the Benefactors into Prison, and finding means to impoverish them, that Channel of Charity was in a great measure stopped. Af∣ter this, the Senators of Zurick, at the motion of Bullinger their Su∣perintendent, opened their Treasures unto them. Besides, the great Ornaments then of Religion and Learning, Melancthon, Calvin, Bul∣linger, Gualter, Lavater, Gesner, and others, sent them daily most comfortable Letters, and omitted no Duty of Love and Humanity to them all the time of their Banishment. Some of the Princes, and Persons of Wealth and Estate, sent also their Benevolences: Among these was Christopher Duke of Wirtemberg; who gave at one time to the Exiled English at Strasburgh three or four hundred Dollers, be∣sides what he gave at Frankford: as Grindal Bishop of London signi∣fied to Secretary Cecyl, in the Year 1563, when that Prince had sent a Gentleman upon Business to the Queen. The Bishop desired the Se∣cretary to move the Queen to make some signification to this Person, that She had heard of his Master's former Kindness to the poor English, that it might appear his Liberality was not altogether buried in Oblivion: Or at least he wished some remembrance thereof might pass from the Secretary's own Mouth.

CHAP. XVI. Many Recant. Some go to Mass.

* 4.8MANY of the Clergy, that were very forward Men under K. Edward, now, by the Terror of the Times, recanted and subscribed. And these were of two Sorts. Some out of weakness did it, but persisted not in it. But as soon as they could, revoked their Subscriptions and Recantations, and after their Releases and Escapes out of Prison, made a sorrowful Confession in publick of their Falls. Of this sort were Scory and Barlow, Bishops; Iewel, and others. But some after their Recantations persisted in the Popish Com∣munion. Of this sort was Bush and Bird, Bps; Harding, Chaplain to the D. of Suffolk, to whom the Lady Iane sent an Expostulatory Letter; Sydal and Curtop of Oxon, Pendleton, West, &c. Of this last-named Person, let me cast in here one or two Remarks. West was in Or∣ders, and had been Steward to Bishop Ridley. Of whom the said Bishop wrote thus to Grindal, then in Strasburg,

That his old Companion, and sometime his Officer, relented, but that the Lord had shortned his Days.

For it was but a little after his Com∣pliance that he died. Fox writes the Occasion of it, namely,

That when he had relented, and said Mass against his Conscience, he shortly after pined away, and died for Sorrow.

When his Master the Bishop was laid in Prison for Religion, he shrank away: and out of his compassion to him, being very loth, as it appeared, that his said Master should be put to Death, he wrote a Letter to him, whereby to move him, if he could, to alter his Judgment. The Contents of whose Letter may be gathered out of Ridley's An∣swer.* 4.9 Which Answer being so excellent, I have put into the Appen∣dix, as I transcribed it out of a Manuscript. Which concluded thus, in Answer to a Sentence that West had concluded his with, namely,

That he must agree, or die: the Bishop told him, in the Word of the Lord, that if he and all the rest of his Friends did not Confess and Maintain to their Power and Knowledg what was grounded upon God's Word, but either for Fear or Gain, shrank and played the Apostates, they themselves should die the Death.

After the receit of which Answer, West either out of Compassion to his Master, or rather out of Anguish for his own Prevarication, died within a few Days himself: and his Master out-lived him, and writ the News thereof into Germany to Grindal his Fellow-Chaplain, as was said before.

The Persecution was carried on against the Gospellers with much Fierceness by those of the Roman Perswasion,* 4.10 who were generally exceeding Hot as well as Ignorant: Chiefly headed by two most cruel-natured Men, Bishop Gardiner, and Bishop Boner; in whose Diocesses were London and Southwark, and the next bordering Counties, where∣in were the greatest Numbers of Professors. And the Servants were of the same Temper with their Masters. One of Boner's Servants swore,* 4.11

By his Maker's Blood, That wheresoever he met with any of these vile Hereticks, he would thrust an Arrow into him.

Many now therefore, partly out of Fear and Terror, and partly out of other worldly Considerations, did resort to Mass, though they approved not of it, and yet consorted likewise with the Gospellers:* 4.12 holding it not unlawful so to do: viz.

That their Bodies might be there, so long as their Spirits did not consent.

And those that used this Practice, bore out themselves by certain Arguments which they scattered abroad.

This extraordinarily troubled the good Divines,* 4.13 that were then in Prison for the Cause of Christ, and particularly Bradford. Who complained in a Letter to a Friend,

That not the tenth Person abode in God's Ways: and that the more did part Stakes with the Papist and Protestant. So that they became maungy Mongrels, to the infecting of all the Company with them, to their no small Peril. For they pretended Popery outwardly, going to Mass with the Papists, and tarrying with them personally at their An∣tichristian and Idolatrous Service: but with their Hearts, they said, and with their Spirits they served the Lord. And so by this means, said he, as they saved their Pigs, I mean, their world∣ly Pleasures, which they would not leese, so they would please the Protestants, and be counted with them for Gospellers.

This whole Letter deserveth to be transcribed, as I meet with it in one of the Foxian Manuscripts, but that I find it printed already at Oxon by Dr. Ironside, in the Year 1688.

The same Bradford counselled the true Protestants not to con∣sort with these Compliers,* 4.14 but to deal with them

as a certain emi∣nent Man, named Simeon Arch-bishop of Seleucia, did with Vsta∣zades, an antient Courtier to Sapores King of Persia, who by his Threatnings and Perswasions had prevailed with the said Cour∣tier, a Christian, to bow his Knee to the Sun.* 4.15 For which base compliance Simeon passing by where this Vstazades was, formerly his great Friend and Acquaintance, would not now look at him, but seemed to contemn and despise him. Which when he per∣ceived, it pierced him so to the Heart, that he began to pull asun∣der his Clothes, and to rend his Garments, and with weeping Eyes cryed out, Alas! that ever he had so offended God in his Body, to bow to the Sun. For, saith he, I have herein denied God, although I did it against my Will. And how sore is God dis∣pleased with me, with whom mine old Father and Friend, Simeon, his dear Servant, will not speak, nor look towards me? I may by the Servant's Countenance perceive the Master's Mind. This La∣mentation came to the King's Ear; and therefore he was sent for, and demanded the Cause of his Mourning. He out of Hand told him the Cause to be his unwilling bowing to the Sun. By it, said he, I have denyed God. And therefore, because he will deny them that deny him, I have no little cause to complain and mourn. Wo unto me, for I have played the Traitor to Christ, and also dissembled with my Leige Lord. No Death therefore is sufficient for the least of my Faults; and I am worthy of two Deaths. When the King heard this, it went to his Stomach; for he loved Vstazades, who had been to him and to his Father, a faithful Servant and Officer. Howbeit the Malice of Satan moved

him to cause this Man to be put to Death. Yet in this Point he seemed to gratify him. For Vstazades desired that the Cause of his Death might be published. This I ask, said he, for the Guerdon of my Time-service to thee, and to thy Father. Which the King readily granted, thinking, that when the Christians should all know it, it would make them the more afraid, and sooner to consent to him. But so soon as it was published, and Vstazades put to death, Lord, how it comforted not only Simeon, then being in Prison, but also all the Christians?

Bradford having told this History, improved it after this Tenor.

This History, I wish, said he, were marked, as well of us as of all our Popish Gospellers, which have none other things to excuse them, than Vstazades had. For his Heart was with God, howsoever he framed his Body. We should behave our selves straitly against such Brethren, as Simeon did; and then they the sooner would play Vstazades Part. Which thing, no marvail, though they do not, so long as we rock them asleep, by regarding them, and their Companions, as daily we do: and so are partakers of their Evil; and at the length shall feel of their Smart and Punishment.

Of these outward Compliers with the Mass, was one Ann Har∣tipol,* 4.16 that formerly harboured the Lady Ann Ascue, burnt in King Henry's Reign. She now went to Mass, pretending her Conscience to be ••ound before God, and that her Conscience gave her leave to go. To whom Philpot wrote an excellent Letter, which is extant among the Letters of the Martyrs.

* 4.17The People of this Practice had been tampering with the Lady Vane, a pious Lady,* 4.18 and a great Benefactor to the poor Prisoners of Christ: Insomuch that she propounded to Bradford three Questio••s concerning the Mass, being Cases of Conscience, what she were best to do, whether to go to it, or not? He told her in a Letter,

That the Questions would never be well seen nor answered, until the Thing whereof they arose were well considered. That is, how great an Evil it was: That there was never Thing upon the Earth so great, and so much an Adversary to God's true Service, to Christ's Death, Passion, Priesthood, Sacrifice and Kingdom, to the Ministry of God's Word and Sacrament, to the Church of God, to Repen∣tance, Faith, and all true Godliness of Life; as that was whereof the Questions arose. And that therefore a Christian Man could not but so much the more abhor it, and all things that in any Point might seem to allow it, or any thing pertaining to the same.

Bradford also writ a little Book on this Argument, intituled▪ The Hurt of the Mass. This Book he sent to his Acquaintance, to stop their going to the Popish Service; and particularly to Mr. Shaleros, a Friend of his in Lancashire; and recommended the reading of it to one Riddleston, that had defiled himself in this false Service.

CHAP. XVII.* 4.19 A bloody Time. The Queen's great Belly. A Convocation.

THE Year 1555, was a bloody Year, and many honest People,* 4.20 both of the Clergy and Laity, were burnt alive in all Parts, because they believed not Transubstantiation. Insomuch that a tender Heart cannot but shrink at the very remembrance thereof.

And as if there were a kind of Delight in this sort of cruel Execu∣tions, Instructions were sent abroad, in the beginning of the Year,* 4.21 unto the Justices of Peace through all Counties in England, to en∣quire diligently in every Parish for Persons disaffected to the Popish Religion. And in each Parish were some appointed to be secret In∣formers against the rest. And for the better discovery of such poor Professors of the Gospel, that fled from Place to Place for their Safety, the Constables, and four or more of the Catholick sort in every Pa∣rish, were authorized to take Examination of all such as might be suspected, how they lived, and where they were? And such as ab∣sented from the Mass, and conformed not themselves to the Church, were to be brought before the Justices: Who were to perswade them to conform; and if they would not, to bind them to good Abear∣ing, or commit them to Prison. The Justices were also commanded, by another Order soon after, to deliver such as leaned to Erroneous and Heretical Opinions, and would not be reclaimed by the Justices, to the Ordinaries, to be by them travailed with; and continuing Obstinate, to have the Laws executed upon them.

May 27.* 4.22 These Orders came from the King and Queen to the Justi∣ces of Norfolk: Which, as I extract from a Manuscript, relating the Orders sent into that County, were in these special Articles.

I. To divide themselves into several Districtions.

II. To assist such Preachers as should be sent; [For it was thought convenient to send abroad Itinerary Preachers, as was done in the last King's Reign, who should by their Doctrine endeavour to reduce the People to the old Religion] and to use them reverent∣ly, and to be present at their Sermons; and to travail soberly with such as abstained from coming to Church, or by any other open Doings, should appear not perswaded to conform themselves: and to use others that be wilful and perverse, more roundly, either by rebuking them, or binding them to good Behaviour, or by impri∣soning them, as the Quality of the Persons, and the Circumstance of their Doings may deserve.

III. To lay special wait for Teachers of Heresies, and Procurers of secret Meetings to that purpose. That they and their Families shew good Examples, and begin first to reform their Servants, if any of them be faulty.

IV. To apprehend spreaders of false and seditious Rumours.

V. To procure one or more in every Parish, secretly instructed, to give information of the Behaviour of the Inhabitants.

VI. To charge the Constable, and four or more Catholick In∣habitants of every Parish, to give account of idle Vagabonds and

suspected Persons, [meaning by these the poor Professors, or Prea∣chers of the Gospel, who crept about for their own Safety, and had no settled Habitation] and the Retainers of such Persons. To ob∣serve Hue and Cry; and to look after the Watches in every Pa∣rish.

VII. To send an Account of Felons, &c. when any should be apprehended.

VIII. To meet every Month, and confer about these Matters.

* 4.23Whereupon the Justices meeting together, it was resolved by them to obey every of the said Orders: Particularly concerning the Fifth they resolved, That these secret Informations should be given to the Justices; and that the accused Parties should be examined, without knowledg by whom they were accused.

* 4.24The Earl of Sussex lived in that County, and was one of chief Trust there: For this Earl had Command in Norfolk of Queen Mary's Army, when she first laid her Claim to the Crown; and managed it with that Prudence and Conduct, that others were induced by his Means to come in. This Earl received several Informations against Ministers and others; for it seems, notwithstanding all these severe Usages, the Popish Mass had not yet so prevailed every where, but that in divers places there were some remainders of King Edward's Reformation and Service. Among the rest, the Curat of old Boken∣ham, and divers in that Parish, were complained of, because the Ce∣remonies of the holy Time of Easter were not observed there. And it seems the Bishop's Officers themselves were not all so diligent as they should be. The Earl signified this Information to Hopton the Bishop; who being in his Visitation soon after, sent for several of the Parish, and made his Inquiries, but found things in other sort than were represented to the Earl. And being returned to his House at Norwich, informed him hereof, and desired the Earl to inform him further, if any thing were amiss, even amongst his own Officers, and he would endeavour to reform them.

* 4.25In these Times, for the better taking up of all Gospellers, there were certain Spies and secret Informers set every where, to give no∣tice of any that came not to Church, or that spake any thing against the Superstitions. For London were Iohn Avales, Beard, and others: For Stepney one Banbury, a Shifter, a Dicer, and a Whoremonger. By which means none almost could be safe. Yet the Professors made▪ some Provision against this Evil. There were some, that kept them Company, who were honest Men; by whom they often had secret Intelligence what Persons Avales and Beard intended to take up. And so several by shifting Places and Houses, were preserved. The Knight-Marshal, Sir Thomas Holcroft, the Under-Marshal, the Knight-Marshal's Secretary, were secret Friends of the Protestants: and when Designs were laid to take any of them, some signification was often privately brought them, that Search would within some few Hours be made for them; and therefore that they should depart from their Lodgings, and conceal themselves. And when any good Men were under their Hands in Prison, they would take all occasions to shew them Kindness,* 4.26 as far as safely they might.

But notwithstanding these Persecutions, and that very few of the Mi∣nisters

remained, being either burnt or fled; yet the Protestants in London had very frequently their Assemblies. And sometimes for want of Preachers of the Clergy, Lay-men exercised. Among these, I find one old Henry Daunce, a Bricklayer of White-chappel, who used to preach the Gospel in his Garden every Holy-day: Where would be present sometimes a thousand People.

The very beginning of May there was exceeding Joy among the Papists for the Birth of an Heir-male to the Crown.* 4.27 Whereof the Report was so confident every where, that in the County of Nor∣folk, the Mayor of Norwich sent word of it to the Earl of Sussex; and the Bishop had Te Deum sung in the Cathedral and other Places of the City. And all expressions of Joy both in City and Country were shewn. And so it was, no question, in other Parts of the Na∣tion. And which is more strange, so long did this Bruit hold, that besides the first Intelligence thereof brought to Norwich, within a day or two after came two Persons more averring the Truth thereof. The Bishop desired the Earl, according as he heard, if he had any further knowledg, to impart it to him. The Contents of all this may be read in the Original Letter, which is transcribed into the Appendix.* 4.28

But the belief of the Queen's great Belly went not over so.* 4.29 For then it was given out▪ that in Iune about Whitsuntide was the Time that the Queen expected her Delivery: and Midwives, Rockers and Nurses were provided. And just when that Time came, another Rumour was blown about in London, that the Queen was delivered of a Child. And the Bells were rung, Bonfires and Processions made: and in most parts of the Realm so it was. Nay in Antwerp Guns were shot off by the English Ships, and the Lady Regent re∣warded the Mariners with an hundred Pistols.

But there happened now two things which make it seem, as tho all this were but Design to impose upon the Belief of the World.* 4.30 The one was this:

There was a Woman, living near Aldersgate, delivered Iune the 11th, 1555, being Whitsunday Morning,* 4.31 of a Man-Child. Unto whom the Lord North, and another Lord came, and desired to have her Child from her, with very fair Of∣fers. As that her Child should be well provided for, and that She should take no care for it, if She would swear, that She never knew nor had such Child. And after this, other Women came to her: of whom one, they said, should have been the Rocker. But She would in no case part with her Child. This very Woman, before Witness, made this Declaration unto Mr. Fox and others▪ about the Year 1568, while he was printing his Book: but he leaves it to the liberty of the Reader to believe what he list.

Add to this one other Passage of a Man within four Miles of Berwick▪ who speaking of the Bonfires for Joy of the Birth of a Prince, said, There was a joyful Triumph, but at length all would not prove worth a Mess of Pottage.

As the Queen's great Belly gave these great Disappointments,* 4.32 so while She went with it, it gave her occasion to be more severe against the poor Gospellers, who were now daily burnt. For She thought, and so She said,

She could not be safely and happily delivered, nor

that any thing could succeed prosperously with her, unless all the Hereticks in Prison were burnt ad unum, not sparing one.

Which Cruelty I do suppose her Priests and Confessors put into her Head.* 4.33

* 4.34There was a Convocation in November this Year; Wherein Car∣dinal Pole presided. The Queen gave him a Licence under the Great Seal, to hold a Synod. Wherein She ordered him to decree what Canons he thought fit. So he composed a Book, with a very specious Title, viz. Reformatio Angliae, Ex Decretis Reginaldi Poli Cardinalis, &c. which was printed. A Manuscript Copy whereof was in the famous Library of Mr. Smith, of late Years sold by Auction. The Decrees of this Book, in number Twelve, were agreed to in February. They are briefly set down by the Bishop of Sarum in his History.* 4.35 There was an Article made in Favour of Non-residences;* 4.36 which I meet with in the Benet-Library: There is no Date, but I strongly conjecture it is to be laid to this Convoca∣tion. The Cardinal seemed not to favour Non-residences; but the rich Clergy, and Dignitaries were of another Mind: wherefore they made this Proposition;

Decretum perpetuae Residentiae juxta Canonum Sanctiones optant pii▪ sed multa sunt, quae hodie impediunt, quominus suum effectum juxta bo∣norum virorum vota consequatur. To which are subjoined Reasons for this Proposition; and Remedies for this evil. Which may be read in the Appendix.* 4.37

CHAP. XVIII. Ridley and Latimer burnt.

* 4.38WE can declare little this Year of the poor Arch-bishop, being now a Prisoner at Oxford, and out of all place of Action. The Arch-Bishoprick was sequestred into the Hands of Cardinal Pole, and his Palace at Lambeth appointed for the Cardinal's Abode. In a Pe∣tition, that some of those that were abroad had sent over to the Queen this Year, to disswade her from these Persecutions that were now so rigorously set on foot in England, they interceded for Cranmer, put∣ting her in mind how he had once preserved her in her Father's Time, by his earnest Intercessions with him for her.

So that, they said, she had more reason to believe he loved her, and would speak the Truth to her, than she had of all the rest of the Clergy.

But, alas, this did little good.

* 4.39In October, Ridley and Latimer were brought forth to their Burn∣ing; and passing by Cranmer's Prison, Ridley looked up to have seen him, and to have taken his Farewel of him; but he was not then at the Window, being engaged in Dispute with a Spanish Friar. But he looked after them, and devoutly falling upon his Knees, prayed to God to strengthen their Faith and Patience in that their last, but painful Passage.

* 4.40And here for a Farewel to these two Reverend Fathers, let us make a little Halt, to take some view of them. Of Ridley sufficient

[illustration]

HUGH LATIMER Bishop of WORCESTER Martyr'd 16 Octob. 1555

has been said to acquaint us with the Worthiness of that Man. Of Latimer a word or two. His Character is best taken from them who best knew him, and lived in his Time.* 4.41 One of these thus speaks of him, while he was yet alive, in the beginning of King Edward.

Latimer was very famous, not only for the Pureness of his Life, which had always been Innocent and Blameless, but for the Since∣rity and Goodness of his Evangelical Doctrine. Which since the beginning of his Preaching, had in all Points been so conformable to the Teaching of Christ, and of his Apostles, that the very Ad∣versaries of God's Truth, with all their menacing Words, and cruel Imprisonment, could not withdraw him from it. But what∣soever he had once preached, he valiantly defended the same before the World, without fear of any Mortal Creature, although of ne∣ver so great Power and high Authority, wishing and minding ra∣ther to suffer, not only loss of worldly Possessions, but also of Life, than that the Glory of God, and the Truth of Christ's Gospel should in any Point be obscured or defaced through him. His Life was not dear unto him, so that he might fulfil his Course with Joy, and the Office that he received of the Lord Iesus, to testify the Gospel of God's Favour. His Fame began to grow apace, while he was at Cambridg, [which was some Years before 1530.] doing abundance of Good there among the Students by his Sermons, which were many, by him preached both in Latin and English. The Scholars flocked after him, and took great notice of his Do∣ctrine, and commending it sometimes to Letters, as most faithful Treasures of Memory. Before them he did, by Authorities out of God's Word, and invincible Arguments, besides the Allegation of the Doctors, prove, That the Holy Scriptures ought to be read in the English Tongue of all Christen People, whether they were Priests or Lay-men. Though many Friars and others could not abide this Doctrine, and would resist him, and preach against him, notwithstanding he, or rather God in him, got the Victory. And it came to pass according to his Teaching, [when the reading of the Scripture was allowed by the Royal Authority.] Before the Scholars also he inveighed against Temple-works, good Intents, blind Zeal, superstitious Devotion; as the painting of Taberna∣cles, gilding of Images, setting up of Candles, running on Pil∣grimage, and such other idle Inventions of Men; whereby the Grace of God was obscured, and his Works of Mercy the less re∣garded. He was also wont to rebuke the Beneficed Men, with the Authority of God's Word, for neglecting and not teaching their Flock, and for being absent from their Cures, they themselves be∣ing idle, and masting themselves like Hogs of Epicurus, taking no thought, tho their poor Parishioners miserably pined away, star∣ved, perished and died for Hunger. He would condemn also, at these his University-Sermons, foolish, ungodly and impossible Vows, as the Vow of Chastity: wishing rather that Liberty of Marriage might be granted to them, which had so vowed, by the Higher Powers, than so to continue, through single Life, in all kind of abominable Uncleanness. O how vehement was he in rebuking all Sins, namely, Idolatry, false and idle Swearing,

Covetousness and Whoredom! Again, how sweet and pleasant were his Words in exhorting unto Vertue! He spake nothing, but it left, as it were, certain Pricks or Stings in the Hearts of the Hearers, which moved them to consent to his Doctrine. None, except they were stiff-necked, and uncircumcised in Heart, went away from his Sermons, which were not led with a faithful Re∣pentance of their former Lives, affected with high detestation of Sin, and moved unto all Godliness and Vertue.

The Writer of all this said,

He knew certain Men, which, through the perswasion of their Friends, went unto his Sermons, swelling blown full, and puft up like Esop's Frogs, with Envy and Malice against him; but when they returned, his Sermon being done, and demanded how they liked him, and his Doctrine, they answe∣red, with the Bishops and Pharisees Servants, There was never Man spake like unto this Man. He would also speak freely against buy∣ing and selling of Benefices, against promoting such to the Livings of Spiritual Ministers, which were unlearned and ignorant in the Law of God; against Popish Pardons; against the reposing our Hope in our own Works, or in other Mens Merits. He was also a charitable Man, when he was at Cambridg, according to his Abi∣lity, to poor Scholars and other needy People: So conformable was his Life to his Doctrine. Insomuch that there was a com∣mon Saying in that University, When Mr. Stafford read, and Lati∣mer preached, then was Cambridg blessed.

* 4.42But to return to our ABp in his Prison. Where he divided his me∣lancholy Time, partly in Disputings and Discourses with Learned Men of the contrary Perswasion, who laboured to bring him over, thinking thereby to obtain a great Glory to their Church; and partly in prepa∣ring an Answer to Bishop Gardiner, under the name of Marcus Anto∣nius, in vindication of his own Book concerning the Sacrament. And he finished three Parts in Prison. Two whereof were lost in Oxford; and one came into the Hands of Iohn Fox, as he tells us himself; which, he said, was ready to be seen and set forth, as the Lord should see good. Bishop Ridley also in his Confinement wrote Marginal Annotations on the side of Gardiner's said Book, with the Lead of a Window, for want of Pen and Ink. Great pity it is, that these last Studies of the Arch-bishop are lost: For even that part which was once in Fox's Custody, is gone with his Fellows, for ought that I can find among his Papers.

It was some time before this, that there was a Report spred, that the Queen was Dead.* 4.43 The Rumor presently extended it self over the Seas. Which occasioned the Death of one pious Professor of the Gospel, namely, Bartlet Green a Lawyer. For Christopher Goodman having writ to him, his former Acquaintance in Oxford, to certify him of the Truth thereof, he in a Letter in answer wrote thus, The Queen is not yet Dead. This and divers other Letters, that were given to a Bearer, to carry beyond Sea to the Exiles there, were intercepted; and being read at the Council, some would have it to amount to Treason, as though there had been a Plot carrying on against the Queen's Life. But the Law not making those words Treason, he after long lying in the Tower, was sent by

the Council to Bishop Boner. Who upon examination found him too firm to be moved from the Doctrine of the Gospel: and so con∣demned him to the Fire.

CHAP. XIX. The last Proceedings with Cranmer.

AFter Ridley and Latimer were dispatched,* 4.44 and had sealed their Doctrine with their Blood at Oxford: the said Course was re∣solved to be taken with Cranmer late Arch-bishop, but now the Arch-Heretick, as he was esteemed by them. They had been all three con∣demned, and adjudged Hereticks by Dr. Weston in the University of Oxford, after their Disputations. But that Sentence was void in Law; because the Authority of the Pope was not yet received: Therefore they were tried and judged upon new Commissions. The Commission for judging the two former was from Pole the Cardinal, Lord Legate. Wherein the Commissioners constituted were, White Bishop of Lincoln, Brooks Bishop of Glocester▪ and Holiman Bishop of Bristow. But there was a new Commission sent from Rome for the Conviction of Cranmer. Brooks of Glocester was the Pope's Sub-delegate under Cardinal Puteo▪ to whom the Pope had com∣mitted this Process; and Martin and Story, Doctors of the Civil Law, were the Queen's Commissioners: The former of which was now, or soon after, for his good Services, made one of the Masters in Chancery, and was much employed in these Trials of poor Men. Notwithstanding this Man complied in Q. Elizabeth's Reign, and took his Oath against the Pope now a second Time. In this Com∣mission from the Pope, he decreed, in a formality of Words,

That the ABp should have Charity and Justice shewed to him, and that he should have the Laws in most ample manner to answer in his behalf.

He decreed also,

That the said Arch-bishop should come before the Bishop of Glocester, as high Commissioner from his Holiness, for the examination of such Articles as should be produced against him: and that Martin and Story should require, in the King and Queen's Name, the Examination of him.

In pursuance of this Command from the Pope, and in Obedience to the King and Queen, they came down to Oxon upon this Commission; and Septemb. 12. (which was seven days before the Condemnation of Latimer and Ridley) sat in S. Mary's Church, accompanied with many other Doctors, and such-like; and among the rest, the Pope's Collector. The Arch-bishop was brought forth out of Prison, habited in a fair black Gown, and his Hood of Doctor of Divinity on both Shoul∣ders. Then some Proctor said aloud,

Thomas Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury, appear here, and make answer to that which shall be laid to thy Charge for Blasphemy, Incontinency and Heresy.

What due Honour the Arch-bishop gave unto the Queen's Commissioners, as representing the Supream Authority of the Nation, and how he gave none to Brooks, the Pope's Representative, keeping on his Cap; and the Speeches, that the said Brookes, and the other two

made unto him, with the Arch-bishop's discreet and excellent An∣swers, still interposing his Protestation against Brooks his Authority, may be seen at large in Fox's Monuments.

* 4.45Only it may not be amiss here briefly to mention, (for the better understanding of the Form of the Process) that after the Arch∣bishop was cited, as before was said, into the Court, the Bishop of Glocester first made an Oration, directed unto the Arch-bishop at the opening of his Commission. Next Dr. Martin made a short Speech; and being with Dr. Story, appointed the King's and Queen's Attorneys, he offered unto the said Bishop their Proxy, sealed with the Broad-Seal of England; and then presenting himself to be Proctor on their behalf. After that, he proceeded to exhibit certain Articles against the Arch-bishop, containing Adultery and Perjury, (the one for being Married, the other for breaking his Oath to the Pope.) Also he exhibited Books of Heresy, made partly by him, and partly by his Authority published. And so produced him as a Party prin∣cipal to answer to his Lordship. After this, having leave given him, the Arch-bishop beginning with the Lord's Prayer and Creed, made a long and learned Apology for himself. Which is preserved to Posterity in the Acts and Monuments.

* 4.46By his Discourse before the Commissioners it appeared, how little he was taken with the splendor of worldly Things. For he profes∣sed,

That the loss of his Promotions grieved him not: He thanked God as heartily for that poor and afflicted State in which he then was, as ever he did for the Times of his Prosperity. But that which stuck closest to him, as he said, and created him the greatest Sor∣row, was, to think that all that Pains and Trouble, that had been taken by K. Henry and himself, for so many Years, to retrieve the Antient Authority of the Kings of England, and to vindicate the Nation from a Foreign Power, and from the Baseness and infinite Inconveniences of crouching to the Bishops of Rome, should now thus easily be quite undone again. And therefore, he said, all his Trouble at that time, and the greatest that ever he had in his Life, was to see the King and Queen's Majesties, by their Proctors there, to become his Accusers, and that in their own Realm and Country, before a Foreign Power. For that if he had trans∣gressed the Laws of the Land, their Majesties had sufficient Au∣thority and Power, both from God, and the Ordinance of the Realm, to punish him. Whereunto he would be at all times con∣tent to submit himself.

* 4.47At this time of his Trial, several Interrogatories were administred unto him, to make answer to: As concerning his Marriage; Con∣cerning his setting abroad Heresies, and making and publishing certain Books of Heresy. To which he confessed, That the Ca∣techism, and the Book of Articles, and the Book against Bishop Gardiner, were of his doing. Concerning subscribing those Arti∣cles, and his compelling Persons to subscribe. Which he denied; but that he exhorted them that were willing to subscribe, he acknow∣ledged. Concerning his open maintaining his Errors in Oxon: [Whereas they brought him to the Disputation themselves.] Con∣cerning his being noted with the Infamy of Schism; and that he

moved the King and Subjects of his Realm, to recede from the Catholick Church and See of Rome. Which he acknowledged: but that their Departure, or Recess, had in it no matter of Schism. Concerning his being twice sworn to the Pope. And Dr. Martin then shewed a Copy of his Protestation against the Pope at his Consecration, under a publick Notary's Hand. That he took upon him the See of Rome, in consecrating Bishops, and Priests, with∣out Leave or Licence from the said See. To which he answered, That it was permitted to him by the Publick Laws of the Realm Concerning his standing out still to subscribe to the Pope's Autho∣rity, when the whole Nation had. This being done, a publick Notary entred his Answers. Then the Bishop of Glocester made another Speech, at breaking up of this Meeting, and Dr. Story ano∣ther, reflecting upon what Cranmer had said, with Reviling and Taunts.

The last thing they did at this Meeting was to swear several Per∣sons, who were the next Day to declare what they knew,* 4.48 or could remember against this Reverend Father. And these were Dr. Mar∣shal Dean of Christ's-Church, a most furious and zelotical Man; and who to shew his spight against the Reformation, had caused Peter Martyr's Wife, who deceased while he was the King's Professor, to be taken out of her Grave, and buried in his Dunghil: Dr. Smith Publick Professor, who had recanted most solemnly in K. Edward's Days, and to whom the Arch-bishop was a good Friend, yet not long afterwards he wrote against his Book, and was now sworn a Witness against him: Dr. Tresham a Canon of Christ-Church, who was one of the Disputers against Cranmer, and had said, in his Popish Zeal, That there were 600 Errors in his Book of the Sacrament: Dr. Crook; Mr. London, a Relation I suppose of Dr. London, who came to shame for his false Accusation of Cranmer and others in K. Henry's Reign; and now this Man, 'tis like, was willing to be even with Cranmer, for his Relation's sake: Mr. Curtop, another Ca∣non of Christ's-Church, formerly a great Hearer of P. Martyr, Mr. Ward; Mr. Serles, the same, I suppose, who belonged to the Church of Canter∣bury, and had been among the number of the Conspirators against him in K. Henry's Days. And these being sworn, the Arch-bishop was al∣lowed to make his Exceptions against any of them. Who resolutely said,

He would admit none of them all, being perjured Men, having sworn against the Pope, and now received and defended him; And that therefore they were not in Christian Religion.

And so the good Father was remitted back for that time to Prison again.

I know not what the Depositions of these Witnesses were,* 4.49 given in against him the next Day. For Fox relates nothing thereof, nor any other, as I know of. Doubtless they were some of the Do∣ctrines that he preached, or taught, or defended, in Canterbury for∣merly, or more lately in his Disputations in the Schools, or in his Discourses in his Prison, or at Christ's-Church, where he sometimes was entertained. But to all that was objected against him he made his Answers. And the last thing they of this Commission did, was to cite him to appear at Rome within eighty Days, to make there his Answer in Person▪ Which he said, He would be content to do, if

the King and Queen would send him. And so he was again remanded back to durance, where he still remained. And an account of what these Commissioners had done, was dispatched to Rome forthwith. From whence the final Sentence was sent in December next.

* 4.50Then Pope Paul sent his Letters Executory unto the King and Queen, and to the Bishops of London and Ely, to degrade and deprive him: and in the end of those fourscore Days he was declared Contu∣max, as wilfully absenting himself from Rome, when he was sum∣moned to go, though he was detained in Prison; which might have been a lawful and just Excuse. But these Matters must proceed in their Form, whatsoever Absurdity or Falsehood there were in them.

* 4.51By these Letters Executory, (which are in the first Edition of Fox, but omitted in all the rest) we may collect how the Process went a∣gainst Cranmer at Rome, which I shall here briefly set down. First, the King and Queen sent their Information to the Pope against Tho∣mas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, viz.

That he had brought this no∣ble Realm from the Unity of the Catholick Church. That he was a Person guilty of Heresy, and many other grand Crimes, and not worthy to enjoy his Bishoprick, and most worthy greater Punishments, and they requested that Process might be made against him.

For the better enquiry into, and taking cognizance of the Truth of these Accusations, the Pope gave a special Commission, signed with his Hand, to Iames Puteo, Cardinal of S. Mary's, and afterwards of S. Simeon, to cite the said Thomas before him, and all such Witnesses as should be needful, to come to a true knowledg of the Arch-bishop's Crimes: and accordingly to give the Pope an ac∣count of all he should find. This he was to do in his own Person, or to constitute any dignified Person, abiding in these Parts, to do the same. So the said Cardinal appointed Brookes Bishop of Glocester, and some Collegues with him, to manage this Commission in his stead. This Brookes, having been Bishop Gardiner's Chaplain, was probably nominated and recommended by the said Gardiner, as I do suppose he was the Person that directed the whole managery of this Process against the Arch-bishop. And so Brookes, being now by this Deputation the Pope's Sub-delegate, proceeded in this Cause, as was said before. In regard of the Arch-bishop's Citation to Rome to an∣swer there, and make his personal appearance before the Pope, the Letters Executory say, Comparere non curaret, as an Aggravation of his Crime, that he took no care to appear, (which was false;) and that therefore, as the said Letters ran, the King and Queen's Proctors at Rome, named Peter Rouilius, and Anthony Massa de Gallesio, and Alex∣ander Palentarius, the Proctor of the Pope's Treasury, had sued that Contumacy might be definitively pronounced against the said Thomas Cranmer, being cited and not appearing. Therefore,

He, Pope Paul IV. sitting in the Throne of Justice, and having before his Eyes God alone, who is the Righteous Lord, and judgeth the World in Righteousness, did make this definitive Sentence, pro∣nouncing and decreeing the said Thomas Cranmer to be found Guil∣ty of the Crimes of Heresy and other Excesses, to be wholly un∣mindful of the Health of his Soul, to go against the Rules and Ec∣clesiastical Doctrines of the Holy Fathers, and against the Aposto∣lical

Traditions of the Roman Church and Sacred Councils, and the Rites of the Christian Religion hitherto used in the Church; especially against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord, and Holy Orders; by thinking and teaching otherwise, than the Holy Mother Church preacheth, and observeth; and by de∣nying the Primacy and Authority of the Apostolick See; and against the Processions, which every Year, on Corpus Christi Day, were wont to be celebrated by the Pope's Predecessors.

Mention also is made of his

Bringing in again the Heresy abjured by Beren∣garius, of his believing the false and heretical Doctrines of Wicklif and Luther, those Arch-Hereticks: printing of Books of that na∣ture, and publishing them, and defending those Doctrines in pub∣lick Disputations, and that before his Sub-delegate, and persisting herein with Obstinacy. Therefore the Pope excommunicated him, and deprived him of his Arch-bishoprick, and all other Places▪ and Privileges whatsoever, and adjudged him to be delivered over to the Secular Court, and all his Goods to be confiscate. And the Pope absolved all Persons from any Oath of Fidelity given to Cranmer, and imposed perpetual Silence upon him. And more∣over, upon the instance of the abovesaid Proctors, commanded the Bishops of London and Ely to degrade him, and so to deliver him over to the Secular Court.

This bore date December 14.

In obedience to these Letters from Rome, the two Bishops,* 4.52 the Pope's Delegates, came down to Oxford; and sitting in the Choire of Christ's-Church, before the High Altar, the said Commissional Let∣ters were read: wherein it was specified,

That all things were in∣differently examined on both Parties, and Counsel heard as well on the King's and Queen's behalf, who were Cranmer's Accusers, as on the behalf of Cranmer, so that he wanted nothing to his ne∣cessary Defence.

Whereat the Arch-bishop could not but exclaim (while these things were reading) against such manifest Lies,

That, as he said, when he was continually in Prison, and could never be suffered to have Counsel or Advocate at Home, he should produce Witness, and appoint his Counsel at Rome. God must needs punish, added he, this open and shameless Lying.

But this Command of Degrading our Arch-bishop was presently proceeded upon: Thomas Thirlby Bishop of Ely, his old Friend,* 4.53 in∣finitely before-time obliged by the Arch-bishop, shed many Tears at the doing of it. So that Cranmer moved at it, was fain to comfort him, and told him, He was well contented with it. So they apparel∣led the Arch-bishop in all the Garments and Ornaments of an Arch∣bishop; only in mockery every thing was of Canvas, and old Clouts. And the Crosier was put into his Hand. And then he was, piece by piece, stript of all again. When they began to take away his Pal, he asked them,

Which of them had a Pal, to take away his Pal? They then answered, acknowledging they were his Inferi∣ors, as Bishops, but as they were the Pope's Delegates, they might take away his Pal.

While they were thus spoiling him of all his Garments, he told them,

That it needed not; for that he had done with this Gear long ago.

While this was doing, Boner made a Triumphant Speech against the poor Arch-bishop. But when they

came to take away his Crosier, he held it fast, and would not deliver it: but pulled out an Appeal out of his left Sleeve under his Wrist, and said,

I appeal unto the next General Council; and herein I have comprehended my Cause,* 4.54 and the Form of it, which I de∣sire may be admitted. And prayed divers times to the standers by to be Witnesses, naming them by their Names.

This Appeal is preserved in Fox, which is well worthy the reading.

* 4.55The Arch-bishop was all along ill dealt with in divers respects in this his Process, which himself was well sensible of. One was, That he had desired the Court, that considering he was upon his Life, he might have the use of Proctors, Advocates and Lawyers. But they would allow him none. After the Court, wherein Brooks was Sub-delegate, had done, they promised him that he should see his Answers to Sixteen Articles, that they had laid against him; that he might correct, amend and change them, where he thought good. And that Promise they performed not. And so entred his Answers upon record, though his Answer was not made upon Oath, nor re∣served, nor made in judicio, but extra judicium. Which Cranmer made a Protest of: But not to the Bishop of Glocester, as Judg, whom he would not own, but to the King's and Queen's Proctors, Martin and Story. To them, for these Reasons, he wrote a Letter,

That he trusted they would deal sincerely with him, without Fraud or Craft, and use him as they would wish to be used in the like case themselves: Bidding them remember that with what Measure they meet, it should be measured to them again.

* 4.56Therefore to make himself some amends for all this foul Dealing, his last Refuge was an Appeal. Whereof he seriously bethought himself, when, and in what manner to make it. The Causes for his resolving upon it, besides those already mentioned, were, because he remembred Luther once did so in such a Case; and that he might not seem rashly to cast away his own Life; and because he was bound by his Oath never to receive the Pope's Authority in this Realm; and because the Commissioners had broken their Promise with him, as above was said: and because he thought the Bishop of Rome was not an indifferent Judg in this Cause, which was his own Cause: for all the Arch-bishop's Troubles came upon him for departing from him. He therefore wrote privately to a trusty Friend, and Learned in the Law, then in the University, to instruct him in the Order and Form of an Appeal: and whe∣ther he should first Appeal from the Judg-Delegate to the Pope, or else from that Judg immediately to a General Council. And so earnestly entreated him to lay aside all other Studies, and to take this in Hand presently, because he was summoned, to make his Answer at Rome, the sixteenth Day of this Month, that is, of Fe∣bruary. There was one reason more moved him to Appeal, which must not be omitted, namely, that he might gain Time to finish his Answer to Marcus Antonius.

He feared after all, they would not admit his Appeal. But he did not much pass, and desired God's Will might be done: So that God might be glorified by his Life or Death. He thought it much better to die in Christ's Quarrel, than to be shut in the Prison of the Body, unless it were for the

advancement of God's Glory, and the Profit of his Brethren.

This Letter of the Arch-bishop being writ with so much Strength and Presence of Mind, and shewing so much Prudence and Wit, is hap∣pily preserved in Fox's Monuments where it may be read.

This Appeal,* 4.57 when the Arch-bishop had produced and preferred to the Bishop of Ely, he told him,

That they could not admit of it, because their Commission was to proceed against him, Omni Appellatione remota.

Cranmer replied,

That this Cause was not every private Man's Cause, but that it was between the Pope and him immediately, and none otherwise: and that no Man ought to be Judg in his own Cause. And therefore they did him the more Wrong.

So at last Thirlby received it of him, and said, If it might be admitted, it should.

And so after this Interruption, they proceeded to degrade him, taking off the rest of his Habits. And then put him on a poor Yeoman-Beadle's Gown threadbare, and a Towns-man's Cap. And Boner told him, He was no Lord any more: and so was sent to Prison.

CHAP. XX. Cranmer Writes to the Queen.

AND now,* 4.58 having undergone these Brunts with all this Gravi∣ty, Discretion, Learning and Courage, he next resolved to give the Queen a true and impartial Account of these Transactions, to prevent Misreports, and to justify himself in what he had said and done. Two Letters therefore he wrote to her, but thought not fit to entrust them with the Commissioners, since Weston had served him such a Trick in the like Case before. In these Letters he rela∣ted the reason of his refusing the Bishop of Glocester for his Judg, and of his Appeal. For as he thought it his Duty at that juncture to de∣clare himself in that publick manner against the Bishop of Rome, so he reckoned he ought to declare himself also to the Supream Ma∣gistrate. And therefore before the Bishop of Glocester, and the Commissioners, he said,

That as he had thus discharged his own Conscience towards the World, so he would also write his Mind to her Grace touching this Matter.

He wrote to her,* 4.59

That the twelfth Day of that Month he was cited to appear at Rome the eightieth Day after. And that it could not but grieve the Heart of a natural Subject to be accused by the King and Queen of his own Country, and before any outward Judg: as if the King and Queen were Subjects within their own Realm, and were fain to complain and require Justice at a Stran∣ger's Hand against their own Subject, being already condemned to Death by their own Laws. As though the King and Queen could not have or do Justice within their own Realm, against their own Subjects; but they must seek it at a Stranger's Hand in a strange Land.

Then he proceeded to shew her, why he refused the Pope's Autho∣rity, when Brooks Bishop of Glocester came to try him; namely,

Because he was sworn never to consent, that the Bishop of Rome should have, or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction in the Realm of England. Another reason why he denied his Authority, was, Because his Authority repugned to the Crown Imperial of this Realm, and to the Laws of the same. For the Pope saith, all manner of Power, both Temporal and Spiritual, is given unto him of God: and that Temporal Power is given to Kings and Emperors to use it under him. Whereas contrary to this Claim, (said the Arch-bishop) the Imperial Crown of this Realm is taken imme∣diately from God, to be used under him only, and is subject to none but God alone.

Moreover, to the Imperial Laws of this Realm, all the Kings in their Coronations, and all Justices, when they receive their Of∣fices, are sworn, and all the whole Realm bound to defend them. But contrary hereunto the Pope (he said) made void, and com∣manded to blot out of our Books, all Laws and Customs repug∣nant to his Laws.

Then he proceeded to shew, how contrary the Laws of the Realm, and the Pope's Laws were. And therefore that the Kings of this Realm had provided for their Laws by the Premunire. So that if any Man let the execution of the Law by any Authority from the See of Rome, he fell into the Premunire. And to meet with this, the Popes had provided for their Law by Cursing.

He supposed that these things were not fully opened in the Par∣liament-house, when the Pope's Authority was received again: For if they were, he could not believe, that the King and Queen, the Nobles and Commons would again receive a Foreign Autho∣rity, so hurtful and prejudicial to the Crown, and to the Laws and State of this Realm. He rebuked the Clergy, who were the main Movers of this at the Parliament, for their own Ends. For they desired to have the Pope their chief Head, to the intent that they might have, as it were, a Kingdom and Laws within them∣selves, distinct from the Laws of the Crown; and live in this Realm like Lords and Kings, without damage or fear of any Man. And then he glanced at some of the Clergy, [probably meaning Thirlby, Hethe, Tonstal, &c.] that they held their Peace for this Consideration, though they knew this well enough. Who if they had done their Duty to the Crown and Realm, should have opened their Mouths at this Time, and shewn the Peril and Danger that might insue to the Crown hereby.

Another Cause he urged to the Queen, why he could not allow the Pope's Authority, was, Because he subverted not only the Laws of the Nation, but the Laws of God. So that whosoever be un∣der his Authority, he suffered them not to be under Christ's Reli∣gion purely. For proof of which he gave these Instances. God's Will and Commandment is, that when the People be gathered to∣gether to serve God, the Ministers should use such a Language as the People might understand, and take profit thereby. For God said by the Mouth of S. Paul, As a Harp or Lute, if it give no cer∣tain sound, that Men may know what is stricken, who can dance after it? it is put in vain. So it is in vain, profiteth nothing, if

the Priest speak to the People in a Language they know not. And whereas, when he urged this to the Commissioners, they told him, That that Place respected Preaching only. He told the Queen, That S. Paul's words meant it not only of Preaching, for that he spake expresly of Praying, Singing and giving Thanks, and of all other things, which the Priests say in the Churches. And so (he said) all Interpreters, Greek and Latin, Old and New, School-Authors, and others, that he had read, understood it: Till about thirty Years past, Eckius and others of his Sort, began to invent this new Exposition. And so (he said) all the best Learned Di∣vines, that met at Windsor 1549, for the Reformation of the Church, both of the New Learning and the Old, agreed with∣out Controversy, (not one opposing) that the Service of the Church ought to be in the Mother-Tongue; and that that Place of S. Paul was so to be understood.

Again, Christ ordained the Sacrament to be received of Christi∣an People, under both Forms of Bread and Wine, and said, Drink ye all of this. The Pope gives a clean contrary Command, That no Lay-man shall drink of the Cup of their Salvation. So that if he should obey the Pope in these things, he must needs disobey his Saviour.

Again,

He instanced in the Pope's taking upon him to give the Temporal Sword to Kings and Princes, and to depose them from their Imperial States, if they were disobedient to him; and in commanding Subjects to disobey their Princes: Assoiling them as well from their Obedience, as their lawful Oaths made unto them; directly contrary to God's Commandment, that commandeth all Subjects to obey their Kings, and their Rulers under them.

Then he spake of the Superiority the Pope claimed above Kings and Emperors, and making himself Universal Bishop. And how his Flatterers told him he might dispense against God's Word, both against the Old and New Testament: and that whatsoever he did, tho he drew innumerable People by heaps with himself to Hell, yet might no mortal Man reprove him; because he is the Judg of all Men, and might be judged by no Man. And thus he sat in the Temple of God, as he were a God, and named himself God, and dispensed against God. If this were not (he said) to play An∣tichrist's part, he knew not what Antichrist was, that is, Christ's Enemy and Adversary. Now (added he) until the time that such a Person may be found, Men might easily conjecture where to find Antichrist.

He took God to record, that what he spake against the Power and Authority of the Pope, he spake it not for any Malice he ought to the Pope's Person, whom he knew not; nor for fear of Punishment, or to avoid the same; thinking it rather an Occasion to aggravate, than to diminish the same: but for his most bounden Duty to the Crown, Liberty, Laws and Customs of this Realm of England; and most especially to discharge his Conscience, in uttering the Truth to God's Glory, casting away all Fear by the Comfort which he had in Christ, who saith, Fear not them that kill the Body.

As touching the Sacrament, he said,

That forasmuch as the whole Matter stood in the understanding those words of Christ, This is my Body; This is my Blood: He told the Commissioners, That Christ in those words made demonstration of the Bread and Wine, and spake figuratively, calling Bread his Body, and Wine his Blood; because he ordained them to be Sacraments of his Body and Blood. And he told them, He would be judged by the old Church, which Doctrine could be proved Elder; and that he would stand to. And that forasmuch as he had urged in his Book Greek and Latin Authors, which above a thousand Years continu∣ally taught as he did; if they could bring forth but one old Au∣thor, that said in these two Points as they said, he offered six or seven Years ago, and offered so still, that he would give place.

Then he shewed her how fond and uncomfortable the Papists Doctrine of the Sacrament is: For of one Body of Christ is made two Bodies: One natural, having distance of Members, with Form and Proportion of Man's perfect Body; and this Body is in Heaven. But the Body of Christ in the Sacrament, by their own Doctrine, must needs be a monstrous Body, having neither di∣stance of Members, nor Form, Fashion or Proportion of a Man's natural Body. And such a Body is in the Sacrament, teach they, as goes into the Mouth with the Form of Bread, and entreth no further than the Form of Bread goes, nor tarrieth no longer than the Form of Bread is by natural Heat digesting. So that when the Form of Bread is digested, the Body of Christ is gone. And what Comfort (said he) can be herein to any Christian Man, to receive Christ's unshapen Body, and it to enter no further than the Stomach, and depart by and by as soon as the Bread is consumed? It seemed to him a more sound and comfortable Doctrine, that Christ hath but one Body, and that hath Form and Fashion of a Man's true Body. Which Body spiritually entreth into the whole Man, Body and Soul. And though the Sacrament be consumed, yet whole Christ remaineth, and feedeth the Receiver unto eternal Life, if he continue in Godliness, and never departeth until the Receiver forsaketh him.

That if it could be shewed him, that the Pope's Authority be not prejudicial to the things before-mentioned; or that his Do∣ctrine of the Sacrament be erroneous, then he would never stand perversly in his own Opinion, but with all humility submit him∣self to the Pope, not only to kiss his Feet, but another Part also.

For all these Reasons he could not take the Bishop of Gloucester for his Judg, representing, as he did, this Pope. But another Rea∣son was, in respect of his own Person, being more than once perju∣red, having been divers times sworn never to consent that the Bishop of Rome should have any Jurisdiction within this Realm, but to take the King and his Successors for Supream Heads thereof. And he was perjured again, in taking his Bishoprick both of the Queen and the Pope, making to each of them a solemn Oath: Which Oaths be so contrary, that the one must needs be Perjury. And further, in swearing to the Pope, to maintain his Laws, Decrees, Constitu∣tions and Ordinances, he declared himself an Enemy to the Impe∣rial

Crown, and to the Laws of the Realm. Whereby he shewed himself not worthy to sit as a Judg in this Realm.

This was the Sum of this excellent Letter of the Arch-bishop to the Queen.

He wrote another to her soon after: wherein he plainly told her,* 4.60

That at her Coronation, she took an Oath to the Pope, to be obe∣dient to him, to defend his Person, to maintain his Authority, Honour, Laws and Privileges: And at the same time another Oath to the Kingdom, to maintain the Laws, Liberties and Cu∣stoms of the same. He prayed her to weigh both Oaths, and see how they did agree; and then to do as her Grace's Conscience should give her: For he was sure (he said) she would not wil∣lingly offend. He feared there were Contradictions in her Oaths, and that those that should have informed her Majesty thoroughly, did not their Duties herein. He complained, that he was now kept from Company of Learned Men, from Books, from Coun∣sel, and from Pen and Ink, saving to write to her Majesty at that time: and as to his appearance at Rome, he said, if she would give him leave, he would appear there; and he trusted God would put in his Mouth to defend his Truth there, as well as here.

These Letters of his,* 4.61 one of the Bailiffs of Oxon carried up to the Queen. Something else he wrote to her, enclosed and sealed; which he required Martyn and Story to be delivered without delay, and not to be opened until it were delivered unto her own Hands. These and other of his smart and learned Letters, no question made Im∣pression upon the Queen, or at least upon those that read them; for they were delivered by the Queen to no less a Person than the Holy Father, Cardinal Pole himself; who was advised to frame an Answer to them.

So he wrote to the Arch-bishop in answer to one of them,* 4.62 a long Letter, dated from St. Iames's, Novemb. 6.

Wherein he pretended a great deal of Compassion to his Soul; which he told him was ready to be lost, as well as his Body: And that the Condemnati∣on that was lately past on him, was so horrible to him to hear, that he testified to him before God, and upon the Salvation of his Soul, that he would rather chuse to be the Means of bringing him to Repentance, than to receive the greatest Benefit that could be gi∣ven him under Heaven in this World.

Which the Cardinal might say, to take off the Odium of the Suspicion, as though he hastened Cranmer's Death, that he might jump into his Place. And so the Cardinal proceeded to attempt to convince him in the two great Points of his Letter, viz. concerning the Authority of the Pope, and concerning the Sacrament of the Altar. Especially, because Cran∣mer had said in his Letter,

That he would not be perverse, to stand wilfully in his own Opinion, if any could shew him by Reason, that his Doctrines were Erroneous.

But I refer the Reader to the Appendix, if he be minded to read the Cardinal's Letter;* 4.63 which I met with among Fox's Manuscripts. By comparing of this Letter of Pole's with that of Cranmer's, any one may see a mighty diffe∣rence. Strength, Evidence and Conviction in the Arch-bishop's, who had Truth on his Side, but a Flashiness and Debility in the Car∣dinal's, made up of poor Shifts and weak Arguings, and impertinent

Allegations of Scripture, and personal Reflections, to help out a bad Cause.

To mention some few of this sort. He charged the Arch-bishop with Covetousness and Ambition,* 4.64 in affecting the Archbishoprick. And then, by and by, not well remembering what he had said be∣fore, in his Heat against the good Arch-bishop, he gives a contrary Reason thereof, namely,

That he might be in a capacity to reform the Church according to his Mind. And that it was for the sake of that, that he took an Oath to the Pope at his Consecration, though he were fain to make a Protestation against the said Oath.

He said in this Letter,

That the Arch-bishop's fall into Error, was not as the fall of others usually were, by Frailty or Curiosity, but by deliberate Malice: And that the Arch-bishop, by his Pro∣testation that he made before he took his Oath to the Pope, brake his Oath, and was forsworn before he did swear.

Which methinks is pretty strange. And concerning this Protestation, he said,

It was a privy Protestation, and that he had privy Witnesses of it:

Whereas it was done in the most open and publick manner that could be, two or three times over, before Publick Notaries, and by them entred on Record, on purpose that all might take notice of it. And whereas the Arch-bishop had said,

That it was much more probable, that the Bread and Wine should be a Figure, than the real Body and Blood.

The Cardinal said,

The more probable it was, the more false; be∣cause the great Sophister and Father of Lies deceived by probabili∣ty of Reason.

The Consequence whereof one would think should be, the more improbable any Opinion in Religion was, the more true.

But (he said) the true Doctrine was taught another way. He represented the Arch-bishop, as challenging them of the other Side to bring any one single Doctor of the Church, that ever spake in favour of Transubstantiation;

leaving out, For a thousand Years next after Christ, which the Arch-bishop expresly had said. And in fine, every where he triumphed over the Arch-bishop's wilful Blindness and Ignorance; and told him, in much Charity,

That he was under the Vengeance of God, a Member of Satan, and damned.

This, and a great deal more, may be seen in Pole's Letter.

To which I might have added another Letter of the said Cardi∣nal to the same Arch-bishop,* 4.65 concerning the Sacrament, a little af∣ter the Disputation at Oxford, but that it would be too prolix, being a just Treatise against Cranmer's Book of that Argument. This Treatise bears this Title.

REGINALDI POLI Cardinalis Legati Apostolici Epistola ad Thomam Cranmerum, qui Archiepiscopalem sedem Cantuarien∣sis Ecclesiae tenens, novam de Sacramento Eucharistiae Doctrinam contra perpetuum Catholicae Ecclesiae consensum professus est, ac tra∣didit. Qua Epistola eum nec Magistrum tanti Mysterii, ne{que} Disci∣pulum idoneum esse posse; Simul{que} unde hic ejus Error manarit, ostendit; E•• ad poenitentiam hortatur.

CHAP. XXI. He Recants, Repents, and is burnt.

HAving brought the Arch-bishop unto his Degradation and Ap∣peal, wherein he shewed so much Christian Courage,* 4.66 Wisdom and Fortitude, I must now represent him making a great Trip and a sad Fall; and mention one of the greatest Blemishes of his Life. For now the Popish Party, thinking what a piece of Glory it would be, to gain this great Man to their Church, used all Means, all Arts, as well as Arguments, to bring him to recant. They set the Doctors of the University upon him. He was entertained at the Dean of Christs-Church his Lodging: There they treated him with good Fare. They got him to Bowls with them. They let him have his Pleasure in taking the Air. Sometimes they accosted him with Arguments and Disputations: Sometimes by Flatteries, Promises and Threat∣nings. They told him,

The Noble-men bare him good Will: that his Return would be highly acceptable to the King and Queen. That he should enjoy his former Dignity in the Church; or if it liked him better, he should lead a quiet Life in more privacy▪ And that it was but setting his Name in two Words in a piece of Paper. They told him, the Queen was resolved to have Cranmer a Catholick, or no Cranmer at all. That he was still lusty and strong, and might live many a Year more, if he would not wil∣lingly cut off his own Life by the terrible Death of Burning.

He rejected these Temptations a long while, but at last was overcome and yielded. The Recantation I shall not repeat, it being to be seen at large in Fox. It was signed by his Hand. The Witnesses there∣unto were two or three, who had been exceedingly busy in tam∣pering with him: One Sydal, (a great Professor in the last Reign) and Iohn and Richard two Spanish Friars.

The Doctors and Prelats caused this Recantation speedily to be printed and dispersed. When the Queen saw his Subscription,* 4.67 she was glad of it, but would not alter her Determination to have him burned, by the instigation, as I suppose, of Pole the Legat. The Writ for which was sent down by Hethe, Lord Chancellor, in the latter end of February, under the Broad Seal. It was charged upon his Converters, that they were negligent in procuring his Life from the Queen: But the true Reason was, the Queen was resolved not to grant it. She privately gave Instruction to Cole, to prepare a Sermon to preach at his Burning: And several Lords, and other Ju∣stices of the Peace in those Parts, were ordered to attend there, with their Servants and Retinue, to keep Peace, and to see him Executed. Cole coming with his Errand to Oxon, visited him in the Prison, and asked him if he stood firm to what he had subscribed? This was the Day before his Execution, but saying nothing to him of his deter∣mined Death. The next Day, being the Day he was to be bur∣ned, viz. March 21. he came again, and asked him if he had any Money? And having none, he gave him certain Crowns to bestow to what Poor he would; and so departed, exhorting him to Con-Constancy.

But the disconsolate Arch-bishop perceived to what this tended: and being by and by to be brought to S. Mary's, (where Cole was to preach) there openly to confess what he had more privately subscribed, he resolved with himself to disburden his Conscience, and to revoke his Recantation. And he prepared a Prayer, and a Declaration of his Faith, which he drew up in writing, and carried it privately along with him, to make use of it when he saw his Oc∣casion. The manner how he behaved himself after Cole's Sermon, and how he delivered his last Mind, and with what Bitterness and Tears he did it; and how he was pulled down by the Scholars, Priests and Friars, with the greatest Indignation at this their Disappointment; and how he was led out of the Church forthwith to the Place of Burning, over against Baliol College: and how he there first put his right Hand into the Flames to be consumed, for that base Subscription that it made; and how his Heart was found whole and unconsumed in the Ashes, after he was burnt; These, and the rest of the Particulars of his Martyrdom, I might leave to Fox, and other Historians from him, to relate.

Yet because it is not convenient so briefly to pass over such a re∣markable Scene of his Life,* 4.68 being his last appearance upon the Stage of this World, I shall represent it in the Words of a certain grave Person unknown, but a Papist, who was an Eye and Ear-Witness, and related these Matters, as it seems, very justly, in a Letter from Oxon to his Friend. Which is as followeth.

But that I know for our great Friendship, and long-continued Love,* 4.69 you look even of Duty, that I should signify to you of the Truth of such things as here chanceth among us: I would not at this time have written to you the unfortunate End, and doubtful Tragedy of T. C. late Bishop of Canterbury: Because I little plea∣sure take in beholding of such heavy Sights. And when they are once overpassed, I like not to reherse them again; being but a re∣newing of my Wo, and doubling my Grief. For although his former Life, and wretched End, deserves a greater Misery (if any greater might have chanced, than chanced unto him) yet set∣ting aside his Offences to God and his Country, and beholding the Man without his Faults, I think there was none that pitied not his Case, and bewailed his Fortune, and feared not his own Chance, to see so noble a Prelat, so grave a Counsellor, of so long-continued Honour, after so many Dignities, in his old Years to be deprived of his Estate, adjudged to die, and in so painful a Death to end his Life. I have no delight to increase it. Alas, it is too much of it self, that ever so heavy a Case should betide to Man, and Man to deserve it.

But to come to the matter: On Saturday last, being the 21th of March was his Day appointed to die.* 4.70 And because the Mor∣ning was much Rainy, the Sermon appointed by Mr. Dr. Cole to be made at the Stake, was made in S. Mary's Church. Whither Dr. Cranmer was brought by the Mayor and Aldermen, and my Lord Williams. With whom came divers Gentlemen of the Shire, Sir T. A Bridges, Sir Iohn Browne, and others. Where was prepa∣red,

over against the Pulpit, an high Place for him, that all the People might see him. And when he had ascended it, he kneeled down and prayed, weeping tenderly: which moved a great num∣ber to Tears, that had conceived an assured hope of his Conversion and Repentance.

Then Mr. Cole began his Sermon. The sum whereof was this.* 4.71 First, He declared Causes, why it was expedient, that he should suffer, notwithstanding his Reconciliation. The chief are these. One was, for that he had been a great cause of all this Alteration in this Realm of England. And when the Matter of the Divorce, between King Henry VIII. and Queen Katharine, was commenced in the Court of Rome, he having nothing to do with it, set upon it, as Judg, which was the entry to all the Inconveniences that fol∣lowed. Yet in that he excused him, that he thought he did it not of Malice, but by the Perswasions and Advice of certain Learned Men. Another was, that he had been the great setter forth of all this Heresy received into the Church in this last Time; had written in it, had disputed, had continued it, even to the last Hour: and that it had never been seen in this Realm, (but in the time of Schism) that any Man continuing so long, hath been par∣doned: and that it was not to be remitted for Ensamples-sake. Other Causes he alledged, but these were the chief, why it was not thought good to pardon him. Other Causes beside, he said, moved the Queen, and the Council thereto, which were not meet and convenient for every one to understand them.

The second Part touched the Audience, how they should con∣sider this thing: That they should hereby take example to fear God: and that there was no Power against the Lord: having be∣fore their Eyes a Man of so high Degree, sometime one of the chiefest Prelates of the Church, an Arch-bishop, the chief of the Council, the second Peer in the Realm of long time: a Man, as might be thought, in greatest assurance, a King of his side; not∣withstanding all his Authority and Defence to be debased from an high Estate to a low Degree; of a Counsellor to be a Caitiff; and to be set in so wretched Estate, that the poorest Wretch would not change Conditions with him.

The last and End appertained unto him.* 4.72 Whom he comforted and encouraged to take his Death well, by many places of Scripture. And with these, and such, bidding him nothing mistrust but he should incontinently receive that the Thief did: To whom Christ said, Hodiè mecum eris in Paradiso. And out of S. Paul armed him against the Terrors of the Fire, by this; Dominus fidelis est: Non sinet nos tentari ultra quam ferre potestis: By the Example of the three Children; to whom God made the Flame seem like a plea∣sant Dew. He added hereunto the Rejoicing of S. Andrew in his Cross; the Patience of S. Laurence on the Fire: Ascertaining him, that God, if he called on him, and to such as die in his Faith, either will abate the fury of the Flame, or give him Strength to abide it. He glorified God much in his Conversion; because it appeared to be only his Work: Declaring what Travel and Con∣ference had been used with him to convert him, and all prevailed

not, till it pleased God of his Mercy to reclaim him, and call him Home. In discouring of which place, he much commended Cran∣mer, and qualified his former Doing.

And I had almost forgotten to tell you, that Mr. Cole promised him, that he should be prayed for in every Church in Oxford, and should have Mass and Dirige Sung for him; and spake to all the Priests present to say Mass for his Soul.

When he had ended his Sermon, he desired all the People to pray for him:* 4.73 Mr. Cranmer kneeling down with them, and pray∣ing for himself. I think there was never such a number so earnest∣ly praying together. For they, that hated him before, now loved him for his Conversion, and hope of Continuance. They that loved him before could not sodenly hate him, having hope of his Confession again of his Fall. So Love and Hope encreased Devo∣tion on every side.

* 4.74I shall not need, for the time of Sermon, to describe his Behavi∣our, his Sorrowful Countenance, his heavy Chear, his Face be∣dewed with Tears; sometime lifting his Eyes to Heaven in Hope, sometime casting them down to the Earth for Shame; To be brief, an Image of Sorrow: the Dolor of his Heart bursting out at his Eyes in plenty of Tears: Retaining ever a quiet and grave Behaviour. Which encreased the Pity in Mens Hearts, that they unfeignedly loved him, hoping it had been his Repentance for his Transgression and Error. I shall not need, I say, to point it out unto you; you can much better imagine it your self.

* 4.75When Praying was done, he stood up, and having leave to speak, said, Good People, I had intended indeed to desire you to pray for me; which because Mr. Doctor hath desired, and you have done already, I thank you most heartily for it. And now will I pray for my self, as I could best devise for mine own com∣fort, and say the Prayer, word for word, as I have here written it. And he read it standing: and after kneeled down, and said the Lord's Prayer; and all the People on their Knees devoutly praying with him.

His Prayer was thus:

* 5.1O Father of Heaven; O Son of God, Redeemer of the World; O Holy Ghost, proceeding from them both, Three Persons and one God, have Mercy upon me most wretched Caitiff, and miserable Sinner. I who have offended both Heaven and Earth, and more grievously than any Tongue can express, whither then may I go, or whither should I fly for succor? To Heaven I may be ashamed to lift up mine Eyes; and in Earth I find no refuge. What shall I then do? shall I despair? God forbid. O good God, thou art Merciful, and refusest none that come unto thee for Suc∣cour. To thee therefore do I run. To thee do I humble my self: saying, O Lord God, my Sins be great, but yet have Mercy upon me for thy great Mercy. O God the Son, thou wast not made Man, this great Mystery was not wrought, for few or small Of∣fences. Nor thou didst not give thy Son unto Death, O God the Father, for our little and small Sins only, but for all the greatest Sins of the World: so that the Sinner return unto thee with a pe∣nitent

Heart; as I do here at this present. Wherefore have Mer∣cy upon me, O Lord, whose Property is always to have Mercy. For although my Sins be great, yet thy Mercy is greater. I crave nothing, O Lord, for mine own Merits, but for thy Name's Sake, that it may be glorified thereby: and for thy dear Son Jesus Christ's Sake. And now therefore, Our Father, which art in Heaven, &c.

Then rising, he said, Every Man desireth, good People,* 5.2 at the time of their Deaths, to give some good Exhortation, that other may remember after their Deaths, and be the better thereby. So I beseech God grant me Grace, that I may speak something at this my departing, whereby God may be glorified, and you edified.

First, It is an heavy case to see, that many Folks be so much doted upon the Love of this false World, and so careful for it, that or the Love of God, or the Love of the World to come, they seem to care very little or nothing therefore. This shall be my first Ex∣hortation. That you set not over-much by this false glosing World, but upon God and the World to come. And learn to know what this Lesson meaneth, which S. Iohn teacheth, That the Love of this World is Hatred against God.

The Second Exhortation is, That next unto God, you obey your King and Queen, willingly and gladly, without murmur or grudg∣ing: And not for fear of them only, but much more for the Fear of God: Knowing, that they be God's Ministers, appointed by God to Rule and Govern you. And therefore whoso resisteth them, resisteth God's Ordinance.

The third Exhortation is, That you Love all together like Bre∣thren, and Sistern. For alas! pity it is to see, what Contention and Hatred one Christian-Man hath to another: Not taking each other, as Sisters and Brothers; but rather as Strangers and mortal Enemies. But I pray you learn and bear well away this one Les∣son, To do good to all Men as much as in you lieth, and to hurt no Man, no more than you would hurt your own natural and lo∣ving Brother or Sister. For this you may be sure of, that whoso∣ever hateth any Person, and goeth about maliciously to hinder or hurt him, surely, and without all doubt, God is not with that Man, although he think himself never so much in God's Favour.

The fourth Exhortation shall be to them that have great Sub∣stance and Riches of this World, That they will well consider and weigh those Sayings of the Scripture.* 5.3 One is of our Saviour Christ himself, who saith, It is hard for a Rich Man to enter into Heaven: A sore saying, and yet spoke by him, that knew the Truth. The second is of S. Iohn, whose saying is this, He that hath the Substance of this World, and seeth his Brother in Necessity, and shutteth up his Mercy from him, how can he say, he loveth God? Much more might I speak of every part; but Time sufficeth not. I do but put you in remembrance of things. Let all them that be Rich, ponder well those Sentences: For if ever they had any Occasion to shew their Charity, they have now at this present,

the poor People being so many, and Victuals so dear. For though I have been long in Prison, yet I have heard of the great Penury of the Poor. Consider, that that which is given to the Poor, is given to God. Whom we have not otherwise present corporally with us, but in the Poor.

And now for so much as I am come to the last End of my Life, whereupon hangeth all my Life passed, and my Life to come, either to live with my Saviour Christ in Heaven, in Joy, or else to be in Pain ever with wicked Devils in Hell; and I see before mine Eyes presently either Heaven ready to receive me, or Hell ready to swallow me up; I shall therefore declare unto you my very Faith, how I believe, without Colour or Dissimulation. For now is no time to dissemble, whatsoever I have written in Times past.

First, I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of Heaven and Earth, &c. and every Article of the Catholick Faith, every Word and Sentence taught by our Saviour Christ, his Apostles and Prophets, in the Old and New Testament.

* 5.4And now I come to the great Thing that troubleth my Consci∣ence more than any other thing that ever I said or did in my Life: and that is, the setting abroad of Writings contrary to the Truth. Which here now I renounce, and refuse, as things written with my Hand, contrary to the Truth, which I thought in my Heart, and writ for fear of Death, and to save my Life, if it might be: and that is, all such Bills, which I have written or signed with mine own Hand, since my Degradation: wherein I have written many things untrue. And forasmuch as my Hand offended in writing contrary to my Heart, therefore my Hand shall first be punished. For if I may come to the Fire, it shall be first burned. And as for the Pope, I refuse him, as Christ's Enemy and Antichrist, with all his false Doctrine.

And here being admonished of his Recantation, and Dissem∣bling, he said, Alas, my Lord, I have been a Man, that all my Life loved Plainness, and never dissembled till now against the Truth; which I am most sorry for. He added hereunto, That for the Sacrament, he believed as he had taught in his Book against the Bishop of Winchester. And here he was suffered to speak no more.

* 5.5So that his Speech contained chiefly three points, Love to God, Love to the King, and Love to the Neighbour. In the which talk he held Men very suspense, which all depended upon the Con∣clusion. Where he so far deceived all Mens Expectations, that at the hearing thereat, they were much amazed; and let him go on a while, till my Lord Williams bad him play the Christen Man, and remember himself. To whom he answered, That he so did: For now he spake Truth.

* 5.6Then he was carried away; and a great number, that did Run to see him go so wickedly to his Death, ran after him, exhorting him, while Time was, to remember himself. And one Friar Iohn, a godly and well-learned Man, all the way travelled with him to reduce him. But it would not be. What they said in particular I

cannot tell, but the Effect appeared in the End. For at the Stake he professed, that he died in all such Opinions as he had taught, and oft repented him of his Recantation.

Coming to the Stake with a chearful Countenance,* 5.7 and willing Mind, he put off his Garments with haste, and stood upright in his Shirt: And a Batcheler of Divinity, named Elye, of Brazen-nose-College, laboured to convert him to his former Recantation, with the two Spanish Friars. But when the Friars saw his Constan∣cy, they said in Latin one to another, Let us go from him; We ought not to be nigh him: For the Devil is with him. But the Batcheler in Divinity was more earnest with him. Unto whom he answered, That as concerning his Recantation, he repented it right sore, because he knew it was against the Truth; with other words more. Whereupon the Lord Williams cryed, Make short, Make short. Then the Bishop took certain of his Friends by the Hand. But the Bachelor of Divinity refused to take him by the Hand, and blamed all others that so did, and said, He was sorry that ever he came in his Company. And yet again he required him to agree to his former Recantation. And the Bishop answered, (shewing his Hand) This is the Hand that wrote it, and there∣fore shall it suffer first Punishment.

Fire being now put to him, he stretched out his right Hand,* 5.8 and thrust it into the Flame, and held it there a good space, before the Fire came to any other Part of his Body; where his Hand was seen of every Man sensibly burning, crying with a loud Voice, This Hand hath offended. As soon as the Fire got up, he was very soon Dead, never stirring or crying all the while.

His Patience in the Torment, his Courage in dying, if it had been taken either for the Glory of God, the Wealth of his Country, or the Testimony of Truth, as it was for a pernicious Error, and subversion of true Religion, I could worthily have commended the Example, and matched it with the Fame of any Father of antient Time: but seeing that not the Death, but the Cause and Quarrel thereof, commendeth the Sufferer, I cannot but much dispraise his obstinate stubbornness and sturdiness in dying, and specially in so evil a Cause. Surely his Death much grieved every Man; but not after one sort. Some pitied to see his Body so tormented with the Fire raging upon the silly Carcass, that counted not of the Folly. Other that passed not much of the Body, lamented to see him spill his Soul, wretchedly, without Redemption, to be plagued for ever. His Friends sorrowed for Love: his Enemies for Pity: Strangers for a common kind of Humanity, whereby we are bound one to another. Thus I have enforced my self, for your sake, to discourse this heavy Narration, contrary to my Mind: and being more than half weary, I make a short End, wishing you a quieter Life, with less Honour; and easier Death, with more Praise. The 23d of March.

Yours I. A.

All this is the Testimony of an Adversary, and therefore we must allow for some of his Words; but may be the more certain of the Arch-bishop's brave Courage, Constancy, Patience, Christian and Holy Behaviour, being related by one so affected.

* 5.9In regard of this Holy Prelat's Life taken away by Martyrdom, I cannot but take notice here of two t••••ngs, as tho God had given him some intimation thereof long before it happened. The one is, that whereas his paternal Coat of Arms was three Cranes, (alluding to his Name) K. Henry appointed him to bear in the room thereof three Pelicans, feeding their Young with their own Blood. The like Coat of Arms, or much resembling it, I find several of Q. Elizabeth's first Bishops took, whether to imitate Cranmer, or to signify their Zeal to the Gospel, and their readiness to suffer for it, I do not determine. The other Remark I make is, what his Friend Andreas Osiander in an Epistle to him in the Year 1537,* 5.10 told him: Which was, that he had Animum vel Martyrio parem; A Mind fit, or ready, for Martyrdom. And so took occasion to exhort him at large, to bear the Afflictions that were to attend him: as though God had inspired that great German Divine with a prophetick Spirit, to acquaint this his faithful Servant by what Death he should glorify God, and what Sufferings he must undergo for his sake. He urged him,

To contemn all Dangers in asserting and preserving the sincere Doctrine of Christ, since as S. Paul testified, That all that would live godly in Christ Iesus, must suffer Persecution. How much, said he, ought we to reckon, that you are to receive the various Assaults of Satan, see∣ing you are thus good for the Good of many. But, Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito. Yield not to these Evils, but go on the more boldly. And seeing you must bear Adversity, remember that we are baptized into the Death of Christ, and buried together with him, that we may be once made partakers of his Resurrection and eternal Happiness.

* 5.11I do not find, who were the Queen's great Instigators (now Win∣chester was dead) stirring her up not to spare this Prelat, but by any means to put him to Death, and that even after his Subscription; nor for what Reason of State this Resolution was taken at Court, notwithstanding his former good Merits towards the Queen, who therefore certainly must have felt great Strugglings before She could yield to have him die. But I am apt to suspect the Cardinal (who now governed the Queen) had no small Hand in it, to shew his Zeal for the Papacy, and to revenge the Injuries done it in K. Henry's Reign, as well as to succeed in his Place. For his Latin Letter to the Arch-bishop mentioned above, savoured of a great deal of Malice and mortal Hatred towards him. In this Letter it appears the Car∣dinal looked upon our Arch-bishop as a mere Infidel and Apostate from Christianity, and so to be treated. For in the very beginning he makes it a Matter of Conscience to write to him,

It being in effect as much as receiving him into his House: Against which S. Iohn gave a charge, speaking of Christians turned Heathens, That they should not be received into our Houses,* 5.12 nor bid God speed. And therefore, he wrote, he was once in his Mind not to speak

at all to him, but to God rather concerning him, to send Fire from Heaven and consume him. And asketh the Question [as though it could not be reasonably gain-said] whether he should not do justly in this Imprecation upon him, who had before cast out the King out of the House of God, that is, the Church. He meant, as he explained himself, casting him out, as Satan cast out Man from Paradise; not by force, but by deceivable Counsels. That him the Arch-bishop had followed, and by his impious Advice forced the King to disjoin himself from the Communion of the Church, and his Country together with himself; And wickedly betrayed the Church, the Mother of us all; to the opposing whereof, he gave Satan all advantages, to the destruction as well of Souls as Bodies. That he was the worst of all others. For they, being beset on all sides with divers Temptations, a great while resisted, and at last indeed gave way; But he, the Arch-bi∣shop, of his own free accord, walked in the Counsel of the Un∣godly; and not only so, but stood in it, and in the Way of Sin∣ners, and confirmed the King therein: And moreover sat in the Seat of the Scornful. That when he came first to the Episcopal Chair, he was called to it to cheat both God and Man: and that he began his Actions with putting a Cheat upon the King, and to∣gether with him upon the Church, and his Country.

This and a great deal more to the same purpose he tells the Arch-bishop plainly and expresly, though under a shew of great Sanctity. Which shews with what an implacable Mind he stood affected towards him.

And thus we have brought this excellent Prelate unto his End,* 5.13 after two Years and an half's hard Imprisonment. His Body was not carried to the Grave in State, nor buried, as many of his Prede∣cessors were, in his own Cathedral Church, nor enclosed in a Mo∣nument of Marble or Touchstone. Nor had he any Inscription to set forth his Praises to Posterity: No Shrine to be visited by devout Pil∣grims, as his Predecessors S. Dunstane, and S. Thomas had. Shall we therefore say, as the Poet doth;

Marmoreo Licinus tumulo jacet, at Cato parvo, Pompeius nullo. Quis putet esse Deos?

No; we are better Christians, I trust, than so, who are taught▪ That the Rewards of God's Elect are not Temporal, but Eternal. And Cranmer's Martyrdom is his Monument, and his Name will out∣last an Epitaph, or a Shrine. But methinks it is pity, that his Heart, that remained found in the Fire,* 5.14 and was sound unconsumed in his Ashes, was not preserved in some Urn. Which when the better Times of Q. Elizabeth came, might, in Memory of this truly great and good Thomas of Canterbury, have been placed among his Predecessors in his Church there, as one of the truest Glories of that See.

Though these three Martyrs, Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer,* 5.15 were parted asunder, and placed in separate Lodgings that they might not confer together; yet they were suffered sometimes to eat together in the Prison of Bocardo. I have seen a Book of their Diet every

Dinner and Supper, and the Charge thereof. Which was at the Ex∣pence of Winkle and Wells, Bailiffs of the City at that time; un∣der whose Custody they were.* 5.16 As for example in this Method:

The first of October Dinner.

Bread and Ale

ii d.

Item, Oisters

i d.

Item, Butter

ii d.

Item, Eggs

ii d.

Item, Lyng

viii d.

Item, A piece of fresh Salmon

x d.

Wine

iii d.

Cheese and Pears

ii d.

 

ii s. vi d.

From this Book of their Expences, give me leave to make these few Observations. They ate constantly Suppers as well as Dinners. Their Meals amounted to about three or four Shillings; seldom ex∣ceeding four. Their Bread and Ale commonly came to two pence or three pence. They had constantly Cheese and Pears for their last Dish, both at Dinner and Supper; and always Wine; the price whereof was ever three Pence, and no more. The Prizes of their Provisions (it being now an extraordinary dear time) were as follow. A Goose 14 d. A Pig 12 or 13 d. A Cony 6 d. A Woodcock 3 d. and some∣times 5 d. A couple of Chickens 6 d. Three Plovers 10 d. Half a dozen Larks 3 d. A dozen of Larks and two Plovers, 10 d. A Brest of Veal 11 d. A Shoulder of Mutton 10 d. Rost Beef 12 d.

The last Disbursements (which have Melancholy in the reading) were these.

	s.	d.
For three Loads of Wood-Fagots to burn Ridley and Latimer,	12	0
Item, One Load of Furs-Fagots,	3	4
For the carriage of these four Loads.	2	0
Item, A Post	1	4
Item, Two Chains	3	4
Item, Two Staples	0	6
Item, Four Labourers	2	8

Then follow the Charges for burning Cranmer.

	s.	d.
For an 100 of Wood-Fagots	06	0
For an 100 and half of Furs-Fagots.	03	4
For the carriage of them	0	8
To two Labourers	1	4

* 5.17It seems the Superiors in those Days were more zealous to send these three good Men to Oxon, and there to serve their Ends upon them, and afterwards to burn them, than they were careful honestly to pay the Charges thereof. For Winkle and Wells, notwithstand∣ing all their Endeavours to get themselves reimbursed of what they had laid out, which came to sixty three Pounds, ten Shillings and two Pence, could never get but twenty Pounds. Which

they received by the means of Sir William Petre, Secretary of State. In so much that in the Year 1566, they put up a Petition to Arch-bishop Parker and the other Bishops; That they would among themselves raise and repay that Sum, which the said Bailiffs were out of Purse in feeding of these three Reverend Fathers. In which Petition they set forth,

That in the second and third Years of King Philip and Queen Mary, Arch-bishop Cranmer, Bishop Latimer, and Bishop Ridley, were by order of Council committed to the Custody of them, and so continued a certain Time; and for them they disbursed the Sum of 63 l. 10 s. 2 d. Whereof but 20 l. was paid to them. Therefore they pray his Grace, and the rest of the Bishops, to be a means among themselves, that the remaining Sum may be paid to them, being 43 l. 10 s. 2 d. Or some part thereof. Otherwise they, and their poor Wives and Children should be utterly undone.

And to give the better coun∣tenance to these Men, that were going to carry up their Petition, Laurence Humfrey, President of Magdalen College, and the Queen's Professor, wrote this Letter on their behalf to Arch-bishop Parker.

IEH.

MY humble Commendations presupposed in the Lord.* 6.1 To be a Suitor in another Man's Case, it seemeth Boldness; and in a Matter of Money, to write to your Grace, is more than Sauciness: Yet Charity, Operiens multitudinem peccatorum,* 6.2 doth move me, and will perswade you to hear him. A Debt is due unto him for the Table of Mr. Dr. Cranmer, by the Queen's Ma∣jesties Appointment. And Mr. Secretary in Oxford, wished him at that time of Business in Progress, to make some Motion to the Bishops for some Relief. The Case is miserable. The Debt is just. His Charges in the Suit have been great. His Honesty, I assure your Grace, deserves pitiful Consideration. And for that my Lord of Sarum writeth to me, as here, in Oxford, he pro∣mised, That his part shall not be behind, what Order soever it please my Lords to take, for the dispatch of the same. I request your Grace, as Successor to that right Reverend Father, and chief Patron of such poor Suitors, to make by your good▪ Means some Collection for him, among the rest of my Lords, the Bishops; that his good Will, shewed to that worthy Martyr, may of you be considered. And so he bound to your Goodness, of his part altogether undeserved. Thus recommending the Common Cause of Reformation to you; and my self, and this poor Man to your good remembrance, I leave to trouble you. Requesting you once again to hear him, and tender his Cause even of Charity for God his Sake. To whose Protection I commend your Grace. From Oxon, November 22, Anno 1566.

Your Grace's humble Orator, Laur. Humfrey.

Though I cannot trace this any further, yet I make no doubt this Petition was favourably received with the Arch-bishop and Bishops.

It seems in Cranmer's Life-time, Money was sent to Oxford for the sustentation of these Prisoners of Christ, but embezzelled. For one W. Pantry of Oxford received forty Pounds at Mr. Stonelye's Hand, for my Lord Cranmer, and the other two in like Case. This was de∣clared by the Bailiffs, to Thomas Doyley Esquire, Steward to Arch-bishop Parker.

CHAP. XXII. Cranmer's Books and Writings.

HAving brought our History of this singular and extraordinary Light of the Church to this Period, we will, before we take our leave of him, gather up some few Fragments more: thinking it pity, that any thing should be lost, that may either serve to com∣municate any Knowledg of him to Posterity, or to clear and vindi∣cate him from Aspersions or Misrepresentations, vulgarly conceived of him. And here will fall under our consideration, first his Books and Writings; after them, his Acquaintance with Learned Men, and his Favour to them and Learning: then, some Matters relating to his Family and Officers: And lastly, we shall conclude with some Observations upon him.

* 6.3For the Pen of this great Divine was not idle, being employed as earnestly as his Authority and Influence, for the furtherance of Re∣ligion, and rescue of this Church from Popish Superstition and Foreign Jurisdiction. He laid a solid Foundation in Learning, by his long and serious Studies in the University. To which he was much addicted. Insomuch that this was one of the Causes which made him so labour, by the interest of his Friends with King Henry, to be excused from taking the Archbishoprick of Canterbury: because this Promotion would so much interrupt his beloved Studies: De∣siring rather some smaller Living, that he might more quietly follow his Book. And as he had been an hard Student, so he was a very great Writer; both in respect of the number of Books and Trea∣tises he compiled, as of the Learning, Judgment and Moment of them.

The first Treatise he wrote was, that which was done at the Command of Henry VIII. viz.* 6.4 Concerning the Unlawfulness of his Marriage with his Brother Arthur's Widow. Which he made appear to be both against the Word of God, and against the Judg∣ment of the Antient Fathers of the Church; and therefore a Case indispensable by the Pope. And so well had he studied the Point, and so well was assured of what he had wrote, that he undertook before the King, to maintain the Truth of it at Rome, in the pre∣sence of the Pope himself. The King accordingly dismissed him to the Pope, in joint Embassy with the Earl of Wiltshire, and some others, for that purpose. He presented his Book to the Pope, offering to stand by it against any whomsoever, that should attempt to gain∣say it. But the Pope thought not fit to suffer so tender a Point to be disputed, wherein his Prerogative was so much touched. When

he had finished th••s Discourse, it was sent to Cambridg, and had the Approbation and Subscription of the eminentest Doctors there, viz. S••lcot, Repps, C••me, and divers others. Among which I suppose, were, Heines, Litiner, Shaxton, Skip, Goodrick, Hethe, who were then Gremials.

After this Book, ••e was much employed in writing more,* 6.5 at va∣rious Times, and ••pon various Occasions. Fox mentioneth Cran∣mer's Book of the ••eformation; (which I suppose was that of the Publick Service) the Catechism, the Book of Homilies, which was part by him contr••ed, and part by his Procurement, and by him approved and pubished. Likewise the Confutation of eighty eight Articles, devised and propounded by a Convocation in King Henry's Reign, and labo••red to be received and enjoined, though they were not.

But his Disco••rse,* 6.6 wherein he stated the Doctrine of the Sacra∣ment in five ••ooks, must especially be remembred. Which he wrote on purpose for the publick Instruction of the Church of Eng∣land. And it ••s the more to be valued, as being writ by him in his mature Age, after all his great Readings and Studies, and most dili∣gent and serio••s perusals of all the Ecclesiastical Writers; whereby he became throughly acquainted with their Judgments and Opini∣ons in that Doctrine. And in it are contained his last and ripest Thoughts on ••hat Argument. This Book displayeth the great Weak∣ness of that ••istinguishing Doctrine of the Church of Rome, that as∣serts Transubstantiation.

Besides these,* 6.7 many other Writings and Discourses were made by him. Which we are beholden to the Bishop of Sarum, for retrieving the Memory of, and preserving the Substance of divers of them, in his excellent History, viz.

A Learned Speech made to the Lords concerning the Pope,* 6.8 and a general Council: Which that Right Reverend Author thinks was made about the Year 1534, which was soon after his being made Arch-bishop.

Some Queries in order to the correcting of several Abuses in Re∣ligion; whereby the People had been deceived.* 6.9

Some Queries concerning Confirmation:* 6.10With the Answers which were given to them by Arch-bishop Cranmer.

Some Considerations to induce the King to proceed to a further Reformation.* 6.11 These three last were presented by the Arch-bishop to the King, about the Year 1536, as the Bishop of Sarum supposeth: And having seen the Originals thereof in the Cotton-Library, hath transcribed them to us in the Addenda to the Collections.

His Resolution of seventeen Questions concerning the Sacraments,* 6.12 Anno 1540.

A Collection of Passages out of the Canon Law,* 6.13 to shew the ne∣cessity of Reforming it, Anno 1542.

His Letters to Osiander, and Letters of Osiander to him;* 6.14 concern∣ing the Proceedings of the German Divines: Whose Violence the Arch-bishop disliked.

A Speech made in the Convocation.* 6.15 Wherein he exhorted the Clergy to give themselves to the study of the Scriptures, and to

consider seriously what things in the Church nee••ed Reformation, Anno 1547.

His Answer to the Demands of the Rebels in the West; drawn up by him by Order of the Council,* 6.16 Anno 1549.

* 6.17His Declaration, to vindicate himself from an Aspersion, That he had caused Mass to be sung in Canterbury: A••d offering therein a publick Dispute to maintain the Reformation, Anno 1553.

Besides two Volumes in Folio, writ by Cranmer, own Hand, upon all the Heads of Religion:* 6.18 Consisting of Allegtions of Texts of Scripture, and of antient Fathers, and later Doctos and School-men, upon each Subject. There were also six or seve•• Volumes of his Writings, which were in the Lord Burleigh's I••ssession; as ap∣peared by a Letter of the said Lord, which the Bishop of Sarum saw. But he thought these may now be lost. Most of t••e forementioned Writings are preserved in the Cotton-Library, or i•• that of Corpus-Christi, Cambridg; or among the Manuscripts of the Right Reverend Bishop Stillingsleet.

* 6.19To which we must add the mention of a bundle of Books lying in the Palace-Treasury in Westminster, in defence of the King's Title of Supream Head, and concerning the Divorce, and seveal other Mat∣ters; with a P••eface against Cardinal Pole. Which a••e supposed to be written, partly by Dr. Clark Bishop of Bath and Wels, and partly by our Arch-bishop.

* 6.20Several other Letters, Speeches, and Arguments of our Arch-bi∣shop, may be found in these Memorials; which I omit here rehersing. But I will add to these divers Pieces besides of this Prelat's writing, as they are set down by Melchior Adam, at the End of Cranmer's Life. Who indeed did but transcribe them from Gesner; and he from Iohn Bale's Centuries.

I. A Preface to the English Translation of the Bible. This is transcribed in the Appendix.

II. A Catechism of Christian Doctrine; printed by Gualter Lynn, Anno 1548. This Catechism was first framed in Germany; and by the Arch-bishop himself, or his special Order, turned into English. And to fix an Authority to the same, he caused it to be published in his own Name, and owned it for his own Book. This Dr. Rowland Taylor,* 6.21 who lived in the Arch-bishop's Family, declared before Gar∣diner Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellor, at his Examinati∣on before him. And in this sense we must understand the Author of the History of the Reformation, when speaking of this Catechism, he stiles it,* 6.22 A Work that was wholly his own. It was said before, that Iu∣stus Ionas (he, I suppose, that dwelt with the Arch-bishop) was the Translator of it into Latin. It treated of the Sacrament after the Lutheran way. Which Way the Arch-bishop embraced next af∣ter his rejection of the gross Papal Transubstantiation. This Cate∣chism was printed first by the Arch-bishop's Order about the Time of King Henry's Death, or soon after. In a second Edition t••e word Not was inserted in a certain place of the Book, to alter the Doctrine of the Real Presence; which was asserted in the first Edition. This Dr. Martin, one of Queen Mary's Commissioners, threw in his Dish at his Examination in Oxford. But the Arch-bishop professed his Ig∣norance

concerning the foisting in of that Word. The addition of which Word indeed he thought was needless, still holding the Body and Blood truly present in the Holy Supper, though after a spiritual manner.

III. The Ordinances or Appointments of the Reformed Church. This was the Book of Common-Prayer, with the Preface before it, beginning, There was never any thing, &c. as I learn out of Bale.

IV. One Book of Ordaining Ministers. Which I suppose was the Form of Ordination, published in the Year 1550.

V. One Book concerning the Eucharist with Luther. With whom Cranmer once consented in the Doctrine of the Presence.

VI. A Defence of the Catholick Doctrine, in five Books. Which was his excellent Work, in vindication of himself against Bishop Gardiner, and Dr. Richard Smith. Whereof much hath been said be∣fore.

VII. Ecclesiastical Laws, in the Time of King Edward. This was the Book of the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws; the ma∣nagement of which was, by the King's Letters, committed to eight, whereof Cranmer was the chief.

VIII. The Doctrine of the Lord's Supper; against Gardiner's Ser∣mon. This Sermon is the same, I suppose, with that Book of his, intituled, A Detection of the Devil's Sophistry, wherewith he robbeth the unlearned People of the true Belief of the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar. Which gave occasion to the Arch-bishop's first writing upon this Argument.

IX. One Book against the Error of Transubstantiation.

X. One Book, How Christ is present in the Supper.

XI. One Book, Concerning eating the Lord's Supper.

XII. One Book, Concerning the offering up of Christ. These five Books last mentioned, are nothing else but the five Parts of his Book of the Holy Sacrament, mentioned before.

XIII. One Book of Christian Homilies. Which must be the first Part of our Book of Homilies, published under King Edward.

XIV. One Book in answer to the Calumnies of Richard Smith▪ For this Man had writ against Cranmer's Book of the Sacrament, as well as Gardiner; but done so scurrilously, that Cranmer calls it, his Calumnies.

XV. Confutations of Unwritten Verities. Written against a Book of the same Smith, intituled, De veritatibus non scriptis. Which he afterward recanted.

XVI. Twelve Books of Common-Places, taken out of the Do∣ctors. Those Volumes mentioned by Bishop Burnet, I suppose, were some of these Common-Place Books.

XVII. Concerning not marrying the Brother's Wife: Two Books. Which must be those drawn up for the Use, and by the Command of King Henry.

XVIII. Against the Pope's Supremacy: Two Books. This was the Declaration against the Papal Supremacy, said to be put forth by the Bishops, in the Year 1536, upon occasion of Pole's Book of Ec∣clesiastical Vnion.

XIX. Against the Pope's Purgatory: Two Books.

XX. Concerning Justification: Two Books. I cannot trace these two last-mentioned Books; unless by them be meant, those two Treatises of Justification and Purgatory, that are set at the end of the Institution.

XXI. Pious Prayers: One Book. This Book, I suppose, was the Orarium, seu libellus precationum, put forth by the King and Clergy 1545. From whence a Book of Prayers was translated into English, Anno 1552.

XXII. Letters to Learned Men: One Book. This I cannot hear any tidings of.

XXIII. Against the Sacrifice of the Mass, and against the Adora∣tion of the Bread: One Book. Said to be writ while he was a Pri∣soner. Which makes me conclude it to be part of his Reply to Gar∣diner's second Assault of him, under the Name of Constantius.

XXIV. To Queen Mary: One Book, or rather one Letter; which was that he writ after his Examinations before her Commissioners, and the Pope's Sub-delegate.

If some body of Leisure, and that had the Opportunity of Libra∣ries, would take the pains to collect together all these Books, and other Writings of this Arch-bishop, and publish them, it would be a worthy Work, as both retrieving the Memory of this extraordinary Man, who deserved so well of this Church, and serving also much to illustrate the History of its Reformation. But I know nothing of this nature done since the industrious Iohn Day, in the Year 1580, printed a Book in Folio, containing our Arch-bishop's Answer unto Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, against the true Doctrine of the Sacrament: Also to Richard Smith. Also, a true Copy of the Book writ by Stephen Gardiner. Also, The Life and Martyrdom of Cran∣mer, extracted out of the Book of Martyrs.

* 6.23And now we are mentioning this great Prelat's Writings, it may not be unworthy to take notice of what I meet with in a Letter of Arch-bishop Parker to Secretary Cecyl, in the Year 1563, his Grace being then at Canterbury. Where he spake of the Great notable writ∣ten Books (as he stiles them) of his Predecessor Dr. Cranmer, which he had left behind him at some of his Houses at or near Canterbury, whether Ford or Bekesborn, or both, or with some Friends in those Parts. These Manuscripts it seems were embezeled, and surreptiti∣ously taken away by private Hands, probably during his restraint in Queen Mary's Days, and now studiously concealed by some that were minded, it may be, to stifle them, being chiefly levelled against the Roman Church and Bishop. Parker, who was a great and painful Searcher after Antient and Learned Manuscripts, and a diligent Re∣triever of eminent Mens Writings, had, by credible Information, learn'd in what Hands many of those Books were; and had sent either for the Persons concerned, or to them, to demand the said Books. But they denied them: Whereupon knowing no other way to reco∣ver them, he desired the Secretary, by some Power from the Queen's Council, to authorize him to enquire and search for those Books, and such-like Monuments, by all Ways, as by the said Parker's Discreti∣on should be thought good; whether giving the Parties an Oath, or viewing their Studies. Wishing he might recover them to be after∣wards

at the Queen's Commandment: Adding, that he should be as glad to win them, as he would be to restore an old Chancel to Repa∣ration. This Letter of Arch-bishop Parker, I have inserted in the Appendix.* 6.24 But whether after all his diligence he succeeded in the recovery of those Manuscripts, I know not: I am apt to think he did; and that these Writings of Cranmer, that were in his Possession; and afterwards bequeathed unto the Library of Benet-College; and those other divers Volumes, which were, as was before-said, in the keeping of the Lord Burghley, might be some at least of them.

An inquisitive Man would be glad to know,* 6.25 what the Matter and Contents of these numerous Writings of our Arch-bishop were: and that seeing so many of them are perished, the knowledg of the various Subjects of them at least might be preserved. This, besides what hath been shewn already, may be gathered by what I find in a Supplication made to Queen Elizabeth by Ralph Morice, that had been his Secretary for the space of twenty Years. During which time, he was employed by that most Reverend Father, in writing for him,

about the serious Affairs of the Prince and Realm, committed unto him by those most noble and worthy Princes, King Henry VIII; and King Edward VI, concerning, as well the Writings of those great and weighty Matrimonial Causes of the said K. Henry VIII, as also about the extirpation of the Bishop of Rome, his usurped Power and Authority, the Reformation of corrupt Religion and Ecclesiastical Laws, and Alteration of Divine Service; and of divers and sundry Conferences of Learned Men for the Establish∣ing and Advancement of sincere Religion, with such like. Where∣in, he said, he was most painfully occupied in writing of no small Volumes from time to time.

CHAP. XXIII. The Arch-bishop's Regard to Learned Men.

FROM these truly Noble and Useful Exercises of his great Knowledg and Learning, let us descend unto the Respect he bare to good Letters. Which appeared from his Favour to Places of Learning, and Men of Learning. We shewed before, what were the Applications of the University of Cambridg to him, and what a gracious Patron he was to it and its Members.

Among whose good Offices to that University,* 6.26 besides those already mentioned, it must not be omitted, that he was the great Instrument of placing there those two very Learned Foreign Divines, Paulus Fagius, and Martin Bucer. By his frequent Letters to them then at Strasburg, urging them with the distracted and dangerous State of Germany, he first brought them over into England in the Year 1548: and having entertained them in his Family, the next Year he pre∣ferred them both in Cambridg, Fagius to be publick Professor of the Hebrew Tongue, and Bucer of Divinity. And beside the University-Salary, he procured for each of them from the King,* 6.27 in the third Year of his Reign, Patents for an Honorary Stipend of an hundred

Pounds per Annum each, De gratiâ speciali Domini Regis, to be paid by the Hands of the Clerk of the Hanaper, or out of the Treasury of the Court of Augmentations, Durante beneplacito Domini Regis: As I find by King Edward the Sixth's Book of Sales, formerly menti∣oned. Which Patents bare date Septemb. 26. Anno 1549. and their Salaries payable from the Feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin. By the way, I do not see any where in the said Book of Sales, that Peter Martyr, placed Professor of Divinity in the other University of Oxon, enjoyed any such Royal Salary, though he also had been invited over by Canterbury with the King's Knowledg and Allowance, and placed there by that Arch-bishop's Means.

* 6.28Yet he and his Companion, Ochinus, had their Annual Allowances from the King; and so, I suppose, had all other Learned Foreigners here. Melancthon also, who was now expected over, was intended some more extraordinary Gratuity. Unto this Noble Christian Hospitality, and Liberality, Latimer, the great Court-Preacher, ex∣cited the King in one of his Sermons before him. The Passage may deserve to be repeated.

I hear say, Master Melancthon, that great Clerk,* 6.29 should come hither. I would wish him, and such as he is, two hundred Pounds a Year. The King should never want it in his Coffers at the Year's end. There is yet among us two great Learned Men, Petrus Martyr, and Bernard Ochin, which have an hundred Mark a piece. I would the King would bestow a thousand Pounds on that Sort.

These Matters, I doubt not, were concerted between Latimer and our Arch-bishop before: at whose Palace he now was for the most part. As I find by one of his Sermons, wherein he speaks of his taking Boat at Lambeth; and in another Place he mentioneth a Book he met with in my Lord of Canterbury's Library, and elsewhere of many Suitors that applied to him at my Lord of Canterbury's, that interrupted his Studies there. The use I make of this is, that it is a fair Conjecture hence, that this and the many other excellent Things so plainly propounded by this Preacher to King Edward, happened by the Counsel and Suggesti∣on of the Arch-bishop. But to return.

* 6.30There was one Dr. William Mowse a Civilian, and probably one of his Officers, whom for his Merits and Learning our Arch-bishop for many a Year had been a special Benefactor to. Sir Iohn Cheke also bare him a very good Will. Upon the removal of Dr. Haddon to some other Preferment, this Dr. Mowse succeeded Master of Trinity-hall in Cambridg. And in the Year 1552, the Arch-bishop valuing his Worth and Integrity, was a Suitor at Court for some further Pre∣ferment for him, whatever it were, which the Study of the Civil Law had qualified him for: writing his Letters on Mowse's behalf to Secretary Cecyl, who was then with the King in his Progress, not to forget him. And accordingly he was remembred, and obtained the Place. For which the Arch-bishop afterwards gave him his most hearty Thanks. And Dr. Mowse also sent the same Secretary a Let∣ter of Thanks from Cambridg for the Preferment he had obtained by his Means: The main Drift thereof was, to excuse himself for his Neglect, in that he had not sooner paid his Acknowledgments. Which, as it seems, the Secretary had taken some notice of, having

expected to be thanked for the Kindness he had done him. This Letter, because there is therein mention made of our Arch-bishop's singular Munificence, and Cheke's Affection towards him, and Mowse himself once making a Figure in that University, I have thought it not amiss to insert in the Appendix:* 6.31 Though this Man seemed to be none of the steadiest in his Religion. For I find him put out of his Mastership of Trinity-Hall in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, for having been a Protestant, and to make way for the Re∣storation of Dr. Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, who had been outed before. Upon whose Death that Mastership falling void, and Mowse having complied with the Romish Religion, he became Master there again. And soon after, in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, he was deprived by her Commissioners for being a Papist, and one Harvey came in his Room.

Dr. Mowse's Fickleness appeared,* 6.32 that upon the first tidings that fled to Cambridg of Queen Mary's Success against the Lady Iane's Party, he, with several other temporizing University-Men, changed his Religion, and in four and twenty Hours was both Protestant and Papist. The Truth is, his Judgment vari∣ed according to his worldly Interest. And being one of those that came about so roundly, he was appointed, by the complying Party of the University, to be one of the two (Dr. Hatcher being the other) that should repair unto Dr. Sands then the Vice-Chancellor, to de∣mand of him, without any colour of Reason or Authority, the Uni∣versity-Books, the Keys, and such other things as were in his keep∣ing. And so they did.* 6.33And my Author makes an Observation of his Ingratitude, as well as of his Inconstancy, viz.

That he that was an earnest Protestant but the day before, and one whom Dr. Sands had done much good for, was now become a Papist, and his great Enemy.

Thus was our Arch-bishop a Friend to this Man, and divers others, who went along with him, as far as he, and the Times favoured them: but when these failed them, they failed the Arch-bishop through Timorousness in some, and worldly Respects in others.

But on••e more of this Dr. Mowse, and I have done with him.* 6.34 As a Reward of his forwardness at Cambridg, before mentioned, I find he was soon after incorporated at Oxon, (together with Andrew Pern D.D. a Man of the same Inconstancy) and preferred to be Reader of the Civil Law there, in the room of Dr. Aubrey, who probably was removed for Incompliance. And when the next Change hap∣pened under Queen Elizabeth, Mowse came about again; and in the Year 1560, obtained a Prebend in the Church of York. He lived till the Year 1588, leaving some Benefactions to his old College.

The Arch-bishop was indeed a great Patron to all Learned and Pious Men, especially those of the Reformation:* 6.35 cherishing those not only of his own Country, but Foreigners and Strangers also. And as he brought over divers with him, when he returned into England from his Embassy in Germany, so he sent for more. And such as came to him, he gave honourable Harbour and Maintenance to; keeping them at his own Cost, till he had made Provisions for them either in the Church, or University.

* 6.36For Erasmus our Arch-bishop had a great value; whose Worth and Service to the Church he well knew. He allowed him an Honorary Pension: promising him, that he would be no less kind unto him, than his Predecessor Warham had been before him. Which Arch-bishop was one of Erasmus his best and most extraordinary Friends and Benefactors. Of whom he used these words to a Friend of his, Qui mihi unus multorum instar erat. Soon after the succession of Cranmer into this Arch-bishop's Room,* 6.37 Sir Thomas More wrote to Erasmus, that he that then filled the See of Canterbury, bore no less love to him, than Warham had done before; and, Quo non alius vixit tui amantior, That there was no Man living loved him better. And Eras∣mus himself, mentioning his great Loss in Arch-bishop VVarham, and divers other Patrons of his, that were taken off by Death, com∣forted himself, that God had made up those Losses to him by raising him up other Friends.* 6.38

So saith he, in the room of VVarham suc∣ceeded the Reverend Thomas Cranmer, (Professione Theologus, Vir integerrimus, candidissimis{que} moribus. Qui ultro pollicitus est sese in studio ac beneficentia erga me, priori nequaquam cessurum: & quod sponte pollicitus est, sponte praestare coepit: ut mihi Vuaramus non ereptus, sed in Cranmero renatus videri queat) By Profession a Divine, a Person of the greatest Integrity, and most unblamable Be∣haviour. VVho of his own accord promised▪ That in Favour and Kindness toward me, he would be no ways behind his Predecessor. And that which he voluntarily promised, he hath voluntarily begun to make good. So that methinks, Warham is not taken away from me, but rather Born again to me in Cranmer.

One Specimen of his Mu∣nificence towards this Learned Man I meet with in one of his Letters, wherein he acknowledged to have received of Cranmer eighteen Angels: when the Bishop of Lincoln sent him also Fifteen, and the Lord Crumwel Twenty.

* 6.39Alexander Aless was another Learned Stranger, whom our Arch-bishop gave Harbour, and shewed Favour to. A Scotch-Man by Birth, but that had long lived and conversed with Melancthon in Germany. Who, knowing the generous and hospitable Disposition of the Arch-bishop, recommended this Aless to him: giving a high Character of him for his Learning, Probity and Diligence in every good Office. In the Year 1535,* 6.40 he brought over from Melancthon a Book, to be presented to the Arch-bishop: wherein

That Learned German la∣boured, (as he told the Arch-bishop in his Letter sent at the same time) to state diligently and profitably most of the Controversies, and, as much as he could, to mitigate them: leaving the Judg∣ment of the whole unto his Grace, and such learned and pious Men as He, from whose Judgment, he said, he would never differ in the Church of Christ: desiring him also to acquaint Aless, what his Grace's own Judgment was of the Book, that Aless might sig∣nify the same unto him.

Such was the Deference Melancthon gave unto the Learning and Censure of Cranmer. This Book I should suppose to have been his Common Places, but that they came out a Year after.* 6.41 By the same Messenger he sent another of these Books to be presented in his Name to the King; and in case the Arch-bishop approved of what he had wrote, he entreated him to introduce the

Bringer, and to assist him in the presenting of it. Upon these Re∣commendations of Aless, and the Arch-bishop's own Satisfaction in the Worth of the Man, he retained him with him at Lambeth, and much esteemed him. This was that Aless, that Crumwel,* 6.42 probably by Cranmer's means, brought with him to the Convocation in the Year 1536, whom he desired to deliver there his Opinion about the Sacrament. Who did so, and enlarged in a Discourse, asserting two Sacraments only, instituted by Christ,* 6.43 namely Baptism and the Lord's Supper. As the Author of the British Antiquities relates ad Ann. 1537. calling him there Virum in Theologia perductum, A thorow-paced Divine.

This Man compiled a useful Treatise against the Schism laid to the Charge of Protestants by those of the Church of Rome.* 6.44 The Sub∣stance and Arguments of which Book were Melancthon's own Inven∣tion, but Aless composed and brought it into Method and Words. This Book Melancthon sent unto George Prince of Anhalt. The Consolations of which, as he wrote to that Noble and Religious Man, he was wont to inculcate upon himself, against those who ob∣jected commonly to them the horrible Crime of Schism, as he stiles it.* 6.45 For, saith he, their monstrous Cruelty is sufficient to excuse us. Which it seems was one of the Arguments whereby they defended themselves against that Charge: Esteeming it lawful and necessary,* 6.46 to leave the Communion of a Church, which countenanced and practised Cruelty, a thing so contrary to one of the great and fundamental Laws of Christian Religion, namely, that of Love; and that their abiding in a Church, where such bloody and barbarous Practices were, would argue their approbation and concurrence.

And as Melancthon made use of him in composing his Thoughts into a handsom Stile, so did another great Light of the same Nation,* 6.47 I mean Bucer. In King Edward's Days, he had wrote a Book in the German, that is, in his own Country-Language, about Ordina∣tion to the Ministery in this Kingdom of England, intituled, Ordinatio Ecclesiae, seu Ministerii Eccesiastici in florentissimo Angliae regno. This our Aless turned into Latin, and published, for the Consolation of the Churches every where in those sad Times, as it ran in the Title.

If any desire to look backward unto the more early Times of this Man, the first Tidings we have of him was about the Year 1534. When upon a sharp Persecution raised in Scotland, he, with other Learned Men, fled thence into England,* 6.48 and was received into Crum∣wel's Family. And it is said, that he became known to, and grew into such Favour with King Henry, that he called him his Scholar. But after Crumwel's Death, in the Year 1540, he taking one Fife with him, went into Saxony:* 6.49 where both of them were for their great Learning, made Professors in the University of Leipzig.

In the Year 1557. I find this Man at Leipzig, where he was Pro∣fessor of Divinity, as was said before.* 6.50 Hither this Year Melancthon sent to him from Wormes, giving him some Account of the Prepara∣tions that were making by the Roman Catholick Party, in order to a Conference with the Protestants. At which the said Aless was to be present, and make one of the Disputants on the Protestant side. And ten Years before this, viz. 1547, he was the Publick Moderator

of Divinity, both in the Schools and Pulpits of Leipzig, or some o∣ther University.

* 6.51Besides this Aless, there were four other pious and learned Persons, Foreigners, who bringing along with them Letters of Recommen∣dation from the said Melancthon, were courteously received, and freely entertained by our hospitable Arch-bishop, all of them, in the Year 1548, at which time the Persecution grew hot upon the Interim. One of these was Gualter, another Scot by Nation. A second was one named Francis Dryander, an Acquaintance of Melancthon's of long continuance.

Whom, as he told the Arch-bishop, he had tried and known inwardly, and found him endowed with excellent Parts, well furnished with Learning; that he judged rightly of the Con∣troversies, altogether free from all wild and seditious Opinions; and that he would soon perceive the singular gravity of his Manners, af∣ter some few Days knowledg of him: motioning withal to the Arch-bishop his fitness to be preferred in either of our Universities. As he did also to K. Edward, in Letters brought at this time to him by the said Dryander.

Wherein he recommended him to that King,* 6.52 as one that would prove a very useful Person either in his Universities, or elsewhere in his Kingdom.

* 6.53This Recommendation had so much Force, that this Man seemed soon after to be sent and placed at Oxon, and there remained, till in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, when all Strangers were com∣manded to depart the Realm, he went hence to Paris, and from thence to Antwerp. Whence he wrote a Letter to one Crispin, a Do∣ctor of Physick in Oxon; therein relating to him a Passage concern∣ing the coarse Entertainment which the Divines of Lovain gave Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, upon the Scandal they took against him for his Book De vera Obedientia.* 6.54 Which Letter is extant in Fox.

* 6.55The third was Eusebius Menius, the Son of Iustus Menius. Which Iustus was a Person of great Fame and Esteem, both for his Learning in Philosophy and Divinity, and for the Government of the Chur∣ches within the Territories of Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony. Of this Eusebius his Son,* 6.56 Melancthon writ to our Arch-bishop;

That he had good Preferments in Germany, but he could not bear to be∣hold the Calamities of his poor Country, which made him seek for a Being in Foreign Parts. He recommended him to his Grace, desiring him to cherish him. Adding, That in the Gothick Times, what remained of the Church, and of right Doctrines, were pre∣served in our Island; and that Europe being now in a Combustion, it were to be wish'd that some peaceable Harbour might be for Learning. He doubted not but that many flocked hither; but that it was the part of Piety and Goodness, especially to help the Youth of Excellent Men, and the Sons of such as had well deser∣ved of the Church; especially when they themselves also were eminent for their Parts and Learning. And since this Eusebius was a good Mathematician, and had read Mathematicks in one of their Schools, he propounded him to the Arch-bishop, to be a fit Person for the Profession of that Science in our University.

* 6.57The fourth was Iustus Ionas, the Son also of a great German Di∣vine

of the same Name, and who was one of the Four, that in the Year 1530 came to Augsburgh, upon a Diet appointed by the Em∣peror for Religion, with the Elector of Saxony; Melancthon, Agri∣cola, and Georgius Spalatinus, being the other Three.* 6.58 The Son came over with Letters commendatory from Melancthon, as the others did. He commended his excellent Parts, and his Progress in all kind of Philosophy and good Manners, and especially his Eloquence; which, he said, he had a Nature divinely framed to. To which it may not be amiss to subjoin what Melancthon somewhere else did observe of his Family. Namely,

That his Grandfather was a Person of Fame for Oratory and Civil Prudence: His Father endowed with such Parts as naturally made him an Orator, in respect of his fluen∣cy of Words, and gracefulness of Delivery.

And this Felicity of Nature, he improved by a great accession of Learning: Which made him tell our Iustus, that he was born in Oratoria Familia.* 6.59 And such care did he take of him when he was young, that he took the pains to write him a long Letter, containing Instructions for his Improve∣ment in the Grounds of Learning. This Man the Arch-bishop was very kind to, gave him Harbour, and admitted him freely into his Society and Converse. Insomuch that Iustus Ionas the Father, en∣treated Melancthon, That he would take particular notice to the Arch-bishop, of his great Favour shewed to his Son. Among the Dis∣courses the communicative Prelat held with Ionas while he was with him, one happened concerning a noted Question in Divinity. Where launching out into free communication with him upon that Point, he desired him to impart to Melancthon the Substance of what he had discoursed; and that he should signify to him, that the Arch-bishop requested his Judgment thereof. Which accordingly Ionas did. And Melancthon in a Letter to the Arch-bishop, stiles it

non obscarae Quaestio, and that it had already much shaken the Church, and, says he, Concutiet durius, shall shake it yet more.

Giving his Rea∣son for this Conjecture,

Because those Governours [meaning, I suppose, the Papal Clergy] did not seek for a true Remedy to so great a Matter.

It doth not appear to me what this Question was, that the Arch-bishop was so earnest to confer with this great Divine about; whether it were concerning the necessity of Episcopal Go∣vernment and Ordination, or concerning the Use of Ceremonies in the Church, or about the Doctrine of the Sacrament; this last I am apt to believe: But either of them hath, according to Melancthon's Prediction, sufficiently shaken the Churches of Christ. But to return to Ionas. He had written some Pieces, and presented them to the King; for which he intended to reward him. And being now ready to go to France, for the improvement of his Knowledg, and so after a time to return into England again, for which he had a great Affection, he besought Secretary Cecyl, in a well-penned Letter,

That whatsoever the King intended to bestow on him, he would do it out of hand, for the supply of his travelling Necessity.

This Letter, for the Antiquity of it, and the Fame of the Man, I have inserted in the Appendix.* 6.60 In which is also contained an Extract of part of Ionas the Father's Letter to his Son concerning the Miseries of Germany.

CHAP. XXIV. Melancthon and the Arch-bishop great Friends.

* 6.61THESE Occasions of the frequent mention of Melancthon, do draw us into a relation of some further Passages between him and our Arch-bishop. In the Year 1549, happened several Dispu∣tations, chiefly concerning the Doctrine of the Lord's Supper, be∣fore the King's Commissioners in both Universities. In Oxford they were managed chiefly by Peter Martyr. And in Cambridg, Ridley then Bishop of Rochester, and a Commissioner, was the chief Mode∣rator. Soon after, Martin Bucer in this University, defended three Points, one of the Sufficiency of the Scripture: another concerning the Erring of Churches; and the last, concerning Works done before Iusti∣fication, against Pern, Sedgwick and Yong. They on the Popish Side pretended much, in their Disputations, to have Antiquity and the Fathers for them.

These Disputations did our most Reverend Prelate, together with his own Letter,* 6.62 convey to Melancthon by the Hand of one Germani∣cus a German: Who probably might be one of those Learned Strang∣ers, that the Arch-bishop hospitably entertained.

The Reflection, that that Divine, in an Answer to his Grace, in the Year 1550, made upon perusal of these Papers, was,

That he was grieved to see, that those who sought so much for the Antient Autho∣rities, would not acknowledg the Clearness of them. Nor was there any doubt what the sounder Men in the Antient Church thought. But that there were new and spurious Opinions foisted into many of their Books. Into that of Theophylact most certainly for one. And that there was some such Passage in the Copy, that Oecolam∣padius made use of, when he translated Theophylact, which he liked not of, but yet translated it as he found it: But this was wholly wanting in the Copy that Melancthon had. That the same hap∣pened in Bede's Books, which he supposed might be found more incorrupt among us, [Bede being our Country-Man.]

* 6.63The same Melancthon, with this his Letter, sent our Arch-bishop a part of his Enarration upon the Nicene Creed; for this end, that he might pass his Judgment thereon: As he also did, for the same pur∣pose, to A Lasco, Bucor and Peter Martyr, all then in England.

* 6.64The beginning of this Learned German's Acquaintance with our Prelat was very early. For the Arch-bishop's Fame soon spred abroad in the World, beyond the English Territories. Which was the Cause of that Address of Melancthon, mentioned before, in the Year 1535, and in the Month of August, when he sent a Letter and a Book to him by Alexander Aless. In the Letter, he signified what a high Character both for Learning and Piety he had heard given of him by many honest and worthy Men; and

That if the Church had but some more such Bishops, it would be no difficult Matter to have it healed, and the World restored to Peace: con∣gratulating Britain such a Bishop.

And this seems to have been the first entrance into their Acquaintance and Correspondence.

[illustration]

PHILIP MELANCTHON

In the Year 1548,* 6.65 Cranmer propounded a great and weighty Bu∣siness to Melancthon; and a Matter that was likely to prove highly useful to all the Churches of the Evangelick Profession. It was this. The ABp was now driving on a Design for the better uniting of all the Protestant Churches, viz. by having one common Confession and Harmony of Faith and Doctrine, drawn up out of the pure Word of God, which they might all own and agree in. He had observed what Differences there arose among Protestants in the Doctrine of the Sacrament, in the Divine Decrees, in the Government of the Church, and some other things. These Disagreements had rendred the Professors of the Gospel contemptible to those of the Roman Com∣munion. Which caused no small grief to the Heart of this good Man, nearly touched for the Honour of Christ his Master, and his true Church, which suffered hereby. And like a Person of a truly publick and large Spirit, as his Function was, seriously debated and deliberated with himself for the remedying this Evil. This made him judg it very adviseable to procure such a Confession. And in order to this he thought it necessary for the chief and most Learned Divines of the several Churches to meet together, and with all free∣dom and friendliness to debate the Points of Controversy according to the Rule of Scripture. And after mature deliberation, by Agree∣ment of all Parties, to draw up a Book of Articles, and Heads of Christian Faith and Practice. Which should serve for the standing Doctrine of Protestants.

As for the Place of this Assembly he thought England the fittest in respect of Safety, as the Affairs of Christendom then stood.* 6.66 And communicating this his purpose to the King, that Religious Prince was very ready to grant his Allowance and Protection. And as Helvetia, France and Germany, were the chief Countries abroad where the Gospel was prosessed, so he sent his Letters to the most eminent Ministers of each, namely, to Bullinger, Calvin and Me∣lancthon, disclosing this his pious Design to them, and requiring their Counsel and Furtherance. Melancthon first of all came acquainted with it by Iustus Ionas junior, to whom the Arch-bishop had re∣lated the Matter at large, and desired him to signify as much in a Letter to the said Melancthon; and that it was his Request to him, to communicate his Judgment thereupon. This Ionas did, and Melancthon accordingly writ to our Arch-bishop on the Calends of May this Year to this purpose.* 6.67

That if his Judgment and Opinion were required, he should be willing both to hear the Sense of o∣ther Learned Men, and to speak his own, and to give his Reasons, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Perswading and being perswaded, as ought to be in a Conference of good Men: letting Truth, and the Glory of God, and the Safety of the Church, not any pri∣vate Affection, ever carry away the Victory. Telling him withal, That the more he considered of this his Deliberation, than which he thought there could be nothing set on foot more Weighty and Necessary, the more he wish'd and pressed him, to publish such a true and clear Confession of the whole Body of Christian Doctrine, according to the Judgment of Learned Men; whose Names should be subscribed thereto. That among all Nations

there might be extant an illustrious Testimony of Doctrine, de∣livered by grave Authority; and that Posterity might have a Rule to follow.

And he was of opinion, that this Confession should be much of the nature of their Confession of Augsburgh: only that some few Points in Controversy might be in plainer Words delivered, than was in that.

That Ambiguities might not hereafter occasion new Differences.* 6.68 And that in the Church it was best to call a Spade a Spade: and not to cast ambiguous Words before Posterity, as an Apple of Contention. And that if in Germany there had been an intire Consent of all the Churches, they had not fallen into those Miseries.

And so concludes, earnestly exhorting our Prelat to apply himself vigorously in these his pious Cares and Thoughts for the good Estate of the Churches.

Not long after he pursued his first Letter with a second. Where∣in he again reminded our Reverend Father of that Caution,* 6.69 viz.

That nothing might be left under general Terms, but exprest with all the Perspicuity and Distinctness imaginable.

Which I suppose, he said, to meet with the Opinion of some, who thought it might be more convenient, in order to Peace, to suffer some difficult and controverted Points to pass under dubious Expressions, or in the very words of Scripture, without any particular decisive Sense and Explanation imposed on them. And concerning this, 'tis probable our Arch-bishop had desired his Opinion. This Melancthon was against; saying,

That for his part, he loved not Labyrinths; and that therefore all his study was, That whatsoever Matters he under∣took to treat of, they might appear plain and unfolded. That it was indeed the Practice of the Council of Trent; which therefore made such crafty Decrees, that so they might defend their Errors by things ambiguously spoken. But that this Sophistry ought to be far from the Church. That there is no Absurdity in Truth rightly propounded: and that this Goodness and Perspicuity of things is greatly inviting, wheresoever there be good Minds.

And of this very Judgment was Peter Martyr another great Divine. For when Bucer,* 6.70 in a Discourse with him at Strasburg, had advised him, when he spake of the Eucharist, to use more dark and ambi∣guous Forms of Speech, that might be taken in a larger Acceptation, urging to him, That this was the course he himself took, and that a certain good Man [whom I suspect strongly to be our Arch-bishop] had perswaded him, That by this means the great Controversy, concerning the Real Presence in the Sacrament, might be at an end, and so Peace, so long wanted, might be restored to the Church: Martyr was over-perswaded by his Friend so to do, and used for some time the same Form of Speech with him, when he had occasion to discourse of that Doctrine. But afterward he returned to his former more dilucid Stile, as well in the Matter of the Real Presence, as in all other Sub∣jects he treated of. And that both, because he saw this would not suffice them, who held a gross and carnal Presence of Christ's Body, unless their gross manner of Expression were received, and their as gross Interpretation too; and because he found that many weaker Brethren were greatly offended with these Ambiguities of Speech, and so intangled and confounded, that they scarce knew what to

think in this Point. And so leaving Bucer to pursue his obscurer Phrases, he chose to speak more clearly and distinctly. And neither did Bucer disallow of Martyr in this Course, nor was Martyr igno∣rant of Bucer's true Sense, however doubtful his Expressions were: as the Author of his Life tells us. This I mention to shew,* 6.71 how ex∣actly Martyr accorded with Melancthon in this Opinion, of expressing things in clear and perspicuous Terms; which the said Melancthon thought it highly necessary now to be inculcated, when deliberation was had of drawing up a General Confession of Faith. After he had thus declared his Mind in this Matter,* 6.72 he particularly descended to the Doctrine of Fate; telling the Arch-bishop, how the Stoical Disputes of that Subject among them in the beginning, were too rough, and horrid, and such as were prejudicial to Discipline. Which I sup∣pose, might be occasioned from some Passage in the Arch-bishop's Letter, advising with this Learned Man how to propound the Doctrines of Predestination and Free-Will.

CHAP. XXV. The Arch-bishop corresponds with Calvin.

THESE his Counsels he brake also to Iohn Calvin,* 6.73 the chief Guide of the French Churches. Who also highly approved of his pious Proposition. The Arch-bishop,* 6.74 in a Letter to that great Reformer, had been lamenting the Differences that were in the Re∣formed Churches; having his Eye, I suppose, herein upon those of Geneva and Germany; and like a true Father of the Church, consult∣ing for the making up of the Breaches, he thought no fitter Remedy could be used, than for pious and wise Men, and such as were well exercised in God's School, to meet together and profess their Con∣sents in the Doctrine of Godliness.* 6.75 This Calvin acknowledged was rightly and prudently advised by him: Applauding him, that he did not only lead the way in purging the Doctrine of God's Church from Corruption, but did so voluntarily exhort and encourage others therein. And that he did not only take care of Religion at Home in his own Country, but all the World over. And as to the Meet∣ing and Converse of Divines, for this purpose, which Cranmer had told him he had made the King so sensible of the need and usefulness of, that he was forward in it, and had offered a Place in his King∣dom for them securely to assemble together in; that French Divine wished,

That Learned and Wise Men from the chief Churches would accordingly meet, and diligently discussing the chief Heads of Faith, would by common Consent deliver to Posterity the cer∣tain Doctrine of the Scripture. But that among the great Evils of that Age, this also was to be reputed, that Churches were so divided from one another, that Human Society was scarcely kept up among them: much less that Sacred Communion of the Mem∣bers of Christ, which all profest with their Mouths, but few did sincerely take care to preserve. That as to himself, if he might be thought to be of any Use,* 6.76 he would not grudg to pass over ten

Seas, if there were need. That if it were only to contribute some Assistance to the Kingdom of England, he should esteem it a Rea∣son lawful enough; but much more, he thought, he ought to spare no Labour, no Trouble, to procure a Means, whereby the Churches, that were so widely divided, might unite among them∣selves. But he hoped, his Weakness and Insufficiency being such, he might be spared: and that he would do his part in prosecuting that with his Prayers and Wishes, which should be undertaken by others.* 6.77

And whereas our Arch-bishop had hinted to him his Jealousy, that the Business would hardly find a good Issue by reason of certain Difficulties attending it, Calvin not only exhorted, and earnestly beseeched him to go forward, till it should have some Ef∣fect at least, though it succeeded not in all Respects according to his Wish. And so prayed God to guide him with his Holy Spirit, and to bless his Pious Endeavours.

* 6.78But the Troubles at Home and Abroad frustrated this excellent Purpose, which for two Years he had been labouring to bring to some good Issue. His next Resolution was to go as far as he could in this Matter,* 6.79 since he could not go as far as he would. And he bethought himself of assembling together the Divines of his own Church, (and that by the King's Authority) to confer with them about drawing up a Body of Articles of Religion: which Purpose he had likewise communicated to Calvin.* 6.80 For which he greatly commended him. Telling him,

That since the Times were such, that that could not in the least be hoped for, which was so much to be wish'd, viz. That the chief Teachers of the divers Churches, which embraced the pure Doctrine of the Gospel,* 6.81 might meet together, and pub∣lish to Posterity a certain and clear Confession, out of the pure Word of God, concerning the Heads of Religion then in Con∣troversy; he did extreamly commend that Counsel, which he had taken, to establish Religion in England; lest things remaining any longer in an uncertain State, or not so rightly and duly com∣posed and framed, as it were convenient, the Minds of the People should remain in suspence and wavering.

And then quicken∣ing him, told him,

That this was his part chiefly to do: That he himself saw well what that Place required of him, or rather what God exacted, in respect of that Office he had laid upon him. That he was of very powerful Authority; which he had not only by the amplitude of his Honour, but the long-conceived Opinion that went of his Prudence and Integrity. That the Eyes of the Good were cast upon him, either to follow his Motions, or to re∣main idle upon the pretence of his Unactiveness.

* 6.82He took the freedom also with Cranmer, to blame him for not having made more Progress in the Reformation. Which he thought he might have done in the three Years space, wherein King Edward had already reigned. And told him,

That he feared, when so many Autumns had been passed in deliberating only, at last the Frost of a perpetual Winter might follow.

Meaning that the People would grow stark cold in minding a Reformation.

Then he reminded him of his Age, that that called upon him to hasten, lest if he should be called out of the World before Matters in Re∣ligion

were settled, the Conscience of his Slowness might create great Anxiety to him. He particularly put him in Mind of the great want of Pastors to preach the Gospel, and that the Churches Revenues were made such a Prey. Which he called An intolera∣ble Evil. And said, that this was a plain reason, why there was so little Preaching among us. That a parcel of Slow-bellies were nourished from the Revenues of the Church, to sing Vespers in an unknown Tongue. But in the close he excused him in re∣gard of the many and great Difficulties that he wrestled with.

Which were certainly most true. In so much,* 6.83 that if he had not been a Man of great Conduct and indefatigable Industry, the Re∣formation had not made so fair a Progress as it did in his Time. And one may admire rather that he went so far, the Iniquity of the Times considered, than that he went no farther.

For the Great Ones, in the Minority of the King,* 6.84 took their Op∣portunity, most insatiably to fly upon the Spoils of the Church, and Charitable Donations; little regarding any thing else, than to enrich themselves. Very vitious and dissolute they were in their Lives, as the soberer Sort in those Days complained; and therefore the less to be wondered, they were so negligent to provide for the promoting the Reformed Religion and Piety in the Land. In the mean time, the chief Preachers did what they could to redress these Evils: For they plainly and boldly rebuked this Evil Governance; and especially the Covetousness of the Courtiers, and their small regard to live after the Gospel: and sometimes incurred no small Danger by this Freedom. Mr. Rogers Vicar of S. Sepulchres, and afterwards a Mar∣tyr under Queen Mary, was one of these: Who so freely discoursed once at S. Paul's Cross, concerning the Abuse of Abbies, and the Churches Goods, that he was summoned before the Privy-Council to answer for it. And so were divers others upon the same Reason. And I am apt to think that these Preachers did what they did, by the Counsel and Direction of the Arch-bishop. So that the present State of Things, and the Endeavours of him, and the rest of the Clergy considered, he was a little too hastily censured by Calvin in that behalf. But Cranmer was of so mild and gracious a Spirit, that he did not seem to conceive any Displeasure against Calvin for this his unjust Charge of Negligence; but kept up a great Esteem and Value for him.

But,* 6.85 that I may take occasion here to insist a little longer upon this Argument, and vindicate the Honesty and Boldness of the Eng∣lish Clergy, in speaking their Minds against the Sacrilegious Spirit that reigned in these Times; it may not be amiss to give some Ac∣count of a Communication, that happened about December or Ianu∣ary, 1552, at Court, between Sir William Cecyl the King's Secretary, and one Miles Wilson a grave Divine, and Acquaintance of the said Cecyl, and a Man of Eminency in the University of Cambridg. Discourse happening between them of divers and sundry things, re∣lating partly to the propagating Christ's Religion, and partly to the preservation and encrease of the Common-Wealth; the said Wilson delivered to Cecyl an Oration to read, which he had composed, De rebus Ecclesiae non diripiendis; Concerning not spoiling the Church of her

Means: and which he once pronounced in the Publick Schools of the University, about that Time when those Matters were in agitation above. Cecyl, being a good and conscientious Man, had in this Conference signified to him his earnest desire to hear and see what could be proposed out of the Holy Scripture, in so unusual an Ar∣gument. To shew this, and to give also a short view of his said Oration, because the Secretary's infinite Business would not allow him to read long Discourses, Wilson soon after digested the Contents thereof, reducing it into some Syllogisms, and Ratiocinations, more apt to urge, and easier to remember, and more accommodate to perswade. These with his Letter he sent to the Secretary. His Ends herein were to satisfy him in this Point, being a Man of great Stroke in the Publick Transactions of those Times: who might ac∣cordingly use his Interest and Endeavour to retrieve what had been so unjustly taken from the Church; that the famous Schools lately dissolved, to the great ruine of the University, might be re-edi∣fied again; and that those Livings, which were miserably spoiled by covetous Patrons, might be restored, and enjoy their whole Re∣venues, to the real Honour of the State. And lastly, that the Hospitals, impoverish'd or wholly beggar'd, might by his means be remedied and helped by the King's Council; that they might revert to their former Condition; that is, to succour and help the Poor. He urged moreover to Cecyl, that the destruction of Schools would be the destruction of the Universities: and that all Learning would soon cease, and Popery and more than Gothic Barbarism would invade all, if Learned Men were not better taken care of than they were; and if the Rewards of Learning, viz. Rectories, Prebends and all, were taken away from them.

* 6.86This Man had also freely discoursed these Matters to two other great and publick-spirited Men, viz. Goodrich the Lord Chancellor, who was Bishop of Ely; and Holgate Arch-bishop of York. To both whom he had also given the Names of a great many Schools, Parso∣nages and Hospitals, that had undergon this sacrilegious Usage. And he particularly mentioned to Cecyl, a Town not far from Cam∣bridg, called Childerlay, where a Gentleman had pulled down all the Houses in the Parish, except his own. And so there being none to frequent the Church, the Inhabitants being gone, he used the said Church, partly for a Stable for his Horses, and partly for a Barn for his Corn and Straw. This Letter of Wilson to the Secretary, to∣gether with his Arguments against pilling the Church subjoined, I have thought worthy preserving in the Repository for such Monu∣ments in the Appendix.* 6.87 But to return from this Digression, which Calvin's Censure of our Arch-bishop occasioned.

And when in the Year 1551, he dispatched into England one Nicolas, (that Nicolas Gallasius, I suppose, who was afterward by Calvin recommended to be Minister to the French Congregation in London, at the desire of Grindal Bishop of London, that he would send over some honest able Person for that Place) with Letters to the Duke of Somerset,* 6.88 and likewise to the King; to whom he presented also, at the same time, his Book of Commentaries upon Esay, and the Canonical Epistles, which he had Dedicated to him; both the

King's Council,* 6.89 and the King himself were much pleased and satis∣fied with this Message: And the Arch-bishop told Nicolas,

That Calvin could do nothing more profitable to the Church, than to write often to the King.

The substance of what he wrote to the King,* 6.90 that was so well taken, was to excite and sharpen the generous Parts of the Royal Youth, as Calvin hinted in a Letter to Bullinger.

CHAP. XXVI. The Arch-bishop highly valued Peter Martyr.

AS for the Learned Italian, Peter Martyr, who is worthy to be mentioned with Melancthon and Calvin,* 6.91 there was not only an Acquaintance between him and our Arch-bishop, but a great and cordi∣al Intimacy and Friendship. For of him he made particular use in the Steps he took in our Reformation.* 6.92 And whensoever he might be spared from his Publick Readings in Oxford, the Arch-bishop used to send for him, to confer with him about the weightiest Matters. This Calvin took notice of, and signified to him by Letter, how much he rejoiced that he made use of the Counsels of that excel∣lent Man.* 6.93 And when the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws was in effect wholly devolved upon Cranmer, he appointed him and Gualter Haddon, and Dr. Rowland Tayler his Chaplain, and no more, to manage that Business. Which shews what an Opinion he had of Martyr's Abilities, and how he served himself of him in Matters of the greatest Moment. And in that bold and brave Chal∣lenge he made in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, to justify, against any Man whatsoever, every Part of King Edward's Reforma∣tion; he nominated and made choice of Martyr therein to be one of his Assistants in that Disputation, if any would undertake it with him. This Divine, when he was forced to leave Oxford upon the Change of Religion, retreated first to the Arch-bishop at Lambeth; and from thence, when he had tarried as long as he durst, he depar∣ted the Realm to Strasburgh.

This Man was he that saw,* 6.94 and reported those voluminous Wri∣tings of this Arch-bishop, which he had collected out of all the An∣tient Church-Writers, upon all the Heads of Divinity; and those Notes of his own Pen, that he had inserted in the Margin of his Books. Which the Arch-bishop communicated to him, when he con∣versed with him at his House. And from these and such-like of the Arch-bishop's Labours, he acknowledged he had learned much, espe∣cially in the Doctrine of the Sacrament; as he writ in his Epistle be∣fore his Tract of the Encharist.

The Fame of Peter Martyr, and the Desire of preserving all Re∣mains of so Learned a Professor,* 6.95 and great an Instrument of the Re∣formed Religion, hath inclined me to put two of his Letters into the Appendix, though otherwise not to our present Purpose; being Originals, writ by his own Hand from Oxon.* 6.96 The one to Iames Haddon, a learned Court-Divine, and Dean of Exon, to procure a Licence from the King or the Council, for a Friend and Auditor of

his, to preach publickly. The other to Sir William Cecyl, to for∣ward the paiment of a Salary due to him, that read the Divinity-Le∣cture in the Room of Dr. Weston a Papist, who had claimed it him∣self, and laboured to detain it from him.

* 6.97I cannot forbear mentioning here an Instance of his Love and great Concern for our Arch-bishop, his old Friend and Patron, after the Iniquity of the Times had parted them, the one then in Prison, and the other at Strasburgh. It was in Iune 1555, when Queen Mary, supposing her self with Child, was reported to have said in her Zeal,

That she could never be happily brought to Bed, nor succeed well in any other of her Affairs, unless she caused all the Hereticks she had in Prison to be burnt, without sparing so much as One.

Which Opinion, very likely, the Bishop of Winchester, or some other of her Zelotical Chaplains, put into her Head. This Report coming to Martyr's Ears, afflicted him greatly; not only for the De∣struction that was like suddenly to befal many Holy Professors, but more especially for the imminent Hazard he apprehended that great and publick Person, the Arch-bishop to be in. Which made him ex∣press himself in this manner, in a Letter to Peter Alexander, to whom that most Reverend Father had also formerly been a kind Host and Patron;

That from those Words of the Queen, he might discover that my Lord of Canterbury was then in great Danger.* 6.98

CHAP. XXVII. The Arch-bishop's Favour to John Sleidan.

TO all these Learned and religious Outlandish-Men, to whom the Arch-bishop was either a Patron or a Friend,* 6.99 or both, we must not forget to join Iohn Sleidan, the renowned Author of those exact Commentaries of the State of Religion, and the Common-wealth in Germany, in the time of Charles V. About the end of March,* 6.100 Anno 1551, He procured for him from King Edward an Ho∣norary Pension of two hundred Crowns a Year, as some Aid for the carrying on his Commentaries, which he then was busy about; and as it seems, encouraged by Cranmer to take in Hand and prosecute. And when Dr. Bruno, a Learned Man, and Father-in-Law to Sleidan, departed out of England, which was about the Time before menti∣oned, being the Agent of the Duke of Saxony, the Arch-bishop informed him of this Stipend, by the King granted unto his Son-in-Law; confirming the same to him in the King's Name, and en∣couraging the Commentator hereby to proceed cheerfully in his use∣ful Undertaking.

* 6.101But upon the Stirs at Court, the paiment of this Pension was neg∣lected a great while. Which caused Sleidan to call upon the Arch-bishop more than once, as also upon his Friends Cheke and Cecyl; entreating them to remind the Arch-bishop of him, and to com∣municate to his Lordship the Letters he had writ to them. But alas! he needed not to have been excited to things of this Nature▪ bearing so good a Will to them, and being of his own Nature so

forward to favour Learned and honest Men, and useful Designs; Nor was his good Will to Sleidan any whit abated, but his In∣terest at Court was, now towards the declension of King Edward's Reign.

But because his Pension depended only upon a verbal Promise of the King,* 6.102 and the getting it under his Seal might contribute to the paiment of it in better sort hereafter, he laboured with our Prelate, and the two other Persons mentioned, that it might be confirmed by Letters Patents. He urged to them,

That he could have employ∣ed himself in other Business, that would have redounded more to his Profit, as many others did. But he reckoned himself called to this Work from Heaven, and that he could take no rest in his Mind till he had brought the History down to that present Time, (it being then the Year 1553) That he had hope, that they, ac∣cording to their Humanity and Prudence, who well understood things, would take some Pains, that the Arrears of his promised Stipend might be paid, and that some further Care might be taken for the due Paiment of it hereafter, that so he might the more conveniently and freely follow that Matter. Leaving it to them to consider how much that Labour cost him: [as to the Charges he means of Correspondence for the getting particular and faithful Accounts of things, that past in all Parts.] And lastly, That it belonged properly to Kings, to cherish such Labours, as would be Ornaments to Religion and Learning, and of Use to the Com∣mon-Good. And in another Address to Secretary Cecyl he desired, That he would plead in his behalf with the most Reverend the Arch-bishop; adding, That he did wholly give up himself to this Work, and was in a diligent pursuit of all Matters in order to the compiling a compleat History.

Though I have said so much already of Sleidan, yet I will take this occasion to add somewhat more: that I may retrieve as much as I can of this honest Man, and excellent Writer. In the Month of September, Anno 1552, he sent to the King, together with a Letter,* 6.103 his Commentaries of the German Wars, brought down to that very Time: being a short Draught of that he intended afterwards more largely and fully to write. And Cheke and Cecyl were the Men that presented them to his Majesty. With this kind of Writing the King declared himself much pleased, as Cecyl wrote him back; and so he and Cheke also were.

This Encouragement put our Author upon another Design,* 6.104 re∣solving to write the whole Actions of the Council of Trent: where∣in he himself had been a part, having been Agent there for five Months from the City of Strasburg. This he intended to do for the King's own Sake.* 6.105 That he might thorowly understand the Form of Councils, and might then make his Judgment of the rest of the History of the Reformation of Religion, which he was then writing.

The Spring after he presented the King with a Specimen of his Writing concerning the Council of Trent.* 6.106 It was the beginning and entrance into that Treatise he intended to write of that Subject. This he desired might be kept in the King's Study, and communica∣ted

to no other Hand; and that no Copy of it might be taken, it being but a small part of a future Work, and so imperfect.

He had now, in the Ides of March, compleated his Commentaries from the Year 1517, to the Year 1536; and was resolved, by God's Grace, to go on with it in the same Method. In order to which, in the Month of December before,* 6.107 he had desired of Cecyl, that he would procure him the whole Action between King Henry VIII. and Pope Clement VII. when that King vindicated his own Liberty, and that of his Kingdom from Papal Pretences of Supremacy over each. This Matter between the King and the Pope he called,

Locus il∣lustris & memorabilis, and judged it very worthy for Posterity to know. Adding, that though he had in his own Hands some Matters relating thereto, yet they were not so exact and certain as he could wish; because he desired to describe every thing properly and most exactly according to Truth. He entreated also, that if either he or Cheke had any other Matters of that Nature to impart, they would oblige him with them.

Which Passages make me conclude that in relation to the English Affairs he made great use of Intelligences from Cecyl and Cheke, and probably our Arch-bishop too. Which consideration may add a great Reputation unto the Credit of his Book.

Now to preserve as much as we can of this excellent Historian, Iohn Sleidan, I have thought good to insert divers of his Letters in the Appendix; and likewise because mention is often therein made of our Arch-bishop. To which I have subjoined a Letter of Martin Bucer,* 6.108 a great Name, wrote to Cecyl in behalf of the said Sleidan. For he did not only importune those Courtiers before mentioned, but when no Answer came from them, he made Bucer also his Soli∣citor from Cambridg. Who Anno 1551, Feb. 18. wrote to Cecyl to further Sleidan's Business, and to dispatch the Paiment of his Stipend; and that Sleidan might be resolved one way or other; giving Cecyl this Memento,

That this would well become the Administration of a Kingdom so much adorned as with other things, so with the Benefit of Religion.

By the way, the Date of this Letter would deserve well to be noted, serving to judg of the true Date of Bucer's Death. Which by Historians is variously set down, if we may be∣lieve Fuller in his History of the University of Cambridg. It is cer∣tain Bucer was ill when he wrote that Letter to Cecyl; for he men∣tions therein an Epistle, which he sent to Dr. Iohn Quercetanus the Physician, upon the said Cecyl's Desire, the which, he said, he was hardly able to dictate. This Letter to Cecyl, I take, to be writ in his last Sickness, nine Days before the Date, which Sleidan his Friend, assigned for the Day of his Death. To which agrees within a Day a Passage at the end of a Piece of Bucer's,* 6.109 intituled, Explicatio de vi & usu S. Ministerii,* 6.110 where it is said, That he died at Cambridg, before he finish'd it. Pridie Cal. Martias, Anno 1551.

* 6.111I have one Learned Man more behind to mention, and he our own Country-Man; to whom our Arch-bishop was a Patron; and that is the celebrated Antiquarian Iohn Leland, Library-keeper to Henry VIII, and who, by a Commission under the Broad Seal, granted to him for that purpose by the King, had got together a vast Heap of

Collections of the Historical Antiquities of this Nation: which he was many Years a making by his Travels and diligent Searches into the Libraries of Abbies and Religious-Houses, before, and at their Dissolution, and elsewhere. From whence he intended to compile a compleat History of the Antiquities of Britain; To which he wholly devoted himself. But being at that time poor, and the Charges of such an Undertaking great, he wanted some Body to make this known to the King, and to recommend him effectually to his Favour and Countenance; and to procure him a Royal Gratuity: For which purpose he made his Application to Cranmer, (who he well knew, was the great Encourager of Learning and Ingenuity) in a very elegant Address in Verse, as he was an excellent Poet. And I am apt to think, the Preferments that soon after befel him, as a good Parsonage near Oxford, and a Canonry of the King's College in that University, and a Prebendship elsewhere, accrued to him by the means of the Arch-bishop, laying open his State before the King. His Copy of Verses were as follow:

Ad Thomam Cranmerum Cantiorum Archiepiscopum.

EST congesta mihi domi supellex, Ingens, aurea, nobilis, venusta, Qua totus studeo Britanniarum Vero reddere gloriam nitori. Sed fortuna meis noverca coeptis, Iam felicibus invidet maligna. Quare ne pereant brevi vel hora Multarum mihi noctium labores Omnes, & patriae simul decora Ornamenta cadant, suus{que} splendor Antiquis malè desit us{que} rebus, Cranmere, eximium decus piorum, Implorare tuam benignitatem Cogor. Fac igitur tuo sueto Pro candore, meum decus, patronum{que} Vt tantùm faveat, roges, labori Incoepto: pretium sequetur amplum. Sic nomen tibi litterae elegantes Rectè perpetuum dabunt, suós{que} Partim vel titulos tibi receptos Concedet memori Britannus ore. Sic te posteritas amabit omnis, Et fama super aethera innotesces.

CHAP. XXVIII. Arch-bishop Cranmer's Relations and Chaplains.

TO look now a little into the Arch-bishop's more private and domestick Concerns. He had two Wives.* 7.1 While he was Fellow of Iesus College in Cambridg, not being in Orders, he mar∣ried his first, named Ioan, dwelling at the Dolphin, opposite to Iesus Lane, which I think is a publick House to this Day. Which occasi∣oned some of his Enemies afterwards to say,

That he was once an Ostler, because he lodged sometime with his Wife at that House.

Her he buried within a Year, dying in Child-bed. And then for divers Years he continued studying hard, and reading Learned Lectures in the University, and bringing up Youth, till he was called to the Court. His second Wife, named Ann, he married in Germany, while he was Ambassador there. By her he had Children. In King Henry's Reign he kept her Secret; and upon the Act of the

Six Articles he sent her away into Germany, that he might give no Offence, nor draw any Danger upon himself. In the time of King Edward, when the Marriage of the Clergy was allowed, he brought her forth, and lived openly with her. He had Children that sur∣vived him. For whose sake an Act of Parliament passed in the Year 1562, to restore them in Blood, their Father having been condemned for Treason in consenting to the Lady Iane's Succession to the Crown. For which yet he was pardoned by Queen Mary. Probably the Pardon was only Verbal, or not Authentickly enough drawn up, or might admit of some Doubt: To take off which such an Act was procured. How many Children he had, or what Issue remains of them to this Day, I am not able, after all my Enquiries, to shew.

* 7.2His Wife survived him. For we may give so much Credit to a very angry Book, writ against the Execution of Iustice in England, by Cardinal Allen; Which charging the Arch-bishop with Breach of Vows, saith,

That at the very Day and Hour of his Death, he was sacrilegiously joined in pretended Marriage to a Woman, not∣withstanding his Vow and Order.

And living she was toward the latter End of Arch-bishop Parker's Time; and for her Subsistence enjoyed an Abby in Nottingham-shire:* 7.3 which King Henry, upon Dr. Butt's his Motion, without the Arch-bishop's knowledg, grant∣ed to him and his Heirs.

* 7.4For his Wife and Children he could not escape many a Taunt from his Enemies behind his Back; and one to his Face from Dr. Martin, one of those that were commissionated to sit as Judges upon him at Oxford. He told him in reproach,

That his Children were Bond∣men to the See of Canterbury.

Whether there be any such old Canon-Law I know not. But the Arch-bishop smiled, and asked him,

If a Priest at his Benefice kept a Concubine, and had Chil∣dren by her, whether those Children were Bond-men to the Be∣nefice, or no? And that he trusted they would make his Childrens Case no worse.

I find two of his Name in King Ed∣ward's Reign; but whether they were his, or his Brother Edmund's Sons, or some other Relations, I cannot tell. There was one Richard Cranmer, one of the Witnesses at the Abjuration of Ashton, Priest, an Arian, 1548. Daniel Cranmer of Bilsington, of the Diocess of Canterbury, who about administring to a Will, was for contumacy to the Court of Canterbury,* 7.5 Excommunicate: and a Significavit was issued out against him thereupon, in the Year 1552. There was also a Thomas Cranmer about these Times,* 7.6 who bought something in Ware-Lane of the City of Canterbury. He was Publick Notary, and Register to the Arch-deacon in the Year 1569. I find likewise one Robert Cranmer Esq. who was Nephew to the Arch-bishop, and alive at the latter End of Queen Elizabeth. This Robert left one only Daughter and Heiress, named Ann. Whom Sir Arthur Harris of Crixey in Essex, married, and enjoyed with her three Manors; Post∣ling, which came to the said Robert in the beginning of Queen Eli∣zabeth: Kingsnorth in Vlcomb, and Saltwood: Both which he purcha∣sed in the latter end of that Queen. Upon whose Grandchild, Sir Cranmer Harris of Lincoln's-Inn Kt. those Estates descended. There was another Cranmer of Canterbury, who enjoyed a Manor,

called Sapinton, in Petham in Kent. One of whose Off-spring by de∣scent successively was intitled to the Propriety of it,* 7.7 and was alive when Philpot published his Book of that County, viz. 1659. There ••e living at this Time among divers others, two Knights of this Name, Sir Cesar Cranmer once belonging to the Court, and Sir William Cranmer, a worthy Merchant of London, and now Deputy-Governor of the Hamburgh Company.

But if we look backward,* 7.8 the Arch-bishop's Stock and Pedigree was very Antient, and of good Credit. His Father was Thomas Cranmer of Alacton in Nottinghamshire, Esquire; and his Mother was Agnes, the Daughter of Laurence Hatfield of Willoughby of like De∣gree, a Gentleman, if I mistake not, of the same County. Which two had Issue three Sons, Iohn, and Thomas our Arch-bishop, and Edmund who was the Arch-Deacon: and four Daughters, Dorothy, Ann, Iane and Isabel. Which Sisters of our Arch-bishop were thus matched. Dorothy to Harold Rosel of Radcliff in this County, Esq Ann to Edmund Cartwright of Ossington in Staffordshire, Esquire; Iane to Iohn Moning Lieutenant of Dover-Castle, and Isabel to Sir .... Shepey Knight. Matches, I suppose, especially the two latter, of the Arch-bishop's own making, for the Preferment of his Sisters. His elder Brother Iohn married Ione, Daughter of Fretchvile, of a good Family in the same County. Whose Grand-child Thomas, and Grand-Nephew to our Arch-bishop, had none but Daughters. One of whom being a Coheir, married Iohn Rosel, Grand-child to Harold aforesaid, and the other to good Families in those Parts.

The Arch-bishop's great Grand-father, Edmund, married Isabel Daughter and Heir of William de Aslacton, a very Antient Family.* 7.9 This Edmund was alive in the Reign of Henry VI.

In the Church of Whatton, in this County,* 7.10 is an Antient Monu∣ment of an Ancestor of our Arch-bishop, with this Inscription; Hic jacet Thomas Cranmerus. Qui obiit 27 Maii, 1501. Cujus animae propitietur Deus. Amen. And on the Monument the Coat of Arms of the Cranmer's; being a Chevron, between three Cranes, quar∣tered with those of the Aslactons, Newmarches, Whattons, and two Families more. This might probably enough be the Arch-bishop's Father.

The Arch-bishop in the first Year of King Edward VI,* 7.11 purchased of that King the Rectories of Whatton and Aslacton, (the Manors whereof belonged to his Family before) with the Advousons of the Churches. Both which had pertained to the dissolved Monastery of Welbeck. Which Rectories the Arch-bishop, as it seems, made over to his Nephew Thomas, Son to his Brother Iohn. For he died seized of them both. And they descended to his Son and Heir Thomas. The Manors of the said Whatton and Aslacton are now come into the noble Family of Dorchester. The Tithes and Glebe to the Armstrongs of Scarrington. For these Collections I am beholden to Thoroton's History of Nottinghamshire.

And now in the last place,* 7.12 let us look into the Arch-bishop's Do∣mestick Affairs. He took great heed to the Well-government of his Family, that all things there might beseem the House of a truly

Christian Bishop, and the chief Spiritual Governour of the English Church. And in order to this, one of his Cares was to have Learned Men about him. A few whereof, as I could retrive them, I shall here mention, and give some Account of. And first let us begin with his Chaplains.

* 7.13I can find but a few of them: but Men they were of great Parts and Atchievements in Learning, as well as Piety. One of them was Rowland Taylor Doctor of both Laws, and preferred by the Arch-bishop to be Parson of Hadley in Suffolk. Who sealed his Do∣ctrine with his Blood. An extraordinary Man, both for his Learning, as well as his bold and brave Profession of Christ's Religion, even to the fiery Trial. He had read over (which was rare in those Days) all S. Augustine's Works, S. Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Eusebius, Origen, and divers other Fathers. He professed the Civil Law, and had read over the Canon Law also: As he told the Lord Chancellor Gardiner, when in his Scorn and Rage together he called him an Ignorant Beetle-brow. The Arch-bishop made use of him in his Af∣fairs: and he was one of those, that were joined with him in King Edward's Days, for making a Reformation in the Ecclesiastical Laws. Soon after he was invested in his Benefice, leaving the AB's Family, he went and resided, like a careful Pastor, and performed among his Parishioners all the Parts of an excellent Minister, in respect of his Doctrine, Example and Charity. He was sent down to his own Parish of Hadley, where he was extreamly beloved, to be burnt. But I refer the Reader to the large and full Account that Fox gives of him in his Book of Acts and Monuments; and shall only recite his Epitaph, as it now remaineth, or lately did, in a brass Plate hang∣ing in the Church of Hadley, where he deserved so well.

Gloria in Altissimis Deo.

* 8.1OF Rowland Taylor's Fame I show, an Excellent Divine, A Doctor of the Civil Law, a Preacher rare and fine. King Henry and King Edward's Days, Preacher and Parson here, That gave to God continual Praise, and kept his Flock in Fear. And for the Truth condemn'd to die he was in Fire and Flame, Where he received patiently the Torment of the same: And strongly suffered to the End. Which made the Standers by, Rejoice in God to see their Friend and Pastor so to die. O Taylor! were thy mighty Fame uprightly here enroll'd, Thy Deeds deserve that thy good Name were cipher'd here in Gold. Obiit 1555.

And in Aldham-Common, not far from Hadley Town, is a great Stone, that assigns the Place where he suffered, and on it are written these words, or to this effect,

Dr. Taylor for maintaining what was good, In this Place shed his Blood.

His Living was immediately supplied by one Newal.* 8.2 And to de∣serve his Preferment, or by Commandment perhaps from Above, to render their taking away Dr. Taylor the more justifiable, he made a Sermon February 10, 1555, being the Day next after he suffered, upon this Text, Sic currite, ut comprehendatis. His Work was to perswade the People to return to the old Superstitions, and to bespatter the Martyr with false Reports. And meeting with a Writing,* 8.3 that containeth the Sum of this Sermon, I will crave leave here to insert it; to give a Specimen of Popish Preaching in these Days.

He exhorted to run in the strait Way, and leave the wide Gate,* 8.4 viz. To leave the new-found Learning, and but new found in∣deed; and follow all one Religion. For ye were, said he, errone∣ously taught by soch Men as died yesterday. Of whom I will speak, but for no Malice, as God I take to record.

His Opinions were, wherefore he died, one, that Priests might have Wives: the other, that in the Sacrament was not the very Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, substantially and really.

The first, that Priests should have Wives, he could prove by no Scripture, but by three other Authors. And he was demaunded, if he were willing to stand to the last? He answered, Yea, be∣fore God. Then the Book laid afore him, and read to him in Latin and English: and he reading the English of it himself, said he would read the Latin, and so did, and confuted himself. And stood then as amazed; as can witness five hundred.

And I dare say, there were a thousand Texts rehersed to him to the contrary: but he could answer not to one. And so had divers Admonitions, but was so stubborn in his own Conceit, according to Paul's Saying, Si sit homo sectuum, Let him be admonished once or twice; And so hath he been: If he will not turn, let him cast out. And so he is now. For better were it so to do, then to put many Souls in danger with evil Doctrin.

And one Text I will declare to you for Priests having Wives. S. Paul, when he was tempted, rid to our Saviour Christ, and asked what Remedy were for Temptation, for his Temptation? but whether it were of Lust of the Flesh, or vain Glory, I can∣not tell, but let that go to the Opinion of Men. And Christ an∣swered, Why Paul, is not my Grace sufficient for thee? But he did not say, Take a Wife, and let that be thy Remedy. But they strait take a Drab by the Tail, saying, That no Man can live Chast without the Gift of God.

And as concerning the Sacrament, to prove it, he brought Paul in the end of the first to the Corinthians, Luke, Iohn, Sixth of Mark. And it is not to be called the Supper of the Lord, as these Banbury Glosers have called it. For Coenâ factâ, he said, This is my Body, which is, or shall be, betrayed. And in one Text Cyprian, one of the Primitive Church, said in a Sermon of the Supper, The Bread which Christ gave to his Disciples, by the omnipo∣tency of the Word, is made Flesh. And Dionysius and Hilary simi∣liter.

To err is a small Fault, but to persevere is a devilish thing. For

it moveth many Minds, to see an Heretick constant, and to die. But it is not to be mervelled at: for the Devil hath Power over Soul and Body. For he causeth Men to drown and hang them∣selves, at their own Wills. Much more he may cause a Man to burn: seeing he is tied, and cannot fly. Barnabe saith so. Cyprian, unus Clericorum, saith, That grievous is the Fault of Discord in Christ's Church, and cannot be cleansed with Burning, or any other Sacrifice. Ergo, Damned.

For sure he died in damnable Case, if he did not otherwise re∣pent in the Hour of Pain. For though he did burn in this Case, he sheweth himself a Christian Man no otherwise than the Devil sheweth himself like Christ: and so maketh no End of a Martyr. Austin saith, He that will deny the Church to be his Mother, God will deny him to be his Son.

And so Pope Iulius the third prayed for, &c. He made an end for lack of his Books, because he said, he was but new come, and brought not his Books with him.

Item, Last, The Person being laboured by the way, to have left his Opinion, answered, Alas! what would you have me to do? Once I have Recanted, and my Living is gone. I am but a Wretch: Make an end of me. And, I warrant you, said not one word at his Death, more than desired the People to pray for him. Which was no Token of a Christian, but of Stubbornness. But I am glad, that ye were so quiet.

A right Popish Sermon, patched up of Ignorance, Malice, Un∣charitableness, Lies and Improbabilities: That he had no Scripture to produce for himself. That his Adversaries had a thousand against him. That he should be willing to stand to a Quotation out of a Father, and know no better what it was, as, when he saw it, to be so con∣founded and amazed. That if he were so convinced and speechless, that he should be so stupid and senseless to suffer Death, for Matters, which he saw were not true. But such a Character was here given of him, as was no ways agreeable to the great Learning, Wisdom, and Piety, that this excellent Man was endued with.

* 8.5Iohn Ponet, or Poinet a Kentish Man, and of Queen's College, Cambridg, was another of his Chaplains; a very Ingenious, as well as Learned Man: Afterward Bishop of Rochester, and then of Winchester. A great Friend to that accomplished Scholar, Ro∣ger Ascham; who in confidence of his Friendship, writ to him, when Domestick Chaplain to the Arch-bishop, to deliver his Let∣ter, and forward his Suit to his Grace, to dispense with him from eating Flesh, and keeping Lent, as was mentioned before. He was of great Authority with Cranmer, and of his Council in Matters of Divinity. We may judg of his great Abilities by what Godwin speaks of him, viz.

That he had left divers Writings in Latin and English: and that besides the Greek and Latin, he was well seen in the Italian and Dutch Tongues. [Which last he learned pro∣bably in his Exile.] That he was an excellent Mathematician, and gave unto King Henry VIII. a Dial of his own Devise; shew∣ing not only the Hour of the Day, but also the Day of the Month, the Sign of the Sun, the Planetary Hour; yea, the Change of the Moon, the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, with divers other things

as strange, to the great wonder of the King, and his no less Com∣mendation.

And he was as eminent for his Gift in Preaching, as for his other Qualifications, being preferred by King Edward for some excellent Sermons preached before him.* 8.6 One of our Historians writes, that he was with Sir Thomas Wyat in his Insurrection: and after his Defeat, fled into Germany, where in the City of Strasburg he died about the Year 1556. But Bale speaks not a word of his being with Wyat; but that he died being 40 Years of Age, buried at Strasburgh, and attended honourably to his Grave with abundance of Learned Men and Citizens.

Thomas Becon a Suffolk Man, seems to have been his Chaplain.* 8.7 To Cranmer, Becon dedicated his Treatise of Fasting: wherein he menti∣oned several Benefits he had received from the Arch-bishop. One whereof was, his making him one of the Six Preachers of Canter∣bury. He was deprived in Queen Mary's Reign, as all the other five were, for being Married. He was a famous Writer, as well as Preacher, in the Reigns of King Henry, King Edward, Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth. So eminent, that he was one of the three, Vernon and Bradford (being the other two) that were sent for by Queen Mary's Council, and committed to the Tower in the beginning of her Reign, viz. August 16. 1553. From whence he was not de∣livered till March 22. following. During which time, as he com∣plained himself, he underwent a miserable Imprisonment. To con∣ceal himself in those dangerous Times, he went by the Name of Theodore Basil: and was one of those Authors, whose Names were specified in a severe Proclamation put forth by King Philip and Queen Mary, 1555. as being Writers of Books, which, as con∣trary to the Pope and Roman Catholick Religion, were forbidden to be brought into England, or used, and commanded diligently to be searched for, and brought to the Ordinary, upon Penalty of the Sta∣tute of Henry IV, against Heresy. After his delivery from Prison, skulking about for some time, at length he saved himself by Exile.

He was a Man mightily tossed about. For to look upon him, be∣fore this, in King Henry's Reign; then for his Security, he was forced to leave his Friends and Country, wandring as far as Darbyshire, and the Peak: where he privately taught School for a Subsistence. And coming a mere Stranger into Alsop in the Dale, one Mr. Alsop, a pious Man, in that barbarous Country, shewed him great Civility. Af∣terwards he travelled into Staffor••shire, where he also educated Chil∣dren in good Literature, and instilled into their Minds the Princi∣ples of Christian Doctrine. After a Year's tarrying there, and in Leicester-shire, he flitted into Warwick-shire, where he taught also divers Gentlemens Sons, and where he met with old Father Latimer to his great Joy, who had first made him acquainted with the Gospel, when he was a Scholar in Cambridg, twenty Years before. He wrote a great many Books, forty in number, suted to the various Occasions of Christians, both in the Persecutions under Queen Mary, and the free Profession and Restoration of the Gospel, under King Edward▪ and Queen Elizabeth: and many more against the Religion of the Roman Church. All these did this learned and painful Author com∣pose for the Benefit of the Professors of Religion. Whereby he did

such Service to the enlightning of Mens Minds in the knowledg of the Truth, and for the exposing the Corruptions of Popery, that it was thought convenient, that some of that Communion should be employed to write against him. And so Richard Smith, sometime Reader of Divinity in Oxon, and one that had subscribed to the Re∣formed Religion, and after fled into Brabant, and became a zealous Assertor of Popery, writ in a bitter Stile against some of Becon's Books, as he had done against the Arch-bishop himself before.

I find this Becon put up to preach one of the Lent Sermons at St. Pauls Cross, in the Year 1566. And such then was his Fame for a Preacher, and such his Favour with the greatest Prelats, that the Lord Mayor for that Year sent a Message to Arch-bishop Parker, That his Grace would prevail with him to preach one of the Ser∣mons at the Spittle that Easter.

In the Year 1564, he revised and reprinted all his former Books in three Volumes; dedicating the whole to all the Arch-bishops and Bishops of the Realm. And in Commendation thereof, Parkhurst Bishop of Norwich, wrote these Verses to him.

Vidi & perlegi doctos, Baecone, Libellos, Quos tua non pridem Sancta Minerva dedit. Dispeream, siquid legi unquam sanctius, aut si Quid potuit populo tradier utilius. Auspice perge Deo tales vulgare Libellos: Vaniloquax sed nec lingua timenda tibi est. Sic Christum possis avido inculcare popello, Sic possis nomen condecorare tuum.

Besides these, there was his Postil, being Godly and Learned Ser∣mons on all the Sunday-Gospels in the Year: Printed in Quarto in the Year 1567.

I shall say no more of his Chaplains, after I shall have mentioned Richard Harman.* 8.8 Who seems to have been one of his first Chap∣lains; being once of King's-College, but went away Scholar (pro∣bably for Religion;) afterwards lived in Iesus-College, and com∣menced Master of Arts with Cranmer: Whom he also preferred to be his Domestick afterwards. This Man was one of those Cambridg-Men that were elected into S. Frideswide's-College in Oxon; and suf∣fered much there for Religion. He was afterwards a Canon of Wind∣sor; but fell back to Popery.

CHAP. XXIX. Arch-bishop Cranmer's Officers.

* 8.9I Shall now add a few words of Two of his Civil Officers: His Stew∣ard and his Secretary: on Nevyl was his Steward in K. Henry's Reign; who conducted Sir Iohn Seimour, coming with a Message from the King, through the Hall, when the Tables were sumptuously set, unto the ABp at Dinner; him I have nothing to say of. But he had ano∣ther

afterwards, named Robert Watson, born in Norwich, of whom I have a word or two say. He was a great Civilian, and an Exile for Religion in Queen Mary's Reign. But before his escape beyond Sea, he lay in Prison in Norwich a Year and four Months, saith Bale; almost two Years, saith Fox. And then was most fortunately deli∣vered, without doing any Violence to his Conscience, by the Sub∣scription which he made. Being Abroad, he wrote a Piece, intitu∣led, Aetiologia, to all that sincerely professed Christ, wheresoever disper∣sed, especially his Countrymen, the English, banished with him. In this Tract he gave a Relation of himself, and his Imprisonment and Escape; and of the Disputes that happened between him and his Adversaries concerning Transubstantiation, and the Real Presence of Christ in the Sacrament; and by what means he escaped safe in Body and Conscience: Which was a rare Matter to do from such Inquisi∣tors. It was propounded to him to set his Hand to these words, viz.

That he believed and confessed, that the Bread and Wine in the Eucharist, through the Omnipotency of God's Word, pronounced by the Priest, were turned into the Body and Blood of Christ; and after Consecration, under the Forms of Bread and Wine, re∣mained the true Body and Blood of Christ, and no other Substance.

To which he made this Subscription; His omnibus eatenus assentior & subscribo, quatenus Verbo Dei nituntur, eo{que} sensu, quo sunt ab Ecclesia Catholica, & a Sanctis Patribus intellecta. By the Means of one Dr. Barret, a Learned Friar of Norwich, he was upon this favoura∣ble Subscription dismissed. But Christopherson Dean of Norwich, when he understood it, was much incensed, and laid out to take him again. But he, by the help of Friends, escaped over the Seas.

Now lastly of Ralph Morice his Secretary, so much employed,* 8.10 and so greatly intrusted by our Arch-bishop, it may not be amiss to set down a few Memorials. He was his Secretary, not so much for ordinary Matters incident to his Archiepiscopal Office, as his Ama∣nuensis for Learned Treatises and Discourses which he composed. In this Place he remained for twenty Years, that is, from the Arch-bishop's first entrance upon his See, to the Death of King Edward VI, his good Master. He was a very considerable Person,* 8.11 and of good Birth, being the Son of Iames Morice of Royden in the County of Essex Esq. Which Iames was sometime Servant unto the Lady Mar∣garet, Countess of Richmond and Derby, and Clerk of her Kitchin, and Master of her Works; and particularly of Christs-College and S. Iohns in Cambridg, both which she founded. He also and his Son William were joint Receivers of the Lands, called Richmond-Lands; and other Lands, called the Recovered-Lands.

Our Ralph, by reason of his Service about the Arch-bishop,* 8.12 was well known to Bishop Heth, Bishop Thirlby, Bishop Cox, Bishop Barlow, and Bishop Scory; Men that were much about the Arch-bishop, and his Friends; and who were privy to those Volumes that the Secretary writ out for his Master. He dwelt sometime in Chartham, not far from Canterbury; and had the Farm of that Parsonage, and the Nomination of the Curat. And being a Man of Conscience and Integrity, endeavoured to procure here an honest and able Prea∣cher; and so presented to the Church one Richard Turner,* 8.13 a Man of

an irreprehensible Life, and well-learned in the Holy Scriptures. Who, for his Doctrine against the Popish Superstition, and the Pope's Supremacy,* 8.14 met with great Troubles. But his Patron very stifly stood by him, and procured the Arch-bishop to favour him: And having an Interest with Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Butts, Courtiers, he wrote Mr. Turner's Case at large to them, and got them to read his Letter before the King. Who, though before he had been by sinister Reports so incensed against him, as to command him to be whip'd out of the Country, now by this Means he conceived better Thoughts of him, and commanded him to be cherish'd as a good Subject; as I have before more at large related.

* 8.15Another Passage I meet with of this Man, relates to the Kindness of the ABp his Master to him. Who, in token of his Good-will he bore him, and of his readiness to reward his Diligence and Faithful∣ness in his Service, did procure him a Lease of the Parsonage of O∣spring in Kent, being an Impropriation belonging unto S. Iohns-Col∣lege in Cambridg, worth better than forty Marks by the Year de claro, when Wheat was but a Noble the Quarter. This the Arch-bishop got a Grant of from the said College for him. But when the Lease was prepared, and ready to be sealed, one Hawkins of the Guard, by his importunate Suit, got King Henry VIII, to obtain it of the Col∣lege to be sealed for the use of him the said Hawkins. The Arch-bi∣shop then solicited the King in his Servant's behalf, and the King promised him, and also Dr. Day the Master of the College, that he would otherwise recompense Morice for the same, with like Value or better. Which was never done, the King dying before he did any thing for him.

* 8.16This caused Morice to prefer a Supplication unto Queen Elizabeth, setting forth his said Case, and desiring therefore her Liberality, Aid and Succour; especially considering, that her Royal Father had in his Will provided, that all such who had sustained any manner of Damage or Hinderance by him, should be satisfied for the same: Su∣ing therefore to her Majesty for a Pension, that had been allowed un∣to one Wilbore, late Prior of the Monastery of S. Augustines, lately deceased, that it might be conferred upon him during his Life. And indeed he seemed now in his old Age, to have need of some such Fa∣vour, his Condition being but mean according to worldly Things, and having four Daughters all marriageable, and not where-with∣al to bestow them according to their Quality. This his Poverty he urged to the Queen, and that the granting him this Pension, would be a good furtherance of his said Daughters Marriage.

* 8.17The same Person had some Lands descended to him from Iames his Father, out of two Manors, the one called Royden-Manor, and the other called The Temple, both situate and lying in the Parish of Royden. His said Father, upon some certain Reasons and Agree∣ments, surrendred two long Leases of both these Manors into King Henry VIII his Hands. In consideration of which, and of long and true Services, the said King did give, except and reserve certain Tene∣ments, Lands, Pastures and Meadows out of the said two Lordships, to the Use of the said Iames and his Heirs and Assigns for ever, as appeared by his Letters Patents. And Iames did enjoy them peace∣ably

and quietly, without any molestation, until his Death; which was in the second Year of Queen Mary. But of late the Leases of the Manors being sold away unto others, they laid Claim and Titl•• unto the said reserved Lands, upon the Information of one Thur∣good, Steward of the Courts there; pretending that there were not Words sufficient in the said Letters Patents to justify the said Excep∣tions. This occasioned Ralph Morice the Son, who enjoyed some of the Copy-holds within the said Exceptions, to sue unto the Queen for her Majesty's Letters Patents, to ratify and confirm the said Ex∣ceptions, that the King's Godly Disposition, Intent and Meaning, might be in Force to Iames Morice's Heirs and Assigns for ever.

What Success he had in this and the former Petition, I find not; but am ready to think the Queen gratified him in both, as well for his own Merits, as out of that high Respect she bore to the Memory of our incomparable Prelat, whose Servant he had so long been, and for whose sake he recommended himself and his Suit to her. I have inserted the former of these Supplications in the Appendix,* 8.18 being an Original of Morice's own Hand-writing, and containing some me∣morable Passages in it.

This Man was, by the Arch-bishop's Means,* 8.19 appointed Register in King Edward VI his Visitation, which was in the second Year of his Reign; the Articles whereof were drawn up by the Arch-bishop, and preserved to us in Bishop Sparrow's Collections. And being rea∣dy to depart with the King's Commissioners, the Arch-bishop sent for him to Hampton-Court, and willed him to make Notes of certain Matters in the said Visitation, whereof he gave him particular In∣structions; and had large Discourse with him of the good Success that this Course was like to have.

In the beginning of Queen Mary he suffered much:* 8.20 Being glad to fly from his own House; but afterwards taken by the Justices, and committed to Custody. Out of which he escaped by breaking Pri∣son. His House was often searched. But he out-lived those hard Times, and was alive in the Year 1565; and then lived at Bekes∣born.

It was this Morice that supplied Mr. Fox,* 8.21 the Writer of the Acts and Monuments, with those Memorials concerning the Bishop of Winchester, which shewed how small a Share he had in King Hen∣ry's Affections, notwithstanding his boasting thereof, which he was very apt to do; and particularly how that King came to leave him out of his last Will. All which Sir Anthony Denny related to our Arch-bishop, in the hearing of this his Secretary: Who was alive when Fox wrote this, and whom he asserts towards the end of his eighth Book, as a Witness to the same. For it is to be noted here, that among those Persons that assisted this Author with Matter for the compiling his laborious Books, this Morice was one, and to whom we are to reckon our selves beholden for divers other material Passa∣ges of our Church-History, and especially those of his Lord and Master the Arch-bishop, which are preserved in the said Books to Posterity. To Day the Printer he sent many Papers of Monuments for the furnishing Fox's History; and many more he had commu∣nicated; but that in Queen Mary's Reign, his House in two Years

was thrice searched; by which means he lost a great sort of Things worthy perpetual Memory; and especially divers Letters of King Edward to the Arch-bishop, and of the Arch-bishop to him.

* 8.22I meet with one Morice, a ••an of Worship, that was much ac∣quainted with, and very well affected towards Mr. Hugh Latimer, whom the said Reverend Father called His trusty Friend. When he was Parson of West-Kingston in Wiltshire, the Priests at Bristol and thereabouts, had combined against him; and accusing him in several Articles, which they had maliciously and falsly collected out of his Sermons, got him convented before Warham Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury, and Stokesly Bishop of London. By them he was detained a great while, and underwent many an Examination. While he was in these his Troubles, Morice, whom I suspect to be either this Ralph or his Father, wrote a kind Letter to him to comfort him. To which Latimer gives an Answer; wherein he explains at large to him the Reasons of his Troubles, thanking him for this Kindness, as well as for others heretofore shewn him; and for which he prayed God to reward him.

CHAP. XXX. A Prospect of the Arch-bishop's Qualities.

* 8.23THERE is an Original Writing of this Morice's Hand, pre∣served in the Benet-Library, intitled, A Declaration, &c. Which he drew out for the Use, and by the Command of Arch-bi∣shop Parker. Wherein divers remarkable Passages of this Arch-bi∣shop, not yet mentioned, are set down: and particularly, he is here∣in vindicated from one thing, which to this Day he is by some blamed for; namely, for Alienations, and long Leases of the Reve∣nues of the See, granted to the King, and others. A great part therefore of this I shall here transcribe.

* 8.24He was of such temperance of Nature, or rather so mortified, that no manner of Prosperity or Adversity could alter or change his accustomed Conditions: For were the Storms never so terrible, or odious, or the prosperous State of the Times never so pleasant, joyous or acceptable; to the Face of the World his Countenance, Diet or Sleep commonly never altered or changed. So that they which were most near and conversant about him, never or sel∣dom perceived, by any Sign or Token of Countenance, how the Affairs of the Prince or Realm went. Notwithstanding privately with his secret and special Friends, he would shed forth many bitter Tears; lamenting the Miseries and Calamities of the World.

* 8.25Again, He so behaved himself to the whole World, that in no manner of Condition he would seem to have any Enemy; al∣though in very ••eed he had both many great and secret Enemies, whom he always bare with such Countenance and Benevolence, that they could never take good opportunity to practise their Ma∣lice against him, but to their great displeasure and hindrance in the

End. And as concerning his own regard towards Slanders and Reproach, by any Man to him imputed, or impinged, such as in∣tirely knew him, can testify, that very little he esteemed or re∣garded the Bruit thereof; because he altogether travailed ever∣more from giving of just occasion of Detraction. Whereupon grew and proceeded that notable Quality or Vertue he had, to be beneficial unto his Enemies. So that in that respect he would not be acknown to have any Enemy at all. For whosoever he had been that had reported evil of him, or otherwise wrought to do him displeasure, were the Reconciliation never so mean or simple on the behalf of his Adversary, if he had any thing at all relented, the Matter was both pardoned and clearly forgotten; and so vo∣luntarily cast into the Satchel of Oblivion behind the back Parts; That it was more clear now out of his Memory, than it was in his Mind, before it was either commenced or committed. Inso∣much, that if any such Person should have had any Suit unto him afterward, he might well reckon, and be as sure to obtain (if by any means he might lawfully do it) as any other of his special Friends. So that on a Time I do remember, that Dr. Hethe late Arch-bi∣shop of York, partly misliking this his over-much Lenity, by him used, said unto him, My Lord, I now know how to win all things at your Hand well enough. How so, quoth my Lord? Marry, saith Dr. Hethe, I perceive, that I must first attempt to do unto you some notable Displeasure; and then by a little relenting, obtain of you what I can desire. Whereat my Lord bit his Lip, as his manner was, when he was moved, and said, You say well; but yet you may be deceived. Howbeit having some consideration so to do, I may not alter my Mind, and accustomed Condition, as some would have me to do.

Again, One thing he commonly used,* 8.26 wherein many did dis∣commend him; Which was this: He always bare a good Face and Countenance unto the Papists, and would, both in Word and Deed, do very much for them; pardoning their Offences: and on the other side, somewhat over-severe against the Protestants. Which being perceived not to be done, but upon some Purpose, on a Time a Friend of his declared unto him, that he therein did very much harm; encouraging thereby the Papists, and also thereby discouraging the Protestants. Wherunto he made this Answer, and said, What will ye have a Man do to him, that is not yet come to the knowledg of the Truth of the Gospel, nor perchance as yet Called, and whose Vocation is to me uncertain? Shall we per∣haps in his Journey coming towards us, by Severity, and cruel Be∣haviour, overthrow him, and, as it were in his Voiage, stop him? I take not this the way to allure Men to embrace the Doctrine of the Gospel. And if it be a true Rule of our Saviour Christ, to do Good for Evil; then let such as are not yet come to favour our Religion, learn to follow the Doctrine of the Gospel by our Example, in using them friendly and charitably. On the other side, such as have tasted of sincere Religion, and as it were taken hold of the Gospel, and seem in Words to maintain the true Doctrine thereof▪ and then, by the evil Example of their Lives, most perniciously

become Stumbling-blocks unto such as are weak, and not at all as yet entred into the Viage; what would you have me do with them? Bear with them, and wink at their Faults; and so wil∣lingly suffer the Gospel, by their outragious doings, to be trodden under Feet? Using herewith another notable Saying of our Saviour out of our Memory: which saith, The Servant, knowing his Lord and Master's Pleasure and Commandment, if he regardeth not the same, is, as a Man might say, of all others worthy of many Plagues. And thus with these two Scriptures, or Doctrines of our Saviour Christ, he answered mine Eldest Brother, who was earnest with him for his Amendment of this Quality. Mr. Isaac, yet living, is a Witness of the same.

* 8.27Again, If there were any Matter of Weight, (besides his own Cause, wherein evermore with all kinds of Persons, he was ready to relent, and give place, according to the Quality of the Matter, more than became his State) which touched God percase, or his Prince, there was no Man more stout, or more inexorable. So far forth, that neither fear of losing of Promotion, nor hope of Gain, or winning of Favour, could move him to relent, or give place unto the Truth of his Conscience. As experience thereof well appeared, as well in defence of the true Religion against the Six Articles in the Parliament, as in that he offered to combate with the Duke of Northumberland in K. Edward's Time; speaking then on behalf of his Prince, for the staying of the Chauntries, until his Highness had come unto lawful Age: and that especially for the maintenance of his better State then. But if at his Prince's Pleasure in case of Religion, at any time he was forced to give place, that was done with such humble Protestation, and so knit up for the safeguard of his Faith and Conscience, that it had been better his Good-will had never been requested, than so to relent or give over as he did. Which most dangerously (besides sundry times else) he especially attempted, when the Six Articles past by Parlia∣ment; and when my L. Crumwel was in the Tower. At what time the Book of Articles of our Religion * 8.28 was new penned. For even at that Season the whole Rabblement (which he took to be his Friends, being Commissioners with him) forsook him, and his Opinion and Doctrine. And so leaving him Post alone, revolted altoge∣ther on the part of Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester. As by Name, Bishop Hethe, Shaxton, Day, and all other of the meaner sort. By whom these so named were chiefly advanced and preferred unto Dignities. And yet this sudden Inversion not∣withstanding, God gave him such Favour with his Prince, that Book altogether past by his Assertion, against all their Minds. More to be marvelled at, the Time considered, than by any Rea∣son to compass how it should come to pass. For then would there have been laid thousands of Pounds to Hundreds in London, that he should, before that Synod had been ended, have been shut up in the Tower, beside his Friend the Lord Crumwel. Howbeit the King's Majesty,* 8.29 having an assured and approved affiance of his both deep Knowledg in Religion, and Fidelity both to God and Him, suspected in that time other Men in their Judgments,

not to walk uprightly, nor sincerely; For that some of them swer∣ved from their former Opinions in Doctrine: And having great ex∣perience of the constancy of the Lord Cranmer, it drave him all along to join with the said Lord Cranmer, in the confirmation of his Opinion and Doctrin against all the rest to their great Admi∣ration.

For at all Times,* 8.30 when the King's Majesty would be resolved in any Doubt or Question, he would but send word to my Lord over Night; and by the next Day the King would have in writing brief Notes of the Doctors Minds, as well Divines as Lawyers, both Old and New; with a Conclusion of his own Mind. Which he could never get in such a readiness of any; no, not of all his Chaplains and Clergy about him, in so short a Time. For being thorowly seen in all kinds of Expositors, he could incontinently lay open thirty, forty, sixty or more, some whiles, of Authors. And so reducing the Notes of them altogether, would advertise the King more in one Day, than all his Learned Men could do in a Month.

And it was no mervail; for it was well known, that commonly,* 8.31 if he had not Business of the Prince's, or special urgent Causes be∣fore him, he spent three parts of the Day in Study as effectually, as he had done at Cambridg. And therefore it was, that the King said on a time to the Bishop of Winchester, the King and my said Lord of Winchester defending together, that the Canons of the Apostles were of as good Authority, as the four Evangelists, contrary to my Lord Cranmer's Assertion; My Lord of Canterbury, said the King, is too old a Truant for us twain.

Again, His Estimation was such with his Prince,* 8.32 that in Mat∣ters of great Importance, wherein no Creature durst once move the King for fear of Displeasure, or moving the King's Patience, or otherwise for troubling his Mind, then was my Lord Cranmer most violently, by the whole Council, obtruded and thrust out to undertake that Danger and Peril in Hand. As beside many other times, I remember twice he served the Council's Expectation▪ The first time was, when he staied the King's determinate Mind and Sentence; in that he fully purposed to send the Lady Mary his Daughter, unto the Tower, and there to suffer as a Subject:* 8.33 because She would not obey the Laws of the Realm, in re∣fusing the Bishop of Rome's Authority and Religion. Whose stay in that behalf the King then said unto the Lord Cranmer, would be to his utter Confusion at the length. The other dangerous Attempt was, in the disclosing the unlawful Behaviour of Queen Katharine Howard towards the King,* 8.34 in keeping unlawful Com∣pany with Durrant, her Servant. For the King's Affection was so mervailously set upon that Gentlewoman, as it was never known that he had the like to any Woman. So that no Man durst take in Hand to open to him that Wound, being in great perplexity, how he would take it. And then the Council had no other Refuge, but unto my Lord Cranmer. Who with over-much Importunity gave the Charge: which was done with such Circum∣spection,

that the King gave over his Affections unto Reason, and wrought mervellous colourably for the Trial of the same.

* 8.35Now as concerning the Manner and Order of his Hospitality and House-keeping. As he was a Man abandoned from all kind of Avarice, so was he content to maintain Hospitality, both liberally and honourably, and yet not surmounting the Limits of his Re∣venues: Having more respect and foresight unto the Iniquity of the Times, being inclined to pull and spoil from the Clergy, than to his own private Commodity. For else, if he had not so done, he was right sure that his Successors should have had as much Re∣venues left unto them, as were left unto the late Abbies: Especi∣ally considering, that the Lands and Revenues of the said Abbies, being now utterly consumed and spread abroad; and for that there remained no more Exercise to set on work, or no Officers, but Sur∣veyors, Auditors and Receivers; it was high time to shew an Example of liberal Hospitality. For although these said Work∣men, only brought up and practised in subverting of Monastical Possessions, had brought that kind of Hospitality unto utter Con∣fusion, yet ceased they not to undermine the Prince by divers Per∣swasions, for him also to overthrow the honourable State of the Clergy.

* 8.36And because they would lay a sure Foundation to build their Purpose upon, they found the Means to put into the King's Head, That the Arch-bishop of Canterbury kept no Hospitality, or House correspondent unto his Revenues and Dignity, but sold his Woods, and by great Incomes and Fines made Money, to purchase Lands for his Wife and Children. And to the intent that the King should with the more facility believe this Information, Sir Thomas Seymor, the Duke of Somerset's Brother, being one of the Privy-Chamber, was procured to take this Matter in hand. And be∣fore he informed the King thereof, he blasted it abroad in the Court. Insomuch that the Gentlemen and he fell out for the same: They declare, That his Report was manifestly false, as well for the keeping of his House, as for the purchasing Lands for his Wife and Children. This notwithstanding, Mr. Seymor went through with his Information, and declared unto the King as is before declared. The King hearing this Tale with the Sequel, (that was, That it was meet for the Bishops not to be troubled, ne vexed with Temporal Affairs, in ruling their Honours, Lordships and Manors; but rather, they having an honest Pension of Money, yearly allowed unto them for their Hospitality, should surrender unto the King's Majesty all their Royalties and Temporalties) said, I do marvel that it is said, my Lord of Canterbury should keep no good Hospitality; for I have heard the contrary. And so with a few more Commendations of my Lord, as one that little regarded the Suit; but yet, as it appeared afterward, some∣thing smelling what they went about, left off any further to talk of that Matter, and converted his Communication to another Purpose.

Notwithstanding, within a Month after, whether it was of

Chance, or of Purpose, it is unknown; the King going to Din∣ner, called Mr. Seymour unto him, and said, Go ye straightways un∣to Lambeth, and bid my Lord of Canterbury come and speak with me at two of the Clock at Afternoon. Incontinently Mr. Seymor came to Lambeth, and being brought into the Hall by the Porter, it chanced the Hall was set to Dinner. And when he was at the Skreen, and perceived the Hall furnished with three principal Messes, beside the rest of the Tables thorowly set, having a guil∣ty Conscience of his untrue Report made to the King, reco••led back, and would have gone in to my Lord by the Chappel-way. Mr. Nevyl, being Steward, perceiving that, rose up, and went after him, and declared unto him, that he could not go that way; and so brought him back unto my Lord through the Hall. And when he came to my Lord, and had done his Message, my Lord caused him to sit down and dine with him. But making a short Dinner, because he would bring the King word again of his Mes∣sage, he departed and came to the King, before he was risen from the Table. When he came to the King's Presence, said the King, Will my Lord of Canterbury come to Us? He will wait on your Majesty, said Mr. Seymor, at two of the Clock. Then said the King, had my Lord dined before you came? No forsooth, said Mr. Seymor, for I found him at Dinner. Well, said the King, What Chear made he you? With these words Mr. Seymor kneeled down, and besought the King's Majesty of Pardon. What is the matter? said the King. I do remember, said Mr. Seymor, that I told your Highness, that my Lord of Canterbury kept no Hospita∣lity correspondent unto his Dignity: and now I perceive that I did abuse your Highness with an Untruth. For besides your Grace's House, I think he be not in the Realm, of none Estate or Degree, that hath such a Hall furnished, or that fareth more ho∣nourably at his own Table. Ah, said the King, have you spied your own Fault now? I assure your Highness, said Mr. Seymor, it is not so much my Fault as other Mens; who seemed to be ho∣nest Men, that enformed me hereof. But I shall henceforth the worse trust them while they live. Then said the King, I knew your Purpose well enough, you have had among you the Commo∣dities of the Abbies, which you have consumed: Some with super∣fluous Apparel, some at Dice and Cards, and other ungracious Rule. And now you would have the Bishops Lands and Reve∣nues to abuse likewise. If my Lord of Canterbury keep such a Hall, as you say, being neither Term nor Parliament, he is mere∣ly well visited at those Times I warrant you. And if the other Bishops kept the like for their Degree, they had not need to have any thing taken from them, but rather to be added and holpen. And therefore set your Hearts at rest, there shall no such Altera∣tion be made while I live, said the King. So that in very deed, where some had penned certain Books for the altering that State in the next Parliament, they durst never bring them forth to be read. Whereupon it also came to pass, that when the King un∣derstood, that, contrary unto the Report, my Lord of Canterbury had purchased no Lands, his Highness was content, upon the only

Motion of Dr. Butts, without my Lord Cranmer's Knowledg, That he should have the Abbey in Nottinghamshire; which his Wife now enjoyeth.

Thus much I have declared concerning Mr. Seymor's Practice, to the intent Men may understand that my Lord Cranmer's Ho∣spitality was a mean to stay the Estate of the Clergy in their Pos∣sessions.

CHAP. XXXI. Arch-bishop Cranmer preserved the Revenues of his See.

* 8.37AND here I must answer for my Lord Cranmer against certain Objections, which are in divers Mens Heads, That by his Means all the Preferments, Offices and Farmes, are so given and let out, that his Successors have nothing to give or bestow upon their Friends and Servants; nor that such Hospitality can be kept by reason of his Fault, in letting go such things as should have maintained Provisions of Household. But to answer this in a few words, before I descend to any particular Declaration. It is most true, that if he had not well behaved himself towards his Prince, and the World, his Successors should not been cumbred with any piece of Temporal Revenues; either Lands, Woods, or other Revenues. And I pray God they may maintain, in this mild and quiet Time, that which he in a most dangerous World did uphold, and left to his Successors.* 8.38 Yet for better declaration, in answer∣ing to those Objections, it is to be considered, that when he en∣tred upon his Dignity, every Man about the King made means to get some Reversion of Farmes, or of other Office of him. In so much, that the King himself made means to him for one or two things, before he was Consecrated: as for the Farm of Wingham-Barton. Which was granted unto Sir Edward Bainton Kt. for fourscore and nineteen Years. When my Lord perceived, that in such Suits as he granted to the King and Queen, Men would needs have an hundred Years save one, he wrote to the Chapter of Christ-Church, and willed them in any Condition, not to confirm any more of his Grants of Leases, which were above one and twen∣ty Years. By this means much Suit was stopped. So that in very deed he gave out his Leases but for one and twenty Years. Which would not satisfy the greedy Appetites of some Men: And therefore they found a Provision for it. For when my Lord had let out certain goodly Farmes, at Pinner, Heyes, Harrow on the Hill, Mortlake, &c. to the number of ten or twelve Farmes, for one and twenty Years, taking no manner of Fine for them; all these Farmes by and by were put into an Exchange for the King. And the King had them not in Possession six Days, but they were my Lord North's and other Mens. And they were not past one Year in their Possessions, but that the Reversion of every of them was sold for more Years: some for an hundred Pounds, and some for more, and some for less, making Sweepstakes of al∣togethers.

And so was my Lord used in all things almost that he did let out for one and twenty Years.

By means whereof Justice Hales,* 8.39 and other of his Counsel learned in the Laws, advised him to let out his Farmes for many Years, which might be a mean, that they should not be so much desired in Exchanges as they were. For those Farmes, which came to my Lord, came with Years enough upon their Backs. And so upon this Conclusion my Lord was fain to alter his Purpose in letting of his Farmes. Whereupon he did let S. Gregories in Canterbury to Mr. Nevyl, the Priory of Dover, Chislet-Park, and Curleswood-Park, with others, for so many Years as he did, on purpose to stay them, or else he had gone without them one time or other. And as I heard say, since your Grace was Elect, Cur∣leswood-Park was in Exchange, and the Rent thereof paid for one half Year unto the Queen's Use. But so soon as they understood there were so many Years to come, it was reversed to the Arch-bishoprick again. So that hereby partly may be perceived in what State my Lord Cranmer stood with his Lands.

And as touching the diminishing of his Rents,* 8.40 Houses and other Commodities, for the Provision of his Hospitality; if all things be well pondered, he had left the same in better State than he found it. For as touching his Exchanges Men ought to con∣sider with whom he had to do: especially with such a Prince, as would not be bridled, nor be gain-said in any of his Requests, unless Men would danger altogethers. I was by,* 8.41 when Otford and Knol were given him. My Lord, minded to have retained Knol unto himself, said, That it was too small an House for his Ma∣jesty. Mary, said the King, I had rather have it, than this House, meaning Otford; for it standeth on a better Soil. This House standeth low, and is Rheumatick, like unto Croiden, where I could never be without Sickness. And as for Knol, it standeth on a sound, perfect, wholesome Ground. And if I should make abode here, as I do surely mind to do now and then, I will live at Knol, and most of my House shall live at Otford. And so by this means both those Houses were delivered up into the King's Hands. And as for Otford, it is a notable great and ample House: Whose Reparations yearly cost my Lord more than Men would think. And so likewise did Maidstone, which had no manner of Commodity to belong unto it. And I am sure that after certain Exchanges past between the King and him, there were an hundred Marks a Year, or thereabouts, allowed unto him in his last Ex∣changes, for Recompence of Parks and Chases. And yet those Parks and Chases, beside the Provision of his Venison, stood him yearly in much more, by the reason of the Patents and Fees belonging unto them, than he by any means else got by them.

For as for Curleswood,* 8.42 it stood him in twenty Nobles a Year Fee. And yet there was no Gain in it, but only Conies: which the Keeper had also in his Patent. So that the Arch-bishop by suppressing of that, and raising that small Rent it payeth, may spend thereby seven Pounds a Year more than it was accustomed to pay towards the Arch-bishoprick.

* 8.43And touching Chislet-Park, it came to my Lord in Exchange for eight Pounds a Year. And the Farmer payeth ten Pounds. So that thereby is gained forty Shillings a Year. Wherefore it can∣not be indifferently gathered, that my Lord, in preferring his Friends unto these things, hath any whit hindred the Revenues of the Bishoprick.

* 8.44And as touching Pasture and Meddow for the Provision of his House, both at Croyden, and about Canterbury, Ford and Chislet, there is thrice so much Meddow, Pasture, and Mersh as was left unto him.

* 8.45And as for the Sale of his Woods, like as he was driven to ex∣change them, and sell them for to maintain his Hospitality, espe∣cially having almost twenty Years together Learned Men conti∣nually sitting with him in Commission; for the trying out, and setting forth of the Religion received, and for the discussing of other Matters in Controversy. Some of them daily in Diet with him, and some evermore living in his House. So provided he again like Woods, more commodious for his Houses; As the Blene-Woods, belonging to S. Austins; and Pyne-Wood, and others, which be known well enough.

* 8.46And as touching Provision for Corn out of Chislet-Court, and in other Places, it is incredible what a Business he had and adoe with Sir Christopher Hales, for that Farm and Corn; who chal∣lenged it of the King by Promise; and so would have defeated my Lord thereof, had not the King very benignely stood on his Side. And it is no small Revenue to have yearly so much Corn, both Wheat, Malt and Oats, at so mean a Price.

And therefore let Men leave off that Report of him, that he was not beneficial to his Successors. Other Bishops, some of them lost whole Manors and Lordships, without any Exchange at all. Thus much my Conscience hath compelled me to say, in defence of my Lord and Master his good Name: Whom I knew to take as much Care for his Successors in that Bishoprick, as ever did Arch-bishop, or shall. And would have as much advanced the same, if the Iniquity of the World would have permitted him.

* 8.47Now finally, concerning his Behaviour towards his Family: I think there was never such a Master among Men, both feared and intirely beloved. For as he was a Man of most gentle Nature, void of all crabbid and churlish Conditions, so he could abide no such Quality in any of his Servants. But if any such Outragious∣ness were in any of his Men or Family, the correction of those Enor∣mities he always left to the ordering of his Officers: who weekly kept a Counting-house. And if any thing universally were to be reformed or talked of; on that Day, which commonly was Friday, the same was put to Admonition. And if it were a Fault of any particular Man, he was called forth before the Company: To whom warning was given, That if he so used himself after three Monitions, he should lose his Service.

There was an Infamy of him, that he should have been an Host∣ler. Which the ignorant Popish Priests, for very M••••ice had published against him. Saying, That he had no manner of L••••rn∣ing

at all, more than Hostlers are wont to have.* 8.48 And this Ru∣mour sprang of that, that when he had married his first Wife, be∣ing Reader then of Buckingham-College, he did put his Wife to Board in an Inn at Cambridg; and he resorting thither unto her in the Inn, some ignorant Priests named him to be the Hostler, and his Wife the Tapster. This Bruit then began, but it much more was quickned when he was Arch-bishop than before. Insomuch that a Priest far North, about Scarborough, sitting among his Neigh∣bours at the Ale-house, and talking of Arch-bishop Cranmer, di∣vers Men there commending him: What, said the Priest, make ye so much of him? He was but an Hostler, and hath as much Learning as the Goslings of the Green that go yonder. Upon which words, the honest Men of the Parish which heard him, gave Information to my Lord Crumwel of those his slanderous Words. The Priest was sent for before the Council, and cast in∣to the Fleet; my Lord Cranmer not being that Day ••mong the Council, nor hearing no manner of word of the Priest••s Accusa∣tion. It chanced the Priest to lie in the Fleet eight or nine Weeks, and nothing said unto him. He then made Suit by one, named Chersey, (a Grocer dwelling within Ludgate, now yet alive, and Unkle, as I suppose, to the Priest) unto my Lord Cranmer for his Deliverance. This Chersey brought the Copy of the Priest's Ac∣cusation from my Lord Crumwel's House. Whereby plainly ap∣peared, there was nothing laid unto the Priest but those Words against my L. Cranmer. And therefore he besought him to help him out of Prison; for it had put him to great Charges living there, and he had a Benefice which was unserved in his Absence; and said, That he was very sorry he had so unhonestly abused himself towards his Grace. Whereupon my Lord Cranmer sent to the Fleet for the Priest. When he came before my Lord, said my Lord Cranmer to him, It is told me, that you be Prisoner in the Fleet, for calling me an Hostler, and reporting that I have no more Learning than a Gosling. Did you ever see me before this Day? No, forsooth, quoth the Priest. What meant you then to call me an Hostler; and so to deface me among your Neighbours? The Priest made his Excuse, and said, that he was overseen with Drink. Well, said my Lord's Grace, now ye be come, you may oppose me to know what Learning I have. Begin in Grammar, if you will, or else in Philosophy, or other Sciences, or Divinity. I beseech your Grace pardon me, said the Priest, I have no manner of Learning in the Latin Tongue, but altogether in English. Well then, said my Lord, if you will not oppose me, I will oppose you. Are you not wont to read the Bible, quoth my Lord? Yes, that we do dai∣ly, said the Priest. I pray you tell me, quoth my Lord, then, who was David's Father? The Priest stood still, and said, I can∣not surely tell your Lordship. Then said my Lord again, if you cannot tell me that, yet declare unto me who was Solomon's Father? Surely, quoth the Priest, I am nothing at all seen in those Genea∣logies. Then I perceive, quoth my Lord, however you have re∣ported of me, that I had no Learning, I can now bear you Wit∣ness, that you have none at all. There are such a sort of you in

this Realm, that know nothing, nor will know nothing, but sit upon your Ale-bench, and slander all Honest and Learned Men. If you had but common Reason in your Heads, you that have named me an Hostler; you might well know, that the King having in hand one of the hardest Questions that was moved out of the Scripture this many Years, would not send an Hostler unto the Bi∣shop of Rome, and the Emperor's Council, and other Princes, to answer and dispute in that so hard a Question; even among the whole College of Cardinals, and the Rout of Rome. By all like∣lihood the King lacked much the help of Learned Men, that was thus driven to send an Hostler on such a Voyage: Or else the King hath many idle Priests, without Wit or Reason, that can so judg of the Prince and his Council, and of the weighty Matters of the Realm. God amend you, said he, and get ye Home to your Cure, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hence-forth learn to be an honest Man, or at least a rea∣sona 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

〈…〉〈…〉 lamenting his Folly, went his way into his Country; and my Lord Cranmer discharged him out of the Fleet, because there was no Matter against him, but that which only concerned my Lord. My Lord Crumwel within four Days after came to my Lord Cranmer, and sware a great Oath, That the Popish Knaves should pick out his Eyes, and cut his Throat, before he would any more rebuke them for slandering him. I had thought that the Knave Priest, which you have discharged and sent Home, should have recanted at Pauls-Cross on Sunday next. Yea, mary, quoth my Lord Cranmer, you would have all the World know by that mean, that I was an Hostler indeed. What manner of Block∣heads would so think, quoth my Lord Crumwel? Too many Pa∣pists, quoth my Lord Cranmer. Howbeit, quoth he, you have caused the poor Priest to spend all that he hath in Prison; and would you now put him to open Shame too? He is not the first, not by five-hundred of them, that hath called me so; and there∣fore I will not now begin to use Extremity against this Priest: I perceive he is sorry for it. Well, quoth my Lord Crumwel, if you not care for it, no more do I: But I warrant you one Day, if they may, they will make you and me both as vile as Hostlers. This I repeat to declare his Lenity, and Promptness to remit notable Of∣fences; howbeit it should have been placed before if I had re∣membred it.

Thus I have hastily penned such Things as came to my Memo∣ry, since Saturday last: Beseeching your Grace to take it in good part, being certainly assured, that I have declared nothing of mine Head, as concerning the very Matters.

CHAP. XXXII. Some Observations upon Arch-bishop Cranmer.

BEsides these Observations, made to my Hand by another,* 8.49 of this great Arch-bishop, I shall gather some further Observati∣ons of his Endowments and Qualities, whether Christian or Moral. Whereby we shall have occasion offered us, of gathering up a few more Memorials of him.

He was a most profound Learned Man in Divinity,* 8.50 as also in the Civil and Canon Laws. As appeared by those many voluminous Writings and Common-places, by him devised or collected out of all the Fathers, and Church-Writers: which Peter Martyr reported he himself saw; and were indeed communicated to him by the Arch-bishop, while he harboured him at Lambeth. And there was no Book, either of the Antient or Modern Writers, especially upon the Point of the Eucharist, which he had not noted with his own Hand in the most remarkable Places. No Councils, Canons, De∣crees of Popes, which he had not read and well considered. And from this his indefatigable Reading, and exact Knowledg of Authors, he ventured publickly, before the Pope's Delegate, and Queen Mary's Commissioners to make this Challenge,

That if it could be proved by any Doctor above a thousand Years after Christ, that Christ's Body is in the Sacrament of the Altar really, he would give over.

So that his Library was the Storehouse of Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages. And which was open for the use of Learned Men.* 8.51 Here old Latimer spent many an Hour; and found some Books so re∣markable, that once he thought fit to mention one in a Sermon be∣fore the King. And when Ascham of Cambridg, a great Student of Politer Learning, and of Greek Authors, wanted Gregory Nyssen in Greek, (not the Latin Translation of him) and which it seems the University could not afford, he earnestly entreated Poynet his Grace's Chaplain, to borrow it in his Name, and for his use, for some Months of the Arch-bishop. For in those Times it was rare to meet with those Greek Fathers in their own Language, and not spoiled by some ill Latin Translation. Another of his Books I will mention, be∣cause it is now in the possession of a Reverend Friend of mine near Canterbury: in which Book the Arch-bishop's Name is yet to be seen, written thus with his own Hand, Thomas Cantuariensis; and a re∣markable Book it is, which we may conclude, the Arch-bishop often perused, viz. Epistolae & Historiae Joannis Hus. Printed at Wittem∣berg, 1537.

And this Learning happening in a Mind possessed with Piety,* 8.52 made him the more deeply sensible of the greatness of the Charge, that lay upon him. And as he well knew under what Needs the Church laboured, so he was very solicitous, that nothing might be wanting on his part: shewing himself a most conscientious Bishop, and tender Pastor of Christ's Flock. He was not guided in his Epis∣copal Function by vain Glory, or Affectation of popular Applause, or

worldly Ambition, or Covetousness, but only by the Holy and Pious Ends, of discharging his Duty, and promoting the Honour of Christ, and the Knowledg of his Gospel, and the Good of his Peo∣ple: as he took God to witness in the Preface of his Book of the Sa∣crament. A Paragraph whereof I think not unworthy to be here inserted, whereby it may appear of what a truly Apostolical Spirit our Arch-bishop was.

When I see, said he, Christ's Vinyard overgrown with Thorns, Brambles and Weeds, I know that ever∣lasting Woe appertaineth to me, if I hold my Peace, and put not to my Hand and Tongue, to labour in purging his Vinyard. God I take to witness, who seeth the Hearts of all Men thorowly unto the bottom, that I take this Labour for none other Consideration, but for the Glory of his Name, and the Discharge of my Duty, and the Zeal I have toward the Flock of Christ. I know in what Office God hath placed me, and to what Purpose. That is to say, to set forth his Word truly unto his People, to the uttermost of my Power, without respect of Persons, or regard of Things in the World, but of him alone. I know what Account I shall make to him hereof at the last Day, when every Man shall answer for his Vocation, and receive for the fame, Good or Evil, according as he hath done. I know how Antichrist hath obscured the Glory of God, and the true Knowledg of his Word, overcasting the same with Mists and Clouds of Error and Ignorance, thrô false Glosses and Interpretations. It pitieth me to see the simple and hungry Flock of Christ, led into corrupt Pastures, to be carried blindfold they know not whither, and to be fed with Poison, instead of wholsome Meats. And moved by the Duty, Office and Place, whereunto it hath pleased God to call me, I give warning in his Name unto all that profess Christ, that they flee far from Babylon, if they will save their Souls, and to beware of that great Harlot, that is to say, the pestiferous See of Rome, that she make you not drunk with her pleasant Wine, &c.

* 8.53And as he had this Care of the whole Church of this Land, as the high Patriarch thereof, so he particularly had his Eye upon his own Diocess. He took Care, even in King Henry's ticklish Reign, to place such Ministers in Kent, as were Learned, and dared to open their Mouths to preach Gospel-Doctrin, and to convince the People of the Usurpations of the Bishop of Rome, and of the Idolatry and Superstitions, wherein they had been so long nursled up. And for the preventing whereof, for Time to come, he ordered his Arch-deacon, and other his Officers, to take down Images out of Church∣es, and deface them. Which things created him much hatred among the Popish Clergy, whose Gain depended so much therein. He had a peculiar regard of the greater Towns of his Diocess, that such Places might be furnished with able Men, where the Inhabitants were numerous, and the Salaries generally small. Whereby he saw it came to pass, that where there was most need of Learned Men, there the most Ignorant were placed. Therefore he thought this worthy his redressing. I meet with this Memorandum in one of his Note-books:* 8.54

These Towns following are especially to be remem∣bred:

that in them there be placed Learned Men, with sufficient Stipends.

• ...Sandwich,
• ...Dover,
• ...Folkston,
• ...Ashford,
• ...Tenderden,
• ...Crambroke,
• ...Faversham,
• ...Hearn,
• ...Whitstable,
• ...Marden,
• ...Maydston,
• Wye and Wingham.

In these great Towns, as well as Canterbury,* 8.55 he often preached himself. And for his Sermons at Sandwich, he was once complained of openly in the Parliament-house, to have brought him under the Lash of the Statute of the Six Articles. And within seven or eight Years, after his first entrance into the See, he had placed such store of good Preachers about Kent, that at another time, a long List of Articles were drawn up against them, and given in to the Justices of the County at a Quarter-Sessions of the Peace; and they by a Com∣bination preferred the Complaint to the King and Council.

His high Estate puffed him not up,* 8.56 nor made him forget the great Work of his Calling; which he very earnestly desired to prosecute above all things in the World. Nor did he care at all for the high Titles that were attributed to him, as he was Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury, as may appear by this Passage. Upon occasion of a Question arising concerning his Stile of Primate of all England, for bearing which, in his Summons for a Provincial Visitation, the Bishop of Win∣chester out of Malice, had complained to King Henry against him, as though it were an Encroachment upon the King's Supremacy; he protested to Crumwel, then Secretary, (who had sent him word of it)

That as God should be merciful to him in the Day of Judg∣ment, he set not more by any Title or Stile, than he did by the pa∣ring of an Apple, further than it should be to the setting forth God's Word and Will. His Expression was, That they were the Succes∣sors of Diotrephes, that affected glorious Titles, Stiles and Pomps.

He professed,

He could have been willing that Bishops should lay aside their lofty Stiles, and only write themselves by the Stile of their Offices; The Apostles of Iesus Christ. And wished heartily, that the Christian Conversation of the People, were the Letters and Seals of their Offices, (as the Corinthians were to St. Paul, who told them, that They were his Letters, and the Signs of his Apostleship) and not Paper, Parchment, Lead or Wax.

Great indeed and painful was his Diligence in promoting God's Truth, and reforming this Church.* 8.57 Insomuch that he raised up a∣gainst himself the Malice and Hatred of very many thereby. These Memorials, before related, do abundantly evince the same. The Words of Thomas Becon, in an Epistle Dedicatory, deserve here to be transcribed.

In plucking up the Enemies Tares,* 8.58 and in purging the Lord's Field, that nothing may grow therein but pure Wheat, your most godly and unrestful Pains, most Reverend Father, are well known in this Church of England, and thankfully accepted of all faithful Christen Hearts. Insomuch that very many do dai∣ly render unto God most humble and hearty Thanks for the singu∣lar and great Benefits which they have received of him, through your vertuous Travel, in attaining the true Knowledg of Justifi∣cation,

and of the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood, [those two things especially he laboured to retrieve and promote a true Knowledg of] and such other Holy Mysteries of our Profession. And albeit the Devil roar, the World rage, and the Hypocrites swell, at these your most Christian Labours, which you willingly take for the Glory of God, and the Edifying of his Congregation, yet as you have godly begun, so without ceasing continue unto the end.

And so he did, to the effusion of his Blood not many Years after.

* 8.59For he was very sensible of the gross Abuses and Corruptions into which the Christian Church had sunk: Which made him labour much to get it purged and restored to its Primitive Constitution and Beauty. And this he ceased not to make King Henry sensible of, putting him upon the Reformation of the English Church, as he could find Occa∣sion, and Convenience serve him to move him thereunto. Which found at last that good effect upon the King, that towards the latter Years of his Reign he was fully purposed to proceed to a regulating of many more things than he had done. But the subtilty of Gardiner Bp of Winton,* 8.60 and his own Death, prevented his good Designs. While the aforesaid Bishop was Ambassador Abroad, employed about the League be∣tween the Emperor and the English and French Kings, our Arch-bishop took the op∣portunity of his Absence, to urge the King much to a Reformation; and the King was willing to enter into serious Conference with him about it. And at last he prevailed with the King to resolve to have the Roods in every Church pulled down, and the ac∣customed Ringing on Alhallow-Night suppress'd, and some other vain Ceremonies. And it proceeded so far, that upon the Arch-bishop's going into Kent, to visit his Diocess, the King ordered him to cause two Letters to be drawn up, prepared for him to sign: The one to be directed to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and the other to the Arch-bishop of York. Who were therein to be commanded to issue forth their Precepts to all the Bishops in their respective Provinces, to see those Enormities redressed without delay. Which our Arch-bi∣shop accordingly appointed his Secretary to do. And the Letters so drawn up, were sent by the Arch-bishop up to Court. But the King, upon some Reasons of State, suggested to him in a Letter from Gar∣diner, his Ambassador beyond Sea, being by some made privy to these Transactions, suspended the signing of them.

* 8.61And that put a stop to this Business for that time, till some time after the King, at the Royal Banquet made for Annebault the French King's Ambassador, leaning upon him and the Arch-bishop, told them both his Resolution of proceeding to a total Reformation of Religion: signifying, that within half a Year the Mass both in his Kingdom and in that of France, should be changed into a Commu∣nion; and the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome should be wholly rooted out of both; and that both Kings intended to exhort

the Emperor to do the same in his Territories, or else they would break off the League with him. And at that time also he willed the Arch-bishop to draw up a Form of this Reformation, to be sent to the French King to consider of. This he spake in the Month of Au∣gust, a few Months before his Death. This his Purpose he also sig∣nified to Dr. Bruno, Ambassador here from Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony, some little time after, saying,

That if his Master's Quar∣rel with the Emperor was only concerning Religion, he advised him to stand to it strongly, and he would take his part.

But the King's Death prevented all.

And as for this King's next Successor, King Edward,* 8.62 the Arch-bishop had a special Care of his Education. Whose Towardliness, and zealous Inclination to a Reformation, was attributed to the said Arch-bishop, and three other Bishops, viz. Ridley, Hoper and Lati∣mer, by Rodulph Gualter of Zurick. Who partly by his living some∣time in England, and partly by his long and intimate Familiarity and Correspondence with many of the best Note here, was well acquain∣ted with the Matters relating to this Kingdom. Of the great Influ∣ence of one of these upon this King, viz. the Arch-bishop, the for∣mer Memorials do sufficiently shew.

CHAP. XXXIII. Arch-bishop Cranmer procures the Use of the Scriptures.

THE Arch-bishop was a great Scripturist:* 8.63 and in those darker Times of Popery, was the chief Repairer of the Reputation of the Holy Scriptures. Urging them still for the great Standard and Measure in all controverted Matters, relating to Religion and the Church. By these he disintangled King Henry VIII his great Matrimonial Cause, when all his other Divines, who had the Pope's Power and Laws too much in their Eyes, were so puzzled about it; Shewing how no Humane Dispensation could enervate or annul the Word of God. And in the Course he took about the Reforming of Religion, the Holy Scripture was the only Rule he went by; casting by School-men, and the Pope's Canons and Decretals, and adhering only to the more sure Word of Prophecy, and Divine Inspiration. And so Roger Ascham, in a Letter to Sturmius, in the Year 1550, when they were very busy in the Reforma∣tion, writes:* 8.64

Tha•• ••uch was the Care of their Iosiah, (meaning King Edward) the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and the whole Privy-Council, for true Religion, that they laboured in nothing more, than that as well the Doctrine as Discipline of Religion, might be most purely drawn out of the Fountain of the Sacred Scriptures; and that that Roman Sink, whence so ma∣ny Humane Corruptions abounded in the Church of Christ, might be wholly stopped up.

* 8.65This his high Value of the Scriptures, made him at last the happy Instrument of restoring them to the Common People, by getting them, after divers Years opposition, printed in the English Tongue, and set up in Churches, for any to read that would, for their Edification and Comfort; when for some hundred Years before those Treasures had, for the most part, been locked up and concealed from them.

* 8.66But first, great was the Labour of our Arch-bishop, before he could get this good Work effected, being so disliked and repugned by the Patrons of Popery. For he had almost all the Bishops against him; as may appear by what I am going to relate. The King be∣ing by the Arch-bishop brought to encline to the publishing thereof, the Translation done by Coverdale was, by Crumwel or the Arch-bi∣shop, presented into the King's Hands; and by him committed to di∣vers Bishops of that Time to peruse, whereof Stephen Gardiner was one. After they had kept it long in their Hands, and the King had been divers Times sued unto for the Publication thereof, at last being called for by the King himself, they redelivered the Book. And be∣ing demanded by the King; What their Judgment was of the Tran∣slation? they answered, That there were many Faults therein. Well, said the King, but are there any Heresies maintained thereby? They answered, There were no Heresies that they could find maintained in it. If there be no Heresies, said the King, then in God's Name, let it go abroad among our People. This Circumstance I thought fit to mention, being the Substance of what Coverdale himself afterwards at a Paul's-Cross-Se••mon spake in his own Vindication against some slanderous Reports that were then raised against his Translation; de∣claring his faithful Purpose in doing the same: Confessing withal,

That he did then himself espy some Faults; which if he might review it once again, as he had done twice before, he doubted not (he said) but to amend.* 8.67

This is related by Dr. Fulk, who was then one of Coverdale's Auditors, and heard him speak and de∣clare all this.

* 8.68The first Edition of the Bible was finished by Grafton in the Year 1538, or 1539. That Year our Arch-bishop procured a Proclamati∣on from the King, allowing private Persons to buy Bibles, and keep them in their Houses. And about two or three Years after they were reprinted, and backed with the King's Authority, the former Tran∣slation having been Revised and Corrected,* 8.69 whether by certain lear∣ned Men of both Universities, or by some Members of the Convo∣cation that were then sitting, it is uncertain. But to this Translati∣on the Arch-bishop added the last Hand, mending it in divers Pla∣ces with his own Pen, and fixing a very excellent Preface before it. In which he divided his Discourse between two sorts of Men:* 8.70 The one, such as would not read the Scripture themselves, and laboured to stifle it from others. The other, such as read the Scripture indeed, but read it inordinately, and turned it into matter of Dispute and Contention, rather than to direct their Lives. And thereby, while they pretended to be Furtherers thereof, proved but Hinderers, as the others were; these being as blameless almost as those.

* 8.71As to the former sort;

He marvelled at them that they should take Offence at publishing the Word of God. For it shewed them

to be as much guilty of Madness, as those would be, who being in Darkness, Hunger and Cold, should obstinately refuse Light, Food and Fire. Unto which three, God's Word is compared. But he attributed it to the prejudice of Custom: which was so prevalent, that supposing there were any People that never saw the Sun, such as the Cimmerii were fancied to be; and that God should so order it, that that Glorious Light should in process of Time break in upon them, at the first some would be offended at it. And when Tillage was first found out, according to the Pro∣verb, many delighted notwithstanding to feed on Mast and Acorns, rather than to eat Bread made of good Corn. Upon this Reason he was ready to excuse those, who, when the Scripture first came forth, doubted and drew back: But he was of another Opinion concerning such as still persisted in disparaging the pub∣lishing of the Scripture, judging them not only Foolish and Froward, but Peevish, Perverse and Indurate. And yet if the Matter were to be tried by Custom, we might allege Custom for reading the Scripture in the Vulgar Tongue, and prescribe more antient Custom than for the contrary. Shewing that it was not above an hundred Years since the reading it in English was laid aside within this Realm: and that many hundred Years before, it had been translated and read in the Saxon Tongue, being then the Mother Tongue; and that there remained divers Copies of it in old Abbies. And when that Language became old, and out of common usage, it was translated into the newer Tongue: And of this many Copies then still remained, and were daily found.

Then from Custom, he proceeded to consider the thing in its own Nature; shewing how available it was that the Scripture should be read of the Laity. For which he takes a large Quotation out of S. Chrysostom, in his third Sermon De Lazaro; Wherein that Father exhorted the People,

To read by themselves at home, between Ser∣mon and Sermon; that what he had said before in his Sermons upon such and such Texts, might be the more fixed in their Minds and Memories: and that their Minds might be the more prepared to receive what he should say in his Sermons which he was to preach to them. And that he ever had, and would exhort them, not only to give Ear to what was said by the Preacher in the Church, but to apply themselves to reading the Scriptures at home in their own Houses.

And a great deal more upon the same Argu∣ment.

And then as to the other sort, our Arch-bishop shewed,

How there is nothing so good in the World, but might be abused and turned from Unhurtful and Wholsome, to Hurtful and Noisome. As above in the Heavens the Sun, Moon and Stars, were abused by Idolatry; and here on Earth, Fire, Water, Meat, Drink, Gold, Silver, Iron, Steel, are things of great benefit and use, and yet we see much harm and mischief done by each of these, as well by reason of the lack of Wisdom and Providence in them that suffer Evil by them, as by the Malice of them that work the Evil by them. Advising therefore all that came to read the Bible, which he called The most precious Iewel, and most holy Relick that

remained upon Earth, to bring with them the Fear of God; and that they read it with all due Reverence, and used their Know∣ledg thereof, not to the vain Glory of frivolous Disputation, but to the Honour of God, Encrease of Vertue, and Edification of themselves and others.

And then he backed this his Counsel, with a large Passage out of Gregory Nazianzen; which was levelled against such as only talked and babbled of the Scripture out of Season, but were little the better for it. And lastly, he concluded his Preface, by directing to such Qualifications as were proper for such as came to read these Sacred Volumes. Namely,

That he ought to bring with him a Fear of Almighty God, and a firm Purpose to conform himself thereunto; and so continue to proceed from time to time, shewing himself a sober and fruitful Hearer and Learner.

This whole Preface, for the Antiquity and Usefulness of it, and to preserve as much as we can of the Writings of this most Reverend Man, I have transcribed and placed in the Appendix.* 8.72

* 8.73The Edition in the Year 1540, had a remarkable Frontispiece be∣fore it: Which because it is somewhat rare, both in regard of the Antiquity and Device of it, I will relate. In the upper ••art there∣of, you see King Henry VIII sitting in State, guarded on each hand of him with the Lords Spiritual and Temporal; holding in his right Hand a Bible closed, which he delivered unto Arch-bishop Cranmer, being on his Knee, in the Name of the rest of the Bishops; all which stood at his right Hand, bare-headed, their Mitres lying up-the Ground, in token of their Acknowledgment of the King's Su∣premacy; and this Motto issuing out of the King's Mouth, Haec praecipe & doce. Holding also in his left Hand another Bible, stretched towards the Lords Temporal, and delivered to one, (whom I suppose to be intended for the Lord Crumwel) at the head of them, standing on the left Side, and this Word coming out of the King's Mouth to∣wards them, Quod justum est, judicate; and this, Ita parvum audie∣tis, ut magnum; and this, A me constitutum est, & decretum, ut in Vniverso Imperio & Regno meo homines revereantur & paveant Deum Viventem. Among these Nobles is the Figure of one on his Knees, and these Words issuing out of his Mouth, Verbum tuum Lucerna pe∣dibus meis. Over the King's Head, is the Figure of God Almighty sitting in the Clouds, with these Words coming out of his Mouth in a Scrole towards the right Hand, Verbum quod egredietur de me, non revertetur ad me vacuum, sed faciet quaecunque volui: And in another Scrole towards the Left, with his Hand pointing to the King, Ecce servum, qui faciet omnes voluntates meas. Underneath the Bishops there is another Figure, representing Arch-bishop Cranmer, his Coat of Arms by him, with the distinction of a Crescent. He stood with his Mitre on his Head, and dress'd in his Pontificalibus, his Chaplain behind him, and a Priest with a Tonsure, kneeling before him, in the posture of a Candidate for Priests Orders, and having his Hand stretched out to receive the Bible offered him by the Arch-bishop, and out of his Mouth this Scrole, Pascite, qui in vobis est, gregem Christi. On the other Side, opposite to the Arch-bishop, and under∣neath the Lords Temporal, stood another Person, whom I conjecture

to be the Lord Crumwel, with his Shield by him blank, without any bearing; and out of his Mouth came, Diverte a malo, sequere pacem & persequere. In the lowest part of this Fronticepiece, you have the resemblance of a Priest, preaching out of a Pulpit before a great Auditory of Persons of all Ranks, Qualities, Orders, Sexes, Ages; Men, Women, Children, Nobles, Priests, Souldiers, Tradesmen, Countrymen. Out of the Mouth of the Preacher went this Verse, Obsecro igitur primum omnium fieri obsecrationes, orationes, postulatio∣nes, gratiarum actiones, pro omnibus hominibus, pro regibus, &c. Im∣plying the Benefit accruing to Princes by the Peoples Knowledg of the Scriptures, namely, That it taught them to obey and pray for them. And out of the Mouths of these Hearers of all sorts, issued, Vivat Rex, Vivat Rex; and out of the Mouths of the Children, God save the King: denoting the great Joy the People conceived for the enjoyment of God's Word, and the preaching thereof, and their Thankfulness to the King for his Permission of the same. In the middle stood the Title of the Bible: which was this;

The Bible in English; that is to say, The Contents of all the Holy Scrip∣tures of the Old and New Testament, with a Prologue thereunto made by the Reverend Father in God Thomas Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury. This is the Bible appointed to the Use of the Churches. Printed by Richard Grafton, Cum Privilegio ad imprimendum solum. An. Dom. MDXL.

CHAP. XXXIV. Arch-bishop Cranmer compassionate towards Sufferers for Religion.

AS he had a great Love and Value for the eminent Professors and Patrons of the Gospel,* 8.74 so he bare a most compassionate Spirit towards those that suffered for the sake of it. It made a very grea•• Impression upon him, when he heard that Sir Iohn Cheke had been taken up, and Indicted, soon after Queen Mary's access to the Crown, namely, in the Month of August, which was the next Month after. And not knowing wherefore he was Indicted, whether for his med∣dling in the Lady Iane's Business, or for his Zeal in promoting Reli∣gion, he earnestly desired Sir William Cecyl to inform him whether? If for the former,

Considering (as he said) he had been none of the chief Doers in that Matter, he hoped he should have been one of them that should have partaken of the Queen's Favour. But if it were for the latter, viz. his earnestness in Religion, if he suffer for that, (said he) Blessed is he of God, that suffereth for his sake, howsoever the World judg of him. For what ought we to care for the Iudgment of the World, when God absolves us?

But wishing most passionately withal, That some means might be used for the Relief of him and the Lord Russel,* 8.75 who it seems was clap'd up for the same Cause.

And indeed as our Arch-bishop was in the time of King Edward,* 8.76 he was the same under King Henry, that is, the common Patron, as far as he might, or dared, of such Priests who were drawn into

Trouble for professing or preaching that Gospel. So he shewed him∣self to Turner before-mentioned: And in the Year 1533, or 1534, I find him in a Commission for the relieving of another that had been most straitly and rigorously handled by Stokesly then Bishop of Lon∣don, and his Chancellor: His Name was Thomas Patmore, Parson of Hadham in Hertfordshire, a Learned and Godly Man, who had by them been condemned to Imprisonment for Life, together with the loss of his Benefice and Goods, because he had perswaded his Curat to marry a Wife; and being privy to his Marriage, did nevertheless suffer him to officiate in his Church: And because he had preached certain Doctrines at Cambridg, as laying little stress upon the Pope's Curse, and that we are saved only by God's Mercy; and that all that are saved, are saved by Faith; and that it is against God's Law to burn Hereticks. This poor Man, after three Years close Imprison∣ment in Lollards-Tower, by the Means of his Friends, who put up frequent Petitions to the King and the Lady Ann Bolen, was at last released, and obtained of the King a Commission to our Arch-bishop, to whom were joined Audley Lord Chancellor, and Crumwel Secretary of State,* 8.77 to enquire into his Injuries and unjust handling, and to de∣termine thereof according to Equity and Justice.

Thus favourable he was to Religion and good Men in the two for∣mer Kings Reigns: But when Queen Mary succeeded, he could no longer be a Sanctuary or Succour unto them, unless it were to comfort them by Words, and to pray for them, as was said be∣fore.

The Arch-bishop added,

That he was for his part now utterly unable, either to help or counsel, being in the same Condemnation that they were. But that the only thing that he could do, he would not omit; and that was, to pray for them, and all others then in Adversity.

But he entreated Cecyl, who by this time seemed to have gotten his Pardon, or at least to be in good assurance of it, and so in a better Capacity to raise up Friends to those ho∣nest Men, to use what Means possible he could for them.

* 8.78This was all he could do now for the Prisoners of Christ. But while he was in Place and Capacity of succouring such distressed Persons, as he was in King Edward's Days, he gave them Counte∣nance, Entertainment at his House and Table, Preferment, Recom∣mendation to the King and Protector. And indeed there was great need of some such Patrons of poor Protestants, the Persecutions in Italy, in Spain, in France, in Germany, and other Places, being ab••••t this Time extreamly hot. Which occasioned the flight of great Numbers into this Nation: Which some of them stiled Chri∣sti Asylum, A Sanctury for Christ * 8.79. In the Year 1549, the Perse∣cution in France grew very warm: Which was partly occasioned up∣on the Inauguration of King Henry II, and his Entrance into Paris for that Purpose. For the burning of Martyrs in several Streets of the City, where and when the King was to pass by, made a barba∣rous part of the Solemnity. In this Year many French Protestants, who had been Imprisoned for Religion in their own Country, were either banished, or secretly made their escape into this Kingdom. These applied to some French Ministers, entertained, as it seems, in

the Arch-bishop's Family, with Bucer, Peter Martyr, and others. Which Ministers delivered the Condition of these poor Men to the Arch-bishop. And having a Petition to present to the Lord Pro∣tector, declaring their miserable State, and requiring Relief, he ap∣pointed the French Ministers to apply themselves to Cecyl, then Ma∣ster of Requests to the Lord Protector: and that he might be the more ready to recommend and forward the Petition, to render it the more effectual, he advised Bucer, Martyr, Alexander, and Fagius, to write their Letters jointly unto the said Cecyl, for the French Ministers to carry along with them as their Letter of Credence. For the Arch-bishop well knew that Cecyl had a great Esteem for those Learned Men, and that their Letters would go a great way with him. Such was the particular Care and Diligence our Prelat piously used for Relief of these poor French Exiles. The Copy of this Letter I have thought well worthy to be put in the Ap∣pendix.* 8.80

Indeed it was noted at this Time, as a Quality of the Nation,* 8.81 That it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Addicted to shew Favour to Strangers; nay, to admire them. And surely it was not without the Providence of God, that when in these difficult Times, so many Honest, Pious, Learned Men, were forced from their own Countries, Friends and Estates, they found such hospitable Entertainment here. Care was taken for their sufficient Livelyhoods; and for those of them that were towards Learning, Places were assigned them in the Colleges of the Universities, and yearly Stipends settled on them. Of those that were most forward and exemplary in these Christian Offices, Dr. Laurence Humfrey, (one who lived in those Times, and was well acquainted with these Matters) names King Edward in the first place. Who, as he asserts of his own knowledg,* 8.82 was extraor∣dinarily bountiful to them both in London, and in the Universities. Among the Noble-men, he mentions Henry Earl of Dorset, and Duke of Suffolk: And among the Bishops, Thomas Cranmer the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, of whom he bestowed this Character, That he was worthy to succeed William Warham in his See, whom he so well imitated, both in courteous Behaviour and Hospitality.

And as he was in King Edward's Days of such an hospitable Dis∣position towards Strangers,* 8.83 so he was noted for it in the Reign of his Father King Henry, being wont then to shew himself very kind and humane to such as travelled into these Parts for Learning, as well as for Shelter. Gualter, the great Divine of Zurick, being but a young Man, came into England about the Year 1537; and was so affected with the Civilities he received here, that he let it stand upon Record, in the Preface to his Homilies upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, how humanely he was received at Ox∣ford, not only by the Students, but by the Publick Professors, and by divers at Court. But among them he particularly men∣tioned,

How Arch-bishop Cranmer, whom he stiled, The immortal Glory of England, received him, though a young Man then, and a Stranger, and had no experience of things, nor any Mark or Ex∣cellency to recommend him.

* 8.84And as he was Compassionate and Hospitable, so he was of a free and liberal Disposition, and as became a Christian Bishop, and an English Peer, kept great Hospitality. Yet however he could not escape the Imputation of Niggardise and Closeness. He had been once accused of it to his Master King Henry, but came off with Honour, the King himself clearing him of that injurious Scandal, and giving him a Character of a quite contra∣ry Nature.

* 8.85And again in King Edward's Reign, in the Year 1552, some taking the advantage of his Absence from the Court, slandered him as though he were Covetous. Which coming to his Ear, by the cordial Friendship of Cecyl, the King's Secretary, he wrote that Courtier a Letter in vindication of himself; profes∣sing,

That he was not so doted to set his Mind upon things here, which neither he could carry away with him, nor tar∣ry long with them. And that he took not half so much Care for his Living when he was a Scholar at Cambridg, as he did at that present when he was Arch-bishop of Canterbu∣ry; for as he had now much more Revenue than he had then, so he had much more to do withal. And, That he rather feared stark Beggary at last.

This, and other things to the same purpose, he signified in that Letter; that Cecyl thereby might the better understand his Condition, and know how and what to plead at Court in his behalf, as Occasion served, as hath been more at large related before.

* 8.86By the way, I cannot but reflect upon one of the Arch-bi∣shop's Expressions, which seemed to have been uttered prophe∣tically; so exactly did the Event answer to his Words: for to stark Beggary he was indeed at last reduced: When in his Im∣prisonment at Oxon, he had not a Penny in his Purse. And which was more, his Enemies were so barbarously severe, that it would not be allowed any well-disposed Person, to relieve his Necessity, nor to give him an Alms, a Privilege allowed any Beg∣gar beside. And when a Gentleman of Gloucestershire, sensible of the Arch-bishop's Need, and withal knowing how dangerous it was to give the poor Arch-bishop any Money, had conveyed somewhat to the Bailiffs, to be by their Hands bestowed on him, Boner and Thirleby, the two Bishops that degraded him, staid this Gentleman, intending to send him up to the Council, had he not gotten off by the Intercession of some Friends.

CHAP. XXXV. Some Account of Arch-bishop Cranmer's House-keeping.

BUT the more fully to confute this Calumny,* 8.87 it will not be amiss to look more narrowly into his House-keeping. His daily custom at Lambeth was, to dine in a Room above, where all Noble-men, and Persons of better Quality that came to dine with him, were entertained. Here he was very honourably served, both with Dishes and Attendants. In the Hall the Table was every Day very plentifully furnished, both for Houshold-Servants and Strangers, with three or four principal head-Messes of Officers: Besides the Relief of the Poor at his Gates. And which is a ve∣ry observable Charity, as well as Hospitality, he appropriated his Mansion-house at Bekesborn in Kent, and his Parsonage-Barn, for Harbour and Lodgings for the Poor, Sick and Maimed Soul∣diers, that came from the Wars of Bulloign, and other Parts be∣yond Seas. For these he also appointed an Almoner, a Physi∣cian, and a Chirurgeon, to attend on them, and to dress and ad∣minister Physick to such of them as were not able to resort to their own Countries: Having also daily from his Kitchin hot Broth and Meat. Besides the common Alms of his Houshold, that were bestowed upon the poor People of the Country. And when any of these were recovered, and were able to tra∣vel, they had Money given them to bear their Charges, accord∣ing to the number of Miles they were to pass before they got Home.

I do not know whether some might have taken Advantage thus to slander him, from a laudable Endeavour of his,* 8.88 to re∣duce within some Bounds the Provisions of Clergy-mens Ta∣bles, which in the latter Times of King Henry the Eighth, grew to great Excess and Extravagancy, so unbecoming Spiritual Men. For in the Year 1541, the Arch-bishop, with the Consent of the other Arch-bishop, and most of the Bishops, and divers other Deans and Arch-Deacons, made a Constitution for moderating the Fare of their Tables, viz.

That Arch-bishops should not exceed six divers kinds of Flesh, or as many Dishes of Fish on Fish-days. A Bishop not above Five. A Dean, or Arch-Deacon, Four; and all under that De∣gree, Three. But an Arch-bishop was allowed at second Course, to have four Dishes, a Bishop Three, and all others Two; as Custards, Tarts, Fritters, Cheese, Apples, Pears, &c. But if any of the inferior Clergy should entertain any Arch-bishop, Bi∣shop, Dean, or Arch-Deacon, or any of the Laity of like De∣gree, as Duke, Marquess, Earl, Vicount, Baron, Lord, Knight, they might have such Provision as were meet for their Degree: Nor was their Diet to be limited, when they should receive an Ambassador, [to recommend, I suppose, to Foreigners the Eng∣lish

Hospitality.]

It was ordered also,

That of the greater Fish, or Fowl, as Cranes, Swans, Turkies, Hadocks, Pike, Tench, there should be but one in a Dish: Of lesser Sorts than they, as Capons, Pheasants, Conies, Woodcocks, but Two: Of less sorts still, as of Partridges; an Arch-bishop, Three; a Bishop, and other Degrees under him, Two. The Number of the Black∣birds were also stinted to Six at an Arch-bishop's Table, and to Four for a Bishop. And of little Birds, as Larks, Snytes, &c. the Number was not to exceed Twelve.

But so strongly bent were the Clergy in those Days to this sort of Sensuality, that these Injunctions of our Arch-bishop were ob∣served but two or three Months, and so they returned to their old Superfluity again.

* 8.89The Arch-bishop's pious Design hereby, was only to curb In∣temperance, and unnecessary Prodigality in such, upon whose Of∣fice those Vices cast such just Reflections: but it could not rea∣sonably argue any covetous Temper in him; for that the Poor might not fare the worse for this Intrenchment of Exorbitant Hospitality, but rather the better, the Arch-bishop in these afore∣said Orders provided,

That whatsoever was spared out of the old House-keeping, should not be pocketed up, but laid out and spent in plain Meats for the Relief of poor People.

* 8.90And that this Charge may still appear to be nothing but a meer detraction, proceeding from Envy, or some other ill Prin∣ciple, others there were that would blame him for the contrary Vice, of too much lavishing and unprofitable Expence. So hard a matter is it for the best Men to escape the spiteful and veno∣mous Insinuations of the World. But he patiently and with an even Mind bore all.

CHAP. XXXVI. Arch-bishop Cranmer, Humble. Peaceable. Bold in a good Cause.

FOR, which is another thing to be remarked in him,* 8.91 he was ve∣ry Humble and Condescending, and did not only bear to be reproved, but was thankful for it; and that even when the Re∣proof was undeserved. Which was the more to be valued in him, considering the Height and Dignity of his Calling. To give an Instance or two of this.

When in the Year 1552, Cecyl had charged him with the Impu∣tation of Covetousness, as a Report that went of him in the Court, and which himself seemed partly to believe, begging withal Pardon of his Grace for his freedom with him: Our Arch-bishop told him,

That as for the Admonition, he took it very thankfully; and that he had ever been most glad to be admonished by his Friends; accounting no Man so foolish, as he that would not hear friendly Admonishment.

And when at another time, the same Cecyl, (who would always take the liberty to speak his Mind to his Friends, whensoever he thought they wanted Counsel) had signified to him the Hazard he incurred in not shewing more Compliance towards the Duke of Northumberland, who now swayed all; and then apolo∣gizing for his Boldness;

Cranmer was so far from taking this ill, that he returned him his very hearty Thanks for his friendly Letter and Advertisements; desiring him to be assured, that he took the same in such good part, and to proceed of such a friendly Mind, as he ever looked for at his Hands, and whereof he would not be unmindful, if Occasion hereafter served, to requite the same.

And this good Temper led him also to Gentleness and Lenity.* 8.92 He was no Huffer nor Contender, but of an exceeding peaceable and amicable Spirit. Whereunto he was moved by the Reason of Policy, as well as Religion: Because he well saw, how a con∣tentious quarrelsome Disposition in great Men, would be apt to give an ill Example unto Inferiors. There happened once, in the Year 1552, a Contest between him and the Lord-Warden of the Cinque-Ports, who lived not far from him; and so probably it might be about some worldly Matters. It was Sir Thomas Cheyny; who in the Year 1549, was one of those that met with Warwick in London, and published a Proclamation against the Arch-bishop's Friend the Duke of Somerset, as a Traitor. Which might be an occasion that the Arch-bishop did not much affect Cheyny, nor Cheyny the Arch-bishop. Concerning this Difference between them, which it seems was taken notice of at Court, when his true Friend Cecyl had wrote to him, advising a Reconciliation, he gave this Christian and meek Answer from his House at Ford;

That there was no Man more loth to be in Contention with any Man than he was; especially with him who was his near Neigh∣bour, dwelling both in one County, and whose familiar and en∣tire Friendship he most desired, and that for the Quietness of the whole County. Adding, That the Examples of the Rulers and Heads, would the People and Members follow.

His Peaceableness also appeared in his hearty Desires of the Publick Peace, as well as Private. When upon occasion of hearing of the Wars that were about the Year 1552, eagerly followed, both in Christen∣dom,* 8.93 and out of it, he used these words,

The Sophy and the Turk, the Emperor and the French King, not much better in Religion than they, [such it seems was his Censure of them, by reason of the Cruelty and Persecution they exercised, and the Disturban∣ces they made in the World] rolling the Stone, or turn∣ing the Wheel of Fortune up and down; I pray God send us Peace and Quietness with all Realms, as well as among our selves.

* 8.94But though he were of so quiet and mild a Spirit, yet being a plain down-right Man, he would never learn the Arts of Flattery and base Compliances with them that were uppermost. Which had like to have created him much trouble from Northumberland; to whom he carried not himself with that Deference and Pleasing∣ness as he expected.* 8.95 For Cranmer knew the bad Heart of this haugh∣ty Man, and could not forget the ill Measure his Friend, the Duke of Somerset, had found at his Hands. He did not care to make any Application to him, nor to be an Instrument in forwarding any of his designing Business. When he was to write up to some of the Court concerning Reiner Wolf, I suppose for Licence to print the Articles of Religion, Anno 1552, he desired to take Cecyl's Advice, to whom he should write; For I know not, saith he, to whom to write but my Lord of Northumberland; to whom to make any Address he would fain have avoided if he could. There was, about the Year 1552, a Commission issued out for a strict Enquiry to be made after all such as had defrauded the King of any Goods or Treasure, accru∣ing to him by the suppression of Chauntries, or that belonged to Churches. Now this was done by Northumberland and his Crea∣tures, on purpose that it might light heavy upon Somerset's Friends, who had been the chief Visitors in those Affairs, and had many of them been supposed to have enriched themselves thereby. Commis∣sioners were appointed in each County. In Kent the Commission was directed to the Arch-bishop, and to several other Gentlemen and Justices of Peace. The Arch-bishop perceiving well the Spite and Malice of this Commission, acted very slowly in it. Insomuch that Northumberland began to be highly angry with him. Cecyl ob∣serving it, and having ever a great Veneration for that good Man, and fearing he might feel the Effects of his Fury, writ to him, sig∣nifying Northumberland's Displeasure, and giving him Advice to take heed of him. For which the Arch-bishop thanked him, and prudently writ his Excusatory Letter to that Duke, dated Novem∣ber ••0, signifying,

That the Cause of his Stay of the Commission

was, because he was alone, and that the Gentlemen and Justices of Peace, who were in Commission with him, were then at Lon∣don, [probably because of the Term] before whose coming Home, if he should proceed without them, he might, as he said, travel in vain, and take more Pains than he should do good.

And by such soft, but honest words, mollifying him for the Procrastination of that which he had no mind to meddle in.

But not long after he, and Ridley Bishop of London, with him,* 8.96 fell under great Displeasure with this Duke, and the rest of the great Men of his Party; who in the latter end of King Edward's Reign governed all. The Reason whereof was, for opposing, as much as they could, though to no effect, the Spoil of the Church-Goods; which were taken away only by a Commandment of the Higher Powers, without Request or Consent of them to whom they did belong; as Ridley himself relates in his Treatise,* 8.97 wherein he la∣mented the Change of Religion in England: Which indeed was more than ever Henry VIII had done.

Add to the rest,* 8.98 that our Bishop was of a bold and undaunted Courage in the Cause of God, and his Church. It was a brave and generous Act, and worthy the chief Bishop of the English Church; I mean, that publick Challenge which he made, to maintain the Common-Prayer Book, and the other parts of the Reformation, by the Scripture and Fathers, in open Disputation, against whomso∣ever, if the Queen so pleased to permit it. Which was done by him, soon after the Queen's coming to the Throne. And had he not been prevented by others, who dispersed Copies of this Chal∣lenge without his knowledg, it had been made very solemnly, as he freely told the Queen's Council, by fixing this his Declaration on the Doors of S. Pauls, and other Churches, with his Hand and Seal to it. And his Courage herein appeared the greater, because he was at this very Time under a Cloud, and in great Danger; having some time before now, been convented before the Council, and confined to Lambeth.

And whosoever shall consider that good Progress,* 8.99 that by his Means was made in Religion, not only in King Edward's Reign, but even in that of King Henry, under the Discouragements of an∣tiently-rivited Superstition and Idolatry; and withal shall ponder the haughty Nature of that Prince, of so difficult Address, and so addicted to the old Religion; and how dangerous it was to dissent from him, or to attempt to draw him off from his own Per∣swasions; cannot but judg Cranmer to have been of a very bold Spi∣rit, to venture so far as he did. And undoubtedly his Courage went an equal pace with his Wisdom and Discretion, and was no whit inferior to his other excellent Qualifications. And this I say the rather, to vindicate the Memory of this most Reverend Prelat from an unworthy Reflection, made upon him in a trisling Ac∣count of his Life: Wherein he is charged to be,* 8.100

Of too easy and flexible a Disposition, which made him cowardly to comply with the Church of Rome. And, that though he never did any harm

to the Protestants, yet he did not unto them so much good as he might or ought.

For the confutation of which, I appeal to num∣berless Passages which I have written of him. But it is easy to see from whence this Author had this Character of our Arch-bishop; namely, from Parsons and Saunders, two malicious calumniating Jesuits.* 8.101 The former hath these words of him;

That to the King's Will and Liking he resolved to conform himself, as well in Religion as in other things. And, that when King Henry was large towards the Protestants, Cranmer was so also; but when the King became more strict and rigorous, especially after the Six Articles, Cranmer was ready to prosecute the same.

And therefore Saunders framed a Name for the Arch-bishop, calling him Henricianus; in the same sense as Herod's Creatures in the Scriptures were called Herodiani. A very false Character of this good Arch-bishop, to say no worse of it.

* 8.102I must here make a Note of one Quality more of our Arch∣bishop. Which was this, That he was a Man of ardent Affecti∣ons, and of an open and generous Temper; and where he lo∣ved, he thought he could never enough express it. An Instance of this I will give in Bishop Thirleby: To whom for the good Quali∣ties he supposed were in him, he had a most earnest Love. An Ac∣count of this I will lay down in the words of Morice, the Arch-bi∣shop's Secretary,* 8.103 who well knew it.

Besides his special Favour to him, saith he, that way, [in re∣commending him to the King] there was no Man living could more friendly esteem any Man of himself, as my Lord Cranmer did this Thirleby: For there was no kind of Pleasure which my Lord Cranmer was liable to do, that was not at this Man's Com∣mandment: Whether it were Jewel, Plate, Instrument, Map, Horse, or any thing else, though he had it from the King's Ma∣jesty; but if this Man did once like, or commend it, the gentle Arch-bishop would forthwith give it unto him. And many times Dr. Thirleby, for Civility-sake, would instantly refuse the same, yet would he send it unto him the next day after to his House. Insomuch that it came into a common Proverb, That Dr. Thirleby's commendation of any Thing of my Lord's, was a plain winning or obtaining thereof. So that some Men thought, that if he would have demanded any Finger, or other Member of his, he would have cut it off to have gratified him there∣with; such was his ardent Affection towards him. This no small sort of honest Men, now living, can testify; that is, about the Year 1565, when this was written.

* 8.104It may deserve also a Remark, that our good Prelat rose upon the Fall of another great Church-man, viz. the Cardinal of York. For about that very Time the King rejected Wolsey from his Favour and Employment, Cranmer succeeded into them. It may be also ob∣served, That as the King's great Matter of the Divorce was first moved and managed by Wolsey; so it was taken up, and vigorously

carried on, and successfully ended by Cranmer. And as the former started it upon an unjust Policy, and so in the Issue, by God's secret Judgment, prospered no better by it, it finally proving his Ruin; so the latter acting in it out of a better and more honest Principle of Conscience and Religion, became thereby advanced to the greatest Honour in the Church: Which he held for twenty Years together. Though at last indeed it had the same fatal Issue to him, by the se∣cret Malice of Queen Mary, as it had to the Cardinal before by the secret Displeasure of Queen Ann. But as they were thus parallel in the Cause of their Falls, so their Demeanours under their Calami∣ties were very different. The Cardinal under his, shewed a most ab∣ject and desponding Mind; but our Arch-bishop's Carriage was much more decent under his, remaining Undaunted and Magnani∣mous: having a Soul well fortified by the Principles of solid Vertue and Religion, which the other had not. And this appeared in him, when being brought forth to be baited before Brooks, the Pope's Sub∣delegate; and Martin and Story, the King's and Queen's Commissio∣ners at Oxford; he gravely, and with an unmoved Spirit, used these words;

That he acknowledged God's Goodness to him in all his Gifts; and thanked him as heartily for that State wherein he found himself then, as ever he did in the Time of his Prosperity; and that it was not the loss of his Promotions that grieved him at all.

CHAP. XXXVII. Osiander's and Peter Martyr's Character of the Arch-bishop.

THE last Thing I shall observe of him is, That he always re∣mained the same Man; not altered by his Honours and high Advancements. As he was a Person of great Piety, Goodness, Af∣fability and Benignity, before he was Arch-bishop, and the Sun-shine of Royal Favour, so he continued at all Times after. For a Wit∣ness of this, I will set down two Characters given him by two Fo∣reign learned Men, both which knew him well.

The one shall be of Osiander;* 8.105 from whom we may take this Account of what he was before he was Bishop, while he remained abroad in Germany. Osiander, that great Divine of Norinberg, professed to love him for some excellent Endowments that were common to him with some other good Men, but especially for others more extraordinary and peculiar to himself: Of the former sort was,

That he was a Gentleman of good Birth and Quality;* 8.106 that he had an Aspect and Presence that carried Dignity with it, an incredi∣ble sweetness of Manners; that he had Learning beyond the com∣mon Degrees of it; was Benign and Liberal towards all, and espe∣cially to those that were Studious and of good Literature. Of the latter, were those more abstruse and heroical Vertues of his Mind,

rare to be found in the Age wherein he lived; viz. his Wisdom, Pru∣dence, Fortitude, Temperance, Justice; a singular Love towards his Country, the highest Faithfulness towards the King; a Con∣tempt of earthly Things, a Love of Heavenly; a most burning study towards the Evangelick Truth, sincere Religion, and Christ's Glory.

And this was Cranmer before he was placed in his high and honourable Station.

* 8.107The other Character of Cranmer, is that of Peter Martyr; who thus speaks of him, when he was at the Top of all his earthly Ho∣nour, in the middle of King Edward's Reign;

That his Godliness, Prudence, Faithfulness, and his singular Vertues, were known to all the Kingdom.* 8.108 That he was so adorned with the Grace and Favour of Christ, as that, though all others are the Children of Wrath, yet in him Piety, and Divine Knowledg, and other Ver∣tues, might seem to be naturally born and bred, such deep Root had they taken in him. So that Martyr often wished and profes∣sed, he should esteem it as a great Benefit vouchsafed him of God, that he might come as near as might be to his Vertues, which he admired in him as the wonderful Gifts of God. And, as to him∣self and others fled into these Quarters for Religion, that Cran∣mer's Kindness and Humanity, Merits and Benefits towards them were such, that if he should render just Thanks, and speak of them as they deserved, he must do nothing but tell of them; and how much soever he should extol them, the greatness of the Matter would over-reach his Speech. And that it was well known to all how humanely he received not him only, but ma∣ny other Strangers of his Order, and how kindly he treated them.

* 8.109To both these I will subjoin the Judgment of another, who, I cannot but conclude, was well-acquainted with the Arch-bishop, and a long and diligent Observer of his Demeanour in his Superintenden∣cy over the Church; and that was Iohn Bale, sometime Bishop of Ossory.

He never placed, said he, the Function of a Bishop in the Administration of secular Things,* 8.110 but in a most faithful Dispen∣sation of God's Word.

In the midst of wicked Babylon, he always performed the part of a good Guide of Israel. And among Papists, that tyrannized against the Truth of Christ, he governed the People of God with an admirable Prudence.

No Man ever so happily and steddily persisted, with Christ himself, in the Defence of the Truth, in the midst of falsly lear∣ned Men, in such imminent hazard of his Life, and yet without receiving any Harm.

No Man did more prudently bear with some false Apostles for a time, although, with St. Paul, he knew what most pestilent Men they were, that so they might not be provoked to run into greater Rage and Madness.

* 8.111All this that I have before written concerning this our venerable Prelate, cannot but redound to his high Praise and Commenda∣tion. And it is very fit such Vertues and Accomplishments should

be celebrated and recorded to Posterity. Yet I do not intend these my Collections for such a Panegyrick of him, as to make the World believe him void of all Faults or Frailties, the Condition of human Nature. He lived in such critical Times, and under such Princes, and was necessarily involved in such Affairs, as exposed him to greater Temptations than ordinary. And if any Blemishes shall, by curious Observers, be espied in him, he may therefore seem the more pardonable; and his great exemplary Goodness and Usefulness in the Church of God, may make ample Amends for some Errors.

CHAP. XXXVIII. The Arch-bishop vindicated from Slanders of Papists.

I Have given, I hope, a just, though imperfect, Account,* 8.112 from undoubted Records, and authentick Manuscripts, as well as the best published Books, of the excellent Endowments of this great Prelat, and of his innocent, prudential, and useful Behaviour in his high Place and Station. So that none, who impartially weighs the Premisses, can conclude otherwise of him, than that he was a very rare Person, and one that deserves to be reckoned among the brightest Lights that ever shone in this English Church. And this all the sober, unprejudiced part of Posterity will believe, notwith∣standing the unjust Calumnies some hot-spirited Papists have cast upon his Memory.

I shall pass over the unhandsome Name that Feckenham gave him, calling him Dolt; as he did also his two other Brethren in Tribula∣tion, Ridley and Latimer, Prisoners then in Oxford, (Men by far more Learned than himself) upon occasion of Mr. Hawks esteeming them deservedly Godly and Learned Men.

I shall also pass by what Bishop Boner then said of him, viz.

That he dared to say, that Cranmer would Recant so he might have his Living: As though he were a Man of a prostituted Con∣science, and would do any thing upon worldly Considerations.

But there is a late French Writer, whom I cannot but take notice of with some Indignation; who, to shew his bigotted Zeal to the Roman Church, hath bestowed this most defamatory Character up∣on this our Arch-bishop;* 8.113 That he was one of the profligatest Men of England; that had nothing of Christianity in him, but the outward Ap∣pearances; being Ambitious, Voluptuous, Turbulent, and capable of all sorts of Intrigues. Of which all that I have written, is an abundant Confutation; besides the severe Chastisements the right Reverend the Bishop of Sarum hath lately bestowed upon this Author. Who questionless was well versed in those famous Popish Calumniators of our Reformation, and of this our Arch-bishop the great Instaurator thereof, and had a mind to out-do them in their Talent of throwing Dirt. Those, I mean, who, living in the Age past, did most bit∣terly

and virulently, as it fell in their way, fly upon Cranmer's Me∣mory and Fame, to eclipse it to Posterity if they could; namely, Saunders, Allen, and Parsons, and some others. But those who reade these Memorials, will be able easily to confute them, and will perceive that these Men sought not so much to say what was true, as what might serve the Ends of their Anger and Spight, their Reports being made up for the most part of nothing but Lies and Slanders, illy patched together.

* 8.114Allen, if he were the Answerer of the Execution of English Ius••ice, saith, That Cranmer was a notorious perjured, and often relapsed Apostata, recanting, swearing and forswearing at every turn. A heavy Charge; but we are left to guess what these Perjuries, these so often Swearings and Forswearings, these Relapses and Recantations be. But it is enough for them to roar out, Notorious Perjuries, &c. But let us see what Oaths Cranmer took, that might occasion his Perjuries. He swore, at his Consecration, the usual Oath to the Pope; and in his future Doings, laboured to restore the King's Supremacy against the Pope's Usurpations, and to promote a Reformation against the Pop••'s Superstitions. Was this one of his notorious Perjuries? It is pity the doing so good a Thing,* 8.115 should fall under so bad a Name. But at the taking of that Oath, did he not make a solemn Protestation openly before Publick Notaries, and that entred down into Record, That he intended not by the said Oath to do any thing against the Law of God, the King, or the Realm, and their Laws and Prerogatives; nor to be abridged thereby from consulting for the Reformation of Religion? In which way the best Civilians then put him, and assu∣red him, that by this Means: he might safely, without any Guilt, take the Oath to the Pope: Which otherwise he would not have done. And truly, for my part, I think there was no other way to escape that Perjury, that all other Bishops Elect in those Times were intangled in, by swearing two contrary Oaths, one to the Pope, and another to the King. Cranmer sware also, at receiving Orders, to live Chastely; But he afterwards married a Wife. Surely hereby he brake not his Oath, but rather kept it. He did likewise swear to the Succession of Q. Ann: But would Allen have all that submitted to that Act of Parli∣ament to be perjured? That would reflect upon the Wisdom of the three Estates at that Time, in making such an ensnaring Law; and involve all sorts of People, both Clergy, Nobility and Gentry, and all other Persons of Age, in Perjury, as well as the Arch-bishop, ex∣cepting only two Persons, More and Fisher, who would not submit to this Act. And even they themselves offered to swear to the Suc∣cession it self, and refused only to swear to the Preamble of the said Act. There was indeed an Act made, which seemed contrary to this Act, namely, That which in the Year 1536, put by the Succession of Q. Ann, and carried it to the King's Children by another Queen; and to this Act the Subjects were to swear also. And we will suppose that the ABp swore with the rest to this Act. Neither was there any Perjury here; for this Oath in truth was not contrary to the former: For by reason of some lawful Impediment of Queen Ann's Marriage with the King, as was then pretended, it was declared by the Parliament,

That the Issue of that Queen was Illegitimate, and not Inheritable. And the first Oath was only for the Succession of lawful Issue by Queen Ann. Therefore there being no lawful Issue of that Queen, as was then at least supposed, the Oath to the lawful Issue of another Queen might certainly be very innocently taken, without infringing the breach of the former▪ And where at length is this Notorious Perjury, and swearing and forswearing at every turn?

Allen again lets fly upon him, calling him Apostata.* 8.116 But surely it is not Apostacy, to leave Error, Superstition and Idolatry, for the true Doctrine and Profession of the Gospel. He chargeth him also with often Relapsing and Recanting. He made no Relapses nor Re∣cantations at all, as I know of, unless a little before his Death, when he subscribed to a parcel of Popish Articles, by the Importunity of Papists, working upon his Frailty and long-Sufferings. But he soon revoked all again, and died most patiently in the Profession of the true Religion. And to this at last comes all this mighty Clamour, That he was notoriously Perjured, an often relapsed Apostata, recanting, swearing and forswearing at every Turn.

Saunders his scurrilous and false Accounts of Cranmer are number∣less; I will only mention one or two. He saith,* 8.117 That from Cam∣bridg he went to the Service of Sir Tho. Bullen, and by his Preferment was made Arch-bishop of Canterbury. Whereas from Cambridg he was immediatly made the King's Chaplain, and wanted not the Recom∣mendation of any to his Preferment, the King being so well acquain∣ted with his Merits. And though he abode sometime with the Earl of Wiltshire, whom he stileth Sir Tho. Bullen, yet it was not in the quality of his Chaplain, but of one whom the King recommended to him. He writeth, That the Arch-bishop carried his Wife about him in a Chest, when he removed; and addeth a ridiculous Story relating thereunto. And his Brother Parsons saith,* 8.118 This was a most certain Story, and testified at that Day by Cranmer's Son's Widow to divers Gentlemen, her Friends, from whom Parsons saith he had it. Other Popish Dignitaries in those Days, kept and conversed with their Concubines and Whores more publickly; and did the Arch-bishop keep his Wife so close? But in case he had travelled with her more openly, who should examine the Arch-bishop, and call him to Ac∣count, whether she were his Wife or his Concubine? and therefore the Story is most improbable. The King himself knew he had a Wife well enough. And when the Arch-bishop saw the Danger of having her with him, he sent her away to her Friends beyond-Sea for a Time. And that silly Story comes through too many Hands, before it came to Parsons, to make it credible. Cranmer's Son tells it to his Wife, No Body knows where: She being a Widow, tells it to certain Gentlemen, No Body knows who: And they tell it to Par∣sons, no Body knows when. No one Place, Person or Time men∣tioned. And so all the Faith of the Matter lies upon a Woman's Evidence, and hers upon the Credit of those two very honest Men, Parsons and Saunders.

In Parsons his three Conversions of England,* 8.119 are these many fa∣vourable Expressions of our Arch-bishop to be found: That he was the

first Heretick in that Order, [of Arch-bishops of Canterbury.] Be∣cause he was the first that laboured a Reformation of the horrible Errors of the degenerate Church of Rome. And, that he was the first Arch-bishop of Canterbury that ever brake from the Roman Faith. And, that this was the first Change of Religion in any Arch bishop, from the beginning unto his Days. Designing thereby to fix a very black Mark upon him, which rather redounds to his everlasting Ho∣nour.* 8.120 That he was an unconstant Man in his Faith and Belief: Incon∣tinent in his Life: Variable in all his Actions: Accommodating himself always to the Times wherein he lived, and to the Humours of those who could do most; and this in Matters even against Right and Conscience. No, but quite contrary, he was constant in his Faith and Belief to the very last, except one Fall, which he soon recovered: Most chaste in his Life, living in the holy State of Marriage: Steady in all his Actions: accommodating himself always, neither to the Times nor to the Humours of any Man, let him be as great as he would, any farther than he might do in Righ•• and Conscience: And often oppo∣sing King, Parliament, Privy-Council and Synods, to his utmost Dan∣ger, in defence of Truth, and for the dis••harge of his own Conscience.

Again, That he was a [Roman] Catholick in most Points during K. Hen∣ry's Reign. Whereas he was so in no Point, excepting in that of the Corporeal Presence. That he applied himself to the Religion which the State and Prince liked best to allow of in that Time, [of K. Hen∣ry VIII.] From which he was so far, that he often boldly and publickly declared against divers Things which the King was bent upon; as in the Act of the Six Articles, and in composing the Book called The Necessary Erudition. That these three, the King, Queen Ann, and Arch-bishop Cranmer, held the Catholick Faith, Vsages and Rites; and went as devoutly to Mass as ever, and so remained they, in outward shew, even to their Deaths. Though some Years before Cran∣mer's Death, namely, from the first Year of King Edward, the Mass was wholly laid aside, and never used at all. That Cranmer and Crumwel went to Mass, after the King married the Lady Ann Bolen, as before. What they did as to the going to Mass, our Histories tell us little of: If they did, it was with little Approbation of it. And as Crumwel on the Scaffold protested, that he was a good Catholick Man, (but there is difference between a Good Catholick, and a Ro∣man Catholick) and never doubted of any of the Church-Sacraments then used. Thereby intending, I suppose, to make a Difference be∣tween them and the Gospel-Sacraments. But surely Crumwel in his Life-time was so utterly against four or five of them, that he brought Aless, a Learned Man, into a Convocation, to dispute there for two only. And the like Cranmer had done no doubt, if he had been brought to the Scaffold in King Henry's Days. Which had been a happy Case for him. To a Scaffold they of the Roman Perswasion, endea∣voured many a Year to bring him; and they would have thought it a happy Case for them, if they could have brought it to pass. But I verily believe the quite contrary to this confident Assertion, and that he would have owned the Truth to the last, as he did afterwards in the Reign of that King's Daughter, Q. Mary.

That he always fell jump with them that governed, and could do most. No, he never fell in with Gardiner, who sometime had the Ascen∣dent over King Henry; nor with the Duke of Northumberland, who could do most, and did all for a time with the King Edward. That when King Henry was large towards the Protestants, Cranmer was so also, joining with Crumwel to protect them. But when the King became more strait and rigorous, especially after the Six Articles, Cranmer was ready to prosecute the same. He argued long and earnestly in the House against those Six Articles; and when he saw they would pass, he protested against it; and was so troubled about it, that the King sent the Duke of Norfolk, and the Lord Crumwel, and divers other No∣ble Persons, to comfort him in the King's Name. So that I hardly think he would after this be brought to prosecute that bloody Act, the making of which he so utterly disliked. Nor is there the least Foot-step of it in History. Indeed Parsons bringeth in some Per∣sons, in whose Deaths he would have the Arch-bishop to have a Hand. As may appear, saith he, by the Sentence of Death pronounced against Lambert, Tho. Gerard, William Jerome, and Ann Ascue, and others, condemned by him, for denying the Real Presence. Though in King Henry's Time the Arch-bishop believed the Real Presence, yet he was not for putting any to Death that denied it. No; such extream Rigours, for an Error, he utterly detested. Lambert suf∣fered before the Act of the Six Articles. Nor did the Arch-bishop condemn him, but only, by the King's Command, disputed against him. Gerard, [he means Garret] and Ierome, and Ann Ascue, were condemned and burnt indeed; but he had no manner of hand, either in their Condemnation or Death, as we can find in our Histories. But Winchester, Boner, and Wriothesly, and others of that Gang, shed those good Peoples Blood. And it is an impudent Falshood to lay their Condemnation to the Arch-bishop's Charge.

He saith further, That to the King's Will and Liking, he resolved to conform himself, as well in Religion, as in all other Things. If he had said this of Bishop Gardiner, the Character would have better by far fitted him. He saith, That he divorced the King of his own Authority from Queen Katherine. Whereas in truth, what he and Winchester, and other Bishops did in this Affair, was by Commission from the King, and not by their own Authority. That he married the King to Queen Ann. That it was in open Parliament, under his Hand∣writing, yet extant, in publick printed Records, to his eternal shame, that the Queen [that is Queen Ann] was never true Wife unto the said King. Where was the eternal Shame of this, when he set his Hand to no more, than what she her self confessed before him? See more of this before. That after this he married the King to Jane Sey∣mour, and after to Queen Ann of Cleves, and after that to Katherine Howard, and after that to Katherine Parre. Which we must take up∣on his Word: For I think it hard by any good History to know it. And what if Cranmer did all this? That he joined with the Protector, in overthrowing K. Henry's Will; and with Dudley against the Pro∣tector. Palpable Falshoods! The contrary whereof is notoriously known to any ordinary Historian. Of the same Truth is, That he

joined with Dudley and the Duke of Suffolk, for the overthrow of the King's two Daughters: and after that with Arundel, Pembroke, Paget, for the overthrow of Northumberland and Suffolk. He joined with these, for the setting the true Heir in the Throne, not for the over∣throw of any particular Persons.

Again, he saith, Cranmer and Ridley followed K. Henry's Religion and Humour while he lived, and resolved to enjoy the Pleasures and Sen∣sualities of this Time, [of K. Edward] so far as any way they might at∣tain unto. No, they were Men more mortified, and that made littl•• Account of the Pleasures and Vanities of this wretched World. Get∣ting Authority into their Hands by the Protector, and others that were in most Place, began to lay lustily about them, and to pull down all them, both of the Clergy and others, whom they thought to be able and likely to stand in their way, or resist their Inventions. Instancing in Gardiner and Boner, and speaking of their unjust Persecution and Deprivation, by such violent and calumnious manner as is proper to Hereticks to use. Whereby a Man may take a taste what they meant to have done if they had had time. Here they are set forth as a couple of most worldly, ambi∣tious, haughty Men, contriving by all, however base and unlawful ways, to build up themselves and their Fortunes upon the Ruin of others, and to beat down all that opposed their Designs. Whereas to any that shall read their Histories, there is nothing in the World so con∣trary to their Aims, Tempers, and Inclinations. And things were done towards the two Bishops before-mentioned, with great Mildness and Patience, under unsufferable Provocations offered by them. Nor was it Cranmer's and Ridley's doings, but rather the King's Council, who thought not fit to put up the Affronts those Bishops had offered to the Government.

He saith, That in King Edward's Time Cranmer plaid the Tyrant. That be punished one Thomas Dobb, a Master of Arts of Cambridg, casting him into the Counter, where he died. And John Hume impri∣soned for the same Cause by Cranmer. Both these Passages the Author had from Fox. Dobbs indeed, in the very beginning of K. Edward's Reign, disturbed the Mass that was saying in a Chappel in S. Pauls. For which the Mayor complained of him to the Arch-bishop. And what could he do better than commit him to the Counter, both to pu∣nish him for making a publick Disturbance in the Church, and also to deliver him from the Rage of the Multitude, till his Pardon could be gotten him? Which was obtained soon after from the Duke of Somer∣set: But he suddenly died in Prison, before his Deliverance. And as for Hume, he was a Servant to a very stiff Papist, who sent him up to the Arch-bishop, with a grievous Complaint against him for speaking against the Mass; but whether the Arch-bishop imprisoned him, or what followed, Fox mentioneth not, and leaves it uncertain what was done with him.

He saith, That Cranmer stood resolutely for the Carnal Presence in the Sacrament in K. Edward's first Parliament. Wherein a Disputation about it was continued for the space of four Months; that is, from No∣vemb. 4. to March 14. Which was the full time of the second Ses∣sion of that first Parliament, and was in the Year 1548. What he

means by this long Disputation in that Parliament, for so many Months, I cannot tell. Does he mean, that the Parliament did no∣thing else all that Session?* 8.121 Indeed there was once a notable Di∣spute of the Sacrament, in order to an Uniformity of Prayer to be established. Or does he mean that this four Months Dispu∣tation, was the Work of th•• Convocation sitting that Parlia∣ment-time? Before it indeed lay now th•• Matter of the Priests Marriage; Which they agreed to, almost three against one: And likewise of receiving the Sacrament in both Kinds; Which was al∣so agreed to, Nemine Contradi••ente. But not a word of any Dispu∣tation th••n about the Real Presence. And yet 'tis strange, that he should with such Confidence put this Story upon th•• World, of four Months Disputation in the Parliament concerning th•• Real Presence; and that the Arch-bishop then was so res••••ute for it. Which cannot be true neither on this Account, that Cranmer was a Year or two be∣fore this come off from that Opinion. He adds, That Cranmer stood resolutely in that first Parliament for a Real Presence against Zuinglia∣nism. But there was neither in that Parliament, nor in that Con∣vocation, a word of the Real Presence. And that Cranmer and Ridley did allow a R••al Presence, and would not endure the Sacrament should be contemptibly spoken of, as some now began to do. The Real Presence that Parsons here means, is the gross Corporal Presence, Flesh, Blood and Bone, as they used to say. This Real Presence Cranmer and Ridley did not allow of at this time of Day: Now they were better enlightned. But most true it is notwithstanding, that they could not endure to have the Sacrament contemptibly spoken of.

He tells us Romantickly on the same Argument, That many Posts went to and fro, between P. Martyr and Cranmer, while the imaginary Disputation before-mentioned lasted, whether Lutheranism or Zuing∣lianism should be taken up for the Doctrine of the Church of England. For that he was come, in his Reading upon the Eleventh of the first Epi∣stle to the Corinthians, to those words, This is my Body, and did not know how to determine it, till it was resolved about. The Message re∣turned him was, That he should stay, and entertain himself in his Readings upon other Matters for a while. And so the poor Friar did, [as Parsons calls that Learned Man] with Admiration and Laughter of all his Scholars. Surely some of them had more Esteem and Reve∣rence for him. Standing upon those precedent words; Accepit Panem, &c. And Gratias dedit, &c. Fregit. Et dixit, Accipite & Man∣ducate, &c. Discoursing largely of every one of these Points. And surely they were words of sufficient weight to be stood upon, and Points to be discoursed largely of. And bearing one from the other that ensued, Hoc est Corpus meum. But when the Post at length came, that Zuinglianism must be defended, then stepped up P. Martyr boldly the next Day, and treated of This is my Body: Adding moreover, that he wondred how any Man could be of any other Opinion. The Re∣porters of this Story, Parsons makes to be Saunders, Allen and Sta∣pleton, and others that were present: Excellent Witnesses! P. Mar∣tyr is here represented as a Man of no Conscience or Honesty, but ready to say and teach whatsoever others bad•• him, be the Doctrine

right or wrong; and at the Beck of the State, to be a Lutheran or a Zuinglian. But if he were of such a versatile Mind, why did he leave his Country, his Relations, his Substance, his Honour, that he had there? Which he did because he could not comply with the Errors of the Church in which he lived. But all this fine pleasant Tale is spoiled, in case Martyr were not yet come to Oxford to be Reader there: For he came over into England but in the end of No∣vember 1548,* 8.122 and was then sometime with the Arch-bishop before he went to Oxford. Which we may well conjecture was till the Winter was pretty well over; so that he could not well be there be∣fore the 14th of March was past.* 8.123 The Author of the Athenae Oxo∣nienses conjectures, that he came to Oxon in February, or the begin∣ning of March; but that it was the beginning of the next Year that the King appointed him to read his Lecture. So that either he was not yet at Oxon, or if he were, he had not yet begun his Reading till the Parliament was over. And thus we have traced this Story, till it is quite vanished.

Further still, he writes, That Cranmer wrote a Book for the Real Presence, and another against it afterwards. Which two Books Boner brought forth, and would have read them, when he was deposed by Cran∣mer and Ridley; or at leastwise certain Sentences thereof, that were contrary one to the other. If Cranmer wrote any Book for the Real Presence, it was in Luther's, not in the Popish Sense; and against that Sense indeed he wrote in his Book of the Sacrament. Nor did Boner bring any such Books forth at his Deposition, or Deprivation, nor offered to read them, nor any Sentences out of them, for ought I can find in any Historians, that speak of Boner's Business: And I think none do, but Fox, who hath not a word of it, though he hath given a large Narration of that whole Affair. Indeed Boner at his first ap∣pearance told the Arch-bishop,

That he had written well on the Sacrament, and wondred that he did not more honour it.

To which the Arch-bishop replied, (seeing him commend that which was against his own Opinion)

That if he thought well of it, it was because he understood it not.

Thus we may see how Parsons writ he cared not what; and took up any lying, flying Reports from his own Party, that might but serve his Turn. But observe how this Writer goes on with his Tale; But Cranmer blushing, suffered it not to be shewed, but said, he made no Book contrary to another. Then he needed not to have blushed. But if he did, it must be at the Im∣pudence of Boner, who carried himself in such a tumultuous bold manner throughout his whole Process, as though he had no Shame left. And lastly, (to extract no more Passages out of this Author) to prove that our Arch-bishop was for a Corporal Presence in the be∣ginning of King Edward, he saith, That in the first Year of that Reign he was a principal Cause of that first Statute, intituled, An Act against such Persons as shall unreverently speak against the Sacrament of the Bo∣dy and Blood of Christ, commonly called, The Sacrament of the Altar. And a very good Act it was: But it does not follow, that because the Arch-bishop was the Cause of this Act, that therefore he believed a gross Carnal Presence; the plain Design of the Act being occasioned

by certain Persons,

who had contemned the whole Thing▪ for cer∣tain Abuses heretofore committed therein, (I use the very words of the Act) and had called it by vile and unseemly Words. And it was levelled against such as should deprave, despise or contemn the Blessed Sacrament.

Nor is there any word in that Act used in favour of the Carnal Presence.

For a Conclusion, let the Reader not hear me,* 8.124 but another speak for our Arch-bishop against one of these Calumniators, and he a Por∣tugal Bishop:

After Cranmer by hearing of the Gospel, began to savour of Christian Profession, what Wickedness was ever repor∣ted of him? With what outrage of Lust was he enflamed? What Murders, what seditious Tumults, what secret Conspiracies, were ever seen, or suspected so much to proceed from him? Unless ye account him blame-worthy for this, that when King Henry, Fa∣ther to Mary, upon great Displeasure conceived, was for some se∣cret Causes determined to strike off her Head, this Reverend Arch-bishop did pacify the Wrath of the Father, and with mild continual Intercession, preserved the Life of the Daughter: Who for Life preserved, acquitted her Patron with Death.

As concerning his Marriage, if you reproachfully impute that to Lust, which Paul doth dignify with so honourable a Title; I do answer, That he was the Husband of one Wife, with whom he continued many Years, more chastly and holily, than Osorius in that his stinking, sole and single Life, peradventure one Month, tho he flee never so often to his Catholick Confessions. And I see no Cause, why the Name of a Wife shall not be accounted in each respect as Holy, with the true Professors of the Gospel, as the Name of a Concubine with the Papists.

Thus Fox.

And so I have at last, by God's favourable Concurrence,* 8.125 finished this my Work: and have compiled an imperfect History, yet with the best Diligence I could, of this singular Arch-bishop and blessed Martyr; and in the conclusion, have briefly vindicated him from those many false Surmises and Imputations, that his implacable Ene∣mies of the Roman Faction have reported and published abroad a∣gainst him: Not contented with the shedding of his Blood, unless they stigmatized his Name and Memory, and formed the World in∣to a belief, that he was one of the vilest Wretches that lived, who in Reality and Truth, appeareth to have been one of the holiest Bi∣shops, and one of the best Men that Age produced.

THE END.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The ABp's and Counsellors concern with the Lady Iane.
• * 1.2

  N^o. LXIX.
• * 1.3

  N^o. LXX.
• * 1.4

  They declare for Q. Mary.
• * 1.5

  N^o. LXXI.
• * 1.6

  And write to Northumberland to lay down his Arms.
• * 1.7

  Stow.
• * 1.8

  The Queen owned by the Ambassadors.
• * 1.9

  The ABp mis∣reported to have said Mass.
• * 1.10

  Mass at Canter∣bury.
• * 1.11

  Which he makes a pub∣lick Declarati∣on against.
• * 1.12

  Foxii MSS.
• * 2.1

  The Declara∣tion.
• * 2.2

  Appears be∣fore the Com∣missioners at Pauls,
• * 2.3

  And before the Council.
• * 2.4

  The ABp of York commit∣ted to the Tower; and his Goods seized▪ C.C.C.C. Li∣brar. Miscell. B••
• * 2.5

  At Battersea.
• * 2.6

  At Cawood.
• * 2.7

  Gardiner's Pas∣sage of the two ABps.
• * 2.8

  This Reign be∣gins with Ri∣gour.
• * 2.9

  Halts Oration.
• * 2.10

  The Protestant Bishops depri∣ved.
• * 2.11

  Registr. Eccl. Cant.
• * 2.12

  The hard U∣sage of the in∣ferior Clergy.
• * 2.13

  Mr. Rich. Wilks.
• ‖ 2.14

  Dr. Parker.
• † 2.15

  Mr. Bradford, Bullingham, and May.
• ‖ 2.16

  A great Num∣ber.
• * 2.17

  Dr. Ponet, Tay∣l••r, Parker.
• * 2.18

  Preface to the Defence of Priests Marri∣age.
• * 2.19

  Mr. Aylmer.
• * 2.20

  Harbour for Faithful Sub∣jects.
• * 2.21

  Professors cast into the Mar∣shalsea.
• * 2.22

  Winchester's Alms.
• * 2.23

  Pet. Martyr writes of this to Calvin.
• * 2.24

  P. Martyr's Epist.
• * 2.25

  The State of the Church now.
• * 2.26

  P. Martyr Amico cuidam.
• * 2.27

  The Queen leaves all Mat∣ters to Winche∣ster.
• * 2.28

  I. Rogers.
• * 2.29

  The Queen crowned.
• * 2.30

  The Service still said.
• * 2.31

  The Queen's Proclamation of her Reli∣gion.
• * 2.32

  Signs of a Change of Re∣ligion.
• * 2.33

  The ABp ad∣viseth to flight.
• * 2.34

  N^o. LXXII.
• * 2.35

  Cranmer will not flee.
• * 2.36

  Whither the Prosessors fly.
• * 2.37

  And who?
• ‖ 2.38

  Chiliades. Pref. to Cranmer's Book of the Sacrament, in Latin.
• * 2.39

  Duke of Nor∣thumberland put to death.
• * 2.40

  His Speech.
• * 2.41

  N^o. LXXIII.
• * 2.42

  Sir Iohn Gates his Speech;
• * 2.43

  And Palmer's.
• * 2.44

  The Duke's la∣bours to get hi•• Life.
• * 2.45

  Wardword, p. 43.
• * 2.46

  Whether he was always •• Papist.
• * 2.47

  P. Martyr de∣parts.
• * 2.48

  Vit. P. Mart. per Simler.
• * 2.49

  Malice towards him.
• * 2.50

  A Scandal of the Queen.
• * 2.51

  Titus B. 2.
• * 2.52

  A Parliament.
• * 2.53

  Hales Oration▪
• * 2.54

  The Parlia∣ment repeal Q. Katherine's Divorce; and Cranmer taxed for it.
• * 2.55

  Hist. Reform. Vol. 2. p. 254.
• * 2.56

  The ABp at∣tainted of Treason.
• * 2.57

  The Dean of Canterbury acts in the Vacan∣cy.
• * 2.58

  Ex Reg. Eccl. Cant.
• * 2.59

  The ABp sues for Pardon of Treason.
• * 2.60

  N^o. LXXIV.
• * 2.61

  Obtains it.
• * 2.62

  He desires to open his Mind to the Queen concerning Re∣ligion.
• * 2.63

  A Convocati∣on.
• * 2.64

  How it open∣ed.
• * 2.65

  The ABp and three more crowded toge∣ther in the Tower.
• * 2.66

  The Queen sends to Pole.
• * 2.67

  The Contents of her Letters.
• * 2.68

  Concerning theSupremacy.
• * 2.69

  Concerning the new Bi∣shops.
• * 2.70

  Pole's Advice to the Queen.
• * 2.71

  Instructions to Goldwel. Titus B. 2.
• * 2.72

  Disgusts his stop.
• * 2.73

  Sends to Rome about this his stop,
• * 2.74

  And to the Emperor.
• * 2.75

  His Judgment of two late Acts of Par∣liament.
• * 2.76

  N^o. LXXV.
• * 2.77

  The married Clergy depri∣ved, and di∣vorced.
• * 2.78

  Married Priests in London cited to appear.
• * 2.79

  Ex Regist. ••ccl. Cant.
• * 2.80

  Interrogato∣ries for the married Cler∣gy.
• * 2.81

  Turnor's Con∣fession.
• * 2.82

  Ex Regist. Eccl. Cant.
• * 2.83

  N^o. LXXV.
• * 2.84

  Boner deprives the married Clergy in Lon∣don, without order.
• * 2.85

  Married Pre∣bendaries in Canterbury, pro∣ceeded against.
• * 2.86

  Edmund Cran∣mer deprived of all.
• * 2.87

  Reg. Eccl.Cant.
• * 2.88

  The Injustice of these Pro∣ceedings.
• * 2.89

  Martin's Book against Priests Marriage.
• * 2.90

  Supposed to be Bp Ponet.
• * 2.91

  Wherein Win∣chester had the greatest Hand.
• * 2.92

  Declaration of Boner's Arti∣cles, 1554.
• * 2.93

  Thomas Mar∣tin, or Win∣chester under that Name Fol. 15. Mr. Mar∣tin, Winche∣ster's own Voice. Fol. 40. Gardi∣ner in his Book lately spread under the Name of Tho. Mar∣tin. Fol. 77. Bale's Declar.
• * 2.94

  Answered by Ponet.
• * 2.95

  The Confes∣sions of the Married Priests.
• * 2.96

  Def. of Pr. Marr. p. 269.
• * 2.97

  Married Priests that did their Penance, hard∣ly dealt with.
• * 2.98

  A twofold Evil upon this turn of Reli∣gion.
• * 2.99

  The Dissimu∣lation of the Priests.
• * 2.100

  An. 1554.
• * 2.101

  A Parliament restore the Pope.
• * 2.102

  A Design to re∣vive the Six Articles.
• * 2.103

  N^o. LXXVI.
• * 2.104

  A Convocati∣on appoint a Dispute with Cranmer at Ox∣ford.
• * 2.105

  The Questions.
• * 2.106

  Sent to Cam∣bridg.
• * 2.107

  N^o. LXXVII.
• * 2.108

  N^o. LXXVIII.
• * 2.109

  The Dispu∣tants of Oxford and Cambridg.
• * 2.110

  Cranmer brought be∣fore them.
• * 2.111

  His Behaviour.
• * 2.112

  Ridley brought,
• * 2.113

  And Latimer.
• * 2.114

  Cranmer brought to his Disputation.
• * 2.115

  His Notarie••▪
• * 2.116

  Cranmer's De∣mands.
• * 2.117

  Cranmer di∣sputes again.
• * 2.118

  The Papists un∣decent ma∣nagement of the Disputati∣on.
• * 2.119

  In his Preface to his Account of his Dispute.
• * 2.120

  The Prote∣stants glad of this Disputati∣on.
• * 3.1

  Dr. Taylor to the three Fa∣thers after their Disputa∣tions.
• * 3.2

  Ridley pens the Relation of his Disputation.
• * 3.3

  The University sends the Dis∣putations up to the Convoca∣tion.
• * 3.4

  Various Co∣pies of these Disputations.
• * 3.5

  Cranmer con∣demned for Heresy.
• * 3.6

  Cranmer writes to the Council.
• * 3.7

  N^o. ••XXIX.
• * 3.8

  Disputation in∣tended at Cam∣bridg.
• * 3.9

  In his Letter to Bradford.
• * 3.10

  Hoper's Letter.
• * 3.11

  Their Condi∣tion after Con∣demnation.
• * 3.12

  Their Imploy∣ment in Prison.
• * 3.13

  Letters of the Martyrs.
• * 3.14

  Other Works of Ridley in Prison.
• * 3.15

  The Queen's Letters, direct∣ing the Electi∣ons of Parlia∣ment-men.
• * 3.16

  Pole comes o∣ver.
• * 3.17

  The Cardinal absolves Par∣liament and Convocation.
• * 3.18

  The Clergy again wait up∣on the Legate.
• * 3.19

  A Commission granted by him against Hereticks.
• * 3.20

  His Commis∣sions to all the Bishops, to reconcile their Diocesses.
• * 3.21

  The Commis∣sion to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury.
• * 3.22

  N^o. LXXX.
• * 3.23

  The Legate's Instructions to the Bishops.
• * 3.24

  N^o. LXXXI.
• * 3.25

  Pole a severe Persecutor.
• * 3.26

  N^o. LXXXII.
• * 3.27

  A Convoca∣tion.
• * 3.28

  Articles pre∣sented to the Upper House.
• * 3.29

  Cranmer's Book to be burnt.
• * 3.30

  Intit. Synoda∣lia.

  Hist. Ref. Vol. 2. Collect. p. 266▪
• * 3.31

  Men burnt to Death without Law.
• * 3.32

  Popery fully established.
• * 3.33

  Protestants.
• * 3.34

  The Pastors in Prison.
• * 3.35

  Free-Willers.
• * 3.36

  Bradford's con∣cern with them.
• * 3.37

  N^o. LXXXIII.
• * 3.38

  His Kindness to them.
• * 3.39

  Bradford gain∣eth some of them.
• * 3.40

  Careless's Pain•• with them.
• * 3.41

  Martyrs Letters. Philpot's Coun∣sel.
• * 3.42

  Careless draws up a Confessi∣on of Faith.
• * 3.43

  Some few Ari∣ans.
• * 3.44

  The Prisoners offer to justify K. Edward's Proceedings.
• * 3.45

  N^o. LXXXIV.
• * 3.46

  And again of∣fer it.
• * 3.47

  Edit. 1610. p. 1348.
• * 3.48

  The Exiles.
• * 3.49

  The Lutherans refuse to give Harbour to the Exiles.
• * 3.50

  Mart. Ep. p. 770.
• * 3.51

  Ep. P. Martyr. ad Calvin. Anno 1555.
• * 3.52

  The English at Wesel.
• * 3.53

  Bal. Praef. ad Act. Pontif.
• * 3.54

  The Lutherans Heat against Sacramentaries.
• * 3.55

  At Zurick and other Places well received.
• * 3.56

  TheirEmploy∣ments.
• * 3.57

  Contentions at Frankford.
• * 3.58

  Some Chil∣dren of the Exiles bapti∣zed by Luthe∣rans.
• * 3.59

  Pieces of Rid∣ley's Writings conveyed to Frankford.
• * 3.60

  Exiles at Basil.
• * 3.61

  Divers of the Exiles, Wri∣ters.
• * 3.62

  Scory.
• * 3.63

  Old.
• * 3.64

  Sampson.
• * 3.65

  Turner.
• * 3.66

  Iuel.
• * 3.67

  Becon.
• * 3.68

  Humfrey.
• * 3.69

  Traheron.
• * 3.70

  Fox.
• * 3.71

  His Acts and Monuments.
• * 3.72

  Books by him published in Exile.
• * 3.73

  Translates Cranmer's Book of the Sacra∣ment into Latin.
• * 4.1

  Lever to Fox.
• * 4.2

  Foxii MSS.
• * 4.3

  N^o. LXXXV.
• * 4.4

  Bale.
• * 4.5

  Knox.
• * 4.6

  Foxe's MSS.
• * 4.7

  How the Ex∣iles subsisted;
• * 4.8

  Many recant.
• * 4.9

  N^o. LXXXVI.
• * 4.10

  The Persecu∣tion hot.
• * 4.11

  Tims Letter.
• * 4.12

  Gospellers go to Mass.
• * 4.13

  Bradford la∣bours to hin∣der it.
• * 4.14

  Counsels not to consort with them.
• * 4.15

  Tripart. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 2.
• * 4.16

  Ann Hartipol goes to Mass.
• * 4.17

  Pag. 247.
• * 4.18

  The Lady Vane puts certain Cases concer∣ning the Mass.
• * 4.19

  An. 1555.
• * 4.20

  Many burned.
• * 4.21

  Instructions to the Justices.
• * 4.22

  Orders sent in∣to Norfolk a∣gainst the Pro∣fessors.
• * 4.23

  The Effect thereof.
• * 4.24

  The Earl of Sussex receiv∣eth Informati∣on against some.
• * 4.25

  Popish Spies set every where.
• * 4.26

  The Prote∣stants fre∣quently assem∣ble.
• * 4.27

  Confidently reported that a Male-Heir to the Crown was Born.
• * 4.28

  N^o. LXXXVII.
• * 4.29

  The Queen's great Belly.
• * 4.30

  Like a Design.
• * 4.31

  Fox. p. 1450.
• * 4.32

  The Queen's Zeal.
• * 4.33

  Pet. Martyr ad Pet. Alexand.
• * 4.34

  A Convocati∣on.
• * 4.35

  Part II. p. 324.
• * 4.36

  Vol. intit. Syno∣dalia.
• * 4.37

  N. LXXXVIII.
• * 4.38

  Some petition the Queen for Cranmer.
• * 4.39

  He seeth Ridley and Latimer going to their burning.
• * 4.40

  Latimer's Cha∣racter.
• * 4.41

  Becon in his Iewel of Ioy.
• * 4.42

  Cranmer's Em∣ployment in Prison.
• * 4.43

  Report of the Queen's Death.
• * 4.44

  Proceedings a∣gainst Cranmer.
• * 4.45

  Martin acts as the Queen's Proctor.
• * 4.46

  His greatest Trouble at this Time.
• * 4.47

  Interrogato∣ries put to him, with his Answers.
• * 4.48

  Witnesses sworn against him.
• * 4.49

  Cited to Rome.
• * 4.50

  The Pope's Letters against him.
• * 4.51

  The Process a∣gainst him at Rome.
• * 4.52

  The Pope's Letters read.
• * 4.53

  They degrade him.
• * 4.54

  He Appeals.
• * 4.55

  He is ill dealt with in his Process.
• * 4.56

  The Reasons of his Appeal.
• * 4.57

  He presseth his Appeal.
• * 4.58

  Writes two Letters to the Queen.
• * 4.59

  The Content•• of the first.
• * 4.60

  The Contents of his second Letter.
• * 4.61

  The Bailiff of Oxford carri∣eth his Letters.
• * 4.62

  Pole answer∣eth them.
• * 4.63

  N^o. LXXXIX.
• * 4.64

  Some Account of the Cardi∣nal's Letter to Cranmer.
• * 4.65

  Another Letter of the Cardi∣nal to Cran∣mer.
• * 4.66

  He Recants.
• * 4.67

  Notwithstand∣ing his Burning is ordered.
• * 4.68

  A Letter from Oxford con∣cerning Cran∣mer's Death.
• * 4.69

  Inter Foxii MSS.
• * 4.70

  Cranmer brought to S. Maries.
• * 4.71

  Cole's Sermon.
• * 4.72

  Turns his Speech to Cranmer••
• * 4.73

  After Sermon all pray for him.
• * 4.74

  His penitent behaviour.
• * 4.75

  Speaks to the Auditory.
• * 5.1

  He prayeth.
• * 5.2

  His Words be∣fore his Death.
• * 5.3

  He quoted also a third place out of Iames against cove∣tous rich Men; Weep and howl for the Miseries that shall come upon you; your Riches doth rot, your Clothes be Moth-eaten, your Gold and Silver is cankered, &c▪
• * 5.4

  Consesseth his dissembling.
• * 5.5

  His Reply to my L. Williams.
• * 5.6

  Goes to the place of his Burning.
• * 5.7

  His Talk and Behaviour at the Stake.
• * 5.8

  He burneth his right Hand.
• * 5.9

  Two Remarks upon his Mar∣tyrdom.
• * 5.10

  Ep. Dedicat. antè Harmon. Evan.
• * 5.11

  Who instiga∣ted the Queen to put him to death.
• * 5.12

  Ep. John 2.10.
• * 5.13

  No Monumen•• for him, but his Martyrdom.
• * 5.14

  His Heart un∣consumed.
• * 5.15

  The Bailiffa Expences a∣bout these three Martyrs.
• * 5.16

  MSS. C.C.C.C.
• * 5.17

  The Bailiffs not repaid.
• * 6.1

  Humfrey to ABp Parker in their behalf.
• * 6.2

  Ex Biblioth▪ C.C.C.C.
• * 6.3

  His Books and Writings.
• * 6.4

  His first Book.
• * 6.5

  Other of his Writings.
• * 6.6

  His Book of the Doctrine of the Sacra∣ment.
• * 6.7

  Other Writ∣ings mention'd by Bp Burnet.
• * 6.8

  Hist. Reform. P. I. p. 174.
• * 6.9

  Vbi supr. p. 364
• * 6.10

  Ibid.
• * 6.11

  Ibid.
• * 6.12

  Vbi supr. p. 289
• * 6.13

  Vbi supr. p. 33••
• * 6.14

  Pag. 171.
• * 6.15

  Hist. Reform. P. II. p. 4••.
• * 6.16

  Pag. 116.
• * 6.17

  Pag. 248.
• * 6.18

  Hist. Res. P. II. p. 171.
• * 6.19

  Athen. Oxon. p. 578.
• * 6.20

  More of his Writings still.
• * 6.21

  See Dr. Taylor's Letter in Fox.
• * 6.22

  Hist. Re••. P. II. p. 71.
• * 6.23

  ABp Parker was in pursuit of certain MSS. of Cran∣mer, concealed.
• * 6.24

  N^o. XC.
• * 6.25

  What the Sub∣ject of his nu∣merous Writ∣ings were.
• * 6.26

  Paul. Fagius & Mar. Bucer pla∣ced at Cambridg by his Means.
• * 6.27

  Procures them honorary Sti∣po••ds from the King.
• * 6.28

  Allowances to P. Martyr and Ochin.
• * 6.29

  The third Sermon.
• * 6.30

  Dr. Mowse Ma∣ster of Trinity-Hall, favoured by Cranmer.
• * 6.31

  N^o. XC••.
• * 6.32

  His Inconstan∣cy,
• * 6.33

  And Ingrati∣tude. Fox.
• * 6.34

  Becomes Rea∣der of the Civil Law at Oxon.

  Ath. Oxoniens••
• * 6.35

  The ABp a Patron to Learned Fo∣reigners.
• * 6.36

  To Erasmus, allowing him an Honorary Pension.
• * 6.37

  Eras. Ep. 10. lib. 27.
• * 6.38

  Ep. 7. lib. 27.
• * 6.39

  To Alexander Aless a Scotch-man.
• * 6.40

  By him Melan∣cthon sends a Book to the ABp,
• * 6.41

  And to the King.
• * 6.42

  Aless brought by Cromwel in∣to the Convo∣cation.
• * 6.43

  Where he as∣serts two Sa∣craments only.
• * 6.44

  Writes a Book to clear Prote∣stants of the Charge of Schism.
• * 6.45

  Atrox Schismatis crimen. Ep. 36. lib. 1.
• * 6.46

  Satis excusat nos istorum hor∣ribilis crudeli∣tas, quam pro∣••ecto n••{que} adju∣vare ne{que} appro∣bare debemus. Ubi supra.
• * 6.47

  Translated a Book of Bu∣cer's, about the English Mini∣stry.
• * 6.48

  Received into Crumwel's Fa∣mily.
• * 6.49

  Hist. Res. P.I. p. 308.
• * 6.50

  Aless Professor of Divinity at Leipzig.

  M••l. Ep. p. 3••9▪ Edit. 1647▪
• * 6.51

  Cum & in Tem∣plis, & in Scho∣lis doctrinam gabernes. Mel. Ep. 111. lib. 3. Four others recommended by Melancthon to the ABp. Viz. Gualter. Dryander.
• * 6.52

  Ep. 7. lib. 3.
• * 6.53

  Dryander pla∣ced at Oxon.
• * 6.54

  Ad Ann. 1555.
• * 6.55

  Eusebius Meni∣us.
• * 6.56

  Mel. Ep. 66. lib. 1.
• * 6.57

  Iustus Ionas.
• * 6.58

  Sleid. lib. 7.
• * 6.59

  Ep. 129. lib. 1.
• * 6.60

  N^o. XCII.
• * 6.61

  Divers memo∣rable Passages between Me∣lancthon and our ABp.
• * 6.62

  Sends Melan∣cthon certain publick Dispu∣tations in Ox∣ford and Cam∣bridg.

  Melancthon's Reflections thereupon: Ep. 41. lib. 3.
• * 6.63

  Sends the ABp his Enarration upon the Ni∣cene Creed.
• * 6.64

  The beginning of their Ac∣quaintance.
• * 6.65

  The ABp pro∣pounds a weighty Mat∣ter to Melan∣cthon, for the Union of all Protestant Churches.
• * 6.66

  The Diligence of the ABp in forwarding this Design.
• * 6.67

  Ep. 66. lib. 1. Melancthon's Judgment and Approbation thereof.
• * 6.68

  His Caveat of avoiding am∣biguous Ex∣pressions.

  In Ecclesia re∣ctius est Sca∣pham, Scaph••m dice••e.
• * 6.69

  Renews the same Caution in another Let∣ter.
• * 6.70

  Peter Martyr of this Judgment. Quod Vir bonus sibi p••rsuasisset posse hac ratione tolli gravem, quae est de hac causa, Controversiam, & ita Eccl••siae pacem di•• desi∣deratam restitui. In Vit. P. Mart. per Iosiam Sinler••m.
• * 6.71

  Iosia•• Sim••••▪
• * 6.72

  What Melan∣cthon thought of the Doctrin•• of Fate.
• * 6.73

  Calv. Ep. 12••.
• * 6.74

  The ABp breaks his Purpose also to Calvin.
• * 6.75

  Calvin's Ap∣probation thereof, and Commendati∣on of the ABp.
• * 6.76

  Offers his Ser∣vice.
• * 6.77

  Excites the ABp to pro∣ceed.
• * 6.78

  This excellent Purpose fru∣strated.
• * 6.79

  Thinks of dr••wing up Articles of Re∣ligion for the English Church.
• * 6.80

  Which he communi∣cates to Calvin, Ep. 125.
• * 6.81

  And Calvin's Reply and Ex∣hortation.
• * 6.82

  Blames him for having not made more Progress in the Reformation.
• * 6.83

  But not justly.
• * 6.84

  The Clergy preach against Sacriledg.
• * 6.85

  The Univer∣sity-Men declaim against it in the School▪
• * 6.86

  And the Re∣dress urged upon some at Court.
• * 6.87

  N^o. XCIII.
• * 6.88

  Calvin sends Letters and certain of his Books to the King.

  Ep. 123.
• * 6.89

  Well taken by the King and Council.
• * 6.90

  What the ABp told the Mes∣senger here∣upon.

  Ep. 120.
• * 6.91

  P. Martyr, and the ABp cor∣dial Friends.
• * 6.92

  The use the ABp made of him.
• * 6.93

  Ep. 127.
• * 6.94

  Martyr saw the Voluminous Writings and Marginal Notes of the Arch-bishop.
• * 6.95

  Two Letters of Martyr from Oxford.
• * 6.96

  N.XCIV.XCV.
• * 6.97

  An instance of his Love to the Arch-bishop.
• * 6.98

  P. Martyr Ep. Theolog.
• * 6.99

  The ABp's fa∣vour to Iohn Sleidan.
• * 6.100

  Procures him a Pension from the King.
• * 6.101

  The Paiment neglected.
• * 6.102

  Sleidan la∣bours with the ABp to get the Pension con∣firmed by Let∣ters Patents.
• * 6.103

  Sends his Commentaries to the King.
• * 6.104

  Designs to write the History of the Council of Trent.
• * 6.105

  For the King's Use.
• * 6.106

  Anno 1553. Sends the King a Specimen thereof.
• * 6.107

  In order to the proceed∣ing with his Commenta∣ries, desires Cecyl to send him the whole Action be∣tween K. H. VIII. and P. Clement VII.
• * 6.108

  B••cer writes to C••cyl in behalf of Sl••idan. N^o. XCVI.XCVII.XCVIII.XCIX.C.CI.CII.
• * 6.109

  Feb. 27. 1551.
• * 6.110

  Scriptae Anglic.
• * 6.111

  Iohn Leland.
• * 7.1

  His Wives and Children.
• * 7.2

  His Wife sur∣vived him. Sincere and mo∣dist Defence of English Catho∣licks.
• * 7.3

  MS. Life of Cranmer in Be∣net▪ College.
• * 7.4

  Divers Cran∣mers.
• * 7.5

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 7.6

  Su••••er's Ant.
• * 7.7

  Philpot's Villar. Cantian.
• * 7.8

  The AB's Stock.
• * 7.9

  Aslacton.
• * 7.10

  Whatton.
• * 7.11

  The Rectories whereof the ABp purcha∣sed.
• * 7.12

  His Chaplains.
• * 7.13

  Rowland Tay∣lor.
• * 8.1

  His Epitaph.
• * 8.2

  A Sermon preached the Day after his Burning.
• * 8.3

  Inter Foxii MSS.
• * 8.4

  Wherein the Martyr is grosly Slande∣red.
• * 8.5

  Iohn Ponet.
• * 8.6

  Stow.
• * 8.7

  Tho. Becon.
• * 8.8

  Rich. Harman.
• * 8.9

  Rob. Watson the ABp's Stew∣ard.
• * 8.10

  His Secretary▪ Ralph Morice.
• * 8.11

  His Parentage▪
• * 8.12

  Well known to divers emi∣nent Bishops.
• * 8.13

  Presents Turner to Chartham▪
• * 8.14

  And stands by him in his Troubles for his fait••••ul Preaching.
• * 8.15

  An Instance of the ABp's Kindness to this his Secre∣tary.
• * 8.16

  Morice his Suit to Q. Elizabeth for a Pension.
• * 8.17

  His second Suit to the Queen, to confirm cer∣tain Lands de∣scended to him from his Fa∣ther.
• * 8.18

  N^o. CIII.
• * 8.19

  He was Regi∣ster to the Commissioners in K. Edward's Visitation.
• * 8.20

  Suffered under Q. Mary.
• * 8.21

  Morice supplied Fox with ma∣ny material Notices in his Book.
• * 8.22

  Morice a cordi∣al Friend to Latimer. Fox.
• * 8.23

  Morice's Decla∣ration con∣cerning the ABp.
• * 8.24

  His Tempe∣rance of Na∣ture.
• * 8.25

  His Carriage towards hi•• Enemies.
• * 8.26

  Severe in his Behaviour to∣wards offend∣ing Prote∣stants.
• * 8.27

  Stout in God's or the King's Cause.
• * 8.28

  Viz. The Eru∣dition of a Chri∣sten Man.
• * 8.29

  The King sides with Cranmer against all the Bishops.
• * 8.30

  His great Abi∣lity in answer∣ing the King's Doubts.
• * 8.31

  Cranmer studi∣ed three parts of the Day.
• * 8.32

  Would speak to the King when none else durst.
• * 8.33

  Lady Mary.
• * 8.34

  Q. Katharine Howard.
• * 8.35

  His Hospitality
• * 8.36

  Falsly accused of ill House∣keeping.
• * 8.37

  The preserv∣ing the Bishops Revenues ow∣ing to the ABp.
• * 8.38

  The ABp vin∣dicated about his Leases.
• * 8.39

  By long Leases he saved the Revenues.
• * 8.40

  Justified from diminishing the Rents of the See.
• * 8.41

  Otford & Knol.
• * 8.42

  Curleswood▪
• * 8.43

  Chislet-Park.
• * 8.44

  Pasture and Meddow.
• * 8.45

  Woods.
• * 8.46

  Corn.
• * 8.47

  The best Ma∣ster towards his Servants.
• * 8.48

  An Infamy that he was an Hostler.
• * 8.49

  Observations upon the ABp.
• * 8.50

  His Learning very profound.
• * 8.51

  His Library.
• * 8.52

  An excellent Bishop.
• * 8.53

  His Care of his own Dio∣cess.
• * 8.54

  In the Benet-Library▪
• * 8.55

  At the great Towns he preached of∣ten.
• * 8.56

  Affected not his high Stiles.
• * 8.57

  His diligence in reforming Religion.
• * 8.58

  Before his Treatise of Fasting.
• * 8.59

  Puts K. Henry upon a Pur∣pose of re∣forming many things.
• * 8.60

  As long as Q. Ann, T. Crumwel, Bp Cranmer, Mr. Den∣ny, Dr. Butts, with such-like, were about him, and could prevail with him, What Organ of Christ's Glory did more good in the Church than he? As is apparent by such Monuments, Instruments and Acts, set forth by him; in setting up the Bible in the Church; in exploding the Pope with his vile Pardons; in removing divers super∣stitious Ceremonies; in bringing into order the inordinate Orders of Friars and Sects; in put∣ting Chantrey Pri••sts to their Pensions; in per∣mitting white Meats in Lent; in ••estroying Pil∣grimage-Worship; in abbrogating idle and su∣perstitious Holy-days; both by Acts Publick, and by private Letters to Bóner. Acts & Monum. p. 1147. a. Edit. 1610.
• * 8.61

  The King again purposeth a Reformation.
• * 8.62

  His Influence upon K. Ed∣ward.
• * 8.63

  A great Scrip∣turist.
• * 8.64

  Ea verae Religionis cura apud Josiam nostrum im∣primis, & Cantuariensem, & universum Concilium regium excubat, ut in nulla re aequè laboratum sit, quam ut Religionis, tum Doctrina tum Disciplina, ex Sa∣crarum Literarum Fonte, purissimè bauriatur: & ut sentina illa Romana, qua tot humanae Sordes in Eccl••∣siam Christi red••ndârunt, sunditus obstru••tur.
• * 8.65

  Procures the publishing the English Bible.
• * 8.66

  The Bishops oppose it.
• * 8.67

  Defence of the EnglishTranslat. Ch. 1. p. 4. Edit. 1583.
• * 8.68

  The first Edi∣tion of the Bible.
• * 8.69

  Antiq. Brit. in Vit. Craum.
• * 8.70

  The Preface to the Bible made by the ABp.
• * 8.71

  The Contents ••hereof.
• * 8.72

  N^o. CIV.
• * 8.73

  The Frontice∣piece of Cran∣mers Edition of the Bible.
• * 8.74

  His Affection and Compas∣sion towards Professors of the Gospel. Particularly for Sir Iohn Ch••k•• a Prisoner,
• * 8.75

  And the Lord Russel.
• * 8.76

  A Patron to such as preach∣ed the Gospel in K. Henry's Days.
• * 8.77

  Fox.
• * 8.78

  His Succour of afflicted Stran∣gers in K. Ed∣ward's Days.
• * 8.79

  Ad vos, ceu in Asylum & por∣tum tutissimum sub Sanctissimi Regis alas con∣fluebant Germa∣ni, Galli, Hispa∣ni, Itali, Poloni, Scoti, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illic Deo suo in Fidei libertate servi∣rent, quam ipsis patria ingrata negabat. Gualt. Praes. ante Hom. in Prior. D. Paul. ••p. ad Cor.
• * 8.80

  N^o. CV.
• * 8.81

  England har∣borous of Strangers. Anglos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 esse non nego, & peregrinorum habiti sunt ad∣miratores. Hum∣frid. de Nobilit.
• * 8.82

  In lib. de Nobi∣litat. p. 253.
• * 8.83

  The ABp's Fa∣vour to Fo∣reigners.
• * 8.84

  Unjustly char∣ged with Co∣vetousness.
• * 8.85

  His words to Cecyl upon this Charge.
• * 8.86

  Reduced, as he feared, to stark beggary before his Death.
• * 8.87

  Some Account of his House-keeping.
• * 8.88

  Retrenches the Clergies super∣fluous House-keeping.
• * 8.89

  His pious De∣sign therein.
• * 8.90

  Others charged him with Pro∣digality.
• * 8.91

  Humble and Condescend∣ing.
• * 8.92

  Peaceable and Mild.
• * 8.93

  His Speech up∣on the News of Wars abroad.
• * 8.94

  Unacquainted with the Arts of Court-flat∣tery.
• * 8.95

  Would never crouch to Nor∣thumberland.
• * 8.96

  He and Ridley fall under the Duke's Dis∣pleasure.
• * 8.97

  Ridley's La∣mentation.
• * 8.98

  Bold and un∣daunted in God's Cause.
• * 8.99

  Falsly charged with Cowar∣dice, and too much Flexi∣bility.
• * 8.100

  Ab••l R••di••••••vus.
• * 8.101

  Three Conver∣sions.
• * 8.102

  Of Ardent Affections.
• * 8.103

  Inter Foxii MSS
• * 8.104

  Cranmer com∣pared with Card. Wolsey.
• * 8.105

  Osiander's Cha∣racter of the ABp.
• * 8.106

  Epist. Dedicat▪ ante Harmon. Evangelic.
• * 8.107

  And Peter Mar∣tyr's.
• * 8.108

  Ep. Dedicat. ante librum de Eucharist.
• * 8.109

  Balt's Chara∣cter of the ABp.
• * 8.110

  In Centur.
• * 8.111

  The difficult Times where∣in Cranmer li∣ved.
• * 8.112

  A lying Cha∣racter of this ABp, by a la•••• French Author▪
• * 8.113

  Varillas his Hi∣story of Here∣ticks.
• * 8.114

  Allen's Calum∣ny of the ABp. Sincere and mo∣dest Def. of Engl. Catholicks▪ p. 45.
• * 8.115

  Wiped off.
• * 8.116

  Cleared from his Charge of Apostacy.
• * 8.117

  Saunders Fals∣hoods of the ABp. De Schism. Aug.
• * 8.118

  In his Book of the Three Con∣versions.
• * 8.119

  Parsons his Complements to the ABp.
• * 8.120

  In his Kalendar.
• * 8.121

  K. Edward's Journal.
• * 8.122

  Simleri Orat. in Obit. P. Mart.
• * 8.123

  Pa. 107.
• * 8.124

  Fox in behalf of Cranmer. Jo. Fox against Hierom. Oso∣rius, p. 338.
• * 8.125

  The Conclu∣sion.