Memorials of the Most Reverend Father in God, Thomas Cranmer sometime Lord Archbishop of Canterbury wherein the history of the Church, and the reformation of it, during the primacy of the said archbishop, are greatly illustrated : and many singular matters relating thereunto : now first published in three books : collected chiefly from records, registers, authentick letters, and other original manuscripts / by John Strype ...

MEMORIALS OF Arch-Bishop CRANMER. BOOK II. (Book 2)

CHAPTER I. He Crowns King Edward.

OUR Arch-bishop having lost his old Master,* 1.1 was not so sorrowful, but the Hopefulness of the new One did as much revive and solace him; because he concluded, that the Matters requisite for the Reformation of the Church, were like now to go on more roundly, and with less Impediment.

One of the very first Things that was done in young King Edward the Sixth's Reign, in relation to the Church, was, that the Bishops,* 1.2 who had the Care of Ecclesiastical Matters, and the Souls of Men, should be made to depend intirely upon the King and his Council, and to be subject to suspension from their Office, and to have their whole Episcopal Power taken from them at his Pleasure, which might serve as a Bridle in case they should oppose the Proceedings of a Reformation. In this I suppose the Arch-bishop had his Hand: For it was his Judgment, that the Exercise of all Episcopal Juris∣diction depended upon the Prince: And that as he gave it, so he might restrain it at his Pleasure. And therefore he began this Mat∣ter with himself, Petitioning,

That as he had exercised the Autho∣rity of an Arch-bishop during the Reign of the former King; so that Authority ending with his Life, it would please the present King Edward, to commit unto him that Power again.

For it seemed, that he would not act as Arch-bishop, till he had a new Commission from the new King for so doing. And that this was his Judgment, appeared in the first words of that Commission granted to him; In the composing of which I make no question he had his Hand. Quandoquidem omnis juris dicendi autoritas,* 1.3 at{que} etiam juris∣dictio omnimoda, tam illa quae Ecclesiastica dicitur, quam Secularis, à Re∣gia potestate, velut à supremo capite, ac omnium Magistratuum infra Regnum nostrum fonte & scaturigine, primitus emanaverit, &c. That is,

Since all Authority of exercising Jurisdiction, and also all

kind of Jurisdiction, as well that which is called Ecclesi∣astical, as Secular, originally hath flowed from the King's Power, as from the Supream Head, and the Fountain and Source of all Magistracy within our Kingdom: We therefore in this part yielding to your humble Supplications, and consult∣ing for the Good of our Subjects, have determined to commit our Place to you, under the Manner and Form hereunder descri∣bed.

And the King then licenseth him to ordain within his Diocess, and to promote and present to Ecclesiastical Benefices; and to insti∣tute and invest; and if occasion required, to deprive; to prove Te∣staments, and the rest of the Business of his Courts. And so all the rest of his Offices were reckoned. This was dated Feb. 7. 1546. But yet all these things were committed to him, with a Power of Revocation of the Exercise of this Authority reserved in the King, & durante beneplacito. Thus a formal Commission was made to him; I do not transcribe it,* 1.4 because the Bishop of Sarum hath saved me that Pains. And hence I find, that the Arch-bishop in some of his Writings is stiled, The Commissary of our dread Soveraign Lord King Edward.

* 1.5One of the first Exercises of his Episcopal Power, was the Coro∣nation of young King Edward. Which was celebrated February the 20th, at the Abbey of Westminster, the Arch-bishop assisting now at his Coronation, as he had done about nine Years before at his Chri∣stening,* 1.6 when he stood his Godfather. The Form and Solemnity of it, and wherein the Arch-bishop bore so great a part, was in this man∣ner, as I collect and transcribe out of a Manuscript in Benet College.

* 1.7First, There was a goodly Stage richly hanged with Cloth of Gold and Cloth of Arras; and the Steps from the Choire contained two and twenty Steps of height; and down to the high Altar but fifteen Steps, goodly carpetted, where the King's Grace should tread with his Nobles.

Secondly, The high Altar richly garnished with divers and costly Jewels and Ornaments of much Estimation and Value. And also the Tombs on each side the high Altar, richly hanged with fine Gold Arras.

Thirdly, In the midst of the Stage was a goodly thing made of seven steps of height, all round, where the King's Majesty's Chair Royal stood; and he sat therein, after he was crowned, all the Mass-while.

Fourthly, At nine of the Clock all Westminster Choire was in their Copes, and three goodly Crosses before them: and after them other three goodly rich Crosses, and the King's Chappel with his Children, following all in Scarlet, with Surplices and Copes on their Backs. And after them ten Bishops in Scarlet with their Ro∣chets, and rich Copes on their Backs, and their Mitres on their Heads, did set forth at the West Door of Westminster towards the King's Palace, there to receive his Grace; and my Lord of Canter∣bury with his Cross before him alone, and his Mitre on his Head. And so past forth in order, as before is said. And within a certain space after were certain blew Cloths laid abroad in the Church-floor against the King's coming, and so all the Palace, even to York place.

Then is described the setting forward to Westminster Church to his Coronation, Unction and Confirmation.

After all the Lords in order had kneeled down and kiss'd his Gra∣ce's right Foot, and after held their Hands between his Grace's Hands, and kiss'd his Grace's left Cheek, and so did their Homage; Then began a Mass of the Holy Ghost by my Lord of Canterbury, with good singing in the Choire, and Organs playing. There at Offering time his Grace offered to the Altar a Pound of Gold, a Loaf of Bread, and a Chalice of Wine.

Then after the Levation of the Mass, there was read by my Lord Chancellor, in presence of all the Nobles, a General Pardon granted by King Henry the Eighth, Father to our Liege Lord the King, that all shall be pardoned that have offended before the 28th day of Ianua∣ry last past.

When the King's Majesty, with his Nobles, came to the Place of the Coronation, within a while after, his Grace was removed into a Chair of Crimson Velvet, and born in the Chair between two Noble∣men, unto the North-side of the Stage, and shewed to the People; and these words spoken to the People by my Lord of Canterbury, in this manner, saying:

Sirs, here I present unto you K. Edward, the rightful Inheritor to the Crown of this Realm. Wherefore all ye, that be come this Day to do your Homage, Service, and bounden Duty, Be ye willing to do the same?

To the which all the People cried with a loud Voice, and said, Yea, Yea, Yea; and cried, King Edward; and prayed, God save King Edward. And so to the South-side in like manner, and to the East-side, and to the West-side.

After this, his Grace was born again to the high Altar in his Chair, and there sat bare-headed: And all his Nobles and Peers of the Realm were about his Grace, and my Lord of Canterbury Principal. And there made certain Prayers and Godly Psalms over his Grace; and the Choire answered with goodly Singing, the Organs playing, and Trumpets blowing.

Then after a certain Unction, Blessing, and Signing of his Grace, he was born into a Place by the high Altar, where the Kings use al∣ways to kneel at the Levation of the Parliament-Mass. And there his Grace was made ready of new Garments; and after a certain space brought forth between two Noble-men, and sat before the High Altar bare-headed. Then after a while his Grace was anointed in the Breast, his Soles of his Feet, his Elbows, his Wrists of his Hands, and his Crown of his Head, with vertuous Prayer said by the Bishop of Canterbury, and sung by the Choire.

Then anon after this, a goodly fair Cloth of red Tinsel Gold was hung over his Head: And my Lord of Canterbury kneeling on his Knees, and his Grace lying prostrate afore the Altar, anointed his Back.

Then after this, my Lord of Canterbury arose and stood up, and the fair Cloth taken away. Then my Lord Protector, Duke of Somer∣set, held the Crown in his Hand a certain space; and immediately after began Te Deum, with the Organs going, the Choire singing, and the Trumpets playing in the Battlements of the Church. Then immediately after that, was the Crown set on the King's Majesty's

Head by them two, [viz. Somerset, and the Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury]. And after that another Crown; and so his Grace was crowned with three Crowns.

The Relation breaks off here abruptly. But what is wanting, may be supplied by the Order of the Coronation,* 1.8 as Bishop Burnet hath taken it out of the Council-Book, and given it us in his Hi∣story.

* 1.9At this Coronation there was no Sermon as I can find, but that was supplied by an excellent Speech which was made by the Arch-bishop. It was found among the inestimable Collections of Arch-bishop Vsher; and though published of late Years, yet I cannot but insert it here, tending so much to illustrate the Memory of this great and good Arch-bishop.

MOST Dread and Royal Soveraign: The Promises your Highness hath made here, at your Coronation, to forsake the Devil and all his Works, are not to be taken in the Bishop of Rome's Sense, when you commit any thing distastful to that See, to hit your Majesty in the Teeth, as Pope Paul the Third, late Bishop of Rome, sent to your Royal Father, saying, Didst thou not promise, at our permission of thy Coronation, to forsake the Devil and all his Works, and dost thou run to Heresy? For the Breach of this thy Promise, knowest thou not, that 'tis in our Power to dispose of thy Sword and Scepter to whom we please? We, your Majesty's Cler∣gy, do humbly conceive, that this Promise reacheth not at your Highness Sword, Spiritual or Temporal, or in the least at your Highness swaying the Scepter of this your Dominion, as you and your Predecessors have had them from God. Neither could your Ancestors lawfully resign up their Crowns to the Bishop of Rome or his Legats, according to their ancient Oaths then taken upon that Ceremony.

The Bishops of Canterbury for the most part have crowned your Predecessors, and anointed them Kings of this Land: Yet it was not in their Power to receive or reject them, neither did it give them Authority to prescribe them Conditions to take or to leave their Crowns, although the Bishops of Rome would encroach up∣on your Predecessors by their Act and Oil, that in the end they might possess those Bishops with an Interest to dispose of their Crowns at their Pleasure. But the wiser sort will look to their Claws and clip them.

The solemn Rites of Coronation have their Ends and Utility; yet neither direct Force or Necessity: They be good Admonitions to put Kings in mind of their Duty to God, but no encreasement of their Dignity: For they be God's Anointed; not in respect of the Oil which the Bishop useth, but in consideration of their Power, which is Ordained; Of the Sword, which is Authorized; Of their Persons, which are elected of God, and endued with the Gifts of his Spirit, for the better ruling and guiding of his People.

The Oil, if added, is but a Ceremony: If it be wanting, that King is yet a perfect Monarch notwithstanding, and God's Anoin∣ed,

as well as if he was inoiled. Now for the Person or Bishop that doth anoint a King, it is proper to be done by the chiefest. But if they cannot, or will not, any Bishop may perform this Ce∣remony.

To condition with Monarchs upon these Ceremonies, the Bi∣shop of Rome (or other Bishops owning his Supremacy) hath no Authority: but he may faithfully declare what God requires at the Hands of Kings and Rulers, that is, Religion and Vertue. Therefore not from the Bishop of Rome, but as a Messenger from my Saviour Iesus Christ, I shall most humbly admonish your Royal Majesty what Things your Highness is to perform.

Your Majesty is God's Vicegerent, and Christ's Vicar within your own Dominions, and to see, with your Predecessor Iosias, God truly worshipped, and Idolatry destroyed; the Tyranny of the Bishops of Rome banished from your Subjects, and Images remo∣ved. These Acts be Signs of a second Iosias, who reformed the Church of God in his Days. You are to reward Vertue, to re∣venge Sin, to justify the Innocent, to relieve the Poor, to procure Peace, to repress Violence, and to execute Justice throughout your Realms. For Precedents on those Kings who performed not these Things, the Old Law shews how the Lord revenged his Quarrel; and on those Kings who fulfilled these things, he poured forth his Blessings in abundance. For Example, it is written of Iosiah, in the Book of the Kings, thus; Like unto him there was no King, that turned to the Lord with all his Heart, according to all the Law of Moses; neither after him arose there any like him. This was to that Prince a perpetual Fame of Dignity, to remain to the End of Days.

Being bound by my Function to lay these Things before your Royal Highness; the one as a Reward, if you fulfil; the other as a Judgment from God, if you neglect them: Yet I openly declare, before the living God, and before these Nobles of the Land, that I have no Commission to denounce your Majesty deprived, if your Highness miss in part, or in whole, of these Performances: Much less to draw up Indentures between God and your Majesty, or to say you forfeit your Crown with a Clause for the Bishop of Rome, as have been done by your Majesty's Predecessors, King Iohn, and his Son Henry of this Land. The Almighty God of his Mercy, let the Light of his Countenance shine upon your Majesty, grant you a prosperous and happy Reign, defend you and save you: and let your Subjects say, Amen.

God save the King.

I find no Bishop Consecrated this Year.

* 2.1CHAP. II. A Royal Visitation.

* 2.2BY these and other pious Instigations of the Arch-bishop, who was of high esteem with the King, he began early to think of the Church, and to take care about rectifying the Disorders of its Members. For about April there was a Royal Visitation resolved up∣on all England over, for the better Reformation of Religion. And accordingly in the beginning of May, Letters were issued out from the King to the Arch-bishops, that they and all their Fellow-Bishops, should forbear their Visitations, as was usually done in all Royal and Archiepiscopal Visitations. And it was enjoined, that no Ministers should preach in any Churches but in their own.

* 2.3In a Volume in the Cotton Library, there be extant the King's Letters to Robert Arch-bishop of York, relating to this Visita∣tion; signed by our Arch-bishop, the Duke of Somerset the Pro∣tector, and his Brother Sir Thomas Seymour, the Lord Russel, Favou∣rers of the Reformation; the Lord St. Iohns, Petres the Secretary, who went along with it; Gage Controuler of the Houshold, and Baker Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations, back-Friends to it.* 2.4 I do not set down the Letter it self, because the Bishop of Sarum hath already published it in his History.

Very worthy sober and learned Men were appointed for Visitors, both of the Laity and Clergy. And there was a Book of Injuncti∣ons prepared, whereby the King's Visitors were to govern their Vi∣sitation. The Original of which Book of Injunctions is extant in Benet-College Library: There I have seen them, being signed by Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Somerset, Sir Tho∣mas Seymour, and divers others of the Privy-Council; but no Bishop save Cranmer only; he being, I suppose, the only Bishop then a Pri∣vy-Counsellor; and now often appearing in the Council for the bet∣ter forwarding of Religion. These Injunctions are printed in Bi∣shop Sparrow's Collection,* 2.5 and briefly epitomized in the History of the Reformation.

* 2.6The Persons nominated for this present Employment were these, as I find them set down in a Manuscript, formerly belonging to Arch-bishop Parker,* 2.7 but now in the Benet-College Library: Where you may observe the Visitors were divided into six Sets, and to each Set were apportioned particular Counties, and a Preacher and a Re∣gister, in this exact Method following.

Visitors.	Added by ABp Parker.	Counties visited.
Dean of Westminster.	Boston.	York.
Sir Iohn Herseley Kt.		Durysme.
Nicholas Ridley, Preacher.		Carlyll.
Edward Plankney, Register.		Chester.

Sir Anthony Coke, Kt.		Westminster.
Sir Iohn Godsalve, Kt. † 2.8
Dr. Christopher Nevison.	The Elder.	London.
Iohn Gosnold.	A Lawyer.
Dr. Madewe, Preacher.		Norwich.
Peter Lylly, Register.		Ely.
Sir Iohn Hales, Kt.		Rochester.
Sir Iohn Mason, Kt.
Sir Anthony Cope, Kt.		Canterbury.
Dr. Cave.	A Lawyer.
Mr. Briggs, Preacher.	Once of Pembroke.	Chichester.
Rafe Morice, Register.		Winchester.
Dean of Pauls.	Dr. May.	Sarisbury.
Dean of Exeter.	Dr. Hains.	Exeter.
Sir Walter Buckler, Kt.		Bath.
Mr. Cotisford, Preacher.		Bristow.
Iohn Redman, Register.	Of Haslingfeld.	Glocester.
Dean of Lincoln.	Dr. Taylor.	Peterburgh.
Dr. Rowland Taylor.		Lincoln.
Mr. Iohn Ioseph.	Once of Canterbury,	Oxford.
	a Friar.	Coventry.
Iohn Old, Register.		Litchfeld.
Mr. Morison.	Once Husband to the Earl of Rutland's Wife.	Worcester.
	Hereford.
Mr. Syddel.		Landaff.
Mr. Ferrowr, Preacher.	After L. Bishop of S. Davids.	S. Davids.
George Constantine, Register.		Bangor.
Hue Rawlins, Preacher in the Welch Tongue.		S. Asse.

Where we may observe, that in every Company of Visitors was joined one Preacher, or more; whose Business, in the respective Cir∣cuits, was to preach to the People, to dehort them from the super∣stitious use of Beads and such-like Things, and to learn them to worship God truly in Heart and Mind, and to obey the Prince.

The Method which these Commissioners used in their Visitation,* 2.9 as we collect from what was done at S. Pauls, London, was this. They summoned the Bishop, and the Members of each Cathedral; and first sware them to renounce the Bishop of Rome, and to the

King's Supremacy: and then that they should present all things in their Church and Diocess, needful to be reformed. Then certain Interrogatories and Articles of Enquiry were read to them by the Register. To perform which, an Oath was administred to them. Af∣ter that, the printed Injunctions, and others not printed, with the Book of Homilies, were delivered, both to the Bishop for his Church, and the Arch-deacons for their respective Arch-deaconries; strictly injoining them to see them speedily executed, reserving other new In∣junctions to be ministred afterwards, as they should see cause. Their next Work was to examine the Canons and Priests by virtue of their Oaths which they had taken, concerning their Lives and Doctrines. What was discovered in other Places concerning the Vices of the Clergy, we may conlude from what was found among the Dignita∣ries of St. Pauls.* 2.10 For when the Canons and Priests belonging to this Church were examined, one of them, named Painter, openly con∣fessed, that he had often carnally used a certain Married-man's Wife, whom he would not name: And divers others, both of the Canons and Priests, confessed the same of themselves.

There be remaining, in the Archives of the Church of Canter∣bury, the Injunctions of the King's Visitors to the Dean and Chap∣ter there, bearing date Sept. 22. An. 1 Edw. VI. subscribed by the Visitors Hands. Which Injunctions do all relate to the particular Statutes of the Church, and are of no other moment.

* 2.11There was now a Book of Homilies prepared for present use, to be read in all Churches, for the Instruction of the People: and Eras∣mus's Paraphrase upon the New Testament in English, was to be set up in all Churches, for the better instruction of Priests in the Sense and Knowledg of the Scriptures. And both these Books, by the King's Injunctions aforementioned, were commanded to be taught and learned.

CHAP. III. Homilies, and Erasmus's Paraphrase.

ARch-bishop Cranmer found it highly convenient to find out some Means for the Instruction of the People in true Religion,* 2.12 till the Church could be better supplied with learned Priests and Mi∣nisters. For which purpose he resolved upon having some good Ho∣milies or Sermons, composed, to be read to the People; which should in a plain manner teach the Grounds and Foundation of true Religi∣on, and deliver the People from popular Errors and Superstitions. When this was going in hand with, the Arch-bishop sent his Letters to the Bishop of Winchester, to try if he could bring him to be wil∣ling to join in this Business; shewing him, that it was no more than what was intended by the former King, and a Convocation in the Year 1542, wherein himself was a Member, to make such a stay of Errors, as were then by ignorant Preachers spread among the People. But this Bishop was not for Cranmer's Turn; in his Answer signify∣ing to him,

That since that Convocation the King, his old Ma∣ster's

Mind changed, and that God had afterwards given him the Gift of Pacification, (as he worded it) meaning, that the King made a stop in his once intended Reformation. He added, That there was a Convocation that extinguished those Devices, and this was still in force: And therefore, that now nothing more ought to be done in Church-Matters.

And a Copy of this Let∣ter he sent to the Lord Protector, trying to perswade him also to be of his Mind.

The Arch-bishop answered these Letters of Winchester: Wherein he again required these Homilies to be made, by virtue of that Con∣vocation five Years before; and desired Winchester to weigh things. But he replied,

It was true, they communed then of such things,* 2.13 but they took not effect at that time; nor needed they to be put in execution now. And that in his Judgment it could not be done without a new Authority and Command from the King's Maje∣sty. Then he used his Politicks, urging, That it was not safe to make new Stirs in Religion: That the Lord Protector did well in putting out a Proclamation to stop vain Rumors; and he thought it not best to enterprize any thing to tempt the People with occa∣sion of Tales, whereby to break the Proclamation. And as in a natural Body, he said, Rest without Trouble did confirm and strengthen; so it was in a Common-wealth, Trouble travaileth, and bringeth things to loosness. Then he suggested the Danger the Arch-bishop might involve himself in, by making Alterati∣ons. That he was not certain of his Life, when the old Or∣der was broken, and a new brought in by Homilies; that he should continue to see the new Device executed. For it was not done in a Day; He wished there were nothing else to do now. He suggested, that a new Order engendred a new Cause of Pu∣nishment against them that offend; and Punishments were not pleasant to them that have the Execution. And yet they must be, for nothing may be contemned.

There were two Letters Win∣chester sent to the Arch-bishop, in answer to as many from the Arch-bishop: In which he laboured to perswade the Arch-bishop, not to innovate any thing in Religion during the King's Minority; and par∣ticularly to forbear making Homilies, and refusing for himself to meddle therein. An imperfect part of one of these Letters I have laid in the Appendix, as I transcribed it from the Original.* 2.14

So when it was perceived that Winchester would not be brought to comply, and join in with the Arch-bishop and the rest, they went about the composing the Homilies themselves. Cranmer had a great hand in them:* 2.15 And that Homily of Salvation particularly seems to be of his own doing. This, while he was in composing it, was shewn to Winchester by the Arch-bishop; to which he made this Ob∣jection.

That he would yield to him in this Homily, if they could shew him any old Writer, that wrote how Faith excluded Charity in the Office of Justification; and that it was against Scripture.

Upon this Canterbury began to argue with him, and to shew him how Faith excluded Charity in the Point of Justify∣ing. And Winchester denied his Arguments. And in fine, such was his Sophistication, that the Arch-bishop at last told him;

He liked

nothing unless he did it himself: and that he disliked the Homily for that Reason, because he was not a Counsellor.

The Council had now put this Bishop in the Fleet, for his Refra∣ctoriness to the King's Proceedings;* 2.16 where, if his Complaint to the Lord Protector were true, he was somewhat straitly handled: For he was allowed no Friend or Servant, no Chaplain, Barber, Taylor, nor Physician. A sign he gave them high Provocation. While he was here, the Arch-bishop sent for him once or twice to discourse with him, and to try to bring him to comply with their Proceed∣ings in reforming Religion. He dealt very gently with him, and told him;

That he was a Man, in his Opinion, meet to be called to the Council again: but withal told him, that he stood too much in Obstinacy; that it was perverse Frowardness, and not any Zeal for the Truth.

And laboured to bring him to allow the Book, which was now finished, and the Paraphrase of Erasmus.

The former he could not allow of, because of the Doctrine therein by Cranmer asserted,* 2.17 of Justification by Faith without Works. Which Cranmer took pains to perswade him about; telling him, his Intent was hereby, only to set out the Freedom of God's Mercy. But Win∣chester challenged him to shew Scripture for it, or any one ancient Writer, That Faith in justifying excludeth Charity. This Winche∣ster afterward declared at large to the Lord Protector; and added, That the Arch-bishop in that Homily of Salvation, had taken such a Matter in hand, and so handled it, as, if he were his extream Enemy, he would have wished him to have taken that Piece in hand, and so to have handled it as he did. He represented one of the Arch-bishop's Arguments for Faith excluding Charity to be thus, out of that Homily; We be justified by Faith without all Works of the Law: Charity is a Work of the Law: Ergo, We are justified without Charity. But I warn the Reader to consult the Homily it self, before he pass his Judgment upon Cranmer's Argument, as it is here repre∣sented by one that was none of his Friend. In fine, he said,

There were as many Faults in that Homily of Salvation, as he had been Weeks in Prison, and that was seven, besides the Matter, viz. making a Trouble without Necessity.

* 2.18In short, he charged the Arch-bishop for troubling the World with such a needless Speculation as this is; because, he said, that in Baptism we are justified, being Infants, before we can talk of the Justification we strive for. For all Men receive their Justifica∣tion in their Infancy in Baptism. And if they fall after Baptism, they must arise again by the Sacrament of Penance. And so this Doctrine, he said, was to be sent to the Universities; where it is meet to be talked and disputed of, and not fit for Homilies.

And to disparage further the Arch-bishop's Judgment, he told the Pro∣tector,

That if my Lord of Canterbury would needs travail in this Matter, he should never perswade that Faith excluded Charity in Justification, unless he borrowed Prisons of the Protector; and then he might percase have some to agree to it: As poor Men kneel at Rome when the Bishop of Rome goeth by, or else are knocked on the Head with a Halbard.

And then he made some scoffing mention of the Strength of God's Spirit in the Arch-bishop,

and his Learning in his Laws, so as to be able to overthrow with his Breath all Untruths, and establish Truths. I make no Reflection upon all this unseemly Language of this Bishop, but leave it to the Reader to judg hereby of the Learning and Spirit that was in him. And could we have retrieved the Arch-bishop's own Arguments and Replies to these Barkings of Winchester, they would have left to the World a full Vindication of Cranmer and his Doctrine.

As to Erasmus's Paraphrase, the said Bishop pretended,* 2.19

He found divers things in it to condemn the Work: and that he agreed with them that said, Erasmus laid the Eggs, and Luther hatched them: and that of all the monstrous Opinions that have risen, evil Men had a wondrous Occasion ministred to them from that Book.

He also wrote to the Protector the particular Objections he made against it. He said,

He might term it in one word Abomination, both for the Malice and Untruth of much Matter out of Erasmus's Pen: and also for the arrogant Ignorance of the Translator of it; considering that Book was authorized by the King, and a Charge laid upon the Realm of twenty thousand Pounds, by enjoining every Parish to buy one: Whereof he had made an Estimate by the probable number of Buyers, and the Price of the Book. He charged the Translator with Ignorance, both in Latin and Eng∣lish; a Man (he said) far unmeet to meddle with such a Matter, and not without Malice on his part.

Finally, The Matter he had to shew in both the Books, was in some part dangerous; and the Concealment thereof a great Fault, if he did not utter it. And that he pretended, made him some-while ago write to the Council, declaring his Mind in relation thereunto.

For which he was sent to the Fleet.

The true Occasion whereof, as I take it from his own Letter,* 2.20 writ∣ten with his own Hand, which I have before me, was this▪ Upon the Departure of the Lord Protector against the Scots, the King's Vi∣sitors began their Visitation.

Then as soon as the Bishop heard of the Visitation, and the Books of Homilies and Injunctions were come to his hands, he wrote to the Council, trusting, upon such earnest Advertisements as he made, they would incontinently have sent for him; and upon knowledg of so evident Matter as he thought he had to shew, would have staid till the Protector's Re∣turn. He saw (as he said) a Determination to do all things sud∣denly at one time. Whereunto, though the Protector had agreed, yet of his Wisdom, as the Bishop conjectured, he had rather these Matters should have tarried till his Return, had he not been pres∣sed on both Sides, (an Expression which the Protector in a Letter to him had used). He reckoned, that if he could have staid this Matter in his Absence, though by bringing himself into extream Danger, besides his Duty to God and the King, he should have done the Protector a Pleasure, of whom he had this Opinion, that willingly and wittingly, he would neither break the Act of Par∣liament, nor command Books to be bought by Authority, that contained such Doctrine as those Books did. Thus he had, he said, remembrance of his Grace in these his Letters to the Council; but he chiefly made not his Grace, but God his Foundation, with

the Preservation of the late deceased King's Honour, and the Sure∣ty of the King then being. His Writing, he confessed, was ve∣hement; but he would have none offended with it, for he wrote it with a whole Heart; and if he could have written it with the Blood of his Heart, he would have done it, to have staid the thing till it had been more maturely digested. He touched lively one Point in his Letter to the Council, and considered whether the King might command against a Common Law, or an Act of Par∣liament; and shewed the Danger of it in the late Lord Cardinal, and the Lord Typtoft before him, who was Executed on Tower-hill, for acting against the Laws of the Land, though it were by the King's Commission; and by other Precedents.

Not long after these Letters of the Bishop to the Council, they sent for him. When he came before them, he came furnished with his Trinkets, his Sleeves and Bosom trussed full of Books, to fur∣nish his former Allegations. He was heard very well, and gently. Then he shewed Matter that he thought would have moved them: For there he shewed the two contrary Books, [meaning the Ho∣milies, and Erasmus's Paraphrase]. But the Council told him, they were not moved: and added, That their Consciences agreed not with his; using many good Words to bring him to Conformity. After he had been aside from them, and was returned again, they entred a precise Order with him, either to receive the Injunctions, or to refuse. In which Case they told him, that the Protector was privy to what was done there. The Bishop answered, That he would receive them as far as God's Law and the King's would bind him. And because he saw they drew to such Preciseness, he told them, there were three Weeks of Delay to the coming of the Visi∣tors to him. In the mean time he offered to go to Oxford, to abide the Discussion there. That Offer was not allowed. He desired to go to his House at London, and have Learned Men speak with him there. That was not accepted. He entred then the Allegation of the Gospel, of the Servant that said, he would not do a thing, and yet did it: And so the Bishop said, it might be, that although he then said Nay, as his Conscience served him, yet he might change, and was a Man that might be tempted. But as his Con∣science was then, he thought, that God's Laws and the King's let∣ted him. Then they asked him, if he had spoken to any Man of what he found in the Books. To which he answered truly, [ac∣knowledging he had]. But told the Lords, that he thought it hard, unless there were a greater Matter than this, to send him to Prison for declaring his Mind before-hand, what he minded to do, before it had been by him done; who had all the mean time to re∣pent himself.

In the End the Council committed him to the Fleet. Of his Be∣haviour under this Censure, he hath these words;

That he had well digested it; and so all might be well, he cared not what be∣came of his Body. That he departed as quietly from them as ever Man did, and had endured with as little grudg. He had learned this Lesson in the World, never to look backward, as S. Paul saith, ne remember that is past. That he would never grudg or com∣plain of any thing for himself.

To the Lord Protector, to whom he wrote all this Account of him∣self, turning his Discourse, he said,

That he thought it very weigh∣ty, to have these Books recommended to the Realm in the King's Name by his (the Protector) Direction, since the King himself knew nothing of them, and therefore nothing could be ascribed to him: And his Grace had been so occupied, as all Men knew, that he had no leisure to peruse them. And yet of such sort were the Books according to the Account he had before written; and that if no Man had advertised the Council, as he had, it was be∣cause they had not read them as he had done.

In Vindication of the Learned Author of the Paraphrase,* 2.21 so be∣dashed by Winchester, I will here use the words of him that writ the Epistle Dedicatory before the translated Paraphrase on the Acts.

I cannot but judg, that whoso are prompt and hasty Condemners of Erasmus, or eager Adversaries unto his Doctrine, do, under the Name and Colour of Erasmus, rather utter their Stomach and Hatred against God's Word, and the Grace of the Gospel, which Erasmus for his part most diligently and most simply laboureth to bring to light.

And to such as said, that his Doctrine was scarcely sincere, and that he did somewhat err, he answered,

That Eras∣mus, forasmuch as he was a Man, and so esteemed himself, would that his Works should none otherwise be read or accepted, than the Writings of other mortal Men. And that after his Judgment, a little Trip among so many notable good Works for the interpre∣tation of Scripture, and for the help of the Simple, should rather be born withal, than so many good Things to be either rejected, or kept away from the hungry Christian Reader. It is a cold Cha∣rity that can bear with nothing; and an eager Malice it is, that for a Trifle, or a Matter of nothing, would have the Ignorant to lack so much good edifying, as may be taken of Erasmus.

Mention was made a little above,* 2.22 of the Bishop of Winchester's Objections aganst the Paraphrase of Erasmus, sent by him in a Let∣ter to the Lord Protector. This Paper I have met with in Sir Iohn Cotton's Library; and being somewhat long, I have put it into the Appendix: Wherein may be seen at large the Bishop's Quarrels,* 2.23 both against the Paraphrase and the Homilies; labouring here to shew, that the Book of Homilies and Erasmus's Paraphrase, did contradict each other, and therefore could not both be received; and that there were Errors in each, and so neither ought to be admitted. More∣over, he urged the Danger of making Alterations in Religion con∣trary to the Laws then in Force; designing thereby, if he could over-perswade the Protector, to enervate the King's late Injunctions. For the Papists, whose chief Instrument was VVinchester, saw it was time now to bestir themselves to overthrow these Proceedings that were in hand, if it were possible.

When this Affair happened between the Council and the Bishop,* 2.24 for which they cast him into the Fleet, Somerset the Protector was absent in an Expedition against the Scots: By whose Conduct, in the Month of September, God blessed the King with a very glorious Victory, in a Battel fought near Musselburrough. Which redounded much to the Protector's Honour, wherein was more Danger than he

looked for, which gave him the greater occasion to shew his Va∣lour: For there were but few lost on the English-side; but fifteen thousand Scots reckoned to be slain, and two thousand taken Priso∣ners. For this Victory a Publick Thanksgiving was thought fit to be Celebrated. And the Arch-bishop required of the Bishop of Lon∣don, to procure a Sermon at S. Pauls, before the Mayor and Alder∣men, and immediately after a Procession in English, and Te Deum. The Arch-bishop's Letter (which will shew what the Court thought of that good Success) was as followeth.

AFter our right hearty Commendations: Whereas it hath plea∣sed Almighty God to send the King's Majesty such Victory against the Scots,* 3.1 as was almost above the Expectation of Man, and such as hath not been heard of in any part of Christendom this many Years: In which Victory above the Number of 15000 Scots be slain, 2000 taken Prisoners; and among them many Noble-men, and others of good Reputation; all their Ordnance and Baggage of their Camp also won from them. The King's Majesty, with Advice of his Highness Privy-Council, presently attending upon his Majesty's most Royal Person, well-knowing this, as all other Goodness, to be Gifts of God, hath and so doth account it. And therefore rendereth unto him the only Glory and Praise for the same: And so hath willed me, not only in his Ma∣jesty's Cathedral Church, and other Churches of my Diocess, to give Thanks to Almighty God, but also to require, in his Name, all other Bishops in the Province of Canterbury to do, or cause to be done, semblably in their Course. Which his Majesty's Pleasure I have thought good to signify unto you: Requiring you, not on∣ly to cause a Sermon to be made in your Cathedral Church, the next Holy-day after receipt hereof, declaring the Goodness of God, and exhorting the People to Faith and amendment of Life; and to give Thanks to God for this Victory; but also at the same time, immediately after the Sermon, and in presence of the Mayor, Aldermen, and other the Citizens of London, to cause the Pro∣cession in English, and Te Deum, to be openly and devoutly sung. And that you do also cause the like Order to be given in every Parish-Church in your Diocess, upon some Holy-day, when the Parishioners shall be there present, with as much speed as you may; not failing, as you tender his Majesty's Pleasure. Thus fare you heartily well. From Oatlands, the 18th Day of Decem∣ber * 3.2, the Year of our Lord God, 1547.

Your loving Friend, Tho. Cantuarien.

The Counsellors Pleasure is, you shall see this executed on Tuesday next, in St. Pauls in London. This be given in haste.

CHAP. IV. A Convocation.

THE Parliament now sat:* 3.3 And a Convocation was held No∣vember the 5th. Some Account of what was done here, I will in this place set down, as I extracted it out of the Notes of some Member, as I conceive, then present at it.

Session 1. Nov. 5.

Iohn Taylor Dean of Lincoln, chosen Prolocutor by universal Consent.

Sess. 2. Nov. 18.

This Day the Prolocutor was presented to the Arch-bishop and Bishops in the Upper House.

Sess. 3. Nov. 22.

It was then agreed, that the Prolocutor, in the Name of the whole House, should carry some Petitions unto the most Reverend Father in God the Arch-bishop, viz.

I. That Provision be made, that the Ecclesiastical Law may be examined, and promulged, according to that Statute of Parliament in the 35th Year of Henry VIII.

II. That for certain urgent Causes, the Convocation of this Clergy may be taken and chosen into the Lower House of Parlia∣ment, as anciently it was wont to be.

III. That the Works of the Bishops and Others, who by the Command of the Convocation, have laboured in examining, re∣forming and publishing the Divine Service, may be produced, and laid before the Examination of this House.

IV. That the Rigour of the Statute of paying the King the First-Fruits, may be somewhat moderated in certain urgent Clau∣ses, and may be reformed, if possible.

The fourth Session is omitted in the Manuscript, the Writer pro∣bably being then absent.

Sess. 5. Nov. ult.

This Day Mr. Prolocutor exhibited, and caused to be read pub∣lickly, a Form of a certain Ordinance, delivered by the most Re∣verend the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, for the receiving of the Bo∣dy of our Lord under both Kinds, viz. of Bread and Wine. To which he himself subscribed, and some others, viz. Mr. Prolocu∣tor, Mr. Cranmer Arch-deacon of Canterbury, Mr. May, Mr. Ien∣yngs, Mr. VVilliams, VVilson, Carleton, &c.

Sess. 6. Decemb. 2.

This Session, all this whole Session, in Number Sixty-four, by their Mouths did approve the Proposition made the last Session, of taking the Lord's Body in both Kinds, nullo reclamante.

The same Day with Consent were chosen, Mr. Dr. Draycot, Bellasis, Dakyns, Ieffrey, Elize ap Rice, Oking, Pool, and Ap Har∣ry, to draw up a Form of a Statute for paying Tithes in Cities, &c.

This was a thing the Clergy now were very intent upon. For I find in the Arch-bishop's Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws, there is a Law made for paying Tithes in Cities, as was done in London.

Sess. 7. Decemb. 9.

By common Consent were nominated and assigned Mr. Rowland Merick, Iohn ap Harry, Iohn VVilliams, and Elizeus Price, DD.LL. to obtain the following Effects, viz. That the Petition made to have this House adjoined to the Lower House of Parliament, may be granted. Item, That a Mitigation of the sore Penalty expres∣sed in the Statutes against the Recusants, for non-payment of the perpetual Tenths, may be also obtained.

And the same Day were likewise appointed, Mr. Dean of VVin∣chester, and Mr. Dr. Draycot, to accompany Mr. Prolocutor to my Lord of Canterbury, to know a determinate Answer, what In∣demnity and Impunity this House shall have to treat of Matters of Religion, in Cases forbidden by the Statutes of this Realm to treat in.

Sess. 8. Dec. 17.

This Day was exhibited a certain Proposition under these words, viz. That all such Canons, Laws, Statutes, Decrees, Usages and Customs, heretofore made, had or used, that forbid any Person to contract Matrimony, or condemn Matrimony already contracted by any Person, for any Vow or Promise of Priesthood, Chastity or Widowhood, shall from henceforth cease, be utterly void, and of none Effect. To which Proposition many subscribed, partly in the Affirmative, partly in the Negative.

In the Affirmative, 53 Voices.

In the Negative, 22 Voices.

And here I will insert a few words, which I take out of a Book writ very near this Time, and by one who was well acquainted with the Affairs of this Convocation.* 3.4

The Affirmants, saith he, of this Proposition were almost treble so many as were the Negants. Amongst which Affirmants, divers were then unmarried, and ne∣ver afterwards did take the Liberty of Marriage; as Dr. Taylor the Bishop, Dr. Benson, Dr. Redman, Dr. Hugh VVeston, Mr. Wotton, &c. Of them that denied it, notwithstanding their Sub∣scriptions

to the contrary, as few as they were, yet some of them took upon them the Liberty of Marriage not long after, as Dr. Oken, Mr. Ray••er, Mr. Wilson, &c.

This Subscription following was made by the Hand of Iohn Red∣man,* 3.5 S. T. P. in this very Convocation, who, being absent this Ses∣sion, (for his Name is not among the 53) was desired to declare his own Sense in this Point, under his own Hand, being so Learned a Man, and in such great Credit universally, for his Ability in deciding Questions of Conscience.

I think that although the Word of God do exhort and counsel Priests to live in Chastity, out of the Cumber of the Flesh and the World, that thereby they may the more wholly attend to their Calling: Yet the Band of containing from Marriage, doth only lie upon Priests of this Realm, by reason of Canons and Consti∣tutions of the Church, and not by any Precept of God's Word; as in that they should be bound by reason of any Vow, which, in as far as my Conscience is, Priests in this Church of England do not make: I think that it standeth well with God's Word, that a Man which hath been, or is but once married, being otherwise ac∣cordingly qualified, may be made a Priest. And I think that for∣asmuch as Canons and Rules made in this behalf, be neither uni∣versal nor everlasting, but upon Consideration may be altered and changed: Therefore the King's Majesty, and the higher Powers of the Church, may, upon such Reasons as shall move them, take away the Clog of perpetual Continency from the Priests; and grant, that it may be lawful to such as cannot, or will not contain, to marry one Wife. And if she die, then the said Priest to marry no more, remaining still in his Ministration.

Some larger Account of this memorable Convocation, especially as to some of these Matters then under their Hands, may be read in Bi∣shop Stillingfleet's Irenicum,* 3.6 published by him from a Manuscript Vo∣lume once belonging to Arch-bishop Cranmer.

In this Convocation the Arch-bishop bore the great Sway;* 3.7 and what things were agitated herein, were chiefly by his Motion and Direction: Some whereof were turned into Laws by the Parliament, that was now sitting, through his Activeness and Influence. As parti∣cularly that Repeal of the Statute of the Six Articles, and of some other severe Laws, decreeing divers things Treason and Felony, made in the former King's Reign. For when the Arch-bishop in the Convocation had made a Speech to the Clergy, exhorting them to give themselves to the study of the Scriptures, and to consider what Things in the Church needed Reformation, that so the Church might be discharged of all Popish Trash, not yet thrown out; Some told him, that as long as the Six Articles remained, it was not safe for them to deliver their Opinions: This he reported to the Council.* 3.8 Upon which they ordered this Act of Repeal.

By his means also another great thing, moved in the Convocation,* 3.9 was now ratified, and made a Law by this Parliament: which was, for the Administration of the Communion under both Kinds through∣out the Kingdom of England and Ireland. And upon this the King appointed certain Grave and Learned Bishops, and others,* 3.10 to assem∣ble

at Windsor-Castle, there to treat and confer together; and to conclude upon and set forth, one perfect and uniform Order of Com∣munion, according to the Rules of Scripture, and the Use of the Primitive Church. And this being framed, it was enjoined to be used throughout the Realm, by a Proclamation, and all required to receive it with due Reverence.

* 3.11I meet with a Writing of the Arch-bishop without Date, consisting of Queries concerning the Mass, in order to the abolishing it, and changing it into a Communion. Which I know not where so well to place as here, now the Convocation was employed upon this Mat∣ter: For it seems to have been drawn up by the Arch-bishop, on pur∣pose to be laid before the Consideration of this House. The Queries were these.

What or wherein Iohn, Fasting, giving Alms, being Baptized, or receiving the Sacrament of the Altar in England, doth profit and avail Thomas dwelling in Italy, and not knowing what Iohn in England doth?

Whether it profit them that be in Heaven, and wherein?

Whether it lieth in the Faster, Giver of Alms, Receiver of the Sacrament, him that is Baptized, to defraud any Member of Christ's Body of the Benefit of Fasting, Alms-Deeds, Baptism, or Receiving of the Sacrament; and to apply the same Benefit to one Person more than to another?

What thing is the Presentation of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Mass, which you call the Oblation and Sacrifice of Christ? And wherein standeth it in Act, Gesture or Word; and in what Act, Gesture or Word?

Is there any Rite or Prayer, and expressed in the Scripture, which Christ used or commanded at the first Institution of the Mass, which we be now bound to use; and what the same be?

Whether in the Primitive Church there were any Priests that lived by saying of Mass, Mattens and Even-song, and praying for Souls, only? And where any such State of Priesthood be al∣lowed in the Scriptures, or be meet to be allowed now?

For what Cause were it not expedient nor convenient, to have the whole Mass in the English Tongue?

Wherein consisteth the Mass by Christ's Institution?

What Time the accustomed Order began first in the Church, that the Priests alone should receive the Sacrament?

Whether it be convenient that the same Custom continue still within this Realm?

Whether it be convenient that Masses Satisfactory should con∣tinue; that is to say, Priests hired to sing for Souls departed?

Whether the Gospel ought to be taught at the Time of the Mass, to the understanding of the People being present?

Whether in the Mass it were convenient to use such Speech as the People may understand?

* 3.12To proceed to some other Things, wherein our Arch-bishop was this Year concerned. In Iune the Church of S. Pauls was hanged with Black, and a sumptuous Hearse set up in the Choire, and a Dirige

there sung for the French King, who deceased the March precedent. And on the next Day the Arch-bishop, assisted with eight Bishops more, all in rich Mitres, and their other Pontificals, did sing a Mass of Requiem;* 3.13 and the Bishop of Rochester preached a Funeral Ser∣mon.

A nice Matter was now put by the Council to the Arch-bishop,* 3.14 having some other Bishops and Learned Men joined with him, to the Number of Ten. The Case was, Whether a Man divorced from his Wife for her Adultery, might not lawfully marry again? This was propounded upon the Account of a great Man in those Times, name∣ly, the Brother of Queen Katherine Par, Marquess of Northamp∣ton; who had gotten a Divorce from his Wife, the Daughter of Bourchier Earl of Essex, for Adultery. The Canon Law would not allow marrying again upon a Divorce, making Divorce to be only a Separation from Bed and Board, and not a Dissolving the Knot of Marriage. This was a great Question depending among the Civilians. And it being committed to the Determination of our Arch-bishop, and some other Delegates, (tho the Marquess staid not for their Re∣solution, but in this Interval married Elizabeth Daughter of the Lord Brook) he searched so diligently into the Scriptures first, and then into the Opinions of Fathers and Doctors, that his Collections swel∣led into a Volume,* 3.15 yet remaining in the Hands of a Learned Bishop of this Realm: The Sum whereof is digested by the Bishop of Sa∣••••m. Cranmer seemed to allow of Marriage in the Innocent Per∣son.* 3.16

He was a Means also to the Council of forbidding Processions:* 3.17 Wherein the People carried Candles on Candlemass-day, Ashes on Ash-wednesday, Palms on Palm-sunday; because he saw they were used so much to Superstition, and looked like Festivals to the Hea∣then Gods. So that this Year on Candlemass-day, the old Custom of bearing Candles in the Church, and on Ash-wednesday following, giving Ashes in the Church,* 3.18 was left off through the whole City of London.

He was a Member of a Committee this Winter,* 3.19 appointed to ex∣amine all the Offices of the Church, and to consider where they needed Reformation, and accordingly to reform them. Of this Commission were most of the Bishops, and several others of the most Learned Divines in the Nation. And a new Office for the Commu∣nion was by them prepared, and by Authority set forth, as was ob∣served before; and received all over England.

CHAP. V. The Arch-bishop's Catechism.

THIS Year the Arch-bishop put forth a very useful Catechism,* 3.20 intituled, A short Instruction to Christian Religion, for the sin∣gular Profit of Children and young People. This Catechism went not by way of Question and Answer, but contained an easy Exposition of the Ten Commandments, the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the

two Sacraments. The first and second Commandments were put together as one, and the whole recital of the Second omitted, ac∣cording to the use in those Times. But that Commandment is ex∣plained under the first. The Substance of this Book is grave, seri∣ous and sound Doctrine. It is said in the Title Page, to be overseen and corrected by the Arch-bishop. Indeed it was a Catechism wrote originally in the German Language, for the use of the younger Sort in Norinberg; Translated into Latin by Iustus Ionas, Junior, who now was entertained by the Arch-bishop in his Family; and thence turned into our Vulgar Tongue by the said Arch-bishop, or his special Order. But 'tis certain, so great a Hand he had therein, that in the Arch-bishop's first Book of the Sacrament, he said, that it was translated by himself, and set forth. Bishop Gardiner in his Book against the Arch-bishop, takes advantage of two things in this Catechism against him, as though he himself, when he put it forth, was of the Opinion of the Corporal Presence. The one was a Picture that stood before the Book, where was an Altar with Candles lighted, and the Priest apparelled after the old Sort, putting the Wafer into the Communicant's Mouth. The other is an Expres∣sion or two used somewhere in the Book, That with our bodily Mouths we receive the Body and Blood of Christ: And, that in the Sacrament we receive truly the Body and Blood of Christ. And, this we must be∣lieve, if we will be counted Christen Men. But to both, Cranmer in his next Book against Gardiner made answer,

That as for the Picture, it was that was set before the Dutch Edition of the Book, and so none of his doing; but that he afterwards caused the Popish Pi∣cture to be altered into a Picture representing Christ eating his last Supper with his Disciples. As for the Expressions, he said, he taught, that we in the Sacrament do receive the Body and Blood of Christ spiritually; and, that the words Really and Substantially were not used, but Truly.

And in his Answer to Dr. Richard Smith's Preface, wrote against the said Arch-bishop, who it seems had twit∣ted him also with this Catechism, he spake largely of these his Ex∣pressions in his own Vindication.

* 3.21There was another Book of the Arch-bishop's against Vnwritten Verities, which I do by Conjecture place here, as put forth under this Year, or near this Time. Which I suppose Dr. Smith nibbled at in his Book of Traditions, which this Year he recanted. The Book was in Latin, and consisted only of Allegations out of the Bi∣ble and Ancient Writers. In Queen Mary's Days the Book was again published by an English Exile, naming himself E. P. The Title it now bore was, A Confutation of Vnwritten Verities, by divers Autho∣rities, diligently and truly gathered out of the Holy Scripture, and An∣cient Fathers; By Tho. Cranmer, late Arch-bishop, and burned at Ox∣ford, for the Defence of the true Doctrine of our Saviour. Translated and set forth by E. P. Before it, is a Preface of the Translator to his Country-men and Brethren in England. In it he lamented the woful State of Things in England, by the Restoring of Popery, and the Persecution of Protestants there; and shewed what a kind of Man the chief Bishop then in England, viz. Cardinal Pool, was, who in the last King's Reign went from Prince to Prince, to

excite them to make War against his own Prince and Coun∣try.

This Treatise is but a bare Collection of places of Holy Scripture, and Ancient Fathers, to prove,

That the Canon of the Bible is a true, and sound, and perfect Doctrine, containing all Things ne∣cessary to Salvation: That neither the Writing of the Old Fathers, without the Word of God, nor General Councils, nor the Oracles of Angels, nor Apparitions from the Dead, nor Customs, can be sufficient in Religion to establish Doctrine, or maintain new Ar∣ticles of Faith.

Then Reasons are given against Unwritten Veri∣ties, and the places of Holy Scripture, and other Writers, which the Papists bring to maintain Unwritten Verities, are answered. At last the Objections of the Papists are confuted, in a concluding Chapter. Which last part was not writ by the Arch-bishop, but by the Translator. For relating here the Story of the Holy Maid of Kent, he saith, she was examined by Tho. Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury. And at last he saith,

I have plainly and fully answered to all that I remember the Papists do, or can allege by Writing, Preaching, or Reasoning, for the Defence of their Unwritten Ve∣rities; on which they build so many detestable Idolatries and He∣resies. But yet if any be able to answer so plainly and truly to the Scriptures, Authorities, and Reasons rehearsed by me, as I have done to theirs, and to prove their Doctrines by as plain Testimo∣nies and Reasons as I have done mine, I shall not only acknowledg my Ignorance and Error, but I shall gladly return into England, recant my Heresies, &c.

Hence it is plain, that the Conclusion of the Book, as well as the Preface, was writ by the Translator.

I will add one Passage taken out of this Book, about the middle, whereby it may be seen what a Clergy was now in England: Having quoted the Canons of the Apostles,* 3.22 Let not a Bishop or Deacon put away his Wife, &c. He makes a heavy complaint against the fre∣quent practice of beastly Sins in the Priests, Adultery, Sodomy, &c. and that they never were punished.

And in my Memory, (as he proceeds) which is above thirty Years, and also by the Informa∣tion of others, that be twenty Years elder than I, I could never learn that one Priest was punished.

This is some Account of the Care he took for the Church in gene∣ral, as Metropolitan.* 3.23 But he had a particular Care of his own Dio∣cess, now his Power was not checked, as it was in the former Reign, especially of the City of Canterbury; which had been formerly the backwardest in Religion of any other Place of his Diocess. He sup∣plied this City with store of excellent Learned Preachers, Turner, the two Ridleys, Becon, Besely, and Iohn Ioseph, who this Year went along with the King's Visitors, as one of their Preachers. These converted not a few to sincere Religion; as may appear by those Numbers of Canterbury, that in Queen Mary's Reign suffered the Torment of Fire for their Profession of the Gospel. But in that Reign all the Preachers fled, so that there was scarce one remaining in the City: Which was looked upon as a particular Sign of God's Displeasure against that Place, because the Professors there, and o∣thers, reformed not themselves, according to those Opportunities of

Grace, which God had put into their Hands. And so I find in a Letter to them, wrote by some eminent Person in Prison in Queen Mary's Reign.

Alas! how few faithful Servants hath the Lord of Life in these troublesome Days within Canterbury,* 3.24 to whom a∣bove all other People, in comparison of multitude, he hath sent most plenteously his Word, in the Mouths of most excellent Preachers. But even as the People were Negligent, Hard-hearted, nothing willing to take the lively Word unto their Defence, against the World, the Devil and the Flesh —Even so hath he permitted the same Preachers to be dispersed, that not one of them should be a comfortable Example to such an unkinde Peo∣ple.

CHAP. VI. The Arch-bishop's Care of the University.

* 3.25THE Arch-bishop was a great Patron of all solid Learning, be∣ing a very Learned Man himself. And knowing very well how much the Libertas Philosophandi, and the Knowledg of Tongues, and the other Parts of Humane Learning tended to the preparing Mens Minds for the reception of True Religion, and for the detect∣ing of the gross Errors and Frauds of Popery, which could subsist on∣ly in the thick Darkness of Ignorance; these things made him al∣ways cast a favourable Aspect upon the Universities, and especially that of Cambridg, whereof he himself was once a Member. Which the Governors, and the rest of the Gremials, very well knew, and therefore did frequently apply to him, as often as they had need of the Favour of the Court or Parliament. Roger Ascham, Fellow of S. Iohn's College, and one of the floridest Wits of this University, and who succeeded Sir Iohn Cheke in reading the Greek Lecture, said of him in a Letter he sent him, (wherein he stiled him Literarum Decus & Ornamentum);

That he was the Man who was accu∣stomed to express great Joy at the good Progress of Learning, such was his singular good-will towards it; and when it went otherwise than well with it, he alone could apply a Remedy; such was his Sway and Authority.

And so much was he the known Mecaenas of Learning, that according to the publick Encouragement or Preju∣dice it received, so the Vulgar accounted the Praise or Dispraise thereof to redound upon Cranmer. So that if Learning were Dis∣countenanced, it was esteemed to cast some Disparagement upon him; if it flourished, it was a sign that Cranmer prevailed at Court. For to that purpose do those words of the said Ascham to the Arch∣bishop in another Letter seem to tend. Nulla hoc tempore literis vel insperata clades, vel expectata commoditas accidere potest, cujus tu non aut author, ad magnam commendationem, aut particeps ad aliquam repre∣hensionem,* 3.26 voce ac sermone omnium jactatus eris.

In this Year 1547, and in the Month of October, there fell out an Accident in S. Iohn's College in Cambridg, which made those of that College that favoured Learning and Religion, (as that House was the

chief Nursery thereof in that University) judg it highly necessary to apply themselves to the Arch-bishop, to divert a Storm from them. The Case was this; A French Lad of this College, Cizer to one Mr. Stafford there, had one Night, in hatred to the Mass, secretly cut the String, whereby the Pix hung above the Altar in the Chappel. The like to which was indeed done in other Places of the Nation by some zealous Persons, who began this Year, without any Warrant, to pull down Crucifixes and Images out of the Churches. As was parti∣cularly done in S. Martins Ironmonger-lane, London. This Affront to the Popish Service made a great Noise in the College: And the sober Party among them feared the ill Effect it might have upon the whole College, either to its Disparagement or Prejudice, when the News of it should come to Court; especially by the means of such who stomached much the Decay and Downfal of Superstition, and endea∣voured what in them lay to obscure and eclipse the rising Light of the Gospel. Therefore after the Matter had been taken into Examinati∣on by themselves, quietly and without Tumult, they thought fit, by Consent, to acquaint the Arch-bishop with it in a Letter; which one of their Members, Thomas Lever, a Learned and grave Man, carried; who likewise should inform him of all Circumstances: and so committed both the Cause and Person to his Grace's Judgment and Censure. But withal letting him know, that the Youth was well Learned, and before this had carried himself quietly and modestly; and that Mr. Stafford, who was a great Student, could not tell how to be without him: But however, such was his Prudence, that he was willing to leave his Scholar and his Fault to the Arch-bishop's Discretion. By which Message they warily avoided the Odium of this Action, as though they had countenanced any violent or illegal Methods for the removal of Superstition, before it were done by Publick Authority; and likewise rescued their Scholar from Expul∣sion, or too rigorous Punishment, which some in the College would have been apt to inflict upon him, had not the Matter been thus pru∣dently removed from them.

Let me here insert another Matter that happened the Year after in the same College;* 3.27 whereat divers took Occasion so to represent it to our Arch-bishop, as to create in him, as much as they could, an ill Opinion of the better sort of the Members thereof. About Novem∣ber or December, in the Year 1548, some of the College got this Que∣stion to be disputed in the Chappel concerning the Mass, Ipsáne Coe∣na Dominica fuerit, nécne? It was handled with great Learning by two Learned Fellows of the House, Thomas Lever and Roger Hutchin∣son. The Noise of this soon spread in the University; and many were much displeased at it. At last Ascham being a very fit Person to undertake it, was prevailed with by the rest, to bring this Questi∣on out of the private Walls of the College, into the publick Schools: yet as was pretended, with this mind and meaning, not dogmatical∣ly to assert any thing, but modestly and freely to learn from Lear∣ned Men, what could be fetched out of the Holy Scriptures to de∣fend the Mass, which had taken up, not only the chiefest Place in Religion, and Mens Consciences, but took away in effect all the Use and Benefit of the faithful Ministry of the Word and Sacraments

from Christians. This Business they set about with Quietness, they conferred their common Studies together, propounded to themselves the Canonical Scriptures, by the Authority whereof they wish'd the whole might be decided: They took also along with them, con∣cerning this Matter, the Ancient Canons of the Early Church, the Councils of Fathers, the Decrees of Popes, the Judgments of Do∣ctors, the great Plenty of Questionists, all the Modern Authors, both German and Roman. But this Design of theirs was not only the Subject of Talk in the University, but noted in the publick Sermons; and such Labour there was among some in opposition to it, that Dr. Madew, then Vice-chancellor, was prevailed with by his Letters to for∣bid the Disputation. They obeyed, but took it hardly, that they might not as well dispute in favour of the Question, as others might preach as much as they would against it. But it ended not here; for their Adversaries industriously carried the Report hereof to our Pre∣late, and did so blacken the Business by their Slanders, and loud and tragical Clamours, that he became somewhat offended with the Un∣dertakers. These on the other hand, no question, applied themselves to him with their just Defence: and not only to him, but to others, and particularly to Mr. Cecyl, one formerly their Colleague, who was now Master of Requests to the Protector, letting him know the whole Matter; that he might upon occasion represent the Cause the more favourably to the Arch-bishop. And Ascham himself was their Scribe; whose Epistle, penned in a handsome Latin Stile, be∣ing not extant among his printed Epistles, and being subservient to the History of the University in those Times, I have thought wor∣thy to be inserted among the Originals.* 3.28 In this Letter he charged the other Party as well with Malice as Ignorance: For this their Question was very agreeable to Thomas Aquinas, who proved that the Mass exceeded the Lord's Supper in many Prerogatives, and much differed from it by many Notes; as, Women, Children, Bastards, maimed Persons, were not allowed to partake of the Mass, but they were received to the Holy Supper. So that should any say, (as he proceeds in his Letter) that the Mass and the Supper were the same, they might exclaim against them much more. Their Adversaries had charged them with being too rash, in not staying for what Reforma∣tion the State should make: But he said, that all Cambridg wanted rather Spurs to put them forward, than a Bridle to keep them back. But though their Dispute were prohibited, yet their Studies upon the same Argument had in a manner encreased; having now written a just Treatise of the Mass, which they intended shortly to present to the Protector; and waited only for Cecyl's and Cheke's Advice therein. But I must beg Pardon of the Reader for this Excursion.

* 3.29 And as I have given an Instance or two of the private Address of a particular College to him in a particular Case, so I will subjoin ano∣ther more publick of the University in general. In the Year above∣said, being the first Year of the King, the University laboured un∣der the Fears of the Encroachments of the Town upon their Pri∣vileges, and likewise under great Suspicions of being spoiled of its Revenues, or at least of having them much diminished; she having observed how those of her Sister, the Church, were daily invaded

by secular Hands. These Fears put Cambridg now in a decaying State, and the Studies of good Literature began to be but little mind∣ed. Add also hereunto, that Ecclesiastical Preferments, which for∣merly were the peculiarRewards of Academicks, were now ordinarily enjoyed by mere unlearned Lay-men.* 3.30 So the Earl of Hartford held a Deanery, a Treasureship of a Cathedral Church, and four of the best Prebends; and his Son three hundred Pounds a Year out of a Bi∣shoprick. And Learned Men were seldom taken notice of, or had Honours conferred on them; and if they obtained any Rewards, they were but small. Nor were Scholars now in any Repute or Va∣lue: So that neither Poor nor Rich abode long at their Studies in the University, to attain to any considerable Degrees of Learning. The Poor could not, because the Encouragements there were scarce capable to maintain them; and the richer Sort would not, chusing rather to fol∣low some other Course, because of the obscure and neglected Condi∣tion Learning then lay under. The Grammar Schools also became disused, Parents chusing any other Calling for their Children, rather than to bring them up to Letters: As Roger Ascham, a Man that well knew the State of the University, complains in a Letter to the Marquess of Northampton. This was the Cause that the said As∣cham pensively thus writ unto our Arch-bishop not long after.

That the University was then in so depressed and drooping a Condition, that very few had hope of coming thither at all, and fewer had any Comfort to make long tarrying when they were there: And that Abroad it retained not so much as the Shadow of its An∣cient Dignity.

At this low Ebb the University now was,* 3.31 when King Edward the Sixth came to the Scepter. But there being a Parliament this Year in the Month of November, the chief Officers thereof thought it ad∣viseable however to prevent it, if they could, from sinking lower, and to keep at least what they had, by getting their Ancient Privi∣leges confirmed by that Parliament. And for this purpose they writ their earnest Letters to the Arch-bishop: Iohn Madew their Vice-chancellor, the Bearer, urging to him,

Not only,* 3.32 that it was a thing usual at the beginning of Princes Reigns, to shew that Favour to the University to have their Privileges renewed by Parliament; but chiefly, that the Favour his Grace should do to it, would be a true piece of Service to the Religion which he had such a tender Care of. That every one knew how much it concerned the Common-wealth, that Account should be made of Learning; but how much it con∣cerned the pure Religion, (as they stiled that of the Reformation) he alone did consider above all others. That he knew, how that about five hundred Years past or more, the knowledg of Letters, by the Fault of Kings, who ought to have cherish'd it, began to with∣draw it self from Men, and to hide it self in Darkness. In which dark Times, so involved in Ignorance, that notable wild Boar out of the Wood spoiled the Vineyard of Christ above measure: Not only treading down the Kings of the Earth, and conferring upon himself the Empire of the World, but so invaded and broke into the Holy Seat and Temple of Conscience, that now there were scarce any Manners of Men, any Course of Life, any Rite of Ce∣remonies,

any Sacrament of the Church, any Footstep of Christ, which were not either laid waste by his Thunder, or defiled by his Breath: Or, to speak in milder, but more significant terms with S. Paul, which were not most foully corrupted and adultera∣ted by the Wisdom of humane Will-worship. That it was this Night of Discipline, and want of Knowledg, which robbed us of God's Word, and advanced the Empire of Man's Doctrine to that Arbitrary Height, that instead of the true Worship of God, the right using of things Divine, a holy and pure Course of Life; Hypocrisy, Idolatry and Adultery were most cunningly conveyed and brought in. That they did the more willingly mention this Pest of Ignorance, conceiving great Hope that the Honour of Learning would be restored anew, now when all things tended in a wonderful manner to the illustrating of true Religion, which good Learning did necessarily accompany. And that since God had now raised him up on purpose for the restoring of the Gospel, and had so long reserved him for that End, they doubted not but he would give all his Pains and Authority to preserve the Welfare of Learning. And that somewhat for this Reason, because at that time there could happen no Calamity or Advantage thereunto, but every Man would be apt either to charge him with the Blame of the one, or attribute to him the Praise of the other.

This elo∣quent Letter indicted by the Pen of Ascham, then the University-Orator, having some remarkable Passages of the State of the Univer∣sity at that Time, and of the great Sway the Arch-bishop then car∣ried in the Publick, and the marvellous Good-will he was esteemed to bear towards Learning,* 3.33 I have therefore placed in the Appendix, tho printed before.

* 3.34This Favour of having their Privileges confirmed, sued for in the forementioned Letter, the University then got, partly by the Means of their cordial Patron the Arch-bishop, and partly by the Interces∣sion and Friendship of Queen Katherine Par, a great Favourer of Learning and pure Religion, of Wriothesly Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Warwick, the Marquess of Northampton, the Earl of Arundel, and Sir William Paget; to all whom at that time they addressed their Letters: whether it were out of fear of the difficulty of getting the thing done, or to take this Opportunity to obtain the Countenance of the great Men of the Court.

* 3.35Some time after, upon another Occasion, the Heads of the Uni∣versity made another Application to their Patron the Arch-bishop; which was, to befriend them at Court against the Townsmen their old Enemies, who were now wresting from them one of their Anci∣ent undoubted Privileges; namely, the use of the Prisons of the Toll-booth and Castle. The Occasion was this; In the time of Sturbridg-Fair, the Proctors, upon great Complaints made to them, going their Rounds one Night, had taken certain evil Persons in Houses of Sin, and had brought them to the Toll-booth, in order to the com∣mitment of them there. But having sent to the Mayor for the Keys, he absolutely refused to part with them. So they were fain to carry their Prisoners to the Castle, where they left them in Custody. But the Mayor's Son, after an Hour or two, let them all out to return, if

they pleased, to their former Lewdness; to the Breach of Law, and Affront of the Magistrate. Upon this the University sent their Let∣ters to the Arch-bishop, making certain of their grave Members the Bearers, to relate the Matter more fully; earnestly requiring that such Insolence might be punished: and that the King and his Council would make such Men feel what it was to violate Laws, and to che∣rish Impunity, and to break their Oaths, which they had taken to maintain the University-Privileges.

They urged to him, how serviceable and ready their University had been to him in his pious Labours and Counsels, in establishing the true Doctrine in the Church; and what fit and worthy Men they had sent him for his Assistance in that good Work. In like manner they required and expected of him, that their Dignity might be maintained and preserved by his Aid and Authority. That the University was then but in a low Condition, and that Abroad it scarcely retained the Shadow of its former Glory. But if at Home, and within it Self, the Bonds and Sinews of its Safety should thus be cut, as not to have a Power to restrain Vice by Imprisonment, what could the Kingdom, Religion, and the King's Majesty hope for any more from that University? They inculcated, how Learning, and the true Religion rise and fall together; and that if it went otherwise than well with the one, the other would feel the Smart of it. And truly (say they) no remarkable Dammage can light upon the Studies of Learning, which by the same Motion draws not along with it the true Religion into the same Catastrophe.

And these Considerations they made use of, to excite his Grace to assist them in vindicating their Privileges, and in having that gross In∣fringement of them punished. Upon the same Occasion they wrote their Letters also to Sir William Paget, a great Friend of theirs, and eminent Patron of good Learning. What the Issue of these Appli∣cations was, I find not, but may conclude, they received a Success proportionable to the good Will and Authority of those to whom they were made.

And as the whole Body of the University knew what Favour our Prelate bore to it,* 3.36 so every single ingenious Member confided in him, and applied to him in their Needs. Roger Ascham, the Univer∣sity Orator, whom I had occasion to mention before, was a Man of a weak Constitution, and had contracted more frailty, by reason of a long Ague that then hung about him, and his Complexion became Melancholy by the Relicts of that stubborn Distemper. He had also in his Nature a great averseness to the Fish-diet. Upon these Reasons he address'd his Letters to the ABp with an humble Suit, very hand∣somly penned, that he might be dispensed with as to abstinence from Flesh-meats, Lent and Fish-days, being then strictly observed in the Colleges. And this Licence he desired might be, not only Temporary, but perpetual, as long as he lived; which was somewhat extraordina∣ry. But to encline the Arch-bishop to yield to his Suit, he told him,

That it was not to pamper his Flesh, nor out of an affectation of do∣ing that which was unusual, or against common Custom, but only for the preserving his Health, and that he might the more freely pursue his Studies.

He added,

That the Air of Cambridg was

naturally Cold and Moist, and so the Fish-diet the more unwhol∣some. He desired therefore, That by his Authority he might no longer be tied by that Tradition, which forbad the Use of certain Meats at certain Times. He said, That those who granted this Liberty to none but such as laboured under a desperate Disease, did like them who never repaired their Houses, but when they were just ready to fall down by Age. Thrifty House-keepers did other∣wise: So did skilful Physicians, who did not use to prescribe their Physick when it was too late, but always put a stop to Beginnings. That they who never would impart the using of this Liberty (of eating Flesh) to any, but when all Health was despaired of, knew not what good a prudent Foresight did in all Common-wealths, and did too insolently abuse a good Thing bestowed upon us by God, when little or no use at all could be made of it. Nay, that such a Good was no Good at all, being External, but in that re∣spect only, as there might some use be made of it. That we ought not therefore unprofitably to abuse Food to Diseases that are desperate, but to accommodate it to the preservation of Health. And so did S. Paul command, Therefore I exhort you to take some Food, for this is for your Health.

Then he subjoins a Passage of Herodotus in his Euterpe, concerning the Egyptian Priests, from whom issued originally all kinds of Learning and Arts, and who were al∣ways conversant in Learned Studies. These, saith that Author, re∣ligiously tied themselves, ever to abstain from all eating of Flesh.

No doubt for this only Cause, saith Ascham, Nè ignea vis ingenii at{que} praestantia, ullo frigido succo, quem esus piscium ingeneraret, ex∣tingueretur. That the Wits of Men, that have a noble fiery Qua∣lity in them, might not be quenched by some cold Juice, which the eating of Fish might ingender. And that it was somewhat unjust, he adds, that when so many kinds of Superstition flowed in such a plentiful measure from the Egyptians, as might easily be pro∣ved, and thence derived themselves, first to the Greeks, then to the Romans, and afterwards to our Times, through that Sink of Popery, that that single worthy Counsel and Remedy of those most Lear∣ned Men, enjoined for the enlarging and spreading of Learning, should be debarred us to follow; and that by such as were either unlearned themselves, or superstitious Men: Whereby the best Wits received so great Prejudice and Dammage. That none knew better than his Lordship whence this Custom arose, by whom che∣rished, and by what kind of Men brought down to us. And, lastly, how unwholsome and unfit all eating of Flesh was in the Spring-time. And that he might obtain this Favour, he would use it without giving Offence, or making any common Speech of it, with Quietness and Silence, with Abstinence and Thanks∣giving.

* 3.37This Letter he got his Friend Poinet, the Arch-bishop's Chaplain, (the same I suppose who after was Bishop of Winchester) to put into his Grace's Hand, and to further his Request what he could. The Issue whereof was to his Heart's desire: For though the Arch-bishop knew him not, nor was easily drawn to dispence with the Church's Ancient Discipline and Rites; yet he received his Suit with all Hu∣manity;

and such he found to be the Modesty and Ingenuity of the Man, and what he requested to be grounded upon such reasonable and just Causes, that he readily yielded to it. And whether he thought it out of his Power to grant a Licence of that Latitude, to discharge a Person for all Time to come, from the Obligation of keeping Lent, or to avert the Censure he might incur if he should have done it by his own Authority, or reckoning it a Matter of Law rather than Religion, he put himself to the trouble of procuring the King's Licence under the Privy Seal for this Man: And when he had done that, considering an Academick's Poverty, he released him of the whole Charges of taking it out, paying all the Fees himself: and so conveyed it to him by Dr. Tayler the Master of his College.

And indeed the Arch-bishop's Opinion concerning Lent,* 3.38 made way for his more ready yielding to Ascham's Request: For he held the keeping of Lent, as founded in a Positive Law, rather than as a Religious Duty, and thought it necessary that so the People should be taught and instructed. As appears by his Articles of Visitation in the second Year of King Edward: One whereof ran thus,

That enquiry should be made, whether the Curats had declared, and to their Wit and Power had perswaded the People, that the manner and kind of Fasting in Lent, and other Days in the Year, was but a meer positive Law: And that therefore all Persons having just Cause of Sickness, or other Necessity, or being licensed by the King's Majesty, may moderately eat all kind of Meat, without grudg or scruple of Conscience.

The same Ascham knowing well how the Arch-bishop's Mind stood affected to Cambridg, his old Nurse,* 3.39 and how well he wish'd it for the sake of Religion, acquainted him with the State of the University about the beginning of King Edward's Reign, and the Course of the Studies that were then used.

That there were very many began to affect the Study of Divinity.

[A new Study, it seems then; the Pope's Laws and the School-men having before employed the Heads of almost all].

That the Doctrines of Original Sin and Predestination were much canvased. But many went rather according to Pighius, highly applauding him, than according to S. Augustin, though he exceeded all others that either went before or followed after him, for the excellency of his Wit and Learning, and the greatness of his Industry and Opportunities. That others among them made the reading of God's Word their daily Exercise. And for the helping their Understandings in the sense of it, they made use of, and ad∣hered to the Judgment of S. Augustin chiefly; and studied hard the Tongues. The Knowledg of Languages began to be affected. And such as studied them were reckoned the best Masters; as qua∣lifying them best for teaching of others, or understanding them∣selves. That for Oratory, they plied Plato and Aristotle; from whose Fountains among the Greeks, Loquens illa prudentia (as he stiled Oratory) that speaking Prudence might be fetched. And to these among the Latins they added Cicero. They conversed al∣so in Herodotus, Thucidid••s and Xenophon, the three Lights of Chronology, Truth, and Greek Eloquence; and which brought a great Lustre to their other Studies. The Greek Poets, which

they took delight in, were Homer, Sophocles and Euripides, the one the Fountain, the two others the Streams, of all Eloquence and Learned Poetry. Which they were of Opinion, did more largely water their other Studies, than Terence or Virgil; which in some former Years were chiefly read.

Thus was the Method of University-Studies altered (so much for the better,) from reading the Schoolmen, and Metaphysical Niceties, the Pope's Canons and De∣cretals, to converse in politer and more manly Learning, which tend∣ed so much to solid Knowledg, and preparation of Mens Minds to the Entertainment of the Gospel.

* 3.40The great setter on foot of this ingenuous Learning in the University, was Sir Iohn Cheke of S. Iohn's College, now prefer∣red to be the King's Tutor, a Person for whom the Arch-bishop had a very tender Love, and affectionate Kindness. For so Ascham writ to him in his former Letter,

That many had addicted themselves to this course of Study, by the Aid and Conduct, Example and Counsel of that excellent Man. And that they bore the better his going from them to the Court, who had brought them on in so good a Course; because they knew their Disprofit was abundantly recompensed by the Profit and Safety that would accrue to the whole Common-wealth by him.

Applying that of Plato to him, Plurimum Reip. interesse, ut unus aliquis existat semper praestans excellens{que} Vir, ad cujus virtutis imitationem, caeteri volun∣tate, industria, studio, & spe erecti, totos sese effingant & accommo∣dent.

* 3.41Afterwards he acquainted the most Reverend Person, to whom he wrote, with those things which proved great Hindrances to the flou∣rishing Estate of the University; that by his Counsel and Authority, if possible, they might be redressed. And they were two.

The one was, That they wanted elderly Men, very few such remaining among them, by whose Example the younger Sort might be ex∣cited to study, and by whose Authority the Manners of the rest might be rightly formed and fashioned. The other Impediment was occasioned by such as were admitted: Who were for the most part only the Sons of Rich Men, and such as never intended to pursue their Studies to that degree, as to arrive at any eminent Pro∣ficiency and Perfection in Learning, but only the better to qualify themselves for some Places in the State, by a slighter and more su∣perficial Knowledg. The Injury accruing thence to the University was double; both because by this means, all hope of ripe and com∣pleated Learning was immaturely cut off in the very Bud; and also all the Expectations of the poorer sort, whose whole Time was spent in good Studies, was eluded by these Drones, occupying those Places and Preferments, which more properly belonged unto them. For Parts, Learning, Poverty and Election, were of no strength at Home, where Favour and Countenance, and the Let∣ters of Noblemen, and such-like extraordinary and illegal Courses from Abroad, bore all the Sway.

CHAP. VII. Dr. Smith and others recant.

AND now before I conclude this Year, let me pass from more publick Matters, and present the Reader with two or three Passages, wherein the Arch-bishop had to do with private Men.

May the 15th, Richard Smith D. D. Master of Whittington College,* 3.42 and Reader of Divinity in Oxford, a hot turbulent Man, made his Recantation at Pauls Cross, convinced and moved thereunto by the Pains of the Arch-bishop. What his Errors were, that he had pub∣lickly vented in the University, and in his Writings, may be known by the words of his Recantation, which were these:

I do confess and acknowledg, that the Authority, as well of the Bishop of Rome, whose Authority is justly and lawfully abolished in this Realm, as of other Bishops, and others called the Ministers of the Church, consisteth in the Dispensation and Ministration of God's Word, and not in making Laws, Ordinances and Decrees over the People, besides God's Word, without the Consent and Authority of the Prince and People. I say and affirm, that with∣in this Realm of England, and other the King's Dominions, there is no Law, Decree, Ordinance, or Constitution Ecclesiastical, in force, and available by any Man's Authority, but only by the King's Majesty's Authority, or of his Parliament.

This Man had wrote two Books in favour of Popish Doctrine;* 3.43 and those he also now disclaimed, viz. A Book of Traditions, and another of the Sacrifice of the Mass. In the former of which he maintained,

That Christ and his Apostles taught and left to the Church many things without writing; which he asserted were stedfastly to be believed, and obediently fulfilled, under pain of Damnation. In the other Book he maintained, That Christ was not a Priest after the Order of Melchizedeck, when he offered him∣self upon the Cross for our Sins, but after the Order of Aaron: and that when Christ did offer his Body to his Father, after the Order of Melchizedek, to appease his Wrath, it was to be under∣stood not of the Sacrifice of the Cross, but of the Sacrifice that he made at his Maundy, in form of Bread and Wine.

In which Book were other Errors. He that is minded to see his Recantation of these his Books, may have it in the Appendix,* 3.44 as I transcribed it out of an old Book made by Becon, intituled, Reports of certain Men. This Recantation he not long after made at Oxon, viz. in August following: Where he also protested openly,

That he would abide in the sincere and pure Doctrine of Christ's Gospel, all humane trifling Traditions set apart, even unto Death, though it should cost him his Life.

And this Recantation he also printed, for fur∣ther Satisfaction to the World.

Bishop Gardiner, who was now at Winchester,* 3.45 was very uneasy at the News of this Recantation, which some took care to bring down to him. He signified to the Protector,

That Smith was a Man with whom he had no Familiarity, nor cared for his Acquaintance.

That he had not seen him in three Years, nor talked with him in Seven. He was greatly displeased with the first words of his Re∣cantation,* 3.46 (which yet were but the words of Scripture) Omnis Homo mendax: Making all the Doctors in the Church (as he in∣ferred) to be Liars with himself: How it argued his Pride; for he that sought for such Company in Lying, had small Humility; and that he would hide himself by that Number: that his de∣praving of Man's Nature in that sort, was not the setting out of the Authority of Scripture. He said, he neither liked his Tra∣ctation, nor yet his Retractation. That he was mad to say in his Book of Vnwritten Verities, that Bishops in this Realm could make Laws, wherein, he said, he lied loudly.

About this time Chadsey,* 3.47 Standish, Yong, Oglethorp, and divers others recanted (whose Recantations Fox had by him to shew) as well as Smith, whom we have now before us.

* 3.48After this Recantation he carried not himself according to it; but favoured the Old Errors: And in the Year 1549, offered some Af∣front unto Arch-bishop Cranmer, opposing him in the Doctrine of the Lawfulness of Priests Marriage, and endeavoured to make a Rout in Oxford, to the endangering P. Martyr's Life: and printed a Book the same Year against him, De Votis Monasticis. Whereupon incurring, as he apprehended, some Danger, he fled into Scotland. But weary of being there, and willing to have his Peace made in England, he wrote two Letters to the Arch-bishop from thence; professing that he would out of hand, by open Writing in the Latin Tongue, re∣voke all that erroneous Doctrine, which he had before taught and published, and set forth the pure Doctrine of Christ. And for a Proof hereof, he would straight after his return into England, set forth a Book in Latin, in defence of the most lawful Marriage of Priests. In the Year 1550, he wrote certain Treatises against P. Martyr, prin∣ted at Lovain. And the same Year came out his Book against the Arch-bishop's Treatise of the Sacrament.

* 3.49This Man was of a most inconstant, as well as turbulent Spirit. For in the Reign of Queen Mary he turned to the Religion then professed; and was great with Bishop Boner in those Times, but greatly despi∣sed for his Fickleness. He once attempted to discourse with Hawks in Boner's House in London; Hawks threw in his Dish his Recantation. To which when he said, it was no Recantation, but a Declaration; the other gave him this Rub,

To be short I will know, whether you will Recant any more, ere ever I talk with you, or believe you? and so departed from him.

We shall hear of him again in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, when he again complied, and submitted himself to Arch-bishop Parker. And last of all returned to his old Opinions, and fled to Lovain.

* 3.50Pass we from this Man to another of the same Strain, with whom the Arch-bishop had to do. As the Popish Clergy in the former King's Reign had made all the rudest and eagerest Opposition they dared, against the Steps that were then made towards a Reformati∣on, so they ceased not to do in this King's; nay and more, hoping to shelter themselves under a milder Government. One Instance of this appeared in what was done by the Quondam Abbot of Tower-hill,* 3.51

London: Who for some Recompence of the loss of his Abby, was made Vicar of Stepney-Church; succeeding I suppose Mr. Hierom, burnt to death in the Year 1540, with Dr. Barnes and Garret. He being a bold Man, and addicted to the old Superstition, would commonly disturb the Preachers in his Church, when he liked not their Do∣ctrine, by causing the Bells to be rung when they were at the Ser∣mon; and sometimes beginning to sing in the Choir before the Ser∣mon were half done; and sometimes by challenging the Preacher in the Pulpit: For he was a strong, stout, Popish Prelat. Whom there∣fore the Godly-disposed of the Parish were weary of, and especially some of the eminentest Men at Lim••hurst, whose Names were Driver, Ive, Poynter, March and others. But they durst not meddle with him, until one Vnderhil, of the Band of Gentlemen-Pensioners, of a good Family, and well respected at Court, came to live at Lime∣hurst. He being the King's Servant, took upon him to reprehend this Abbot for these and such-like his Doings: and by his Authority carried him unto Croyden to the Arch-bishop there, the Persons above-named going along as Witnesses. In fine, the mild Arch-bishop sent him away with a gentle Rebuke, and bad him to do no more so. This Lenity offended Vnderhil, who said,

My Lord, methinks you are too gentle unto so stout a Papist.

To which Cranmer re∣plied,

Well, we have no Law to punish them by. No Law, my Lord, said the other? If I had your Authority, I would be so bold to unvicar him, or minister some sharp Punishment upon him, and such other. If ever it come to their Turn, they will shew you no such Favour. Well, (said the good Arch-bishop) if God so provide, we must abide it. Surely (replied the other again) God will never con you Thanks for this, but rather take the Sword from such as will not use it upon his Enemies.

And so they par∣ted. And this indeed was the constant Behaviour of the Arch-bishop towards Papists, and such as were his Enemies. For which he was now, and at other times, taxed by Men of hotter Spirits: but his Opi∣nion was, that Clemency and Goodness, as it was more agreeable to the Gospel, which he laboured to adorn, so was more likely to obtain the Ends he desired, than Rigour and Austerity.

The Arch-bishop did one thing more this Year of good Conduce∣ment to the promoting true Religion, and exposing False:* 3.52 and that was in countenancing and licensing an earnest Preacher in the South-West Parts, named Thomas Hancock, a Master of Arts, whose Mouth had been stopped by a strict Inhibition from Preaching in the former King's Reign. The Arch-bishop saw well what a useful Man he had been in those parts of England where he frequented, having been a very diligent Preacher of the Gospel, and Declaimer against Papal Abuses, in the Diocesses of two bigotted Bishops, Gardiner of Win∣chester, and Capon of Sarum. In this first Year of the King, many zealous Preachers of the Gospel, without staying for publick Orders from Above, earnestly set forth the Evangelical Doctrine, in confu∣tation of the Sacrifice of the Mass, and the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament, and such like. And of the Laity there were great num∣bers every where, especially in populous Towns, of such as did now more openly shew their Heads, and their good Inclinations to the

New Learning, as it was then called. In Southampton of the Diocess of Winchester; in Salisbury, Pool and Dorset, of the Diocess of Sarum, did this Hancock chiefly converse, and officiate in the latter end of K. Henry. When he was suspended à Celebratione Divinorum, by Dr. Raynold,* 3.53 Commissary under Dr. Steward, then Chancellor to Bp Gardi∣ner, upon pretence of the Breach of the Act of Six Articles; because he had taught, out of the Ninth to the Hebrews,

That our Saviour Christ entred once into the Holy Place, by the which he obtained unto us everlasting Redemption. That he once suffered, and that his Body was once offered, to take away the Sins of many People. And that one only Oblation sufficed for the Sins of the whole World.

And though all this was but mere Scripture, yet they found it to contradict their Notions, and therefore they thought con∣venient to suspend him. But as these Bishops did what they could to stifle all Preaching of God's Word, so the Arch-bishop's Principle was to encourage and send forth Preachers. So Hancock, notwithstanding his former Suspension, obtained a Licence from our Arch-bishop to preach.

Now to follow this Preacher a little after his Licence obtained. At Christ-Church Twinham,* 3.54 in the County of Southampton, where he was born, (as I take it from his own Narration) he preached out of the Sixteenth Chapter of S. Iohn, The Holy Ghost shall reprove the World of Sin, of Righteousness, &c. because I go to the Father. The Priest being then at Mass, Hancock declared unto the People,

That that the Priest held over his Head, they did see with their bodily Eyes; but our Saviour Christ doth here say plainly, that we shall see him no more. Then you, saith he, that do kneel unto it, pray unto it, and honour it as God, do make an Idol of it, and your selves do commit most horrible Idolatry.

Whereat the Vicar, Mr. Smith, sitting in his Chair, in the face of the Pulpit, spake these words;

Mr. Hancock, you have done well until now; and now have you plaid an ill Cow's part, which when she hath given a good Mess of Milk, overthroweth all with her Foot, and so all is lost.

And with these words he got him out of the Church.

Also in this first Year of the King, the same Person preached in S. Thomas Church at Salisbury,* 3.55 Dr. Oking Chancellor to Bishop Capon, and Dr. Steward Chancellor to Bishop Gardiner, being present, with divers others of the Clergy and Laity. His place was, Every Plant which my Heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted out. Whence he inveighed against the Superstitious Ceremonies, Holy Bread, Holy Water, Images, Copes, Vestments, &c. And at last against the Idol of the Altar, proving it to be an Idol, and no God, by the First of S. Iohn's Gospel, No Man hath seen God at any time; with other pla∣ces of the Old Testament.

But that the Priest held over his Head, they did see, kneeled before it, honoured it; and so made an Idol of it: And therefore they were most horrible Idolaters.

Where∣at the Doctors, and certain of the Clergy, went out of the Church. Hancock seeing them departing, charged them,

They were not of God, because they refused to hear the Word of God.

But when the Sermon was ended, Thomas Chaffen the Mayor, set on, as is likely, by some of the Clergy, came to him, laying to his Charge the

Breach of a Proclamation, lately set forth by the Lord Protector,

That no Nick-names should be given unto the Sacrament, as Round-Robin, or Iack in the Box.

Whereto he replied,

That it was no Sacrament, but an Idol, as they used it.

But for all this Excuse, the Mayor had committed him to Jail, had not Six honest Men been bound for his Appearance the next Assizes, to make his Answer: As Dr. Ieffery, about this time had committed two to Prison for the like Cause.

So that now if we look back upon this first Year of the King,* 3.56 we may perceive, how busy and diligent our Arch-bishop was in re∣dressing Abuses, and restoring the Church to its true State of Chri∣stian Piety and Devotion; by procuring a Royal Visitation over England, for inspection into the Manners and Abilities of the Clergy, and for taking away of Superstitions; by getting a Book of plain Ho∣milies to teach the common People, (in the composing whereof he himself had a very great hand) and Erasmus his Paraphrase in Eng∣lish upon the New Testament, for the better furnishing the Clergy and others with a sound and sober understanding of the Scriptures; and by encouraging Preachers, and such-like means. So that if you would particularly know in what forwardness the ABp had already put Religion, taking in his Endeavours in the last King's Reign hi∣therto, I recommend to your reading his Homily or Sermon Of Good Works:* 3.57 Shewing out of what abundance of Superstitions the Church was now emerged.

Briefly, to pass over the Ungodly and Coun∣terfeit Religion, [he means, of Monks and Friars] let us re∣herse some other kinds of Papistical Superstitions and Abuses, as of Beads, of Lady-Psalters and Rosaries, of fifteen O's, of S. Ber∣nard's Verses, of S. Agathe's Letters, of Purgatory, of Masses Satisfactory, of Stations and Jubilees, of fained Relicks, or hal∣lowed Beads, Bells, Bread, Water, Psalms, Candles, Fire, and such other. Of superstitious Fastings, of Fraternities or Brother∣hoods, of Pardons, with such-like Merchandize: Which were so esteemed or abused, to the great Prejudice of God's Glory and Com∣mandments, that they were made most high and most holy Things; whereby to obtain to the everlasting Life, or Remission of Sins. Yea also vain Inventions, unfruitful Ceremonies, and ungodly Laws, Decrees and Conceits of Rome; wherein such were ad∣vanced, that nothing was thought comparable in Authority, Wis∣dom, Learning and Godliness unto them. So that the Laws of Rome, as they said, were to be received of all Men, as the four Evangelists: To the which all the Laws of Princes must give place. And the Laws of God also partly were left off, and less esteemed, that the said Laws, Decrees and Councils, with their Traditions and Ceremonies, might be more duly kept, and had in greater Reverence. Thus were the People, through Ignorance, so blinded with the godly Shew and Appearance of those things, that they thought the keeping of them to be more Holiness, more perfect Service and honouring of God, and more pleasing to God, than the keeping of God's Commandments. Such have been the corrupt Inclinations of Man, ever superstitiously given, to make new honouring of God of his own Head; and then to have more

Affection and Devotion to keep that, than to search out God's Ho∣ly Commandments, and to keep them. And furthermore, to take God's Commandments for Man's Commandments, and Man's Commandments, for God's Commandments, yea, and for the highest and most perfect and holiest of all God's Command∣ments. And so was all confused, that scant well-learned Men, and but a small number of them, knew, or at the least would know, and durst affirm the Truth, to separate or sever God's Command∣ments from the Commandments of Men. Whereupon did grow such Error, Superstition and Idolatry, vain Religion, overthwart Judgment, great Contention, with all ungodly Living.

A Bishop Consecrated.

* 3.58September the 5th, being Sunday, Nicolas Ridley, D. D. Prebend of Canterbury, was Consecrated Bishop of Rochester, by Henry Bi∣shop of Lincoln, assisted by Iohn Suffragan of Bedford, and Thomas Suffragan of Sidon, in the Chappel belonging to the House of May, Dean of S. Pauls. He was Consecrated according to the old Custom of the Church, by the Unction of holy Chrism, as well as Imposi∣tion of Hands. Present among others, Iohn Whytwel the Arch-bi∣shop's Almoner, Rich. Tayler M. A. Nic. Bullingham, Gregory Tod, and Tho. Bernard, his Chaplains.

CHAP. VIII. The Church's Goods embezelled. New Opinions broached.

AS the Reformation of Abuses in Religion went forward under such a King,* 3.59 and such an Arch-bishop, so there wanted not for Evils accompanying it, as there do commonly the best Things; the Profaneness of some, and the Covetousness of others, giving occa∣sion thereunto. Sacred Places set apart for Divine Worship, were now greatly profaned; and so probably had been before by ill Cu∣stom: For in many Churches, Cathedral as well as other, and espe∣cially in London, many Frays, Quarrels, Riots, Blood-sheddings were committed. They used also commonly to bring Horses and Mules into and through Churches, and shooting off Hand-guns:

Making the same which were properly appointed to God's Service and Common-Prayer, like a Stable or Common Inn, or rather a Den or Sink of all Unchristiness;

as it was expressed in a Proclamati∣on which the King set forth about this Time,* 3.60 as I suppose, (for I am left to conjecture for the Date) by reason of the Insolency of great Numbers using the said evil Demeanours, and daily more and more encreasing:

Therein forbidding any such Quarrelling, Shooting, or bringing Horses and Mules into or through the Churches, or by any other Means irreverently to use the Churches, upon pain of his Majesty's Indignation and Imprisonment.

For it was not thought fit, that when Divine Worship was now reforming, the Places for the said Worship should remain unreformed.

Beside the profanation of Churches, there prevailed now another Evil, relating also to Churches, viz. That the Utensils and Orna∣ments of these Sacred Places, were spoiled, embezelled,* 3.61 and made away, partly by the Church-wardens, and partly by other Pa∣rishioners. Whether the Cause were, that they would do that them∣selves, which they imagined would e're long be done by others, viz. robbing the Churches. Which, it may be, those that bore an Ill-will to the Reformation might give out, to render it the more odious. But certain it is, that it now became more or less practised all the Na∣tion over, to sell or take away Chalices, Crosses of Silver, Bells, and other Ornaments. For the stopping of this, in the Month of April, the Protector, and the Lords of the Council, writ to our Arch-bishop this Letter, upon the Information and Complaint, as it is likely, of the said Arch-bishop himself, in whose Diocess especially this Sacri∣lege prevailed.

AFter our right hearty Commendations.* 4.1 Whereas we are in∣formed, that the Church-wardens and Parochians of divers Parishes do alienate and sell away their Chalices, Crosses of Silver, Bells, and other Ornaments of the Church: Which were not given for that purpose to be alienated at their pleasure; but either to be used to the Intent they were at first given, or to some other neces∣sary and convenient Service of the Church. Therefore this is to will and require you immediately, upon the sight hereof, to give strait Charge and Commandment, on the King's Majesty's be∣half, to every Parish-Church within your Diocess, that they do in no wise sell, give, or otherwise alienate any Bells, or other Orna∣ments, or Jewels, belonging unto their Parish-Church, upon pain of his highest Displeasure, as they will answer to the contrary at their Peril. Thus fare you well. From Westminster, the last day of April 1548.

Your loving Friends,

• ...E. Somerset
• ...Tho. Cheyney.
• ...Will. Seint-Iohn.
• ...Will. Paget.
• ...I. Russell.
• ...Tho. Smith.
• ...Will. Herbert.
• ...H. Arundel.
• ...A. Denny.
• ...Ioh. Baker.

.

It is not an improbable Conjecture, that the Arch-bishop procured this Letter, to arm Church-wardens with an Answer to such greedy Courtiers and Gentlemen, as used often to resort to them; and in their own, or the Council's Name, required these Goods of their Churches to be yielded up to them; and threatned them if they did not.

The next Month the Council sent the Arch-bishop a Form of Prayer, to be used by himself and those of his Diocess.* 4.2 Wherein God was implored to grant the Nation Peace and Victory over her Ene∣mies: For now all things round about appeared in a Posture of War; and Preparation of Arms were making: Which caused the King also to raise Forces. And for a Blessing upon them, the Privy-Council sent to the Arch-bishop, together with the Form, an Order for the speedy using of it. The Tenor of the Letter follows.

AFter our hearty Commendations to your good Lordship. Hearing tell of great Preparations made of Foreign Princes, and otherwise, being inforced for the Procurement and Continu∣ance of Peace,* 5.1 to make Preparation of War: Forasmuch as all Power and Aid valuable cometh of God; the which he granteth, as he hath promised by his Holy Word, by nothing so much as by hearty Prayers of good Men: The which is also of more Effica∣cy, made of an whole Congregation together, gathered in his Holy Name: Therefore this is to will and require you, to give Advertisement and Commandments to all the Curats in your Dio∣cess, That every Sunday and Holy-day, in their Common-Prayer, they make devout and hearty Intercessions to Almighty God for Victory and Peace. And to the Intent, that you should not be in Doubts what sort and manner thereof we do like, we have sent unto you one: Which we would that you and they should follow, and read it instead of one of the Collects of the King's Majesty's Procession. Thus we pray you not to fail to do with all speed, and bid you farewel. From Westminster, the 6th of May, 1548.

Your loving Friends,E. Somerset. R. Rich, Canc. W. Seint-Iohn. I. Russel. Th. Cheyney.

* 5.2Now that the Liberty of the Gospel began to be allowed, divers false Opinions and unsound Doctrines began to be vented with it; of which publick Cognizance began now to be taken.

As that the Elect sinned not, and that they could not sin. That they that be Regenerate, never fall away from godly Love. That the Elect have a right to take so much of the Things of the World, as may supply their Necessities.

And there were some that openly prea∣ched these Doctrines, and set forth and published Books to the same Tenor.

Several of these Hereticks, in the Month of April, were conven∣ted before the Arch-bishop of Canterbury,* 5.3 Sir Thomas Smith; Richard Cox, Hugh Latimer, Doctors of Divinity; William May, Dean of St. Pauls; William Cook, Richard Lyel, Doctors of Law, and others the King's Commissioners. Then did one Iohn Champneys, of Strat∣ford on the Bow, abjure. He taught, and wrote, and defended;

1. That a Man after he is Regenerate in Christ, cannot sin. 2. That the outward Man might sin, but the inward Man could not.

3. That the Gospel hath been so much persecuted and ha∣ted ever since the Apostles Times, that no Man might be suffered openly to follow it. 4. That godly Love falleth never away from them which be regenerate in Christ. Wherefore they can∣not do contrary to the Commandments of Christ. 5. That that was the most principal of our marked Mens Doctrine, that make the People believe that there was no such Spirit given unto Men whereby they should remain Righteous, and always in Christ. Which is [as he wrote and asserted] a most devilish Er∣ror. 6. That God doth permit to all his Elect People their bodily Necessities of all earthly Things.

All these he revoked: Granting or confessing now,

1. That a Man, after he is regenerate in Christ, may sin, being destitute of his Spirit. 2. That the inner Man doth sin,* 5.4 when the outward Man sinneth actually with the consent of the Mind. 3. That di∣vers times, sithence the Apostles Times, to follow the Doctrine of Christ hath been suffered openly. 4. That godly Love falleth from them, that be regenerate in Christ, being destitute of the Spirit: and that then they may do contrary to the Commands of Christ. 5. That it is no erroneous Doctrine, which he affirmed in his Book to be a devilish Error, and our marked Mens Doctrine, viz. To make the People believe, that there was no such Spirit given unto Man, whereby he should remain Righteous always in Christ. But I confess, [saith the Abjurer] that a Man having the Spirit, may afterwards fall, and not be Righteous. 6. That God doth not permit to all his Elect People their bodily Necessi∣ties of all worldly things to be taken, but by a Law and Order ap∣proved by the Civil Policy. To which by me now spoken I mean, ne understand any other Sense than hath been here opened; to use again his very words in his Abjuration.

And so touching the Holy Gospel with his Hand, before the King's Commissioners, he abjured, promising,

That he should never hold, teach or believe the said Errors, or damned Opinions above rehearsed. And so subscribed his Name.

Then the Arch-bishop in his own Name,* 5.5 and in the Name of the other Commissioners, gave him his Oath.

1. That he should not by any means hereafter teach or preach to the People, nor set forth any kind of Books, in print or otherwise, nor cause to be printed or set forth any such Books, that should contain any manner of Doctrine, without a special Licence thereunto of the King's Ma∣jesty, or some of his Grace's Privy-Council first had and obtained. 2. That the said Champneys, with all speed convenient, and with all his diligence, procure as many of his Books, as are passed forth in his Name, to be called in again, and utterly destroyed, as much as in him should lie. 3. That he should the Sunday following at∣tend at Pauls Cross upon the Preacher, all the time of the Sermon, and there penitently stand before the Preacher with a Faggot on his Shoulder.

And then he had two Sureties bound in five hundred Pounds, that he should perform his Penance. This was done April 27.

There were other Heresies also now vented abroad,* 5.6 as the denial of the Trinity, and of the Deity of the Holy Ghost: And the Asser∣tion, That Jesus Christ was a mere Man, and not true God, because he had the Accidents of Humane Nature; such as hungring and thirsting, and being visible: And that the Benefit Men receive by Jesus Christ, was the bringing them to the true Knowledg of God. There was one Iohn Assheton a Priest, that preached these Doctrines: Who on the 28th of December was summoned to Lambeth, to appear there before the Arch-bishop.* 5.7 Where Iohn Whitwel the Arch-bi∣shop's Almoner, and Thomas Langley, both Priests, and his Grace's Chaplains, exhibited a Schedule of divers Heresies and damned Opi∣nions against the said Assheton. Which are recited in the Abjuration which he made. The Tenor whereof is as followeth.

In the Name of God, Amen. Before you, most Learned Fa∣ther in God, Thomas Arch-bishop, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, Commissary of our most dread Soveraign Lord, and excellent Prince,* 5.8 Edward VI, by the Grace of God, &c. I Iohn Assheton Priest, of my pure Heart, Free-will, voluntary and sincere Knowledg, confess and openly recognize, that in Times past, I thought, believed, said, heard and affirmed these Errors, Heresies, and damnable Opinions following; that is to say, 1. That the Trinity of Persons was established by the Confession of Athanasius, declared by a Psalm, Quicun{que} vult, &c. And that the Holy Ghost is not God, but only a certain Power of the Fa∣ther. 2. That Iesus Christ, that was conceived of the Virgin Mary, was a holy Prophet, and especially beloved of God the Fa∣ther; but that he was not the true and living God: Forasmuch as he was seen, and lived, hungred and thirsted. 3. That this only is the Fruit of Iesus Christ's Passion; that whereas we were stran∣gers from God, and had no knowledg of his Testament, it pleased God by Christ, to bring us to the acknowledging of his holy Power by the Testament.

Wherefore I the said Iohn Assheton, detesting and abhorring all and every my said Errors, Heresies, and damned Opinions, wil∣lingly, and with all my Power, affecting hereafter firmly to be∣lieve in the true and perfect Faith of Christ, and his Holy Church, purposing to follow the true and sincere Doctrine of holy Church with a pure and free Heart, voluntarily mind, will, and intend ut∣terly to forsake, relinquish, renounce and despise the said detesta∣ble Errors, Heresies, and abominable Opinions: Granting and confessing now, 1. That the blessed Trinity consisteth in Three di∣stinct Persons, and one Godhead; as God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, coequal in Power and Might. 2. That Jesus Christ is both God and Man, after his holy Nature, eternal∣ly begotten of his Father, of his own Substance; and in his Hu∣manity was conceived by the Holy Ghost incarnate, and for our Re∣demption, being very God, became Man. 3. That by the Death of Iesus Christ we be not only made Partakers of the Testament, and so disposed to the Knowledg of his godly Will and Power, but also that we have full Redemption and Remission of our Sins in his Blood.

Then he subscribed his Hand to this Confession be∣fore the Arch-bishop, exhibiting it for his Act; and lifting up his Hand, beseeched his Grace to deal mercifully and graciously with him; and touching the Gospel, gave his Faith that he would faith∣fully and humbly obey the Commands of the Holy Mother-Church, and whatsoever Penance the said most Reverend Father should lay upon him.

* 5.9To these erroneous Doctrines we must add others, that now also spread themselves: As that Christ took not Flesh of the Virgin; That the Baptism of Infants was not profitable. Of which Error one Michael Thombe of London, Butcher, recanted the Year follow∣ing, viz. 1549, May 11. having been then convented before the Arch-bishop at Lambeth.

I Michael Thombe of London, Bocher, of my pure Heart and free Will, voluntarily and sincerely acknowledg and confess, and openly recognize, that in times past, I thought, believed, said, heard and affirmed, these Errors and Heresies, and damnable Opi∣nions following: that is to say, That Christ took no Flesh of our Lady; and that the Baptism of Infants is not profitable, because it goeth before Faith. Wherefore I, the said Michael Thombe, de∣testing and abhorring all and every such my said Errors, Heresies, and damned Opinions; and with all my Power affecting hereafter firmly to believe in the true and perfect Faith of Christ, and of the Holy Church, purposing to follow the true and sincere Doctrine of Holy Church, with a pure and free Heart, voluntarily mind, will, and intend, utterly to forsake, relinquish, renounce and de∣spise the said detestable Errors, Heresies, and damnable Opinions; granting and confessing now, That Christ took Flesh of the Virgin Mary; and that the Baptism of Infants is profitable and necessary.

And by this Submission and Penance doing, Thombe escaped.

But another of the same Opinion, more obstinate, came to a sadder End; and was Burnt; namely, Ioan Bocher, or Ioan of Kent.* 5.10 Her Opi∣nion is in the Instrument drawn up against her in the ABp's Regi∣ster. Which ran thus;

That you believe that the Word was made Flesh in the Virgin's Belly; but that Christ took Flesh of the Vir∣gin you believe not, because the Flesh of the Virgin being the out∣ward Man, was sinfully gotten, and born in Sin. But the Word, by the Consent of the inward Man of the Virgin, was made Flesh.

This she stood perversely in. So the Arch-bishop himself excommu∣nicated her judicially; the Sentence being read by him, April 1549, in S. Mary's Chappel within the Cathedral Church of Pauls, Sir Tho∣mas Smith, William Cook Dean of the Arches, Hugh Latimer, Ri∣chard Lyell, LL. D. the King's Commissioners, assisting. She was com∣mitted afterwards to the Secular Arm; and certified so to be by an Instrument made by the Commissioners to the King. After she was condemned, she was a Sevennight in the Lord Chancellor Rich his House: and every day the Arch-bishop and Bishop Ridley came and reasoned with her, that if possible they might save her from the Fire: But nothing would do. I will here produce Latimer's Censure of her,* 5.11 who well knew her Case, being one of the Commissioners that sat up∣on her.

She would say, (saith he in his Sermon on S. Iohn Evange∣list's Day) That our Saviour was not very Man, nor had received Flesh of his Mother Mary. And yet she could shew no reason why she should believe so. Her Opinion was this, The Son of God, said she, penetrated through her as through a Glass, taking no Sub∣stance of her. This foolish Woman denied the common Creed, Natus ex Maria Virgine, and said that our Saviour had a fantastical Body.

A Dutch Man, an Arian, named George van Paris, denying Christ to be true God, came to a like End with Ioan, namely,* 5.12 that of burning to Death, being condemned for Heresy; that was in the Year 1551. But tho I make some Anticipation in my History, yet I do it, that I may lay these Heresies here together, that started up, or rather shewed themselves more visibly in this Reign.

CHAP. IX. The Arch-bishop Visits.

THE Arch-bishop in this Year held a Visitation in divers Places throughout his Diocess.* 5.13 Wherein enquiry was to be made con∣cerning the Behaviour both of the Priests and the People, in eighty six Articles. Whereby may be seen the Arch-bishop's conscientious Care and Solicitude for the abrogating of Superstition, and the pro∣moting of true Religion: That he might reduce the Clergy to Learning, Sobriety, and Diligence in their Vocation; and the Peo∣ple to Loyalty and Obedience to the King, and the sincere worship∣ping of God.

* 5.14Concerning the Priests, he ordered enquiry to be made;

Whe∣ther they preached four times a Year against the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome, and in behalf of the King's Power and Au∣thority within his own Realms. Whether in their Common-Prayers, they used not the Collects made for the King, and men∣tioned not his Majesty's Name in the same. Whether they had destroyed and taken away out of the Churches, all Images and Shrines, Tables, Candlesticks, Trindals or Rolls of Wax, and all other Monuments of feigned Miracles, Idolatry and Superstition; and moved their Parishioners to do the same in their own Houses. Enquiries were made concerning their due Administration of the Sacraments; concerning their preaching God's Word once at least in a Quarter; and then exhorting their Parishioners to Works com∣manded by Scripture, and not to Works devised by Mens Fancies, as wearing and praying upon Beads, and such-like. Concerning the plain reciting the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and Ten Command∣ments in English, immediately after the Gospel, as often as there were no Sermon. Concerning the examining of every one that came to Confession in Lent, whether they were able to say the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and Ten Commandments, in English. Con∣cerning the having Learned Curats, to be procured by such as were absent from their Benefices. Concerning having the whole Bible of the largest Volume in every Church, and Erasmus's Paraphrase in English. Concerning teaching the People of the Nature of the Fast of Lent, and other Days in the Year, that it was but a mere positive Law. Concerning Residence upon Benefices, and keeping Hospitality. Concerning finding a Scholar in the Universities, o•• some Grammar-School, incumbent on such Priests as had an hundred pounds a Year. Concerning moving the Parishioners to pray rather in English, than in a Tongue unknown, and not to put their Trust in saying over a number of Beads. Concerning having the New Testament in Latin and English, and Erasmus's Paraphrase, which all Priests under the Degree of Batchelors in Divinity, were exa∣mined about. Concerning putting out of the Church-Books the Name of Papa, and the Name and Service of Thomas Becket, and the Prayers that had Rubricks, containing Pardons and Indulgen∣ces.

And many the like Articles. Which may be seen by him

that will have recourse to them, as they are printed in Bishop Spar∣row's Collections.

Those Articles that related to the Laity, were,* 5.15

Concerning the Letters or Hinderers of the Word of God read in English, or preached sincerely. Concerning such as went out of the Church in time of the Litany, or Common-Prayer, or Sermon. Concern∣ing ringing Bells at the same time. Concerning such as abused the Ceremonies, as casting Holy Water upon their Beds, bearing about them Holy Bread, S. Iohn's Gospel; keeping of private Holy∣days, as Taylors, Bakers, Brewers, Smiths, Shoemakers, &c. did. Concerning the misbestowing of Money arising from Cattel, or other moveable Stocks of the Church, as for finding of Lights, Torches, Tapers or Lamps, and not employed to the poor Man's Chest. Concerning abusing Priests and Ministers. Concerning praying upon the English Primer, set forth by the King, and not the Latin, for such as understand not Latin. Concerning keeping the Church-Holy-day, and the Dedication-day, any otherwise, or at any other time than was appointed. Concerning Commoning and Jangling in the Church, at the time of reading the Common-Prayer or Homilies, or when there was preaching. Concerning maintenance of Error and Heresy. Concerning common Swearers, Drunkards, Blasphemers, Adulterers, Bawds. Enquiries were also to be made after such as were common Brawlers, Slanderers; such as used Charms, Sorceries, Inchantments and Witchcraft; such as contemned their own Parish-Church, and went else-where. Concerning Marrying within the Degrees prohibited, and with∣out asking the Bannes. Concerning the honest discharge of Wills and Testaments, in such as were Executors or Administrators. Concerning such as contemned married Priests, and refused to re∣ceive the Communion and other Sacraments at their Hands. Con∣cerning such as kept in their own Houses Images, Tables, Pi∣ctures, Painting, or Monuments of fained Miracles undefa∣ced, &c.

In this Year also the Arch-bishop,* 5.16 with the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, granted the Patronage, Rectory, &c. of Ri••eborough Mo∣nachorum in the County of Bucks, to the Lord Windsor, for fourscore and nineteen Years: And in Exchange, the said Lord granted to the Arch-bishop the Advouson, Patronage and Nomination of Mid∣ley in Kent for the same duration of Years.

September the 9th, being Sunday, Robert Farrar,* 5.17 D. D. was Con∣secrated Bishop of S. Davids, by Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, endued with his Pontificals, and assisted by Henry Bishop of Lincoln, and Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, at Chertsey in the Diocess of Winton, in the Arch-bishop's House there. Then certain Hymns, Psalms and Prayers being recited, together with a Portion of Scripture read in the vulgar Tongue, out of S. Paul's Epistles, and the Gospel of S. Mat∣thew, the Arch-bishop celebrated the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ. There communicated the Reverend Fathers, Tho∣mas Bishop of Ely, Thomas Bishop of Westminster, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Nicolas Bishop of Rochester, and Farrar the new Bishop; together with William May Dean of S. Pauls, Simon Hains Dean of

Exon, Thomas Robertson and Iohn Redman, Professors of Divinity, and others. The Arch-bishop then distributed the Communion in English Words. This Bishop (as it is writ in the Margin of the Register) was the first that was consecrated upon the bare Nomina∣tion of the King, according to the Statute that for that purpose was published in the first Year of his Reign. The Form of the King's Letters Patents, whereby he constituted Farrar Bishop, is ex∣tant in the Register, dated from Leghes, August 1. in the second Year of his Reign.

* 5.18At this Bishop of S. Davids I will stay a little: proving unhappy by his Preferment unto a Church, whose Corruptions, while he en∣deavoured to correct, he sunk under his commendable Endeavours. He was an active Man, and made much use of in Publick Affairs in K. Henry and K. Edward's Days; having been first a Canon of S. Ma∣ry's in Oxon. He was with Bp Barlow, when he was by K. Henry sent Ambassador to Scotland, An. 1535. Another time employed in carrying old Books of great Value from S. Oswalds, a dissolved Monastery, as it seems, unto the Arch-bishop of York. And in the Royal Visitation in the beginning of King Edward, he was one of the King's Visitors, being appointed one of the Preachers, for his great Ability in that Faculty: And being Chaplain to the Duke of Somerset, was by his means advanced to be Bishop; and upon his Fall he fell into great Troubles. This Bishop, not long after his first entrance upon his Bishoprick, resolved to visit his Diocess, like a careful Pastor, hearing of very great Corruptions in it, and particularly among those that belonged to the Chapter of the Church of Carmarthen; and chiefly Thomas Young Chaunter, after Arch-bishop of York, (who pulled down the great Hall in the Palace there for lucre of the Lead) and Rowland Meric••, one of the Canons, after Bishop of the said See of S. Davids, and Father to Sir Gilly Merick, that came to an untimely Death, by being in the Business of the Earl of Essex. These two having been before Commissaries of this Diocess, had spoiled the Cathedral Church of Crosses, Chalices, and Censors; with o∣ther Plate, Jewels and Ornaments, to the value of five hundred Marks or more; and converted them to their own private Benefit: and had sealed many Blanks (Sede Vacante) without the King's Licence or Knowledg. Whereupon the Bishop issued out his Commission to his Chancellor for visiting the Chapter, as well as the rest of the Diocess. But the Commission was, it seems, drawn up amiss by the said Chan∣cellor, to whom the Bishop left the forming the Draught: For it ran in the old Popish Form, and so the King's Supremacy not sufficiently acknowledged therein; though he professed to visit in the King's Name and Authority. This these two, in Combination with his own ingrateful Register, George Constantine, whom he had preferred, took their Advantage of; not only to disobey the said Commission, but to accuse the poor Bishop of a Praemunire. For which he was sain to go down from London, whither they had before brought him up, to answer at the Assizes of Carmarthen. And when by reason of the Molestations they gave him, and their detaining him in London, he could not be so exact in paying in the Tenths, and First-Fruits and Subsidies, due from the Clergy of his Diocess; they took hold of this as

another Crime to lay to his Charge. And hereupon in fine, he was kept in Prison a long time, and so remained when Queen Mary en∣tred upon the Government. Upon which Occasion he fell into the Hands of the Pope's Butchers. Who at last, for maintaining the Truth, sent him into his Diocess, and burnt him at a Stake. And thus these Men became the Instruments of his Death.

In their vexatious Suits against this good Bishop,* 5.19 undertaken the better to conceal their own Faults, our Arch-bishop seemed to be engaged, giving too much credit to the ill Reports that Farrar's Enemies raised against him, in a great heap of frivolous and malicious Articles, exhibited to the King's Council. Who appointed Sir Iohn Mason and Dr. VVotton to examine them: Though, I suppose, our pious Arch-bishop afterwards saw through this Malice, and forbore any further to give Influence to those that prosecuted this honest Man: Understanding by Letters, which that afflicted Man sent, both to him and Bishop Goodrick Lord Chancellor, his unjust Vexa∣tions wrought by his Adversaries. One whereof, I mean his Regi∣ster, remained Register to that very Popish Bishop that succeeded him, nay, and was assistant at his Trial and Condemnation. In short, hear what one writes that lived nearer those Times, and might therefore be presumed to know more of these Matters.

This was a Conspiracy of his Enemies against him,* 5.20 and of wicked Fellows who had robbed the Church, kept Concubines, falsified Records, and committed many other gross Abuses.

To con∣clude, I find, by a private Letter written to Iohn Fox, that these Men, knowing how they had wronged the good Bishop, came to him be∣fore his Death, and asked him Forgiveness; and he like a good Chri∣stian forgave them, and was reconciled to them.

CHAP. X. The Arch-bishop answers the Rebels Articles.

THE Commons this Year brake out into a dangerous Rebelli∣on; and though they were once or twice appeased,* 5.21 * 5.22 and scat∣tered in some Places, yet they made Insurrections in others: And chiefly in Devon, where they were very formidable for their Num∣bers. The Reason they pretended was double: The one was, the Oppression of the Gentry in enclosing of their Commons from them. The other, the laying aside the old Religion; which, because it was Old, and the Way their Forefathers worshipped God, they were very fond of. The Ld Russel, Ld Privy-Seal, who was sent against them, of∣fering to receive their Complaints, the Rebels sent them to him, drawn up under 15 Articles. As before they had sent their Demands in seven Articles, and a Protestation that they were the King's, Body and Goods. In Answer to which the King sent a Message to them, that may be seen in Fox. They sent also a Supplication to the King: To the which an Answer was made by the King's Learned Counsel.

I shall take notice only of the fifteen Articles,* 5.23 unto which our Arch-bishop drew up an excellent Answer at good length: For no

Man was thought so fit as he, to open and unravel these Mens Re∣quests,* 5.24 and to unfold the unreasonableness of them; and to shew what real Mischief they would pluck down upon themselves and the Nation, should all the Decrees of our Forefathers, and the Six Arti∣cles be revived again: and what great Injury Religion would receive, should the Latin Masses, and Images, and the worshipping the Sacra∣ment, and Purgatory, and Abbies, be restored, and Cardinal Pole come Home, and the English Bible be called in, and such-like things which their Demands consisted of. This Answer of the Arch-bishop I judg worthy preserving; (and therefore, though somewhat long, I have laid in the Appendix;* 5.25) because it will shew his Wisdom, Learn∣ing, and the Knowledg of the State of the Kingdom that he was fur∣nished with. I met with these Writings in the Manuscript Libra∣rary of Benet College, being the rough Draught of them, all under the Arch-bishop's own Hand. He charged them with Ignorance in put∣ting up such Articles. And concluded them not to be their own Minds to have them granted, had they understood them, but that they were indeed devised by some Priests, and rank Papists and Traitors to the Realm; which he would not so much as think of them. So that he gently told them, that he must use the same expression to them, that Christ did to Iames and Iohn, They asked they wot not what.

The Arch-bishop wrot this Answer after the Rout at Exeter given them by the Lord Russel,* 5.26 and the taking Prisoners divers of their Captains and Priests, and between the Condemnation and Execu∣tion of Humphrey Arundel, and Bray Mayor of Bodmin; Whom he prayed God to make penitent before their Deaths, to which they were adjudged. For which two the Rebels in one of their Articles, had required safe Conduct to make their Grievances known to the King. As they had, in another Article, demanded two Di∣vines of the same Popish stamp, to be sent to them to preach, name∣ly, Moreman and Crispin: Who both seemed now, being Priests of that Country, to be under Restraint upon suspicion: Men, as the Arch-bishop told them, ignorant of God's Word, but of notable Craft, Wilfulness and Dissimulation, and such as would poison them, instead of feeding them.* 5.27 Of Crispin I find little, but that he was once Proctor of the University of Oxon, and Doctor of the Faculty of Physick,* 5.28 and of Oriel College. Moreman was beneficed in Corn∣wal in King Henry's Time, and seemed to go along with that King in his steps of Reformation, and was observed to be the first that taught his Parishioners the Lord's Prayer, the Creed and the Ten Commandments in English; yet shewing himself in the next King's Reign a Zealot for the old Superstitions. Hence we perceive the Rea∣son why the Arch-bishop charged him to be a Man full of Craft and Hypocrisy. In Q. Mary's Time he was, for his Popish Merits, preferred to be Dean of Exeter, and was Coadjutor to the Bishop of that Diocess (probably then superannuated,) and died in that Queen's Reign. Besides these two, there was another Clergy-man the Rebels spent a∣nother Article in speaking for,* 5.29 namely, Cardinal Pole: Whom they would have sent for Home, and to be preferred to be of the Privy-Council. But Cranmer told them his Judgment; first, in general, of Cardinals, that they never did Good to this Realm, but always Hurt:

And then in particular of this Cardinal, that he had read once a vi∣rulent Book of his writing against King Henry, exciting the Pope, the Emperor, the French King, and all other Princes, to invade this Realm: And therefore that he was so far from deserving to be called Home, and to live in England, that he deserved not to live at all. In fine, in this excellent Composition of the Arch-bishop, his Design was, to expose the Abuses and Corruptions of Popery, and to con∣vince the Nation what need there was, that such Matters should be abolished, as the Pope's Decrees, Solitary Masses, Latin Service, hanging the Host over the Altar, Sacrament in one Kind, Holy Bread, and Holy Water, Palms, Ashes, Images, the old Service-Book, pray∣ing for Souls in Purgatory: And to vindicate the English Service, the use of the Holy Scriptures in the Vulgar Tongue, and other Matters relating to the Reformation, made in King Edward's Time. Which he doth all along with that strain of happy Perspicuity and Easiness, that one shall scarcely meet with elsewhere, mixed every where with great Gravity, Seriousness and Compassion.

The Arch-bishop thought it highly convenient in these Commo∣tions round about, to do his Endeavour to keep those People,* 5.30 that were still and quiet as yet, in their Duty. And for this Purpose had Sermons composed, to be now read by the Curats to the People in their Churches, to preserve them in their Obedience, and to set out the Evil and Mischief of the present Disturbances. I find in the same Volume where Cranmer's Answers aforesaid are,* 5.31 a Sermon a∣gainst the Seditions arising now every where, with the Arch-bishop's Interlinings, and marginal Notes and Corrections. This Sermon was first wrote in Latin by Peter Martyr, (as a Note of Arch-bishop Parker's Hand testifieth) at Arch-bishop Cranmer's Request to the said Learned Man, no question; and so by his Order translated into English, and printed, I suppose, for the common Use in those Times. It begins thus;

The common Sorrow of this present Time, dear beloved Brethren in Christ, if I should be more led thereby,* 5.32 than by Reason and Zeal to my Country, would move me rather to hold my Peace than to speak. For the great Evils which we now suffer, are to be bewail∣ed with Tears and Silence, rather than with Words. And here∣unto I might allege for me the Example of Iob, who when he came to his extream Misery, he lying upon a Dunghil, and three of his Friends sitting upon the Ground by him for the space of se∣ven Days, for great Sorrow, not one of them opened his Mouth to speak a word to another. If then the miserable Estate of Iob, like a hard and sharp Bit, stopped his Mouth from speaking; and the lamentable Case of their Friend, staid these three Men, being of Speech most Eloquent, that they could not utter their words; surely it seems, that I have a much more cause to be still, and hold my peace. For there was the piteous Lamentation of no more but one Man, or one Houshold, and that only concerning temporal and worldly Substance; but we have cause to bewail a whole Realm, and that most Noble, which lately being in that State, that all other Realms envied our Wealth, and feared our Force, is now so troubled, so vexed, so tossed and deformed, and that by Sedition

among our selves, of such as be Members of the same, that no∣thing is left unattempted to the utter Ruin and Subversion thereof: And besides this, the everlasting Punishment of God threatneth as well the Authors and Procurers of these Seditions, as all other that join themselves unto them, &c.

Besides this Sermon of P. Martyr's, there is another Discourse pen'd by him under his own hand on the same occasion, designed as it seems to be translated into English, and sent to the Rebels; thus beginning:

Tantum voluit Deus vim charitatis & amoris magnitudinem, inter populum & magistratum intercedere, ut per Hieremiam admonuerit ple∣bem Israeliticam, quod pro Rege Nebuchadnezar orarent, qui corum Rempub. everterat, illosque adhuc captivitate Babylonica premebat.

Dominus tametsi voluit suos, instar columbarum, simplices degere, idem nihilominus admonuit, ut serpentum prudentiam imitarentur, qua suas actiones Literarum Sacrarum praecept••s regerent & moderarentur, cave∣rent{que} ne aliena consilia, ut Papistarum vel Seditiosorum se in transver∣sum auferrent.

Si potuissetis (quod est prudentium) in longinquum prospicere, omnino vidissetis caeteros hostes (uti nunc res ipsa declarat) fretos vestris tumulti∣bus in vestrum Regnum arma sumpturos, & ausuros impunè, qui nun∣quam, si in officio mansissetis, tentassent, &c.

* 5.33This last Paragraph respected the French King, who taking occasion from these Broils at Home, brake out into open Hostility against the Kingdom, recalling his Ambassador, and on a sudden brought his Ships against the Isles of Iersey and Guernsey, with an intent to have con∣quered them. But by the Valour of the Inhabitants, and some of the King's Ships, he was beaten off with great Loss. This was in the Month of August.

* 5.34Martin Bucer also wrote a Discourse against this Sedition, as well as Martyr. Both of them were now, I suppose, under the Arch-bishop's Roof, entertained by him. And he thought it convenient that these learned Foreigners should give some publick Testimony of their Dis∣like of these Doings. Bucer's Discourse subjoined to Martyr's, began in this Tenor:

Quae dici possunt ad sedandos animos plebis, & ab omni conatu seditio∣so absterrendos (quod ad rem ipsam attinet) inscripta sunt omnia, in Re∣verendissimi D. N. M. Ven. Collegae nostri Pet. Martyris Schedis, ut no∣stra adjectione nulla sit opus, tamen ut consensum spiritus testemur, ha•• subjecta libuit annotare, &c.

* 5.35An Office of Fasting was composed for this Rebellion, which be∣ing allayed in the West, grew more formidable in Norfolk and York∣shire. For I find a Prayer composed by the Arch-bishop, with these words preceding; The Exhortation to Penance, or the Supplication, may end with this or some other-like Prayer. And then the Prayer followeth:

O Lord, whose Goodness far exceedeth our Naughtiness, and whose Mercy passeth all Measure, we confess thy Judgment to be most Just, and that we worthily have deserved this Rod wherewith thou hast now beaten us. We have offended the Lord God: We have lived wickedly: We have gone out of the Way:

We have not heard thy Prophets which thou hast sent unto us, to teach us thy Word, nor have done as thou hast commanded us: wherefore we be most worthy to suffer all these Plagues. Thou hast done justly, and we be worthy to be confounded. But we Provoke unto thy Goodness; we Appeal unto thy Mercy; we humble our selves; we knowledg our Faults. We turn to thee, O Lord, with our whole Hearts, in Praying, in Fasting, in Lament∣ing and Sorrowing for our Offences. Have Mercy upon us, cast us not away according to our Deserts, but hear us, and deliver us with speed, and call us to thee again according to thy Mercy: That we with one Consent, and one Mind, may evermore glorify Thee, World without End. Amen.

After this follow some rude Draughts written by Arch-bishop Cranmer's own Hand, for the Composing, as I suppose, of an Ho∣mily, or Homilies, to be used for the Office aforesaid: which may be read in the Appendix.* 5.36

CHAP. XI. Bishop Boner Deprived.

ON the 8th of September,* 5.37 a Commission was issued out from the King to our Arch-bishop, together with Ridley Bishop of Ro∣chester, Petre and Smith, the two Secretaries, and Dr. May Dean of Pauls, to examine Boner Bishop of London, for several Matters of Contempt of the King's Order. The Witnesses against him were William Latimer and Iohn Hoper. After the patience of seven Ses∣sions at Lambeth, in all which he carried himself disdainfully, mak∣ing Excuses and Protestations, first against Sir Thomas Smith, and then against them all, and Appealing to the King, the Arch-bishop in the Name of the rest declared him Obstinate, and pronounced a Sentence of Deprivation against him; and committed him to the Marshalsea for his extraordinary Rudeness to the King's Commis∣sioners; and there he abode all this King's Reign. I will only men∣tion somewhat of his Behaviour towards the good Arch-bishop.

At his first appearance before the Commissioners,* 5.38 which was on the 10th of September, when they told him the Reason of their Com∣mission, viz.

To call him to Account for a Sermon lately by him made at Pauls Cross; for that he did not publish to the People the Article he was commanded to preach upon, that is, of the King's Authority during his Minority:

He after a bold scoffing manner gave no direct Answer to this, but turned his Speech to the ABp, swearing,

That he wished one thing were had in more Reverence than it was, namely, the Blessed Mass, as he stiled it:

And tel∣ling the Arch-bishop withal,

That he had written very well of the Sacrament; but he marvelled he did not more honour it.

The Arch-bishop perceiving his gross Ignorance concerning his Book, by his commending that which was contrary to his Opinion, said to Bo∣ner, That if he thought it well, it was because he understood it not. Boner after his rude manner replied,

He thought he understood it

better than he that wrote it. To which the Arch-bishop subjoined, That truly he would make a Child of ten Years old understand as much as he. But what is that, said he, to our present Mat∣ter?

* 5.39At this first Session, when Boner had said,

That he perceived the Cause of his present Trouble was, for that in the Sermon made at Pauls Cross, before-mentioned, he had asserted the true Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar;

The Arch-bishop said,

That he spake much of a Presence in the Sacrament; but he asked him, What Presence is there, and what Presence he meant? Boner then in heat said, My Lord, I say and believe, that there is the very true Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ.

What, and how do you believe? said he to the Arch-bishop. Then the Arch-bishop not minding to answer his Question at this time, asked him further,

Whether Christ were there, Face, Nose, Mouth, Eyes, Arms and Lips, with other Lineaments of his Body?

At which Boner shook his Head, and said,

He was right sorry to hear his Grace speak those words, and urged the Arch-bishop to shew his Mind. But the Arch-bishop wisely waved it, saying, That their being there at that time, was not to dispute of those Matters, but to prosecute their Commission against him.

* 5.40At another of these Sessions, staying at the Chamber-Door, where the Commissioners sat, perceiving some of the Arch-bishop's Gentle∣men standing by, he applied himself to them, requiring and charg∣ing them, in God's behalf, and in his Name,

That where they should chance to see and hear corrupt and erroneous Preachers against the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, they should tell their Lord and Master of the same, and of these his Sayings also to them, as they were Christian Men, and should answer before God for the contrary.

And being committed by the Delegates to the Under-Marshal; and going away, he turned again, and told the Arch-bishop,

That he was sorry that he being a Bishop, should be so handled at his Hands; but more sorry, that he suffered abomi∣nable Hereticks to practise as they did in London and elsewhere, infecting and disquieting the King's Liege People. And therefore he required him, as he would answer to God and the King, that he would henceforth abstain thus to do. And if he did not, he said, he would accuse him before God and the King's Majesty. Answer to it, added he, as well as you can.

And so departed.

* 5.41When Boner, after the Sentence of Deprivation, made a solemn Declaration there against their Proceedings, saying,

That he came compelled, and not of his own free will, being brought as a Priso∣ner: And so appealed again from them to the King.

The Arch-bishop answered his Declaration; and told him,

That whereas he said, he came coacted, or else he would not have appeared; he marvelled at him, for that he would thereby make them and the Audience to believe, that because he was a Prisoner, he ought not therefore to answer. Which if it were true, were enough to con∣found the whole State of the Realm: For I dare say, said the Arch-bishop, that of the greatest Prisoners and Rebels that ever the Keeper there hath had under him, he cannot shew me one that

hath used such Defence as you have here done.

To which Boner said,

That if his Keeper were learned in the Laws, he could shew him his Mind therein. The Arch-bishop said, That he had read over all the Laws as well as he, but to another End and Purpose than he did, and yet he could find no such Privilege in this Matter.

He was Deprived in the beginning of October, and the See remained void for some Months till the next Year, when Ridley was translated thither, as we shall see by and by.

Indeed this was the most plausible Pretence the Papists had,* 5.42 and which they made much use of, (Which Boner and Gardiner had cun∣ningly invented;) viz.

That though the King were to be obeyed, and all were bound to submit to his Laws, yet not to the Orders and Placits of his Counsellors, who made what Innovations they pleased in his Name, and were none of his Laws: and that there∣fore things should remain in the State wherein the former King left them, till the King, now a Child, came to Years of Discre∣tion to make Laws himself.

This the Rebels in Devon made use of. And this also the Lady Mary urged very boldly to the Lords of the Council, for her incompliance with the Communion-Book, and for continuance of the use of the Mass; telling them in a Letter,

That she was resolved to remain obedient to her Father's Laws, till the King her Brother should have perfect Years of Discretion to order that Power that God had given him.

Which Letter, where∣of I have the Original, may be seen in the Appendix.* 5.43 For the satisfy∣ing therefore of the People in this, the Preachers were fain to do their Endeavours in the Pulpits: Shewing them, that those that were in Office under the King, were by the Word of God to be obeyed as the King himself.

There be some Men that say, (as Latimer in one of his Sermons in these Days,* 5.44) when the King's Majesty himself com∣mandeth me so to do, then I will do it, not afore. This is a wicked Saying, and damnable. For we may not so be excused. Scripture is plain in it, and sheweth us, that we ought to obey his Officers, having Authority from the King, as well as unto the King himself. Therefore this Excuse will not, nor cannot serve afore God. Yet let the Magistrates take heed to their Office and Duty.

This Year the Arch-bishop celebrated a great Ordination,* 5.45 consist∣ing of such chiefly as shewed themselves Favourers of the King's Proceedings, to be sent abroad to preach the Gospel, and to serve in the Ministry of the Church. At this Ordination Bishop Ridley also assisted the Arch-bishop. The old Popish Order of conferring of Holy Orders was yet in force, the new Office as yet not being prepa∣red and established: But this Ordination nevertheless was celebrated after that Order that was soon after established. At this Ordination great Favour was shewn, and Connivance to such who, otherwise be∣ing well qualified for Piety and Learning, scrupled wearing the Ha∣bits used by the Popish Priests. I meet with two famous Men now ordained: The one was Robert Drakes, who was Deacon to Dr. Tay∣ler Parson of Hadley, at the Commandment of Arch-bishop Cranmer, afterwards Parson of Thundersley in Essex, and in the Year 1556, burnt to death in Smithfield, for his constant Profession of Christ's Religion.

The other was Thomas Sampson, Parson of Breadstreet, London, and successively Dean of Chichester and Christ's-Church, Oxon. Who in a Letter of his written to Secretary Cecyl in Q. Elizabeth's Reign, said,

That at his Ordination he excepted against the Apparel; and by the Arch-bishop and Bishop Ridley, he was nevertheless permitted and admitted.

* 5.46All the Divine Offices were now reformed, but only that for Or∣dination of Ministers. Therefore for the doing of this the Council appointed Twelve Learned Men, consisting half of Bishops, and half of other inferior Divines: Whose Names I do not meet with, excepting Hethe Bp of Worcester. Who because he would not assist in this Work, was sent to Prison. The chief of them no doubt was the Arch-bishop. After mature deliberation, this Office was agreed upon, and finished. And Ponet was the first Bishop Consecrated after this new Form. And that I suppose may be the reason, that it is set down at length in the Arch-bishop's Register in that manner as it is there to be seen: as we shall see under the next Year.

* 5.47Upon the Vacancy of Cathedral Churches the Arch-bishop used to visit. So now the Church of S. Davids being vacant upon the remove of Barlow to Bath and Wells, the Arch-bishop issued out a Commission to Eliseus Price to visit that Church. And upon the Vacancy of Glocester by the Death of Wakeman,* 5.48 there was a Com∣mission to I. Williams, LL. D. and Prebendary there, to be his Com∣missary, and to visit that Church, and to be Keeper of the Spiritu∣alties of the City and Diocess of Glocester in this third Year of the King.* 5.49 This Year also the Church of Norwich being become Vacant by the Resignation of Repps, the Arch-bishop granted a Commission to Iohn Bishop Suffragan of Thetford, and Dean of the Church of the Holy Trinity Norwich, to be his Deputy and Commissary for Visi∣tation and Jurisdiction. But somewhat before this, he constituted Roland Taylor, LL.D. and Will. Wakefeld D. D. to be Keepers of the Spiritualties of Norwich. From whose Jurisdiction he protested not to derogate by those his Commissional Letters to the Suffragan, nor to withdraw from them any Authority of Jurisdiction. This was dated February 15. Also the Church of London being Vacant by the Deprivation and Destitution of Boner,* 5.50 the Arch-bishop con∣stituted Gabriel Donne, Residentiary of S. Pauls, to be his Official, and Keeper of the Spiritualties, to exercise all manner of Episcopal Jurisdiction in the said City and Diocess.

* 5.51This Year he made Griffin Leyson LL.D. Dean of the Arches.

CHAP. XII. Duke of Somerset's Troubles. The Common-Prayer Ratified.

* 5.52WHEN most of the Council had combined together, in the Month of October, against the Protector of the King's Per∣son, the Duke of Somerset, and had withdrawn themselves to Ely-House, the King then being at Hampton-Court, and suddenly conveyed by the said Duke to Windsor, upon the fear of Tumult, then I find

the Arch-bishop and but two Privy-Counsellors more with the King and the Protector there. Being here, the good Arch-bishop, though he would not forsake his Friend the Duke, nor the King his Master; yet he did what lay in him to appease and pacify these Heats. And so he with the Lord Paget and Secretary Smith, in their own and the King's Name, wrote an earnest Letter to the Separating Counsellors, and sent it by Sir Philip Hoby. Wherein, as appears by their Answer,

They were charged by the Arch-bishop with creating much Care and Sorrow to the King, and that he thought they had not that Care that beseemed them, of pacifying the present Uproars, and for the preservation of the State from Danger: That they forgat the Benefits they had received from the King's Father, nor were mindful of their Duty of Allegiance: That their Doings bespake Wilfulness; and that the Protector meant nothing but the Safety and Protection of the King, in what he had done; and that he had that consideration of his Duty to God, that the Promise and Oath he made, required.

They were advised to do as they would be done unto. And mention was made of Cruelty more than once, charging them obliquely therewith. And in fine he wrote, that He, and those with him, knew more than they did, to whom they writ. Probably he meant, that he knew that this Anger against the Duke arose from the private Malice of some of them, or their Hatred of the Reformation, notwithstanding all the fair Pretences of their Care of the King, and the Protector's Misgovernment.

This Letter the Lords from Ely-house, answered,* 5.53 Charging and commanding the Arch-bishop, and those with him, to have a con∣tinual earnest watch of the King's Person, and that he be not re∣moved from Windsor-Castle, as they would answer the same at their utmost Perils. They wondred much, they said, that they would suffer the King's Royal Person to remain in the Guard of the Duke's Men, and that Strangers should be Armed with the King's Armour, and be nearest about his Person. For, it seems, many of the King's Servants, in this Fear, were removed away. They advised the Arch-bishop, and the Lord Paget, to come over to their Side, and to leave the poor Duke alone. Upon this the Arch-bishop and the others wrote a second Letter, dated October the 10th. Wherein they assured the Lords, that they could, whensoever they pleased to re∣quire it, give such very good Reasons for their so often mentioning Cruelty in their other Letter, as they questioned not, they would be well satisfied with. And so upon the Lord's propounding a Meeting with the King and them, they accorded thereunto, in great prudence willing, for Peace and Quietness, in that dangerous Time, so to do. These Letters are recorded in the History of the Reformation.* 5.54

The Common-Prayer-Book, and Administration of the Sacra∣ments, by the great care and study of the Arch-bishop, was now finished, and settled by Act of Parliament: which would not down with a great many. But upon the taking up of the Duke of Somer∣set in the Month of October, and laying him in the Tower, it was ge∣nerally said, that now the old Latin-Service should come in again, the common Opinion being, that the Common-Prayer was peculi∣arly

of his procuring. And that there were such Designs among Somerset's Enemies, who were generally favourers of the old Reli∣gion, it is not improbable. The good Arch-bishop thought it now time to interpose in this thing, and to obtain from the Privy-Council, somewhat to confirm the Book of Common-Prayer. So there was in Decemb. 25. a general Letter drawn up to all the Bishops of England: Letting them understand,

That there was no inten∣tion of bringing in again Latin-Service, conjured Bread and Water, nor any such abrogated Ceremonies. And that the abo∣lishing of these, and the setting forth of the Book of Common-Prayer, was done by the whole State of the Realm. That the Book was grounded upon the Holy Scripture, and was agreeable to the Order of the Primitive Church, and much to the edifying of the Subject. And therefore that the changing of that for the old Latin-Service would be a preferring of Ignorance to Knowledg, Darkness to Light, and a preparation to bring in Papistry and Superstition again. The Bishops therefore were bid with all speed to command their Deans and Prebendaries, and all Parsons, Vicars and Curates, to bring to such Places as the Bishops should ap∣point, all Antiphoners, Missals, &c. and all other Books of Service: and that they be defaced and abolished, that they be no let to that Godly and uniform Order set forth. And to commit to Ward any stubborn and disobedient Persons, that brought not the said Books, and to certify the Council of their Misbehaviour. That they should make search, if any of these Superstitious Books were withdrawn or hid. That, whereas there were some Persons who refused to contribute to the buying of Bread and Wine for the Communion, according to the Order of the Book, whereby many-times the Holy Communion was fain to be omitted, to convent such Persons before them, and admonish them; and if they refused to do accordingly, to punish them by Suspension, Excommunication, or other Censure. This was signed by the Arch-bishop and the Lord Chancellor Rich, and four more.

CHAP. XIII. The Arch-bishop entertains learned Foreigners.

* 5.55THE Arch-bishop had now in his Family several Learned Men. Some he sent for from beyond Sea, and some in pity he enter∣tained, being Exiles for Religion. Among the former sort was Martin Bucer, a Man of great Learning and Moderation, and who bore a great part in the Reformation of Germany. While he and the rest abode under his Roof, the Arch-bishop still employed them, sometimes in learned Conferences and Consultations held with them, sometimes in writing their Judgment upon some Subjects in Divinity. Here Bucer wrote to the Lady Elizabeth, a Letter bearing Date the 6th of the Calends of September, commending her Study in Piety and Learning, and exciting her to proceed therein; incited so to do, I make no doubt,* 5.56 by the Arch-bishop, whom Bucer in that Letter makes men∣tion

of, and stileth Patrem suum, & benignissimum hospitem. Hence also he wrote another Letter to the Marquess of Northampton (who was a Patron of Learning, and a Professor of Religion) in the be∣half of Sleidan, who was promised a Pension by the King, to en∣able him to write the History of the Progress of Religion, begin∣ning at Luther. A part of the Letter translated into English, ran thus.

Therefore if we should not take care, that this so great Act of Di∣vine Goodness towards us, [viz. the Reformation began in the Year 1517] should be most diligently written, and consecrated to Posterity, we should lie under the Crime of the neglect of God's Glory, and most foul Ingratitude. Therefore Iohn Sleidan, a ve∣ry Learned and Eloquent Man, five Years ago began to compile an History of this Nature, as the Work he had published did wit∣ness. But after he was much encouraged in this Undertaking, and well furnished with Matter; the Calamities that befel Germa∣ny, for our own Deserts, intercepted the pious Attempts of this Man, so very useful to the Church. Nor doth it appear now from whence, besides the King's Majesty, we may hope that some small Benignity may be obtained for Sleidan; since the Salaries which he received for this purpose from the German Princes, failed; and he was poor. That Iohn Alasco, Dr. Peter Martyr, and he, considering these things, and weighing how the truly Christian King Edward was even born with a desire of illustrating the Glory of Christ, and what need there was to set Sleidan again upon fi∣nishing the History of the Gospel restored to us; they had there∣fore presumed to supplicate the King in his behalf, and intreated the Marquess to promote and forward their Supplication, and to vouchsafe to contribute his Help also.

We shall hear more of this hereafter.

I find also Annotations writ by the said Bucer upon S. Matthew,* 5.57 reaching as far as the eighth Chapter, and there ending, in this me∣thod: There is the Latin Translation, with large Notes added in the Margin; and at the end of each Chapter common Places collected from thence in the nature of Inferences and Observations. Which I conclude the Arch-bishop put him upon doing while he was now with him. The Work was looked over and examined by the Arch-bishop, Notes and Corrections of his own Hand being here and there inserted. Also the Gospel of S. Mark is handled in the same me∣thod, by another of the Arch-bishop's Guests. Which Writing hath this Inscription by Cranmer's Hand; Petrus Alexander in Marcum.

At this time therefore there were at the Arch-bishop's House,* 5.58 (besides Bucer) Alasco, Peter Martyr, Paulus Phagius, Peter Alex∣ander, Bernardine Ochin, Mat. Negelinus, (after a Minister of Stras∣burgh) who accompanied Bucer and Fagius into England, and others whose Names do not occur. Three of these were soon after prefer∣red to publick Places of Reading in the Universities. Peter Alexander was of Artois, and lived with the Arch-bishop before Bucer came into England. He was a Learned Man, but had different Sentiments in the Matter of the Eucharist, enclining to the belief of a Corporeal Presence with the Lutherans. Though some Years after he came over

to a righter Judgment, as his Companion Peter Martyr signified to Calvin, in a Letter wrote from Strasburgh.

Peter Martyr coming about the beginning of the Year 1549, unto the University of Oxford,* 5.59 his first Readings were upon the eleventh Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians. In which Chapter is some Discourse of the Lord's Supper. The Professor when he came so far, took occasion to expatiate more largely upon that Argument; and the rather, that he might state it aright in the midst of those hot Contests that were then about it among Learned Men. These Le∣ctures on the Sacrament he soon after printed at London, for the Be∣nefit of the World, (as they were two Years after done at Zurick) and dedicated them to his Patron, the Arch-bishop. And that part∣ly to give a publick Testimony of his Sense of the Arch-bishop's great Humanity and Benefits towards him:

Which were so large, that he must do nothing else but tell of them, to be sufficiently thankful for them. And known it was to all (as he said) how obligingly he received, and how liberally he entertained both him∣self, and many other Strangers of his Rank and Condition. And partly that by his Authority he would protect and defend what he should find in his Book to be consonant to the Holy Scriptures, and agreeable to the King's Laws. For he had, he said, Skill and In∣dustry enough to do it; who had himself often, both in Publick and Private, conflicted with the Adversaries, and with admirable Learning, accuracy of Wit and Dexterity, vindicated the Truth from the spinous and confused Cavils of Sophisters. Nor did he want Will to stand up for Sound and Christian Doctrines, as all good Men knew: who saw how earnest he was in his Labours of restoring Religion; that for that Cause he drew upon himself ma∣ny Enmities and threatning Dangers.

* 5.60The first Occasion of Bucer's Call into England was thus. He had wrote to Iohn Hales (a learned English-man, his Acquaintance) the sad Estate of Germany, and that he could scarce stay any longer in the Place where he was. This Hales acquainted the Arch-bishop with; which made a great Impression upon his compassionate Soul, and he brake out into those words of the Psalmist, Mirifica misericor∣dias tuas, qui salvos facis sperantes in te a resistentibus dexterae tuae. And forthwith writ to Brucer a Letter in October 1548, to come over to this Realm, which should be a most safe Harbour for him, urging him to become a Labourer in the Lord's Harvest here begun; and using other Arguments with him to move him hereunto, in the most obliging Stile possible, calling him, My Bucer. And that he might come over the safer from Harms and Enemies, the Arch-bishop re∣commended him to one Hills an English-Merchant, to provide for his Passage.* 5.61 The Arch-bishop's Letter may be found in the Appendix. To this Letter Bucer wrote an Answer, seeming, upon some Conside∣rations, to decline the Arch-bishop's Invitation. This Letter coming to the Arch-bishop's Hands, he shewed to Peter Alexander; who by the Arch-bishop's Order, wrote back to Bucer, in the said Arch-bi∣shop's and the Protector's Name, to call him again over; which Let∣ter was dated March 24, from Lambeth; telling him withal, that the good old Man Latimer saluted him. Letters, I suppose, of the

same Import, were also dispatched to the Learned Fagius.

Bucer and Fagius, who were thus honourably invited into England by repeated Letters of the Lord Protector, and Arch-bishop Cranmer,* 5.62 were by them also nominated for Publick Professors in the University of Cambridg, the one of Divinity, the other of the Hebrew Tongue. This was looked on by their Friends as a notable piece of God's good Providence, that when these two eminent Champions of the true Religion were in so much present Danger in Germany, so seasonable a Refuge was provided for them elsewhere.* 5.63 They both arrived safe in England in the end of April, and abode with the Arch-bishop a∣bove a quarter of a Year, until towards the end of the long Vacation, the Arch-bishop intending they should be at Cambridg when the Term should begin, in order to their Reading. During this Interval, while they continued at Lambeth, they were not idle, being every day busied in some Study and Exercise agreeable to their Function, as was hinted before. But the main of their Thoughts were taken up in preparing for their University-Lectures. Which of what Subject-Matter they should be, the Arch-bishop himself directed. As it had been a great while his pious and most earnest Desire, that the Holy Bible should come abroad in the greatest Exactness, and true Agree∣ment with the original Text. So he laid this Work upon these two Learned Men. First, That they should give a clear, plain and suc∣cinct Interpretation of the Scripture, according to the Propriety of the Language. And, Secondly, Illustrate difficult and obscure Pla∣ces, and reconcile those that seemed repugnant to one another. And it was his Will, and his Advice, that to this End and Purpose their publick Readings should tend. This pious and good Work, by the Arch-bishop assigned to them, they most gladly and readily under∣took. For their more regular carrying on this Business, they allot∣ted to each other by consent, their distinct Tasks. Fagius, because his Talent lay in the Hebrew Learning, was to undertake the Old Testament, and Bucer the New. The Leisure they now enjoyed with the Arch-bishop, they spent in preparing their respective Lectures. Fagius entred upon the Evangelical Prophet Esaias, and Bucer upon the Gospel of the Evangelist Iohn. And some Chap∣ters in each Book were dispatched by them. But it was not long, but both of them fell Sick: which gave a very unhappy stop to their Studies.

Fagius his Distemper proved mortal;* 5.64 who was seized at first with a very acute Fever. And notwithstanding Physick and Atten∣dance, remaining very ill, he had a great desire to remove to Cam∣bridg to his Charge appointed him, hoping the Change of Air might help him. He made a shift to travel thither, leaving his dear Colleague sick behind him. But Fagius still declining in his Health, ardently desired Bucer's Company: Who on the fifth of November came to Cambridg. And ten Days after Fagius deceased, aged about forty five Years, to the extraordinary Loss of that University, and the Grief of all pious Men that wished well to Religion: and which was most to be lamented, before he had given any Specimen of his Learning and Abilities in England; though he had already given many to the World: all shewing what a Master he was in

Hebrew and Rabbinical Learning. His published Labours of this nature (all within the space of six Years) may be seen in the Appen∣dix: Which I have placed there for the preserving the Memory of that Learned Professor,* 5.65 which our University of Cambridg was once honoured with.

* 5.66The good Arch-bishop troubled at the sudden Death of this Lear∣ned Man, from whom he had promised himself some great Good to accrue to the University, sent a Letter, November the last, unto his sorrowful Companion Bucer, desiring him, among other things, as from him, to comfort Fagius's Widow, and to let her know, that he had sent her by the Carrier seven and twenty Pounds, which was part of the Stipend due out of the Exchequer to her Husband. Which although it were not yet pay'd into Cranmer's Hands, yet he thought good to send her the Money so soon, that it might be some allevia∣tion of her present Sorrow. There were fifty Pounds due for his Readings, reckoning from Lady-day last, when his Pension began; but three Pounds were disbursed for Charges in taking out the Patent, and twenty Pounds the Arch-bishop had sent him before.

* 5.67Bucer above all lamented the loss of his Mate, and wrote a sorrow∣ful Letter ad Fratres & Symmystas, to his Brethren and fellow-Mi∣nisters in Germany, upon this Subject. And in a Letter to P. Martyr, then at Oxon, he not only complained of this heavy Loss, but, as if himself were like to follow him, of several things that made him uneasy at Cambridg, where he was now placed; as of the want of a convenient House, of a Body impatient of Cold, which the Time of the Year made him begin to feel, need of Necessaries: That the Letters Patents were not yet signed [for his Salary] and the slow and uncertain paiment of his Pension. But Cranmer, out of that high respect he had for him, was not wanting in his diligence in due time to make all easy to him; and to have so useful and grave a Man well provided for. But the next Year, the last Day of February, he followed his Companion to the other World: But not before he had made himself and his Learning known to the University. Which to qualify him to moderate at the publick Disputations at the Com∣mencement, had given him the Degree of Doctor, as a peculiar Honour done him, without the common Rites and Forms ordina∣rily used in those Cases. Yet he chose to do his Exercises, respond∣ing the first Day of the Commencement, and opposing the second, with great Learning, and no less Satisfaction of the University.

CHAP. XIV. Peter Martyr disputes in Oxford, being Challenged thereunto.

THE Papists in both Universities were resolved to try the Metal and Learning of their new Professors; being exceed∣ingly nettled at their coming, and offended at their Readings.

Those of P. Martyr at Oxon highly provoked many in that Uni∣versity,* 5.68 that could not endure to hear the old Error of the Corporeal Presence opposed. And of such there were not a few, and especially

[illustration]

PETRUS MARTYR VERMILIUS, S.S. Theologiae apud Oxonienses ••rofessor Regius. Natus Florentiae Sept. 8 Anno MD Obijt Nov: 12. MDLXII.

the Heads of the Colleges; the elder Sort being more stiff and preju∣diced to their old Ways and Opinions. This doctrine of the Sacra∣ment was first obscured, and afterwards depraved: and so this Er∣ror being entertained, became a Door for the letting in a Flood of Superstition and Idolatry into the Church.* 5.69 This Martyr well knew, and therefore with wonderful Pains endeavored to vindicate the Truth of the Eucharist from Error and Corruption. And this procured him many Enemies here. For they could not endure him: and first raised up among the People Slanders against him; as though he impugned the Doctrine of the Antients, and shook the laudable Ceremonies of the Church, and prophaned the Sacrament of the Altar, and in effect trampled it under his Feet. And this Noise being a little stilled, not long after, the Day before he was to read publickly, they set up Bills in English upon all the Doors of the Churches, that on such a Day there should be a publick Disputation about the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament, Martyr knowing no∣thing of it, though he was designed to be the Disputant. The Day being come, the Schools were filled with great numbers of such who favoured the Papists. And these were instructed to be ready to make loud Clamors and Tumults, and to proceed to Blows, if need were. The Students also and the Towns-Men flocked to∣gether at the Noise of this Dispute, to see the Event, and to make a Party, according as they stood affected. When the Day was come, notwithstanding his Friends perswaded him not to adventure him∣self to read that Day, lest he might incur some Danger, he went and did his Duty. For he said,

He would not be wanting to his Office, nor neglect the place the King had intrusted him with, and that there were many, that came questionless to hear his Lectures, whom he would not disappoint.

As he, with his Friends accom∣panying him, went to his Reading, a Servant of Richard Smith, D.D. whom we have before spoke of, the Chief in this Plot, met him and delivered him a Letter from his Master, wherein he Challenged him to a Dispute that Day.

Being come to the Chair, he gently told his Adversaries,* 5.70 in a mo∣dest Speech to them,

That he refused not to dispute, but that at that time he came to read, and not to dispute.

And so themselves yielding to it, he proceeded to his Lecture; which he performed with much constancy and undauntedness, without the least distur∣bance of Mind, or change of Countenance or Colour, or hesitation in his Speech, notwithstanding the Murmur and Noise of the Ad∣versaries. Which got him much Credit and Applause.

As soon as he had done his Reading,* 5.71 the Adversaries began to make loud Cries, that he should Dispute, and especially Smith the Champion. But he modestly refused it, and said,

He would do it at another time, and that he was not then prepared, because they had so studiously concealed the Propositions to be disputed of, and had not propounded them publickly, according to the accustomed man∣ner; and that he knew nothing of them till that very Day.

But they told him,

He could not be unprepared, who had read so much of the Lord's Supper, whatsoever Arguments they propounded in this Matter.

They still rudely urging him; he said,

He would do

nothing in such a Matter, without the King were first made privy to it, especially when the thing tended to Sedition. Moreover, for a lawful Disputation, it was requisite, he said, that certain Questions be propounded, Judges and Moderators constituted; and publick Notaries be present, that might impartially and faithfully write down the Arguments and Speeches on both Sides.

* 5.72In fine, the Matter came to that pass, that fearing a Tumult, the Vice-chancellor decided the Controversy after this manner,

That both P. Martyr, and Smith, with some Friends, should meet in his House, and should appoint the Propositions to be disputed of, the Time, the Order and Manner of Disputation.

And so the Vice-chancellor, the Beadle making him way, went to the Pulpit where the Professor was, and took him by the Hand, and led him down through the Crouds to his own House, his Friends going along with him; and among the rest Sidal and Curtop, then vigorous Defen∣ders of the Truth; but after, in Q. Mary's Days, revolting. Smith also and his Friends, Cole, Oglethorp, and three more, repaired to the Vice-chancellor; where it was agreed, after some jangling, That Martyr should observe the same Order in Confuting, as he did in Teaching; and abstaining from strange, barbarous and am∣biguous Words, wont to be used in the Schools: he said, he would use only Carnaliter and Corporaliter, Realiter and Substantialiter, because the Scripture useth only the words Flesh and Body, Res or Substantia. And so it was agreed▪ and the Day set was the fourth of May ensuing. And it was agreed also on both Sides, That all this whole Matter should be signified to the Council, that they might have Cognizance of the thing. And by them the Day of the Dispu∣tation was appointed, when some from the King, as Judges and Keepers of Peace, would be present at it. The Papists reported fals∣ly, That he having appointed the Time of the Disputation to be ten Days hence; in the mean time got the Magistrates acquainted with this Affair, that they might stop and forbid it, (which they did indeed, proroguing it till some Months after the first Challenge) And that afterwards when the Professor saw his Opportunity, he provoked to a publick Disputation, offering to dispute of his Questions for∣merly propounded, and thought there would be none to take him up▪ For Smith, they say, smelt out some crafty Device taken against him, and so appeared not at the Dispute. And then indeed few thought convenient to be there, their Plot of making a Rout and Confusion being spoiled. Indeed Smith, conscious to himself of making this Tu∣mult, fled before the Day came, and went into Scotland. But Dr. Tresham, a zealous Man, that this Cause might not fall, was desirous to undertake the Disputation; and did so, with Dr. Chedsey, and Mr. Morgan, before the King's Visitors; who were Henry Bishop of Lin∣coln, Dr. Cox Chancellor of that University, Dr. Simon Haines Dean of Exeter, Richard Morison Esq Christopher Nevison Doctor of Ci∣vil Law. Before these honourable Umpires, (who came with the King's Letters Patents) the Disputation concerning Transubstantia∣tion, and the Carnal Presence in the Sacrament, lasted four days; wherein P. Martyr the Respondent did acquit himself very sufficient∣ly, both from Scripture and Fathers. The Sum of which may be

seen in Fox's Monuments, and the whole in Martyr's Works, in that part thereof intituled, De Eucharistia Disputatio.

The first day of the Disputation was May the 28th:* 5.73 It was mana∣ged between Martyr and Tresham. Dr. Cox the Chancellor, began with a Speech. Then Martyr made his Proemial Oration and Prayer. Then Tresham succeeded with another Oration, bestowing some Prai∣ses upon Martyr. Which he replying upon, and briefly and modestly declining, began his Argument. The next Disputation, on May 29, was between Martyr and Chedzey; after Martyr had made a short Speech and Prayer, and Chedzey his Preface. The third Action was between Morgan, Tresham and Martyr. The Disputation of the fourth day, Iune 1, was again between Chedzey and Martyr. And then all was concluded by another Speech uttered by the said Chancellor. Wherein he had these words:

Peter (and a Peter indeed for his steady Constancy) Martyr, (and rightly called Martyr, for the numberless Testimonies by him produced in the behalf of Truth) must needs obtain much Favour and Respect from us, and all good Men; First, That he hath taken such vast pains in standing under even a Burden of Disputations. For i•• Not Hercules himself a∣gainst two, what shall we think of Peter alone against all? Second∣ly, That he hath undertook the Challenge of a Disputation: And so stopped the vain Speeches of vain Men, who dispersed envious and odious Insinuations concerning him; as that either he would not, or dared not to maintain his own Tenets. And, lastly, that he hath so excellently well answered the Expectation of the chief Magistrates, and so of the King himself; while he hath not only recommended to the University the Doctrine of Christ from God's lively Fountains, but also hath not permitted any (as much as lay in him) to muddy or obstruct them.

But I refer the Reader for the rest to Dr. Cox's own Oration.* 5.74

The Professor drew up the whole four days Disputation soon after,* 5.75 and sent it by his constant Friend and Companion Iulius, to his Pa∣tron the Arch-bishop. And with the same Messenger he conveyed a Letter, dated Iune 15, to Bucer then at the Arch-bishop's House, concerning his said Disputation. Therein he signified the Obstinacy and Boldness of his Opponents; and that he feared,

That his Do∣ctrines he then maintained, might not altogether square with Bu∣cer's Judgment. But he said in his own Justification, That he granted the Body of Christ was present to us by Faith, and that we are incorporated into him by Communication. He confessed here, that we do partake of the Matter of the Sacrament, namely, the Body and Blood of Christ; but he meant it in Mind and Faith. And in the mean time he granted, that the Holy Ghost is Effica∣cious in the Sacraments, by virtue of the Lord's Institution. But that which he especially endeavoured to assert, was, That they mixed not the Body and Blood of Christ carnally with the Bread and Wine, by any Corporeal Presence. Nor yet would he have the Sacrament to be Symbols without Honour and Reverence. Another thing he asserted, which he thought might offend Bucer, was, That it was not agreeable to the Body of Christ, how∣ever glorified, to be in many Places at once. But for this, he

wrote Bucer, as he urged in the Disputation, that the Scrip∣ture obliged to no such belief; How the reason of an humane Body reclaimed against it; and the Fathers affirmed that such a Quality was granted to no Creature, but belonged to God alone.

And so, inviting him, and Fagius and Alexander to Oxford, concluded his Letter.

* 5.76But when the Papists dispersed vain Stories and many Falshoods concerning this Business, he was forced, his Friends also urging him thereunto, to publish an Account hereof. And with what Fidelity and Diligence he drew up his Book, the Testimonies of two of the King's Counsellors, Ear-Witnesses, added thereto, sufficiently con∣firmed. In the Preface to his Relation of these Disputes, he assign∣ed two Reasons that made him publish them. The one was the Ca∣lumnies of evil Men; the other the Desires of his Friends. Under the former he complained,

how he was by his Adversaries bespat∣tered among all sorts of People, Princes, Nobles, Commons, Ci∣tizens, Clowns: And that all Corners, Streets, Houses, Shops, Taverns, sounded their Triumphs over him; and he doubted not, that it was dispersed by them into other Nations. Upon these Considerations,* 5.77 his great Patron, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, (to whom he dared to deny nothing) and the King's Visitors, be∣sides others of his Friends, had advised and desired him to put forth these his Disputations in his own Vindication, and in the Vindication of the Truth. These he professed to write with all Fidelity: And that he might be the more exact, he had compared his own Collections with the Relations that were drawn up by the Adversaries; and that having read theirs, what he could recal that he had before omitted, which was of any moment, he restored out of their Writings.

But Tresham, the chief Disputant, pretending himself aggrieved with this Book,* 5.78 as tho Martyr had therein misrepresented him, and expressed some Indignation against him, and added some things that were not spoken; wrote himself another Account of this Disputation, in justification of himself against the Professor; and set a Preface before it, by way of Epistle, to the King's Privy-Council. Wherein he most angrily bespattered this Reverend Man, calling him

Pseudo-Martyr, a doting old Man, Subverted, Impudent, and the famous Master of Errors: And that he fled into Germany to obtain the more Licence for his Lust, and that he might enjoy his Adultery, meaning his Wife.

The Disputation it self is too long to be tran∣scribed; it is extant among the Foxian Manuscripts. But the Epi∣stle Dedicatory, or Preface before it, I will not omit, that the Rea∣der may there observe the malicious Spirit of Martyr's Adversaries, and collect some further Account of this Disputation.* 5.79 But the Reader must remember, that it was an angry Antagonist that wrote it.

Dr. Smith, who had done his best to cause a Riot in the Universi∣ty,* 5.80 and thereby to endanger the King's Professor, and was therefore got away into Scotland; conscious likewise to himself of Calumnies and Wrongs done by him against the Arch-bishop; some time after wrote to the Arch-bishop a submissive Letter, praying him

to for∣give

all the Injuries he had done his Grace, and to obtain the King's Pardon for him, that he might return Home again. And he pro∣mised to write a Book for the Marriage of Priests, as he had done before against it. That he was the more desirous to come Home into England, because otherwise he should be put upon writing against his Grace's Book of the Sacrament, and all his Proceedings in Religion, being then harboured, as he would make it believed, by such as required it at his Hands.

But in Q. Mary's Days he revolted again, and was a most zealous Papist, and then did that indeed, which he gave some Hints of before; for he wrote vehemently against Cranmer's Book.

But from Oxford, let us look over to Cambridg.* 5.81 Where Disputa∣tions likewise were held in the Month of Iune, before the King's Commissioners, who were Ridley Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Bishop of Ely, Mr. Cheke, Dr. May, and Dr. Wendy, the King's Physician. The Questions were,

That Transubstantiation could not be proved by Scripture, nor be confirmed by the Consent of Antient Fathers for a thousand Years past. And that the Lord's Supper is no Ob∣lation or Sacrifice, otherwise than a Remembrance of Christ's Death.

There were three Solemn Disputations. In the first Dr. Madew was Respondent, and Glyn, Langdale, Sedgwick, and Yong, Opponents. In the Second, Dr. Glyn was Respondent on the Po∣pish side, Opponents Pern, Grindal, Guest, Pilkington. In the third, Dr. Pern was Respondent: Parker, Pollard, Vavasor, Yong, Opponents. After these Disputations were ended, the Bishop of Rochester determined the Truth of these Questions ad placitum suum, as a Papist wrote, out of whose Notes I transcribe the Names of these Disputants.

Besides these Disputations, when Bucer came to Cambridg,* 5.82 he was engaged in another with Sedgwick, Pern and Yong, upon these Questi∣ons.

I. That the Canonical Books of Scripture alone do teach suf∣ficiently all things necessary to Salvation. II. That there is no Church in Earth that erreth not, as well in Faith as Manners. III. That we are so freely justified of God, that before our Justi∣fication, whatsoever good Works we seem to do, have the Nature of Sin.

Concerning this last he and Yong had several Combates: Which are set down in his English Works.

As to Bucer's Opinion of the Presence in the Sacrament,* 5.83 the great Controversy of this Time, it may not be amiss to consider what so great a Professor thought herein; and especially by what we saw before, that Martyr and he did somewhat differ in this Point. For as he would not admit those words Carnally and Naturally, so neither did he like Realiter and Substantialiter. Bucer's Judgment drawn up by himself sententiously in 54 Aphorisms, may be seen in the Appendix, as I meet with it among Fox's Papers.* 5.84 It is extant in Latin among his Scripta Anglicana, and intitled Concessio D. M. Buc. de Sancta Eucharistia, in Anglia Aphoristicos scripta, Anno 1550. And so we take our leave of Bucer for this Year. We shall hear of him again in the next.

CHAP. XV. Matters of the Church, and its State now.

LET me now crave a little room to set down some Matters that relate to the Church coming within the compass of this Year, which will shew what mean Advances Religion as yet had made in the Nation.

* 5.85Divers Relicks of Popery still continued in the Nation, by means partly of the Bishops, partly of the Justices of Peace, Popishly af∣fected. In London Bishop Boner drove on but heavily in the King's Proceedings, though he outwardly complied. In his Cathedral Church there remained still the Apostles Mass, and our Lady's Mass, and other Masses under the Defence and Nomination of our Lady's Communion, used in the private Chappels, and other remote places of the same Church, tho not in the Chancel, contrary to the King's Proceedings. Therefore the Lord Protector and others of the Coun∣cil wrote to the Bishop Iune 24.* 5.86 Complaining of this, and ordering that no such Masses should be used in S. Paul's Church any longer; and that the Holy Communion, according to the Act of Parliament, should be ministred at the high Altar of the Church, and in no other place of the same, and only at such times as the high Masses were wont to be used; except some number of People, for their necessary Business, desired to have a Communion in the Morning; and yet the same to be exercised in the Chancel at the high Altar, as was appointed in the Book of Publick Service. Accordingly Boner directed his Letters to the Dean and Chapter of Paul's, to call toge∣ther those that were resident, and to declare these Matters.

* 5.87As it was thus in London, so in the Countries, too many of the Justices were slack in seeing to the execution of the King's Laws, relating not only to Religion, but to other Affairs. And in some Shires that were further distant, the People had never so much as heard of the King's Proclamation, by the Default of the Justices, who winked at the Peoples neglect thereof. For the quickening of the Justices of Peace at this time, when a Foreign Invasion was daily expected, and Foreign Power was come into Scotland to aid that Nation against England; the Lord Protector and the Privy-Council assembled at the Star-Chamber, and called before them all the Justi∣ces, (which was a thing accustomed sometimes to be done, for the Justices to appear before the King and Council, there to have Ad∣monitions and Warnings given them for the discharge of their Du∣ty). And then the Lord Chancellor Rich made a Speech to them,

That they should repair down into their several Countries with speed; and give warning to other Gentlemen to go down to their Houses, and there to see good Order and Rule kept, that their Sessions of Goal-delivery, and Quarter-Sessions be well observed, that Vagabonds and seditious Tale-bearers of the King or his Council, and such as preached without Licence, be repress'd and punished. That if there should be any Uproars, or Routs, and Riots of lewd Fellows, or privy Traitors, they should appease

them. And that if any Enemy should chance to arise in any Place of England, they should fire the Beacons, as had been wrote to them before, and repulse the same in as good Array as they could. And that for that purpose they should see diligently, that Men have Horse, Harness and other Furniture of Weapon ready.

And to the Bishops the Council now sent Letters again for Redress of the Contempt and Neglect of the Book of Common-Prayer;* 5.88 which to this time, long after the publishing thereof, was either not known at all to many, or very irreverently used: Occasioned espe∣cially by the winking of the Bishops, and the stubborn Disobedience of old Popish Curats. The Letter is dated the 23d of Iuly, and is extant in Fox.

In London, by the Connivance and Remisness of the Bishop,* 5.89 many neglected the Divine Service then established: and others did in secret Places of the Diocess often frequent the Popish Mass, and other Superstitious Rites, not allowed by the Laws of England. The Sins of Adultery greatly encreased. The Churches, and par∣ticularly the Mother-Church of S. Paul's, ran into Dilapidations; the Glass was broken, and the Ornaments and other Buildings belonging to Churches neglected. Many refused to pay Tithes to their Curates, probably of both sorts; such as were Papists to those Curats as more diligently preached Reformation, and obeyed the King's Laws: and such as were not so, to such Curats as were more backward thereunto. Bishop Boner also himself now seldom came to Church, seldomer preached and celebrated the English Communion. Where∣fore the Council sent certain private Injunctions to Boner for the re∣dress of these things.

That he should preach in his own Person at Paul's Cross, and declare certain Articles, relating to the be∣fore-mentioned Neglects, which the Council now sent to him to redress. That he should preach once in a Quarter, and exhort the People to Obedience; and that he should be present at every Ser∣mon at Paul's Cross: that he should on the principal Feasts ce∣lebrate the Communion, and at all times, that his Predecessors used to Celebrate and sing High Mass. That he should call before him all such as did not frequent the Church and Common-Pray∣er, and the Holy Communion, and punish them, as also Adulte∣rers: and that he should look to the Reparation of S. Paul's and other Churches, and that the People pay their Tithes.

The Adulteries before hinted,* 5.90 which the Council thought fit to recommend to the Bishop to take particular cognizance of, makes me add, that about this time the Nation grew infamous for this Crime. It began among the Nobility, and so spread at length among the in∣ferior sort. Noblemen would very frequently put away their Wives, and marry others, if they liked another Woman better, or were like to obtain Wealth by her. And they would sometimes pretend their former Wives to be false to their Beds, and so be divorced, and marry again such whom they fancied. The first occasion of this seemed to be in the Earl of Northampton, divorcing himself, from his first Wife Anne, Daughter to the Earl of Essex, and after marrying Elizabeth Daughter to the Lord Cobham. In like manner Henry Son of William Earl of Pembroke, put away Katharine Daugh∣ter

to Henry the Duke of Suffolk, and married Mary, the Daughter of Sir Henry Sidney. These Adulteries and Divorces encreased much; yea, and marrying again without Divorce; which became a great Scandal to the Realm, and to the Religion professed in it, and gave much Sorrow and Trouble in good Men to see it. In so much that they thought it necessary to move for an Act of Parliament to punish Adultery with Death. This Latimer in a Sermon preached in the Year 1550, signified to the King.

For the Love of God, saith he, take an order for Marriage here in England.

* 5.91This is some Account of the Retardation of Religion. On the other hand the Endeavors of those that wished well to it were not wanting. Now the Protestants began more freely to put forth Books, and to disperse such as were formerly printed beyond Sea, in the behalf of Religion against Popery, and concerning such as had suffered under the Cruelties of the Church of Rome. Bale about these Days disper∣sed his Books. One was The Image of both Churches, applying the Divine Prophecy of the Revelations to the Apostate Church of Rome. Another was a Vindication of the Lady Anne Ascue, who suffered the cruel Death of Burning about the end of King Henry's Reign: Whose Cause the Papists studiously had rendred bad. This Book he intitled The Elucidation of Anne Ascue's Martyrdom. Which was this Year exposed publickly to sale at Winchester, and the Parts there∣abouts, as a Reproach to the Bishop of Winchester, who was the great Cause of her Death. Four of these Books came to that Bishop's own Eyes being then at Winchester; they had Leaves put in as Ad∣ditions to the Book, some glewed, and some unglewed: which probably contained some further Intelligences that the Author had gathered since his first writing of the Book. And herein some Re∣flexions were made freely, according to Bale's Talent, upon some of the Court, not sparing Paget himself, though then Secretary of State. Another of Bale's Books that went now about, was touching the Death of Luther. Therein was a Prayer of the Duke of Saxony mentioned, which the Bishop of Winchester gladly took hold on:

Wherein that Duke, as to the justness of his Cause, remitted himself to God's Judgment to be shewed on him here in this World, if the Cause he undertook were not Just concerning Religion; and desired God, if it were not Good, to order him to be taken and spoiled of his Honors and Possessions.

Since which the Duke was taken Prisoner: and at the very time of his taking, the Papists made an Observation, that the Sun appeared so strangely in England, as the like had not been seen before. So apt are Men to interpret Events according to their own preconceived Opinions. But at this Winchester took much Advantage.* 5.92 Whereas indeed the Issues of God's Providence in this World are not favourable always even to the best Causes.

* 5.93The keeping of Lent was now called into Controversy; and asserted, that it was not to be observed upon a religious Account. And this was done the rather, because the Papists placed so much Religion in the bare Fast. In the Pulpit it began to be cried down. Tongue and Ioseph, two great Preachers in London, said,

That Lent was one of Christ's Miracles, which God ordained not Men to imitate or

follow.

And that it was an insupportable Burden. There was a set of Rhimes now made about the burial of Lent, which was called, Iack of Lent's Testament, and publicly sold in Winchester Market: therein Steven Gardiner, the Bishop was touched, who was a great Man for keeping it. For in the Ballad Stephen Stockfish was bequeathed in this Will to Stephen Gardiner. Of this he made a long Complaint to the Protector. But yet this Neglect of Lent was not encouraged by the Superiors. For it was kept at Court; and Preparations for the King's Diet were made accordingly this Lent by the Protector. The Protestants indeed were for keeping it, and an Order was issued out for that purpose; tho not upon a Religious but Politick Account. But the greater part of the ordinary People would not be brought to it by this Distinction. So that the Preachers were fain to be employed. Latimer preached,

That those that regard-not Laws and Statutes, were despisers of Magistrates. There be Laws made of Diet, he said, what Meats we shall eat at all times. And this Law is made in Policy, as I suppose, for Victual's sake, that Fish might be uttered as well as other Meat. Now as long as it goeth so politickly, we ought to keep it. Therefore all ex∣cept those that be dispensed withal, as sick, impotent Persons, Women with Child, old Folk, &c. ought to live in an ordinary obedience to those Laws, and not to do against the same in any wise.

Gardiner urged the great Inconvenience these Rhimes against Lent might occasion.* 5.94

That they could serve for nothing but to learn the People to rail, and to make others forbear to make their usual Provisions of Fish against the ensuing Year, fearing Lent to be sick, as the Rhime purported, and like to die.

About these Times there arose much talk of the King's matching.* 5.95 The Protestants were much afraid of his marrying with some Foreign Princess Abroad, that might turn his Heart from Religion. But the Popishly-affected did their endeavours to perswade him to please him∣self with some Lady Abroad, as best agreeable with Politick Ends, as the enlarging of his Dominions, and the Surety and Defence of his Countries. Some therefore put Latimer upon giving the King Coun∣sel in this Matter from the Pulpit.

So he advised the King to chuse him one that is of God, that is, which is of the Houshold of Faith; and such an one as the King can find in his Heart to love, and lead his Life in pure and chaste Espousage with. Let him chuse a Wife that fears God. Let him not chuse a Proud Wanton, and one full only of rich Treasures and worldly Pomp.

The Sentiments of the Protestant Foreigners concerning the present English State, deserves a particular Remark.* 5.96 They took such great Joy and Satisfaction in this good King, and his Establishment of Religion, that the Heads of them, Bullinger, Calvin, and others, in a Letter to him, offered to make him their Defender, and to have Bishops in their Churches as there were in England, with the tender of their Service to assist and unite together. This netled the Learned at the Council of Trent, who came to the knowledg of it by some of their private Intelligencers; and they verily thought, that all the Here∣ticks, as they called them, would now unite among themselves, and

become one Body, receiving the same Discipline exercised in Eng∣land. Which if it should happen, and that they should have Here∣tical Bishops near them in those Parts, they concluded that Rome and her Clergy would utterly fall. Whereupon were sent two of their Emissaries from Rotterdam into England, who were to pretend them∣selves Anabaptists, and preach against baptizing Infants, and preach up Rebaptizing, and a Fifth Monarchy upon Earth. And besides this, one D. G. authorized by these Learned Men, dispatched a Let∣ter written in May 1549, from Delf in Holland, to two Bishops, whereof Winchester was one, signifying the coming of these pre∣tended Anabaptists, and that they should receive them and cherish them, and take their Parts if they should chance to receive any Checks. Telling them, that it was left to them to assist in this Cause, and to some others whom they knew to be well-affected to the Mother-Church. This Letter is lately put in print. Sir Henry Sydney first met with it in Queen Elizabeth's Closet, among some Pa∣pers of Queen Mary's.* 5.97 He transcribed it into a Book of his, called, The Romish Policies. It came afterwards into the Hands of ABp Vsher; and was transcribed thence by Sir Iames Ware. Let it be remembred here, and noted, that about this time Winchester was appointed, with Ridley Bishop of Rochester, to examine certain Anabaptists in Kent.

I find no Bishops Consecrated this Year.

CHAP. XVI. Ridley made Bishop of London. The Communion-Book reviewed.

* 5.98RIdley Bishop of Rochester, was designed to succeed Boner, lately deprived, in the Bishoprick of London; and April 3. took his Oath,* 5.99 an half Year being almost spent before he entred upon the Care of that See, after Boner's Deprivation. At his entrance, he was ex∣ceeding wary not to do his Predecessor the least Injury in Goods that belonged to him. He had not one Penny-worth of his moveable Goods; for if any were found and known to be his, he had Licence to convey them away,* 5.100 otherwise they were safely preserved for him. There was some quantity of Lead lay in the House, which he used about it and the Church; but Ridley paid for it, as Boner's own Officers knew. He continued Boner's Receiver, one Staunton, in his Place. He paid fifty three or fifty five Pounds for Boner's own Servants common Liveries and Wages, which was Boner's own Debt, remaining unpaid after his Deposition. He frequently sent for old Mrs. Boner, his Pre∣decessor's Mother, calling her his Mother, and caused her to sit in the uppermost Seat at his own Table, as also for his Sister, one Mrs. Mongey. It was observed, how Ridley welcomed the old Gentlewo∣man, and made as much of her as though she had been his own Mo∣ther. And though sometimes the Lords of the Council dined with him, he would not let her be displaced, but would say, By your Lordships favour, this Place of Right and Custom is for my Mother Boner. But to see the base Ingratitude of Boner; when he was re∣stored again in Q. Mary's Reign, he used Ridley far otherwise than

Ridley had used him: For he would not allow the Leases which Rid∣ley had made; which was in danger to redound to the utter Ruin and Decay of many poor Men. He had a Sister with three Chil∣dren, whom he married to one Shipside a Servant of his, and provided for them. This Sister Boner turned out of all, and endeavoured the Destruction of Shipside, had not Bishop Hethe delivered him. Ridley, in his Offices, and in an Iron Chest in his Bed-Chamber, had much Plate, and considerable Quantities of other Goods; all which Boner seized upon. Insomuch that Ridley, but a little before his Burning, wrote a Supplicatory Letter to the Queen to take this into her Con∣sideration,

That the poor Men might enjoy their Leases, and Years renewed, for that they were made without Fraud or Covin, ei∣ther for their Parts, or his; and the old Rents always reserved to the See, without any kind of Dammage thereof: Or at least, that they might be restored to their former Leases and Years, and might have rendred to them again such Sums of Money as they paid him and the Chapter, as Fines for their Leases and Years taken from them. Which Fines he desired the Queen would command might be made good out of the Plate and other Things he left in his House; half whereof would disburse those Fines.

This did so much run in the good Man's Mind, that at the time of his Burning, he desired the Lord Williams, then present, to remember this his Suit to the Queen. Which he promised him he would do. But what Effect it had I cannot tell.

In the Vacancy of the Church of Rochester,* 5.101 by the remove of Rid∣ley, the Arch-bishop committed the Spiritualities to William Cook, LL. D. April 18.

The Nobility and Gentry this Year,* 5.102 flying so much upon the Spoil of the Church, Bucer, by the Arch-bishop's Instigation, as well as his own Inclinations, wrote to the Marquess of Dorset to forbear, disswading him from spoiling the Church of her Maintenance. In which Letter he hath these Expressions. Antiquum dictum est,* 5.103 nemi∣nem posse vere ditari furtis aut rapinis, quibus invaduntur res alienae; multo minus peculatu, quo defraudatur Respublica. Quem igitur habeat sensum Dei, qui dubitet, minimè omnium posse cujusquam opes augeri salutariter Sacrilegiis, quibus acciduntur res Ecclesiasticae? Sunt nimium amplae hae opes, addictae Ecclesiis; & in luxum permulti eas diripiunt. Homines planè otiosi; nec ullam Reip. conferentes utilitatem. Submo∣veantur igitur hi fuci ab Ecclesiae alvearibus, nec depasci permittantur apum labores. Deinde procurentur, ut restitutis passim Scholis nusquam desint Ecclesiarum frugi ministri, &c. That is,

It is an old Saying, No body can grow Rich by the stealing, and taking away of private Peoples Possessions; much less by robbing of the Publick. What Sense therfore hath he of God, that doubts not that his Riches shall en∣crease to good purpose, that commits Sacrilege, and robs the Church of what belongs to it? But it is objected, the Church hath too much, and many spend it in Luxury. The Church-men are idle, and bring no Profit to the Common-Wealth. Let these Drones there∣fore be removed from the Hives of the Church, but let not the Pains of the Bees be eaten up. And then having Schools of good Li∣terature every where restored, let not the Church want sober Mi∣nisters, &c.

A Review was made of the Book of Common-Prayer, about the latter end of the Year, by Arch-bishop Cranmer, and the Bishops. Divers things that savoured too much of Superstition, were endea∣voured to be changed or amended.* 5.104 But there were among them some that made what opposition they could. The Arch-bishop had now by Wilkes, Master of Christ's College, desired Bucer (that great Divine then at Cambridg) that he would take an impartial view of the whole Book, having procured him a Translation of it into Latin, done by Aless, the Learned Scotch Divine, for his understanding of it, and that he should judg, if he thought any thing in the Book might be more explained, agreeable with God's Word, and for better Edifica∣tion of Faith. Bucer in answer sent the Arch-bishop word, first, what his Judgment was of the Book, and then what Course he in∣tended to use in the Examination of it, that he was now to make. He said, That when he first came into England, and by the help of an Interpreter took some knowledg of the Rites and Doctrines of this Church, that he might see whether he could join his Ministry with it,* 5.105 he thanked God,

That had inclined the Officers of the Church to reform the Ceremonies to that degree of Purity; and that he found nothing in them that was not taken out of the Word of God, or at least was not repugnant to it, being fitly taken. For some few things there were, added he, that unless they were candidly interpreted, might seem not so sufficiently agreeable with the Word of God.

As for what he was now to do in order to the fulfilling what the Arch-bishop required of him, he intended in short Notes, at every Chapter of the Book, to observe what he thought to be according to God's Word, and to be retained and vindicated; what to be taken away or mended, and what to be more plainly explained and allowed. After his perusal of the Book, he gave this Judgment in general;* 5.106

That in the Description of the Communion and daily Prayers, he saw nothing enjoined in the Book, but what was a∣greeable to the Word of God, either in Word, as the Psalms and Lessons; or in Sense, as the Collects. Also that the Manner of their Lessons and Prayers, and the Times of using them, were con∣stituted very agreeable, both with God's Word, and the Observa∣tion of the Ancient Churches. And therefore that that Book ought to be retained and vindicated with the greatest strictness.

What particular Animadversions the said Learned Man made upon the Book, may be seen in his Scripta Anglicana, and in the Bishop of Sarum's History, as he hath there abridged them. And such a Defe∣rence was given to his Judgment, that most of the things that he excepted against were corrected accordingly. And that the Book might be the more exact, and perhaps be the more agreeable to the Doctrine and Practice of Foreign Churches, the Arch-bishop recom∣mended the diligent examination of it unto another great Divine, Peter Martyr, who was now at Lambeth; the Arch-bishop desiring him to note what he thought good concerning the Book, and because he knew not the Language, the Version of Sir Iohn Cheke (who had also translated it into Latin) was given him. He was also requested to set down in writing what he thought deserved Correction. And he accordingly made his Annotations.

Martyr agreed clearly in Judgment with Bucer about the Book, as he wrote to him in a Letter sent him to Cambridg, extant among Arch-bishop Parker's Manuscripts.* 5.107 On the back-side of which Let∣ter is written, by that Arch-bishop's own Hand, Censura libri com∣munium precum. In this Letter Martyr told Bucer, that the same things that he disapproved of, the same likewise had he [P. Mar∣tyr] done. And that afterward he drew them up into Articles, and shewed them to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury. That to all that Bu∣cer judged ought to be amended, he had subscribed; and that he thanked God, that had given occasion to admonish the Bishops of these things. From this Letter it appears, that the Arch-bishop had told Martyr, that in the Conference among the Divines, concerning the Correction of these Publick Prayers, it was concluded to make many Alterations. But what those things were, as the Arch-bishop told him not, so neither, as he wrote, did he dare to ask him. But what Cheke told him, did not a little refresh him; viz.

That if they themselves would not change what ought to be changed, the King would do it of himself; and when they came to a Parliament, the King would interpose his Majesty's own Authority.

CHAP. XVII. Hoper's Troubles.

IN the Month of Iuly, Iohn Hoper,* 5.108 who had lived long abroad in Germany and in Switzerland, and conversed much with Bullin∣ger and Gual••er, the chief Reformers there, but returned into Eng∣land in King Edward's Reign, and retained by the Duke of Somerset, and a famous Preacher in the City, was nominated by the King to the Bishoprick of Gloucester. But by reason of certain Scruples of Conscience he made to the wearing of the old Pontifical Habits, as the Chimere and Rochet, and such-like, and disliking the Oath cu∣stomarily taken, he was not Consecrated till eight Months after, and endured not a little Trouble in the mean Season. Soon after his nomination, he repaired to the Arch-bishop, desiring him in these things to dispense with him. But the Arch-bishop, for certain Rea∣sons, refused it. Then was the Arch-bishop solicited by great Men. The Earl of Warwick, afterwards the great Duke of Northumberland, wrote to him a Letter dated Iuly 23, the Bearer whereof was Hoper himself, that the rather at his Instance he would not charge the Bishop Elect of Gloucester with an Oath burthenous to his Conscience. Which was, I suppose, the Oath of Canonical Obedience. And when Hoper had sued to the King, either to discharge him of the Bi∣shoprick, or that he might be dispensed with in the Ceremonies used in Consecration, (which he knew the Arch-bishop could not do, no more than to dispense with the Laws of the Land, whereby he should run into a Premunire) the King wrote a Letter to Cranmer, dated Aug. 5, therein freeing him of all manner of Dangers, Penalties and Forfeitures that he might incur by omitting those Rites; but yet (by any thing that appears in the Letter) without any urging or per∣swasion

used to the Arch-bishop to omit the said Rites, leaving that to his own Discretion. But the Arch-bishop thought the King's bare Letters were not sufficient to secure him against established Laws.

* 5.109When this would not do, then endeavour was used to satisfy Ho∣per's Conscience. And Ridley, Bishop now of London, was thought, for his great Learning, to be a fit Person to confer with him. There were long Arguings between them, and at last it came to some Heats. And Hoper still remained resolved not to comply, holding it, if not unlawful, yet highly inexpedient, to use those very Vestments that the Papal Bishops used. The Council upon this sent for Hoper, and because they would in no wise the stirring up of Controversies be∣tween Men of one Profession, willed him to cease the Occasion hereof. Hoper humbly besought them, that for Declaration of his Doings, he might put in Writing such Arguments as moved him to be of the Opinion he held. Which was granted him. These Argu∣ments it seems were communicated to Ridley to answer. And Octo∣ber the 6th,* 5.110 the Council being then at Richmond, the Arch-bishop present, they wrote to the Bishop of London, commanding him to be at Court on Sunday next, and to bring with him what he should for Answer think convenient.

* 5.111In the mean time, to bring the Question to more Evidence and Sa∣tisfaction, the Arch-bishop according to his Custom, to consult in Religious Matters with the learnedest Men of other Nations, wrote to Cambridg to Martin Bucer for his Judgment. Who upon occasion of this Controversy, wrote two Epistles; one to Hoper, and ano∣ther to the Arch-bishop, both de re Vestiariâ. That to the latter was in answer to these two Queries, which Cranmer had sent for his Re∣solution about.

* 5.112I. Whether, without offending of God, the Ministers of the Church of England may use those Garments which are now used, and prescribed to be used by the Magistrates?

II. Whether he that affirms it Unlawful, or refuseth to use these Garments, sinneth against God, because he saith that is Unclean which God hath sanctified; and against the Magistrate, who com∣mandeth a political Order?

* 5.113Bucer to both these Questions, gave his Resolution in the Affirma∣tive, in his Answer to the Arch-bishop, dated Decemb. 8. But he thought, considering how the Habits had been Occasion to some of Superstition, and to others of Contention, that it were better, at some good Opportunity, wholly to take them away.

* 5.114Besides Bucer's Letter to Hoper from Cambridg, mentioned before, P. Martyr from Oxon wrote him a large Letter, dated Novemb. 4. For both these good Men were desirous that Hoper should have Satisfaction, that so useful a Man might come in place in the Church. To both these Hoper had wrote, and sent his Arguments against the Episcopal Vestments, by a Messenger dispatched on purpose. Martyr told him,

That he took much delight in that singular and ardent Study that appeared in him,* 5.115 that Christian Religion might again aspire to a chaste and pure Simplicity. That for his part he could be very hardly brought off from that simple and pure Way, which he knew they used a great while at Strasburgh, where the difference of Gar∣ments

in Holy Things was taken away. And so he prayed God it might continue. Thus he said, Hoper might see that, in the Sum, they both agreed together; he wishing for that which Hoper endeavoured. That in Rites, he was for coming as near as possi∣ble to the Sacred Scripture, and for taking Pattern by the better Times of the Church. But yet that he could not be brought by his Arguments, to think that the use of Garments was destructive, or in their own Nature contrary, to the Word of God: A Matter which he thought to be altogether 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And that therefore indifferent Things, as they were sometimes to be taken away, so might be used. And that if he had thought this were wicked, he would never have communicated with the Church of England. That there might be some great Good follow from the use at pre∣sent of the Garments; namely, that if we suffered the Gospel to be first preached, and well rooted, Men would afterwards better and more easily be perswaded to let go these outward Customs. But now when a Change is brought in of the necessary Heads of Religion, and that with so great difficulty, if we should make those things that are indifferent to be impious, so we might alie∣nate the Minds of all; that they would not endure to hear solid Doctrine, and receive the necessary Ceremonies. That there was no doubt England owed much to him, for his great pains in Preach∣ing and Teaching. And in return he had gained much Favour and Authority in the Realm, whereby he was in a Capacity of do∣ing much Good to the Glory of God. Only he bad Hoper take heed, that by unseasonable and too bitter Sermous, he became not an Hindrance to himself. Besides, that by looking upon these in∣different Things as sinful and destructive, we should condemn ma∣ny Gospel-Churches, and too sharply tax very many which an∣ciently were esteemed most famous and celebrated.

And whereas there were two Arguments that made Hoper ready to charge the use of these Vestments to be not indifferent,* 5.116 he proceeded to consider them. One was this;

That this would be to call back again the Priesthood of Aaron. The other, That they were In∣ventions of Antichrist; and that we ought to be estranged, not only from the Pope, but from all his Devices.

But as to the former he shewed him,

That the Apostles,* 5.117 for Peace-sake, commanded the Gentiles to abstain from Blood and Fornication; which were Aaronical Customs. And so are Tithes for the maintenance of the Clergy. Psalms and Hymns can scarce be shewn to be commanded in the New Testament, to be sung in publick Assemblies, which are very manifest to be used in the Old. That there are not a few things that our Church hath borrowed from the Mosaical Decrees; and that even from the very first Times. The Festivals of the Resurrection, of the Nativity, of Pentecost, and of the Death of Christ, are all Footsteps of the Old Law. And are they to be therefore abolished? He wished with all his Heart, that the Churches in Germany by this one Loss might obtain their former Liberty.

As to the second Argument, He could not see how it could be as∣serted upon good Grounds, that nothing is to be used by us, that is

observed in the Popish Religion. We must take heed, that the Church of God be not prest with too much Servitude, that it may not have liberty to use any thing that belonged to the Pope. Our Ancestors took the Idol-Temples, and used them for Sacred Houses to worship Christ. And the Revenues that were Consecrated to the Gentile Gods, and to the Games of the Theatre, and of the Vestal Virgins, were made use of for the maintenance of the Mi∣nisters of the Church; when these before had served not only to Antichrist, but to the Devil. Nor could he presently grant, that these Differences of Garments had their Original from the Pope. For we read in Ecclesiastical History, that Iohn at Ephesus wore a Petalum [a Mitre]. And Pontius Diaconus saith of Cyprian, that when he went to be Executed, he gave his † 5.118 Birrus to the Execu∣tioner, his * 5.119 Dalmatica to the Deacons, and stood in Linnen. And Chrysostom makes mention of the white Garments of Mini∣sters. And the Ancients witness, that when the Christians came to Christ, they changed their Garments, and for a Gown put on a Cloak; for which when they were mocked by the Heathens, Tertullian wrote a Learned Book De Pallio. And he knew Hoper was not ignorant, that to those that were initiated in Baptism, was delivered a white Garment. Therefore before the Tyranny of the Pope, there was a Distinction of Garments in the Church.

Nor did he think, that in case it were granted, that it was in∣vented by the Pope, that the iniquity of Popery was so great, that whatsoever it touched was so dyed and polluted thereby, that good and godly Men might not use it to any holy purpose. Hoper himself granted, that every humane Invention was not therefore presently to be Condemned. It was an humane Invention to communicate before Dinner: it was an humane Invention, that the things sold in the Primitive Church were brought and laid at the Apostles Feet. That he was ready to confess with him that these Garments were an humane Invention, and of themselves edified not; but it was thought by some conducive, to be born with for a time: For that it might be a cause of avoiding those Contentions, whereby greater Benefits might be in danger to be obstructed. But that if hence an occasion of Erring might be given to the Weak, they were to be admonished, that they should hold these things indifferent: and they were to be taught in Sermons, that they should judg not God's Worship to be placed in them.

Hoper had writ, that the Eyes of the Standers-by, by reason of these Garments,* 5.120 would be turned away from thinking of serious things, and detained in gazing upon them. But this would not happen when the Garments were simple and plain, without Brave∣ry, and such as hitherto were used in the Service of God. But Martyr answered,

That Use and Custom would take away Ad∣miration. And perhaps when the People were moved with Ad∣miration, they would the more attentively think of those things that are serious. For which end, he said, the Sacraments seemed to be invented, that from the Sight and Sense of them we might be carried to think of Divine Things.

Hoper urged moreover, That whatsoever was not of Faith, was Sin. But said Martyr,

That we may enjoy a quiet Conscience in our Doings, that of the Apostle seems much to tend,* 5.121 and that to the Clean all things are clean, saith the same Apostle to Titus; and to Timothy, that every Creature of God is good.

He urged also,

That we ought to have express Scripture for what we do in holy things. But Martyr was not of that Mind, But that that was enough in general, to know by Faith, that in∣different things cannot defile those who act with a pure and sin∣cere Mind and Conscience.

And this was the substance of P. Martyr's Judgment of these things. Which might give much light to that Reverend Man in this Controversy, though he was not yet convinced, nor could comply.

As Hoper all this while refused the Habits,* 5.122 so we may conjecture by a Passage in the former Letter, that he liberally declamed against them in the London Pulpits. For Martyr takes notice to him of his unseasonable, and too bitter Sermons. Whether it were for this, or his incompliance, or both together, I know not, but at length he was, by the Privy-Counsel commanded to keep his House;* 5.123 unless it were to go to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, or the Bishops of Ely, London or Lincoln, for Counsel and Satisfaction of his Conscience; and neither to Preach nor Read, till he had further Licence from the Council. But notwithstanding this Command, he kept not his House, and writ a Book and Printed it, intituled, A Confession of his Faith: Written in such a manner, that it gave more distaste, and wherein was contained Matter he should not have written. He went about also complaining of the King's Councellors; as Martyr wrote in a private Letter to Bucer.

On Ianuary the 13th. The Court then at Greenwich,* 5.124 he appeared there before the Council, (the Arch-bishop being then present,) touching the matter of not wearing the Apparel, and for disobeying the Council. Who for this Disobedience, and for that he continued in his former Opinion of not wearing the Apparel prescribed for Bishops to wear, committed him to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Custody, either there to be reformed, or further punished, as the obstinacy of his Cause required.

Being with the Arch-bishop he did his endeavour to satisfy him.* 5.125 But Hoper was as immoveable to whatsoever the said ABp could propound and offer, as he was before with Ridley. So the Arch-bishop signi∣fied to the Council, that he could bring him to no Conformity,* 5.126 but that he declared himself for another way of Ordination, than was established. The Effect of this was, that on Ianuary 27, Upon this Letter of the Arch-bishop,

That Hoper could not be brought to any Conformity, but rather persevering in his Obstinacy (they are the words of the Council-Book) coveted to prescribe Orders and ne∣cessary Laws of his Head, it was agreed that he should be commit∣ted to the Fleet.

And a Letter was drawn for the Arch-bishop to send Mr. Hoper to the Fleet upon the occasion aforesaid: and ano∣ther Letter to the Warden of the Fleet to receive him, and to keep him from the Conference with any Person, saving the Ministers of that House. This Disobedience of Hoper to the Council's Orders

will make the severity of the Council less liable to censure. Neither was Cranmer any other ways instrumental to Hoper's Impri∣sonment, than by doing that which was expected from him, viz. giving a true Account of his unsuccessful dealing with him. But at last he complied,* 5.127 and received Consecration after the usual Form: and the Church enjoyed a most excellent Instrument in him at this time, for his Learning, Zeal, Courage and Activity.

* 5.128This News Peter Martyr signified in a Letter to Gualter. For he and Bullinger, and the rest of his Friends at Zurick, had heard of this Contention, and were much concerned for this their Acquaintance. But as he was Consecrated in March, so in April following Martyr wrote to the said Gualter,

That he had never been wanting to Hoper [whether in his Counsel for satisfying his Conscience, or in respect of his Interest with the Arch-bishop or other chief Men,] and that he always hoped well of his Cause. That he now was freed of all his troubles, and that he was actually in his Bishoprick, and did discharge his Office piously and strenuously.

This was the more acceptable News to the Foreigners, because some of the Bishops took occasion, upon this Disobedience of Hoper, liberally to blame the Churches abroad, among which Hoper had been, as tho they had infused these principles into him: and then fell foul up∣on Bucer and Martyr, that were set the one Professor in Cambridg, and the other in Oxon; as though they would corrupt all the Youth in both Universities: who would suck in from them such Princi∣ples, as Hoper had done. This Bucer heard of, and writ it with a concern to Mar••••r. Who writ again, how amazed and almost stu∣pified he was to hear this. But that it was well, that the Bishops saw his Letter to Hoper, which would vindicate him from such Im∣putations. And indeed both his and Bucer's Letter, concerning this point, did or might seasonably stop this Clamour.

CHAP. XVIII. Bishop Hoper Visits his Diocess.

* 5.129THE Summer next after his Consecration, he went down and made a strict Visitation of his Diocess, fortified with Letters from the Privy-Council; that so his Authority might be the greater, and do the more good among an ignorant, superstitious, stubborn Clergy and Laity. I have seen a Manuscript in Folio, giving an Ac∣count of the whole Visitation, of the Method thereof, and of the Condition he found the Clergy of the Diocess in, as to their Learn∣ing and Abilities. First, He sent a general Monitory Letter to his Clergy, signifying his Intention of coming among them; gravely advising them of their Office, and what was required of them who were entred into this Holy Vocation. This Letter may be found in the Appendix.* 5.130 When he visited them, he gave them Articles con∣cerning Christian Religion, to the number of Fifty; which bore this Title, Articles concerning Christen Religion, given by the Reverend Father in Christ, John Hoper Bishop of Gloucester, unto all and sin∣gular

Deans, Parsons, Prebendaries, Vicars, Curats, and other Eccle∣siastical Ministers within the Diocess of Glocester, to be had and retained of them, for the Vnity and Agreement, as well as the Doctrine of God's Word, as also for the Conformation of the Ceremonies agreeing with God's Word. Let me give the Reader but a taste of them.

I. That none do teach any manner of thing to be necessary for the Salvation of Man,* 5.131 other than what is contained in the Books of God's Holy Word.

II. That they faithfully teach and instruct the People commit∣ted unto their Charge, that there is but one God, Everlasting, In∣corporate, Almighty, Wise and Good, the Maker of Heaven and Earth, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ; by whom also he will be called upon by us. And though one God in Essence and Unity in the Godhead, yet in the same Unity three distinct Persons.

III. That they teach all the Doctrines contained in the three Creeds.

IV. That they teach, that the Church of God is the Congre∣gation of the Faithful, wherein the Word of God is truly preached, and the Sacraments justly ministred, according to the Institution of Christ. And that the Church of God is not by God's Word taken for the Multitude or Company of Men, as of Bishops, Priests, and such other; but that it is the company of all Men hearing God's Word, and obeying to the same; lest that any Man should be seduced, believing himself to be bound unto an ordinary Suc∣cession of Bishops and Priests, but only unto the Word of God, and the right use of his Sacraments.

V. That tho the true Church cannot err from the Faith; yet nevertheless, forasmuch as no Man is free from Sin, and Lies, there is, nor can be any Church known, be it never so perfect or holy, but it may err. These are the five first.

Then he gave them Injunctions to the number of one and thirty; Seven and twenty Interrogatories and Demands of the People and Pa∣rishioners, and of their Conversation,* 5.132 to be required and known by the Parsons, Vicars and Curats. Sixty one Interrogatories and Exa∣minations of the Ministers, and of their Conversation, to be requi∣red and known by the Parishioners. There were also Articles, whereupon all Ministers were examined concerning the Ten Com∣mandments, the Articles of Faith, and the Petitions of the Lord's Prayer, viz. to each Minister were these Questions put;

• 1. Concerning the Commandments,
  • 1. How many Commandments.
  • 2. Where they are written.
  • 3. Whether they can recite them by Heart.
• 2. Concerning the Christian Faith,
  • 1. What are the Articles of the Christian Faith.
  • 2. Whether they can recite them by Heart.
  • 3. That they corroborate them by Authority of Script.
• 3. Concerning the Lord's Prayer,
  • 1. Whether they can say the Petitions by Heart.
  • 2. How they know it to be the Lord's Prayer.
  • 3. Where it is written.

Which Demands, how easy soever they were, many Curats and Priests (such was the Ignorance of those Days) could say but little to. Some could say the Pater Noster in Latin, but not in English. Few could say the Ten Commandments. Few could prove the Articles of Faith by Scripture. That was out of their way.

The Memory of such as have been greatly useful in the Church or State, ought religiously to be preserved. Of this Number was this Bishop, who as he was naturally an active Man, put forth all his Strength and Vigour of Body and Mind, to set forward a good Re∣formation in Religion, and afterwards as couragiously shed his Blood for it.

* 5.133Therefore I cannot part with this good Prelat till I have gathered up and reposited here some farther Memorials of him. The Diocess of Worcester becoming void by the Deprivation of Hethe in Octob. 1551. and requiring an industrious Man to be set over that See, it was given to Hoper to hold in Commendam. In the Year 1552, in Iuly, he vi∣sited that Diocess, which he found much out of Order. But before he had finished, he was fain to go back to Glocester, hearing of the ungodly Behaviour of the Ministers there. He left them the last Year seemingly very compliant to be reformed, and took their Sub∣scription to his Articles of Religion. But in his absence, when his Back was turned, they became as bad altogether as they were before. Yet he conceived good hopes of the Lay-people, if they had but good Justices and faithful Ministers placed among them, as he wrote to Secretary Cecyl. To whom he signified his Desire, that the Articles of Religion, which the King had mentioned to him when last at London, were set forth. Them he intended to make the Clergy, not only subscribe, (which being privately done, he saw they re∣garded not) but to read and confess them openly before their Pa∣rishioners. At his Visitation he constituted certain of his Clergy Su∣perintendants, who in his absence were to have a constant Eye over the Inferior Clergy.

* 5.134After this Visit to Glocester, he returned back again to VVorcester in October, and then proceeded in his Visitation there. Here Iohnson and Iollisf, two Canons of this Church, disallowing some Doctrines, recommended to them by the Bishop, (in his Articles abovesaid) held a Dispute thereupon with him, and Mr. Harley, (who was af∣terward Bishop of Hereford.) And one of these, behaved himself most insolently and disrespectfully to both. The Bishop sent up by Harley, a large Relation of his Visitation in writing, and the Matter these Canons misliked, and recommended Harley to the Secretary to give Account of the Disputation. This caused him to break out into a Complaint, for want of good Men in the Cathedrals.

Ah! Mr. Secretary, that there were good Men in the Cathedral Churches! God then should have much more Honour than he hath, the King's Majesty more Obedience, and the poor People better Knowledg. But the Realm wanteth Light in such Churches, whereas of right it ought most to be.

In Worcester Church he now put in execu∣tion the King's Injunctions for the removal of Superstition. For which there arose a great Clamour against him, as though he had

spoiled the Church, and yet he did no more than the express Words of the Injunctions commanded to be done.

After his Visitation was over, he accounted not his Work done;* 5.135 but soon went over both his Diocesses again, to take account of his Clergy, how they profited since his last examining them; and to oversee even his Superintendents themselves, to commend their Well-doings, and to see what was ill done. So great was his Pains and Zeal; which made him most truly and experimentally write as he did to the Secretary:

There is none that eat their Bread in the sweat of their Face, but such as serve in Publick Vocation. Yours is wonderful, but mine passeth. Now I perceive that private La∣bours be but Plays, nor private Troubles but Ease and Quietness.

These Matters I extract from two Original Letters of this Bishop to Secretary Cecyl; which I have thought well worthy of preserving in the Appendix; and there they may be met with.* 5.136

Whereas it was mentioned before,* 5.137 how the Bishop had sent up a Writing of the Matters in Controversy, between the two Canons and himself, we may see what Care the Council took hereof, and what Countenance they gave the Bishop, by an Order they made Novemb. 6. 1552. Which was, that a Letter should be wrote to Mr. Cheke and Mr. Harley, to consider certain Books sent unto them touching Matters of Religion in Controversy, between the Bishop of VVorcester, and two of the Canons of VVorcester, and to certify their Opinion hither, that further Order may be therein taken.

Ian. 29. 1551.* 5.138 Upon suit made by the Dutchess of Somerset to Sir Philip Hobby, and Mr. Darcy Lieutenant of the Tower, to be a Mean unto the King's Majesty, and my Lords, that the Bishop of Glocester, (who had been Chaplain unto the Duke) might be suffered to have access unto her for the settling of her Conscience; Order was by their Lordships taken for the same, and a Letter written to the Lieutenant of the Tower in that behalf, as followeth;

To the Lieutenant of the Tower, to permit the Bishop of Glocester, from time to time, to speak with the Dutchess of Somerset, in the presence of Sir Phi∣lip Hobby, and of the said Lieutenant: And in case the said Lady of Somerset desire to speak with the said Bishop apart, that in that case they license her so to do.

May 29, 1552.* 5.139 A Warrant to make a Book to the Elect Bishop of VVorcester and Glocester, of discharge of the first Fruits and Tenths to be paid for the same, in consideration, that he hath departed with certain Lands to the King's Majesty. Which probably he seeing would, whether he would or no, be pulled away from him, to be conferred upon some of the Mighty of the Court, made the best of a bad Market, and got himself freed from that Charge payable to the King.

April 12, 1553. A Letter was wrote to the Chancellor of the Augmentations, to cause a Book to be made from the Bishop of Wor∣cester and Glocester, of a Surrender to the King's Majesty of his Juris∣diction in the Forest of Dean, with a certain Deanery, which of right belongeth to the Bishoprick of Hereford. And thereupon to make another Book of the Grant thereof from his Highness to Mr. Harley Elect Bishop of Hereford.

April 16, 1553. A Letter to the Chancellor of the Agumentati∣ons, to cause a Book to be devised in form of Law, Licensing the Bp of Worcester and Glocester, to give to three poor Vicarages in his Diocess, the Parsonages whereof are impropriated to his Bishoprick, such Augmentation of Living towards their better Maintenance, as he shall think convenient, out of the Lands of the said See.

April 25, 1553. A Warrant to the Receiver of the Wards, to de∣liver to the Bishop of Worcester, by way of Reward, twenty Pounds for his Attendance here ever since the Parliament by his Majesty's Commandment.

These are Transcriptions out of a Council-Book.

CHAP. XIX. Troubles of Bishop Gardiner.

IN this Year 1550, the Council and our Arch-bishop had much trouble, with some other Bishops also, of a quite different Judg∣ment from the above-spoken of; I mean Gardiner Bishop of Win∣chester, Nicolas Bishop of Worcester, and Day Bishop of Chichester. Of whom what I shall here briefly set down, are for the most part Extractions out of an old Council-Book, and K. Edward's Journal.

At Greenwich, June 8. was this Order of Council concerning Bishop Gardiner,* 5.140

Considering the long Imprisonment that the Bishop of Winchester hath sustained, it was now thought time he should be spoken withal; and agreed, that if he repented his former Ob∣stinacy, and would henceforth apply himself to advance the King's Majesty's Proceedings, His Highness in this Case would be his good Lord, and remit all his Errors passed. Otherwise his Ma∣jesty was resolved to proceed against him as his Obstinacy and Contempt required. For the Declaration whereof, the Duke of Somerset, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Privy-Seal, the Lord great Chamberlain, and Mr. Secretary Petre, were appointed the next Day [i. e. Iune 9.] to repair unto him. Signed by E. Somerset. T. Cant. W. Wilts. I. Bedford. E. Clynton. T. Ely. A. Wyngfeld. W. Herbert. W. Petre. Edw. North.

Accordingly, Iune 9. The Duke of Somerset, the Marquess of Northampton, the Lord Treasu∣rer, the Earl of Bedford, and Secretary Petre, went to the Bishop of Winchester, to know what he would stick to; Whether to conform to, and promote the King's Laws, or no? He answered,

That he would obey and set forth all things set forth by the King and Par∣liament. And if he were troubled in Conscience, he would reveal it to the Council, and not reason openly against it.

And then he desired to see the King's Book of Proceedings. At Greenwich, Iune 10. Report was made by the Duke of Somerset and the rest, sent to the Bishop of Winchester, that he desired to see the said Book. The next day were the Books sent to him, and delivered to him by the Lieutenant of the Tower, as the Council appointed, to see if he would set his Hand to them, and promise to set them forth to the People. At Greenwich, Iune 13. the Lieutenant of the Tower, de∣clared unto the Council, that the Bishop, having perused the Books

of the Proceedings, said unto him. He could make no direct answer, unless he were at Liberty, and so being, he would say his Conscience. On the 14th Day, the Duke of Somerset, and five more of the Coun∣cil again repaired to the Bishop, to whom he made this Answer;

I have deliberately seen the Book of Common-Prayer. Altho I would not have made it so my self, yet I find such things in it, as satisfy my Conscience. And therefore I will both execute it my self, and also see others my Parishioners to do it.

And this the Councellors testified under their Hands, as his Saying.

Iuly the 9th. There were certain Articles drawn up,* 5.141 signed by King and Council, for the Bishop to subscribe; which contained the Confession of his Fault, the Supremacy of the King and his Succes∣sors; the establishing of Holy Days, or dispensing with them to be in the King; the Service-Book to be Godly and Christian; the acknowledgment of the King to be Supream Head, and to submit to him and his Laws under Age; the abolishing the Six Articles; and the King's Power of correcting and reforming the Church. These Articles, together with a Letter from the King, the Earl of Warwick Lord great Master, the Lord S. Iohn Lord Treasurer, Sir William Herbert Master of the Horse, and Secretary Petre, carried to the Bishop, requiring him to sign them. Which he did, only making exception to the first.

Iuly 10. The said Lords made report unto the Council, that they had delivered the King's Letter unto the Bishop, together with the Articles. Unto all which Articles he subscribed thus with his own Hand, Stev. Winton, saving the first. Against which he wrote in the Margin these words, I cannot in my Conscience confess the Preface, knowing my self to be of that sort I am indeed, and ever have been. To which Articles, thus subscribed by the Bishop, these of the Council wrote their Names, E. Somers. W. Wilts, I. Warwick, I. Bedford, W. Northampton, E. Clynton, G. Cobham, William Paget, W. Herbert, W. Petre, Edw. North.

Iuly 11. at Westminster, This was brought to the Council. And his boggling in this manner at the Confession displeased the King, that being the principal Point. But to the intent he should have no just cause to say he was not mercifully handled, it was agreed, that Sir VVilliam Herbert and the Secretary should go the next day to him to tell him, that the King marvelled he refused to put his Hand to the Confession. And that if the words thereof seemed too sore, then to refer it to himself, in what sort, and with what words he should devise to submit himself; That upon the acknowledg∣ment of his Fault, the King might extend his Mercy towards him, as was determined.

Iuly 13. Sir VVilliam Herbert and the Secretary reported, that the Bishop stood precisely in his own Justification. He said,* 5.142

That he could not subscribe to the Confession, because he was Innocent, and also because the Confession was but the preface to the Articles.

Upon this it was agreed by the Council, that a new Book of Ar∣ticles, and a new Submission should be devised for the Bishop to sub∣scribe. And the Bishop of London, Secretary Petre, Mr. Cecyl, and Goodrick, a Common Lawyer, were commanded to make these

Articles according to Law. And then for the more authentick pro∣ceeding with the Bishop, the two former Persons were again to re∣sort to him with the new Draught, and to take with them a Di∣vine, which was the Bishop of London, and a Lawyer which was Goodrick. These Articles were 22 in Number, and to this Tenor,

That King Henry VIII. had justly supprest Monasteries; That persons may Marry, who are not prohibited to contract Matri∣mony by the Levitical Law, without the Bishop of Rome's Di∣spensation. That vowing or going Pilgrimages were justly abolished; the Conterfeyting S. Nicholas, St. Clement, &c. was mere Mockery. That it is convenient that the Scriptures should be in English. That the Late King, and the present, did upon just ground, take into their Hands Chauntries, which were for main∣tenance of private Masses. That private Masses were justly taken away by the Statutes of the Realm, and the Communion placed instead thereof, is very Godly. That it is convenient, that the Sacrament should be received in both Kinds. That the Mass, where the Priest doth only receive, and others look on, is but the Invention of Man. That it was upon good and Godly Conside∣ration ordered in the Book, that the Sacrament should not be lifted up, and shewed to the People to be adored. That it is politickly and godly done, that Images in Churches, and Mass-Books were enacted to be abolished. That Bishops, Priests and Deacons have no Commandment in the Law of God to vow Cha∣stity, or abstain from Marriage. And that all Canons and Con∣stitutions which do prohibit Marriage to the Clergy, be justly taken away by Parliament. That the Homilies and the Forms set forth of making Arch-bishops, Bishops, Priests and Deacons, are Godly and wholsome, and ought to be received. That the Orders of Subdeacon, Benet and Colet, &c. be not necessary, and justly left out in the Book of Orders. That the Holy Scriptures contain sufficiently all Doctrines necessary to Salvation. That upon good and godly Consideration it was injoined that Erasmus's Paraphrases should be set up in Churches. And that it was the King's Pleasure, that the Bishop should affirm these Articles by Subscription of his Hand, and declare himself willing to publish and preach the same.

These Articles were brought to the Bishop by the Master of the Horse, and Secretary Petre, with the Bishop of London and Goodrick. To whom the Bishop answered,

That he would not consent to the Article of Submission; Praying to be brought to his Trial, and desired nothing but Justice. And for the rest of the Articles, when he was at Liberty, then it should appear what he would do in them, it not being reasonable he should subscribe them in Prison.

This being reported to the Council, Iuly 15, it was agreed, that he should be sent for before the whole Council, and examined, Whe∣ther he would stand at this Point? Which if he did, then to de∣nounce the Sequestration of his Benefice for three Months, with intimation, if he reformed not in that space, to deprive him. This Order was Signed by Somerset, Wilts, Bedford, Clynton, Paget, Wyngfield, Herbert.

Iuly 19. The Bishop of VVynton was brought before the Coun∣cil; and there the Articles before mentioned were read unto him distinctly. Whereunto he refused either to subscribe or consent:* 5.143 Answering in these words,

That in all things his Majesty would command him, he was willing and most ready to obey; but foras∣much as there were divers things required of him, which his Conscience would not bear, therefore he prayed them to have him excused.

And thereupon Secretary Petre, by the Council's Or∣der proceeded to read the Sequestration. Thus fairly and calmly was this Bishop dealt with by the King and his Council, from Iune 8. to Iuly 19. And notwithstanding this Sentence, the Council favo∣rably ordered, that the Bishop's House and Servants should be maintained in their present State, until the expiration of the three Months; and that the Matter in the mean time should be kept secret.

The three Months expired Octob. 19. but with such Clemency was he used, that it was November 23,* 5.144 before his Business was re∣newed. And then,* 5.145 considering the time of his Intimation was long sithence expired, it was agreed, that the Bishop of Ely, Mr. Secre∣tary Petre, Dr. May and Dr. Glynne, all Learned in the Civil Law, should substantially confer upon the Matter: and upon Tuesday next, the 26th day of this present, to certify unto the Council, what was to be done duly by order of the Law in this Case. And now the Arch-bishop of Canterbury began to be concerned in this troublesome Business. A Commission, dated Decemb. 12, was issued out from the King, to the said Arch-bishop, and to the Bishops of London, Ely, Lincoln, to Sir VVilliam Petre, Sir Iames Hales, and some other Lawyers, to call the said Bishop of VVinchester before them, and, continuing in his Contempt, to proceed to deprive him.

December 14. The Lieutenant of the Tower was ordered to bring the Bishop on Monday next to Lambeth before my Lord of Canterbu∣ry, and other Commissioners, upon his Cause: and likewise upon their Appointment to bring him thither from day to day, at times by them prefixed.

December 15, was the day of VVinchester's first Appearance.* 5.146 The Business done this Session, was the opening and reading the Com∣mission, and after that, divers Articles against the Bishop. Who then made a Speech. Wherein first, He protested against these his Judges, and excepted against their Commission; and required this his Protestation to be entred into the Acts of the Court. Then de∣siring a Copy of the Commission, it was granted him, together with that of the Articles too, to make his Answers to. Next, the Archbishop gave him his Oath to make true Answer. Which he took still with his Protestation. Then the Bishop desiring Counsel, the Arch-bishop and the rest not only granted his Request, but allowed him whomsoever he should name. Which was the next Day allowed also by an Order of Council. Certain honourable Persons were deposed, and sworn for Witnesses, as Sir Anthony Wing∣field Controller of the Houshold, Sir William Cecyl Secretary, Sir Rafe Sadleir, Sir Edward North, Dr. Cox Almoner, and others. The Bishop also protested against them, and the Swearing of them.

At this first Sessions he had also said, in the hearing of a great Mul∣titude present, concerning the Duke of Somerset and some other Privy-Counsellors, sent to him in the Tower,

That they had made an end with him before, for all the matters for which he was committed. In so much that he verily thought he should never have heard any more of it.

* 5.147This, coming soon to the Ears of these Nobles, highly offended them, as reporting falsely of them. So that to justify themselves in as publick a manner, the next Sessions they sent their Letter, dated December 17, signed by the Duke of Somerset, the Earls of Wiltshire and Bedford, and Sir Edward North: wherein they denied any such Matter; saying,

That the Bishop defended his Cause with Untruths, and that upon their Fidelities and Honours, his Tale was false and untrue; For that their coming to him in the Tower was to do their endeavour to reclaim him. And they prayed the Commissioners, that for their Vindication, they would cause this their Letter to be publickly read.

Which was accord∣ingly done; though the Bishop, thinking how this would reflect up∣on him, under his former Protestation, laboured hard that he might first be heard, and that he had something to propose, why it should not be read. Which notwithstanding they would not grant.

Ianuary 19. The Council sitting at Greenwich, the Bishop's Ser∣vants came and desired, that certain of them might be sworn upon certain Articles for Witness on his behalf. And if they might not be sworn, that upon their Honours, as they would answer before God, they would witness truly according to their Conscience, and as effectually as if they were sworn upon a Book. And they were allowed.

* 5.148The Bishop to make his Cause the more plausible, as though he were the publick Defender of the Roman Catholick-Church in Eng∣land at this time, laboured to make it believed, that he fell into all this Trouble for the Defence of the Real Presence in the Sacrament, and for maintaining the Catholick Doctrine in a Sermon before the King; and that he made his Book to vindicate himself therein. And therefore in one of his Appearances before the Commissioners, openly in the Court delivered them his Book against Arch-bishop Cranmer, printed in France: and to make it suit the better, he had altered some lines in the beginning of his Book, so as to make it to relate to his present Case. But in truth Gardiner had wrote, and finished his Book before. This Cranmer unvailed in his Answer to this Book of Gardiner's:* 5.149 Saying there,

That he made his Book, before he was called before the Commissioners, as he could prove by a Book under his own Hand-writing; and that he was called before the Commissioners by his own Suit and Procure∣ment, and as it were inforcing the Matter. But indeed the true Cause was, That he was called to Justice for his manifest Con∣tempt and continual Disobedience from time to time, or rather Rebellion against the King's Majesty; and was deprived of his State for the same.

In short, after a greal deal of Pains and Patience, the Bishop was by the Arch-bishop and the rest of the Commissioners deprived, after no less then two and twenty Sessions, held at divers places,* 5.150 that is, from the 15th of December to the 14th of February: though Stow falsely nameth but seven. The Bishop when he saw the Sen∣tence Definitive ready to be pronounced, made an Appeal from them to the King. For his doing which he produced these Reasons. For that these his pretended Judges were not indifferent, but prejudi∣ced against him. That my Lord of Canterbury had caused him to be sent to Prison, (whereas the Arch-bishop was only present at the Council when he was by them ordered to the Tower). And so had Hales, Goodrick and Gosnold counselled to send him thither. Also, that the Arch-bishop and the Bishops of London and Lincoln, did contrary to the Laws Ecclesiastical, and taught and set forth ma∣nifest condemned Errors against the Presence in the Sacrament. And because the Bishop, as well in his Writings, as otherwise, did set forth the Catholick Faith of the very Presence of Christ's Body and Blood: therefore they shewed themselves unduly affected to∣wards him. That Sir William Petre decreed the Fruits of his Bishoprick to be sequestred de facto, sed non de jure, and now was Judg in his own Cause. But notwithstanding this Appeal, the Arch-bishop with the rest of the Commissioners pronounced him Deprived, and his Bishoprick void. After this was done, the Bishop appealed again to the King, instantly, more instantly, most instant∣ly, from their Sentence as Injust, and of no effect in Law; and asked of them Letters Dimissory to be granted to him, and a Copy of the Judgment. But the Judges declared they would first know the pleasure of the King and his Council therein. And so this last Session brake up.

The day after, being the 15th of February,* 5.151 the Council sitting at VVestminster, upon debating the Bishop of VVinton's Case;

Foras∣much as it appeared, he had at all times, before the Judges of his Cause, used himself unreverently to the King's Majesty, and slan∣derfully towards his Council; and especially Yesterday,* 5.152 being the Day of his Judgment given against him, he called his Judges He∣reticks and Sacramentaries, they being there the King's Commissio∣ners, and of his Highness's Council; it was therefore concluded, by the whole Board, that he should be removed from the Lodging he hath now in the Tower, to a meaner Lodging, and none to wait upon him but one, by the Lieutenant's Appointment, in such sort as by the resort of any Man to him, he have not the liberty to send out to any Man, or to hear from any Man. And likewise that his Books and Papers be taken from him, and seen; and that from henceforth he have neither Pen, Ink, nor Paper, to write his dete∣stable Purposes, but be sequestred from all Conferences, and from all means that may serve him to practise any way.

March 8. at VVestminster. This day, by the King's Majesty's own Appointment, Dr. Poynet Bishop of Rochester,* 5.153 was chosen Bishop of VVinchester. And the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had given him 266 l. 13 s. 4 d. (i. e. 400 Marks) for his Pains and Charges about the Bishop of VVinchester. And thus I have, from very Authentick

Authority, gathered together these Memorials of this turbulent haughty Man; who was now so seasonably laid aside in this King's Reign, till we hear of him loudly in the next; when he sufficiently wracked his Revenge against our good Arch-bishop and the true Re∣ligion.

CHAP. XX. Bishop Hethe and Bishop Day, their Deprivations.

* 5.154WHile the aforesaid Bp lay under Sequestrationin the Tower, two other Bps that were wayward to the King's Proceedings in the Reformation of the Church, (viz. of Worcester and Chichester) came under the Hands of the Privy-Council, resolving to make them com∣ply, or deprive them. That others more willing and better affected to Reformation, might succeed and do service in the Church; and that the Arch-bishop might go forward with less Stop and Impediment in the good Work he had dedicated himself unto. Both of them were of the Arch-bishop's raising, and seemed very compliant with the Arch-bishop during K. Henry's Reign. But now both hung off from him, seeming much offended with him for his relinquishing the Doctrine of the Corporeal Presence, and for writing a Book a∣gainst it. Whereof they made mention, with dislike, in their De∣positions in the Bishop of Winchester's Trial before the Commissio∣ners.

* 5.155In the last Year, the Year 1549, Twelve Learned Divines, Bishops and others, were appointed by the Council to prepare a new Book for the Ordination of Ministers, purged of the Superstitions of the old Ordinal. Hethe Bishop of Worcester was nominated for one of these. But he not liking the thing, would not agree to what the others did, nor subscribe the Book when made. For which, in March, he was committed to the Fleet; where he lay under easy Confinement all the next Year, the Year 1550; during which time I find him once produced as a Witness on Bishop Gardiner's behalf.

* 5.156But in the Year 1551, the Court being at Chelsey, and the Council sitting September 22. by virtue of the King's express Command∣ment, Nicol••s Bishop of Worcester was sent for, and came before the Lords and others. To whom was repeated the Cause of his Impri∣sonment to be, For that he refused to subscribe the Book devised for the Form of making Arch-bishops, Bishops, Priests and Deacons, being authorized by Parliament. At the time of which refusal, be∣ing not only gently and reasonably required to subscribe it, but also being manifestly taught by divers other Learned Men, that all Things contained in the Book were Good and True, and that the Book was expedient and allowable, the said Bishop declared himself to be a v••ry obstinate Man. And for this his doing, it was now shewed unto him, that he deserved longer Imprisonment. Never∣theless the King's Majesty's Clemency was such, that now if he had, or would reconcile himself to obey his Majesty in this former Com∣mandment, he should recover the King's Majesty's Favour. For

which Cause it was told him, That he was then presently sent for, and willed now to subscribe the same. Whereunto he answered,

That he took the Cause of his Imprisonment to be as was alleged, and that also he was very gently used, rather like a Son than a Subject. Nevertheless (he said) he remained still in the same mind, not willing to subscribe it, although he would not disobey it.

And although he was reasoned withal by every of the said Council in dis∣proving his manner of answer, that he would not subscribe it, being every thing in the said Book, True and Good; and being devised by eleven other Learned Men, to which he was joined as the twelfth, and received of all the whole Estate of the Realm; agreeing also that he would obey it, not subscribe it, which contained a Contradiction in Reason: Yet he still, as a Man not removeable from his own Con∣ceit, refused to subscribe it. Whereupon to prove all manner of Ways for the winning of him to his Duty, he was offered to have Conference with Learned Men, and to have time to consider the Matter better. Whereunto he said,

That he could not have better Conference than he had heretofore: and well might he have time, but of other Mind he thought never to be: Adding, that there were many other things whereunto he would never consent, if he were demanded, as to take down the Altars and set up Tables.

And in this sort seeing him obstinately settled in Mind not to be con∣formable, he was in the King's Majesty's Name expresly command∣ed and charged to subscribe the same Book before Thursday next fol∣lowing, being the 24th hereof, upon pain of Deprivation of his Bi∣shoprick, to all and singular Effects which might follow thereof. And hearing the Commandment, he resolutely answered,

He could not find in his Conscience to do it, and should be well content to abide such End, either by Deprivation or otherwise, as pleased the King's Majesty.

And so as a Man incorrigible, he was returned to the Fleet. This Order was subscribed by these of the Privy-Council, W. Wilts. I. Warwyck. W. Herbert. W. Cecyl. Io. Mason.

That which gave the Council the first Occasion against Day Bishop of Chichester,* 5.157 was partly his refusal of complying with the Order of changing the Altars in his Diocess into Tables; and partly going down into his Diocess, and there preaching against it,* 5.158 and other Mat∣ters of that nature then in agitation, to the raising of dangerous Tu∣mults and Discontents among the People. This came to the Coun∣cil's Ears; and Octob. 7. this Year, Dr. Cox, the King's Almoner, was ordered to repair into Sussex, to appease the People by his good Doctrine, which were now troubled through the seditious preaching of the Bishop of Chichester and others.

Novemb. 8. The said Bishop appeared before the Council to an∣swer such things as should be objected against him for preaching. And because he denied the words of his Accusation, therefore he was commanded within two days to bring in writing what he preached.

Novemb. 30. This day the Duke of Somerset declared to the Coun∣cil, That the Bishop of Chichester came within two days past,* 5.159 and shewed to him, that he received Letters from the King's Majesty, signed with his Majesty's Hand, and subscribed with the Hands of divers Lords of the Council. The Tenor of which Letter here en∣sueth;

Right Reverend Father in God, &c. [It is the same Letter as is printed in Fox's Acts, about pulling down Altars]; According to this Letter the said Bishop said, He could not conform his Consci∣ence to do that he was by the said Letter commanded; and therefore prayed the said Duke he might be excused. Whereunto the said Duke, for Answer, used divers Reasons moving the said Bishop to do his Duty, and in such things to make no Conscience, where no need is. Nevertheless the said Bishop would not be removed from his former Opinion. Therefore the said Duke said, He would make report to the rest of the Council. And so in the end he prayed the Lords of the Council this Day, that the Bishop might be sent for, and shew his Mind touching this Case. Which was agreed, and Commandment given for the Bishop to be at the Council the next Day.

* 5.160Decemb. 1. The Bishop came before the Council; and being asked what he said to the Letters sent to him from the King's Majesty? He answered,

That he could not conform his Conscience to take down the Altars in the Churches, and in lieu of them to set up Tables, as the Letter appointed. For that he seemed for his Opinion to have the Scripture, and Consent of the Doctors and Fathers of the Church; and contrariwise did not perceive any strength in the six Reasons, which were set forth by the Bishop of London to perswade the taking down Altars and erection of Tables.

And then being demanded what Scripture he had? he alledged a saying in Esay.* 5.161 Which place, being considered by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and other Lords of the Council, was found of no purpose to maintain his Opinion.

* 5.162And thereupon by the said Arch-bishop and Bishop of Ely divers good Reasons were given to prove, that it was convenient to take down the Altars, as things abused; and in lieu of them to set up Tables, as things most meet for the Supper of the Lord, and most agreeable to the first Constitution. And besides that, his other Reasons were then fully answered.

* 5.163Wherefore the Council commanded him expresly, in the King's Name, to proceed to the execution of his Majesty's Commandment in the said Letter expressed. Whereunto he made request,

That he might not be commanded to offend his Conscience: saying, If his Conscience might be instructed to the contrary, he would not thus molest the Council with his refusal.

Which his Saying con∣sidered by the Council, moved them to shew thus much Favor unto him; that they willed him to resort unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Ely or London, and confer with them in the Matter, so as he might be instructed by them to accept the just Command of the King's Majesty with a safe Conscience. And for his second Answer, Day was given him until the 4th of this Month. At which day he was commanded to return again.

* 5.164Decemb. 4. This day, the Bishop of Chichester came before the Council; and was demanded, Whether he had been with the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and the other Bishops, according to former Order given him; Who answered,

That he was one Afternoon at Lambeth, to have waited on the Arch-bishop, but he was answe∣red,

that he was at the Court. And upon a demand what time his Grace would come home, one of the Chamberlains, as he saith, answered, That he doubted it would be late e're his Grace come home, because he so used. Therefore he tarried not. And to any other Bishops he made no repair: saying further, He had not been well in Health. For the which cause he took some Physick yesterday.

The Arch-bishop thereunto said, that the same Af∣ternoon that the Bishop of Chichester had been there, he came home very early on purpose to have conferred with the said Bishop. For the which cause he had leave of the King's Majesty to depart the same day home sooner than for other Business he might conveni∣ently. To the Matter, he was asked, what mind he was of, touch∣ing the executing the King's Command; and what he could say▪ why the same should not be obeyed? Who answered as he did be∣fore,

That his Conscience would not permit him to do the same; for that the same was against the Scripture and the Doctors.

And being asked of the first, he alledged a place in the last to the Hebrews, mentioning the word ALTAR. Which place,* 5.165 being considered, was manifestly by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely, declared to be meant of Christ: as by the very Con∣text of the same most manifestly appeared to every Reader. Next to this he alledged the former place of Esay, which also was most evident to be meant otherwise than he alledged, and so proved. As to the use of the Primitive Church, besides the Texts of the New Testament, it was most clearly by Origen contra Celsum, proved, That in his time, Christen Men had no Altars, by direct negative Propositions. Besides this, the abuse of the Altars was shewed un∣to him, and Reasons declared how necessary it was to reform the same. Touching the naming the Table an Altar, it was left indif∣ferent to him, because Antient Writers sometimes call the Table an Altar. But yet, notwithstanding that his own Reasons were fully solved, and divers good and weighty Reasons made, he persevered in the pertinacy of his own singular Opinion. Whereupon the Council, rehersing to him the evil that should come of this his Disobedience, if he should be suffered, commanded him, in the King's Majesty's Name, upon his Allegiance expresly to become an obedient Subject, and so to execute the King's Commandment. And for that it should appear to him, that there was as much Fa∣vor meant as might be, not offending the King's Majesty, in his Majesty's behalf they would be so bold as to appoint him Sunday next to make his final Answer; And in the mean time he might advise himself, and weigh the Cause as it ought to be. And so the day was given him.

Decemb. 7.* 5.166 The Bishop of Chichester again appeared before the Council; and being asked touching the execution of his Majesty's Commandment in the Letter, he answered plainly,

He could not do it, saving his Conscience: For the Altars seemed to him a thing antiently established by the agreement of the Holy Fathers, and confirmed by Antient Doctors, with the Custom also of a number of Years, and as he thought, according to the Scriptures▪ Wherefore he could not in Conscience consent to the abolishing

of them, and determined rather to lose all that ever he had, than to condemn his own Conscience, with many other Circumstan∣ces to that effect.

Finally, the Matter being well debated, it was thought good yet to give him two Days respit further to be advi∣sed, in hope he might reconcile himself: which if he did not up∣on his next Answer, appointed to be upon Tuesday next, the Council agreed to proceed ordinarily against him, as against a con∣temptuous Person, by way of Sequestration.

* 5.167December 9. This day the Bishop of Chichester appeared before the Council: and being demanded whether he would obey the King's Commandment in pulling down the Altars, as is before rehersed? he answered,

That he thanked both the King's Highness, and his Council, of their great Clemency used towards him: but he said he could not by any means perswade himself to do that thing, that was against his Conscience. Wherefore he prayed them to do with him what they thought requisite; for he would never obey to do the thing, that his Conscience would not bear.

Whereupon for his Contempt he was, by the Order of the whole Council, committed to Ward in the Fleet, till further Order should be taken for him.

* 5.168We hear no more of him and his Fellow, the Bishop of Wor∣cester, till nine Months hence. And so we leave them both in the Fleet, till September 27, 1551. When we find Sir Roger Cholmely, Kt. Lord chief Baron of the Exchequer, Sir Richard Read, Richard Good∣rick, Iohn Gosnold, Iohn Oliver and Richard Ryel, being Commis∣sioners appointed by the King's Majesty for the Proceedings in the Causes laid against these two Bishops, were commanded by Letter from the Council, to call the said Bishops before them at Whitehall; and beginning with the Bishop of Worcester's Cause, to proceed also with Chichester. So as the Judgment of the one might succeed the other, without any delay of time more then needed. And when the Acts of the Council proceeded in those Causes should be requisite, the same, upon knowledg given thither, should be sent them. And in the mean time to use for their Instruction the Acts that were passed upon Worcester's Cause, and those that Mr. Read had already con∣cerning Chichester; with Admonition, seeing their Contempts so evi∣dent, not to give them any long delay, by granting any Learned Counsel, or otherwise by such Pretexts.

* 5.169Septemb. 28. The Council sent a Letter to the Lord-Chancellor, with the Commission directed to the above-named Persons, for the examination and determining of the Bishops of Worcester and Chi∣chester's Causes: Praying him to send the same to such of the Coun∣cil as are at or near London, whose Hands be not thereto, that they might sign it; and then to seal it, and send it with a Letter from the said Lords, inclosed within his, to the said Commissioners. According to these Orders, within less than a Month, these two Bishops were at last Deprived, after the expectation of their Com∣pliances a long while.

And October 24, 1551. The Council sent a Letter to the Chan∣cellor of the Augmentations, to take immediate Order for seizure in the King's Majesty's Hands of the Temporalties of their Bishopricks,

lately given to his Highness by the Judgment past by the Com∣missioners, appointed for the hearing of those Bishops Causes.

These Bishops remained Prisoners in the Fleet after their Depri∣vation, till the next Summer. When,* 5.170 as it seems for their Healths sake, they desired to be removed to some place of better Air, and more Liberty. Whereupon Iune 15, 1552. Dr. Day was sent to the Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellor, and Dr. Hethe to the Bishop of Lon∣don, by the appointment of his Majesty. And they were directed to use them as to Christian Charity should be most seemly. At whose Hands the King doubted not but they should receive such Christian Advice, as would tend to the Glory of God. Iuly 17. Upon the motion of the Bishop of London, the Lords of the Coun∣cil were content, that he should send Dr. Hethe unto the Bishop's own House at London [from Fulham] to recover his Health, and then to have him again. So far more kindly were these Popish Bishops dealt withal in this Reign, than the Protestant Bishops were in the next. Hoper Bishop of Glocester succeeded in the See of Worcester, and Scory Bishop of Rochester in that of Chichester.

I will here crave the Reader's leave to insert two or three words concerning Bishop Day; thereby to judg the better of him.

About the Year 1547.* 5.171 Saying of Masses was laid aside in King's College in Cambridg, the Members of which College generally favoured the Gospel. Day, the Provost thereof (which Place he held in Commendam with his Bishoprick) hearing of this, wrote an angry Letter to the Vice-provost, and in him to the whole College, for divers things which they had done, relating to Reformation; and particularly for leaving off saying Masses. In which he said,

They departed from the Institution of the House, and that they did it rashly, and besides the Law: There being as yet no Law for so doing. He charged them with the Breach of Statute; and so would involve them in the Sin of Perjury. And whereas in their publick Disputations they gave Questions against Popish Doctrines, he charged them with disputing wickedly and turbu∣lently, to the wounding of tender Consciences, and the Infamy of the House. And finally, required, that things should be put in the same posture they were before.

To which the College, by Dr. Haddon's elegant Pen, wrot an Answer:* 5.172

That as to their abolishing Masses, they said, they were private Masses; and the Statutes of the College did seem to enjoin only Masses, wherein was a Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ. That that was not Perjury, when by the common Consent of the College some minuter Matters of the Statutes were changed. That had he himself been there, he would have done as they did, conside∣ring the Reports that came from the Court, brought by Witnes∣ses worthy of Credit. And that as for their Disputations they urged, that it was free for them to dispute Matters controverted, for better Inquiry into the Truth. And that it was done with Lenity, without any perversness of Speech.

He had a younger Brother named William (who was above forty Years after Bishop of Winton).* 5.173 This Man was a Scholar of the College, while his Brother was Provost and Bishop. To whom he

sent once a Request, to supply him with a little Money to buy him some Books and other Necessaries he stood in need of at that time.* 5.174 His Brother answered him, knowing him to be well affected to the Gospel, That for his part he held it not fit to relieve those that were not of the True Church, and therefore he would not in any wise re∣lieve him. Thus had his Religion destroyed in him the very Princi∣ples of Nature.

* 5.175This Bishop had been a vehement Asserter of Transubstantiation: yet in April 1550. he preached against it at Westminster; which King Edward thought fit to take notice of in his Journal; and he complied, and went along with all the Steps of the Reformation till the declining of this Year 1550; when the Matter of taking down Altars was set on Foot. For then it seems either there was a Prospect that the Reformation, carring on, would have a Stop, or it was secretly agreed, among the Popishly affected, now to fall off.

* 5.176In Queen Mary's Days he was a mighty busy Man, and one of the Commissioners for the examination and condemning to Death the Professors of Religion. When in Conference with Bradford, that Holy Man had charged him for departing from the Reformed Church, as it was in King Edward's Days; he told him,

That he was but a young Man, (and yet in the first Year of that King he was five or six and forty Years of Age;) and that coming from the University, he went with the World. But it was always against his Con∣science.

He could it seems dispense with his Conscience upon Occasion: and yet what a Man of Conscience was he when Altars were to be pulled down? He sat a Commissioner upon Hoper, toge∣ther with Winchester, London, Durham and Landaff: and however gently he had been used in his Trouble, that was forgot, and he treated that Reverend Man most rudely, undecently falling upon him with foul Words, and with a scornful Countenance calling him Hypocrite.

CHAP. XXI. Papists grow bold. Loose Professors restrained.

* 5.177THUS indeed when the Papists found they could not prevail by outward Force, which they had tried to the utmost the last Year, they now used other Arts. One among the rest was to libel the Government, and disperse scurrilous Rhimes and Ballads upon the Preachers. One of these was this Year fastned upon the Pulpit of some eminent Church; probably of S. Paul's. Which neverthe∣less soon had an Answer to it. And not long after a more witty Ballad was put abroad, glancing, as it seems, at the Arch-bishop, up∣on occasion of the Liberty of reading the Bible, and of the English Service, and the publishing the Homily-Book, and other good Books: Whipping the Government under the Person of one Iohn No-body, because that notwithstanding all these religious Pretences, there was so much Sin, Lechery, Adultery, Bribery and want of Charity.

A tast of this their Poetry, I have put into the Appendix: because some probably may be so Curious as to peruse the Fancy of that Age.* 5.178

The Papists were at this Juncture very bold,* 5.179 whether it were that they had taken up a Conceit that the old Religion would be again restored upon the Disgrace of the Duke of Somerset, or upon some other Reasons. To stay these Men, the Council as they had proceeded before against some Popish Bishops, so they thought fit to use some Rigors towards others noted to be the forwardest Men. One of these was Dr. Chedsey,* 5.180 who was one of the Disputants against P. Martyr, the King's Professor. He took now upon him to preach openly at Oxford against the Steps of the Reformation that were made, and making. Wherefore, March 16, he was commited to the Marshalsea for seditious Preaching. Where he lay till November the 11th 1551. And then he was ordered to be brought to the Bishop of Ely's, where he enjoyed his Table, and an easier Restraint. March 19.* 5.181 Serjeant Morgan was committed to the Fleet for hearing Mass in the Lady Mary's Chappel. March 22, Sir Anthony Brown was committed to the Fleet for the same Offence.* 5.182 And three days after, viz. March 25. Mr. White Warden of Winchester,* 5.183 appeared before the Council, and confessed, that he had divers Books and Letters from beyond Sea, and namely, from one Martyn, a Scholar there, who opposed the King's Majesty's Proceedings utterly. And it being manifest that he had consented to things of that sort in such wise, that greater Practices were thought to be in him that ways, he was committed to the Tower: where lying for some months, he shewed better Conformity in Matters of Religion. So that in Iune 14, 1551. The Council wrote a Letter to the Arch-bishop that he should send to the Lieutenant of the Tower for Mr. White to be brought to him, and with him to remain, till such time as he should reclaim him. Which being done, he was to be sent back again to the Tower, until the King's Majesty's further Pleasure upon his Lordship's Certificate of his Proceedings with him. This White, however he complied now, was in Queen Mary's Reign made Bishop successively of Lincoln and Winchester, and preached that Queen's Funeral Sermon: and was deprived by the next Queen, for refusing Conformity to the Religion then established.

And while the Papists on one hand were so busy in promoting their Ends,* 5.184 there were a looser sort of Professors of Religion dis∣graced the Reformation on the other. For some there were that took the liberty of meeting together in certain Places, and there to propound odd Questions, and vent dangerous Doctrines and Opinions. Of these also the Council having notice, they thought it very fit to discountenance and restrain them. Ianuary 27. A num∣ber of Persons, a sort of Anabaptists, about sixty, met in a House on a Sunday, in the Parish of Bocking in Essex; where arose among them a great Dispute,

Whether it were necessary to stand or kneel, bare-head, or covered, at Prayers: and they concluded the Ceremony not to be material; but that the Heart before God was required, and nothing else.

Such other like warm Disputes there were about Scripture. There were likewise such Assemblies now

in Kent. These were looked upon as dangerous to Church and State. And two of the Company were therefore taken and Com∣mitted to the Marshalsea; and Orders were sent to apprehend the rest, viz. to Sir George Norton Sheriff of Essex, to apprehend and send up to the Council those Persons that were assembled for Scrip∣ture Matters in Bocking: Nine of them were named, being Cow∣herds, Clothiers, and such like mean People. The like Order was sent to Sir Edward Wotton and to Sir Thomas Wyat, to apprehend others of them, seven whereof are named, living in Kent. Febru∣ary 3. Those that were apprehended for the meeting at Bocking, appeared before the Council, and confessed the Cause of their As∣sembly to be,

For to talk of the Scriptures; that they had refused the Communion for above two Years, and that, as was judged, upon very superstitious and erroneous Purposes: with divers other evil Opinions, worthy of great Punishment.

Whereupon five of them were committed: and seven of them were bound in Recognizance to the King in forty pound each Man. The Condi∣tion, to appear when they should be called upon, and to resort to their Ordinaries for resolution of their Opinions, in case they had any Doubt in Religion.

CHAP. XXII. Foreigners allowed Churches. A Lasco.

* 5.185WE shall now shew a remarkable Instance of the ABp's Episcopal Piety, in the care he took of the Souls of Foreigners, as well as of the Native English. For in King Edward's Reign there were great numbers of Stangers in the Realm; French, Dutch, Italians, Spaniards, who abode here upon divers Occasions: some for Trade and Commerce, and some no doubt to be secret Spies, and Promo∣ters of the Pope's Affairs, and to hinder the Propagation of the Religion: But the most were such as fled over hither, to escape the Persecutions that were in those Times very violently set on foot in their respective Countries, and to enjoy the Liberty of their Con∣sciences, and the free Profession of their Religion. Our Prelate had a chief hand in forming these Strangers into distinct Congregations for the Worship of God, and in procuring them convenient Church∣es to meet in, and setting Preachers of their own over them, to instruct them in the true Religion: Cecyl and Cheke joining with him in this pious Design, and furthering it at Court with the King and Duke of Somerset. And this they did both out of Christian Charity, and Christian Policy too: this being a probable means to disperse the Reformed Religion into Foreign Parts. That when any of these Strangers, or their Children, should return into their own Country, they might carry the tincture of Religion along with them, and sow the Seeds of it in the Hearts of their Country∣men.* 5.186

This Year, the German or Dutch Congregation began under Iohannes a Lasco, a Noble-Man of Poland, stiled their Supirinten∣dent:

[illustration]

IOHN A-LASCO POLANDER First Pastor of the DUTCH Church in ENGLAND. Regn. Edw. 6.

and this by the Favour and Influence of our Arch-bishop, who had entertained him in his Family with respect due to his Quality, and great Piety. This Person had forsaken his Country and Honours for the sake of the Gospel, and became a Preacher to a Protestant Congregation at Embden in East-Friezland.* 5.187 But seeing all things look Black and Stormy round about him, and tending to a Persecution, he took an Opportunity to embrak for England. Where, being a Person not only of Honour, but of great Learning and Piety, and withal an Exile for the sake of Christ, and volunta∣rily taking up the Ministry out of Zeal to promote the Gospel, he met with a very honourable and friendly Reception; and soon be∣came acquainted with many eminent Persons here: as with Dr. Tur∣ner, the Duke of Somerse's Physician, and Dean of Wells. Sir Iohn Cheke, Sir William Cecyl, and our Arch-bishop; and, by their means, with the Duke of Somerset himself.* 5.188 His chief Business here seemed to be, to make some Provision for himself and his Congregation, in case of Persecution. For this purpose he got a Conference with the said Duke, a way, as it seems, being made thereunto by the Arch∣bishop; requesting that he and his Congregation might have leave to transplant themselves to London, that they might have a Church here, and certain Privileges likewise: moving the Protector there∣unto by Arguments as well taken from Charity as Policy, namely, that hereby a Trade and gainful Manufacture would be introduced into England. He desired therefore that they might be incopora∣ted by the King's Letters Patents, and that some old dissolved Church or Monastery might be granted to them, to worship and serve God in. When he had done this, he desired a certain Italian Friend or his to acquaint Cecyl with the Sum of his Discourse with the Protector: and so taking an opportunity on a sudden, of passing a∣gain to Embden along with some Ambassador, that was going into those Parts, he took his leave of England; leaving the Arch-bishop and Cecyl to second his Business with the Duke as occasion should serve. Being at Yarmouth, before his going Aboard, he wrote to Cecyl his full Mind in case he and his Congregation should be driven away. He desired him,

That if he should understand any thing concer∣ning his Call into England, or would be enformed by him of any other matters, that he would convey his Letters unto one Robert Legat, an English Man, living at Embden, who would communicate them unto him.

Being arrived at Embden, he writ to the Arch-bishop,* 5.189 relating all Passages that he knew concerning the State of Affairs, and particu∣larly of Religion in those Parts: desiring him to impart them to the Protector. He write also unto Cecyl,* 5.190 his Letter bearing date in April 1549, referring him to the Protector's Letters: and withal acquainting him in what a ticklish and dangerous Condition they were.

That they certainly expected the Cross:* 5.191 that they did mutually exhort one another to bear it, with invocation upon God's Holy Name; that by Patience and Faith they might over∣come all whatsoever God should permit to be done against them, to the Glory of his Name, or for their Trial. They were sure he had a care of them, and that he was so powerful, that he

could in a moment, by a Word of his Mouth, dash in pieces all the Forces of their Enemies, whatsoever they were. And that he was so good, that he would not suffer so much as an Hair, without cause, to fall from their Head, altho the whole World should make an Assault upon them. And that he could no more wish them Harm, than a Mother could her own Infant, or any one the Apple of his own Eye; yea, no more than he him∣self could not be God. Who was to be praised in all things whatsoever happened to them, since he permitted nothing to fall out to them, but for their Good; and so, for their Welfare. And that therefore they committed themselves wholly to him, and did expect with all Toleration whatsoever he should allow to be done to them.

In this pious manner did A Lasco write to Cecyl; and no doubt in the same Tenour to the Arch-bishop. This made a very great Impression upon the Godly Hearts of them both, and caused them vigorously to use their Interest with the Protector, to provide a safe Retreat for him and his Congregation. Which was obtained for them soon after. His whole Letter in a hansome Latin Stile, as some Memorial of him,* 5.192 I have reposited in the Appendix.

* 5.193Latimer also made way for his Reception: who in one of his Ser∣mons before K. Edward made honourable mention of him; using an Argument proper for that Audience, namely, How much it would tend to the bringing down God's Blessing on the Realm, to receive him, and such pious Exiles as he.

Iohn a Lasco was here a great Learned Man, and, as they say, a Noble-Man in his Country; and is gone his way again. If it be for lack of Entertainment, the more pity. I could wish such Men as he to be in the Realm. For the Realm should prosper in receiving them.* 5.194 He that re∣ceiveth you, receiveth me, said Christ. And it should be for the King's Honour to receive them, and keep them.

It was but a little after the King had received this Congregation of Foreigners into England, and had granted them a Church, viz. St. Augustins,* 5.195 but great Contest happen'd among them about their Church, yielded them for their religious Worship. This P. Martyr took notice of with grief to Bucer: and addeth,

That their Minds were so implacable to one another, that the Difference was fain to be referred to the Privy-Council to make an end of. But not to leave our Superintendent yet.

* 5.196A Lasco with his Strangers being settled at London, and incorpo∣rated by the King's Patents, being their chief Pastor and a stirring Man, was very industrious to procure and maintain the Liberties and Benefits of his Church. The Members thereof had planted themselves chiefly in S. Katharines, and in great and little South∣wark. Here they were now and then called upon, by the Church-wardens of their respective Parishes, to resort to their Parish Churches: though the Ministers themselves did not appear in it. In the Month of November, Anno 1552, some of these Strangers, inhabiting the parts of Southwark, were again troubled by their Church-wardens, and threatned with Imprisonment, unless they would come to Church. Whereupon their Superintendent A Lasco applied himself to the Lord Chancellor, who then was Goodrich,

Bishop of Ely. By the way one might enquire, why he resorted not rather to his Friend and Patron, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury. But the reason may soon be guessed: namely, That after the Fall of Somerset, the Arch-bishop's good Friend, he came not so often to Court, or transacted Business there, unless sent for: knowing his Interest likewise to be but little with the Duke of Northùmberland, who now bare all the Sway, and who had a jealous Eye of him, as he had of all Somerset's Friends. And so the Arch-bishop might have rather hindred than forwarded A Lasco's Business if he had ap∣peared in it. But this en passent.* 5.197 The Chancellor gently received A Lasco, and dismissing him, sent him to Secretary Cecyl with this Message, to get him to propound the Business the next Day in the Afternoon at the Council-Board, when himself should be there: promising him likewise, that he would be assistant to him, in pro∣curing him a Warrant in Writing to be directed to all Ministers and Church-wardens of the Parishes of Southwark and S. Katharines, that for the time to come the Strangers of this Congregation should receive no Molestation in that regard any more.* 5.198 Accordingly A Lasco, the next Morning sent one of the Elders of his Church to Cecyl with his Letter, excusing himself that he came not, being grievously afflicted with a Pain in his Head. Therein he acquain∣ted him with the Sum of his Conference with the Lord Chancel∣lor: adding, that the obtaining such a Warrant would be necessary for them to produce and shew to such as at that present did annoy them, and to be hereafter kept by the Church. That they might not be forced at other times, upon the like Occasions, to create new trouble to the King's Council, or himself, in suing for new War∣rants of that Nature. Meaning hereby to put the Secretary upon drawing this up the more formally and substantially. And so intreat∣ing him to hear what the Elder had to say, and to dispatch him, he took his leave.* 5.199 This Letter also is inserted in the Appendix.

The Superintendency of A Lasco seemed to extend not only to this particular Congregation of Germans,* 5.200 but over all the other Churches of Foreigners set up in London, as also over their Schools of Learning and Education. They were all subject to his In∣spection, and within his Jurisdiction.* 5.201 And Melancthon in an Epistle to him in the Month of Septemb. 1551. speaks of the Purity of Doctrine in his Churches. His Condition now, as to worldly Cir∣cumstances, began to be so good, that he was able to relieve and succour such Learned Foreigners as should retire hither. For when one Nicolas Forst, a Learned and grave Man, who had lived long in the University of Lovain, and had spent some time with Me∣lancthon, was minded, for the sake of Religion, to convey himself into England; he recommended him earnestly to the Superintendent, as a Person fit to teach in his Churches and Schools: and that he would friendly entertain him as an Exile for the same Cause him∣self was, and find him some little Nest to remain in. Nay,* 5.202 and the said Melancthon himself had some thoughts of sheltering him∣self under A Lasco here, as appears by the forementioned Letter, wherein he stiles him his Patron. For the Superscription of his Letter is thus, Illustri, Magnifico, ac Reverendo Viro, Nobilitate generis,

Virtute & Sapientia praestanti Dn. Iohanni a Lasco, Patrono suo colendo. So much of Deference and Honour did Learned and Pious Men then use to give him. In this Letter Melancthon told him, that the Calamities of the Churches were great, and that he himself expected Banishment, and might probably in a short time arrive where he was. And in respect of his hospitable reception of Strangers, he told him, that he believed he did often remember that saying of the exiled Queen,

Non ignara mali, miseris succurrere disco.

* 5.203Nor was A Lasco any ways unfurnished for this Spiritual Govern∣ment, being a Man of good Learning, and of great Piety, Strictness and Gravity from his younger Age: and of whom the great Eras∣mus himself acknowledged, that he learned much. For in his Epistle to Iohannes a Lasco, the Arch-bishop of Gnesne, who was Namesake and Unckle to our Superintendent, he speaks thus of his Nephew,

That he was but Young, yet Grave beyond his Years; and that he himself accounted it none of the least parts of his Happiness, that he happened to have his Converse and Society for some Months: praising the Endowments that God had given him;

And particularly, concerning the Benefits he received by him, he could not but confess, Senex juvenis convictu factus sum melior, ac sobrietatem, temperantiam, verecundiam, linguae moderationem, mo∣destiam, pudicitiam, integritatem, quam juvenis a sene discere debuerat, a juvene senex didici. That by the Conversation of that young Man, he an old Man became better: and that Sobriety, Temperance, Awfulness, government of the Tongue, Modesty, Chastity, Integrity, which the Young ought to learn of the Old, he an old Man had learned of a Young. This he wrote in August 1527, soon after A Lasco was gone from him.* 5.204 And in Iune the same Year, while he resided with him, in another Letter to Leonard Cox, a Learned English Man, he signi∣fied the great complacency he took in his Company. Iohannis a Lasco tale sum expertus ingenium, ut vel hoc uno amico mihi videar satis beatus. That he had found A Lasco's Parts to be such, that he seemed happy enough in his single Friendship.

And this good Understanding continued between them, as long as Erasmus lived.* 5.205 For A Lasco seems to have been with him in his last Sickness; when as the last Token of Erasmus's esteem of him, he made a purchase to him of his own Library,* 5.206 (that incomparable Treasure,) if we may believe the Author of his Life in English.

* 5.207A Lasco thought not the Clergy obliged to Celibacy, or single Life: for he himself was a married Man. Who his Wife was, I know not; but as for her Qualities, she was in all probability a pious and discreet Woman, whereby she gained a great share in his Affections. He stiled her, The other part of himself. But in August 1552. God deprived him of her. Which Stroke put him for some time under much sadness, and indisposition both of Mind and Body, as appears by one of his Letters.

* 5.208He was alive at the Accession of Q. Elizabeth to the English Throne. And though he came not back then to England again, whence he departed upon K. Edward's Death, yet, according to that great In∣terest

he had here with the most eminent Persons, and even the Queen her self, he neglected not by his Letters to promote the Reforma∣tion, and to give his grave Counsel in order thereunto. And Zanchy, Publick Professor at Stratsburgh, knowing the sway he bare here, in a Letter to him in the Year 1558, or 59, excited him in these words; Non dubito, quin T. P. jamdudum scripserit ad re∣ginam, ei{que} consuluerit, quae pro illius regni conservatione, & regni Christi instauratione facienda judicarit, &c.

That he doubted not, he had before now written to the Queen, and given her his Ad∣vice, what he judged fit to be done for the preservation of her Kingdom, and for the restoring of the Kingdom of Christ. Yet he would not omit to pray him, to do it again and again by his repeated Letters. For I know, said he, how great your Autho∣rity is with the English, and with the Queen her self. Now cer∣tainly is the time that you, and such as you be, should by your Coun∣sels help so pious a Queen, and consult for the Safety of so great a Kingdom, yea, and succour the whole Christian Church every where afflicted and vexed. For we know that if Christ's King∣dom be happily introduced into the Kingdom of England, no small Aid will thence come to all the other Churches dispersed through Germany, Poland, and other Countries.

There is one thing that is wont to be urged against him,* 5.209 and which makes him to this Day to be somewhat ill thought of; which was, that he opposed himself so openly, by writing against the Habits prescribed the Clergy, and the posture of Kneeling at the Reception of the Holy Sacrament. Whereby he incurred the Cen∣sure of a meddling Temper, and of Ingratitude to that Nation that so kindly had entertained him. Concerning the Habits, Bucer and he had some Controversy. The sum of which on both parts Arch-bishop Parker drew up, (upon the desire, I suppose, of Sir William Cecyl) about the Year 1565, when that Controversy was hotly renewed again by Humfrey and Sampson. This Sum who∣soever is minded to see, may probably hereafter find it in the Me∣morialls of that Arch-bishop, if God grant Life, and Opportunity to me, to write them.

About this time, viz. in the Year 1550, or 1551,* 5.210 there was also a Church of Italians constituted in London, by the influence and care of our Arch-bishop and Sir William Cecyl, under A Lasco's Super∣intendency. This Church consisted of divers Italian Nations, as Florentines, Genoezes, Milanois, Venetians and others: though seve∣ral of them joined themselves with this Congregation, more out of worldly Ends, than Conscience, as will appear afterward. For they had a kindness for the Mass, and could not endure to hear the Pope's Supremacy called in question, and inveighed against.* 5.211 One Michael Angelo Florio, a Florentine by birth, was appointed their Preacher: probably Brother, or Kinsman, unto Simon Florio, Preacher at the City of Clavenna among the Rhaetii, an eminent Professor of the Gospel in those parts: who wrote a Letter to Gratalorius an Italian Physician, concerning two whole Towns in Calabria, utterly destroy∣ed by reason of the rigor of Persecution exercised there: and about eight hundred, or a thousand of the Inhabitants put to Death, be∣cause

they professed the Gospel. Which Letter is extant in Fox, in his Table of the Italian Martyrs.

For the encouragement of this Congregation the Arch-bishop procured the Members of it to be free Denizens,* 5.212 to live and traf∣fick here with as much Freedom, as natural English Subjects. Which they were admitted to by swearing Fidelity and Allegiance. For their more easy and convenient dwelling here, they often petitioned th•• King for new Privileges and Immunities, as they saw they needed them. And such Favour and Countenance was shewn them, that they seldom failed of their Suits.* 5.213 The Arch-bishop also, that their Preacher might be provided for, dealt with the Congregati∣on, and made them oblige themselves to provide him with all Ne∣cessaries, as a Dwelling, and a competent yearly Salary. In the Year 1552,* 5.214 Michael Angelo sued again to our Arch-bishop for some favour to be obtained from the King, whether it were for the better esta∣blishment of his Church, or for some further Immunities to be granted to the Members thereof, it doth not appear. But this the most Reverend Man readily furthered, by writing in that behalf to the Duke of Northumberland from his House at Ford near Can∣terbury, the Duke being, I suppose, with the King in Progress at this time. He likewise dispatched another, dated Novemb. 20. the Year abovesaid, to the Secretary, entreating him to forward that Cause as much as lay in him.

* 5.215But however serviceable this their Minister had been unto these Italians, in preaching the Gospel to them, and soliciting the Arch-bishop for their Benefit; yet many of them carried themselves but little obliging to him. Whether it were some Misbehaviour, or Imprudences in him, which he was not altogether void of, or his too violent declaiming against the Pope and Popish Doctrines, which they were not yet enough ripened in Evangelical Knowledg to re∣ceive, or that he too roughly charged them with the hardness of their Hearts, and backwardness to receive Gospel-Truths, as he did use to do: but many of them wholly withdrew from him, and went to Mass again. His Contribution also fell very low, not having received above five Pounds in a considerable time from them. Hereupon he resorted to the Secretary,

Making heavy Complaints of his own Poverty, that many of his People had forsaken his As∣sembly, spake very slanderously against him and his Ministery, and the Gospel which he preached, after they saw and heard him in an open manner preaching against the Pope's Doctrines, his Tyranny and Hypocrisy, and reproving them for their Unbelief, and the hardness of their Hearts.

The too much Vehemency and Passion of this Man,* 5.216 and his neglect of informing the Judgments of these Italians in milder and more leisurely Methods, I suspect to have been a great cause of this Apostacy.

But upon this Complaint, the Secretary bade the Pastor send him a List of the Names of those that had thus behaved themselves,* 5.217 and that he himself would call them before him, and discourse with them. Accordingly he sent the Names of fourteen in a Letter to the said Secretary, withal aggravating to him their Misbehaviour, and informing of their daily going to Mass: and adding, that there∣fore,

they, being free Denizons, and so Subjects to the English Laws, ought to be punished as any English-Man would be, if he heard Mass. He quoted a place or two in Deuteronomy, where those, that rebelled against God, the Laws and the Judges, should be slain without Mercy. He subjoined, that Elisha by God's Command anointed Iehu to be King for this very purpose, that he should wholly root out the House of Ahab, and kill all the Priests of Baal. And thence makes his uncharitable Conclusion, (more agreeable to the Religion, that he was so hot against) that therefore these Italians should be so served, since they opposed the Gospel, and the King's Pious Proceedings. But it might make one apt not to think over∣favourably of this Man; a Pastor, thus to turn Accuser of his Flock; a Professor of the Reformed Religion, to require the utmost Rigor of Punishment for differing in Religion.

I also find the Morals of this Man tainted,* 5.218 having once made a very foul Slip, being guilty of an Act of Uncleanness. For which Sir William Cecyl, Secretary of State, who had been his good Friend, was exceedingly displeased with him, and withdrew all Favour and Countenance from him, calling him Wicked Man, and intending to inflict some severe Punishment upon him: which seemed to be Banishment out of the Nation, or at least turning him out of his Family, where he seems to have been entertained.* 5.219 Angelo wrote him a very penitent Letter, minding him of the frailty of Human Nature, and of the Mercy of God to Moses, Aaron, David, Ionas, Peter after their Falls. And that if he were forced to depart the Kingdom, he must either be compelled to renounce the Truth of the Gospel, or have his Blood shed by the Enemies thereof. This was as I suppose, in the Year 1551. In fine, he got over this Brunt, and recovered mild Cecyl's Favour. For I find a Year after, our Arch-bishop wrote to him to further a certain Business of Michael Angelo at Court, as much as he could.

This is all I have to say of that Italian Congregation, and the Minister thereof. For further memory of which, I have added in the Appendix two Letters of this Michael Angelo to Secretary Cecyl,* 5.220 whence many of the Matters, next above mentioned, were col∣lected.

As there was thus a German and Italian Church in London,* 5.221 so also there was a third of French Men, under A Lasco's Superintendency. One Member of which, a very honest Man, and of sound Religion, by the general Testimony of that Church, had desired to set up a Printing-house for his Livelihood, chiefly for printing the Liturgy, and other Books of the Church of England, in French, for the use of the French Islands under the English Subjection. In whose behalf the Superintendent readily interceeded by a Letter with the Secre∣tary to procure the King's Letters Patents▪ for his Licence and Au∣thority so to do. The issue of which will be seen in the progress of this History. The Letter I have transcribed to accompany two others of A Las••o in the Appendix.* 5.222

CHAP. XXIII. The Church at Glastenbury.

* 5.223IN the same Year, viz. 1550. another Church of Strangers, and they most what French, and Walloons, began to settle at Glasten∣bury in Somersetshire. They were Weavers, and followed the Manu∣facture of Kersies, and Cloth of that Nature, as I conjecture. Their great Patrons were the Duke of Somerset, and Sir William Cecyl, I add, and our Arch-bishop, though I do not find his Name mentioned in the Papers I make use of, relating to this Church: For there is no question, but that his Counsel and Aid concurred in the settlement of this Church, as well as those in London: and particularly as to the Preacher; whom I suspect to have been one of those Learned Foreign Divines, whom he harboured in his own House.* 5.224 His Name was Valerandus Pollanus, a Man of great worth both for Learning and Integrity, who had the Title of Superin∣tendent of the Strangers Church at Glastenbury, as Iohn a Lasco had of that at London; given to each, to fix a Character of Honour and Esteem upon their Persons, and perhaps to exempt them and their Churches from the Jurisdiction of the Bishops of those respective Diocesses. This Pollanus turned into Latine, and printed, the Dis∣putations held in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, between the Protestants and Papists at the Convocation, Anno 1553. If any desire to know the particular State and Condition of the establish∣ment of these Strangers, as to their Trade, it stood thus.

* 5.225Pollanus in behalf of the rest, had preferred a Petition to the Duke of Somerset, and the rest of the Lords of the Council, to this Effect;

That they might be permitted to form themselves into a Church for the free Exercise of Religion, and to follow peace∣ably their Calling of Weaving; declaring, as an Argument to per∣swade them to allow the same, the considerable Benefit that would accrue thence to the Realm. And that for Shops and Work∣ing-houses, and for reception of them and their Families, they might enjoy some old dissolved Religious House.

Their Petiti∣on was condescended to. And the Duke, being a great Cherisher of those of the Religion, resolved to be their Patron, and to take the managing of this whole Cause upon himself. The Duke in the Month of Iune this Year, had made an exchange of certain Lands with the King, and that probably for the better accommodating of these Strangers. He had parted with the Castle and Lordship of Sleford, and other Lands and Tenements in the County of Lincoln, to the King: and the King had granted him, in lieu thereof, all and singular his Messuages, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, with their Appurtenances, in the Town of Glastenbury, (namely what had belonged to the Abby) and other Lands and Tenements in Kingston upon Hull, to the value of 214 l. 14 s. 5 d. obq. as I find in a Manuscript Book, mentioning the several Sales that King made. Having obtained such Conveniences in Glastenbury, he re∣solved to plant this Manufacture here; which he thought would

tend so much to the Benefit of the Country, himself, and these poor Strangers too. Conditions were mutually entred into.

The Conditions on Somerset's part were,

That he should pro∣vide them Houses convenient for their Occupations,* 5.226 and to con∣tain themselves and Families: that five Acres of Pasture Land, or as much as would serve for the feeding of two Cows through∣out the Year, should be allotted to each of them: and until Land were so allotted, they should enjoy the Park in common for the said use, with some part also of the Gardens. They were also to be supplied with Monies from the Duke to buy Wool, and defray other Charges necessary to set them on Work. They were also empowered to employ both English Men and Women, as they should have occasion, in Spinning, and other Works belonging to their Trade.

And so accordingly they went down to Gasten∣bury, and fell to work.

But upon the Troubles and Fall of Somerset,* 5.227 which happened a∣bout fourteen or fifteen Months after, their Affairs were much ob∣structed. His Servants neglected to furnish them with Money ac∣cording to Contract. Nor was he at leisure now to regard them. The People, among whom they lived, took this opportunity to express what little kindness they had for them: it being the Temper of the Common-sort to be jealous of Strangers, and rude to them. So that they were not without their Discontents and Discourage∣ments: For they wanted those Conveniences of room for Work∣houses and Habitations, that were promised them. They ran in Debt, and were forced to lay to pawn the Clothes they had wove, to supply their Wants. Cornish, one of the chief of their Procura∣tors, appointed to oversee them, and further their Trade, proved very deceitful and false to them. Who came to them, pretending Letters from the Council, and treating them at first with fair Words, and after with Threatnings: and so compelled them to deliver the Clothes, that they had made, to him, though they had by mere Necessity been forced before to pawn them. He had also by his Importunity and Fraud, got the Grant of the Park from them, though he knew the Duke had fully purposed and intended it for their Use, for the necessary Maintenance of themselves and Families.

Things being in this ill Condition with them,* 5.228 and Somerset no longer able to befriend them, they were glad to apply again to those above. Pollanus therefore in their behalf petitioned the Lords of the Council to take their declining State into their consideration, and to carry on that good Work the Duke of Somerset had begun. He did also ply the Secretary to further their Petition,* 5.229 (who was indeed of his own accord their most hearty Friend;) and laboured particularly with all earnestness imaginable, both by Word of Mouth, and by divers Letters, to get the Factory discharged of Cornish, urging that the Weavers had never found the least grain of Inte∣grity, Justice or Candour in him. This Man was now very indu∣strious and busy at Court to get himself continued in his Office: which the Strangers understanding, were as diligent to get them∣selves delivered of him. The Superintendent had but a little be∣fore

dispatched to the Secretary one Peter Wolf, a good Man, and a great Sufferer, a Brabanter by Nation, to relate the evil Deeds of this Man: and now again he dispatched Stephen Le Provost, a Dea∣con of his Church, with another Message to the same import to the said Secretary. Telling him,

That those who were to be set over others, ought themselves in the first place to be Honest and Just; but especially they ought to be so in the highest degree, that were to be placed over such Good Men, and who were Exiles only for the sake of Christ: Unless any could be willing that such upright Men should be undone, and that those very considerable Advantages that were likely to accrue to the Com∣mon-wealth by them, should be diverted to some other Place or Country. That they could not enough wonder with what fore∣head this Man should attempt this thing, after he had so plain∣ly betrayed his base Treachery and Ill-will towards them: and could not but know, how very hardly they could away with him, and who were going to sue to the Duke for that which they now desired. That himself was sollicited by the Prayers of those Good Men, to write this to him, that he would be their Advo∣cate with the Lords in this behalf.

* 5.230The Result was, That the Lords consented to uphold and en∣courage them. And sent down their Letters to the Overseers of this Manufacture, and to the chief Officers of the Town, Powis, one of the King's Servants, and Hyet the chief Magistrate and others, to examine into the present State of these Strangers, and to give them in writing an Account thereof. These Letters the Su∣perintendent delivered to them; and one Clark a Justice of Peace was then present. Who being a Gentleman and a Scholar, that understood both French and Latin, did, out of his good Will to them, interpret to the rest Pollanus's Petition to the Lords of the Council, and the Contents of their Contract with the Duke of Somerset, and other Matters relating to this Business; that so they might be the better acquainted with their Affairs, and it might ap∣pear there were no Neglects or Breaches of Covenants on the Strangers parts. And so Letters were dispatched back to the Lords from the Overseers, signifying how they had examined the Affairs of these Strangers, and had found all things Fair and Just on their side; mentioning likewise what considerable Commodity they hoped for by them: and likewise from the chief of the Town to the same import.

* 5.231Speedily upon this, Orders came down from the Lords to certain Gentlemen of the Town and Neighbourhood, whereof one Dyer was one, a Person of good Religion, and their cordial Friend, com∣missionating them to set this Manufacture forward, and to take care the Undertakers might be relieved in what they needed, ac∣cording to their former Contract with the Duke. So they obtained the use of the Park for the running of threescore Head of Kine, till other Pasture were provided them. Thirty Houses were ordered to be forthwith repaired and fitted up for them. And Money was paid sufficient for the clearing them of their Debts. These Gen∣tlemen had also assigned them a stated Provision of Money for the

future, but it was too scanty; the Allowance that they had propor∣tioned them for two Months, would scarcely hold out for five Weeks. Nor was any Wool at all bought for their use, though their Stock was almost at an end; and then their Work must stand still for want thereof, having no Money themselves to purchase more: and to take it up upon Credit, would enhance the price thereof. For one Crowch had demanded of them thirty two Shil∣lings for Wool, when they could buy it of their Neighbours for four and twenty, had they Money. Their only hope was in Dyer, who promised them Wool at a far more reasonable rate, and kindly of∣fered them a long Day of paiment for it, without consideration for forbearance: their Doubt only was, whether his Wool was proper for their Use. But the Interest of Cornish was such, that he was continued by the Lords in his Office over these Tradesmen, and en∣joyed a part of the Park to himself. These things were transacted in the Month of November, Anno 1551, which was the Month af∣ter the Duke's Commitment.

In all this Affair Pollanus was very much employed,* 5.232 taking a great deal of Pains in settling this Trade. For he took many Journeys between Glastenbury and the Court, and was, as himself wrote, at incredible Expences; and in fifteen Months space received not an Half-penny, though he had a large Family to maintain. The Office also of surveying the Reparation of the Houses lay upon him. And fearing the Lords of the Council might be displeased at the great∣ness of the Charge they had been at already in the Repairs, and the little Profit that as yet arose to quit the Cost, he entreated the Se∣cretary, that he would bear up their Reputation with the Lords; telling him,

That he doubted not, that the Project would here∣after redound much to their own Praise, by reason of the very great Emolument, that all Men should perceive would come to the Realm thereby within three Years, God prospering them, as he had begun ••o do. And for himself, all he desired was, that for all his Charge and Trouble, he might obtain a Stipend of fifty Pounds, to be settled upon him.

The Letters of Valerandus Pol∣lanus, being three in number, I have inserted in the Appendix.* 5.233

I acknowledg, that many of these things I have related concer∣ning this Business, may seem too little and minute for an Histori∣an to take notice of. But I was loth any Particulars of so remarka∣ble a Design should be lost, which in probability would have turned so much to the Benefit of our Nation. It being also an Instance of the pious Care, and good Policy, that was then taken by the Court for the Relief and Sustentation of poor Fugitives, flying hither from their Native Country, Friends and Livelihood, for Christ's Sake, and yet that the Publick might be as little burthened by them as might be.

Queen Mary's access to the Crown spoiled this good Design.* 5.234 For all Strangers being then commanded suddenly to depart the Realm, this Congregation accordingly brake up, and removed themselves to Frankford in Germany. Where the Magistrates kindly entertained them, and allowed them a Church. And when afterwards,* 5.235 viz. 1554. divers of the English Nation fled thither for their Religion,

the Governors of the Town, upon their Petition received them al∣so, and all other such English as should resort thither upon the same Account, as many did. And two Members of this French Congre∣gation,* 5.236 mindful undoubtedly of the former Kindness themselves or their Countrymen had received in England, assisted them much; namely, Morellio a Minister, and Castalio an Elder. The English here made use of the same Church the French did; these one Day, and the English another: and upon Sundays the use of it respectively, as themselves could agree.

And as there were settled here Congregations of French, Italians and Dutch Strangers, so I am very apt to believe, there was also a Church of Spaniards too.* 5.237 Indeed I do not find express mention of any such till the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign; when Cassiodorus and Anthonius Corranus Hispalensis [of Sevil] (a Member of the Ita∣lian Congregation) were their Preachers,* 5.238 of whom I shall have oc∣casion to say something in my Memorials of Arch-bishop Grindal. It is certain,* 5.239 that in Queen Mary's Days many of those Spani∣ards, who came over in the Retinue of Philip, the Spanish Prince, or after, forsook Popery, and became Professors of the Reformed Religion. Which one cannot well tell how it should come to pass, unless it were by the hearing of the Gospel preached in their own Language here. And it is observable, that among these, many had been sent for over, in that Queen's Time, to convert our Nation from Heresy, as they termed it, and to reduce it to the Roman Church. This notable Success and Power, which the clear Evi∣dence of Truth had upon these Men, was in those Times taken much notice of, as it might well be. Iames Pilkington, the Master of S. Iohn's College in Cambridg, and who was afterwards Bishop of Durham, makes a Note of it to the University, in the Sermon which he preached at the Restitution of Bucer and Fagius, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, after the barbarous Indigni∣ties that had been offered them in the former Queen's Reign, in raking their dead Bodies out of their Graves, and burning them.

It is much more notable, said he, that we have seen to come to pass in our Days, that the Spaniards, sent for into the Realm on purpose to suppress the Gospel, as soon as they were returned Home, replenish'd many parts of their Country with the same Truth of Religion, to the which before they were utter Enemies.

* 5.240Nay, and not long after this, such earnest Professors of the True Religion were found in Spain, that many of them indured the fiery Trial, and offered up their Bodies to the Flames, for Christ's Sake, and more were cast into Prisons. And yet the Gospel got ground there to admiration: as Zanchy gave a Relation thereof to A Lasco in one of his Letters. Wherein he spake of the great numbers of true Professors in Italy also. The Place being so much to our pre∣sent purpose, I will take leave to lay before the Reader. In Cala∣briae duobus Castellis,* 5.241 &c.

In two Castles of Calabria, one belonging to the Duke of Montalto, the other to a Nobleman of Naples, were found 4000 Brethren, being the remainders of those Brethren, called Waldenses. They were for many Years unknown, and lived safely in their Ancestors Possessions. For though they approved not of Masses,

yet they thought the Faithful might go to them with a safe Consci∣ence. But being untaught this bad Doctrine, they did wholly and uni∣versally abstain going any more. And so it came to pass, that they could not be concealed any longer. Therefore a Persecution was raised up against them. They writ to the Brethren at Geneva, to assist them by their Prayers, their Counsel, and also by humane Aid. We see also in Italy, where the Seat of Antichrist is, there is a great Har∣vest; but very few to gather it. O God, have Mercy upon Italy. In Spain very many were burnt, more cast into Prison. Nevertheless in the mean time, the Gospel goes forward, as we hear, wonderfully.

And in another Letter he writes thus;

There is a very great Perse∣cution in Italy, nor a less in Spain: A sign there be many Faithful there that dare confess Christ.

CHAP. XXIV. The Arch-bishop's Care of the Revenues of the Church. Bucer dies.

I Return now to our Prelate again, to take a further view of him,* 5.242 acting in his high Function in the English Church. It must not be omitted to be ranked among his good Services towards it, that he did what in him lay to preserve the Revenues of it in his Time, when there were so many hungry Courtiers gaping after them. These were again in a new Danger after the Duke of Northumber∣land and his Party had removed Somerset, and made themselves the great Controllers of Publick Affairs.

It was indeed the Scandal of the Reformation,* 5.243 that the Demeans that had been settled long before by our pious Ancestors, for the maintenance of God's Ministers, as they had been formerly wrong∣fully appropriated to Monasteries, and swallowed up by Lazy Monks, so they had not now recurred and been restored to their true Owners; but became possest by Lay-men. So that in many scores of Parishes there remained not sufficient to buy Bread for the Incumbents and their Families. And it was more than suspicious, that many Patrons did render the Condition of the Church still worse in these Days, by retaining and reserving to themselves, whe∣ther by Contract or Power, the Tithes of the Benefices they presented to. And by these means Pluralities and Nonresidences, the old Mischief of the Church, were not redressed, but rather made neces∣sary. This Abuse grieved good Men, and Lovers of the Reforma∣tion, both at Home and Abroad, because they saw how the preach∣ing of the Gospel was obstructed hereby.

Concerning this,* 5.244 Bucer from Cambridg wrote privately to Calvin in the Year 1550. And this made Calvin address a Letter to our Arch-bishop, telling him, That for the flourishing State of Religion he thought it highly needful to have fit Pastors that might seriously set themselves to perform the Office of Preaching. One great obsta∣cle whereof he makes very truly to be, Quod praedae expositi sunt Ec∣clesiae reditus; That the Rents of the Church were exposed to be a Prey.* 5.245 Which he calls Malum sanè intolerabile. And of the same thing, and

not long after, viz. Iuly 1551. he admonished the Duke of Somerset, in a French Letter all of his own hand-writing: which because of the Antiquity of it,* 5.246 and the Matter it treats of, referring to our Church, and not being among his printed Epistles, I have added in the Ap∣pendix. In which Letter he excites the Duke to take care, that there might be fit and able Ministers, fixed in Parishes, to teach the People. The want whereof he attributed to two Causes. The one whereof he made to lie in the Universities; and the other in the Matter that we are speaking of.

That the Revenue of the Cures was withdrawn and dispersed away: So that there was nothing to maintain good Men, who were fit to perform the Office of true Pastors. And hence it came to pass, that ignorant Priests were put in; which made great Confusion. For the Quality of the Persons begat great Contempt of God's Word. Advising the Duke to endeavour to bring those that had these Spiritual Posses∣sions, to be willing to part with them: in as much as they could not prosper in defrauding God's People of their Spiritual Food, which they did by hindring the Churches of good Pastors.

Bucer, the King's Divinity-Professor at Cambridg, was this Year engaged in a publick Disputation,* 5.247 as his Collegue, Peter Martyr, the King's Professor at Oxon, had been there the last. Before this Dis∣putation happened, Bucer communicated his Purpose to his said Collegue and Friend. Who having sufficient experience of the vain∣glorious Ends of the Papists in these kinds of Disputations, and of their unfair Dealings, advised him in a Letter, not to engage in it, but to decline it. On which Letter Arch-bishop Parker, into whose Hands it fell,* 5.248 wrote this Inscription, Ad Bucerum, prudens Marty∣ris consilium, ut non det se in disputatione cum gloriosulis Thrasonibus. But it seems he was too far engaged to avoid it with Reputation, nor thought he fit to do it for the vindication and sake of Truth. The Questions disputed of, and his Antagonists were before menti∣oned. It seems he came off with great Credit; for his Friend Martyr in a Letter to him, soon after it was over, professed a great deal of gladness, that his Disputations had that good Success: and that it so well happened was by God's Providence: Which he said, he could scarce have believed to have been a thing possible, with∣out Visitors, or other grave Judges; since the Papists reckoned it enough for their Business only to dispute, afterwards studiously dispersing their Lies, to their own Advantage, and the disparage∣ment of those that disputed against them. And therefore Martyr said, he wondred not, that Christ in the beginning confirmed the Dispu∣tations of his Apostles with Miracles.

Novem. 9. Bucer began a learned Reading of the Power and Use of the Ministry, but lived not to finish it. For the latter end of this Year put an end to this Learned Man's Life.* 5.249 Of whose Coun∣sel and Advice our Arch-bishop made great use in the Steps he made for Reformation of Religion. He made his Will before he left Strasburgh: but the Codicil to that Will he added, February 22. a few days before his Death. Wherein he left to his Wife to take the Advice of Mr. Bradford, and the Minister of Alhallowes, for ordering of his Burial, and constituted two eminent Men of that University

[illustration]

[illustration]

MARTINUS BUCERUS S.S. Theologiae apaid Cantabrigienyes Profefsor Regius. Natus Selestadij Anno MCCCCXCI. Denatus MDLI.

his Executors, namely, Dr. Matthew Parker, who was afterwards Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and Dr. Walter Haddon, after Master of Requests to Q. Elizabeth. And both of them adorned his Funerals, the one with a English Sermon before the University, and the other with a Latin Oration, being University-Orator. Both which are extant in print. He died but poor; and seemed to be in some want of Necessaries in his last Sickness. For there is a short Letter, in a scrawling Hand, which I have seen, wrote by him to the afore∣said Parker, then Master of Benet-College, and his great Friend, to lend him ten Crowns. Which because it was the last Letter, I be∣lieve, he ever wrote, and but short, I shall here insert.

S. D. Oro D. T. Clarissime D. Doctor, ut des mihi X coronatos mutuò, uno tantum mense. Reddam bona fide. Opt. vale.

D. T. deditiss. in Dno.

Martinus Bucerus manu peraegrè propria.

Under which is writ by Dr. Parker, out of the Honour he had for his Memory, Scriptum novissimum omnium quod scripsit D. Bucerus, paulo aute mortem ejus.

Bucer's Friends,* 5.250 after they had taken care for giving him an hono∣rable Funeral, consulted the Supply of his Widow, Wibrand Bucerin; that she might be well gratified, and presented with some Gratui∣ties that might shew the Respect the Nation had for her learned Husband. So the University wrote a Letter to the King and Council concerning Bucer's Death, and their respectful Interment of him, with the signification of their Desire, that his Majesty would send them another able Professor in his room. With this University-Let∣ter, Dr. Parker wrote another to Sir Iohn Cheke; entreating him to present their Letter, and that he would particularly speak to the Council, and to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, to remember the Widow. Sir Iohn Cheke, March 9. wrote a Letter in answer to Dr. Parker's; which I have placed in the Appendix.* 5.251 He therein lamen∣ted the loss of this Man: commended him for his Depth of Know∣ledg, Earnestness in Religion, Fartherliness in Life, and Authority in Knowledg. He added, that the King would provide some grave Learned Man to maintain God's true Learning in that University: though he thought in all Points they would not meet with Bucer's like. He desired Parker, that all Bucer's Books and Writings might be sent up and saved for the King's Majesty, except Mrs. Bucer might turn them to better Account some other way.

These Books and Papers were apprized at one hundred Pounds.* 5.252 But she received but fourscore Pounds of those that bought them. Which she desired Parker and Haddon, the Executors here in England, to testify under their Hands: that she might shew it, to vindicate her Truth and Honesty, not to have wronged the Heirs. The Li∣brary was divided into three parts. The King had the Manuscripts, which was one part; The Dutchess [of Somerset, I suppose] had the greater part of the Books, and the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had the remainder: for which he for his share, paid her forty Pounds. The University gave her an hundred Crowns: the King

an hundred Marks more, besides her Husband's half-year's Pension, though he died before Lady-day when it came due. He also allowed for such reasonable Repairs as Bucer had bestowed about the House wherein he lived.* 5.253 And, March 31. 1551. She had a Passage by Sea granted her with eight Persons in her Company. She returned unto Strasburgh, whither She retired, by Mr. Rich. Hills Merchant, the Sum of two hundred twenty six Pounds, two Shillings. From Strasburgh, in February the next Year, She wrote a Letter to the Executors, wherein She acknowledged their Kindness to her, pray∣ing God for them, in respect of their singular Humanity and Bene∣fits which they had shewed to her Husband and her self, and especi∣ally when he was dead. Miseram me, said She in that Letter, omni{que} solatio destitutam non deseruistis, sed in vestram me tutelam be∣nigne suscepistis; omnia deni{que} Christianae charitatis officia demonstrastis. Bucer left a Son named Nathaniel, and a Daughter named Elizabeth, behind him, at Strasburgh, when he came into England: Which, I suppose, were all the Children he left surviving him, whom he had by a former Wife that died of the Plague there. By her he had many more, but they died before him.

* 5.254As long as Bucer lived, there was a dear Correspondence between him and P. Martyr, while they were the one at Cambridg, and the other at Oxford. In the private Library at Benet-College, there be still remaining divers Letters from Martyr to him. One whereof was writ upon occasion of Bucer's communicating to him his Judg∣ment of the Habits; which he had composed for the use of Hoper. Which Letter began thus,

S. P. Perlegi, Vir Dei, quae de Vestium discrimine doctè pié{que} scripsisti, ac ex illis non mediocrem voluptatem cepi, tum quia vera quae praedicas in∣telligebam, tum quod per omnia consentiebant cum his, quae ego Londinum ad Hopperum ipsum, pridie ejus diei, qua tuae mihi redderentur miseram. So that hence it appears they were both unanimous for wearing of the Habits enjoined: and so had given their Judgments to Hoper. In the same Letter he answered a Case put to him by Bucer, Quamdiu fidem in Christo generalem, confusam aut implicitam satisfuisse ad ho∣minum salutem. And the resolution of this Question being the chief Matter of this Letter, Arch-bishop Parker (into whose Hands it fell) intitled it thus,

Quamdiu Fides implicita licuerit.

And on the Margent of the same Letter, where he entred upon a∣nother Argument, is written by the same Hand,

De concordi confessione in re Sacramentaria.

For A Lasco had lately wrote to Martyr his Desire, that some Con∣fession about the Sacrament might be drawn up; to which he and Bucer, and Bernardin, and Martyr, might set their Hands, to testify the Foreign Protestants Consent.

Another Letter wrote by Martyr to Bucer, bore this Title, set to it by the same Hand with the former,

Quibus artibus instituerint Disputationem Theologicam in Comitiis Oxoniensibus.

And on the side of this Letter,

Gaudet Disputationem non esse factam & Astutia Papistica in Dis∣putatione.

In a third Letter he gave Bucer advice, that he should not engage in any Disputation with the vain-glorious Papists.

There is yet a fourth Letter: Wherein Martyr communicated to him, how he had been employed by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in taking into examination the English Book of Common-Prayer, with his Judgment thereon. This Letter hath this Title put to it by Parker,

Censura libri communium precum.

The Contents of the second and fourth Letter,* 6.1 having some things very remarkable for the Illustration of our History, I shall here set down more largely. In the former, having congratulated Bucer's coming off so well in his Disputation with Young the Papist, he took notice of the unfair Ways the Papists used in their Disputes: and then proceeded to tell what happened to himself the last Act at Ox∣ford this Year, by a Party there, that did what they could to affront him, and the Evangelical Truth which he taught. Certain that then went out Bachelors of Divinity, made this Combination among themselves. One of them they set up to be Respondent. The Op∣ponents, who were of the same Strain, and the Question to be dis∣puted, they supprest, and kept under great silence; on purpose; that Peter Martyr, the King's Professor, should not know: And when some had urged to them, that it belonged to the Professor to know the Question, they answered, That it did not; and that it was enough for them to know it, that were to dispute on it. The Day before the Disputation was to be undertaken, about two of the Clock in the Afternoon, they set up the Question upon the Church-Doors: and then it appeared to be in behalf of Transubstantiation. And to exclude the Professor, they chose to themselves a great Papist, Dr. Chedsey, for their Father. And here the Opponents were to have taken and managed all Martyr's Arguments; and the Respondent was to have assoiled them as he thought good. And then the Opponents were to acknowledg, they were satisfied with the Answers given thereunto. And their Father, who was to oc∣cupy the Professor's Place, was by a Speech highly to approve and applaud all that had been done. And things were so to be ordered that Day, that the Professor should not have any opportunity of speaking. For these Disputations were to have been performed but a little before Night, after the Civilians had finished their parts; which used to be the last Exercises. Or if after this Divinity-Dis∣putation were done, the Professor had been minded to say any thing, he must do it when it was Night, and when the tired Auditors would be all going Home. And then these Disputants and their Party were every where to cry Victory, and carry away the Glory. There was now observed a greater confluence of People at this Act, than could have been believed: For they had sent about their Let∣ters to invite such hither, as were for their own Turn: and all to en∣crease the Triumph. Among the rest there were present the Chaplains of Winchester and Durham. But all this elaborate and fine-spun Plot was by a Providence broken on a sudden; the Vice-Chancellor, whe∣ther he feared any Riot, or for what other Cause, it was uncertain,

forbidding the Divinity-Disputations that Day, without the privity of the Professor.

The Matter of Martyr's other Letter, wrote to Bucer in Ianuary, (as the former was in September before) related to the Book of Com∣mon-Prayer. For the Correction of which the Arch-bishop,* 6.2 the Bishop of Ely, and the other Bishops were, by the King's Com∣mand, met together in Consultation. And that this Work might be the more effectually performed, the Arch-bishop thought good to have the Judgment herein of both the Publick Professors, Bucer and Martyr. Accordingly Bucer wrote his Censure, and Martyr his Anno∣tations,* 6.3 as was said before. A Copy of which Censure Bucer had com∣municated to Martyr. Who in this Letter declared his Consent and Approbation thereunto. As to his own Annotations, Cheke's Latin Version which he used, was so brief and defective, that for that reason many things were omitted by him, which he would have noted, had he seen the Book compleat. But after he had sent in those his Annotations to the Arch-bishop who earnestly required them, he saw Bucer's Censure, whereby he perceived divers other things called for Correction, than he had taken notice of. So he reduced whatsoever was wanting in his Annotations, into certain brief Articles, and acquainted the Arch-bishop therewith; and that in them all he did freely agree with Bucer, that it were fit they should be altered. But Martyr's Annotations did fully accord with Bucer's Animadversions, though they were at a distance, and con∣sulted not at all with one another before they wrote their Judg∣ments. But one thing was past over by Bucer, which Martyr wondred at: it was in the Office for the Communion of the Sick. Where it was ordered,

That if this private Communion happened to be on the same Sunday, when there should be a pub∣lick One, then the Priest was to take along with him some of the Consecrated Elements, and with them to administer the Sacra∣ment in the House of the Sick. Wherein this offended Martyr, as he said, that the Office that belonged to the Communion should not be repeated before the sick Man, and the rest that communi∣cated with him, since the words of the Supper do rather belong to the Men, than to the Bread and Wine. And his advice was, that all that was necessarily required to the Lord's Supper, should be said and done, whensoever it was privately as well as pub∣lickly celebrated.

He subscribed to Bucer's Censure in every thing; and he thanked God, that had administred an Occasion, that the Bishops should by them be admonished of those Matters. So that it was concluded by the Bishops at their Conference about the Com∣munion-Book, that much should be changed therein, as the Arch-bishop told Martyr, then at his House. And if they would not do it, the King was resolved to do it by himself and his Parliament, without them. In this Letter he speaks something concerning Hoper, whose Behaviour he disliked; and concerning Dr. Smith, who had lately written against the Arch-bishop's Book of the Sacrament, and against himself concerning Monastick Vows. Both these Letters, as well worthy the sight and perusal of the Reader, I have repo∣sited in the Appendix.* 6.4

Thus this Reverend and Learned Foreigner, after many great Dif∣ficulties passed through, for the Cause of Religion, flying from one place to another, came at last to a natural Death and a quiet End in this Land. For his Fame and Wisdom,* 6.5 he was called by the Ele∣ctors, Palatine, and of Brandenburgh, with the Emperor's Permis∣sion, to temper the Emperor's Rescript about Religion, which was to be published, that so it might please both Parties. But he thought he could not do it with any Honesty; and rather than meddle with it, he fled to Strasburgh with his Wife and Children: hereby he fell under the Displeasure of those Princes, as well as before he had done under that of the Emperor for the Reformation of Colen; the Envy of which Melancthon escaped, but it fell on poor Bucer. Being at Stras∣burgh, he also contracted much Ill-will by means of the Anabaptists and others whom he opposed, and who by their pretended Sancti∣mony had a great Party there. His Friends apprehended him on these Accounts in great Danger; but he thought of no removal to any other Place, Patron or Church, trusting himself in God's Hands, till Sturmius and some others advised him by all means to depart in∣to England. Which he at length yielding to, the said Sturmius admo∣nished him, for his safer Travel, to take a more uncommon Way, through Lorain and Rhemes, and some other parts of France, to Calais, and there to cross over the Sea. Which he did, and was very hospi∣tably here entertained, as was said before.

Bishops Consecrated.

Iune 29. Iohn Ponet, or Poynet, D.D. Chaplain to the Arch-bishop,* 6.6 was Consecrated Bishop of Rochester at Lambeth-Chappel, by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury; assisted by Nicolas Bishop of London, an•• Arthur Bishop of Bangor. This Consecration was performed with all the usual Ceremonies and Habits, probably for this Reason, to give as little occasion of Offence to Papists as might be, and to keep close to the old Usages, avoiding Superstition: Therefore it was set down in the Register at large in what Formalities all was now done.* 6.7 The Arch-bishop is described, Vsitatis insigniis redimitus, & uno Epitogio, sive Capa, indutus, Oratorium suum praedictum honestè & decenter orna∣tum ingressus, &c.

Having on his Mitre and Cope, usual in such Cases, went into his Chappel, handsomly and decently adorned, to celebrate the Lord's Supper according to the Custom, and by Prescript of the Book, intituled, The Book of Common-Service. Be∣fore the People there assembled, the Holy Suffrages first began, and were publickly recited, and the Epistle and Gospel read in the Vulgar Tongue, Nicolas Bishop of London, and Arthur Bishop of Bangor, assisting; and having their Surplices and Copes on, and their Pastoral Staves in their Hands, led Dr. Iohn Ponet, endued with the like Habits, in the middle of them, unto the most Reve∣rend Father; and presented him unto him, sitting in a decent Chair; and used these words, Most Reverend Father in God, we present unto you this godly and well-learned Man to be conse∣crated Bishop. The Bishop Elect forthwith produced the King's Letters Patents before the Arch-bishop. Which by command

of the said ABp, being read by Dr. Glyn, the said Ponet took the Oath of renouncing the Bishop of Rome, and then the Oath of Canonical Obedience to the Arch-bishop. These things being thus dispatched, the Arch-bishop exhorted the People to Prayer and Supplication to the Most High, according to the Order prescribed in the Book of Ordination set forth in the Month of March 1549. According to which Order he was Elected and Consecrated, and endued with the Episcopal Ornaments, the Bishop of London first having read the third Chapter of the first Epistle of Paul to Ti∣mothy, in manner of a Sermon. These things being done, and the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper celebrated upon a Table, co∣vered with a white Linen Cloth, by the Arch-bishop and the two assisting Bishops, the same Arch-bishop decreed to write to the Arch-deacon of Canterbury for the Investiture, Installation and In∣thronization of the said Bishop of Rochester, as it was customary. Present Anthony Huse, principal Register of the Arch-bishop; Peter Lilly, Iohn Lewis, Iohn Incent, publick Notaries; and many others, as well Clerks as Laicks.

* 6.8March 8. Iohn Hoper was consecrated Bishop of Glocester, just after the same manner, by the Arch-bishop, Nicholas Bishop of London, and Iohn Bishop of Rochester, assisting, clothed (say the Words of the Register) in Linen Surplices and Copes, and Iohn Elect of Glo∣cester in the like Habit.

CHAP. XXV. The Arch-bishop publisheth his Book against Gardiner.

* 6.9

* 6.10THIS Year our Arch-bishop published his Elaborate Book of the Sacrament, confuting the gross and carnal Presence of Christ there, in vindication of a former Book of his, wrote against by Bishop Gardiner and Dr. Smith. For, to give the Reader some di∣stinct Account of this Matter, in the Year 1550, Cranmer printed a Book in English in Quarto with this Title,* 6.11 A Defence of the True and Catholick Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ; with a Confutation of sundry Errors concerning the same: Grounded and established upon God's Holy Word, and approved by the Consent of the most ancient Doctors of the Church. The great Reason that moved him to write this Book was, that he might the more effectually purge the Church of Popery, esteeming Transub∣stantiation and the Mass, to be the very Roots of it.

The taking away of Beads, Pilgrimages, Pardons, and such-like Popery, was, (as he wrote in his Preface) but the lopping off a few Branches; which would soon spring up again, unless the Roots of the Tree, which were Transubstantiation, and the Sacrifice of the Mass, were pulled up. Therefore out of a sincere Zeal to the Honour of God, he would labour, he said, in his Vineyard, to cut down that Tree of Error, Root and Branch.

By this Book very many were enlightned to perceive the Errors of the Popish Doctrines of the Sacrament. This Treatise he divided into five Books or Points.

I. Of the True and Catholick Doctrine and Use of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ.* 6.12 II. Against the Error of Transub∣stantiation. III. The manner how Christ is present in the Sacra∣ment. IV. Of the eating and drinking of the Body and Blood of Christ. V. Of the Oblation and Sacrifice of our Saviour Christ. In the third Part he made mention of the Bishop of Winchester, in these words:

As many of them [i. e. of the Papist Writers] as I have read, (the Bishop of Winchester only excepted) do say, That Christ called not the Bread his Body.

This Bishop was much of∣fended that he was named in the Book, and pretended this to be one Reason why he did write against it, to vindicate himself, as well as the Papal Church, hereby so dangerously struck at. This Book of Cranmer's was turned into Latin by Iohn Yong; who complied after∣wards with the old Religion under Queen Mary, and was Master of Pembroke-Hall, Cambridg.

At this Book the Defenders of Popery were so nettled,* 6.13 that in the same Year 1550, Winchester then in the Tower, and fickle Dr. Smith then at Lovain, printed Answers. Of Smith's Book I shall only note by the way, that March 8. 1550. there was an Order of Council to examine the bringer over of his Book against Cranmer. Such a Countenance did the State give to the Arch-bishop and his Book. Gardiner's Book made the greatest noise: Which was printed in France, and intituled. An Explication and Assertion of the true Catho∣lick Faith touching the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, with the Confutation of a Book written against the same. In the Beginning of his Book he wrote,

That his Sermon before the King, [on St. Pe∣ter's Day] touching the Sacrament of the Altar, gave occasion to the Arch-bishop's Book against it; and that he was called before the King's Commissioners at Lambeth for his Catholick Faith in the Sacrament.

Whereas indeed this was not the Cause of his Troubles; nor had some former Copies of his Book these words: But after the Commission was issued forth against him, to make his Cause appear the more specious, as if it were the Cause of the Church, he thought fit to make an Alteration in the beginning of his Book in the manner abovesaid. And to carry on the Scene, he in open Court offered his Book before the King's Commissioners.

To this Book of Gardiners,* 6.14 our Arch-bishop studied and composed an Answer; holding himself bound, for the Vindication of the Evan∣gelical Truth, as well as of his own Writing, and for the Satisfa∣ction of the People, not to suffer it to lie untaken notice of. When it was known the Arch-bishop was preparing an Answer against Gar∣diner, the People were in very great expectation, and conceived an earnest desire to see and read it: Having therefore dispatched his Co∣py, and sent it to Rainold Wolf his Printer, it was printed off in the Month of September 1551. But there was some stop put to the pub∣lishing of it, occasioned by a Proclamation issued out from the King; whereby, for some political Ends, both the printing and selling of English Books, without the Allowance of the King's Majesty, or six of his Privy-Council, was forbidden. The Arch-bishop being desirous, that his Book might come abroad the next Term, for the Contentation of many who had long expected the same, sent to Se∣cretary

Cecyl and Sir Iohn Cheke, to procure, either from the King or Council, a Licence to the said Wolf for printing and selling his Book. Which was obtained, and the Book published accordingly. This Letter of the ABp's, dated Sept. 29. I have thought not amiss to reposit in the Appendix.* 6.15 Octob. 1. A Licence was granted to Wolf to publish the Book, under the King's Privilege, the Court then being at Hamp∣ton-Court, and the Arch-bishop himself present. The Title this se∣cond Book of the Arch-bishop's bore was, An Answer by the Reverend Father in God, Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Metropolitan, unto a crafty and sophistical Cavillation, devised by Stephen Gardiner, Doctor of Law, late Bishop of Winche∣ster, against the true and godly Doctrine of the most Holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ. Wherein is also, as occasion serveth, answered such Places of the Book of Dr. Richard Smith, as may seem any thing worthy the answering. Also a true Copy of the Book written, and in open Court delivered by Dr. Stephen Gardiner, not one Word added or diminished, but faithfully in all Points agreeing with the Original. This Book of Arch-bishop Cranmer's, was printed a∣gain at London, 1580, with his Life, and some other things.

* 6.16His Reply to Gardiner was in the most fair and candid Method that could be devised. For he first set down his own Treatise, Piece by Piece; then Gardiner's Reply thereunto Word for Word, leaving not one Paragraph without a full Answer. His Reply to Smith was only of some things most worthy to be taken notice of, the rest of Smith's Book being meer Trifles. This Reply to Smith he inserted in the Body of his Answer to Gardiner, as occasion served. Only at the end he made a particular Reply to Smith's Preface.

* 6.17It seemed to be a very compleat Exercitation upon that Subject. The Book was stored with so great Learning and Plenty of Argu∣ments, Vt ea Controversia, saith one of his Successors, a nemine un∣quam contra Pontificios accuratius tractata esse videatur; That no one Controversy was by any ever handled against the Papists more accurately. It may not be amiss to mention here the Opinion that Cranmer him∣self had of his Book, in that famous and renowned Confession he made of his Faith in S. Mary's Church, Oxon, immediately before he was led away to his Burning. Where he expressed his full Approba∣tion and great Confidence of the Doctrine contained therein: saying,

That as for the Sacrament,* 6.18 he believed as he had taught in his Book against the Bishop of VVinchester. The which Book, he said, taught so true a Doctrine of the Sacrament, that it should stand at the last Day before the Judgment of God, where the Papistical Doctrine contrary thereto should be ashamed to shew her Face.

The Papists spake as much against this Book, being much galled by it. Dr. Tresham, in his Disputation with Latimer, said, There were six hundred Errors in the Book. Weston, thinking to invalidate the Book by the pretended Novelty of the Doctrine, asked the same Fa∣ther, How long he had been of that Opinion? He said, Not past seven Years; that is, about the Year 1547; and that Arch-bishop Cranmer's Book confirmed his Judgment therein: and added, That if he could but remember all therein contained, he would not fear to an∣swer any Man in this Matter.

The Arch-bishop had acknowledged to the Queen's Commissioners at Oxford, that Ridley had first begun to enlighten him, as to the true Notion of the Presence, as he had maintained it in his Book.* 6.19 Here∣upon one of them took occasion to try to baffle the true Doctrine, by making the whole stress of it to depend upon the Authority of single Ridley. Latimer, said he, leaned upon Cranmer, and Cranmer leaned upon Ridley. Whereas the truth of this was no more, but that Rid∣ley reading Bertram's Book of the Body and Blood of Christ, was sharpened to examine the old Opinion more accurately, of the Pre∣sence of Christ's Flesh and Blood; and looking into Ecclesiastical Au∣thors, he found it greatly controverted in the ninth Century, and learnedly writ against. Which made him begin to conclude it none of the ancient Doctrines of the Church, but more lately brought in∣to it. These his Thoughts he communicated to Arch-bishop Cran∣mer, which was about the Year 1546. Whereupon they both set to examine it with more than ordinary Care. And all the Arguments that Cranmer gathered about it, he digested into his Book. Nor was the good Arch-bishop ashamed to make a publick Acknowledgment in print of this as well as of his other Popish Errors, in his Answer to Smith's Preface, who it seems had charged him with Inconstancy.

This I confess of my self, that not long before I wrote the said Catechism, I was in that Error of the Real Presence, as I was ma∣ny Years past in many other Errors, as of Transubstantiation, of the Sacrifice propitiatory of the Priests in the Mass, of Pilgrima∣ges, of Purgatory, &c. being brought up from my Youth in them. For the which, and other the Offences of my Youth, I do daily pray unto God for Pardon and Mercy. After it pleased God to shew me, by his Holy Word, a more perfect knowledg of his Son Jesus Christ, I put away my former Ignorance. As God gave me Light, so through his Grace I opened my Eyes to receive it. And I trust in God's Mercy for pardon of my former Errors.

I set this down the more at large, to shew the great Ingenuity as well as Piety of this good Man.

Peter Martyr in the Year following this,* 6.20 printed a Book of the Sacrament, which was the Sum of what he had read before upon that Point in the University of Oxford. Which Book he dedicated to his Patron, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury: And giving the Reason why he made the Dedication to him, said,

That he knew certainly, that Cranmer had so great Skill in this Controversy, as one could hardly find in any one besides. That there was none of the Fa∣thers, which he had not diligently noted; no antient or modern Book extant, that he [Martyr] had not with his own Eyes seen no∣ted by the Arch-bishop's Hand. Whatsoever belonged to the whole Controversy, he said, that the Arch-bishop had digested into particular Chapters; Councils, Canons, Popes Decrees pertain∣ing hereunto: and that with so great labour, that unless he had been an Eye-Witness of it and seen it, he could not easily have believed others, if they had told him, in regard of the infinite Toil, Diligence and Exactness, wherewith the Arch-bishop had done it. He added, that the Arch-bishop had not bestowed such kind of Pains and Study in the Matter of the Sacrament only,

but that he had done the same thing, as to all other Doctrines, in effect, which in that Age were especially under Controversy. And this that Learned Man said, he had made good Observation of. Nor, as he went on, that he wanted Skill, a Method, and Industry in defending what he held. Which might, he said, be known by this, because he had so often conflicted with his Ad∣versaries, both publickly and privately, and by a marvellous strength of Learning, quickness of Wit, and dexterity of Ma∣nagement, had asserted what he held to be true, from the thorny and intricate Cavils of Sophisters [glancing at his Controversies with Winchester, who was commonly then called the Sophister] and that he wanted not a Will, yea, a Mind ready to defend Sound and C••ristian Doctrines. That all Men did sufficiently understand, who saw him burn with so great an endeavour of re∣storing Religion, that for this Cause only he had great and heavy Enemies, and neglected many Commodities of this Life, and un∣derwent horrible Dangers.

The great and intimate Converse that P. Martyr had with Cranmer, gave him opportunity to know him very well: and therefore I have chosen to set down this Character that he gave of him, and particularly of his Ability in this Contro∣versy of th•• Eucharist.

* 6.21And I am apt to think that the careful perusal of these Authorities, collected by the Arch-bishop, and his Conversation with this Learned Prelate, being much with him at Lambeth, was a cause of bringing Martyr to the True Doctrine. For at his first coming to Oxon, he was a Papist, or a Lutheran, as to the belief of the Presence. And so Feckenham,* 6.22 Dean of S. Paul's, told Bartlet Green at his Exami∣nation; and that Martyr perceiving the King's Council, as he un∣charitably suggested, to be of another Opinion, he, to please them, forsook the true Catholick Faith. But Mr. Green, who had been a hearer of him at Oxon, replied, That he had heard Martyr say,

That he had not, while he was a Papist, read S. Chrysostom upon the tenth to the Corinthians, nor many other places of the Doctors. But when he had read them, and well considered them, he was content to yield to them, having first humbled himself in Prayer, desiring God to illuminate him, and bring him to the true under∣standing of Scripture.

* 6.23As to the Authorities the Arch-bishop alledgeth in his Book, it was the Conjecture of Iohn Fox, that he made use of Frith's Book, which he wrote of the Sacrament against More divers Years before: and that from the said Author the Arch-bishop seemed to have col∣lected the Testimonies of the Doctors, which he produced in his Apology against the Bishop of Winchester: and that he gathered the principal and chiefest Helps thence, that he leaned to. But al∣though he might peruse Frith, as he did almost all other Authors that wrote of this Controversy, yet he was too well versed in the Ecclesiastical Writers, that he needed to go a borrowing to the readings of any others for Sentences and Allegations out of them.

* 6.24Cranmer lived to see his Book replied again unto by his Adversary Gardiner, in Latin, under the fained Name of Marcus Antonius Con∣stantius a Divine of Lovain. His Book went under this Title,

Confutatio cavillationum, quibus sacrosanctum Eucharistiae Sacramentum ab impiis Capernaitis impeti solet. Printed at Paris, 1552. In this Book he spared the Name of the Arch-bishop, but reduceth all the Arch-bishop's Book into no less then 255 Objections. To each of which, one by one, the Catholick is brought in making answer. Next, whereas Cranmer had laid down twelve Rules for the finding out the true Sense of the Fathers in their Writings, the Catholick examines them, and enervates them. Then follows a Confutation of the Solutions, whereby the Sectary, as he is called, (that is, Cranmer) endeavoured to take off the Arguments of the Catholicks. And, which is the fourth and last part of the Book, he defends Ca∣tholick Mens Sense of the Allegations out of the Fathers against the Sectaries. Gardiner, when he compiled this Book, was in the Tower a Prisoner; but yet he was under so easy restraint, that he was furnished there with Workmen, and Amanuenses.* 6.25

As they of old to the building of the Tabernacle, so he to the preparing of his Book, a kind of Papistical Tabernacle, [to use the words of Martyr] all sorts contributed something. For his Book was Pandora's Box, to which all the lesser Gods brought their Pre∣sents. For every Man, were his Learning less or more, that had any Arguments for the Popish Doctrine, brought them all to him, (many whereof were windy and trivial enough) and he out of the heap made his Collections as he thought good.

But Watson and Smith were his chief Assistants.

The Arch-bishop, though the Times now soon after turned,* 6.26 and he cast into Prison, was very desirous to prepare another Book in Con∣futation of Marcus Antonius, and in Vindication of his own Writing. He lived long enough to finish three Parts: whereof, two unhappily perished in Oxford, and the third fell into Iohn Fox's Hands, and for ought I know, that by this time is perished also. But the great desire he had to finish his Answer to that Book, was the chief cause, that at his last Appearance before the Queen's Commissioners, he made his Appeal to a General Council. That thereby he might gain some time and leisure to accomplish what he had begun, before his Life were taken away, which he saw was likely to be within a very short space.

Otherwise, [as he writ to his Lawyer, who was to draw up his Appeal] it was much better for him to die in Christ's Quarrel, and to reign with him, than to be shut up and kept in that Body. Unless it were to continue yet still a while in this Warfare, for the Commodity and Profit of his Brethren, and to the further advancing of God's Glory.

Peter Martyr, his surviving and learned Friend,* 6.27 being solicited by many English-Men by Letter and word of Mouth, undertook the answering this Book. But before he had finished it, an English Divine and Friend of Martyr's, with whom he held Correspondence in Q. Mary's Reign, wrote him word, in the Year 1557. that an Answer to Antonius, by some other hand, was then in the Press, naming the Author. Martyr replied,

That he was rather glad of it,* 6.28 than any ways moved or disturbed at it, as a disappointment of what he was doing: and added, that he expected nothing from that Man, but what was very exquisite, acute and elaborate. But

that he feared the noise thereof would not hold true.

And so it proved. Whether this Learned Man withdrew his Book, that he might give way to that which P. Martyr was writing, or whether it were a Flam given out to stop Martyr in his Design, it is uncertain. But not long after this Learned Italian put forth his Answer. He had it under the Press at Zurick in December 1558; and it came out the next Year.* 6.29 Wherein, as he wrote to Calvin, he did unravel and confute all the Sophisms and Tricks of the Bishop of Winchester. And it came forth very seasonably, as Martyr hoped. For hereby the English Papalins might see, at this time especially, that that Book was not, as they boasted hitherto, invincible. He gave this Title to his Book, Defensio Doctrina veteris & Apostolicae de S.S. Eucharistiae Sacramento. In the Preface to which he shewed,

How this Work fell to his Lot: Not that that most Reverend Father wanted an As∣sistant, for he could easily have managed Gardiner himself. For he knew how Cranmer, in many and various Disputes, formerly had with him, came off with Victory and great Praise; but because the ABp when in Prison, was forced to leave his Answer, which he had begun, unfinished, by reason of his strait keeping, having scarce Paper and Ink allowed him, and no Books to make use of; and being cut off so soon by Death, before he could bring to per∣fection what he had writ. Wherein, as Martyr said, he had har∣der measure by far from the Papists, than Gardiner had from the Protestants in K. Edward's Days, when he wrote his Book.

Gardiner in that Book of his, under the Name of M. Constantius, had shewn such foul play with Cranmer's Book,* 6.30 mangling it, and taking Pieces and Scraps of it here and there, and confounding the Method of it, to supply himself with Objections to give his own Answers to with the most advantage; that the Arch-bishop thought, that if Learned Foreigners saw but his first Book of the Sacrament, as he wrote it, it would be vindication enough against Gardiner's new Book against it: And therefore he took order to have it translated in∣to the same Language in which Gardiner wrote, that is, Latin, that impartial Strangers might be able to read and judg: and Sir Iohn Cheke elegantly performed it for his Friend the Arch-bishop. This Book of Cranmer's thus put into Latin, with some Additions, came forth 1553. Before it he prefixed an Epistle to King Edward VI. da∣ted at Lambeth, Idib. Mart. the same Year. Wherein he said,

It was his Care of the Lord's Flock committed to him, that put him upon renewing and restoring the Lord's Supper according to the Institution of Christ. And that that was the Reason, that about three Years ago he set forth a Book in English against the principal Abuses of the Papistical Mass.

Which Book had great Success upon the Peoples Minds, in bringing them to embrace the Truth.

Whereby, he said, he perceived how great the Force of Truth was, and understood the Benefits of the Grace of Christ, that even the Blind should have their Eyes opened, and partake of the Light of Truth, as soon as it was revealed, and shewed it self clear∣ly to them. But that this gave great Offence unto Gardiner, then Bishop of Winchester, so that he thought nothing was to be done till he had answered the Book, supposing that there would be no

helper of so declining & forsaken a Cause, unless he put to his Hand.

And so the Arch-bishop proceeded to shew how that Bishop first put forth his English Book, endeavouring to overthrow the true Doctrine,* 6.31 and to restore and bring again into Repute the Mass, with all its Su∣perstitions; and afterwards his Latin Book, under a feigned Name. In which Gardiner had so unfairly dealt with the Arch-bishop's Ar∣guments, chopping and changing, defacing and disfiguring them, that he could not know them for his own; and all that he might make it serve his own turn the better: Insomuch that he resolved to have his own Book translated out of English into Latin, that his true Opi∣nion and Mind in this Controversy might the better be apprehend∣ed. The whole Epistle is writ in a pure elegant Latin Stile, with a good sharpness of Wit.

The publication of this his Latin Book, he thought sufficient for the present to entertain the World, till he should put forth, in Latin also, a full Answer to Gardiner, which he intended shortly to do. To this Latin Book, the Arch-bishop occasionally reviewing it, while he was in Prison, made sundry Annotations and Additions; not of any new Arguments, but only of more Authorities out of the Fathers and Ancient Writers. This valuable Autograph fell into the Hands of some of the English Exiles at Embden, it may be by the Means of Bp Scory, who was Superintendent of the English Church there,* 6.32 or Sir Iohn Cheke, who also for some time was in this Place, both great Friends of the Arch-bishop. In the Year 1557, the Exiles here prin∣ted it with this Title, Defensio, &c. a Thoma Cranmero Martyre scripta. Ab Authore in Vinculis recognita & aucta. Before it, is a new Preface to the Reader, made as it is thought by Sir Iohn Cheke, re∣lating to the Arch-bishop and this his Book, shewing how well-weighed, and well-thought on this Doctrine of the Sacrament was, before he published it, and that he let it not go abroad, till he had diligently compared and pondred all Scriptures and Ancient Authors, and confirmed it at last by his Blood. In the body of the Book, the places where any Enlargements are,* 6.33 are signified by an Hand point∣ing thereunto. In the Margent is often to be found this word Object. with certain Numbers added: Which Numbers shew those Places which Gardiner, under the Name of Marcus Antonius, did endeavour to confute. The very Original these English Exiles here at Embden kept, as a great Treasure, among them, and as a Memorial of the Holy Martyr.

Besides this, the Arch-bishop fully intended to have his Vindicati∣on of his Book, impugned by Gardiner, put into Latin also; but he lived not to see that done.* 6.34 But care was taken of this Business among the Exiles. Insomuch that both Sir Iohn Choke and Iohn Fox were busied about it at the same time. But the former surceased, and left the whole Work to Fox then at Frankford, after he had finished the first part. In this Piece done by Cheke, Iohn a Lasco had an hand; for he put in the Latin School-Terms, instead of more pure good Latin which Cheke had used. And it was judged fit that such Words should be used,. where the ABp in his English had used them. And this Cheke and A Lasco themselves wrote to Fox. Fox undertook the rest, by the Incitation and Encouragement of P. Martyr, and of Grindal and Pilkington, both Bishops afterwards. Who gave him Di∣rections

for the translating; and as Doubts occurred concerning the Sense of certain Matters in the Book, as he met with them, he con∣sulted with these Men for their Judgments therein. Grindal in one Letter, bad him write a Catalogue of all Passages by him doubted of, and send it to him. Fox finished his Translation in the Year 1557, before Iune. For which he had a Congratulatory Letter from Grindal, who was his chief Assistant and Counsellor herein. The Work was dispatched to the Press, at Basil I suppose; and when one Part was printed, the Censors of the Press thought it would be bet∣ter to defer an Argument of that Nature to better Times, the Con∣troversy having been bandied up and down so much already. But Froscover undertook the printing of the whole Book. Fox would do nothing of himself; but leaving himself to the Judgment of his Learned Brethren, to commit the Work now to Froscover, or no, Queen Mary's Death, and the return of the Exiles, I suppose, stop∣ped further progress in this Matter. The Original Manuscript, un∣der Fox's own Hand, in very cleanly elegant Latin, I have lying by me: It bears this Title, De totâ Sacramenti Eucharistiae causa Institu∣tionum Libri V. Autore D. THOMA CRANMERO Archiepis∣copo Cantuariensi. Quibus & Stephani Garneri Episcopi Wintoniensi, & SMYTHI Doctoris Theologi, impugnationibus, respondetur.

* 6.35And that I may bring here together all that relates to Cranmer, as to this Matter of the Sacrament, I must not omit what I saw in the Benet-Library. There is a thin Note-book of this Arch-bishop's with this Title, wrote by his own Hand, De re Sacramentaria; which I verily believe are his Meditations and Conclusions, when he set himself accurately to examine the Sacramental Controversy, and fell off from the Opinion of the Carnal Presence. The Notes consist of nothing but Quotations out of ancient Ecclesiastical Authors about the Lord's Supper; interlined in many Places by the Arch-bishop's Pen. On the top of some of the Pages are these Sentences writ by himself, being Doctrines provable out of the Sentences there produced, and transcribed.

Panis vocatur Corpus Christi, & Vinum Sanguis.

Panis est Corpus meum, & Vinum est Sanguis meus; figurativae sunt locutiones.

Quid significet haec figura, Edere carnem, & bibere sanguinem.

Mali non edunt & bibunt corpus & sanguinem Domini.

Patres Vet. Testamenti, edebant & bibebant Christum, sicut & Nos.

Sicut in Eucharistia, ita in Baptismo, presens est Christus. Contra Transubstantiationem.

After this, follow these Writings of the Arch-bishop's own Hand (which Arch-bishop Parker elsewhere transcribed for his own Satis∣faction).

Multa affirmant crassi Papistae, seu Capernaitae, quae ne{que} Scriptura ne{que} ullus Veterum unquam dixerat. Viz.

Quod Accidentia maneant sine subjecto.

Quod Accidentia panis & vini sunt Sacramenta: non panis & vinum.

Quod Panis non est figura, sed accidentia panis.

Quod Christus non appellavit panem corpus suum.

Quod cum Christus dixit; Hoc est corpus meum, pronomen Hoc non refertur ad panem, sed ad corpus Christi.

Quod tot corpora Christi accipimus, aut toties corpus ejus accipimus, quoties, aut in quot partes, dentibus secamus panem.

Thus having set down divers Assertions of Papists, or Capernaites, as he stiled them, which neither Scripture nor Ancient Fathers knew any thing of; his Notes proceed to state wherein Papists and Protestants disagree.

Praecipua Capita in quibus a Papisticis dissentimus.

Christum Papistae statuunt in pane, nos in homine comedente.

Illi in comedentis ore, nos in toto homine.

Illi Corpus Christi aiunt evolare, masticato vel consumpto pane: Nos manere in homine dicimus, quamdiu membrum est Christi.

Illi in pane statuunt per annum integrum, & diutius, si duret panis: Nos in homine statuimus inhabitare, quamdiu Templum Dei fuerit.

Illorum Sententiâ, quod ad realem praesentiam attinet, non amplius edit homo quam bellua, ne{que} magis ei prodest, quam cuivis animanti.

Thus God made use of this Arch-bishop,* 7.1 who was once of the most violent Asserters of the Corporal Presence, to be the chief∣est Instrument of overthrowing it. But this good Work required to be carried on after Cranmer's Death. For great Brags were made of Gardiner's second Book; and it was boasted, that none dared to encounter this their Goliath. P. Martyr was thought the fittest Man to succeed Cranmer in this Province, to maintain the Truth that be∣gan now to shine forth. He, overcome by the Solicitation of Friends,* 7.2 composed a Book against Gardiner, as was said before, and printed it at Zurick. Wherein, I. He defended the Arguments of our Men; which had been collected together, and pretended to be con∣futed by Gardiner's Book. II. He defended those Rules which Cran∣mer had put forth in his Tract of the Sacrament. III. He main∣tained those Answers, whereby the Arguments of the Adversaries were wont to be refuted. And, IV. He asserted the just and true Interpretation of certain Places out of the Fathers, which Gardiner and his Companions brought for themselves and their Errors.

After this Defence followed another by the same Author, printed in the same Town of Zurick, against two Books of Dr. Rich. Smith,* 7.3 concerning the single Life of Priests, and Monastick Vows: which he wrote at Lovain against Martyr. For when Martyr had read at Oxford upon 1 Corinthians Chap. vii. where the Apostle speaks much of Virginity and Matrimony; (the Notes of which Readings Smith had very diligently taken, being constantly present at them) from thence he composed two Books, not so strong as malicious, Of the Celibacy of Priests, and of Vows: designing thereby to confute Martyr's Arguments: Which he therefore thought fit to vindicate. In this Book he not only answered Smith's Arguments, but what∣ever else he could meet with upon that Subject. But it was thought

to be a very improper Undertaking, and proved cause of Mirth, that so filthy a Fellow as Smith was known to be, and once taken in the Act of Adultery, should write a Book of Priestly Chastity. Which occasioned these Verses made by Laur. Humfrey,

Haud satis affabrè tractans fabrilia Smithus, Librum de vita caelibe composuit, &c. Dúm{que} pudicitiam, dum vota monastica laudat, Stuprat, sacra notans foedera conjugii,

CHAP. XXVI. The Duke of Somerset's Death. New Bishops.

* 7.4THE Arch-bishop of Canterbury this Year lost the Duke of Somerset, whom he much valued, and who had been a great Assistant to him in the Reformation of the Church, and a true Friend to it. His violent Death exceedingly grieved the good Arch-bishop, both because he knew it would prove a great Let to Religion, and was brought about by evil Men, to the shedding of Innocent Blood, for the furthering the Ends of Ambition: and be∣gat in him Fears and Jealousies of the King's Life. It is very re∣markable what I meet with in one of my Manuscripts.* 7.5 There was a Woman, somewhat before the last apprehension of the Duke, Wife of one Woocock of Pool in Dorsetshire, that gave out, that there was a Voice that followed her, which sounded these words always in her Ears, He whom the King did best trust, should deceive him, and work Treason against him. After she had a good while reported this, Sir William Barkley, who married the Lord Treasurer Winchester's Daughter, sent her up to London to the Council, with two of his Servants. She was not long there, but, without acquainting the Duke of Somerset, whom it seemed most to concern, (he being the Person whom the King most trusted) was sent home again with her Purse full of Money. And after her coming home, She was more busy in that talk than before. So that She came to a Market-Town, called Wimborn, four Miles from Pool, where she reported, that the Voice continued following her as before. This looked, by the Cir∣cumstances, like a practice of some Popish Priests accustomed to dealing in such Frauds, to make the World the more inclinable to believe the Guilt of the good Duke, which Somerset's Enemies were now framing against him. And so some of the Wiser Sort thereabouts did seem to think; For there were two Merchants of Pool that heard her, and took a Note of her Words, and came to the House of Hancock, Minister of Pool, who was known to the Duke, counselling him to certify my Lord of her. Which Hancock accordingly did, and came to Sion, where the Duke then was, and told him of the Words. He added,

Whom the King doth best trust we do not know, but that all the King's loving Subjects did think that his Grace was most worthy to be best trusted; and that his Grace had been in Trouble: and that all the King's Loving

Subjects did pray for his Grace to the Almighty to preserve him, that he might never come in the like trouble again.

Then the Duke asked him whether he had a Note of the Words. Which when he had received from Hancock, he said, to him, sus∣pecting the Plot,

Ah! Sirrah, this is strange, that these things should come before the Councellors, and I not hear of it. I am of the Council also.

He asked Hancock, Before whom of the Council this matter was brought? Who replied, He knew not cer∣tain, but as he supposed. The Duke asked him, Whom he suppo∣sed? He answered, Before the Lord Treasurer, because his Son-in-Law, Sir W. Barkley sent her up. The Duke subjoyned, It was like to be so. This was three weeks before his last Apprehension. This I extract out of Mr. Hancock's own Narration of himself and and his Troubles: to which he added, That at his first apprehen∣sion, the report was, that the Duke, what time as he was fetch'd out of Windsor-Castle, having the King by the Hand, should say, It is not I that they shoot at; This is the Mark that they shoot at, meaning the King. Which by the Sequel proved too true. For that good, Godly and vertuous Prince lived not long after the Death of that good Duke.

Indeed it seemed to have been a Plot of the Papists,* 7.6 and the Bishop of Winchester at the Bottom of it. This is certain, when in October 1549. the Duke was brought to the Tower, the Bishop was then born in hand, he should be set at Liberty. Of which he had such Confidence that he prepared himself new Apparel against the Time he should come out; thinking verily to have come abroad within eight or ten Days. But finding himself disappointed, he wrote an expostulatory Letter to the Lords within a Month after, to put them in remembrance, as Stow writes.

The Articles that were drawn up against the Duke,* 7.7 upon his second Apprehension and Trial, were in number Twenty, which I shall not repeat here, as I might out of a Manuscript thereof, be∣cause they may be seen in Fox. But I do observe one of the Articles is not printed in his Book, namely the Tenth: which ran thus.

Also, you are charged, that you have divers and many times, both openly and privately said and affirmed, That the Nobles and Gentlemen were the only Causes of the Dearth of things, where∣by the People rose, and did reform things themselves.

Whence it appears, that one Cause of the hatred of the Nobility and Gentry against him, was, because he spake against their Debauches and Ex∣cesses, Covetousness and Oppressions. But that which I chiefly ob∣serve here is, that the draught of these Articles, which I have seen, were made by Bp Gardiner, being his very Hand, unless I am much mis∣taken. So that he, I suppose, was privately dealt with and consul∣ted, (being then a Prisoner in the Tower) to be a Party in assisting and carrying on this direful Plot against the Duke, to take away his Life: Notwithstanding his outward Friendship and fair Corre∣spondence in Letters with the said Duke. But Gardiner was looked upon to be a good Manager of Accusations; and he was ready enough to be employed here, that he might put to his Hand in

taking off one that was such a great Instrument of promoting the Reformation.

He is generally charged for the great Spoil of Churches and Chap∣pels;* 7.8 defacing antient Tombs and Monuments, and pulling down the Bells in Parish-Churches, and ordering only one Bell in a Steeple, as sufficient to call the People together. Which set the Commonalty almost into a Rebellion.

* 7.9As the Arch-bishop the last Year had procured Amendments and Alterations in the Book of Publick Prayers, and had consulted there∣in with the two Learned Foreign Divines, Bucer and Martyr; so this Year, in Ianuary, an Act was made by the Parliament for autho∣rizing the new Book, and obliging the Subjects to be present at the reading of it. In this Book the general Confession was added, and the Absolution. At the beginning of the second Service was added the Recital of the Ten Commandments, with the short Ejaculation to be said between each Commandment. Something was left out in the Consecration of the Sacrament, that seemed to favour a Corporal pre∣sence. Several Rites were laid aside, as that of Oil in Confirmation, and Extream Unction, and Prayer for the Dead, which was before used in the Communion-Office, and that of Burial: together with the change and abolishing of some other things that were offensive or Superstitions: as may be seen by those that will take the pains to compare the two Books, the one printed in the Year 1549, and the other 1552. And this was brought about by the great and long Diligence and Care of our pious Arch-bishop, and no question to his great Joy and Satisfaction. So that I look upon that, but as an improbable report, that was carried about in Frankford in those unseemly Branglings among the English Exiles there, that Bullinger should say,* 7.10

That Cranmer had drawn up a Book of Prayers an hun∣dred times more perfect, then that which was then in being, but the same could not take place, for that he was matched with such a wicked Clergy and Convocation, with other Enemies.

But as his Authority was now very great, so there was undoubtedly a great Deference paid to it, as also to his Wisdom and Learning, by the rest of the Divines appointed to that Work: so that as nothing was by them inserted into the Liturgy, but by his good Allowance and Ap∣probation, so neither would they reject or oppose what he thought fit should be put in or Altered.

* 7.11The Learning, Piety, and good Deserts of Miles Coverdale, in translating the Holy Scriptures into the English Tongue, and in a constant preaching of the Gospel, and sticking to the true Profession for many a Year; and withall, very probably, their antient acquain∣tance in Cambridg, were reasons that made our Arch-bishop a par∣ticular Friend to him. When the Lord Russel was sent down against the Rebels in the West, he was attended by Coverdale to preach among them. Coverdale afterwards became Coadjutor to Veyzy the Bishop of Exeter, who seldom resided, and took little care of his Diocess. But this Year, whether voluntarily, or by some Or∣der, he resigned up his Bishoprick, having first greatly spoiled it of its Revenues. And when some wise and bold Person, and ex∣cellent Preacher, was found extreamly needful to be sent thither, to

inspect the Clergy and Ecclesiastick Matters in those Parts, the late Rebellion having been raised chiefly by Priests in hatred to the Re∣ligion, heating, and disaffecting the Minds of the common People, Coverdale was judged a very fit Person to succeed in that Charge. Being now Bishop Elect of Exon, he had long attended at Court to get his Matters dispatched; namely, The doing of his Homage, and the obtaining a Suit to be excused the paiment of his first Fruits, being but a poor Man. But such at that Time were the great and urgent Affairs of the State, or the secret Hinderers of the Gospel, that he found nothing but Delaies. So that he was forced to apply himself unto his Friend, the Arch-bishop, to forward his Business. Who forthwith sent his Letters to Secretary Cecyl, making Coverdale himself the Bearer, Entreating him to use his In∣terest to get this Bishop dispatched, and that with speed: Urging this for his Reason, (becoming his paternal Care over his Province) That so he might without further delay go down into the Western Parts, which had great need of him. And also because he was minded on the 30th of August, to consecrate him and the Bishop of Rochester [Scory] according to the King's Mandate.

This Scory was at first preferred by the Arch-bishop to be one of the six Preachers at Canterbury:* 7.12 and always continued firm to the Purity of Religion, and endured Trouble for the good and whole∣some Doctrine that he preached; having been presented and com∣plained of, both in the Spiritual Courts, and to the Justices at their Sessions, when the Six Articles were in Force. He was a Married Man, and so deprived at the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, fled beyond Sea, and was Superintendent of the English Congregati∣on at Embden in Friezland. There, in the Year 1555, he wrote and printed A Comfortable Epistle unto all the Faithful that be in Prison, or in any other Trouble for the defence of God's Truth. Wherein he doth as well by the promises of Mercy, as also by the Examples of divers holy Martyrs, comfort, encourage and strengthen them patiently, for Christ's Sake, to suffer the manifold cruel and most tyrannous Persecutions of Antichristian Tormentors. As the Book bears title.

There were divers Bishopricks vacant this Year.* 7.13 As that of Lin∣coln by the Death of Holbech. The Arch-bishop deputed the Spiri∣tualties to Iohn Pope, LL. B. and Chancellor of that Church. The Church commending unto the Arch-bishop this Pope, and two more, viz. Iohn Prin, LL. D. Subdean of the Church, and Christopher Massingberde, LL. B. Arch-deacon of Stow. So he chose the first: But yet he committed a special trust to Taylor, the Dean of Lincoln,* 7.14 (whom he knew to be tight to Religion) sending a Commission fiduciary to him, before Pope entred upon his Office, to give the said Pope his Oath,

Legally and faithfully to perform his Office com∣mitted to him by the Arch-bishop, and to answer to the said Arch-bishop for all Obventions coming to him by virtue of his Jurisdicti∣on and Office; and that he should not, by Malice or Wrong, squeez the Subjects of the King, and of that Diocess, whether Clerks or Laics; that he should not knowingly grieve them in their Estates or Persons: and that he shall abstain from Oppressions, Extortions and unlawful Exactions: and that he shall renounce the Bishop of

Rome his usurped Jurisdiction and Authority, according to the Sta∣tutes of Parliament.

And of all this he wrote a Letter to the said Pope, signifying that he required such an Oath of him to be taken before the Dean. The Tenor of the Arch-bishop's Letter to the Dean went on further,

requiring him by his sound Council, singu∣lar Prudence, and by the assistance of his sincere Judgment, to be present with him in any hard Cases and of great Moment, and that he would not be wanting to him in any Matters of that sort, being a Person of that Knowledg in Sacred & Prophane Learning, of that Prudence, Circumspection and Dexterity in managing Business. And so finally joined him with Pope to perform all this piously and catholickly, according to the Rule of Evangelick Religion, and the Exigency of the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom.

And deputed him his Vice-gerent. This Letter was dated at Croydon, the 20th of August. This Commission seemed to be somewhat extraordi∣nary: The occasion whereof might be, because the Arch-bishop did not confide in this Chancellor of the Church, suspecting his Reli∣gion, and Compliance with the King's Proceedings, therefore he thought good to associate him with Taylor the Dean, of whom he was well assured.

* 7.15The Church of Worcester became also Vacant by the Deprivation of Hethe the Bishop. The Arch-bishop committed the Spiritualties thereof to Iohn Barlo Dean of the said Church, and Roland Taylor LL. D. his Domestick Chaplain.* 7.16 These he constituted his Officials to exercise all Episcopal Jurisdiction. This Commission was dated at Lambeth, Ian. 10. 1554, by an Error of the Scribe for 1551. as appears by a Certificate sent from the Church to that Arch-bishop sig∣nifying the Vacation of it.

* 7.17Upon the Vacancy of the Church of Chichester, by the Depri∣vation of Day, the Arch-bishop made Iohn Worthial Arch-deacon of Chichester, and Robert Taylor LL. B. Dean of the Deanery of South-Malling, his Officials. This Commission to them, dated Novemb. 3, 1551, was to Visit, &c.

* 7.18Upon the Vacancy of the Church of Hereford, by the Death of Skip late Bishop there, the Spiritualties were committed to Hugh Coren, LL. D. Dean of that Church, and Rich. Cheny, D.D. Arch-deacon of Hereford. Their Commission was to Visit, &c.

* 7.19Upon the Vacancy of the Bishoprick of Bangor, either by the Death of Bulkly the Bishop, or his Resignation upon his blindness, the Arch-bishop made his Commissaries, Griffin Leyson his principal Chancellor and Official, Rowland Merick a Canon of S. David's, and Geofrey Glynn, L L. D D. The Church of Rochester also became this Year Vacant by the Translation of Scory to Chichester. In these Va∣cancies the Bishopricks were lamentably pilled, by hungry Courtiers, of the Revenues belonging to them.

* 7.20This Year Bishop Hoper was by the Council dispatched down (as was said before) into his Diocess: where things were much out of order, and Popery had great footing; and therefore it wanted such a stirring Man as he was. That he might do the more Good, he had the Authority of the Lords of the Council to back him, by a Commission granted to him and others. He brought most of the

Parish-Priests and Curates from their old Superstitions and Errors concerning the Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The Recantation of one of them of more note named Phelps, the In∣cumbent of Ciciter, which he made publickly and subscribed, may be seen in the Appendix.* 7.21

This Year there happened two learned Conferences in Latin,* 7.22 privately managed, about the Corporeal Presence in the Sacrament. The one on the 25th of November, in the House of Sir William Cecyl Secretary of State, performed by the said Cecyl, Sir Iohn Cheke, Horne Dean of Durham, Whitehead and Grindal, on the Protestant side: and Feckenham and Yong on the Popish. But first before they began, Cecyl under his solemn Protestation assured them, that every Man should have free Liberty to speak his Mind, and that none should receive any Dammage or incurr any Danger. Cheke began by propounding this question, Quis esset verus & germanus sensus verbo∣rum Coenae, Hoc est corpus meum; Num quem verba sensu grammatico accepta prae se ferebant, an aliud quiddam. To whom Feckenham an∣swered. There were present besides those that disputed, these noble and learned Persons, The Lord Russel, Sir Anthony Coke, Mr. Hales, Mr. Wroth, Mr. Frogmartin, Mr. Knolles, Mr. Harrington. The second Disputation was Decemb. 3. following, in Mr. Morisin's House: where were present the Marq. of Northampton, the Earl of Rutland, the Lord Russel, and those above named, and Watson added on the Papists side. Then Cheke again propounded the Question,

Whe∣ther the words of the Supper are to be understood in a gram∣matical, or in a figurative Sense? To which Watson Respond∣ed.

Both these Disputations are too large for this place, but they are set down in one of the Manuscript Volumes of the Benet-Li∣brary.* 7.23

In November died Dr. Iohn Redman,* 7.24 Master of Trinity-College in Cambridg, and one of the great Lights of that University, for the bringing in solid Learning among the Students: a Prebendary of the Church of Westminster;* 7.25 and who in the Year 1549 assisted in the compiling the English Book of Common-Prayer, and preached a Sermon upon the Learned Bucer's Death the day following his Fu∣neral. He was a Person of extraordinary Reputation among all for his great Learning and Reading, and profound Knowledg in Divi∣nity. So that the greatest Divines gave a mighty Deference to his Judgment. And therefore when he lay sick at Westminster, many learned Men repaired to him, desiring to know his last Judgment of several Points, then so much controverted. And he was very ready to give them Satisfaction. Among the rest, that came, were Richard Wilks Master of Christ's College Cambridg, Alexander Noel, afterwards Dean of Paul's, and Yong, a Man of Fame in Cambridg for his disputing against Bucer about Justification. In these Con∣ferences with these learned Man, he called the See of Rome, Sentina Malorum, A Sink of Evils; he said,

That Purgatory, as the School∣men taught it, was ungodly, and that there was no such kind of Purgatory as they fancied. That the offering up the Sacrament in Masses and Trentals for the Sins of the Dead, was ungodly. That the Wicked are not partakers of the Body of Christ, but receive

the outward Sacrament only. That it ought not to be carried about in Procession. That nothing that is seen in the Sacrament, or perceived with the outward Sense, is to be worshipped. That we receive not Christ's Body Corporaliter, grosly, like other Meats, but so Spiritualiter, that nevertheless Verè, truly. That there was not any good ground in the old Doctors for Transubstantiation, as ever he could perceive; nor could he see what could be answered to the Objections against it. That Priests might by the Law of God marry Wives. That this Proposition, Faith only justifies, so that this Faith signify a true lively Faith, resting in Christ, and embracing him, is a true, godly, sweet and comfortable Doctrine. That our Works cannot deserve the Kingdom of God. And, he said, that it troubled him that he had so much strove against Justification by Faith only.

A Treatise whereof he composed, which was printed at Antwerp after his Death, in the Year 1555. He said also to Yong,

That Consensus Ecclesiae was but a weak Staff to lean to; and exhorted him to read the Scriptures, for there was that which would comfort him, when he should be in such a case as he was then in.

One asked him concerning the Doctrine of the School-Doctors, that Bread remained not after Consecration. He replied,

There was none of the School-Doctors knew what Consecratio did mean.

And pausing a while, said, It was Tota actio, The whole Action in ministring the Sacrament, as Christ did institute it. After the Conference with him was ended, Yong reti∣ring into another Chamber, said to Wilks, that Dr. Redman so moved him, that whereas he was before in such Opinion of certain things, that he would have burned and lost his Life for them, now he doubt∣ed of them.

But I see, said he, a Man shall know more and more by process of time, and by reading and hearing others. And Mr. Dr. Redman's saying shall cause me to look more diligently for them.

Ellis Lomas, Redman's Servant, said, he knew his Master had declared to King Henry, that Faith only justifieth, but that he thought that Doctrine was not to be taught the People, lest they should be negligent to do good Works. All this I have related of this Divine, that I may in some measure preserve the Memory of one of the Learnedest Men of his Time; and lay up the dying Words of a Papist, signifying so plainly his dislike and disallowance of ma∣ny of their Doctrines.

The Sweating-sickness breaking out this Year in great violence, (whereby the two Sons of the Duke of Suffolk were taken off) Let∣ters from the Council dated Iuly 18, were sent to all the Bishops, to perswade the People to Prayer, and to see God better served.

* 7.26It being enacted 1549, That the King might, during three Years, appoint sixteen Spiritual Men, and sixteen Temporal, to examine the old Ecclesiastical Laws, and to compile a Body of Ecclesiastical Laws, to be in force in the room of the old: this third Year, Octob. 6. a Commission was issued out to the same number of Persons, autho∣rizing them to reform the Canon Laws; that is to say, to eight Bishops, eight Divines, eight Civil Lawyers, and eight Common. Whose Names, as they occur in an Original, are as follow:

BISHOPS.

• The Arch-bishop of Canterbury,
• ... the Bishops of
  • London,
  • Winchester,
  • Ely,
  • Exeter,
  • Glocester,
  • Bath,
  • Rochestre.

DIVINES.

• Mr. Taylor of Lincoln,
• Cox, Almoner,
• Parker of Cambridg,
• Lati∣mer,
• Cook, [Sir Anthony I suppose]
• Peter Martyr,
• Cheke,
• Ioannes a Laseo.

CIVILIANS.

• Mr. Peter,
• Cecyl,
• Sir Tho. Smith,
• Taylor of Hadeligh,
• Dr. May,
• ... Mr. Traheron,
• Dr. Lyel,
• Mr. Skinner.

LAWYERS.

• Justice Hales,
• Justice Bromly,
• ...Goodrick,
• ...Gosnal,
• ... Stamford,
• ... Carel,
• ...Lucas,
• ... Brook
• Recorder of London.

It was so ordered,* 7.27 that this number should be divided into four distinct Classes, or Companies; each to consist of two Bishops, two Divines, to Civilians, and two Common-Lawyers. And to each Company were assigned their set parts: Which when one Company had finished, it was transmitted to the other Companies to be by them all, well considered and inspected. But out of all the number of two and thirty, eight especially were selected, from each rank two, viz. out of the Bishops, the Arch-bishop and the Bishop of Ely; out of the Divines, Cox and Martyr; out of the Civilians, Taylor and May; out of the Common-Lawyers, Lucas and Goodrick: To whom a new Commission was made Novemb. 9, for the first forming of the Work, and preparation of the Matter. And the Arch-bishop supervised the whole Work. This Work they plied close this Winter. But lest they should be straitned for time, the Parliament gave the King three Years longer for accomplishing this Affair. So, Feb. 2. A Letter was sent from the Council to make a new Commission to the Arch-bishop, and to the other Bishops and Learned Men, Civilians and Lawyers, for the establishment of the Ecclesiastical Laws, according to the Act of Parliament made in the last Session. This was a very noble Enterprize, and well worthy the Thoughts of our excellent Arch-bishop. Who with indefatigable Pains had been, both in this and the last King's Reign, labouring to bring this Matter about, and he did his part, for he brought the Work to per∣fection. But it wanted the King's Ratification, which was delayed, partly by Business, and partly by Enemies.

Bishops Consecrated.

August the 30th. Iohn Scory, Ponet being translated to Winchester,* 7.28 was consecrated Bishop of Rochester, at Croyden, by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, assisted by Nicolas Bishop of London, and Iohn Suf∣fragan of Bedford.

Miles Coverdale was at the same time and place Consecrated Bi∣shop of Exon, all with their Surplices and Copes,* 7.29 and Coverdale so habited also.

* 7.30CHAP. XXVII. The Articles of Religion.

* 7.31OUR Arch-bishop, and certain of the Bishops and other Divines, but whom by Name I find not, were this Year chiefly busied in composing and preparing a Book of Articles of Religion; which was to contain what should be publickly owned as the Sum of the Do∣ctrine of the Church of England. This the Arch-bishop had long before this bore in his Mind, as excellently serviceable for the creating of a Concord and Quietness among Men, and for the putting an End to Contentions and Disputes in Matters of Religion. These Arti∣cles the Arch-bishop was the Penner, or at least the great Director of, with the assistance, as is very probable, of Bishop Ridley. And so he publickly owned afterwards, in his Answer to certain Interroga∣tories put to him by Queen Mary's Commissioners;* 7.32 viz. That the Catechism, the Book of Articles, and the Book against Winchester, were his Doings. These Articles were in number Forty two, and were agreed to in the Convocation 1552. And in the Year 1553, they were published by the King's Authority both in Latin and Eng∣lish. After they were finished, he laboured to have the Clergy sub∣scribe them: but against their Wills he compelled none; though af∣terwards some charged him falsly to do so: Which he utterly denied, as he declared before the said Queen's Commissioners. But to enter into some Particulars concerning so eminent a Matter Ecclesiastical as this was.

* 7.33In the Year 1551, the King and his Privy-Council ordered the Arch∣bishop to frame a Book of Articles of Religion for the preserving and maintaining Peace and Unity of Doctrine in this Church, that being finish'd, they might be set forth by Publick Authority. The Arch-bishop, in obedience hereunto, drew up a set of Articles, which were delivered to certain other Bishops to be inspected and subscribed, I suppose, by them. Before them they lay until this Year 1552. Then, May 2. a Letter was sent from the Council to our Arch-bishop, to send the Articles that were delivered the last Year to the Bishops, and to signify whether the same were set forth by any Publick Autho∣rity according to the Minutes. The Arch-bishop accordingly sent the Articles, and his Answer, unto the Lords of the Council. In Sep∣tember I find the Articles were again in his Hands. Then he set the Book in a better Order, and put Titles upon each of the Articles, and some Additions for the better perfecting of the Work, and sup∣ply of that which lacked. And so transmitted the Book again from Croydon, Septemb. 19. to Sir William Cecyl and Sir Iohn Cheke, the one the King's Principal Secretary, and the other his Tutor, being the two great Patrons of the Reformation at the Court: Desiring them together to take these Articles into their serious Considerations; for he well knew them to be both wise and good Men, and very well seen in Divine Learning. And he referred it to their Wisdoms, whether they thought best to move the King's Majesty therein before his coming to Court; as though he conceived the King might make

some demur in so weighty an Affair, till he should consult with the Metropolitan, in order to the coming to a Resolution; or that there were some great Persons about the King, that might cast some Scru∣ples and Objections in his Mind concerning it, which he by his Pre∣sence might prevent, or be ready at hand to resolve. Cecyl and Cheke thought it more convenient the Arch-bishop should offer them to the King himself. So coming to Court soon after, he delivered the Book to the King, and moved him for their publishing and due observati∣on. And so leaving them before the King and Council, they were then again delivered unto certain of the King's Chaplains, who made some Alterations.

For I find,* 7.34 that Octob. 2. a Letter was di∣rected to Mr. Harley, Bill, Horn, Grindal, Pern and Knox, to con∣sider certain Articles (which must be these Articles of Religion) exhibited to the King's Majesty, to be subscribed by all such as shall be admitted to be Preachers or Ministers in any part of the Realm; and to make report of their Opinions touching the same.

The Time of the Year declined now towards the latter end of No∣vember; and the Arch-bishop being retired down from Croydon to his House at Ford near Canterbury, the Privy-Council, Novemb. 20. dis∣patched, by a Messenger, the Articles unto him to be reviewed, and for his last Hand, that they might be presented before the Con∣vocation, and allowed there; and so be published by the Royal Au∣thority. The Arch-bishop received the Book and Letter from the Council, Novemb. 23. And making some Notes upon it, enclosed them in a Letter to the Lords, and sent them, together with the Book, the next day; beseeching them to prevail with the King, that all Bishops should have Authority to cause their respective Clergy to subscribe it:

And then he trusted, (as he wrote) that such a Concord and Quietness in Religion would soon follow, as otherwise would not be in many Years. And there∣by God would be glorified, the Truth advanced, and their Lordships rewarded by him, as the setters forth of his true Word and Gospel.* 7.35

This pious Letter may be read in the Ap∣pendix.

The King went a Progress this Summer;* 7.36 and the Arch-bishop re∣tired to Croydon; where I find him in Iuly, August and September. And thence, Octob. 11. he went to Ford, to spend some time in his Diocess. Now he was absent from the Court, and the King abroad at that distance, that he could not frequently wait upon him, and be present at the Council; his Enemies were at work to bring him into trouble, as we shall see by and by.

CHAP. XXVIII. Persons nominated for Irish Bishopricks.

THERE were certain Bishopricks in Ireland about this time va∣cant; one whereof was that of Armagh.* 7.37 And it was thought convenient to have them filled by Divines out of England. In the Month of August the Arch-bishop was consulted with for this; that

so by the Influence of very wise and learned Men, and good Preachers, the Gospel might be the better propagated in that dark Region. But because it was foreseen to be difficult to procure any English Men, so endowed, to go over thither, therefore Secretary Cecyl, being then with the King in his Progress, sent a Letter to the Arch-bishop at Croyden, to nominate some worthy Persons for those Preferments, and whom he thought would be willing to undertake them. He re∣turned him the Names of Four, viz. Mr. Whitehead of Hadley, Mr. Turner of Canterbury, Sir Thomas Rosse and Sir Robert Wisdome. He said,

He knew many others in England that would be meet Per∣sons for those Places, but very few that would gladly be perswaded to go thither.

For it seems the English were never very fond of living in Ireland. But he added concerning these four which he had named,

That he thought, they being ordinarily called, for Conscience-sake would not refuse to bestow the Talent committed unto them, wheresoever it should please the King's Majesty to ap∣point them.

He recommended likewise a fifth Person for this Promotion, one Mr. * 7.38 Whitacre, a wise and well-learned Man, (as he characters him) who was Chaplain to the Bishop of Winchester [Poynet]. But he doubted whether he would be perswaded to take it upon him.

* 7.39It may not be amiss to make some enquiry who and what those Four before-mentioned Persons were.

Mr. Whithead was an Exile in Queen Mary's Reign, and Pastor of the English Congregation at Frankford. And at the Conference in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Government, he was one of the Nine Disputants on the Protestant side, and one of the appointed Eight to revise the Service-Book. The Writer of the Troubles at Frankford mentions three, viz. Coverdale, Turner, and this Whitehead; of whom he saith,

That they were the most ancient Preachers of the Gospel, and the most ancient Fathers of this our Country; and that from their Pens, as well as their Mouths, most of Queen Eli∣zabeth's Divines and Bishops first received the Light of the Gospel.

Why Cranmer should stile him VVhithead of Hadley, I do not appre∣hend, seeing Dr. Rowland Taylor, his Chaplain, was now Par••on of Hadley, who not long after was there burnt: And one Yeomans was Taylor's Curat there, who also was afterwards burnt at Norwich. But I suppose this was some other Hadley.

* 7.40I find two about this Time bearing the Name of Turner; both eminent Men, and Preachers: The one was named William Turner, a Doctor in Physick, and greatly befriended by Sir Iohn Cheke and Sir William Cecyl. This Man, a Native of Northumberland, was the first English Man that compiled an Herbal; which was the Ground∣work of that which Gerard laid the last Hand unto. He was a Re∣tainer to the Duke of Somerset in Edward the Sixth's Time, and was Physician in ordinary to his Family. And the Year before this, viz. 1551, I find him Dean of Wells. The other was Richard Turner, a Staf∣fordshire-Man, in former time Curate of Chartam in Kent, and com∣monly called Turner of Canterbury, living in the family of Mr. Morice, the Arch-bishop's Secretary, (of whom afterwards) who held the Impropriation of that Parsonage, and had presented this Man to the

Vicarage. For his free and bold preaching against Popish Errors, and asserting the King's Supremacy, and for the extraordinary Success of his Ministry in bringing Multitudes of People in those Parts, out of Ignorance and Superstition, he was put to much Trouble and Danger. He was first complained of to the King: And being brought up, the Arch-bishop, and other Ecclesiastical Commissio∣ners, were commanded to examine him upon certain Articles. But by the secret Favour of the Arch-bishop, and his own prudent An∣swers, he was then discharged. Soon after, upon some false Reports told of him, King Henry was so offended, that he sent for the Arch-bishop, willing him to have him whipt out of the Country. But the Arch-bishop pacified the King, and sent him Home the second time. Afterwards, a third time, his old Enemies, the Popish Cler∣gy, got him convented before the Privy-Council, and committed for Doctrines preached by him, before he came into Kent. The Arch-bishop being then down in his Diocess, Turner was sent back to him with an Order to recant. To whom when his fast Friend and Patron, Mr. Morice, had applied himself in his behalf, the Arch-bishop himself, being now under some Cloud, dared not to in∣terpose, because, as he then said, it had been put into the King's Head, that he was the great Favourer and Maintainer of all the Hereticks in the Kingdom. Morice then, that he might prevent this Recantation, if possible, which would have been such a Refle∣ction to the Doctrine he before had preached, addrest his Letters to Sir Anthony Denny, Gentleman of the King's Bed-Chamber, and Sir William Butts, his Physician, relating at large Turner's Cas••. And by their means the King became better informed of the Man, and in fine commanded him to be retained as a faithful Subject. This Story is at large related by Fox. And this, I judg, to be that Turner, whom the Arch-bishop nominated for Ireland▪ having lived long in his Diocess, and so well known to him; and whom he had, I suppose, removed to Canterbury, to a Prebend, or some other Prefer∣ment there. Here he did this remarkable and bold piece of Service▪ that when about three Years past the Rebels were up in Kent, he then preached twice in the Camp near Canterbury: for which the Rebels were going to hang him. But God preserved him. In Queen Mary's time he fled to Basil;* 7.41 where he expounded upon S. Iames, the Hebrews and the Ephesians, to the Exiles there: when Iames Pilkington expounded Ecclesiastes, and both Epistles of of Peter, and the Galatians; And Bentham, the Acts of the Apostles.

Thomas Rosse, or Rose, was also as memorable a Man;* 7.42 very emi∣nent both for his Preachings and Sufferings. He was a West-country Man, but by Providence was removed into Suffolk. And at Hadley had preached against Purgatory, and worshipping Images, about the time that Bilney and Latimer did the like in Cambridg, (which was five and twenty or thirty Years past:) whereby he had brought many to the knowledg of the Truth in that Town. About the Year 1532, when certain Persons out of their Zeal against Idolatry, had stolen by Night the Rood out of the Church at Dover-court in Essex, for which being found guilty of Felony, they were hanged; Rose

seemed to have been privy hereunto; For with the Rood they conveyed away the Slippers, the Coat and the Tapers belonging to it: which Coat Rose burnt. Whether for this, or some other thing, he was complained of to the Council, and brought before them, and by the Bishop of Lincoln was committed to Prison. Where he lay for some Days and Nights with both his Legs in an high pair of Stocks, his Body lying along on the Ground. Thence he was removed to Lambeth, in the Year that Cranmer was Conse∣crated, (which was 1533) who set him at liberty. Afterward he was admitted by Crumwel to be his Chaplain, that thereby he might get a Licence to preach. After various tossings from Place to Place, for safety of his Life, he fled into Flanders and Germany, and came to Zurick, and remained with Bullinger, and to Basil, where he was entertained by Grineus. After some time he returned back into Eng∣land. But was glad to fly beyond Sea again. Three Years after in his Voyage back to his own Country again, he was taken Prisoner by some French, and carried into Diep, where he was spoiled of all he had. His Ransom was soon after paid by a well-disposed Person, who also brought him over into England. Then the Earl of Sussex received him, and his Wife and Child privately into his House. But when this was known, the Earl sent him a secret Letter to be gone. And so he lurked in London till the Death of King Henry VIII. King Edward gave him the Living of VVest-Ham near London, in Essex. Being deprived upon Queen Mary's coming to the Crown, he was sometime Preacher to a Congregation in London. But was taken at one of their Meetings in Bow-Church-yard. Which I sup∣pose was in the Year 1555. For then he was in the Tower: and thence in the Month of May, by the Council's Letters, he was de∣livered to the Sheriff of Norfolk, to be conveyed and delivered to the Bishop of Norwich, and he either to reduce him to recant, or to proceed against him according to Law. Much Imprisonment and many Examinations he underwent, both from the Bishops of Win∣chester and Norwich, but escaped at last, by a great Providence, be∣yond Sea, where he tarried till the Death of Queen Mary. And af∣ter these his Harassings up and down in the World, he was at last, in Queen Elizabeth's happy Reign, quietly settled at Luton in Bed∣fordshire, where he was Preacher, and lived to a very great Age.

* 7.43The fourth was Robert Wisdome, a Man eminent, as the rest, both for his exemplary Conversation, and for his Preaching, toge∣ther with his Sufferings attending thereon. In Henry the Eighth his Reign he was a Person of Fame among the Professors of the Gospel in the South Parts of the Nation: whence, after many painful La∣bours and Persecutions, he fled into the North: as did divers other Preachers of the pure Religion in those Times. There in Stafford∣shire he was one of those, that were entertained by Iohn Old, a pious Professor, and Harbourer of good Men: and Thomas Becon was another, who was taken up with Bradford in the beginning of Queen Mary's Reign, and committed to the Tower. Of this Old the said Becon, in a * 7.44 Treatise of his, printed in Edward the sixth his Reign, gives this Character.

That he was to him and VVisdom, as Iason was to Paul and Silas: He received us joyfully into his

House, and liberally for the Lord's Sake ministred to our Neces∣sities. And as he begun, so did he continue a right hearty Friend, and dearly loving Brother, so long as we remained in the Country.

† 7.45 While VVisdom was here, he was ever vertuously occupied, and suffered no Hour to pass without some good Fruit: employing himself now in Writing, as he had before in Preaching. Besides other Books formerly writ by him, he penned here a very godly and fruitful Exposition upon certain Psalms of David. Of the which he translated some into English Metre. There is one of them, and I think no more, still remaining in our ordinary singing Psalms, namely, the hundred twenty fifth. Which in the Title is said to be composed by R. W. There is also a Hymn of his preserved and set usually at the end of our English singing Psalms, in our Bibles, beginning, Preserve us Lord by thy dear Word. He writ here also ma∣ny godly and learned Sermons upon the Epistles and Gospels, read on Sundays. He translated a Postil of Antonius Corvinus, a Luthe∣ran Divine, and divers other Learned Mens Works. And some of his Adversaries, having laid certain Errors to his Charge very un∣justly, he writ a Confutation thereof; a Book, it seems, replenish'd with all kind of godly Learning. These, and several other things, he writ, while he was here, but they were not published. After his abode in this Place some time, he was by Letters called away again among his former Friends and Acquaintance. And what be∣came of him afterwards, I find not, until here in Edward the Sixth's Reign, he was nominated by our Arch-bishop, to be made Arch-bishop of Armagh. But in Queen Mary's Reign he fled to Frankford, where he remained one of the Members of the English Congregati∣on there. And when an unhappy Breach was made there among them, some being for the use of the Geneva Discipline and Form, and others for the continuance of that Form of Prayers that had been used in England in K. Edward's Days; and the Faction grew to that Head, that the former separated themselves from the rest, and de∣parted to Geneva: this Wisdome did, in a Sermon preached at Frank∣ford, vindicate the English Book, and somewhat sharply blamed them that went away, calling them Mad-heads. As one Tho. Cole wrote from thence to a Friend, with this Censure on him,

That he so called them, he would not say, Vnwisely, [alluding to his name Wisdom] but he might well say, Vncharitably.

I have thought good to give this Account of these Men, that we may perceive hence the good Judgment of our Arch-bishop in pro∣pounding them for those Irish Preferments; so fit and well qualified for them, as in other Respects of Prudence and Learning, so especi∣ally for their tried Zeal and Boldness in preaching the Gospel, and their Constancy in suffering for it; which were Vertues that there would be great occasion for in Ireland.

Of all these Four,* 7.46 our Arch-bishop judged Mr. Whithead the fit∣test; giving this Character of him,

That he was endued with good Knowledg, special Honesty, fervent Zeal, and politick Wisdom.

And the next to him in fitness he judged Turner; of whom he gives this Relation,

That he was Merry and Witty withal, Nihil appetit, nihil ardet, nihil somniat, nisi Iesum Christum. And in the lively

preaching of Him and his Word, declared such Diligence, Faith∣fulness and Wisdom, as for the same deserveth much Commenda∣tion.

* 7.47In fine, Turner was the Man concluded upon by the King, for the Arch-bishoprick of Armagh; Whithead either being not overcome to accept it, or otherwise designed. And the Arch-bishop had Order from Court to send to Canterbury for him to come up. Which ac∣cordingly he did. And now, about the middle of September, much against his Will, as not liking his designed Preferment, Turner wai∣ted upon the Arch-bishop. Who urging to him the King's Will and Pleasure, and his ordinary Call unto this Place, and such-like Argu∣ments, after a great Unwillingness, prevailed with him to accept it. But the Arch-bishop told the Secretary, that Turner seemed more glad to go to hanging, (which the Rebels three Years before were just going to do with him, for his preaching against them in their Camp) than he was now to go to Armagh. He urged to the Arch∣bishop,

That if he went thither, he should have no Auditors, but must preach to the Walls and Stalls; for the People understood no English.

The Arch-bishop on the other hand endeavoured to answer all his Objections. He told him,

They did understand English in Ireland; tho whether they did in the Diocess of Ar∣magh, he did indeed doubt. But to remedy that, he advised him to learn the Irish Tongue; which with diligence he told him he might do in a Year or two. And that there would this Advantage arise thereby, that both his Person and Doctrine would be more accep∣table, not only unto his Diocess, but also throughout all Ireland.

And so by a Letter to Secretary Cecyl, recommended him to his Care; entreating,

That he might have as ready a Dispatch as might be, because he had but little Money.

* 7.48This Letter of the Arch-bishop is dated Sept. 29, 1552. So that it must be a Mistake in the late excellent Historian, when he writes, That Bale and Goodacre were sent over into Ireland to be Bishops, in the Month of August.* 7.49 Which cannot agree with this Letter of Cranmer, which makes Turner to be in nomination only for that See a Month after. And by certain Memorials of King Edward's own Hand, which I have, it appears, that as Turner at last got himself off from accepting that Bishoprick, so by the Date thereof it is evi∣dent, it was vacant in October following. For the King under that Month put the providing for that Place, which Turner refused, a∣mong his Matters to be remembred. The Arch-bishop's Letters con∣cerning this Irish Affair are in the Appendix.* 7.50

So that at last this Charge fell upon Hugh Goodacre, the last Man, as it seems,* 7.51 nominated by the Arch-bishop; whom he termed A Wise and Learned Man. He and Bale, as they came together out of Bishop Poynet's Family unto their Preferments, so they were consecrated to∣gether by Brown Arch-bishop of Dublin, Febr. 2. assisted by Thomas Bishop of Kildare, and Eugenius Bishop of Down and Connor. Which makes me think they were not come over long before. Goodacre died about a quarter of a Year after at Dublin, and there buried, not with∣out suspicion of Poison, by procurement of certain Priests of his Diocess, for preaching God's Verity, and rebuking their common

Vices, as Bale writes. He left many Writings of great Value behind him, as the said Bale his dear Friend relates; but none, as ever I heard of, published. As he was a sober and vertuous Man,* 7.52 so he was particularly famed for his Preaching. He was at first, I suppose, Chaplain to the Lady Elizabeth; at least to her he had been long known. And for him, about the Year 1548, or 1549, she procured a Licence to preach from the Protector; as appears by a Letter she wrote from Enfield to Mr. Cecyl, who then attended on him. Of which Goodacre himself was the Bearer. Wherein she gave this Te∣stimony of him;

That he had been of long time known unto her to be as well of honest Conversation, and sober Living, as of suf∣ficient Learning and Judgment in the Scriptures, to preach the Word of God. The advancement whereof, as she said, she so desired, that she wished there were many such to set forth God's Glory. She desired him therefore, that as heretofore at her Re∣quest, he had obtained Licence to preach for divers other honest Men, so he would recommend this Man's Case unto my Lord, and therewith procure for him the like Licence as to the other had been granted.

And lastly,* 7.53 that Goodacre and his Collegue Bale might find the better Countenance and Authority, when they should exercise their Functions in that Country, the Privy-Council wrote two Letters to the Lord-Deputy and Council of Ireland; the one dated Octob. 27. in commendation of Bale Bishop Elect of Ossory;* 7.54 and the other da∣ted Novemb. 4. in commendation of Goodacre Bishop Elect of Ar∣machan.

CHAP. XXIX. The Arch-bishop charged with Covetousness.

TO divert the King, after the loss of his Unkle,* 7.55 whom he dearly loved, Northumberland took him in Progress in the Summer of this Year. While he was in this Progress, some about his Person, that they might the better make way for their Sacrilegious Designs, and to make the King the more inclinable to lay Hands on the Epis∣copal Demeans, or at least to clip and pare them, buzzed about the Court Rumours, how Rich the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and the other Bishops were; and withal, how niggardly and unsutably they lived to their great Incomes, laying up, and scraping together to enrich themselves and their Posterities; whereby Hospitality was neglected, which was especially required of them. Hereupon Sir William Cecyl the Secretary, who was now with the King,* 7.56 and took notice of these Discourses, and saw well the malicious Tendency thereof; (and moreover thought them perhaps in some measure to be true) laboured to hinder the ill Consequence: For he was ever a very great Favourer, as of the Reformed Clergy, so of their Estate and Honours. This put him upon writing a private Letter from Court to the Arch-bishop, desiring him favourably to take a piece of good Counsel at his Hands, as he intended it innocently and out of a good

Mind, acquainting him with the Reports at the Court of his Riches, and of his Covetousness; reminding him withal of that Passage of St. Paul, They that will be Rich, fall into Temptation and a Snare; meaning probably thereby, the Danger that he and the rest of his Brethren might expose their Revenues to thereby.* 7.57 The Arch-bishop seemed somewhat netled, and perceiving the ill Designs, dispatched an Answer hereunto, giving a true Account of his own Condition, and of the other Bishops as to temporal Things, and letting him un∣derstand, how much the World was mistaken in him and the rest▪

That for himself he feared not that Saying of St. Paul half so much as he did stark Beggary. That he took not half so much Care for his Living, when he was a Scholar of Cambridg, as he did at that present. For although he had now much more Reve∣nue, yet, he said, he had much more to do withal. That he had more Care now to live as an Arch-bishop, than he had at that Time to live like a Scholar. That he had not now so much as he had within ten Years past by an hundred and fifty Pounds of cer∣tain Rent, besides Casualties. That he paid double for every thing he bought. And that if a good Auditor had this Account, he should find no great Surplusage to grow rich upon.

And then as for the rest of the Bishops, he told him,

That they were all Beggars, but only one single † 7.58 Man of them: and yet he dared well say, that he was not very Rich. And that if he knew any Bishop that were Covetous, he would surely admonish him. In∣treating the Secretary, that if he could inform him of any such, he would signify him, and himself would advertise him, thinking he could do it better than the other.

Who seemed to have hin∣ted his Mind to the Arch-bishop, that he intended to do it. This Letter will be found among the rest in the Appendix.* 7.59

No doubt the Arch-bishop was thus large and earnest on this Sub∣ject to supply the Secretary with Arguments to confute that malici∣ous Talk at Court concerning the Bishops, and to prevent the Mis∣chiefs hatching against them.

* 7.60Nor indeed was this the first time this Arch-bishop was thus slan∣dered. For some of his Enemies, divers Years before, had charged him to his loving Master, King Henry VIII. with Covetousness and ill House-keeping. And the chief of these, that raised this Report, was Sir Thomas Seimour. But the King made him to convince him∣self, by sending him to Lambeth about Dinner-time upon some pre∣tended Message. Where his own Eyes saw, how the Arch-bishop lived in far other sort than he had told the King, keeping great and noble Hospitality. So that when he returned, he acknowledged to his Majesty, that he never saw so honourable a Hall set in this Realm, besides his Majesty's, in all his Life, with better Order, and so well furnished in each Degree. And the King then gave this Testimony of him,* 7.61 Ah good Man! all that he hath, he spendeth in House-keeping.

* 7.62For this Reason probably it was, as well as upon the account of his good Service, and also of the Exchanges he was forced to make, that the said King gave him a promise of a Grant of some Lands, and by a general Clause in his Will signified as much; which was,

That certain Persons should be considered. Accordingly I find in the forementioned Manuscript-Book of Sales of King's Lands, that Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury did, in the first Year of King Edward VI. partly by Purchase,* 7.63 and partly by Exchange of o∣ther Lands, procure divers Lands of the King. He obtained the Rectory of VVhalley, Blackbourn and Rachdale in the County of Lancaster, lately belonging to the Monastery or Abby of VVhalley in the same County; and divers other Lands and Tenaments in the Counties of Lancaster, Kent, Surrey, London, Bangor. And this partly in Consideration of King Henry VIII. his Promise, and in performance of his Will; and partly in exchange for the Mannor and Park of Mayfield in the County of Sussex; and divers other Lands and Tenements in the Counties of Middlesex, Hertford, Kent, Bucking∣ham and York. This Purchase he made, I suppose, not for himself, but for his See. About the same time he also bought of the King,* 7.64 for the sum of five hundred and eighty Pounds eight Shillings and four Pence, the Mannor of Sleford in the County of Lincoln, and of Mid∣dleton-Cheny in the County of Northampton, and divers other Lands and Tenements in the said Counties. He made another Purchase of the King the same Year, that is the first of his Reign, for four hundred twenty nine Pounds, fourteen shillings and two Pence, and for the fulfilling the last Will of the late King, and in consideration of Services, as it is expressed in the said Book of Sales. This Pur∣chase was the Priory of Arthington in the County of York, and di∣vers other Lands and Tenements in York, Nottingham and Kent. An Extract of which three Purchases, exactly taken out of the said Book, with the Value of the Lands, and the Rent reserved, and the Time of the Issues, and the Test of the Patent, I have thought fit to in∣sert in the Appendix:* 7.65 which probably may not be unacceptable to curious Persons.

Which Purchases, when we consider,* 7.66 we might be ready to make a stand, to resolve our selves, how the Arch-bishop could represent his Condition so mean as he did in the Letter before-mentioned, as though he feared he should die a Beggar. But it will unriddle this, if we think how the Arch-bishoprick had been fleeced by King Henry VIII. in ten Years before: insomuch that the Rents were less by an hundred and fifty Pounds per Annum, than they were before; besides the loss of Fines, and other accidental Benefits, as it is mentioned by the Arch-bishop in his Letter. Add those extraordinary Expen∣ces he was at in the maintenance of Divines and Scholars Strangers, that were Exiles for Religion, and the Salaries, and Pensions, and Gratuities sent to Learned Men abroad: besides his great and libe∣ral House-keeping, and constant Table, and large Retinue.

But to make appear more particularly in this place,* 7.67 how K. Henry pared his Revenue, I will give one Instance of what was past away at one clap by Exchange: which was indeed so considerable, that it was commonly called The great Exchange. This way of exchanging Lands was much used in those Times; wherein the Princes com∣monly made good Bargains for themselves, and ill Ones for the Bishopricks. This Exchange made by Cranmer with the King, was on the first day of December, in the twenty ninth Year of his Reign,

being the very Year of the Suppression of the greater Abbies and Re∣ligious Convents. They were the ancient Demeans belonging to the Arch-bishoprick, consisting of many noble Manors, whereof some had Palaces annexed to them. I shall name only those that lay in the County of Kent,* 7.68 as I find them dispersed in Philpot's Book of Kent.

I. The Manor and Palace of Maidstone: Which Palace L••land saith, was once a Castle.

II. The Manor and Palace of Charing.

III. Wingham.

IV. Wingham-B••rton, in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Alresford. But in this Philpot is mistaken; for th••s was 〈…〉〈…〉 Edward Bainton for ninety nine Years, by means of the King'•• own Solicitation to the Arch-bishop.

V. Wrotham.

VI. Saltwood; that had in times past a magnificent Castle and Park; and many Manors held of it by Knights Service; which made it called an Honour.

VII. Tenham.

VIII. Bexley.

IX. Aldington. Where was a Seat for the Arch-bishop, a Park, and a Chase for Deer, called Aldington-Frith. Besides Clive or Cliff; and Malingden, a Manor appendant thereunto: which King Henry took away from this See and Bishop, without any Satisfaction, as far as I can find. Also Pynner, Heyes, Harrow, Mortlake, &c. were part of this great Exchange.* 7.69 In lieu of these Demeans past over to the Crown by way of Exchange, the King conveyed several Manors to the Arch-bishop, all which had appertained to the lately dissolved Religious Houses. Namely these among others:

• I. Pising; a parcel of the Abbey of S. Radigunds.
• II. Brandred; another Manor belonging to the said Abbey.
• III. The College of Bredgar.
• IV. Raculver; another Abbey suppress'd.
• V. Dudmanscomb; belonging to the Priory of S. Martins in Do∣ver.

* 7.70One Author, viz. Kilburn, that hath wrote of Kent, makes Cranmer also to have made over to the King the sumptuous Palace of Otford, built by Arch-bishop VVarham, which cost him thirty three thousand Pounds (a vast Sum in those Days) as Lambard tells us. Philpot, another Writer of that County, saith, That this was in∣corporated into the Revenue of the Crown by the Builder himself, Arch-bishop VVarham, about the twelfth Year of that King's Reign; together with the Magnificent Seat of Knoll near Sevenoke; ex∣changing both with the King for other Lands, to extinguish the Pas∣sions of such as looked with regret and desire upon the Patrimony of the Church.* 7.71 But it appears by a Writing of Cranmer's own Secretary, that this Arch-bishop parted with both Otford and Knoll at once to the King, after he had possessed them some Years, and not VVar∣ham, as Philpot mistakes.

* 7.72The World is apt to blame Cranmer for parting with these Reve∣nues of the See. But surely it was a true Apology that the Author

before-named, made for the Arch-bishop's great Exchange, namely,

Because he finding that the spreading Demeans of the Church were in danger to be torn off by the Talons of Avarice and Rapine, to mortify the growing Appetites of Sacrilegious Cormorants, ex∣changed them with the Crown.

Which may be enough to stop any Clamours against this most Reverend Prelat for this his doing: Especially considering what I shall add upon this Argument here∣after, from his own Secretary.

His Care and Concern for the Welfare of the English Church,* 7.73 made him ever most earnestly to love the King, and to have a very tender Regard for the Safety of his Person. Who in the Summer of this Year, as was hinted before, went a Progress, accompanied by the Duke of Northumberland; brought about probably by him to get more into the King's Affections, and to have his own Designs the bet∣ter to take effect, and with the less Opposition and Controll: and possibly, that the King might be the further off from the Arch-bishop to consult withal. But he had now a more especial Concern upon him for his Majesty at this Time, as though his Mind had propheti∣cally presaged some Evil to befal the King in that Progress, (and in∣deed it was the last Progress that ever he made). And so methinks do these Expressions of the Arch-bishop sound, in a Letter dated in Iuly, to Cecyl, then attending the Court;

Beseeching Almighty God to preserve the King's Majesty, with all his Council and Fa∣mily, and send him well to return from his Progress.

And in a Letter the next Month,

He thanked Cecyl for his News; but espe∣cially, said he, for that ye advertise me, that the King's Majesty is in good Health: Wherein I beseech God long to continue his Highness.

And when in the latter end of the following Month, the Gests (that is, the Stages of his Majesty's Progress) were altered, which looked like some ill Design, the Arch-bishop entreated Cecyl to send him the new resolved-upon Gests from that time to the end, that he might from time to time know where his Majesty was; ad∣ding his Prayer again for him, That God would preserve and prosper him.

CHAP. XXX. His Care for the Vacancies. Falls Sick.

WHILE the King was thus abroad,* 7.74 and the Arch-bishop ab∣sent, unworthy or disaffected Men were in a fairer probabili∣ty of getting Promotions in the Church, while he was not at hand for to nominate fit Men to the King, and to advise him in the bestowing the vacant Dignities and Benefices. The Arch-bishop knew very well, how much Learning and Sobriety contributed towards the bringing the Nation out of Popery, and that nothing tended so ef∣fectually to continue it as the contrary. This Matter the Arch-bishop seemed to have discoursed at large with Secretary Cecyl at parting. Who therefore, by a Letter sent to the said Arch-bishop, then at his House at Ford, desired him to send him up a Catalogue

of Learned Men, and such as he esteemed fit for Places of Preferment in the Church and University: that so as any Place fell in the King's Gift, the said Secretary might be ready at the least Warning to re∣commend fitting and worthy Men to supply such Vacancies, and to prevent any Motion that might be made by any Courtiers or Simo∣nists, for ignorant Persons, or corrupt in Religion. In answer to which Letter, the Arch-bishop writ him word, That he would send him his Mind in that Matter with as much Expedition as he could. And undoubtedly we should have seen the good Fruits of this after∣wards in the Church, had not the untimely Death of that admira∣ble Prince, that followed not long after, prevented this good De∣sign.

* 7.75This Year the Arch-bishop laboured under two Fits of Sickness at Croydon. The latter was caused by a severe Ague; of which his Physicians doubted whether it were a Quotidian, or a double-Tertian; and seizing him in the declining of the Year, was in danger to stick by him all the Winter. But by the Care of his Physicians, in the lat∣ter end of August, it had left him two Days, which made him hope he was quit thereof; yet his Water kept of an high Colour.

That second Day he wrote to Cecyl, and desired him to acquaint Cheke how it was with him. And now the most Danger was, as he said, that if it came again that Night, it was like to turn to a Quartan, a most stubborn Ague, and likelier to conti∣nue and wear him out.

A Disease indeed, that carried off his Successor, Cardinal Pole, and was, as Godwin observed, a Disease deadly and mortal unto elder Folk.

* 7.76The Arch-bishop's Friends had reason to fear his Distemper, if we think of the Severity of Agues in that Age, greater, as it seems, than in this. Roger Ascham complaineth to his Friend Iohn Sturmi∣us, Anno 1562;

That for four Years past, he was afflicted with continual Agues; that no sooner had one left him, but another presently followed; and that the State of his Health was so im∣paired and broke by them, that an Hectick Fever seiz'd his whole Body: And the Physicians promised him some Ease, but no solid Remedy.* 7.77

And I find, six or seven Years before that, mention made of hot burning Feavers, whereof died many old Persons; and that there died in the Year, 1556, seven Aldermen within the space of ten Months. And the next Year, about Harvest-time, the Quartan Agues continued in like manner, or more vehemently than they had done the Year before; and they were chiefly mortal to old People, and especially Priests: So that a great number of Parishes be∣came destitute of Curats, and none to be gotten; and much Corn was spoiled for lack of Harvest-men. Such was the Nature of this Disease in these Days.

* 7.78But the Severity or Danger of the Arch-bishop's Distemper, did not so much trouble him as certain Inconveniences that attended it, viz. That it put him off from ••hose pious and holy Designs that he was in hand with, for God's Glory, and the Good of the Church. For so he exprest his Mind to his Friend the Secretary;

However the Matter chance, the most Grief to me is, that I cannot proceed in such Matters as I have in hand, according to my Will and De∣sire.

This Terrenum Domicilium is such an Obstacle to all good Purposes.

So strongly bent was the Heart of this excellent Prelat to the serving of God and his Church. But out of this Sickness he escaped; for God had reserved him for another kind of Death to glo∣rify him by.

A little before this Sickness befel him,* 7.79 something fell out which gave him great Joy. Cecyl knew how welcome good News out of Germany would be to him, and therefore in Iuly sent him a Copy of the Pacification; that is, the Emperor's Declaration of Peace through∣out the Empire, after long and bloody Wars; which consisted of such Articles as were favourable unto the Protestants, after much persecuti∣on of them:

As, that a Diet of the Empire should shortly be sum∣moned, to deliberate about composing the Differences of Religion, and that the Dissensions about Religion should be composed by pla∣cid and pious and easy Methods. And that in the mean time all should live in Peace together, and none should be molested for Reli∣gion; with divers other Matters.

And in another Letter soon after,* 7.80 the said Cecyl advised him of a Peace concluded between the Emperor and Maurice Elector of Saxony, a warlike Prince, and who headed the Protestant Army. Which being News of Peace among Chri∣stians, was highly acceptable to the good Father. But he wanted much to know upon what Terms, out of the Concern he had that it might go well with the Protestant Interest. And therefore Cecyl having not mentioned them, the Arch-bishop earnestly, in a Letter to him, desired to know whether the Peace were according to the Articles, meaning those of the Pacification, or otherwise. Which when he understood, (for upon the same Articles that Peace be∣tween the Emperor and Duke Maurice stood) it created a great Tranquillity to his pious Mind. Thus were his Thoughts employ∣ed about the Matters of Germany, and the Cause of Religion there: Which he rejoiced not a little to see in so fair a way to a good Conclusion.

CHAP. XXXI. His Kindness for Germany.

TO this Country he had a particular Kindness;* 7.81 not only because he had been formerly there in quality of Ambassador from his Master King Henry, and had contracted a great Friendship with many eminent Learned Men there, and a near Relation to some of them by marrying Osiander's Niece at Norinberg; but chiefly and a∣bove all, because here the Light of the Gospel began first to break forth and display it self, to the spiritual Comfort and Benefit of other Nations. He had many Exhibitioners in those Parts, to whom he allowed Annual Salaries: Insomuch that some of his Officers grum∣bled at it, as though his House-keeping were abridged by it. For when once in King Henry's Reign, one in discourse with an Officer of his Grace, had said,

He wondred his Lordship kept no better an House, (though he kept a very good one): He answered,

It was no wonder, for my Lord, said he, hath so many Exhibitions in Germany, that all is too little to scrape and get to send thi∣ther.

* 7.82He held at least a monthly Correspondence to, and from Learned Germans: and there was one in Canterbury, appointed by him on pur∣pose to receive and convey the Letters. Which his Enemies once, in his Troubles, made use of as an Article against him. And Gardi∣ner, a Prebend of Canterbury, and preferred by the Arch-bishop, of this very thing treacherously, in a secret Letter, informed his grand Enemy and Competitor, Gardiner the Bishop of Winton.

* 7.83Among the rest of his Correspondents in Germany, Herman, the memorable and ever-famous Arch-bishop and Elector of Colen, was one; who by the Counsel and Direction of Bucer and Melancthon, did vigorously labour a Reformation of corrupt Religion within his Province and Territories. But finding the Opposition against him so great, and lying under the Excommunication of the Pope for what he had done; and being deprived thereupon by the Emperor of his Lands and Function, he resigned his Ecclesiastical Honour, and betook himself to a retired Life: which was done about the Year 1547. But no question, in this private Capacity, he was not idle in doing what Service he could for the good of that Cause which he had so generously and publickly espoused, and for which he had suffered so much. I find, that in this Year 1552, our Arch-bishop had sent a Message to Secretary Cecyl, who accompanied the King in this Summer's Progress, desiring him to be mindful of the Bishop of Colen's Letters. And in another Letter, dated Iuly 21, he thanked the Secretary for the good remembrance he had thereof. What the Contents of these Letters of the Arch-bishop of Colen were, it ap∣peareth not: But I am very apt to think the Purport of them was, that Cranmer would solicite some certain Business in the English Court, relating to the Affairs of Religion in Germany, and for the obtaining some Favour from the King in that Cause. But the King being now abroad, and the Arch-bishop at a distance from him, he procured the Secretary, who was ever cordial to the State of Religion, to solicit that Arch-bishop's Business for him; sending him withal that Arch-bishop's Letters for his better Instruction.

And this, whatever it was, seems to have been the last good Of∣fice that Arch-bishop Herman did to the Cause of Religion; for he died, according to Sleidan, in the Month of August; and our Arch-bishop's Letter, wherein that Elector's Letters are mentioned, were writ but the Month before.

* 7.84And if one may judg of Mens commencing Friendship and Love, according to the sutableness of their Tempers and Dispositions, our Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and the Arch-bishop of Colen, must have been very intimate Friends. It was said of this Man, that he often wished, That either he might be instrumental to the propagating the Evangelical Doctrine and Reformation of the Churches under his Iuris∣diction, or to live a private Life. And when his Friends had often told him, what Envy he would draw upon himself by the changing of Religion, he would answer, like a true Christian Philosopher, That nothing could happen to him unexpectedly, and that he had long

since fortified his Mind against every Event. These two Passages spake the very Spirit and Soul of Cranmer. Which they may see that are minded to read what Fox saith of him, as to his Undauntedness and Constancy in the maintaining of the Truth, against the many Temptations and Dangers that he met with during these three Reigns successively.

And lastly,* 7.85 as our Arch-bishop devoted himself wholly to the reforming of his Church; so admirable was the Diligence, Pains and Study this Arch-bishop took in contriving the Reformation of his. He procured a Book to be writ concerning it, called Instauratio Ecclesiarum, which contained the Form and Way to be used for the redressing the Errors and Corruptions of his Church. It was com∣posed by those great German Divines, Bucer and Melancthon; which Book was put into English, and published here as a good Pattern, in the Year 1547. This Book he intended to issue forth through his Jurisdiction, by his Authority to be observed. But first he thought fit well and seriously to examine it: and spent five Hours in the Morn∣ing for five Days, to deliberate and consult thereupon: Calling to him to advise withal in this great Affair, his Coadjutor Count Stol∣berg, Husman, Ienep, Bucer and Melancthon. He caused the whole Work to be read before him; and as many Places occurred, wherein he seemed less satisfied, he caused the Matter to be disputed and ar∣gued, and then spake his own Mind accurately. He would patiently hear the Opinions of others, for the information of his own Judg∣ment; and so ordered things to be either changed or illustrated. And so dextrously would he decide many Controversies arising, that Me∣lancthon thought that those great Points of Religion had been long weighed and considered by him, and that he rightly understood the whole Doctrine of the Church. He had always lying by him the Bible of Luther's Version; and as Testimonies chanced to be alledged thence, he commanded that they should be turned to, that he might consider that which is the Fountain of all Truth. Insomuch that the said Melancthon could not but admire, and talk of his Learning, Pru∣dence, Piety and Dexterity, to such as he conversed with; and par∣ticularly to Iohn Caesar,* 7.86 to whom in a Letter he gave a particular Account of this Affair. And it is to be noted by the way, that the said Book, according to which the Reformation was to be modelled, contained only, as Melancthon in his Letter suggested, a necessary In∣struction for all Children, and the Sum of the Christian Doctrine; and the Appointments for the Colleges and Ecclesiastical Hierarchy were very moderate; the Form of the Ecclesiastical Polity being to remain as it was, and so were the Colleges, with their Dignities, Wealth, Degrees, Ornaments thereunto belonging; only great Su∣perstitions should be taken away.* 7.87 Which the wise Melancthon afore∣said did so approve of, that he professed he had often propounded it in Diets of the German Nation, as the best way to Peace. And this I add, that it might be observed how Arch-bishop Cranmer went by the same Measures in the Reformation of the Church of England; maintaining the Hierarchy, and the Revenues, Dignities and Customs of it, against many in those Times that were for the utter abolishing them, as Relicks of Popery. Such a Correspondence there was be∣tween

our Arch-bishop, and the wisest, moderatest and most learned Divines of Germany. But let us look nearer Home.

CHAP. XXXII. Troubles of Bishop Tonstal.

AS the last Year we heard of the Deprivation of two Popish Bi∣shops,* 7.88 so this Year another underwent the like Censure, I mean Tonstal Bishop of Durham; whose Business I shall the rather relate, because our Arch-bishop had some Concern in it. Septemb. 21.

A Commission was issued out to the Lord Chief Justice and his Col∣leagues,* 7.89 to examine and determine the Cause of Tonstal Bishop of Durham, and eight Writings touching the same; which he is wil∣led to consider, and to proceed to the hearing and ordering of the Matter, as soon as he may get the rest of his Colleagues to him.

It was not long after, viz. about the midst of October, that this Bishop by these Commissioners (whose Names, besides the Chief Justice, do not occur) was deprived, and his Estate confiscated.

Octob. ult. Sir Iohn Mason was ordered by the Council to deliver, to the use of Dr. Tonstal, (so he is now stiled) remaining Prisoner in the Tower, such Money as should serve for his Necessities, until such time as fur∣ther Order shall be taken touching his Goods and Money lately ap∣pertaining to him. Decemb. 6. It was agreed by the Council, that Dr. Tonstal, late Bishop of Durham, should have the Liberty of the Tower: where he continued till the Time of Queen Mary.

* 7.90But we will look back to learn for what Cause this severe Punish∣ment was inflicted upon this Reverend grave Bishop, and the rather, because the Bp of Sarum could not find, as he writes, what the Particu∣lars were. In the Year 1550, a Conspiracy was hatching in the North, to which the Bishop was privy at least, if not an Abetter. And he wrote to one Menvile in those Parts relating to the same. This Menvile himself related unto the Council, and produced the Bishop's Letter. Which was afterwards, by the Duke of Somerset, withdrawn and concealed, as it seems, out of kindness to Tonstal. But upon the Duke's Troubles, when his Cabinet was searched, this Letter was found: Upon which they proceeded against Tonstal. This is the sum of what is found in the Council-Book. Viz.

May 20. 1551. The Bishop of Durham is commanded to keep his House. Aug. 2. He had licence to walk in the Fields. Decemb. 20. Whereas the Bishop of Durham, about Iuly 1550, was charged by Vivian Men∣vile, to have consented to a Conspiracy in the North, for the making a Rebellion; and whereas, for want of a Letter written by the said Bishop to the said Menvile, (whereupon great trial of this Matter depended) the final Determination of the Matter could not be proceeded unto, and the Bishop only commanded to keep his House; the same Letter hath of late been found in a Casket of the Duke of Somerset's after his last Apprehension. The said Bishop was sent for, and this Day appeared before the Coun∣cil, and was charged with the Letter, which he could not deny

but to be his own Hand-writing: and having little to say for him∣self, he was then sent to the Tower, there to abide till he should be delivered by Process of Law▪

Agreeable to this is that King Ed∣ward writes in his Journal.

Decemb. 20. The Bishop of Durham was, for concealment of Treason written to him, and not disclo∣sed, sent to the Tower.

In the latter end of the Year 1551, a Parliament sitting,* 7.91 it was thought convenient to bring in a Bill into the House of Lords, at∣tainting him for Misprision of Treason. But Arch-bishop Cranmer spake freely against it, not satisfied it seems with the Charge laid against him. But it past, and the Arch-bishop protested. But when it was carried down to the Commons, they would not proceed upon it, not satisfied with the bare Depositions of Evidences, but requi∣red that the Accusers might be brought Face to Face: And so it went no further. But when the Parliament would not do Tonstal's Business, a Commission was issued out to do it, as is above spoken.

In the mean time,* 7.92 that the Bishoprick might not want a due Care taken of it, during the Bishop's Restraint, Feb. 18. 1551, a Letter was sent from the Council to the Prebendaries of Durham, to con∣form themselves to such Orders in Religion and Divine Service, stand∣ing with the King's Proceedings, as their Dean, Mr. Horn, shall set forth, whom the Lords required them to receive and use well, as being sent to them for the Weal of the Country by his Majesty.

CHAP. XXXIII. The new Common-Prayer. The Arch-bishop in Kent.

THE Book of Common-Prayer having the last Year been care∣fully Revised and Corrected by the Arch-bishop and others,* 7.93 the Parliament in April this Year enacted, that it should begin to be used every where at All-Saints Day next. And accordingly the Book was printed against the Time, and began to be read in S. Paul's Church, and the like throughout the whole City. But because the Posture of Kneeling was excepted against by some, and the words used by the Priest to the Communicant, at the reception of the Bread, gave Scruple, as though the Adoration of the Host were in∣tended: therefore to take off this, and to declare the contrary to be the Doctrine of this Church, Octob. 27. a Letter was sent from the Council to the Lord-Chancellor, to cause to be joined to the Book of Common-Prayer lately set forth, a Declaration signed by the King, touching the Kneeling at the receiving of the Communion. Which in all probability was done by the Motion of the Arch-bishop, who in his late Book had taken such pains to confute the Adoration; and now thought it necessary, that some publick Declaration should be made in the Church-Service against it. So now the first of Novem∣ber being come, Dr. Ridley, the Bishop of London, was the first that celebrated the new Service in S. Paul's Church;* 7.94 which he did in the Forenoon: And then in his Rochet only, without Cope or Vestment, preached in the Choir. And in the Afternoon he preached at Pauls-Cross,

the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen, and Citizens present. His Sermon tended to the setting forth this new Edition of the Common-Prayer. He continued preaching till almost five a Clock; so that the Mayor and the rest went home by Torch-light. By this Book of Common-Prayer, all Copes and Vestments were forbidden through∣out England. The Prebendaries of St. Pauls left off their Hoods, and the Bishops their Crosses, &c. as by Act of Parliament is more at large set forth.

Provision also was made for the King's French Dominions, that this Book,* 7.95 with the Amendments, should be used there. And the Bi∣shop of Ely, Lord Chancellor (a great forwarder of good Reforma∣tion) procured a learned French-man, who was a Doctor of Divini∣ty, carefully to correct the former French Book by this English new One, in all the Alterations, Additions and Omissions thereof. For the first Common-Prayer Book also was in French, for the use of the King's French Subjects: Being translated by Commandment of Sir Hugh Paulet, Governour of Calais: And that Translation, overseen by the Lord Chancellor, and others at his Appointment. The Be∣nefit of this last Book was such, that one of the French Congregati∣on in London sought, by the Means of A Lasco's Interest with Se∣cretary Cecyl, for a Licence under the King's Letters Patents, to translate this Common-Prayer, and the Administration of Sacra∣ments, and to print it, for the use of the French Islands of Iersey and Guernsey. But Cecyl, after a Letter received from A Lasco in August to that effect, not willing to do this of his own Head, and reckoning it a proper Matter to be considered by the Arch-bishop, who were to be intrusted with the translating of such a Book, desi∣red him, being now at Ford, to give him his Advice and Judgment herein, both as to the Work and as to the Benefit. To whom the Arch-bishop gave this Answer;

That the Commodity that might arise by printing of the Book, was meet to come to them who had already taken the Pains in translating the same.

Enforming the Secretary who they were; namely those formerly, and now of late employed by Sir Hugh Paulet, and the Lord-Chancellor. But I find this Book was not presently finished, being not printed till the Year 1553, for the Use of Iersey and Guernsey.

* 7.96Notwithstanding this cleansing of the Church from Superstition and Idolatry, and bringing in the Knowledg of the Gospel, by the Arch-bishop's constant Pains and Study, the People generally, even the Professors themselves, were bad enough as to their Morals; and Religion had yet got but little hold of them. A clear sight of the Behaviour of these Times may be seen by what Tho. Becon,* 7.97 a Chap∣lain of Cranmer's, writ in his Preface to a Book put forth in those Days:

What a nomber of fals Christians lyve ther at thys present day, unto the excedynge dishonour of the Christen Profession, which with theyr Mouth confesse that they know God, but with theyr Dedes they utterly denye hym, and are abhominable, diso∣bedient to the Word of God, and utterlye estranged from al good Works? What a swarm of grosse Gospellers have we also among us, which can prattle of the Gospel very fynely, talk much of the Justification of Faith, crake very stoutly of the free remissyon

of all theyr Sins by Christ's Blood, avaunce themselves to be of the Number of those, which are predestinate unto Eternal Glory? But how far do theyr Life differ from al true Christianitie? They are puffed up with al kynd of Pryde: they swel with al kynd of Envy, Malice, Hatred and Enmity against theyr Neghbour, they brenne with unquencheable Lusts of Carnal Concupiscence, they walowe and tumble in al kynd of beastly Pleasures: theyr gredy covetous Affects are insatiable: thenlarging of theyr Lordshipps, thencreasyng of theyr Substance, the scrapyng together of theyr Worldly Possessions infynite, and knoweth no End. In fyne, all theyr Endeavours tend unto thys End, to shew themselves very Ethnycks, and utterly estraunged from God in theyr Conversati∣on, although in Words they otherwise pretend. As for theyr Almes-Dedes, theyr Praying, theyr Watchyng, theyr Fastyng, and such other Godly Exercises of the Spirit, they are utterly banished from these rude and gross Gospellers. All theyr Religion consist∣eth in Words and Disputations, in Christen Acts and Godly Dedes nothyng at all.

These evil Manners of the Professors themselves, looked with so sad a Face, that it made the best Men assuredly ex∣pect a Change and woful Times to follow.

Septemb. 27.* 7.98 A Letter was sent from the Council to the Arch-bishop, to examine a Sect newly sprung up in Kent. Whereof there was now a Book of Examinations sent him:* 7.99 and to commune with a Man and a Woman (the Informers) bearers of the Letter, who could inform him somewhat of the Matter. And to take such or∣der in the same according to the Commission, that these Errors might not be suffered thus to overspread the King's Faithful Subjects. What this Sect was appeareth not. The Anabaptists were taken notice of, and a Commission issued out against them some Years before. These were Sectaries more new, and whereof the Council very late∣ly was informed. It may be they were of the Family of Love, or David George his Sect, who made himself some-time Christ, and some-time the Holy Ghost. For a little before these Times, divers Sects sprang up under the Profession of the Gospel, in High and Low-Germany; some whereof dispersed themselves into England. Which Sects began to do so much hurt to the Reformation among us, that the Author before-mentioned, laments it in these words:

What wicked and ungodly Opinions are there sown now-a-days of the Anabaptists, Davidians, Libertines, and such other pestilent Sects, in the Hearts of the People, unto the great Disquietness of Christ's Church, moving rather unto Sedition, than unto pure Religion; unto Heresy, than unto things Godly?

The examination of this new Sect, was one of the Businesses the Arch-bishop was employed in,* 7.100 while he was in his Retirement at his House near Canterbury. Another was, the sitting upon a Com∣mission to him and other Gentlemen of Kent, for enquiry after such as had embezelled the Plate and Goods belonging to Chauntries, &c. given by the Parliament to the King, and converting them to their own uses. But this being somewhat an odious Work, he was not very forward to enter upon, especially because he thought, whatso∣ever he and the other Commissioners should recover, would be but

swallowed up by the Duke of Northumberland and his Friends, and the King be little the better. But because he did not make more haste, he was charged by his Enemies at Court as a neglecter of the King's Business. Which cost him a Letter in excuse of himself to the said Duke: signifying, that he omitted this Business a while till the Gentlemen and Justices of Peace of Kent, who where then mostly at London, were come home.

* 7.101Decemb. 2. A Letter was sent from the Council to the Arch-bishop, to grant out a Warrant. Ad Installandum, for the Bishop of VVorcester and Glocester, without paying any Fees for the same, because he paid Fees for another Mandate, which served to no purpose.

* 7.102Febr. 20. An Order was sent to the Arch-bishop from the Council to examine the Vicar of Beden in the County of Berks, according to an Information inclosed,* 7.103 and to advertise the Lords of his Pro∣ceedings therein. What this Vicar's Crime was I know not; but I observe about these Times the Priests and Curats were very busy Men, and would take liberty, sometimes to speak against the King's Proceedings, or his Arch-bishop, with bitterness enough, and some∣times to vent fond Opinions, so that oftentimes they were fetched up to the Council-board; and after an Appearance or two, referred to the Arch-bishop to examine and punish: as being Matters rela∣ting to Religion; and so proper for his Cognizance.

* 7.104About the latter end of this Year, Thomas Sampson was preferred to the Deanery of Chichester, having been Parson of Alhallowes-Bredstreet, London. February the 2d, A Letter was sent from the Privy-Council to the Arch-bishop, to bestow the said Living upon Mr. Knox, who was one of the King's Chaplains, and in good esteem in the Court for his Gift of Preaching.

* 7.105This Knox was the Man, whose Name was so dashed in the King's Journal, where the Names of the King's six Chaplains were inserted, that Bishop Burnet could not read it. The Council bare a great favour to him, as appears by those several Letters they wrote in his behalf. One was mentioned before, sent to the Arch-bishop for a Living in London; but in that Knox succeeded not, the Arch-bishop preferring Laurence Saunders (afterwards a Martyr) there∣unto. Knox, being sent this Year into the North, one of the King's Itinerary Preachers,* 7.106 a Warrant, dated Octob. 27, was grant∣ed from the Council to four Gentlemen, to pay to him his Majesty's Preacher in the North (so he is stiled) forty Pounds, as his Majesty's Reward. And again Decemb. 9, a Letter was sent from the Council to the Lord VVharton (who was Lord VVarden in the Northern Bor∣ders) in commendation of Mr. Knox. And the next Year, viz. 1553, being returned out of the North, and being then in Bucking∣hamshire, that he might find the more acceptance and respect there, the Council wrote a Letter to the great Men in those Parts, viz. the Lord Russel, Lord Windsor, to the Justices of the Peace, and the rest of the Gentlemen within that County, in favour of the said Knox the Preacher.

A Bishop Consecrated.

June 26. Iohn Taylor, S. Th. P. Dean of Lincoln,* 7.107 a Learned and Pious Man, was Consecrated Bishop of Lincoln at Croyden-Chappel, by the Arch-bishop, assisted by Nicolas Bishop of London, and Iohn Bishop of Rochester.

CHAP. XXXIV. A Catechism. The Arch-bishop opposeth the Exclusion of the Lady Mary.

WE are now come to the last Year of good K. Edward's Reign:* 7.108 when the Arch-bishop was as commonly at the Council, as he used to be before. For the Counsellors made great use of him,* 7.109 and did not use to conclude any thing in matters relating to the Church without him. And if he came not, they often sent for him: and once the last Year, in October, when he had fixed his Day of going into Kent, they staied him for some Days, that they might confer with him about some certain Matter; I suppose, relating to the Articles of Religion, that were then under their Hands. To look no further than the latter end of the last Year; He was at Council at Westminster in February, and this Year, in March and April. And the Court being at Greenwich, where the King lay sick, and died, the Arch-bishop was there at Council in Iune: but not after the eighth Day. The reason he came no more, we may well conjecture to be, because he did no ways like the Methods that were now taking by Northumberland, to bring the Crown into his own Family, and disenherit the King's Sisters. For soon after, viz. Iune 11. The Lord Chief Justice Mountagne, and some other Judges, with the King's Attorny and Solicitor, were sent for to the Council to consult about drawing up the Instrument.

On one of these Council-Days,* 7.110 he procured the King's Letters in behalf of the Book of Articles, which he had taken such Pains about the two last Years, both in composing and in bringing to effect. The King had before given order to the Arch-bishop by his Letters, to put forth these Articles. And now they were put forth, he pro∣cured the King's Letters also to his own Officers, for to see the Cler∣gy of his Diocess to subscribe thereunto. So the King's Letters were directed to the Official of the Court of Canterbury, and the Dean of the Deanery of the Arches, and to their Surrogates, Deputies,* 7.111 &c. Setting forth,

That whereas he had given order unto Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury, in Letters sealed with his Signet, for the Honour of God, and to take away Dissension of Opinion, and confirm Consent of true Religion, that he should expound, publish, denounce, and signify some Articles and other things, breathing the right Faith of Christ, for the Clergy and People within his Jurisdiction, the King therefore enjoined them, the

Arch-bishop's Officers,* 7.112 that they should cause all Rectors, Vicars, Priests, Stipendiaries, School-masters, and all that had any Eccle∣siastical Employment, to appear in Person before the Arch-bishop in his Hall at Lambeth, there further to obey and do on the King's part, according as it shall be signified, and to receive according to Reason, and the Office owing to the King's Royal Dignity.

And in obedience hereunto, the Official, Iohn Gibbon, LL. D. Com∣missary of the Deanery of the Blessed Virgin of the Arches, signi∣fied by an Instrument, dated Iune 2, to the Arch-bishop, that he had cited the Clergy. I do not find the success of this; only that the City-Clergy made their appearance before the Arch-bishop at Lambeth: and that he did his endeavor by Perswasion and Argument to bring them to subscribe: Which no question very few refused. But this Matter afterwards served Q. Mary's Commissioners, for one of their Interrogatories to be put to the Arch-bishop, as though he had compelled many against their Wills to subscribe. Which he de∣nied, saying, He compelled none, but exhorted such to subscribe as were willing first to do it, before they did it.

In the Month of May, the King by his Letters Patents command∣ed a Latin Catechism to be taught by School-masters to their Scho∣lars. It was intitled,* 7.113 Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplinae sum∣mam continens. The King in his Letters, dated May 20. said,

It was made by a certain Pious and Learned Man, and presented to him; and that he committed the diligent examination of it to certain Bishops and other Learned Men, whose Judgment was of great Authority with him.

The same Bishops and Learned Men, I suppose, that were framing and preparing the Articles of Religion the last Year. The Author of this Catechism is not certainly known. Some conjecture him to be Ponet, the Bishop of Win∣chester. The Learned Dr. Ward, one of the English Divines sent to the Synod of Dort, having this Catechism in his Library, (now in the possession of a Friend of mine) wrote therein these words, A^ro N^llo autore, siquid ego divinare possum. Meaning probably Alex∣ander Nowel, who was now, if I mistake not, School-master of West∣minster, and afterwards Dean of S. Pauls. But whosoever was the Author, the Arch-bishop we may conclude to be the furtherer and recommender of it unto the King: it being that Prelate's great De∣sign, by Catechisms, and Articles of Religion, and plain Expositi∣ons of the Fundamentals, to instil right Principles into the Minds of the Youth and common People, for the more effectual rooting out Popery, that had been so long entertained by the industrious nursel∣ling up the Nation in Ignorance.

* 7.114There was a Catechism that came forth about this time, (whether it were this or another, I cannot say) allowed by the Synod, or Convocation. In the beginning of Q. Mary, the Popish Divines made a great stir about this Catechism, and thought they had a great Advantage against it, because it was put forth as from the Synod, whereas that Synod knew nothing of it. Whereupon Wes••on the Prolocutor in Q. Mary's first Convocation, brought a Bill into the House, declaring that Catechism, being Pestiferous and full of He∣resies, to be foisted upon the last Synod fraudulently, and therefore

that the present Synod disowned it. To which he set his own hand, and propounded that all the House should do the like: Which all but six consented to. One whereof was Philpot, Arch-deacon of Winchester, who stood up, and told them in justification of those that published the said Catechism, that the Synod, under K. Edward, had granted to certain Persons, to be appointed by the King, to make Ecclesiastical Laws. And whatsoever Ecclesiastical Laws they or the most part of them did set forth, according to a Statute in that behalf provided, might well be said to be done by the Synod of London; although such as were of the House then had no notice thereof before the Promulgation. And therefore in this Point he thought the setters forth of the Catechism had nothing slandered the House, since they had that Synodal Authority unto them com∣mitted. And moreover he desired the Prolocutor would be a Means unto the Lords, that some of those that were Learned, and the pub∣lishers of this Book, might be brought into the House, to shew their Learning that moved them to set forth the same; and that Dr. Rid∣ley and Rogers,* 7.115 and two or three more might be Licensed to be pre∣sent at this Disputation, and be associate with them. But this would not be allowed.

The last thing we hear of concerning our Arch-bishop in this King's Reign,* 7.116 was his denial to comply with the new Settlement of the Crown, devised and carried on by the domineering Duke of Northumberland, for the Succession of Iane, Daughter to Gray, Duke of Suffolk, whom he had married to one of his Sons. This he did both oppose, and when he could not hinder, refused to have any hand in it. First, he did his endeavour to stop this Act of the King. He took the boldness to argue much with the King about it once, when the Marquess of Northampton, and the Lord Darcy, Lord Chamberlain, were present. And moreover, he signified his desire to speak with the King alone, that so he might be more free and large with him. But that would not be suffered: But if it had, he thought he should have brought off the King from his Purpose, as he said afterward. But for what he had said to the King, the Duke of Northumberland soon after told him at the Council-Table,

That it became him not to speak to the King, as he had done, when he went about to disswade him from his Will.

To the Council the Arch-bishop urged the entailing of the Crown by K. Henry upon his two Daughters, and used many grave and pithy Reasons to them for the Lady Mary's Legitimation, when they argued against it. But the Council, replied,

That it was the Opinion of the Judges, and the King's Learned Counsel in the Law, that that Entailing could not be prejudicial unto the King; and that he being in pos∣session of the Crown, might dispose of it as he would.

This seemed strange unto the Arch-bishop. Yet considering it was the Judgment of the Lawyers, and he himself unlearned in the Law, he thought it not seemly to oppose this Matter further. But he re∣fused to sign: Till the King himself required him to set his Hand to his Will, and saying,

That he hoped, he alone would not stand out, and be more repugnant to his Will than all the rest of the Council were.

Which words made a great Impression upon the

Arch-bishop's tender Heart, and grieved him very sore, out of the dear Love he had to that King, and so he subscribed. And when he did it, he did it unfeignedly. All this he wrote unto Queen Mary.

* 7.117To which I will add what I meet with in one of my Manuscripts.

When the Council and the chief Judges had set their Hands to the King's Will, last of all they sent for the Arch-bishop [who had all this while stood off;] requiring him also to subscribe the same Will, as they had done. Who answered, That he might not without Perjury. For so much as he was before sworn to my Lady Mary by King Henry's Will. To whom the Council answe∣red, That they had Consciences as well as he; and were also as well sworn to the King's Will as he was. The Arch-bishop an∣swered, I am not judg over any Man's Conscience, but mine own only. For as I will not condemn their Fact, no more will I stay my Fact upon your Conscience, seeing that every Man shall answer to God for his own Deeds, and not for other Mens. And so he refused to subscribe, till he had spoken with the King herein. And being with the King, he told the Abp, that the Judges had informed him, that he might lawfully bequeath his Crown to the Lady Iane, and his Subjects receive her as Queen, notwithstand∣ing their former Oath to King Henry's Will. Then the Arch-bi∣shop desired the King, that he might first speak with the Judges: Which the King gently granted. And he spake with so many of them, as were at that time at the Court, and with the King's Attorney also: Who all agreed in one, that he might lawfully subscribe to the King's Will by the Laws of the Realm. Where∣upon he returning to the King, by his Commandment granted at last to set his Hand.* 7.118

* 7.119From the whole Relation of this Affair we may note as the Ho∣nesty, so the Stoutness and Courage of the Arch-bishop, in the ma∣nagement of himself in this Cause against Northumberland, who hated him, and had of a long time sought his Ruin: and the Ingra∣titude of Q. Mary, or at least the Implacableness of Cranmer's Ene∣mies; that the Queen soon yielded her Pardon to so many of the former King's Council, that were so deep and so forward in this Bu∣siness, but would not grant it him, (who could not obtain it, till after much and long suit:) And that it should be put into two Acts of her Parliament (to make him infamous for a Traitor to Posterity) that he and the Duke of Northumberland were the Devisers of this Succession, to deprive Q. Mary of her Right: Which was so palpa∣bly false and untrue on the Arch-bishop's part. But this was, no question, Winchester's doing; through whose Hands, being now Lord Chancellor, all these Acts of Parliament past, and the wording of them.

* 7.120Finally, I have only one thing more to add concerning this mat∣ter: Which is, that besides the Instrument of Succession, drawn up by the King's Council Learned in the Law, signed by himself, and 32 Counsellors, and dated Iune 21, according to the History of the Reformation, there was another Writing, which was also signed by 24 of the Council. And to this I find our Arch-bishop's Name. Herein they promised by their Oaths and Honours (being com∣manded

so to do by the King) to observe all and every Article contain∣ed in a Writing of the King's own Hand, touching the said Succession, and after copied out and delivered to certain Judges and Learned Men to be written in Order. This Writing thus signed, with the other Writing of the King, being his Devise for the Succession, may be seen in the Appendix, as I drew them out of an Original.* 7.121

CHAP. XXXV. The King dies.

THE good King made his most Christian departure Iuly the 6th, to the ineffable loss of Religion and the Kingdom,* 7.122 be∣ing in a•••• likelihood, by his early Beginnings, to prove an incompa∣rable Prince to the English Nation. It was more than whispered that he died by Poison. And however secretly this was managed, it was very remarkable, that this Rumour ran not only after his Death, but even a Month or two before it, Reports spred that he was dead. For which, as being rash Speeches against the King,* 7.123 they stu∣diously took up many People, and punished them. Before his Fa∣ther K. Henry had him, his only Son lawfully begotten, it was 28 Years from his first entrance upon his Kingdom. And this Heir made amends for the Nation's so long expectation of a Prince:* 7.124

His singular Excellency in all kind of Princely Towardliness (to use the words of one who lived in those Times) was such,* 7.125 that no Place, no Time, no Cause, no Book, no Person, either in publick Audience, or else in private Company, made any mention of him, but thought himself even of very Conscience bound to pow∣dre the same with manifold Praises of his incomparable Vertues and Gifts of Grace.

And again;

How happy are we English-Men of such a King, in whose Childhood appeareth as perfect Grace, Vertue, godly Zeal, desire of Literature, Gravity, Pru∣dence, Justice and Magnanimity, as hath heretofore been found in Kings of most mature Age, of full Discretion, of antient Fame, and of passing high Estimation.

And again,

That God hath of singular Favour and Mercy towards this Realm of England, sent your Grace to reign over us, the thing it self, by the whole Pro∣cess, doth declare.

The Arch-bishop his Godfather took exceeding complacency in a Prince of such Hopes,* 7.126 and would often congratulate Sir Iohn Cheke his School-master having such a Scholar, even with Tears. His Instructors would sometimes give Account to the Arch-bishop of his Profici∣ency in his Studies, a thing that they knew would be acceptable to him.

Thus did Dr. Cox his Tutor in a Letter acquaint the ABp of the Prince's Towardliness, Godliness, Gentleness, and all honest Qua∣lities: and that both the Arch-bishop, and all the Realm ought to take him for a singular Gift sent of God. That he read Cato, Vives his Satellitium, Esop's Fables, and made Latin, besides things of the Bible; and that he conned pleasantly and perfectly.

The Arch-bi∣shop out of his dear Love to him, and to encourage him, would

sometimes himself write in Latin to him. And one of his Letters to him is yet extant in Fox.

His great Parts might be seen by his Letters, Journals, Memori∣als,* 7.127 Discourses, and Writings; which were many: divers lost, but of those that are yet extant, these are the most:

* 7.128A Letter to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury his God-father, from Ampthil, in Latin, being then but about seven Years old.

* 7.129Another in Latin to the Arch-bishop from Hartford: which was an Answer to one from the Arch-bishop.

* 7.130A Letter in French to his Sister, the Lady Elizabeth, writ Decemb. 18▪ 1546.

* 7.131A Letter to his Unkle, the Duke of Somerset, after his Success against the Scots, 1547.

* 7.132To Q. Katharine Par, after her Marriage with the Lord Admiral his Unkle.

* 7.133Another Letter to her.

* 7.134A Letter to the Earl of Hartford, his Cousin, in Latin.

* 7.135A Letter to Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, concerning the Duke of Somer∣set's Arraignment.

* 7.136Another to B. Fitz-Patrick; consisting of Instructions to him, when he went into France.

* 7.137Another to Fitz-Patrick, giving him an Account of his Progress, in August 1552.

* 7.138Orders concerning the Habits and Apparel of his Subjects, accord∣ing to their Degrees and Qualities.

Mention is also made in the History of the Reformation of Let∣ters in Latin to K. Henry his Father, at eight Years old, and to Queen Katharine Par.

* 7.139His Journal, writ all with his own Hand, from the beginning of his Reign 1547, until the 28th of Novemb. 1552.

* 7.140A Collection of Passages of Scripture against Idolatry in French; Dedicated to the Protector.

* 7.141A Discourse about the Reformation of many Abuses both Ecclesi∣astical and Temporal.

* 7.142A Reformation of the Order of the Garter; Translated out of English into Latin by K. Edward. These four last are published in the History of the Reformation, Volume II. among the Collections.

* 7.143A Book written in French by him at twelve Years of Age, against the Pope, intitled, A L'encontre les abus du Monde.

* 7.144A Memorial, February 1551.

* 7.145Another Memorial, dated Octob. 13. 1552.

* 7.146Another Memorial.

* 7.147His Prayer a little before his Death.

I shall reherse none of these Writings, but only one of the Memo∣rials; because it bordereth so near upon our present History, and shews so much this Young Prince's Care of Religion, and for the good Estate of the Church, animated, admonished, counselled and directed in these Matters by the Arch-bishop.

For Religion. Octob. 13. 1552.

I. A Catechism to be set forth,* 7.148 for to be taught in all Grammar-Schools.

II. An Uniformity of Doctrine; to which all Preachers should set their Hands.

III. Commissions to be granted to those Bishops, that be Grave, Learned, Wise, Sober, and of good Religion, for the executing of Discipline.

IV. To find fault with the slightfulness of the Pastors, and to deliver them Articles of Visitation, willing and commanding them to be more diligent in their Office, and to keep more Preachers.

V. The abrogating of the old Canon-Law, and establishment of a New.

VI. The dividing of the Bishoprick of Durham into two; and placing of Men in them.

VII. The placing of Harley into the Bishoprick of Hereford.

VIII. The making of more Homilies.

IX. The making of more Injunctions.

X. The placing of one in a Bishoprick in Ireland, which Turner of Canterbury hath refused.

Some of these things were already done, and some in Hand. Hereby we may see what further Steps in the Reformation would have been made, had the good King lived. So that in this King's Reign, Religion made a good Progress, and Superstition and Ido∣latry was in a good manner purged out of the Church. Which was the more to be wondred at, considering the Minority of the King, the grievous Factions at Court, and the too common Practice then of scoffing and buffooning Religion, and the more conscienti∣ous Professors of it. For of this sort of Men, Russians and dissolute Livers, there were many followed the Court, and were Favorites to the Leading-Men there, I mean, the two Dukes; and proved after, base Time-servers and Flatterers in the Reign of Queen Mary.

During this Reign, Arch-bishop Cranmer was a very active Man,* 7.149 and great Deference seemed to be given to his Judgment, by the King and Council, in the Matters that were then transacting; espe∣cially as concerning the Reformation of Religion. For I find him very frequently at the Council-Board, and often sent for thither, or sent unto when absent. And here I will not think much to set down all the particular Days when, and Places where, he was present in Person with the Privy-Counsellors; from the Year 1550, beginning, unto the middle of the Year 1553, near the the Time of the King's Death; as it was extracted carefully out of a Council-Book, that commenceth at the above-said Year.

Anno 1550, April 19.* 7.150 He was present at the Council then at Green∣wich. This Month one Putto, who had been put to silence for his lend Preaching, [that is against the Steps made in the Reformation] and did now nevertheless, of his own Head, preach as lendly as he had done before, was referred to the Arch-bishop, and the Bishop of Ely, to be corrected, April 28. The Arch-bishop present at Council,

May 2, 4, 7, 11, (On this day the Duke of Somerset was called again to Council) and 15. At the Star-Chamber, May 16. At Westmin∣ster May 28, Iune 5. At Greenwich, June 8, 11, 13, 20, 22. At Westminster, Iune 28, 29, 30. and Iuly 1. About which time the Arch-bishop seemed to depart into his Diocess, and there to re∣main that Summer. Octob. 11. There was an Order of Council for a Letter to be writ to him, in answer to his of complaint against the Vicar of Dertford, to imprison him for his Disobedience unto him; and in Prison to endure, until the said Arch-bishop should come to Court. Octob. 18. Was another Order of Council for three Letters to be writ: The One to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, another to the Bishop of Ely, and another to th•• Bishop of Lincoln.

Be∣cause (as the Words run) the Parliament draweth near: Before which time his Majesty thinketh it expedient to have some Mat∣ters there to be consulted. Their Lordships were required im∣mediately to repair to the Court, where they shall understand his Majesty's further Pleasure. And that Day his Grace was sent for.

November 11. He was present at Council. At West∣minster, November 16, 17, 18, 26. December 4. When the Arch∣bishop and Bishop of Ely answered the Bishop of Chichester, then before the Council, as to the Texts by him produced in behalf of Altars. Decemb. 5, 9, 11, 13. On which Day a Letter was sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower to bring the Bishop of Winchester to Lambeth before the Arch-bishop. Ianuary 13. He was present at the Council at Greenwich, when Hoper was ordered to be committed to the Arch-bishop's Custody. Present again at Council at Green∣wich, Febr. 8. At Westminster the 16, 18. Then upon the Report of the Arch-bishop made of one Young, a Learned Man, [I suppose he of Cambridg, that was Bucer's Antagonist] viz. That he had preached seditiously, [against the King's Proceedings in Religion] it was ordered that the Arch-bishop, and the Bishop of Ely should examine him, and thereupon order him, as they should think good. He was present at Council, still at Westminster, March 4, 8. (When he was appointed to receive a Sum of Money in respect of his Charges and Pains in his Process against the late Bishop of Winchester, now deprived) 9, 11, 12, 22, 24.

* 7.151Anno 1551. March 26, 31. At Greenwich, April the 8, 9, 11, 26. May 4, 10, 24, 25. Iune 4, 14. (when a Letter was given to the Arch-bishop to send to the Lieutenant of the Tower, for the bringing White Warden of New-College in VVinchester, and delivering him to the Arch-bishop, to remain with him, till he might reclaim him) 15, 21, 22. At Richmond, August 9. At Hampton-Court, Octob. 1. When a Licence was granted to VVolf, under the King's Privilege, to print the Arch-bishop's Book. At VVestminster, Octob. 17, 19, 22, 28. Novemb. 2, 5, 9, 10, 15, 17, 21, 26. Decemb. 11, 12. (13. A Letter was sent from the Council to the Arch-bishop to send them a Book touching Religion, sent out of Ireland) 17, 18, 19. Ian. 24, 31. Febr. 8, 16, 22, 28. March 22.

* 7.152Anno 1552. He was present at the Council now sitting at VVest∣minster, March 30. April 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 18, 19, 24. From which time, till the Month of Octob. he was not at the Council, and yet

seems to have been at Home. Octob. 7. The Council sent to him to stay his going into Kent, till Tuesday, because the Lords would confer with him; that is till Octob. 11. when he was again present at Council. The Arch-bishop now retired into his Diocess, and was at his House at Ford. Whither several Messages and Letters were sent to him from the Council: as Nov. 20. They sent him the Articles of Religion, (framed chiefly by him, and reviewed by the King's Chaplains) for his last Review, in order to the putting them into due Execution. Nov. 24. Another sent him according to the Minute, of some Bu∣siness unknown. Decemb. 2. Another Letter to him for the installing of Hoper, without paying any Fees. And another Feb. 2. in favour of Mr. Knox, to be by him collated to the Living of Alhallows. This Month he returned, and was at the Council at Westminster. Like∣wise Febr. 21, 22, 2••, 27, 28.

Anno 1553. March 25. April 1, 7. At Greenwich, Iune 2, 3, 6, 8.* 7.153 And that was the last time mentioned in the Council-Book ending at Iune 17. Nor cared he to come afterwards, the Business then in transaction not pleasing him.

A Bishop Consecrated.

May 26. Iohn Harley, S. T. P. was Consecrated,* 7.154 (and was the last that was Consecrated in this King's Reign) Bishop of Hereford, upon the Death of Skip, by the Arch-bishop, at Croyden Chappel, Nicolas Bishop of London, and Robert Bishop of Carlile, assisting. This Har∣ley was one of the King's Six Chaplains, Bill, Bradford, Grindal, Pern and Knox, being the other five, that were appointed to be Iti∣neraries, to preach sound Doctrine in all the remotest Parts of the Kingdom, for the Instruction of the Ignorant in right Religion to God, and Obedience to the King.

The End of the Second Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Conceives great Hopes of K. Edward.
• * 1.2

  The ABp takes a Com∣mission to exe∣cute his Office.
• * 1.3

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 1.4

  Hist. Re••. P. II. Coll. p. 90.
• * 1.5

  K. Edward crowned by the ABp.
• * 1.6

  C.C.C.C. Li∣brary. Miscel∣lan. B.
• * 1.7

  The manner of the Coronati∣on.
• * 1.8

  Hist. Ref. Vol. 11 Collect. p. 93.
• * 1.9

  The ABp's Speech at the Coronation. Foxes & Fire∣brands, Part 2.
• * 2.1

  An. 1547.
• * 2.2

  A Royal Visi∣tation on foot.
• * 2.3

  Titus B. 2.
• * 2.4

  Hist. Ref. Vol. II. Collect. p. 103.
• * 2.5

  Vol. 11. p. 28.
• * 2.6

  The Visitors.
• * 2.7

  Vol. intit. Sy∣uodalia.
• † 2.8

  He belonged to the Office of the Signet, and was Protono∣tary.
• * 2.9

  The Method of this Visitation.
• * 2.10

  Fox.
• * 2.11

  The Homilies, and Erasmus's Paraphrase.
• * 2.12

  The ABp to Winchester con∣cerning the Homilies.
• * 2.13

  See his Letters to the Prote∣ctor, in Fox.
• * 2.14

  N^o. XXXV.
• * 2.15

  The ABp. &c. compose Ho∣milies.
• * 2.16

  Winchester in the Fleet.
• * 2.17

  The Bp of Win∣chester's Cen∣sure o•• the Ho∣mily of Salva∣tion,
• * 2.18

  And of the ABp for it.
• * 2.19

  Winchester's Censure of E∣rasmus's Para∣phrase.
• * 2.20

  His Account of his Commit∣ment.

  Inter Foxil MSS.
• * 2.21

  Erasmus vindi∣cated.
• * 2.22

  Winchester's Letter to So∣merset concern∣ing these things.
• * 2.23

  N^o. XXXVI.
• * 2.24

  The ABp ap∣points a Thanksgiving for a Victory.
• * 3.1

  The ABp to the Bp of London. Cranm. ••egist.
• * 3.2

  It should be Sept. I suppose.
• * 3.3

  A Convocati∣on in the first Year of the King.

  C.C.C.C. Li∣brary. Vol. in∣tit. Synodalia.
• * 3.4

  Defence of Priests Mar∣riage, p. 268.
• * 3.5

  Dr. Redman's Judgment of Priests Mar∣riage.
• * 3.6

  Irenic. p. 387.
• * 3.7

  The ABp's In∣fluence on the Parliament.
• * 3.8

  Hist. R••s. Vol. 1. p. 40.
• * 3.9

  The Commu∣nion in both Kinds esta∣blished.
• * 3.10

  Fox.
• * 3.11

  The ABp's Queries con∣cerning the Mass.
• * 3.12

  The ABp as∣sists at the Fu∣neral of the French King.
• * 3.13

  Stow.
• * 3.14

  The Marquess of Northamp∣ton's Divorce committed to the ABp.
• * 3.15

  Bp of Wigorn.
• * 3.16

  Hist. Ref. Vol. 2. p. 56.
• * 3.17

  Processions for∣bid by his means.
• * 3.18

  Stow.
• * 3.19

  Examines the Offices of the Church.
• * 3.20

  The ABp puts forth a Catechism.
• * 3.21

  And a Book a∣gainst Vnwrit∣ten Verities.
• * 3.22

  Ca••. 3.
• * 3.23

  His Care of Canterbury.
• * 3.24

  Fox's MSS.
• * 3.25

  The ABp's In∣fluence upon the Universi∣ty.
• * 3.26

  Some of St. Iohn's College apply to him upon the ap∣prehension of a Danger.
• * 3.27

  Offended with some of this College, and why.
• * 3.28

  N^o. XXXVII.
• * 3.29

  The ill Condi∣tion and low Estate of the University.
• * 3.30

  Hist. Ref. Part II. p. 8.
• * 3.31

  An Address of the University to the ABp.
• * 3.32

  The Sum thereof.
• * 3.33

  N^o. XXXVIII.
• * 3.34

  The Success of the Univer∣sity's Address to him and others.
• * 3.35

  Another Ad∣dress to him against the Townsmen.
• * 3.36

  Roger Ascham's Application to him for a Dis∣pensation for eating Flesh.
• * 3.37

  Favourably granted by the ABp.
• * 3.38

  The ABp's Opinion con∣cerning Lent.
• * 3.39

  Ascham ac∣quaints him with the pre∣sent State of the University, as to their Stu∣dies.

  Epistol. libro 2.
• * 3.40

  Sir Iohn Cheke, the ABp's dear Friend, the prime Instru∣ment of poli∣ter Studies there.
• * 3.41

  The Impedi∣ments of the Universities flourishing state laid be∣fore him.
• * 3.42

  Dr. Smith re∣cants at Paul's Cross.
• * 3.43

  His Books.
• * 3.44

  N^o. XXXIX.
• * 3.45

  Gardiner of∣fended with this Recanta∣tion.
• * 3.46

  Psal. 116.11.
• * 3.47

  Other Univer∣sity-Men re∣cant.
• * 3.48

  Smith affronts ••he ABp.
• * 3.49

  His Inconstan∣cy.
• * 3.50

  The ABp's ad∣monition to the Vicar of St••pney.
• * 3.51

  Foxii MSS.
• * 3.52

  The ABp Li∣censeth an e∣minent Prea∣cher.
• * 3.53

  Foxil MSS.
• * 3.54

  Who preach∣eth against the Errors and Su∣perstitions of the Church. Foxii MSS.
• * 3.55

  Is bound to answer for his Sermon at the Assizes.
• * 3.56

  How far the Reformation had proceed∣ed.
• * 3.57

  Part 3.
• * 3.58

  Ridley conse∣crated Bp. Cran. Reg. p. 321.
• * 3.59

  Churches pro∣faned.
• * 3.60

  Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2.
• * 3.61

  Church Orna∣ments embe∣zelled.
• * 4.1

  The Council's Letter to the ABp thereup∣on. Cran. Regist.
• * 4.2

  A Form of Prayer sent to the ABp.
• * 5.1

  With the Council's Let∣ter. Cran. Regist.
• * 5.2

  New Opinions Broached.
• * 5.3

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 5.4

  Champneys re∣vokes six Arti∣cles.
• * 5.5

  And abjure••.
• * 5.6

  Other Heresies vented.
• * 5.7

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 5.8

  Assheton's Re∣cantation.
• * 5.9

  Other Errors still.
• * 5.10

  Ioan Boche••s Heresy▪
• * 5.11

  Latime••'s Cen∣sure of her▪
• * 5.12

  Georg•• Van Pa∣ris.
• * 5.13

  The ABp visits his Diocess.
• * 5.14

  His Articles for the Clergy.
• * 5.15

  And for the Laity.
• * 5.16

  An Exchange made between the ABp and the Lord Wind∣sor.
• * 5.17

  Bishop of S. Davids Conse∣crated.

  Cran. Regist. Fol. 327.
• * 5.18

  Some account of this Bishop.
• * 5.19

  The ABp swayed by Far∣rar's Enemies.
• * 5.20

  Sut••li••s Answ. to Parson's Threefold Convers. of England.
• * 5.21

  An. 1549.
• * 5.22

  Rebellion in Devon.
• * 5.23

  The ABp A••••swers the Re∣bels Articles▪
• * 5.24

  An. 1549.
• * 5.25

  N^•. XL.
• * 5.26

  Some Account thereof.
• * 5.27

  Crispin.
• * 5.28

  Mor••man.
• * 5.29

  Cardinal Pole.
• * 5.30

  The ABp pro∣cures Sermons to be made against the Re∣bellion.
• * 5.31

  Miscell••n. D.
• * 5.32

  Peter Martyr's Sermon upon this Occasion▪
• * 5.33

  The French take Occasion at this Rebel∣lion.
• * 5.34

  Bucer's Dis∣course against the Sedition.
• * 5.35

  The ABp's Prayer, com∣posed for this Occasion.
• * 5.36

  N^o. X••I.
• * 5.37

  The ABp de∣prives Boner.
• * 5.38

  Discourse be∣tween the ABp and him▪ concerning his Book.
• * 5.39

  Concerning the Sacrament.
• * 5.40

  Chargeth the ABp concern∣ing the Preachers he allowed.
• * 5.41

  The ABp's An∣swers to Boner's Declaration.
• * 5.42

  Papists insist upon the inva∣lidity of the Laws made in the King's mi∣nority.
• * 5.43

  N^o. XLII.
• * 5.44

  Lat. Serm. Fol. 25.
• * 5.45

  An Ordination of Priests and Deacons.
• * 5.46

  The Office of Ordination re∣formed.
• * 5.47

  The ABp Vi∣sits some Va∣cant Churches. S. David's.
• * 5.48

  Glocester.
• * 5.49

  Norwich.
• * 5.50

  London.
• * 5.51

  A new Dean of the Arches.
• * 5.52

  The ABp writes to the Lords at Ely-house.
• * 5.53

  Their Answer.
• * 5.54

  Vol. II. Collect. p. 187.188.

  The ABp gets the Common-Prayer-Book confirmed.
• * 5.55

  The ABp har∣bours Learned Strangers.
• * 5.56

  MSS. C.C.C.C. Miscellan. A.
• * 5.57

  Bucer writes in the ABp's Fa∣mily.

  MSS. C.C.C.C. Miscellan. D.
• * 5.58

  The ABp's Guests.
• * 5.59

  Calvin. Ep. 197, Martyr dedi∣cates his Le∣ctures at Oxon to the ABp.
• * 5.60

  The ABp writes to Bucer to come over.
• * 5.61

  N^o. XLIII.
• * 5.62

  Bucer and Fa∣gius Professors at Cambridg.
• * 5.63

  Vet. P. Fag. per Ministr. aliquos Eccles. Argent▪
• * 5.64

  Fagius dies▪
• * 5.65

  N^o. XLIV.
• * 5.66

  The ABp sends money to Fa∣gius's Widow.
• * 5.67

  Bucer laments his Loss. MSS. C.C.C.C.
• * 5.68

  P. Martyr chal∣lenged pub∣lickly to a Dis∣putation.
• * 5.69

  Vit. Mart. per Simler.
• * 5.70

  His Answer hereunto.
• * 5.71

  Declines it at present, and why.
• * 5.72

  They agree upon the Con∣ditions of a Disputation.
• * 5.73

  They Dispute.
• * 5.74

  [N^o. XLIV.]
• * 5.75

  Martyr sends the Sum of the Disputation to the ABp.
• * 5.76

  The Disputati∣on published by Martyr;
• * 5.77

  Quid enim n••∣gare aus••m Rever. Archi••∣piscopo Cant. cui plant omnia debto? In Praefat. ad Disp.
• * 5.78

  And by Tre∣sham.
• * 5.79

  N^o. XLV.
• * 5.80

  Smith writes to the ABp from Scotland.
• * 5.81

  Disputations at Cambridg before the Commissio∣ners.
• * 5.82

  Bucer Disputes.
• * 5.83

  His Judgment of the Sacra∣ment.
• * 5.84

  N^o. XLVI.
• * 5.85

  Relicks of Po∣pery remain∣ing.
• * 5.86

  Fox's Acts.
• * 5.87

  The Council gives Orders to the Justices.
• * 5.88

  And writes to the Bishops.
• * 5.89

  Neglect in London.
• * 5.90

  Adulteries frequent.
• * 5.91

  Books disper∣sed by Pro∣testants.
• * 5.92

  Letter to the Lord Pro∣tector.
• * 5.93

  Preaching against Lent.
• * 5.94

  Gardiner's Judgment of a Rhime against Lent.
• * 5.95

  Latimer coun∣sels the King about Marri∣age.
• * 5.96

  Foreign Pro∣testants their offer to King Edward.
• * 5.97

  Fox's and Firebrand's, Part II.
• * 5.98

  An. 1550.
• * 5.99

  Ridley made Bp of London.
• * 5.100

  Ridl. Letter, among the Letters of the Martyrs.
• * 5.101

  Rochester Va∣cant.
• * 5.102

  Bucer writes to Dorset, not to spoil the Church.
• * 5.103

  MSS. C. C. C. C. Miscellan. D.
• * 5.104

  The Common-Prayer-Book reviewed.
• * 5.105

  Nec enim quic∣quam in illis de∣prehendi quod non sit ex Verbo Dei desumptum, aut saltem ei non adversetur, commodè accep∣tum. Buceri Scripta Angli∣can.
• * 5.106

  Modus quo{que} ha∣rum Lectionum ac precum, & tempora▪ sunt ad∣modumcongruen∣ter, & cum Verbo Dei, & observa∣tion•• priscarum Ecclesiarum con∣stituta. Religio∣ne igitur summa retinenda erit, & vindicanda haec Ceremonia. Censura, inter Scripta An∣glican.
• * 5.107

  Bucer & Martyr employed in it.

  MSS. C.C.C.C. Vol. intit. Epist. Viror. illustr. & German.
• * 5.108

  Hoper nomina∣ted for Bp of Glocester.
• * 5.109

  He and Ridley confer about the Habits.
• * 5.110

  MS. of the Council Book.
• * 5.111

  The ABp writes to Bucer for his Judg∣ment in this Matter.
• * 5.112

  TheQuestions.
• * 5.113

  Script. Anglic. p. 705. & 681.
• * 5.114

  Martyr writes to Hoper.
• * 5.115

  Inter P. Mart. Epist.
• * 5.116

  Hoper's two Objections,
• * 5.117

  Considered.
• † 5.118

  Episcopal Garments.
• * 5.119

  Episcopal Garments.
• * 5.120

  Another Ob∣jection of Ho∣per considered.
• * 5.121

  Other things urged by him.
• * 5.122

  Hoper Confined to his House, and silenced.
• * 5.123

  Council-Book.
• * 5.124

  Committed to the ABp's Custody.
• * 5.125

  Sent to the Fleet.
• * 5.126

  Council-Book.
• * 5.127

  Hoper con∣forms.
• * 5.128

  Martyr to Gual∣ter concer∣ning Hoper's Conformity.
• * 5.129

  Hoper Visits his Diocess.
• * 5.130

  N^o. XLVII.
• * 5.131

  His Articles of Religion.
• * 5.132

  His Injunctions and Interroga∣tories.
• * 5.133

  Holds Worcester in Commendam.
• * 5.134

  And visits that Church and Sec.
• * 5.135

  Goes over both his Dio∣cesses again.
• * 5.136

  N^o. XLVIII.
• * 5.137

  The Council's Order con∣cerning the two Canons. MS. Council-Book.
• * 5.138

  Licence for the Bp of Glocester to attend up∣on the Dut∣chess of Somer∣set in the Tower.
• * 5.139

  Other Matters relating to this Bishop.
• * 5.140

  Divers great Lords repair to Gardiner.
• * 5.141

  The Council's proceedings with him.
• * 5.142

  Articles pro∣pounded to him to sub∣scribe.
• * 5.143

  Winchester Se∣questred for three Months.
• * 5.144

  The Sequestra∣tion expires.
• * 5.145

  Council-Book.
• * 5.146

  The Commis∣sioners sit to examine him.
• * 5.147

  A Letter of some Noble∣men, whom he had belied.
• * 5.148

  Gardiner offers his Book against Cran∣mer to the Commissio∣ners.
• * 5.149

  Page 2.
• * 5.150

  He is deprived.
• * 5.151

  The Council's order for his strait Confine∣ment.
• * 5.152

  Council-Book.
• * 5.153

  Poynet made Bp of Winton.
• * 5.154

  Other Popish Bps dealt with.
• * 5.155

  Bp Hethe's Troubles.
• * 5.156

  Sent for before the Council. Council-Book.
• * 5.157

  Bp of Chi∣chester his Troubles.
• * 5.158

  Council-Book.
• * 5.159

  Bp Day will not pull down Altars.
• * 5.160

  Appears be∣fore the Coun∣cil.
• * 5.161

  Es. xix.19.
• * 5.162

  The ABp and Bp of Ely rea∣son with him.
• * 5.163

  The Council give him time to confer.
• * 5.164

  Before the Council again.
• * 5.165

  Heb. xiii.10▪
• * 5.166

  Before the Council the third Time.
• * 5.167

  And the fourth Time, when he was sent to the Fleet.
• * 5.168

  Commissioners appointed for Worcester and Chichester.
• * 5.169

  They are de∣prived.
• * 5.170

  Placed the one with the Lord Chancellor, the other with the Bp of London.
• * 5.171

  Day writes to King's Col∣lege for leaving off Masses.
• * 5.172

  Haddoni Ep. p. 169.
• * 5.173

  His unnatural Carriage to∣wards his Bro∣ther.
• * 5.174

  Hatcher's MS. Catal. of Pro∣vosts, &c. of King's Coll.
• * 5.175

  Preaches against Tran∣substantiation.
• * 5.176

  His Change charged on him.
• * 5.177

  The Papists write Libels.
• * 5.178

  N^o. XLIX.
• * 5.179

  Several Pa∣pists now taken up.
• * 5.180

  Council-Book. Chedsey.
• * 5.181

  Morgan.
• * 5.182

  Brown.
• * 5.183

  White.
• * 5.184

  Other Profes∣sors restrained.
• * 5.185

  The ABp's Care of the Souls of Stran∣gers residing here.
• * 5.186

  The Dutch Congregation, begun under Iohn a Lasco.
• * 5.187

  The Occasion of his coming into England.
• * 5.188

  His Business here.
• * 5.189

  From Embden he wrote to the ABp;
• * 5.190

  And to Cecyl.
• * 5.191

  The sad Con∣dition of the Protestants there.
• * 5.192

  N^o. L.
• * 5.193

  Latimer men∣tions A Lasco to the King.
• * 5.194

  Third Sermon before the King, Anno 1549.
• * 5.195

  Contest a∣mongst A Lasco's People. MSS. of Benet College.
• * 5.196

  The Care of A Lasco over his Church, and its Privileges.
• * 5.197

  Favourably re∣ceived by the Lord Chancel∣lor Goodrich.
• * 5.198

  Labours with the Secretary to procure Let∣ters from the Councel in be∣half of his Church.
• * 5.199

  N^o. LI.
• * 5.200

  The extant of his Superinten∣dency.
• * 5.201

  Melancthon's Epistles, prin∣ted at Leyden, 1647.
• * 5.202

  Melancthon thought to shelter himself under him.
• * 5.203

  His great Abi∣lities for Go∣vernment.

  Erasmus's Praise of him.

  Ep. 3. Lib. 28.
• * 5.204

  Lib. 19. Ep. 15.
• * 5.205

  Purchased Erasmus's Li∣brary.
• * 5.206

  Abel Rediviv.
• * 5.207

  A Lasco a mar∣ried Man.
• * 5.208

  His influence in the Refor∣mation under Q. Elizabeth.
• * 5.209

  Blamed for medling in our Controversies.
• * 5.210

  A Church of Italians consti∣tuted in Lon∣don.
• * 5.211

  Michael Angelo their Minister.
• * 5.212

  The Service the ABp did for this Church;
• * 5.213

  And for the Minister.
• * 5.214

  Anno 1552.
• * 5.215

  Divers of this Church fall out with their Mi∣nister, and go to Mass again.
• * 5.216

  A Conjecture at the Cause thereof.
• * 5.217

  Their Minister sends their Names to the Secretary, and accuses them.
• * 5.218

  The Morals of this Man tain∣ted.
• * 5.219

  Writes a peni∣tent Letter to the Secretary.
• * 5.220

  N^o. LII. LIII.
• * 5.221

  A French Church also in London.
• * 5.222

  N^o. LIV.
• * 5.223

  Another Church of Strangers at Glastenbury. Their Trade Weaving.
• * 5.224

  Valerandus Pol∣lanus their Preacher and Superintendent.
• * 5.225

  How they came to fix here.
• * 5.226

  Conditions of Trade between Somerset and them.
• * 5.227

  Their Trade obstructed by the Troubles of Somerset.
• * 5.228

  Apply them∣selves again to the Council,
• * 5.229

  And to the Se∣cretary Cecyl:
• * 5.230

  The Council become their Patrons, and assist them.
• * 5.231

  Orders from the Lords to set this Manu∣facture for∣wards.
• * 5.232

  Pollanus very serviceable to them.
• * 5.233

  N^o. LV.LVI.LVII.

  An Apology for the large∣ness of the former Rela∣tion.
• * 5.234

  After the King's Death they remove to Frankford▪
• * 5.235

  Troubles at Frankford▪
• * 5.236

  Prove Friends to the English Exiles there.
• * 5.237

  A Spanish Church.
• * 5.238

  Cassiodorus, and Corra••us their Preachers.
• * 5.239

  Many of King Philip's Spani∣ards become Protestants.
• * 5.240

  Great num∣bers of Prote∣stants in Spain and Italy.
• * 5.241

  Zanchii Ep. Lib. 2.
• * 5.242

  The ABp la∣bour•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pre∣serve the Re∣venues of the Church.
• * 5.243

  The detaining the Church-Revenues a Scandal to the Reformation.
• * 5.244

  Calvin to the ABp upon this matter.
• * 5.245

  Ep. 127.
• * 5.246

  And to the Duke of So∣merset.

  N^o. LVIII.
• * 5.247

  Bucer publickly disputeth at Cambridg.
• * 5.248

  MSS. C.C.C.C.
• * 5.249

  Dieth.
• * 5.250

  The Universi∣ty wrote up concerning his Death.
• * 5.251

  N^o. LIX.
• * 5.252

  Bucer's Libra∣ry.
• * 5.253

  His Widdow retires to Ger∣many.
• * 5.254

  The Corre∣spondence be∣tween him and Martyr. MSS.C.C.C.C.
• * 6.1

  A Plot of the Papists at Oxo••, against Martyr, at an Act.
• * 6.2

  Martyr's Judg∣ment of the Communion-Book
• * 6.3

  Pag. 210.
• * 6.4

  N^o. LX.LXI.
• * 6.5

  Bucer's great Dangers.
• * 6.6

  Ponet▪
• * 6.7

  Cranm. Reg.
• * 6.8

  Hoper.
• * 6.9

  An. 1551.
• * 6.10

  Cranmer pub∣lisheth his Book of the Sacrament.
• * 6.11

  His first Book.
• * 6.12

  An. 1551.
• * 6.13

  Wrote against by Gardiner and Smith.
• * 6.14

  Vindicated in another Book by the ABp.
• * 6.15

  N^o. LXII.
• * 6.16

  The Method of the ABp's Re∣ply.
• * 6.17

  The Judg∣ments made of this Book. In Antiq. Brit.
• * 6.18

  Fox's Acts.
• * 6.19

  How the ABp came off from the Opinion of the Corporal Presence.
• * 6.20

  The ABp's great Skill in this Contro∣versy.
• * 6.21

  P. Martyr in∣lightned by Cranmer.
• * 6.22

  Fox's Acts.
• * 6.23

  Fox's Conje∣cture of the ABp.
• * 6.24

  A second Book of Gardiner a∣gainst the ABp.
• * 6.25

  Preface to P. Martyr's Book, in Def. of Cranmer.
• * 6.26

  The ABp be∣gins a third Book; but, lives not to ••••∣nish it.
• * 6.27

  Martyr takes up the Quar∣rel.
• * 6.28

  Ma••t. Epist.
• * 6.29

  P. Martyr Ep.
• * 6.30

  Cranmer puts out his Book of the Sacra∣ment in Latin.
• * 6.31

  Constantius li∣bro latinè scripto, ita argumenta mea persequitur▪ ut sibi optimum videtur, & ut causam juvet; saepe truncata, saepe inversa, saepe disjecta, sic intro∣ducit; ut non ma∣gis a me agnosci potuerint, quam Medeae liberi in multa membra dissecti & desormati, &c.
• * 6.32

  Printed again at Embden.
• * 6.33

  Autographon ••∣jus in nostra a∣pud Aembda∣nos Ecclesia pro Thesauro quo∣dam, & clariss. viri, sancti{que} Christi Martyris Mnemosyno ser∣vamus. In Epist.
• * 6.34

  Cranmer's se∣cond Book in∣tended to be put into Latin. Fox. Epp. MSS.
• * 6.35

  Some Notes of Cranmer con∣cerning the Sacrament. Miscellan. A.
• * 7.1

  Martyr suc∣ceeds Cranmer in this Pro∣vince.
• * 7.2

  Writes against Gardiner,
• * 7.3

  And Smith.
• * 7.4

  The Duke of Somerset's Death.
• * 7.5

  Inter Foxii MSS.
• * 7.6

  Winchester sup∣pos'd to be in the Plot.
• * 7.7

  Articles a∣gainst the Duke.
• * 7.8

  What he is blamed for.
• * 7.9

  The new Book of Common-Prayer esta∣blished.
• * 7.10

  Troubles at Frankford.
• * 7.11

  Coverdale made Bp of Exon.
• * 7.12

  Scory Bp Elect of Rochester.
• * 7.13

  The ABp ap∣points a Guar∣dian of the Spiritualties of Lincoln.
• * 7.14

  Cranm. Reg▪
• * 7.15

  And of Wigorn.
• * 7.16

  Cranm. Regist.
• * 7.17

  And of Chiche∣ster.
• * 7.18

  And of Here∣ford.
• * 7.19

  And of Bangor.
• * 7.20

  Hoper visits his Diocess.
• * 7.21

  N^o. LXIII.
• * 7.22

  Two Disputa∣tions concern∣ing the Sacra∣ment.
• * 7.23

  Miscellan. C.
• * 7.24

  Dr. Redman dies.
• * 7.25

  B••con's Reports. Fox's Acts.
• * 7.26

  The ABp and others appoin∣ted to Reform the Ecclesiasti∣cal Laws.
• * 7.27

  The Method they observed.
• * 7.28

  Scory. Cranm. Regist▪
• * 7.29

  Coverdal••.
• * 7.30

  An. 1552.
• * 7.31

  The Articles of Religion fra∣med and pub∣lished.
• * 7.32

  Fox.
• * 7.33

  The ABp's di∣ligence in them.
• * 7.34

  Council-Book.
• * 7.35

  N^o. LXIV.
• * 7.36

  The ABp re∣tires to Ford.
• * 7.37

  Consulted with for fit Persons to fill the Irish See••.
• * 7.38

  I suppose this might be a slip of the ABp's Pen or Memory, writing Whita∣cre for Gooda∣cre, who after∣wards was pla∣ced in that Irish See, and ha•• been Poynet's Chap∣lain.
• * 7.39

  Some Account of the four Divines nomi∣nated by him for the Arch∣bishoprick of Armagh.

  Mr. W••ithead.
• * 7.40

  Mr. Turner.
• * 7.41

  Bale's Cent.
• * 7.42

  Thomas Rosse, or Rose.
• * 7.43

  Robert Wisdome.
• * 7.44

  The Iewel of Ioy.
• † 7.45

  They were both forced to recant openly at St. Pauls Cross, in the Year 1544, together with one Shingleton, And her••upon, I suppose, they con∣veyed themselves into the North parts for Secu∣rity.
• * 7.46

  The Character the ABp gave of the two for∣mer.
• * 7.47

  Turner designed for Armagh▪
• * 7.48

  But declines it.
• * 7.49

  Hist. Ref. Vol. 1. p. 205.
• * 7.50

  N.LXV, LXVI.
• * 7.51

  Goodacre made ABpof Armagh.
• * 7.52

  Vocation of Iohn Bale. Beatae memoriae in Hibernià concionatorem vigilantissimum, ac Theologica e∣loquentia non immerito com∣mendatum. Ba∣laei Centur.
• * 7.53

  Letters from the Council to Ireland, recom∣mending the Irish Bishops.
• * 7.54

  Council-Book.
• * 7.55

  A Rumour gi∣gen out, of the ABp's Cove∣tousness and Wealth.
• * 7.56

  Which Cecyl sends him word of.
• * 7.57

  The ABp's An∣swer, for him∣self and the other Bishops.
• † 7.58

  He probably was Holgate ABp of York.
• * 7.59

  N^o. LXVII.
• * 7.60

  This very Slander raised upon him to K. Henry.
• * 7.61

  Fox.
• * 7.62

  K. Henry pro∣mised him Lands.
• * 7.63

  This promise performed by King Edward.
• * 7.64

  His Purchases.
• * 7.65

  N^o. LXVIII.
• * 7.66

  The Arch-bi∣shoprick flee∣ced by K. Henry.
• * 7.67

  Lands past a∣way to the Crown by Ex∣change.
• * 7.68

  Villar•• Cantian.
• * 7.69

  Lands made over to the Arch-bishop.
• * 7.70

  The Arch-bi∣shop parted also with Knoll and Otford to the King.
• * 7.71

  MSS.C.C.C.C.
• * 7.72

  What moved him to make these Exchan∣ges.
• * 7.73

  His Cares and Fears for the King.
• * 7.74

  His care for filling the Va∣cancies of the Church.
• * 7.75

  Labored under an Ague this Autumn.
• * 7.76

  The great Mortality of Agues about this Time.
• * 7.77

  Stow's Chron.
• * 7.78

  That which most concern∣ed him in his Sickness.
• * 7.79

  The Secretary sends the Arch-bishop the Copy of the Emperor's Pacification.
• * 7.80

  Vid. Sl••id. Lib. 24.
• * 7.81

  His Kindness for Germany.
• * 7.82

  His Correspon∣dence with Germany,
• * 7.83

  And with Her∣man Arch-bi∣shop of Colen.
• * 7.84

  The Sutable∣ness of both these Arch-bi∣shops Disposi∣tions.
• * 7.85

  Their dili∣gence in Re∣forming.
• * 7.86

  Mel. Epist. Printed at Leyden, 1647. Pag. 34.
• * 7.87

  Nec aliam vi∣deo, nisi hanc unam, ut retine∣ant Episcopi & Collegia s••a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & suas opes, & recipiant doctri∣nam piam. Ubi supra.
• * 7.88

  The Troubles of Bp Tonstol.
• * 7.89

  MS. of an old Council-Book.
• * 7.90

  The Cause of this Bp's Pu∣nishment.
• * 7.91

  A Bill in Par∣liament to at∣taint Tonstal.
• * 7.92

  The Care of the Diocess committed to the Dean.
• * 7.93

  The new Com∣mon-Prayer began to be used.
• * 7.94

  Stow's Chron.
• * 7.95

  This Book put into French for the King's French Sub∣jects.
• * 7.96

  The Age still vicious.
• * 7.97

  Iew••l of Ioy.
• * 7.98

  A new Sect in Kent.
• * 7.99

  Council-Book.
• * 7.100

  The ABp's Bu∣siness in Kent.
• * 7.101

  A Letter for Installing Bi∣shop Hoper. Council-Book.
• * 7.102

  The Vicar of Beden.
• * 7.103

  Council-Book.
• * 7.104

  Sampson and Knox.
• * 7.105

  The Council favour Knox. Collect. Vol. 2. p. 42.
• * 7.106

  Council-Book.
• * 7.107

  Iohn Taylor.
• * 7.108

  An. 1553.
• * 7.109

  Great use made of the ABp at Coun∣cil.
• * 7.110

  The Articles of Religion en∣joined by the King's Autho∣rity.
• * 7.111

  Cran. Regist.
• * 7.112

  An. 1553.
• * 7.113

  The Catechism for Schools.
• * 7.114

  A Catechism set forth by the Synod.
• * 7.115

  Fox.
• * 7.116

  The ABp op∣poseth the new Settle∣ment of the Crown.
• * 7.117

  Denieth before the Council to subscribe to the Exclusion of the Lady Mary. Foxii MSS.
• * 7.118

  Sets his Hand.
• * 7.119

  The ABp in∣gratefully dealt with.
• * 7.120

  The Council subscribe and swear to the limited Succes∣sion.

  Vol. II. p. 223.
• * 7.121

  [N^o. LXVIII.]
• * 7.122

  The King dies.
• * 7.123

  Cooper's Chron.
• * 7.124

  His Character.
• * 7.125

  Nic. Vdal his Pres. to Erasm. Paraphrase.
• * 7.126

  The ABp de∣lights in this Prince's Profi∣ciency.
• * 7.127

  K. Edward's Writings.
• * 7.128

  Fox.
• * 7.129

  Fox.
• * 7.130

  Mr. Petyt's MSS.
• * 7.131

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.132

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.133

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.134

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.135

  Full. Ch. Hist.
• * 7.136

  Full. Ch. Hist.
• * 7.137

  Ibid.
• * 7.138

  Mr. Petyt's MSS.
• * 7.139

  Cotton Libr. and Hist. Ref.
• * 7.140

  Trinity-Col. Libr.
• * 7.141

  Cott. Librar.
• * 7.142

  Cott. Libr.
• * 7.143

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.144

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.145

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.146

  Sir W. H. MSS.
• * 7.147

  Fox.
• * 7.148

  The King's Memorial for Religion.
• * 7.149

  The Ab•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Coun∣cil.
• * 7.150

  His Presence in Council in the Year 1550.
• * 7.151

  In the Year 1551.
• * 7.152

  In the Year 1552.
• * 7.153

  An. 1553.
• * 7.154

  Iohn Harley.