The history of philosophy, in eight parts by Thomas Stanley.

SOLON.

CHAP. I.

Solon his Parents, Country, and Condition.

PHilocles, cited by Didymus affirmes, that Solon's father was named Euphorion, but by the unani∣mous consent of all other writers, he was cal∣led Execestides, a person though of small for∣tune and account among the Citizens, yet of the most noble family in Athens, descended from Codrus,* 1.1 Solon deriving himselfe from Ne∣leus, son of Codrus, and from Neptune:* 1.2 His Mother neer of kin to the Mother of Pisistratus;* 1.3 his Parents had another Son named Dropides, Archon, the year after Solon, from him was Plato descend∣ed.

Solon was born (according to La••rtius) at Salamis, for which reason he desired at his death that his body might be carried thither; but from his Parents and the place of his residence, he was sirnamed Athenian

* 1.4 His father by munificence and liberality brought his estate so low, as to want even necessaries: Solon (ashamed to receive from any, being of a house which used to maintain others) betook himselfe to Merchandise: others say, he travelled rather to im∣prove his knowledge and experience, for he was a professed lover of wisdome, and even to his last used to say, I grow old learn∣ing; riches he esteemed not much, but to grow rich like

—him who abounds. In heaps of gold, as in rank corn his grounds In Mules and Horses, whilst his numerous wealth Made pleasing by uninterrupted health; If to compleat these joyes, he be possest Of wife and children, he is truly blest.

And elsewhere.

Riches I wish, not riches that are plac'd In unjust means, for vengeance comes at last.

That he was profuse and delicate, and more luxurious in his verses then beseemes a Philosopher, is attributed to his practi∣sing Merchandise, such persons requiring more then ordinary

[illustration]

[illustration]

SOLON.

delicacies and freedomes in recompense of their many and great dangers. That he was rather in the number of the poor then of the rich, is apparent from these his verses.

Many unjust grow rich, and pious poor, We would not change our virtue for their store. For constant virtue is a solid base: Riches from man to man uncertain pass.

* 1.5 Aristotle ranks Solon amongst the inferior sort of Citizens, whi••h (saith he) is manifest from his Elegies, meaning perhaps, some of these which Plutarch cites.* 1.6 Lucian saith, he was extreamly poor:* 1.7 Palaeologus, that he neither had nor valued wealth.

CHAP. II.

How by his means the Athenians took Salamis, Cyrrha, and the Thracian Chersonesus.

MAny (saith* 1.8 Demosthenes) of obscure and contemp••ible have become illustrious by profession of wisdome. Solon both living and dead flourish'd in extraordinary glory, to whom the utmost honours were not denyed, for he left a monument of his valour, the Megaraean Trophie, and of his wisdome, the recovery of Salamis; the occasions these.

* 1.9 The Island Salamis revolted from the Athenians to the Mega∣renses; * 1.10 the Athenians having had a long troublesome war with the Magarenses for its recovery, grew at length so weary, that giving it over, they made a Law, forbidding any upon pain of death to speak or write any thing to perswade the City to re∣attempt it: Solon brooking with much reluctance this ignominy, & seeing many young men in the City desirous to renew the war, (though not daring to move it, by reason of the Edict) coun∣terfeited himselfe mad, which he caused to be given out through the City, and having privately composed some elegiack verses and got them by heart, came skipping into the ••orum with his Cap (or as Laertius saith, a Garland) on; the people flocking about him, he went up into the place of the Cryer, and sung his Elegy beginning thus,

A crier I, from Salamis the fair, Am come in verse this message to declare:

* 1.11 The lines wherewith they were most excited were these.

Rather then Athens would, I ow'd my birth To Pholegondrian, or Sicinian earth: For men where ere I goe will say this is One of the Athenians that lost Salamis.

And,

Then lets to Salamis, renew our claime, And with the Isle recover our lost same.

* 1.12 This Poem was intituled Salamis, it consisted of a hun∣dred verses, very elegant: when he had made an end of singing, it was much applauded by his friends, particularly by Pisistratus, who excited the Citizens to follow his advice: By this means the law was repealed, the war recommenced, wherein Solon was made Generall: the common report is, that taking Pisistratus along with him (whence it is, that some ascribe the whole glory of the action to Pisistratus, of whom are Frontinus, Aeneas, and Justine) he sailed to Colias, where finding all the women celebrating the festivall of Ceres, he sent a trusty messenger to Salamis, who pre∣tending to be a runnagate, told the Megarenses, that if they would surprise the principall women of Athens, they should go immediately with him to Colias: The Megarenses believing what he said, manned a ship, and sent it along with him; Solon, assoon as he saw the ship come from the Island, comman∣ded the women to retire, and as many beardlesse young men to put on their gownes, head-tyre, and shoes, hiding daggers under their Garments, and so danced and plaid by the Sea-side, till the enemy were landed, & their ship at ••achor: By this time the Megarenses, deceived by their outward appearance, landed in great hast, and came upon them, thinking to take them away by force,* 1.13 but they suddenly drawing their swords, shew'd themselves to be men, not women;* 1.14 the Megarenses were all slain, not one esca∣ping, the Athenians going immediately to the Island took it.

* 1.15 Others deny it was taken in this manner, but that first re∣ceiving this answer from the Delphian Oracle,

Let sacrifice be to those Hero's paid, Who under the Asopian ground are laid, And dead, are by the setting Sun survey'd.

Solon by night sailed to the Island, and sacrificed burnt offe∣rings to the Heroes, Periphemus, and Cichris; then he received five hundred men of the Athenians, with condition, that if they gained the Island, the supream government thereof should be in them: Shipping his men in fisher boats, attended by one ship of thirty Oars, they cast anchor by Salamis, near a point opposite to Euboea: The Megarenses who were in Salamis hearing an un∣certain rumor hereof, betook themselves confusedly to armes, sending forth a ship to bring them more certain intelligence from the enemy, which Solon, as soon as it came neer, took, and killing the Megarenses, manned with choice Athenians, whom he commanded to make directly for the Citty, with all possible secrecy; in the mean time, he, with the rest of the A••henians,

assaulted the Megarenses by Land, and whilst they were in sight, they who were in the ship, making hast, possest themselves of the Town. This relation is confirmed by their solemnitie, an Athenian ship comes thither first in silence, then falling on with cries and shouts, an armed man leaps forth, and runs directly towards the Scirradian Promontory, against those that come from the Land: hard by is the Temple of Mars built by Solon, for he overcame the Megarenses, and let go ransomelesse all those that escaped the misery of the war:* 1.16 Aelian saith, he took two ships of the Megarenses, whereinto he put Athenian Officers, and Souldiers, bidding them put on the armour of the enemy, whereby de∣ceiving the Megarenses, he slew many of them unarmed.

* 1.17 But the Megaren ses persisting in obstinacy, to the losse of many lives on both sides, the businesse was referred to the La∣cedaemonians to be decided; many affirme Solon alledg'd the authority of Homer, inserting a verse into his catalogue of ships, which he thus recited at the triall.

Ajax twelve vessell▪ brought to Salamis, And where the Athenian men had stood, rank'd his.

(By which second verse of his own making and addition he ••vinc'd, that Salamis of old belonged to the Athenians.) But the Athenians esteem this relation fabulous, affirming, Solon demonstrated to the Judges, that Phylaeus and Eurisaces, sons of Ajax, being made free denizons by the Athenians, delivered this Island to them, and dwelt, one at Branco, in Attica, the other in Melita, whence there is a Tribe named Philaidae, from Philaeus, of which was Pisistratus. * 1.18 He ov••rcame the Megarenses in an oration, getting the better of them, not with specious words, but weight of argument:* 1.19 more cleerly to convince them, he instanced in the buriall of the dead, and in∣scription of the names of townes, used by those of Salamis,* 1.20 as he shew∣ed, by digging up some graves, after the manner of the Athenians, not of the Megarenses, for in Megara they buried their dead with their faces to the east, in Athens, to the west. But Hereas of Megara denying this, affirmes, the Megarenses buried also with their faces toward the west; for further confirmation, Solon al∣ledg'd, that the Athenians had for each man a severall Co••••in, the Megarenses buried three or foure in the same. It is said al∣so, that Solon was much helped by certain Oracles of Apollo, wherein he calls Salamis Ionia. This cause was decided by five Spartans, Critolaidas, Amomphoretus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, and Cleomenes.

* 1.21 By this action, Solon grew into great esteem and honour, but he became [not long after] much more admired and cried up by the Greeks,* 1.22 for speaking concerning the Temple at Delphi. The Cyrrhaeans committed many impieties against Apollo,* 1.23 and cut off

part of the land belonging to him.]* 1.24 Solon declared, that it behoved them to relieve it, and not to suffer the Cyrrhaeans to prophane the Oracle, but that they should vindicate the Gods cause. The Amphictions thus instigated by him, undertook the war with much eagernesse, as Aristotle a••••irms, ascribing to Solon the honour of that Enterprise. Aeschines saith, the motion made by Solon was confirmed by the Oracle. Some affirme he was made Gene∣rall, others Alcmaeon: But the whole Army of the Greeks was (according to* 1.25 Pausanias) led by Clisthenes, ••yrant of Sycionia, along with whom they sent Solon from Athens to be his counsellor.* 1.26 Suidas saith, he was chosen counsellor by those, who were pickt out for the service of that war. * 1.27 Whilst Clisthenes besieged Cirrha,* 1.28 they enquired concerning the victory, and from the Pythian Oracle, received this Answer.

This Cities fort you shall not take before Blew Amphitrites swelling billowes roare Against my water wash't grove, and hallow'd shore.

Where upon Solon advis'd to consecrate the Cyrrhaean field to Apollo, by which means the sea should touch sacred land.* 1.29 He used also another stratagem against the Cirrhaeans; the River Plistus which ran through the Cittie, he diverted another way, the Town holding out against the besiegers, some drunk well-water, others rain, which they saved in Cisterns. He caused roots of Hellebore to be thrown into Plistus, and when he found it was fully poison'd, turned the River again into its proper channell: The Cyrrhaeans drinking greedily of that water, were taken with a conti∣nuall flux, and forced thereby to give over the defence of their works: the Amphictions being possest of the Citty, punished the Cirrhaeans, and a∣veng'd the Gods. These two stratagems were ascribed to Clisthenes, the first by* 1.30 Poliaenus, the second by* 1.31 Frontinus, but the reason is apparent, he doing them by the direction of Solon

* 1.32 Solon perswaded also the Athenians to reduce into their power the Thracian Chersonesus.

CHAP. III.

How he composed differences and seditions at home, and was made Archon.

* 1.33 THe Cylonian impiety had for a long time vexed the Ci∣ty, ever since the complices of Cylon, having taken san∣ctuary, were perswaded by Megacles the Archon to put them∣selves upon a tryall, they laying hold of a threed which was tyed to the image of ••allas, when they came neer the images of the furies, the threed broke of it selfe, whereupon Megacles with the other Archons fell upon them, as persons disown'd by the Goddesse; those that were without the Temple they stoned,

those who run to the Altars, they were murdered; they only escaped who sued to their wives, whence being called impious they were accounted odious: those that remained of the Cylo∣nians were grown very rich, and had perpetuall enmity with the family of Megacles; at what time this di••••ention was highest, and the people thereby divided into factions, Solon being of much authority amongst them, taking with him the chiefest of the City interposed betwixt them, and with intreatles and ad∣vice perswaded those who were called impious to submit to the judgment of three hundred of the chief Citizens: Miro was their accuser, they were condemned, the living to be banished, the bones of the dead to be digged up, and thrown beyond the confines of the country.

During these commotions, the Megarenses took Nysaea, and recovered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the Athenians; the City was full of su∣perstitious terrors and apparitions; the Priests declared, that the entralls of the sacrificed beasts imported great crimes and impieties, which required exp••ation.* 1.34 There was also a great plague;* 1.35 the Oracle advis'd them to lustrate the City; to this end they sent (* 1.36 Nicias, son of Niceratus with a ship)* 1.37 to fetch Epi∣menides out of Creet, who comming to Athens, was ••ntertained by Solon as a guest, ••onversed with him as a friend, instructed him in many things, and set him in the way of making Lawes. This lustration of the Citty Eusebius under-reckons, placing it in the second year of the fortie seventh Olympiad, whereas Solons being Ar∣chon, which certainly happened after this, was in the third of the ••ortie sixt. Suidas seems to over-reckon, ranking it in the fortie fourth: the opinion of* 1.38 Laertius agrees best with the circumstances of the story, that it was in the fortie sixt.

* 1.39 The commotions of the Cylonei, being thus appeased, and the offendors extirpated, the people fell into their old diffe∣rence about the government of the commonwealth, whereby they were divided into as many factions, as the Province con∣tained distinctions of people; the Citizens were Democraticall, the countrymen affected Olygarchy, the maritimes stood for a mixt kind of government, and hindred both the other parties from having the rule; at the same time the City was in a dange∣rous condition, by reason of a dissension betwixt the rich and the poor, arising from their inequality, the businesse seemed impossible to be composed, but by a Monarchy; the commons were generally oppressed by the mony which they had borrow∣ed of the rich, and either had tilled their land, paying to them the sixth part of the crop, whence they were called Hectemoru, and Thetes, or ingaged their bodies to their creditors, whereof some served at home, others were sold abroad, many also (there being no law to the contrary) were necessitated to sell their children, and leave the City, through the cruelty of these usu∣rers,

the greatest part (such as had most courage amongst them) assembling together, mutually exhorted one another not to indure these things any longer, but choosing some trusty man to be their leader, to discharge those that paid not their mony at the set day, to share the land, and quite invert the State of the comwon-wealth. The discreetest amongst the Athenians looking upon Solon as a person free from any crime, (neither in∣gaged in the oppressions of the rich, nor involved in the neces∣sities of the poor) intreated him to take charge of the common∣wealth, and to compose the differences of the people. Phanias the Lesbian affirmeth, that for preservation of the State, he deceived both parties, promising under-hand to the poor, a division of the land; the rich, to make good their contracts; but that he first made scruples of undertaking the businesse, de∣terred by the avarice of the one, and insolence of the other; he was chosen Archon, next after Cleombrotus (* 1.40 (in the third year of the forty sixt Olympiad) at what time he made his lawes also, being at once a peace-maker, and a law-giver, acceptable to the rich, as rich, and to the poor, as good; the people had often in their mouths this saying of his, equality breeds no strife, which pleased alike both parties, one side understanding it of number and measure, the other of worth and vertue; upon which hope, the most powerfull of both factions courted him much, and desired him to take upon him the tyranny of that common∣wealth, which he had now in his power, offering themselves to his assistance: Many also of the moderate part seeing how laborious and difficult it would be to reform the state by reason and law, were not unwilling to have a Prince created, such an one as were most prudent and just: some affirme he received this Oracle from Apollo,

Sit at the helm of state, their Pilot be, The common-wealth's glad to be steer'd by thee.

But he was most of all reproved by his familiar friends, for being deterred by the name of a Tyrannie, as if the virtue of a King were not diffus'd through the Kingdome, instancing in Tynondas long since Tyrant of Euboea, and Pittacus at present of Mytelene: nothing they alledg'd could move him, he told them a Tyranny was a faire possession, but it had no passage out: to Phocus writing thus in verse,

That I preserved free my native soile, Nor did with bloody Tyranny desile My honour, I not blush at by this deed, All that was done by others I exceed.

Whereby it appears, he was of great authority before he writ his Lawes. The contumelies of such as reproved him for de••lining the government, he thus exprest in verse:

Nor wise is Solon, nor good counsell knowes, For he resists the good that God bestowes, The prey within his power he did behold, But would not draw the Net; thoughts meanly cold: Had but his soul with noble aims been ••ir'd, The Kingdome for one day he had desir'd, Then split, and all his family expir'd.

CHAP. IIII.

What alterations he made during his government, and first of the Sisacthia.

* 1.41 THough he refused the tyranny, yet he behaved not him∣selfe remissely in the government, not complying with the powerfull, nor making lawes to please those who had cho∣sen him, where things were tollerable, he corrected nor altered nothing; fearing, lest if he should change and confound the common-wealth in every particular, he should want strength to settle it again, and to temper it with the best reason; but such things unto which he conceived he might perswade the obse∣quious, and compell the refractory, those he enacted; joyning (as he said) force and justice, whence, being afterwards deman∣ded if he had given the A••henians the best lawes, the best (saith he) they would receive.

* 1.42 The first change he made in the Government was this, hee (* 1.43 introduced the Sisachthia which was a discharge of bodies and goods, or as as Hesychius defines it, a law for remission of private and publick debts, so called from shaking off the oppression of usury:* 1.44 for at that time they engaged their bodies for payment, and many through want were constrain∣ed to serve their creditors, he therefor ordained) that for the time past, all debts should be acquitted, and for the future, no security should be taken upon the body of any; this by a moderate term he called Sisachthia; there want not (of whom is Androtion) who affirmed he contented the poor, not by an absolute discharge of the debt, but by moderating the interest, which he called Sy∣sacthia; whereto he added the increase of measures, and valua∣tion of mony; for the Mina which was before 73 drachmes, he made a hundred: by this means the poorer sort paid a greater summe in lesse coyne, which was a great ease to the debtor, and no wrong to the creditor. but the greater part hold it was an absolute discharge, which agreeth best with the verses of Solon, wherein he boasteth he had removed the bounds throug••out the land▪

f••eed such as were under oppression, called home those, who being forced to travail, had forgotten their native language, and others that were at home under ••ondage, set at liberty. The same Law,* 1.45 Diodorus Siculus observes to be among the Egyptians, conceiving Solon (though as yet he had not been there) derived it from them.

* 1.46 But in this design a great misfortune befell him, whilst he endeavoured to redresse the oppression of usury, and was stu∣dying how to begin an oration suitable to the thing, he acquain∣ted his intimate friends in whom he reposed most confidence, Conori, Clinias, and Hipponicus, that he meant not to meddle with land, but to cut off all debts; they (preventing the Edict) bor∣rowed of the rich great summes of money, wherewith they pur∣chased much land; the Edict being published, they enjoyed their purchase, without satisfying their creditours: Solon was much blamed, as not defrauded with the rest, but as being a defrau∣der with those, and a partaker of their cousenage; but this im∣putation was imediately washed away with ••ive Talents, so much he had forth at interrest, which he first, according to the law, blotted out, (Laertius saith six, perswading others to do the like) others, of whom is Polyz••lus the Rhodian, fifteen; but his friends were ever after called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

* 1.47 This pleased neither parts; he discontented the rich by can∣celling their ••onds, the poor more, not making good a parity of estates, which they expected, as Lycurgus had done, he being the eleventh from Hercules, having raigned many years in Lacedae∣mon, great in authority, friends, and wealth, whereby he was able to make good what he thought convenient for the state, rather by force then perswasion, even to the losse of his eye, effected as a thing most expedient to the preservation and peace of the common-wealth, that none of the Citizens were either rich or poor: but Solon attained not this in the common-wealth, he was one of the people, and of a mean degree; yet he omit∣ed nothing within his power, carried on by his own judgment, and the faith which the Citizens had in him; that he displeased many, who expected other things, is thus acknowledged by him∣selfe.

Before they look'd vpon me kindly, now With eyes severe, and a contracted brow: Had any else my power, he would exact Their riches, and their fattest milk extract.

But both parties soon found how much this conduced to the generall good, and laying aside their private differences, sacri∣ficed together, calling the sacrifice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

CHAP. 5.

How he divid••d the people into Classes, and ••rected Courts of Iudicatory.

HEreupon they chose So••on reformer and Law giver of the Commonwealth,* 1.48 not limitting him to any thing, but sub∣mitting all to his power, Magistracies, Convocations, Judge∣ments, Courts to take an accompt of them, to prescribe what number and times he pleased; to disanull or rati••ie of the present law what he thought good.

* 1.49 First, then he quite abolished all the Lawes of Draco, except for murther, because of their rigidnesse and severity, for he pu∣nished almost all offences with death; as that they who were surprised in Idlenesse should be put to death; they who stole hearbs or apples should undergoe the same punishment with such as had committed murther, or sacriledge; whence Demades wittily said, Dreco writt his lawes not in inke, but blood; he being asked why he punished all offences with death, answe∣red, he conceived the leas•• deserved so much, and he knew no more for the greatest;* 1.50 Herodicus ••lluding to his name, said his lawes were not of a man, but of a Dragon, they were so rigid; And Aristotle saith, there was nothing in them extraordinary and worthy of memory, but that sove∣rity and grea••nesse of penalty which was so excessive, that* 1.51 not by any edict or command, but by a silent and expressed consent amongst the Athe∣nians they were laid aside; afterwards they used the milder lawes made by Solon, differing even in name, the first being called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ the latter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 1.52 Those of Draco were made in the 39^th Olympiad, 47 yeares (as* 1.53 Vlpian accompts) before these of Solon.

* 1.54 Next, Solon (being desirous that all offices might continue as they were, in the hands of the rich, but that other priviledges of the Common-welth, from which the people were excluded, might be promiscuously disposed,) tooke an accompt and valu∣ation of the people [* 1.55 and divided them into foure orders] those whose stock of dry and liquid fruits amounted to 500. measures he ranked in the first place, and called Pentacosiomedimni, [* 1.56 these paid a talent to the publique treasury.] In the second classe were those who were able to maintaine a horse, or received 300. mea∣sures, these he called [* 1.57 for that reason] horsemen; they paid hal••e a talent. The third classe were Zengitae (* 1.58 so called because) they had 200. measures of both sorts,* 1.59 these paid 10. minae, the rest were all called Th••tes, whom he suffered not to be capable of any Ma∣gistracy, neither did they pay any thing, but onely had so far interest in the common wealth, as to have a suffrage in the publique Convocation, & at Judgements, which at first seemed nothing, but afterwards appeared to be of great consequence;

for in whatsoever was brought before the Judges, he gave them leave (if they would) to appeale to the common forum; more∣over writing his lawes obscurely and perplexedly, he increased the power of the forum, for not being able to determine con∣troversies by the Law, they were forced to have recourse to the Judges, as Masters of the law; this equality he himselfe thus expresseth,

The Commons I sufficient power allow Honour from none I tooke, on none bestowd, Those who in power or wealth the rest outshin'd▪ In bounds of moderation I confin'd; To either part I was a ••irme defence, And neither did allow preheminence.

Hither* 1.60 Seneca alluding saith, Solon founded Athens upon equall right and* 1.61 Justine he carried himselfe with such temper between the com∣mons and the Senate, that he attracted equall favour from both, he suffe∣red no man (saith* 1.62 Aeneus Gazeus) to have a peculiar law, but made all men subject to the same.

* 1.63 He likewise (continues Plutarch) constituted the court of the Areopagus, consisting of the yearely Archons, whereof himselfe (being the chiefe) was one; perceiving the people to be much exalted and enboldened by the remission of their debts, he or∣dained a second Court of Judicature, selecting out of each tribe (which were in all foure) a hundred persons, who should re∣solve upon all decrees before they were reported to the people; nor should any thing be brought to them, untill it had first past the Senate: the supreame Senate he appointed Judge and pre∣server of the lawes, conceiving the City would be lesse apt to float up and downe, and the people become more setled, rely∣ing upon these two Courts, as on two Anchors; thus the greater part of writers make Solon institutor of the Court of Areopagus, (of whom also is* 1.64 Cicero) whichseems to be confirmed, in that Draco never mentions the Areopagites, but in criminall causes alwaies names the Ephetae; but the eighth law of the thirtieth table of Solon hath these words, Those who were branded with infamy before Solon was Archon, let them be restored to their fame, except such as were condemned by the Areopagites or by the Ephetae, &c. And it is certaine, that the Court of Areopagus was long before Solons time, untill then consisting promiscuously of such persons as were eminent for Nobility, power, or riches, but Solon reformed it, ordaining none should be thereof, but such as had first undergone the office of Archon. See Meursius Areop. cap. 3.

* 1.65 Pollux saith, that Solon ordained a thousand men to ••udge all accu∣sations; * 1.66 Demetrius Phalereus, that he constituted the Demarci, first called Nauclari.

CHAP. VI.

His Lawes.

HAving thus disposed the common-wealth, and Courts of Judicature, he in the next place applyed himselfe to ma∣king lawes, which he performed so excellently, that he is gene∣rally remembered under that notion, which Minos of Creet, and Lycurgus of Lacedaemon, whose lawes those of Solon exceeded, (as* 1.67 Tacitus saith) both in exquisitenesse and number:* 1.68 of how much greater esteem they were then all before them, may be computed from this, that they were the last, and continued alwaies in the Ci••ty: They, for whom they were made, thought them more illustrious then their publick orna∣ments, which transcended those of all other Cities, more impregnable then their Tower, which they accounted the strongest of all upon earth, and far better then th••se things wherein they gloried most: * nor were they of lesse esteem among forraign nations, insomuch that the Ro∣mans * 1.69 agreeing concerning lawes in generall, but differing about the law-giver, sent Embassadours to Athens, Sp. Posthumius Albus, A. Manlius, P. Sulpitius Camerinus, commanding them to transcribe the renowned lawes of Solon:* 1.70 which transferred out of the books of Solon the D••cemviri expounded in the twelve Tables. Hence* 1.71 Ammi∣anus Ma••cellinus saith, that Solon assisted by the sentences of the Aegyp∣tian Priests, having with just moderation framed lawes, added also to the Roman state the greatest foundation.

Of his lawes, these have been preserved by Plutarch, and others.

* 1.72 If any man were beaten, hurt, or violently treated, whosoever had the means and will, might sue the offendour. Thus (saith Plutarch) he wisely brought the Citizens to a mutuall sence of one anothers hurts, as if done to a limb of their own body.

* 1.73 Of infamous persons, let all such as were infamous before the go∣vernment of Solon, be restored to their fame, excepting whosoever were condemned by the Ephetae, or in the ••rytanaeum by the Magistrates, ba∣nished for murder, theft, or aspiring to tyrannie. This was the eight Law of the thirteenth Table. There were two kinds of infamy, by the lesser a man was degraded and made uncapable of all ho∣nour or office in the common-wealth; by the greater, he and his children were lyable to be killed by any man, and he not to be questioned for it.

* 1.74 Of his lawes, those seem most singular and paradoxall, which declare him infamous, who in a sedition takes neither part: it is cited out of Aristotle by* 1.75 Agellius in these words: If through discord and dissention, any sedition and difference divided the people into two factions, whereupon with exasperated minds both parties take up armes and fight; he, who at that time, and upon that occasion of civill

discord shall not engage himselfe on either side, but solitary and separated from the common evill of the Citty ••ithdraw himselfe, let him be deprived of house, country and goods by banishment.* 1.76 He would not that any one saving himselfe harmlesse, should he insensible of the com∣mon calamity, or boast himselfe to have no share in the publick grief, but that instantly applying himselfe to the better and ju∣ster side he should interest himselfe in the common danger, and assist, rather then out of all hazard, expect which side should get the better. When we did read (saith Agellius) this law of Solon, a person indued with singular wisdome, at first were mained in great suspence and admiration, enquiring for what reason he judged those worthie of punishment, who withdrew themselves from sedition and civill war; then one whose sight pierced more deeply into the use and meaning of the law, af∣firmed, the intent thereof was not to encrease, but appease se∣dition; and so indeed it is, for if all good persons, who in the beginning are too few to restrain a sedition, should not deterre the distracted raging people, but dividing themselves, adhere to either side, it would follow, that they being separated as partakers of both factions, the parties might be temper'd and govern'd by them, as being persons of greatest authority; by which means they might restore them to peace, and reconcile them, governing and moderating that side whereof they are, and desiring much rather the adverse party should be preserved then destroyed.* 1.77 Cicero citing this law, averreth the punishment to have been capitall, perhaps understanding infamy here of the more severe kind.

Absurd & ridiculous (saith Plutarch) seemeth that Law which alloweth an inheritrix, if he who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master be impotem, to admit any of her husbands neerest kindred. But some averre it is just, as to those, who though they are impo∣tent, yet will marry rich heires for their mony, and by the priviledge of law wrong nature; for when they see it lawfull for the heir to admit whom she pleaseth, either they will refrain from such marriages, or undergoe them with the reproach of avarice and dishonesty: It is well ordered also, that she may not admit any one, but only whom she will of her husbands kin∣dred, whereby the issue may be of his family and race.* 1.78 Hither likewise it tends, that the Bride be shut up in a room with the Bride∣groom, and eat a Quince with him. (Intimating, according to* 1.79 ••lu∣tarchs interpretation, that the first grace of her lips and voyce should be agreeable and sweet) and that he who marrieth an heir, be obliged to visit her thrice a month at the least: For though they have not children, this argues a respect due to a chast wife, and pre∣vents or reconciles unkindnesse and dissention.

Those words of the former law, He who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master, have reference to another Law of his,

mentioned by* 1.80 Diodorus Siculus, that the next of kin to an heir might by law require ho•• in marriage, and she likewise might require him that was next of kin who was obliged to marry her, though never so poor, or to pay 500 Drachms for her dowry. Hereto* 1.81 Terence alludes.

The Law commands an heir to marry with Her Husbands next of kin, and him to take her.

And to the putting her off without a dowry of 500 drachms, (that is five minae)* 1.82 elsewhere.

Though I be injur'd thus, yet rather then ••le be contentious, or bound still to hear thee, Since she's my kinswoman, take hence with her The Domen the law enjoynes me, heres five pound.

* 1.83 In all other marriages he forbad dowries, ordaining that a Bride should bring with her no more then three gowns, and some slight houshold-stuffe, of small vale••, the particulars whereof were expres∣sed, as* 1.84 Pollux seemes to imply, for he would not that marriage should be m••cenary or vendible, but that the man and woman should co-habit for issue, love, and friendship. Hither* 1.85 Isidor alludes, amongst the Athenians legall marriage was said to be contracted, in respect of issue.

That Law of his also was comm••nded, as* 1.86 Demosthenes and ••lutarch attest, which forbad to revile the dead, Let no man re∣vile any dead person, though provoked by the revilings of his children. * 1.87 To esteem the deceased holy is pious, to spare the absent just, to take away the eternity of hatred civill.

* 1.88 He forbad to revile any living person at sacred solemnities, Courts of Iudicature, and publick spectacles, upon penalty of three drach•• to be paid to the reviled person, two more to the common treasury. To moderate anger no where he accounted rude and disorder∣ly, every where difficult, to some impossible. A law must be accommodated to what is possible, intending to punish some few, to advantage not many to no purpose.

* 1.89 His law concerning testaments is much approved; for be∣fore, no man had power to make a will, but his goods and lands continued in the family of the deceased person: Solon made it lawfull for him that had no children to give his estate to whom he pleased. he preferred friendship before kindred, and favour before ne∣cessity, and ordered, that wealth should be at the disposall of him in whose hands it was: yet he permitted not this rashly, or absolutely, but conditionally, If he were not wrought upon by sick∣ness, potions, bondage, or the blandishments of a wife. Justly he estee∣med it all one whether a man be seduced by indirect means, or violently constrained, thus comparing deceit with force, and

pleasure with pain, as being of equall power to put a man out of his right mind. This Law is mentioned likewise by* 1.90 Demo∣sthenes.

* He also limited the visits▪ mournings, and feasts of women, by a law which curbed their former licentiousnesse. Her who went abroad, he permitted not to carry with her above three gownes, nor more meat and drink then might be bought with an obolus, nor a basket above a cubit in bignesse, nor to travell by night, unlesse in a chariot, and with torch-light: He ••orbad them to tear their cheeks to procure mourn∣ing and lamentation, at the funeralls of those, to whom they have no re∣••ion. He forbad to sacrifice an Ox at funeralls, and to bury more then three garments with the dead body; not to approach the monuments of stran∣gers unlesse at their exequies. Of which (saith Plutarch) our lawes are full:* 1.91 Cicero also affirmes, that the lawes of the twelve Ta∣bles for contracting the pomp of funerals, and concerning mourning, are transferred from those of Solon, who (as Phalere∣us writes) assoon as funeralls began to be solemnised with pomp and lamentation, took them away: which Law the Decemviri put into the tenth table, almost in the very same words, for that of 3 neighbourhoods and most of the rest are Solons, that of mourning in his expresse words, Let not women tear their cheeks, nor make lamentation at a funerall.

* 1.92 Considering that the City grew very populous, many re∣curring thither from all parts of Attica, for liberty and security, that the country was for the most part barren and bad, that such as trade by sea import nothing for those, that have not wherewith to batter or exchange with them, he addicted the Citizens to arts, and made a law, that the son should n••t be obliged to maintain his father, if he had not brought him up to a trade (menti∣oned also by* 1.93 Vit••uvius,* 1.94 Galen,* 1.95 Theophylact, and others) and commanded the court of A••eopagus to examine by what gain every man maintained himselfe, and to punish idle persons, whom he made liable to the action of every man, and at the third conviction punished with infamy. This law,* 1.96 Herodotus, and* 1.97 Diodorus Siculus affirme to have been in use amongst the Aegyptians, made by Amasis, and from them divided by Solon to the Athenians.

* 1.98 Yet more severe was that mentioned by Heraclides of Pontus, which disengaged the sons of concubines from maintaining their fathers. He who transgresseth the bounds of marriage, professeth he doth it not out of desire of issue, but for pleasure, and therefore already hath his reward, and can expect to have no further tye upon those he begets, whose birth is their shame.

* 1.99 Most incongruous seem those laws of Solon which concern women, for he permitted that, whosoever surprised an adulterer (with the wife or* 1.100 concubine of any) might kill him, (or exact mony of him) he that ravished a free woman was fined 100 Drachmes, he that plaid the pandor, 20 (* 1.101 Aeschines saith to die) except to such

women as were common. He also forbad any man to give his sister or daughter to that profession, unlesse himselfe first surprise her with a man. This (saith Plutarch) seemes absurd, to punish the same of∣fence sometimes severely with death, sometimes with a pecu∣niary mulct, unlesse, because at that time mony was very rare in Athens, the scarcity thereof aggravated the punishment.

* 1.102 He assigned five hundred drachmes to the victor of the Isthmian games, a hundred to the Victor of the Olympick: attested also by La∣ertius, who saith, he contracted the rewards of the Athletas, judging them dangerous victors, and that they were crowned rather against, then for their country.

* 1.103 Whosover brought a hee-wolfe was to receive five drachms, for a shee∣wolfe one; according to Demetreus Phalereus, this being the price of a sheep, that of an Ox. It is customary with the Athenians, that such as have grounds fitter for pasture then plowing, make war with the wolves.

* 1.104 For asmuch as there is such scarcity of Rivers, Lakes, and Springs in the country, that they are constrained to dig wells, he made a Law, where there was a common well within a Hippicon, they should make use of it. (A Hippicon is the distance of foure furlongs) they that lived further off should procure water of their own, and if when they have digged ten fathom deep, they find not any, they might be allowed to fill a pitcher of six gallons twice a day at their neigh∣bours well.

* 1.105 These exact rules he prescribed for planting: Whosoever plan∣ted any young Tree in his ground, should set it five foot distant from his neighbours, who a Fig-tree or Olive-tree, nine: Because the roots of these spread far, nor is their neighbourhood harmlesse to all, but sucks away the nourishment, and to some their blatt is prejudiciall.

* 1.106 Whosoever diggeth any hole or ditch must make it so far distant from his, neighbours, as it is deep. These are confirmed by* 1.107 Caius, adding; whosoever makes a hedge to divide himselfe from his neighbour, must not exceed his own bounds; if a wall, he must leave the space of a foot, if a house, two feet, if a well, a fathom.

Whosoever placeth a hive of bees, should observe the distance of thirtie feet, from those that were before placed by his neighbour.

* 1.108 He commanded the Archons to curse him who exported any thing ou•• of the Country, or that he should pay a hundred Drachmes to the pub∣like treasury, whereby they are not to be rejected, who say, that of old the exportation of figgs was prohibited, and that he, who discover'd exporter, was called a Sycophant.

* 1.109 He made a law concerning such as should be hurt by a dog, wherein he ordained, the dog that bit to be bound in a chaine foure cubits long.

* 1.110 This law concerning Denization is difficult, That none should be made free of the City, except such as were banished for ever out of their o••ne Country, or came to Athens with their whole families to exercise some

trade; this he did not to drive away forraigners, but to invite them to Athens by certainty of admittance into the City, conceiving such would be faithfull, those out of necessity, these out of good-will.

* 1.111 Likewise to be feasted in the publike hall was the peculiar institution of Solon, which he called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not permitting the same person to eat there frequently: but if he who were in∣vited, would not accept of it, he was punished, conceiving this a contempt of the publique honour, that an inordinate appetite.

Hitherto Plutarch: these following are recited by Laertius.

* 1.112 If any one maintain not his Parents, let him be infamous, as likewise he that devours his patrimony. Hither* 1.113 Aeschines alludes; in the fourth place with whom hath he to do? If any man by prodi∣gality hath consumed his patrimony or hereditary goods; for he conceived, he who had ordered his own family ill, would in the same manner take care of the common-wealth; neither did the law-giver imagine it possible, that the same person should be privately wicked, and publickly good, or that it were fitting such a one should go up into the chair, who took more care to frame an oration, then to compose his life.

* 1.114 He forbad such as haunted common women to plead; confirmed by Aeschines.* 1.115 In the third place with whom hath he to do? If any man (saith he) be a haunter of common women, or procure mony by such means; for he conceived, such a one as sold his own fame for mony, would easily sell the businesse of the state. And* 1.116 Demosthenes, it is worth inquiry and consideration, Athe∣niens, how great care, Solon, the author of this law, had in the common-wealth in all those which he made, and how particu∣larly solicitous he was herein above all other things, which as it is evident by many other lawes, so also by this, which forbids those qui s•• prostituerunt, either to plead or judge in publick.

* 1.117 He augmented the rewards of such as should die in war, whose sons he ordered to be brought up and instructed at the publick charge.* 1.118 Aristides, thou alone of all men didst ordain these three things by law, that such as died for their country should be annually praised publickly at their sepulchers, their children, till grown men, maintained at the publick charge, then sent back to their fathers house with compleat armes; likewise that infirm Citizens should be maintain'd at the publick charge.* 1.119 Plato adds that the same indulgence was allowed to the parents; you know the care of the common wealth, which in the lawes concerning the children and parents of such as died in the war, commands the supream Mag••strate to take care, that the parents of those that died in the war, above all other Citizens should not receive any injury. The state brings up the children also: Hereby, saith Laertius, they became eager of ••ame and honour in war, as Polyzelus, as Cyne∣girus, as all those in the Marathonian fight: to whom may be ad∣ed Harmodius, Aristogiton, Miltiades, and infinite others.

* 1.120 Let not a guardian marry the mother of his ward, nor let not any one be ward to him, who, if he die, shall inherit his estate; confirm'd by * 1.121 Syrianus,* 1.122 Marcellinus, and others, who adde, that the same law forbad the ward to marry her guardians son.

* 1.123 Let not a graver keep the impression of any seal after he h••th sold it.

* 1.124 If any man put out the eye of another, who had but one, he shall lose both his own.

His law concerning theft, Laer••ius expresseth thus; What thou laidst no•• down, take not up, otherwise the punishment death.* 1.125 Aes∣chines addes, if they confessed themselves guilty: others affirm the punishment was only to pay double the value, of whom is * 1.126 Agellius and* 1.127 Hermogenes, who affirme, the law made that distinction betwixt sacriledge and theft, punishing the first with death, the latter with double restitution.* 1.128 Dem••sthenes cleers this, reciting this law exactly in these words, If any man steal in the day time above fiftie drachms, he may be carried to the eleven officers, if he ste••l any thing by night, it shall be lawfull for any to kill him, or in the pursuit to wound him, and to carry him to the eleven officers. Whosoever is convict of such offences, as are liable to chaines, shall not be capable of giving bail for his theft, but his punishment shall be death, and if any one steal out of the Lyceum, or the Academy, or Cynosarges, a garment or a small vessell of wine, or any other thing of little value, or some vesell out of the Gymnasia, or havens, he shall be punished with death; but if any man shall be convict privately of theft, it shall be lawfull for him to pay a double value, and it shall be also at the pleasure of the convictor, besides payment of mony, to put him in chaines five daies, and as many nights, so as all men may see him bound.* 1.129 Even those who stole dung, were by Solon's law liable to punishment.

* 1.130 That if an Archon were taken drunk, he should be punisht with death.

To those recited by Laertius, adde these collected from o∣thers.

He allowed brothers & sisters by the same father to marry, & prohibited only brothers & sisters of the same venter; Whereas contrariwise (saith * 1.131 Philo) the Lacedaemonian law-giver allowed these, and pro∣hibited those. Hence* 1.132 Cornelius Nepos affirmes, Cimon married his sister Elpinice, invited, not more by love, then the Athenian custom, which allowes to marry a sister by the same father.

* 1.133 He writ according to the manner of the antients, severally concerning the discipline of Matrons, for a woman taken in A∣dultery he permi••ted not to weare ornaments, nor to come into publick Temples, lest by her presence she should corrupt modest women; if she came into a temple, or adorned her selfe, he commanded every one to rend her garments, to tear off her ornaments, and to beat her, but not to kill, or maim her; By this means depriving such a woman of all honour, and giving her a life more bitter then death. This is also ••••••∣firmed by* 1.134 Demosthenes, who addes, If any man surprise an Adul∣terer

it shall not be lawfull for him who took them to have the woman in marriage, if he continue to keep her as his wise, let him be infa∣mous.

* 1.135 Let the dead bodie be laid out within the house, according as he gave order, and the day following before Sun-rise carried forth; whilst the body is carrying to the grave, let the men go before, the women follow; it shall not be lawfull for any woman to enter upon the goods of the dead, and to follow the body to the grave, under threescore years of age, excepting those within the degree of cosens, nor shall any woman enter upon the goods of the deceased after the body is carried forth, excepting those who are within the degree of cosens.

* 1.136 Concerning sepulchers, he saith no more, then that no man shall demolish them, or bring any new thing into them; and he shall be punished, whosoever violates, casts down, or breaks any tomb, monument, or columne.

* 1.137 If any one light upon the dead body of a man un••uried, let him throw earth upon it.

* 1.138 Whosoever shall dislike a received Law, let him first accuse it, then if it be abrogated, substitute another: The manner whereof is largely expressed by Demosthen••s.

He ordained (according to* 1.139 Libanius) that Children should be obliged to persorm all due offices to their parents.* 1.140 Sextus saith, he made a Law of indemnity, whereby he allowed any man to kill his son; but* 1.141 Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirmes, he permitted them to turn their children out of dores, and to disenherit them, but nothing more.

* 1.142 He ordained that all such as d••clined to be engaged in war, or for∣sook the Army, or was a Coward, should have all one punishment, to be driven out of the bounds of the forum, not permitted to wear a garland, or to enter into publick Temples.

* 1.143 If any one be seized on, for having abused his parents, or forsaken his colours, or being forbidden by law, hath gone into places where he ought not, let the eleven officers take and bind him, and carry him into the Heliaea, it shall be lawfull for any one that will to accuse him, and if he be cast, it shall be at the judgment of the Heliaea to impose what punishment or fine they should think sit, if a fine, let him be kept in setters till it be paid.

* 1.144 He permitted not a man to sell unguents, as being an effeminate office.

* 1.145 As concerning Orators, he ordered, that the Eldest of the citi∣zens should goe up first into the pleaders chaire modestly without tumult and perturbation to move, he out of experience should conceive best for the commonwealth; then that every Citizen according to his age should se∣verally and in order declare his judgement.

* 1.146 He ordered that a Citizen of Athens should be tried no where bu•• at Athens.

* 1.147 He commanded that no young man should beare the office of a Magi∣strate, nor be admitted to counsell, though he were esteemed exceeding wise.

* 1.148 For the common people he ordained slow punishments, for Magistrates and Rulers of the people sodaine, conceiving those might be punished at any time, but that the correction of these would admit no delay.

* 1.149 As for the Gods and their worship, hee decreed nothing, * 1.150 nor against Parricides, answering those who questioned him about it, he did not thinke any could be so wicked.

CHAP. VII.

Of the Axes and Cyrbes, Senators Oath, and other institutions of Solon.

* 1.151 THese Lawes he ratified for a hundred yeares; They were* 1.152 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in different tables;* 1.153 Those which concerned private actions, in oblong quadrangular tables of wood, with cases, which reached from the ground and turned about upon a pin like a wheele, whence they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉* 1.154 placed first in the tower, then brought into the Prytanaeum that al might see them, where there were some remaines of them in Plutarch's time. Those which concerned* 1.155 publike orders and sacrifices, in * tri∣angular tables of stone called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 either from* 1.156 Cyrbus who tooke the accompt of every mans estate, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or from the Corybantes,* 1.157 to whom the invention thereof is by some ascribed.* 1.158 These were placed in the Porticus regia;* 1.159 Both the Axes and Cyrbes were written after the same manner as oxen to turne in ploughing (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) whence Demosthenes calls that law the lowest which beginneth on the left side.

* 1.160 The Senate tooke one common oath to make good the lawes of Solon for a hundred yeares, each of the Thesmothetae sworne in the Forum at the Criers stone, if he violated them, to dedicate a golden statute of equall weight with himselfe at Delphi.

Some particulars of the oath imposed by Solon mentioned by severall Authors (as, not to abrogate his lawes, by Plutarch, to ad∣mit no young man to be judge, by* 1.161 Stobaeu; ••o heare impartially bot•• the plaintiffe and defendant, by* 1.162 Demosthenes;) argue it to bee the same which the same* 1.163 Author delivers in these words.

I will declare my opinion according to the lawes of the Athenians, and five hundred Senators. By no assistance from me shall Tyranny or oligarchy bee admitted, I will ne∣ver side with him who hath corrupted the people or intends or indevors it. I will never suffer any new tables or any divi∣sion of those already received, or a parity of lands or goods. I will never call home any banished or confined person, I will consent that he be expelled the City who denies these lawes decreed by the Senate, confirmed by the people, I will never

permit any to be injured; I will never constitute any Magistrate before he hath given account of his last Magistracy. I will ne∣ver permit the same man to be chosen twice in one yeare, or at once to hold two offices. I will neither take, nor suffer any to take bribes or rewards. I am thirty yeares old, I will heare impartially both plaintiffe and defendant, & condemne with∣out excuse those that deserve it. I sweare by Jove, by Neptune and by Ceres, may they destroy me, my house and children, If I observe not all these particulars.

Hence perhaps it is that * 1.164 Hesychius affimes Solon in his lawes to have ordained an oath by three Gods.

Considering the irregularity of moneths, and the course of the Moone, which agreed not alwaies with the rising and setting of the Sun, but some times overtooke and went past him in one day, he called that day the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 last and first, attributing that part which precedes the conjunction to the last moneth, the rest to the beginning of the next. Thus* 1.165 he taught the Athenians to ac∣commodate the reckoning of their dayes to the motion of the Moone:* 1.166 and was (as it appeares) the first who understood rightly that of Homer.

When one moneth ended and the next began:

The day following he called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The new moone: from the twentieth day to the thirtieth he reckon'd not by addition but by substraction, in respect of the moones decrease: of this see * 1.167 Aristophanes.

* 1.168 He ordered the verses of Homer to be recited successively, that where the first ended the next should begin; whence Diu∣chides saith, he illustrated Homer more then Pisistratus (by whom the Rhapsodies were first collected) the principall verses were

They who inhabit Athens, &c.

* 1.169 He first tollerated common Curtesans, and with the money they paid to the State erected a Temple to Venus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

* 1.170 Hee first taught Souldiers to march by the sound of Fifes and Harpes, observing a kinde of measure in their pace.

CHAP. VIII.

How he entertained Anacharsis, his Travells to Aegypt, Cyprus, Miletus, Delphi, Corinth, and Creet.

* 1.171 IN the forty seventh Olympiad (according to •• Sosicrates) Ana∣charsis came to Athens; Eucrates being Archon,* 1.172 he went im∣mediately to the house of Solon, and knocking at the doore, said he was a stranger desirous of his friendship and Hospitali∣ty: Solon answered, it is better to contract friendship at home; then you

that are at home, (replies Anacharsis) make me your friend and g••ist. Solon admiring his acutenesse, entertained him kindly, and kept him sometime with him▪ whilst he was imployed about pub∣lick affairs, and ordering his lawes; which Anacharsis under∣standing, smiled, that he undertook to curb the injustice and covetousnesse of ••itizens by written ordinances, nothing dif∣fering from cobwebs, holding fast the weak and poor, whilst the powerfull and rich break through them; whereto Solon answe∣red, that men stand fast to those covenants, which it is not convement for ••ither party to break: He gave the Citizens such lawes, as it was evident to all, that to keep, were better then to transgresse; but the event agreed more with the conjecture of Anacharsis, then the expectation of Solon.

* 1.173 After his lawes were promulgated, some or other comming daily to him, either to praise, or dispraise them, or to advise him to put in or out whatsoever came into their minds, the greater part to have the meaning explained, questioning how every thing was to be understood, and intreating him to unfold the sence; he (considering, that not to satisfie them, would ar∣gue pride, to satisfie them would make him lyable to censure) determined to avoid ambiguities, importunities, and occasions of blame; (for as he said

In things that are not small 'Tis hard to sing to all.)

Colouring his travail with being Master of a Ship, and having obtained leave of the Athenians to be absent ten years, he put to sea, hoping in that time his lawes would become fa∣miliar to them.

* 1.174 The first place of his arrivall was Aegypt, where he dwelt, as himselfe saith.

At Nilus mouth, neer the Canobian shore.

He studied Philosophy awhile with Psenophis, of Heliopolis, and Sonches of Sais, the most learned of those Priests, by whom, Plato affirmes, he was taught the Atlantick language, which he afterward began to explain in verse; when he questioned them in antiquities, the elder said to him, O Solon, Solon, you Greeks are alwaies children, there is not one Greek an old man.

* 1.175 Thence he went to Cyprus, where he was much favoured by P••ioc••prus, one of the Kings of that country, who had a little Town built by D••mophoon, son of Theseus, upon the River Clari∣us, in a strong place, but rugged and barren: Solon perswading him, there lying a pleasant plain underneath it, to transferre the Town thither, making it more spacious and delightfull: Solon being present at the doing hereof, took care it might be peopled, and assisted the King to contrive it, as well for health as

strength; whereupon many came into Philocyprus, whom other Kings aemulated; for this reason he ascribed the honour there∣of unto Solon naming the Citie (which before was called Aepea) from him, Soli. This foundation he mentions in his Elegies, ad∣dressing his speech to Philocyprus.

Maist thou in Cyprus long as King abide, And ore this people and this Town preside; In a fleet vessell from this haven may Cythera crownd with violets me convey. Her kind aspect and happinesse may she Grant to this Town, a safe return to me.

He visited Thales also at Miletus, whose imposture towards him (related already in Plutarchs words) receive from Tzetzes.

Solon's friend Thales lead a single life, By Solon often mov'd to take a wife; These a Milesian (Thales so contriv'd) Meeting, pretends from Athens late ariv'd: Solon asks curiously what newes was there; One that's abroad, saith he, hath lost his heir, The Cittie waited on his obsequies. was it not Solon's son, Solon replies? To this the stranger (as suborn'd) assents: He with torn hair in cries his passion vents; whom Thales (tenderly embracing) leave This grief, saith he, I did thee but deceive; '••is for these reasons Marriage I decline, which can deject so great a soule as thine.

Whether it belong to this deceit, or to a real loss* 1.176 Diosco∣rides, and* 1.177 Stobaeus report, that weeping for the death of his Son, one told him, but this helps nothing, he answered, and therefore I weep.

* 1.178 At Delphi he met with the rest of the wise men, and the year following at Corinth, by Perianders invitation, which was as Plutarch implies, long before Pisistratus came to raign; nor doth* 1.179 Dion Chrysostom intend the contrary, though so interpre∣ted by* 1.180 a learned person, his words importing only this; Solon fled not the Tyranny of Periander, though he did that of Pisistratus.

That he went also to Creet (perhaps to visit Epimenides) is e∣vident, from an* 1.181 Epistle of Thales.

CHAP. IX.

The attribute of wise conferred on him: his morall Sentences.

* 1.182 WHen Damasius (the second) was Archon, (in the yeare of the 49. Olympaid) all the seven received the attri∣bute of wise: of these was Solon, upon whom (* 1.183 Themistius saith) it was conferr'd as

an honorable title full of dignity:

* 1.184 Plutarch avers that

all of them (except Thales) were so called from their skill in civill affaires.

And againe,* 1.185

In Philosophy Solon chiefly affected (as did likewise most of the wise men) that part of morality which concerns politicks;* 1.186

and speaking of Mu••sip••••ilus,

he was not (saith he) an orator of those Philo∣sophers who are called naturall, but embraced that wisedome which teacheth government of a State, and prudence in pub∣lique actions, which he retained as a Sect delivered by succes∣sion from Solon. Whence* 1.187

Macrobius instanceth Solon, as

skil∣full in that kind of learning which draweth Philosophy dee∣per, and establisheth a state.

Hereto may bee added his morall learning, for which (though Socrates reduced it first to a Science, and was there upon honored as the inventor thereof) the seven were so famous, that some affirme the title of wise was given them only for excelling others in a laudable course of life, and comprehending some morall rules in short sentences; of these they had three sorts, Apothegmes, Precepts and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Of his Apothegmes Laertiu•• recites these,

Speech is the I∣mage of Action; He is a King who hath power. Lawes are like cob-webs which entangle the lesser sort, the greater breake through: Those who are in favour with Princes resemble counters used in casting accompts, which sometimes stand for a great number, sometimes for a lesser; so those are some∣times honored, sometimes cast downe. Being demanded how men might be brought to doe no wrong, if saith he, they who have received none, and those who are wronged be alike concern'd Satiety comes of riches, contumely of Satiety.

* 1.188 Plutarch and others, these;

He conceived that City to be best govern'd, where the people as eagerly prosecute wrongs done to others as to themselves.* 1.189 Being demanded how a City might be best ordered, he answered if the Citizens obey'd the Magistrates, the Magistrates the lawes, hee affirmed that King and Tyrant should become most glorious, who would convert his Monarchy to Democracy. He esteemed that Fa∣mily best, wherein wealth is gotten not unjustly, kept not un∣faithfully, expended not with repentance.

* 1.190 Hee defined

the happie those who are competently furnished with outward things, act honestly, and live tempe∣rately;

which definition Aristotle approves.

* 1.191 He said,

a commonwealth consists of two things, reward and punishment.

* 1.192

Seeing one of his friends much grieved, he carried him to the Tower, and desired him to view all the buildings below, which observing, the other to have done, now saith he, think with your selfe, how many sorrowes have heretofore and do•• at present dwell under those roofes, and shall in future ages: and forbeare to be troubled at the inconveniencies of morta∣lity as they were only yours. He said also, that if all men should bring their misfortunes together in one place, every one would carry his owne home againe, rather then take an equall share out of the common stock.

* 1.193

Being in drinking, demanded by Periander, whether hee were silent through want of discourse, or through folly, an∣swered, no fool can be silent amidst his cups.* 1.194 He said, that City was best ordered, wherein the good were rewarded, the bad punished.

* 1.195

He said, a man ought to fear nothing, but that his end exclude not Philosophy.

* 1.196 Demosthenes recites a discourse which he used to the Judges, in accusing one who had moved a pernicious law, to this effect;

It is a Law generally received in all Citties, that he who makes false mony should be put to death. Then he demanded of the Judges, whether that Law seemed to them just and commendable, whereunto they assenting, he added, that he conceived mony to be used amongst Citizens, in respect of private contracts; but that lawes were the mony of the com∣mon-wealth: therefore Judges ought to punish those, who embased the mony of the cōmon-wealth much more severe∣ly, then those who embase that of private persons: and that they might better understand it to be a farre greater offence to corrupt lawes, then adulterate coyne, he added, that many Citties use mony of silver allaid with brasse or lead, without any prejudice to themselves; but whosoever should use lawes so adulterated, could not escape ruine and death.

* 1.197 Mimnermus writing thus,

From trouble and diseases free, At threescore years let death take me.

He reproved him, saying,

By my advice, that wish extend, Nor for his counsell sleight thy friend. Alter thy song, and let it be, At fourescore years let death take me.

His morall precepts are thus delivered by * Demetrius Phale∣reus,* 1.198 some whereof are cited by Laertius.

Nothing too much, Sit not as judge, if thou dost, the condemned will esteem thee an enemy. Fly pleasure, for it brings forth sorrow. Observe honesty in thy conversation more strictly then an oath. Seal words with silence, silence with opportunity. Lie not, but speak the truth. Consider on serious things. Say not ought is juster then thy Parents. Procure not friends in hast, nor procur'd, part with in hast. By learning to obey, you shall know how to command. What forfeiture you impose on o∣thers, undergoe your selfe. Advise not Citizens what is most pleasant, but what is best. Be not arrogant. Converse not with wicked persons. Consult the Gods. Cherish thy friend. Re∣verence thy Parents. Make reason thy guid. What thou seest speak not. What thou knowest conceal. Be mild to those that belong to thee. Conjecture hidden things from apparent.

His particular sentence according to* 1.199 Didymus and Laertius was, Nothing too much; according to Ausonius, Know thy selfe, who ascribes these also to him;

Him I dare happy call whose end I see, Match with thy like, unequalls not agree. By fortune guided, none to honour raise, A friend in private, chide, in publick praise; Honours atchiev'd created far exceed; If fates be sure, what helps it to take heed? And if unsure, there is of fear lesse need.

Of his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Laertius mentions these.

Of every man be carefull, lest he hear A sword conceald within his breast, a cleer Aspect, a double tongue, a mind severe.

CHAP. X.

How be opposed Pisistratus, and reprehended Thespis.

* 1.200 DUring the absence of Solon, the former dissention broke forth again in the City: Lycurgus was head of the country men, Megacle•• of the Maritimes, Pisistratus of the Townsmen, who were most violent against the rich; Solon's lawes were still observed in the City, but the people aimed at novelty and change, not as thinking it most just, but in hopes to be Masters of other mens goods, and to suppresse the adverse party. Solon, whilst things stood thus, returned to Athens, where he was

much reverenced and honoured by all, but could not speak or act in publick, through the weaknesse of his body and spirits, yet privately taking every one of the Commanders apart, he endeavoured to reconcile their differences, wherein Pisistratus seemed the most ready to be perswaded, with whom he had a very antient friendship, grounded aswell upon their kindred, as upon the good qualities of Pisistratus, then whom (as Solon u∣sed to say) there could not be a person of more worth, if he were cured of his ambition.

* 1.201 About this time (according to Plutarch) which was in the fiftieth Olympiad, Thespis began to present Tragedies (which Suidas erroneously accounts ten Olympiads latter, as is observed by Meursius) the people were much taken with the novelty of the thing, for as yet there were no contentions therein. Solon naturally desirous to hear and learn, and by reason of his age indulging more to ease and pleasure, feasting and musick, went to see Thespis himself act, as was then the manner; the Play ended, he went to Thespis, and asked him, if he were not ashamed to speak so many lies before so great an auditory? Thespis answe∣red, it was no shame to act or say such things in jest. Solon stri∣king the ground hard with his staffe, replyed, but in a short time, we who approve this kind of jest shall use it in earnest, in our contracts and transactions.* 1.202 In fine, he absolutely forbad him to teach or act tragedies, conceiving their falsity unprofitable, whereto he dissimulated the deceit of Pisistratus, who soon after,* 1.203 having wounded himselfe, came into the Forum in a Chariot, preten∣ding to have been so used by his enemies in the behalfe of the common-wealth, and inflamed the people with much rage. Solon comming near to him, son of Hippocra••es (saith he) you act Homers Vlysses ill in using the same means to deceive the Citizens, wherewith he (whipping himself) deluded the enemie. Immediately the people flocked in to defend Pisistratus: Aristo mov'd he might be allowed a standing guard of fiftie men: Solon rose up to oppose it, using speeches, the effect whereof, he af∣terwards thus exprest in verse.

If evill your impieties befall, Gods not the Author of those mischiefs call, Your selves the causes, have given power to those, Who in requitall, servitude impose. Lion whom the footsteps of the fox pursue, Whose souls deceit and Vanity endue. The mans smooth tongue and speech you only heed, But never penetrate into the deed.

He also foretold them the aimes of Pi••istratus, in an elegy to this effect.

Vapours condens' dingender hail and snow, And thunder doth from radiant lightning flow. The sea is troubled by the raging wind, When not disturb'd by that, nothing more kind. A Citty by great persons is orethrown, And taught beneath a Monarchy to groan.

But seeing the poorer sort much addicted to Pisistratus, and tumultuous, the richer afraid, consulting their safetie by flight, he retired, saying, Athenians, I am wiser then some, valianter then others, wiser then those who understand not the deceit of Pisistratus, valianter then those, who understand it, yet hold their peace, through fear. The Senate being of the same faction with Pis••stratus, said he was mad, whereto he answered,

A little time will to the people cleer My madnesse, when 'th 'midst truth shall appear.

The people having granted Pisistratus his request concerning a guard, question'd not the number of them, but conniv'd so long at his pressing and maintaining as many souldiers as he pleased, that at last he possest himselfe of the Tower; where∣upon the Citty being in a tumult, Megacles, with the rest of the Alcmaeonidae fled. Solon now very old, and destitute of those that might back him, went into the Forum,* 1.204 armed with a spear and shield, and made an oration to the people, partly accusing them of folly and cowardise, partly inciting them not to for∣sake their libertie, using this celebrious speech,

It had been far easier to have supprest this tyranny in the grouth, but much more noble to cut it off now it is at the height.

No man da∣ring to hear him, he went home, and taking his armes, set them in the street before his door (Laertius saith, before the Magaz••n) saying,

I have helped my Country and the Law as much as lay in me; or as Laertius,O Country, I have assisted thee both in word and deed.

Plutarch addes, that from that time he li∣ved retired, addicted to his study; and told by many the Ty∣rant would put him to death, and demanded wherein the con∣fided so much, he answered, in his age: but Laertius affirmes (which seemes truer) that assoon as he had laid down his armes, he forsook the Country: and* 1.205 Agellius, that in the raign of Scovius Tullius, Pisist••atus was Tyrant of Athens, Solon going first away into voluntary exile.

CHAP. XI.

How he travelled to Lydia, and Cilicia.

SOlon at his departure from Athens received invitations from many; by Thales desired to come to Miletus, by Bias, to Priene, by Epimenides, to Creet, by Cleobulus to Lindus, as is evident from their severall letters to that effect: even Pisistratus pressed him to return home by this Epistle.

Pisistratus to Solon.

Neither am I the only person of the Greeks, nor am I without right to the Kingdome I possesse, as being descended from Codrus: that which the Athenians having sworn to give to Codrus and his heirs, took away, I have re∣covered; no otherwise do I offend either God or man; I take care that the common-wealth be governed according to the lawes you ordained for the Athenians, and that better then by a Democratie: I suffer none to do wrong, neither do I enjoy any priviledges of a Tyrant, more then honour and dignity, such rewards only as were conferr'd upon the antient Kings; every man paies the tenth of his estate, not to me, but to the maintenance of publick sacrifices, or other charges of the common-wealth, or against time of war. You I blame not for discovering my intents, you did it more in love to the state, then in hate to me; besides, you knew not what go∣vernment I meant to establish, which if you had, perhaps you would have brooked my rule, and not banisht your selfe; returne therefore home, and believe me without an oath: Solon shall never receive any displeasure from Pisistratus, you know my very enemies have not, and if you will vouch∣safe to be of my friends, you shall be of the first, for I never saw anything in you deceitfull or false; if otherwise, you will live with the Athenians, use your freedome, only deprive not your selfe of your country for my sake.

Solon returned this answer.

Solon to Pisistratus.

I Beleeve I shall not suffer any harm by you, for before you were Tyrant, I was your friend, and at present am no more your enemie, then any other Athenian who dislikes Tyrannie: whether it be better they be governed by a single person, or by a Democratie, let both parties determine. I

pronounce you the best of Tyrants; but to returne to A∣thens I think not sitting, lest I incur blame, who setled an e∣quality in the Athenian common-wealth, and would not ac∣cept of the Tyranny; by returning, I shall comply with thy actions.

Croesus also sent to invite him, to whom he thus answered.

Solon to Croesus.

I Love your humanity towards us, and by Pallas▪ but that I affect above all things to live under a Democratie, I should much sooner choose to live in your Kingdome, then at A∣thens, whilst Pisistratus rules there by force; but it is most plea∣sing to me to live where all things are just and equall; yet will I come over to you, being desirous to become your guest.

Solon upon this invitation went to Sandys, where Croesus (saith Herodo••us) received him kindly: after the third or fourth day the Officers at Croesus appointment lead him into the treasu∣ries, to shew him all their greatnesse and riches; when he had beheld all, Croesus spoke thus unto him.

Athenian guest, be∣cause we have heard much fame of your wisdome and expe∣rience, having out of love to Philosophy travelled into many Countries, I have a desire to enquire of you if ever you saw any man whom you could call most happy.

This he deman∣ded, hoping himselfe to be esteemed such▪ Solon nothing flatte∣ring him, answered according to the truth, saying,

O King, Tellus the Athenian.

At which speech Croesus wondering. Why do you judge Tellus the most happy? Because (replied Solon) in a well ordered state, he had children honest and good, and saw every one of those have children all living; thus having passed his life as well as is possible for man, he ended it gloriously: a fight happening between the Athenians and their neighbours in Eleusis, he came in to their succour, and and putting the enemy to flight, died nobly; the Athenians buried him in the place where he fell, with much honour. Whilst Solon recounted the happinesse of Tellus, Croesus being mov'd, demanded to whom he assign'd the next place, making no question but himselfe should be named a second.

Cleobis (saith he) and Bito, they were Argives by birth, they had sufficient wherewithall to maintain themselves; and withall, so great strength of body, that both were alike victors in the publick games, of whom it is thus reported; the Argives celebrating the feastivall of Iuno, it was necessary their Mother should be drawn to the▪ Tem∣ple by a pair of Oxen, there being no Oxen in the field ready, these young men, streitned in time, under went

the yoke, and drew the chariot of their Mother fortie five stadia, till they came to the Temple; when they had so done, in the sight of all the people, they obtain'd the happiest end of their daies, whereby the God declared it better for a man to die then to live; the Argive, pressing about them, the men applauding the piety of the Sons, the Women the happinesse of the Mother, the Mother her selfe infinitely joyed with the action, and the glory thereof, standing before the image, pray∣ed the Goddesse to give her sons, Cleobis and Bito the best thing that could happen to man; after this prayer, having sacri∣ficed and feasted, they lay down to sleep in the Temple, and never waked more, but so ended their daies: their Images (as of most excellent persons) were made by the Argives, and set up at Delphi. These Solon ranked in the second degree. Here∣at Croesus growing angry; stranger (said he) doth our happi∣nesse seem so despicable, that you will not rank us equall with private persons? He answered, do you enquire Croesus concerning human affairs of me, who know, that divine pro∣dence is severe and full of alteration? In processe of time we see many things we would not, we suffer many things we would not; let us propose seventy yeers, as the term of mans life, which yeares consist of twenty five thousand and two hundred daies, besides the additionall month, if we make one year longer then another by that Month, to make the time accord the additionall months, belonging to those seventy years, will be thirty five, the daies of those months a thou∣sand and fiftie, whereof one is not in all things like another: so that every man, O Croesus, is miserable! you appear to me very rich, and are King over many, but the question you de∣mand I cannot resolve, untill I hear you have ended your daies happily; he who hath much wealth is not happier, then he who gets his living from day to day, unlesse fortune continuing all those good things to him, grant that he die well. There are many men very rich, yet unfortunate, many of moderate estates, fortunate, of whom, he who abounds in wealth, and is not happy, exceeds the fortunate only in two things, the other him in many; the rich is more able to satisfie his desires, and to overcome great injuries; yet the fortunate excells him, he cannot indeed inflict hurt on others, and sa∣tisfie his own desires, his good fortune debarres him of these: but he is free from ills, healthfull, happy in his children, and beautifull, if to this a man dies well, that is he whom you seek, who deserves to be called happy; before death he can∣not be stil'd happy, but fortunate; yet for one man to obtain all this is impossible, as one country cannot furnish it selfe with all things, some it hath, others it wants, that which hath most is best; so in men, no one is perfect, what one hath,

the other wants; he who hath constantly most, and at last quietly departs this life, in opinion, O King, deserves to bear that name. In every thing we must have regard to the end, whether it tends for many, to whom God dispenceth all good fortunes, he at last utterly subverts. This story is related by Plutarch, also mentioned by Laertius, who addes, that Croesus being magnificently adorned and seated on his Throne, asked him, whether he had ever seen any thing more glorious? who answe∣red, C••••ks, Pheasants, & Peacocks, who are much more beautiful in their naturall power.* 4.1

Solon after this discourse with Croesus, not soothing him, or making any esteem of him, was dismissed, and ac∣counted unwise, for neglecting the present good in regard to the future.* 4.2 Aesope, the writter of fables was at that time at Sardis, sent for thither by Croesus, with whom he was much in favour▪ he was grieved to see Solon so unthankfully dismist, and said to him, Solon, we must either tell Kings nothing at all, or what may please them. No, saith Solon, either nothing at all, or what is best for them. Thus was Solon much despised by Croesus.

* 4.3

Afterwards Croesus being taken prisoner by Cyrus was at his command fettered and set upon a great pile of wood to be burned: as he was in this posture, it came into his minde what Solon had divinely said to him, that no living man is happy; as soone as he remembred those words, he fell into a great de∣fection of Spirit, and sighing deeply, named Solon thrice, which Cyrus hearing, commanded the interpreters to aske upon whom he called, they went to him and asked, he was silent, at last pressing him further he answered, upon him who I desire above all wealth, might have spoken with all tyrants; not understan∣ing, after much pressure and importunity, he told them, Solon an Athenian came long since to him, and beholdi••g all his wealth, valu∣ed it at nothing moreover that all which he told him had come to passe, nor did it more belong to him then to all mankind, especially to those who think themselves happy. Whilst Croesus said this, the fire began to kin∣dle, and the outward parts thereof to be seized by the flame. Cyrus being informed by an interpreter of all that Croesus said, began to relent, knowing himselfe to be but a man, who de∣livered another man, nothing inferiour to him in wealth, to be burned alive, fearing to be punished for that act, and con∣sidering that nothing was certain in human affairs, he com∣manded the fire to be instantly quenched, and Croesus, and those that were with him to be brought off,* 4.4 whom•• ever after as long as he lived, he had in esteem. Thus Solon gained praise, that of two Kings, his speech preserved one, and instru∣cted the other.

Plutarch relates this done in the former ten years travail of Solon, upon the finishing of his lawes, whence he maketh an A∣pology for the incongruity thereof, with the rules of Chrono∣logy,

which had lesse needed, if with Laertius, he had placed it after Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny.

Laertius saith, he went from hence to Cilicia, and built there a Gitty, called after him Soleis, whither he brought also some few Athenians, whose language growing corrupt by that of the country, they were said to solaecise; of this is the Etymolo∣gist doubtlesse to be understood, who derives 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (so read we, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.) This is also attested by Suidas, as a distinct relation from that of Cyprus, in confirmation whereof Laertius add••s, the Cilicians were called Solenses, the Cyprians Solii.

CHAP. XII.

His death.

* 4.5 HEraclides affirmes, Solon lived long after Pisistratus began to raign;* 4.6 Lucian that his life extended to a hundred years; with whom those best agree, who say (as Suidas relates) he lived in the fiftie six Olympiad;* 4.7 but according to Phanias, Pisistratus took the Tyranny upon him, when Comias was Archon, and Solon died, Hegestratus being Archon, who s••cceeded Comias, which was in the first year of the fiftie ••ift Olympiad. If this latter opinion had not every where taken place of the other, the disagreement betwixt the time of Solon's death, and Croesus raign had not been urged by many, as an argument against the story of their mee∣ting.

He dyed (according to Laertius) aged eighty years (being as * 4.8 Elian saith, very decrepit) in Cyprus, (as is like wise attested by * 4.9 Valerius Maximus, and* 4.10 Suidas) •• and left order with his friends that they should carry his bones to Salamis, & there causing them to be burnt, s••atter the ashes all over the country; which story Plutarch (though he counts it fabulous) acknowledgeth to be attested by many Authors of credit, particularly Aristotle.

Laertius confirms it by the testimony of Cra••inus, who makes him speak thus;

The Island I inhabit, sown As fame reports, in Ajax Town:

That desire of knowledge which he usually profest continu∣ed with him to his end,* 4.11 confirmed the last day of his life; his friends sitting about him, and falling into some discourse, he raised his weary head, and being demanded why he did so, he answered, that when I have learnt that, whatsoever it be, whereon you dispute, I may die:* 4.12 His brothers son singing an ode of Sappho, he delighted therewith, bad him teach him it, and being de∣manded

why, that, said he, I may learn whilst I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of this life.

After his death, the Athenians erected his statute in brasse, before* 4.13 the checker'd cloister'd* 4.14 in the forum: Another was set up at Salamis, hiding (as Demosthenes and Eschines describe it) the hand within the garment, in the same habit wherein he used to make speeches to the Athenians; perhaps the same that carri∣ed this inscription,

••am'd Salamis, the Persian pride cast down, And gave to Solon birth, the lawes renown.

Laertius bestowes this Epigram upon him.

A sorraign Cyprian fire burn'd Solon, yet Salamis keeps his bones, their ashes wheat; His Soul to heaven mounts with his lawes, so light A burthen, they not clog, but help his flight.

CHAP. XIII.

His writinngly 〈◊〉〈◊〉

HIs excellency both in Rhetoratie, ••nd Poetry is attested by many; Cicero,* 4.15

before Solo•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no man is recorded for eloquence.* 4.16 And again, Lycurgus and Solon we place in the number of the eloquent.* 4.17 Dion, Chrysostome, Aristides, Lycurgus, Solon, Epaminondas, and if there be any other in the same kind, ought to be esteemed Philosophers in the common-wealth, or Oratours, according to ingenious true Rhetorick.* 4.18

Ari∣stides, Solon is said to have sung those things which concern the Megarenses, but neither his Lawes nor Orations, which sometimes he made for the rich to the commons, sometimes for the commons to the rich, did he sing or comprise in verse, but used a rhetoricall form, excellently demonstrating in all these, that he deserved to be esteemed an Oratour and a Wise-man, having attained both those titles and faculties.

As to Poetry, Plu••••rch averres,

he addicted himselfe thereto from the beginning, not in serious matters, but ludicrous, used (as it seemes) for his exercise and pastime; afterwards he included many Philosophicall sentences in verse, and many affaires of state, not in relation to history, but to vindicate his own actions, sometimes also to correct and reprove the Athenians. Plato saith,

* 4.19

that at the Apaturian feast, the boyes used to repeat his poems; and that if he had applyed himselfe to nothing but Poetry as others did, and had finished the history he brought out of Egypt, and had not been con∣strained

by seditions and other distractions to lay aside that study, neither Hesiod, Homer, nor any of the Poets would have been more famous.

Of his writings in Prose, we must with Laertius name in the first place his

Lawes, of which already.

Orations to the people.

His Poems are cited under that generall title by* 4.20 Phrynicus, their particular subjects and titles these.

Exhortations to himselfe, mentioned by Laertius,* 4.21 Aristides, and Suidas.

Elegies:

Salamis, of which Chap. 2.

of the Athenian common-wealth, which Laertius affirmes to have extended to two thousand verses, according to* 4.22 Pausanias, and * 4.23. Philo, Elegiack.

Iambicks, mentioned by La••rtius, cited by Athenaeus and Ari∣stides.

Epodes, mentioned by Laertius.

Elegies to King Cypranor, cited by the author of Aratus, his life. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, cited by Laertius.

Some (saith Plutarch ••in••irme, he began to reduce his own Lawes into verse. fiftie si

The last work he urken plok was concerning the Atlantick speech or fable, which beginning late, he was deterred by the greatnesse of the work, as Plutarch saith, and prevented by death.

Besides those Epistles already alledged, these are preserved also by Laertius.

Solon to Periander.

YOu send me word, there are many who plot against you; if you should put them all to death, it would advan∣tage you nothing; some one there may be of those, whom you suspect not, who plotts against you, either fearing himselfe, or disdaining you, or desirous to ingratiate himselfe with the City, though you have done him no injury; it is best, if you would be free from jealousie, to acquit your selfe of the cause, but if you will continue in Tyranny, take care to provide a greater strength of strangers then is in your own City; so shall you need to fear no man, nor to put any to death.

Solon to Epimenides.

NEither are my lawes likely to benefit the Athenians long, nor have you advantaged the City by lustration; for divine right and law••givers cannot alone benefit Cities; it importeth much of what mind they are who lead the com∣mon people; divine rights and lawes, if they direct them well, are profitable, if they direct them ill, profit nothing; neither are those lawes I gave in any better condition; they who had charge of the common-wealth, not preventing Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny, lost the City, of which, when I foretold them, I could not be believed; the Athenians would rather credit his flatteries, then my truth; wherefore laying down my armes before the Magazin, I said, that I was wiser then those who did not see Pisistratus aimed at the Tyranny; and stouter then those who durst not resist him: they repu∣ted Solon a mad man. Lastly, I made this profession, O coun∣try! behold Solon ready to vindicate thee in word and deed: they again esteem'd me mad. Thus I beeing the only person that oppos'd Pisistratus, I came away from them; let them guard him with their armes if they please; for know (dear friend) the man came very cunningly by the Kingdome, he complyed at first with the Democratie, afterwards wounding himselfe, came into Elioea, crying out, he had received those hurts from his enemies, and required a guard of foure hun∣dred young men, which they (not harkening to me) granted; these carried halberds: after this, he dissolved the popular government; truly I laboured in vain to free the poorer sort from mercenary slavery, when they all now serve one Pisistra∣tus.

Such fragments of his Poems as have been hitherto preser∣ved are thus collected.

Out of his Elegies.

Sprung from Mnemosyne and Joves great line, Pierian Muses, to my prayer encline, Grant that my life and actions may call down Blessings from heaven, and raise on earth renown: Sweet to my friends, and bitter to my foes, To these my sight bring terror, joy to those. Riches I wish, not riches that are plac't In unjust means, for vengeance comes at last. Riches dispenc'd by heavens more bounteous hand, A base on which we may unshaken stand. But that which men by injuries obtain,

That which by arts and deeds unjust they gain Comes slowly, swiftly by reveng'd pursued, And miserie like a close spark include, Which soon to a devouring flame dilates, Wrong is a weak foundation for estates. Jove doth the end of every thing survey: As sodain vernall blasts chase clouds away. Ransack the bottom of the roaring main, Then swiftly overrun the fertile plain, Ruffling the wealthy ears; at last they rise To Joves high seat, a••calm then smooths the skies. The Sun's rich lustre mildly gilds the green Enamell of the meads, no clouds are seen, Such is Joves heavie anger diff'ring far From men, whose every trifle leads to war: They are not hid for ever, who offend In secret, judgment finds them in the end. Some in the act are punisht, others late, Even he who thinks he hath deluded fate; At last resents it in just miseries, Which Nephewes for their Ancestors chastise. We think it fares alike with good and bad; Glory and selfe-conceit our fancies glad Till suffering comes, then their griev'd spirits bleed, Who did before their soules with vain hope feed. He whom incurable diseases seize, Sooths his deluded thoughts, with hopes of ease. The coward's valiant in his own esteem, And to themselves, faire the deformed seem. They who want means, by poverty opprest Beleeve themselves of full estates possest. All is attempted, some new seas explore To bring home riches from a forraign shore: Seas, on whose boisterous back secur'd they ride, And in the mercy of the winds confide: Others to crooked ploughes their Oxen yoke, And Autumn with their plants and setts provoke. Some Vulcan's and Minerva's arts admire, And by their hands, their livelyhoods acquire. Others the fair Olympian muses trace, And lovely learning studiously embrace. One by Apollo is prophetick made, And tells what mischiefs others shall invade; With him the Gods converse, but all the skill In birds or victimes cannot hinder ill. Some to Peonian knowledge are inclin'd, Nor is the power of simples unconfin'd.

The smallest hurts sometimes increase and rage, More then all art of physick can asswage; Sometimes the fury of the worst disease. The hand by gentle stroking will appease. Thus good or bad arives as fates design, Man cannot what the Gods dispenc'd decline. All actions are uncertain, no man knowes When he begins a work, how it shall close. Some, who their businesse weigh with prudent care, Oft of the issue intercepted are: Whilst others who have rashly ought design'd, An end successfull of their labours find. There is no bound to those who wealth acquire, For they who are possest of most, desire As much again, and who can all content, Even those full blessings which the Gods have lent, Man variously to his own harm applies, Whom Jove by means as various doth chastice.

Again.

OUr City never can subverted be By Jove, or any other Deitie; For Pallas eye surveyes with pious care The wals, which by her hand protected are: Yet the inhabitants of this great Town, Fondly inclin'd to wealth, will throw it down; And those unjust great persons who are bent Others to wrong, themselves to discontent; For their insatiate fancies have not power T••enjoy the sweetnesse of the instant hower; But by all wicked means, intent on gain, From hallowed, nor from publick things refrain. Riches by theft and cozenage to possesse, The sacred bounds of justice they transgresse. Who silent sees the present, knowes the past, And will revenge these injuries at last: Causing a cureless rupture in the state, And all our liberties shall captivate. Rouse war from his long slumber, who the flower Of all our youths shall bloodily devour. For Cities which injuriously oppose Their friends, are soon invaded by their foes. These are the common evills; of the poor Many transported to a forraign shore, To bondage there, and fetters shall be sold.

Each private house thus shares the publick fate, Nor can exclude it with a ban'd-up gate; For scaling furiously the higher walls, On those whom beds or corners hides, it falls. My soule, Athenians, prompts me to relate What miseries upon injustice wait: But justice all things orderly designes, And in strict fetters the unjust confines. What's soure, she sweetens, and allaies what cloyes. Wrong she repells, ill in the grouth destroyes, Softens the stubborn, the unjust reformes, And in the state calmes all seditious stormes: Bitter dissention by her raign supprest, Who wisely governes all things for the best.

Another.

NO man is blessed, bad is every one That feeles the warmth of the all-seeing S••n.

Another.

LEt me not die unpitti'd, every friend With sighes and tears my latest hower attend.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Plut.
• * 1.2

  L••ert: Plut.
• * 1.3

  Laert. vit. Proclus in Ti∣ma••m:
• * 1.4

  Plut.
• * 1.5

  Polit. 4. 11.
• * 1.6

  In Scytha.
• * 1.7

  Orat. ••.
• * 1.8

  Orat. de falsa legat.
• * 1.9

  Pausan.
• * 1.10

  Plut.
• * 1.11

  Pausan.
• * 1.12

  Plut.
• * 1.13

  Poly••n lib. 1.
• * 1.14

  Plut.
• * 1.15

  Plut.
• * 1.16

  V••r. hist. 7. 19.
• * 1.17

  Plut.
• * 1.18

  Elian. var. hist. 7. 19.
• * 1.19

  Plut.
• * 1.20

  Laert.
• * 1.21

  Plut.
• * 1.22

  P••usan. in phoc.
• * 1.23

  Pausan in phoc.
• * 1.24

  Plu••.
• * 1.25

  In Phoc:
• * 1.26

  In voce Solon.
• * 1.27

  Polyaen. lib. 3.
• * 1.28

  Pausan.
• * 1.29

  Pausan. ibid.
• * 1.30

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.31

  Lib. 3. cap. 7:
• * 1.32

  ••aert.
• * 1.33

  Plut.
• * 1.34

  Laert.
• * 1.35

  Plut.
• * 1.36

  Laert.
• * 1.37

  Plut.
• * 1.38

  In Epim••nid.
• * 1.39

  Plut.
• * 1.40

  ••aern.
• * 1.41

  Plut.
• * 1.42

  Plut.
• * 1.43

  Laert.
• * 1.44

  Laert.
• * 1.45

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.46

  Plut.
• * 1.47

  Plut.
• * 1.48

  Plut.
• * 1.49

  Plut.
• * 1.50

  Arist. Rbe••. 2. 23.
• * 1.51

  Agell. 11. 18.
• * 1.52

  Tetian. Cl••m. Alex. Suid.
• * 1.53

  In demost. Timocr.
• * 1.54

  Plut.
• * 1.55

  ••ollux.
• * 1.56

  Pollux.
• * 1.57

  Pollux.
• * 1.58

  Pollux.
• * 1.59

  Pollux.
• * 1.60

  Epist. 90.
• * 1.61

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.62

  In Theophrast.
• * 1.63

  Plut.
• * 1.64

  De Offic. l. 1.
• * 1.65

  Lib. 8. cap. 6.
• * 1.66

  Schol. Arefloh. in Nub.
• * 1.67

  Annal. 3.
• * 1.68

  Man. ••••••o∣log. in protreptr. a•• doctr.
• * 1.69

  Liv. lib. 3.
• * 1.70

  Aurel. Vict. de Vir. illust. c. 21.
• * 1.71

  Lib. 22.
• * 1.72

  Plut.
• * 1.73

  Plut.
• * 1.74

  Plut.
• * 1.75

  Lib. 2. cap. 12.
• * 1.76

  Plut.
• * 1.77

  ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10. 1.
• * 1.78

  Plut.
• * 1.79

  In pracept. conjugial:
• * 1.80

  Lib. 11.
• * 1.81

  Hec. Act 1. Scen. 2.
• * 1.82

  Phorm. act. 2. scon. 3.
• * 1.83

  Plut.
• * 1.84

  1. 12. 15.
• * 1.85

  Lib. 3. Epist. 243.
• * 1.86

  Orat. in Leptin.
• * 1.87

  Plut.
• * 1.88

  Plut.
• * 1.89

  Plut.
• * 1.90

  Orat. in Lept.
• * 1.91

  De leg. lib. 2.
• * 1.92

  Plut.
• * 1.93

  Prafat. lib. 6.
• * 1.94

  Exhort. Vrat. ad artes.
• * 1.95

  Epist. 7.
• * 1.96

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.97

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.98

  Plut.
• * 1.99

  Plut.
• * 1.100

  ••ysias in Orat. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Era∣tusth.
• * 1.101

  Orat. in I l'••arch.
• * 1.102

  Plut.
• * 1.103

  Plut.
• * 1.104

  Plut.
• * 1.105

  Plut.
• * 1.106

  Plut.
• * 1.107

  lib. 4. ad leg. 12. tab.
• * 1.108

  Plut.
• * 1.109

  Plut.
• * 1.110

  Plut.
• * 1.111

  Plut.
• * 1.112

  Laert.
• * 1.113

  Orat•• in Timarch.
• * 1.114

  Laert.
• * 1.115

  In Timarch.
• * 1.116

  In Androt.
• * 1.117

  Laert.
• * 1.118

  In Panathen.
• * 1.119

  Menexen.
• * 1.120

  Lae••t.
• * 1.121

  In Hermog;
• * 1.122

  In Herm••g.
• * 1.123

  L••••rt.
• * 1.124

  Laert.
• * 1.125

  Orat in Timarch.
• * 1.126

  Lib. 11. c. 18.
• * 1.127

  Parth. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 4.
• * 1.128

  Orat. in Timo••r.
• * 1.129

  Schol. Ari∣stoph. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.130

  Laert.
• * 1.131

  De leg. spec Tib. 2.
• * 1.132

  In Praem. & in Cimoni•• vita
• * 1.133

  Eschin. orat. in Timarch.
• * 1.134

  in Nearam.
• * 1.135

  Demosth. Orat. in Macartat.
• * 1.136

  Clcer. de leg. 2.
• * 1.137

  Elian. var. hist. 2•• 42. &c. 5. 14.
• * 1.138

  Demost. in Lipton.
• * 1.139

  Declam. 18.
• * 1.140

  Pyrrh. Hipp. 3. 24.
• * 1.141

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.142

  Eschin. in Cres••ph.
• * 1.143

  Demosth. Orat. in Timocr.
• * 1.144

  Athen••us de∣ipu. lib. 15.
• * 1.145

  Eschin. in Ctesiph.
• * 1.146

  Liban. declam. 13.
• * 1.147

  Stob. 112.
• * 1.148

  Demost. in Aristogit.
• * 1.149

  Maxim. Tyr. 39.
• * 1.150

  Cicer. ••rat. pro S. Rosc. Amer. & Laert.
• * 1.151

  Plut.
• * 1.152

  Agyll. 2. 12.
• * 1.153

  Plut. Etymol.
• * 1.154

  Pollux. 8. 10.
• * 1.155

  Suid.
• * 1.156

  Ammon. de differ vec.
• * 1.157

  Suid.
• * 1.158

  Schol. Aristot. in Ares.
• * 1.159

  Didym. apud. Harp. & Suid.
• * 1.160

  Flud.
• * 1.161

  Serm. 112.
• * 1.162

  Orat. de co∣ron ••.
• * 1.163

  Dem••st.
• * 1.164

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.165

  La••rt.
• * 1.166

  Plut:
• * 1.167

  The clouds, act. 4. scen. 2.
• * 1.168

  Laert.
• * 1.169

  Athen. deipn. 13.
• * 1.170

  Sect. Empiric advers Mathem. 6.
• * 1.171

  Laert.
• * 1.172

  Plut.
• * 1.173

  Plut.
• * 1.174

  Plut.
• * 1.175

  Plut.
• * 1.176

  Laert.
• * 1.177

  Serm. 121.
• * 1.178

  Laert.
• * 1.179

  Orat. 37.
• * 1.180

  1 Meursius.
• * 1.181

  ad ••herecyd.
• * 1.182

  Laert.
• * 1.183

  Orat. 4.
• * 1.184

  Vit. Sol.
• * 1.185

  Vit. Sol.
• * 1.186

  Vit. Themist.
• * 1.187

  Somn. Scip. 2. 17.
• * 1.188

  Vit. Sol.
• * 1.189

  Sympos. Sept. Sapi.
• * 1.190

  Arist. Ethic. 10. 8.
• * 1.191

  Cicer. Epist. 15. ad Brut.
• * 1.192

  Val▪ Max. 7. 2.
• * 1.193

  Stob. Serm. 34
• * 1.194

  Stob. Serm. 41
• * 1.195

  Iohan. Salisb. Polier. ••. 14.
• * 1.196

  Orat. in Yi∣mocrat.
• * 1.197

  Laert.
• * 1.198

  Stob. serm. 3.
• * 1.199

  Clem. Alex. Strom. 1.
• * 1.200

  Plut.
• * 1.201

  Plut.
• * 1.202

  Laert.
• * 1.203

  Plut.
• * 1.204

  Laert.
• * 1.205

  Lib. 17. cap. 21.
• * 4.1

  Herodot.
• * 4.2

  Plut.
• * 4.3

  Herod.
• * 4.4

  Plut.
• * 4.5

  Plut.
• * 4.6

  De longavis.
• * 4.7

  Plaut.
• * 4.8

  Var. hist. 8. 16.
• * 4.9

  lib. 5. cap. 3.
• * 4.10

  Laert.
• * 4.11

  Val. Max. 8. 7.
• * 4.12

  Stob. 29.
• * 4.13

  Pausan. Attic.
• * 4.14

  Demosth. in Aristog. 2. Eli∣an. var. hist. 8. 16.
• * 4.15

  In Bruto.
• * 4.16

  De orat, lib. 1.
• * 4.17

  Orat. 21.
• * 4.18

  Orat. Plat. 2.
• * 4.19

  In Tim••eo. 1. crit.
• * 4.20

  Eclig. dict. Attic.
• * 4.21

  In Orat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 4.22

  Attic.
• * 4.23

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉