The fourth volume of Plutarch's Lives Translated from the Greek, by several hands.

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Title
The fourth volume of Plutarch's Lives Translated from the Greek, by several hands.
Author
Plutarch.
Publication
London :: printed for Jacob Tonson at the Judges Head in Chancery-lane, near FleetStreet,
M.DC.XCIII. [1693]
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Subject terms
Greece -- Biography -- Early works to 1800.
Rome -- Biography -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/a55203.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The fourth volume of Plutarch's Lives Translated from the Greek, by several hands." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/a55203.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 5, 2024.

Pages

Page [unnumbered]

[illustration] depiction of Agis and Cleomenes
AGIS AND CLEOMENES.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Page 659

THE LIFE OF AGIS.

THe Fable of Ixion, who imbracing a Cloud instead of Juno, begot the Centaurs, was ingeniously enough invented to represent to us ambitious Men, whose Minds doting on Glory, (which is a meer Image of Vertue) produce nothing that is genuine or uniform, but born away by violent and contrary Passions, their Acti∣ons being the off-spring of such a Conjun∣ction, must needs be deform'd and unnatu∣ral;

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and they may say with the Hersdmen in the Tragedy of Sophocles.

We follow those whom we ought to govern, And they command us, tho' th' are dumb.

That is indeed the true condition of those ambitious Men, who to gain a vain Title of Magistracy, are content to subject them∣selves to the Humours of the People: for as they who row in the fore-part of the Ship, may seem to guide the Motions of it, yet have continually an eye on the Pilot who sits at the Helm, and must proceed in the Course he will steer; so these Men, steer'd as I may say by popular Applause, tho' they bear the Name of Governours, are in reality Slaves to the Mobile. The Man who is compleatly wise and virtuous, regards not Glory, but only as it disposes and prepares his way to great Attempts. A young Man, I grant, may be permitted to glory a little in his good Actions; for (as Theophrastus says) his Vertues which are yet tender, and as it were in the bud, cherish'd and supported by Praises, grow stronger, and take the deeper root: but when this Pas∣sion is exhorbitant, 'tis dangerous in all men, and especially in those who govern a Commonwealth; for being joyn'd with an unlimited Power, it often transports men

Page 661

to a degree of Madness, so that now they no more seek Glory by Vertue, but will have those Actions only esteem'd good that are glorious. As Phocion therefore answer∣ed King Antipater, who sought his Appro∣bation of some unworthy Action, I cannot be your Flatterer, and your Friend; so these men shou'd answer the People, I cannot go∣vern, and obey you: lest it shou'd happen to the Commonwealth, as to the Serpent in the Fable, whose Tayl rising in rebellion a∣gainst the Head, complain'd (as of a great Grievance) that it was always forc'd to follow, and pray'd, it might be permitted by Turns to lead the way; which being granted but for a day, quickly discover'd the Folly, by the Mischiefs which befell the whole Body, and particularly to the Head, in following, contrary to Nature, a Guide that was deaf and blind. The same we see does every day happen to many, who gui∣ded by the Inclinations of an ignorant and giddy Multitude, must needs bring all things to Confusion.

This is what has occurr'd to us to say of that Glory which depends on the Vulgar, considering the sad effects of it in the Mis∣fortunes of Caius, and Tiberius Gracchus, Men nobly born, whose generous Dispositi∣on by Nature was improv'd by an excellent Education, and who came to the Admini∣stration

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of Affairs with very sincere Intenti∣ons, yet they were ruin'd, I cannot say, by an▪ immoderate desire of Glory, but by a more excusable fear of Infamy; for being excessively belov'd and favour'd by the Peo∣ple, they thought it an Ingratitude to deny them any thing, till the People and They mutually inflam'd, and vying with each o∣ther in Honours and Benefits, things were at last brought to such a pass, that they might say accordingly to the Proverb,

T' engage so far we were to blame, And to retreat 'tis now a shame.

This the judicious Reader will easily ga∣ther from the Story. I will now compare with them, two Lacedoemonian Kings, Agis and Cleomenes; for they being desirous also to please the People, by restoring their ob∣solete Laws of Equality, incurr'd the Hatred of the Rich and Powerfull, who cou'd not endure to be depriv'd of those Advantages, which did so gloriously distinguish them from the Vulgar. These were not indeed Brothers by Nature, as the two Romans, but they had a kind of brotherly Resem∣blance in their Actions and Designs, which took a Rise from Beginnings and Occasions as I am now about to relate.

When Gold and Silver (the great Debau∣chers of Mankind) had once gain'd Admit∣tance

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into the Lacedoemonian Commonwealth 'twas quickly follow'd by Avarice, baseness of Spirit, and all manner of Frauds in the possession, by Riot, Luxury, and Effemi∣nacy in the use. Then Sparta fell from her original Vertue and Glory, and so continu∣ed till the days of Agis and Leonidas, who both together were Kings of the Lacedoemo∣nians.

Agis was of the Royal Family of Eury∣tion, Son of Eudamidas, and the sixth in de∣scent from Agesilaus, who being chief Com∣mander of the Grecians, gain'd so great Re∣nown in the so famous Expedition into Asia. Agesilaus left behind him a Son call'd Ar∣chidamus, who being slain by the Calabri∣ans at Mardonium in Italy, was succeeded by his eldest Son Agis; he being kill'd by Antipater near Megalopolis, and leaving no Issue, was succeeded by his Brother Euda∣midas; he by a Son call'd Archidamus and Archidamus by another Eudamidas, the Fa∣ther of this Agis of whom we now treat.

Leonidas, Son of Cleonimus, was of the other Royal Branch of the Agiades, and the eighth in descent from Pausanias who de∣feated Mardonius in the Battel of Platea. Pausanias was succeeded by a Son call'd Plistonax; and he by another Pausanias, who being banish'd, and leading a private Life at Tegea, his eldest Son Agesipolis reign'd

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in his place; he dying without Issue, was succeeded by a younger Brother call'd Cleom∣brotus, who left two Sons: the elder was Agesipolis, who reign'd but a short time, and died without Issue; the younger was call'd Cleomenes, who had also two Sons. Acrotatus and Cleonimus: the first died be∣fore his Father, but left a Son call'd Areus, who succeeded, and being slain at Corinth, left the Kingdom to his Son Acrotatus: This Acrotatus was defeated, and slain near Me∣galopolis, in a Battel against the Tyrant A∣ristodemus; he left his Wife big with Child, who being deliver'd of a Son, Leonidas (Son of the above-named Cleonimus) was made his Guardian, and the young man dying in his Minority, he succeeded in the Kin∣dom.

Leonidas was a Man in no great Esteem with the People: for tho'there were at that time a general Corruption in Manners, yet a greater aversion to the old Institutions appear'd in him than in others; for having liv'd a long time among the great Lords of Persia, and been a follower of King Seleucus he unadvisedly wou'd imitate the Pride and Luxury of those Courts, in the limited Go∣vernment of a Grecian Commonwealth.

Agis on the contrary shew'd himself to all men obliging and affable, and did in goodness of Nature, and greatness of Mind

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not only far excel Leonidas, but in a man∣ner all the Kings that had reign'd since the great Agesilaus. For tho'he had been bred very tenderly, and in abundance of all things, by his Mother Agesistrata, and his Grand∣mother Archidamia, (who were the weal∣thiest of the Lacedoemonians) yet before the Age of twenty, he so far overcame himself as to renounce effeminate Pleasures. He was a very handsom Person, and of a grace∣ful Behaviour; yet to give a Check to the Vanity he might take therein, would go always plain and mean in his Cloaths. In his Diet, Bathings, aad in all his Excercises, he chose to imitate the old Laconian Frugality and Temperance, and was often heard to say, He wou'd not desire the Kingdom, if he did not hope by means of that Authori∣ty to restore their ancient Laws and Disci∣pline.

The Lacedoemonians might date the begin∣ning of their Corruption from their Con∣quest of Athens, which was the first occasi∣on of their Wealth and Luxury; yet never∣theless the Agrarian Law remaining in force, (by which every one was oblig'd to leave his lot or Portion of Land entirely to his Son) a kind of Order and Equality was thereby maintain'd, which still in some de∣gree preserv'd them from Ruine. But one Epitadeus happening to be Ephore, a Man

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of a factious, violent Spirit, and on some oc∣casion incens'd against his Son, he procur'd a Decree, that all men shou'd have liberty to dispose of their Land by Gift or Sale, or by their last Will and Testament: which be∣ing promoted by him to satisfie a passion of Revenge, and through Covetousness con∣sented to by others, an excellent Institution was abrogated; the effect whereof was, that the moneyed men coveting to possess the Land, the right Heirs were by degrees disinherited, and all the Wealth being in the hands of a few, the generality were poor and miserable; Liberal Arts and Sciences were neglected, and the City fill'd with a mean sort of Mechanicks, always envious, and hating the Rich: there did not remain above 700 of the old Spartan Families, of which perhaps 100 might have Estates in Land; the rest were an abject, low-spirited People, who having no sense of Honour, were unwillingly drawn to the Wars, and ever greedy of Novelty and Change.

Agis therefore believing it a glorious A∣ction, (as in truth it was) to repeople the City, and to bring them back to their first Institution, began to sound the Inclinations of the Citizens. He found the young Men dispos'd beyond his expectation; for being taken with the specious Name of Liberty they seem'd as ready to shift their Manners

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as their Cloaths; but the old Men habitua∣ted and more confirm'd in their Vices, were startled at the very Name of Lycurgus, as a fugitive Slave fears to be brought back before his offended Master: these men cou'd not endure to hear Agis continually de∣ploring the present state of Sparta, and wishing she might be restor'd to her ancient Glory. But on the other side, Lysander, the Son of Lybis, Mandroclidas, the Son of Ecphanes, together with Agesilaus, did not only approve his Design, but assisted and confirm'd him in it. Lysander had a great Authority and Credit with the People; Man∣droclidas was esteem'd the ablest Man of his Time, to manage any Affair in the Grecian Assemblies, and joyn'd with skill, had a great degree of Boldness; Agesilaus was the King's Uncle by the Mother's side, an eloquent Man, but covetous and voluptuous; he was not mov'd by any Consideration of publick Good, but rather seem'd to be perswaded to it by his Son Hypomedon, (whose Cou∣rage and signal Actions in War had gain'd him a high Esteem among the young Men of Sparta) tho' indeed the true Motive was, because he had many Debts, and hop'd by this means to be freed from them. As soon as Agis had prevail'd with his Uncle, he en∣deavour'd by his mediation to gain his Mo∣ther also, who being exceeding rich, had by

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her many Creditors, Friends and Followers, a considerable Power in the City. At the first proposal she was very averse, and ear∣nestly advis'd her Son not to engage in so difficult and so dangerous an Enterprise; but Agesilaus endeavour'd to possess her, that the thing was not so difficult as she imagin'd, and that it might in all likelihood redound to the great Honour and Advantage of her Family. The King her Son earnestly be∣sought her, not to decline assisting him in so glorious a Design; he told her, he cou'd not pretend to equal other Kings in Riches, the very Followers and Servants of Seleucus or Ptolemy, abounding more in Wealth, than all the Spartan Kings put together: but if by Vertue and greatness of Mind he cou'd out-do them, and if by his means Sparta could be restor'd to her ancient Splendor, he shou'd then be a great King indeed. In conclu∣sion, the Mother and the Grandmother also were so taken with the young man's gene∣rous Ambition, that they not only consent∣ed, but were ready on all occasions to spur him on to a Perseverance, and did engage with him not only the men with whom they had an Interest, but the Women also, knowing well that the Lacedoemonian Wives had always a great power with their Hus∣bands, who us'd to impart to them their State Affairs, with greater freedom than the

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Women wou'd communicate with the Men in the private Business of their Families: which was indeed one of the greatest Ob∣stacles to this Design; for the Money of Sparta being most of it in the Womens hands, 'twas their Interest to oppose it, not only as depriving them of those superfluous Trifles, in which through want of Vertue they plac'd their chief Felicity, but also be∣cause they knew their Riches was the main support of their Power and Credit.

Those therefore who were of this Facti∣on, had recourse to Leonidas, representing to him, how it was his part, as the elder and more experienc'd, to put a stop to the ill-advised Projects of a rash young Man. Leonidas, tho' of himself sufficiently inclin'd to oppose Agis, durst not openly for fear of the People, who did manifestly favour him, and were desirous of this Change, but un∣der-hand he did all he cou'd to incense the chief Magistrates against him, and on all occasions craftily insinuated, that Agis ha∣ving design'd an arbitrary Government, wou'd divide among the Poor what be∣long'd to the Rich, as a Bribe for a future Service: That instead of so many rich Ci∣tizens of Sparta, he might have a Company of Slaves to be his Guard.

Agis nevertheless little regarding these Rumors, caus'd Lysander to be chosen Ephore;

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then took the first occasion of proposing his Rhetra or Decree to the Senate, the chief Articles whereof were these: That every one shou'd be freed from their Lots: All the Lands to be divided into equal portions: Those that lay betwixt the Valley of Pellene and Mount Tegetum, as far as the Cities of Mallea and Sellasia, into 4500 Lots; the remainder in∣to 1500; these last to be shar'd by some cho∣sen out of the adjacent Countreys, men able and fit to bear Arms: The first among the natural Spartans, admitting also of Strangers to sup∣ply their Number, those who were young, vi∣gorous and ingenious. All these were to be di∣vided into ten Companies, some of four hun∣dred, and some of two, with a Diet and Disci∣pline agreeable to the Laws of Lycurgus.

This Decree being propos'd in the Senate, occasion'd a hot Debate; so that Lysander doubting the Event, wou'd not expect the Issue, but immediately convok'd the great Assembly of the People, to whom he, Man∣droclidas and Agesilaus made Orations, ex∣horting them, that they wou'd not suffer the Majesty of Sparta to be brought into Contempt, to gratifie a few rich Men, who by specious pretences endeavour'd to delude them, only that they themselves might pass their time in Riot and delights. They bad them call to mind, how ancient Oracles had forewarn'd them to beware of Avarice, as

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the very Plague and utter Ruine of Sparta: That they shou'd think of the Oracle late∣ly deliver'd from the famous Temple of Pa∣siphae in Thelamia. Some say, this Pasiphae was one of the Daughters of Atlas, who had by Jupiter a Son call'd Ammon: Others are of opinion, it was Cassandra, the Daughter of King Priamus, who dying in this Place, was call'd Pasiphae, as who should say, clear∣ly revealing Secrets, as the Light discovers all things to the Eye: Others will have it, that this was Daphne, the Daughter of Ami∣clas, who flying from Apollo, was transform'd into a Lawrel, and honour'd by that God with the Gift of Prophecy. But be it as it will, 'tis certain the People were made to apprehend, that this Oracle had commanded them to return to their former state of E∣quality. As soon as these had done speak∣ing, Agis stood up, and said, He wou'd not amuse them with vain words, but contri∣bute to what had been propos'd for their Advantage by real Effects. In the first place, he wou'd divide among them all his Patri∣mony, which was of large extent in Tillage and Pasture; he wou'd also give 600 Ta∣lents in ready Money, and that his Mother, Grandmother, and his other Friends and Relations, who were the richest of the La∣cedoemonians, were ready to follow his Ex∣ample. The People transported with ad∣miration

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of the young man's Generosity, highly applauded, and loudly declar'd, there had not been for 300 years so worthy a King in Sparta.

But on the other side, Leonidas was now more than ever averse, being sensible that he and his Friends wou'd be oblig'd to contri∣bute with their Riches, and yet all the Ho∣nour and Obligation wou'd redound to Agis. He ask'd him then before them all, Whether Lycurgus were not in his opinion a vast and a wise Man? Agis answering He was: And when did Lycurgus (reply'd Leonidas) can∣cel Debts, or admit of Strangers? he who thought the Commonwealth not secure un∣less they were excluded. To this Agis re∣ply'd, 'Tis no wonder that Leonidas, who has married, and has Children by a Wife ta∣ken out of a Persian Court, shou'd know lit∣tle of Lycurgus or his Laws. Lycurgus took away both Debts and Usury, by taking a∣way Money, and excluded Strangers, such as wou'd not conform to the Laws of his Commonwealth, not for any Ill-will to them, but lest they shou'd infect the City with their Covetousness; for otherwise 'tis well known, that he himself gladly kept Terpan∣der, Thales and Phericides, tho' they were Strangers, because he perceiv'd they were of the same Mind with him. And you that use to praise Ecprepes, who being Ephore,

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cut off two Strings from the Instrument of Phrynis the Musician, and to commend those who did▪ afterwards imitate him, with what face can you blame me, for designing to cut off Superfluity and Luxury from the Common∣wealth? Do you think those men were so con∣cern'd only about a Fiddle-string, or intended a∣ny thing else, than by checking the voluptuous∣ness of Musick, to keep out a way of living, which might destroy the harmony of the City.

From this time forward as the common People follow'd Agis, so the rich Men ad∣hered to Leonidas, who joyning his Autho∣rity with their Interest, things were so ma∣nag'd in the Senate, (whose chief Power consisted in preparing all Laws before they were propos'd to the People) that with much ado the designed Rhetra of Agis was rejected, tho' but by one only Vote; where∣upon Lysander, who (as we said) was Ephore, and of Agis his Party, resolving to be re∣veng'd on Leonidas, drew up an Informati∣on against him, grounded on two old Laws; The one forbids any of the Race of Hercules to marry a Stranger; and the other makes it capital for a Lacedoemonian to travel into foreign Countreys. Whilest he set others on to manage this Accusation, he with his Collegues went to observe the Stars, which was a Custom they had, and perform'd in this manner. Every ninth year the E∣phori

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choosing a Star-light Night, (when there was neither Cloud nor Moon) sate down together in quiet and silence; and if they chanc'd to spy the shooting of a Star, they presently pronounc'd their King guilty of some great Crime against the Gods, and thereupon he was immediately secluded from all Exercise of Regal Power, till he cou'd be reliev'd by an Oracle from Delphos or Olympus.

Lysander therefore assur'd the People, he had seen a Star shoot, and at the same time Leonidas was cited to answer for himself. Witnesses were produc'd to testifie he had married an Asian Woman, bestow'd on him by one of King Seleucus his Lieutenants; that he had two Children by her, but there hap∣pening some difference betwixt them, she did so mortally hate him, that flying from her, he was in a manner forc'd to return to Sparta, where his Predecessor dying with∣out Issue, he took upon him the Govern∣ment. Lysander not content with this, per∣swades also Cleombrotus to lay claim to the Kingdom: he was of the Royal Family, and Son-in-law to Leonidas, who fearing now the event of this Process, was fled to the Temple of Juno, call'd Calcideos, together with his Daughter, the Wife of Cleombro∣tus, for she in this occasion resolv'd to leave her Husband, and to follow her Father. Le∣onidas

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being again cited, and not appearing, they pronounc'd a Sentence of Deposition against him, and made Cleombrotus King in his place.

Soon after this Revolution, Lysander (his year expiring) went out of Office, and new Ephori were chosen of the contrary Facti∣on, who immediately conspiring to restore Leonidas, cited Lysander and Mandroclidas to answer, for having, contrary to Law, cancell'd Debts, and design'd a new division of Lands. They seeing themselves in dan∣ger, had recourse to the two Kings, and re∣presented to them, how necessary it was for their Interest and Safety resolutely to unite, thereby to prevent the Designs of the Ephori, and put a stop to their Encroach∣ments. The Power of the Ephori (they said) was only grounded on the Dissention of Kings, the Law having in that Case made them a kind of Arbitrators; but when the two Kings were unanimous, none ought or durst resist their Authority. Agis and Cle∣ombrotus thus perswaded, went together in∣to the Senate-house, where raising the E∣phori from their Seats, they plac'd others in their room, (of which Agesilaus was one:) then arming a Company of young Men, and releasing many out of Prison, their E∣nemies began to be in great fear of their Lives; but there was no Bloud spilt. Agis

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on the contrary having notice that Agesilaus had order'd a Company of Souldiers to lie in wait for Leonidas, to kill him as he fled to Tegea, immediately sent some of his Fol∣lowers to defend him, and to convoy him safely into that City.

Thus far all things proceeded prospe∣rously, none daring to oppose; but by the sordid Avarice of one Man, these promi∣sing Beginnings were blasted. Agesilaus (as we said) was much in Debt, yet had a fair Estate in Land: and tho' he gladly joyn'd in this Design to be quit of his Debts, he was not at all willing to part with his Land: therefore he perswaded Agis, that if both these things shou'd be put in execution at the same time, so great and so sudden an Al∣teration might cause some dangerous Com∣motion; but if Debts were in the first place cancell'd, the rich Men wou'd afterwards more easily be prevail'd with to part with their Land. Lysander also was of the same opinion, being deceiv'd in like manner by the Craft of Agesilaus: so that all Men were presently commanded to bring in their Bonds, (or Deeds of Obligation, by the La∣cedaemonians call'd Claria) which being laid together in a Heap, they set Fire to it. The Usurers and other Creditors come, one may easily imagine, beheld it with a heavy heart; but Agesilaus told them scoffingly,

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His Eyes had never seen so bright and so glorious a Flame.

And now the People press'd earnestly for a division of Lands: the Kings also had or∣der'd it shou'd be done; but Agesilaus some∣times pretending one Difficulty, and some∣times another, delay'd the Execution, till an occasion happen'd to call Agis to the Wars. The Achaeans, in virtue of a League defensive, sent to demand Succours, for they expected every day when the Aetolians wou'd attempt to enter Peloponnesus by the Confines of Maegara: they had made Ara∣tus their General, and sent him with an Army to hinder this Incursion. Aratus writ to the Ephori, who immediately gave order Agis shou'd hasten to their Assistance with the Lacedaemonian Auxiliaries. Agis was ex∣treamly well pleas'd to see the forwardness of the young Men to this Expedition; for tho' they were very poor, yet freed from Debts, and in hope of being Masters of Land at their Return, they follow'd chearfully, and in good Equipage. The Cities through which they pass'd, were in admiration, to see how they march'd from one end of Pe∣loponnesus to the other, without the least Disorder, and in a manner without making any Noise: it gave them occasion to dis∣course with one another, how great might be the Temperance and Modesty of the

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ancient Lacedaemonians, under their famous Captains Agesilaus, Lysander and Leonidas, since they saw such Discipline and exact Obe∣dience under a King, who perhaps was the youngest Man in all the Army. They saw also how he was content to fare hardly, ready to undergo any Labours, and not to be distin∣guish'd by Pomp or Richness of Habit, from the meanest of his Souldiers. But if by this Moderation and Conduct he gain'd the Love of the Souldiers and the common Peo∣ple, it made him still more odious to the Rich and Powerful, who were afraid such an Example might work an Impression to their prejudice, in all the neighbouring Countreys.

Agis having joyn'd Aratus near the City of Corinth, a Councel of War was call'd, to debate whether or no it were expedient to give the Enemy Battel. Agis on this occa∣sion shew'd a great Forwardness and Reso∣lution, yet without Obstinacy or Presump∣tion: he declar'd it was his opinion they ought to fight, thereby to hinder the Ene∣my from entring Peloponnesus; but neverthe∣less he wou'd submit to the Judgment of Aratus, not only as the elder and more ex∣perienc'd Captain, but as he was General of the Achaeans, whose Forces he wou'd not pretend to command, but was only come thither to assist them. I am not ignorant,

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that Baton of Synope relates it in another man∣ner: He says, Aratus wou'd have fought, and that Agis was against it; but 'tis most cer∣tain he was mistaken, not having read what Aratus himself writes in his own Justificati∣on; for he expresly tells us, That knowing the People had well-nigh got in their Har∣vest, he thought it much better to let the Enemy pass, than to hazard by a Battel the loss of the whole Countrey: And therefore giving thanks to the Confederates for their readiness, he dismiss'd them. Thus Agis, not without having gain'd a great deal of Honour, return'd to Sparta where he found the People in a Mutiny, and all things in Confusion, occasion'd by the Avarice and ill-Government of Agesilaus.

For he being now one of the Ephori, and by that Authority freed from the Fear which Formerly kept him in some Restraint, forbore no kind of Oppression which might bring in Gain: Among other things he ex∣acted a thirteen Months Tax, whereas be∣fore they had never paid more than twelve. For these and other Reasons fearing his Ene∣mies, and knowing how he was hated by the People, he thought it necessary to main∣tain a Guard, which always accompanied him to the Courts of Justice; and presum∣ing now on his Power, he was grown so insolent, that of the two Kings, the one he

Page 680

openly contemn'd; and if he shew'd any Respect towards Agis, wou'd have it thought rather an effect of his near Relati∣on, than any duty or submission to the Roy∣al Authority; and being desirous all men shou'd be confirm'd in a belief of his Power, he gave it out he was to continue Ephore the ensuing year also.

His Enemies alarm'd by this Report im∣mediately conspir'd against him, and bring∣ing back Leonidas from Tegea, restablished him in the Kingdom, to which the People (highly incens'd for having been defrauded in the promis'd division of Lands) easily consented. Agesilaus himself wou'd hardly have scap'd their Fury, if his Son Hypome∣don had not mediated in his behalf, and then privately convey'd him out of the City.

During this Combustion, the two Kings fled; Agis to the Temple of Juno, and Cle∣ombrotus to that of Neptune. Leonidas more incens'd against his Son-in-law, left Agis, to pursue him with a Company of Souldiers; and being taken, he was brought before Le∣onidas, who with great vehemence re∣proach'd to him his Ingratitude; how being his Son-in-law, he had conspir'd with his Enemies, usurp'd his Kingdom, and banish'd him from his Countrey: Cleombrotus ha∣ving little to say for himself, stood silent. His Wife Chelonis had been a Partner with

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Leonidas in his Sufferings; for when Cleom∣brotus usurp'd the Kingdom, she forsook him, and wholly applied her self to comfort her Father in his Affliction: she often mediated in his behalf, and openly disown'd and con∣demn'd the Action as unjust; but now up∣on this Turn of Fortune, she was as zealous and as assiduous in expressions of Love and Duty to her Husband, whom she embrac'd with one Arm, and her two little Children with the other. All men were strangely taken with the Piety and tender Affection of the Young Woman, who in a loose neg∣lected Mourning, with a pale dejected Coun∣tenance, and in a suppliant Posture, spoke thus to Leonidas.

I am not brought to this Condition you see me in, nor have taken upon me this mourn∣ing Habit, by reason of the present Misfor∣tunes of Cleombrotus; 'tis long since familiar to me: it was put on to condole with you in your Banishment; and now you are restor'd to your Countrey and to your Kingdom, must I still remain in Grief and Misery? or wou'd you have me attir'd in my Festival Ornaments, that I may rejoyce with you, when you have kill'd within my arms, the Man to whom you gave me for a Wife? Either Cleombrotus must appease you by my Tears, or he must suf∣fer a Punishment greater than his Faults have deserv'd: he shall infallibly see me die before

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him, whom he has profess'd tenderly to love: to what end shou'd I live, or how shall I ap∣pear among the Spartan Ladies, when it shall so manifestly be seen, that I have not been a∣ble to move to Compassion neither a Husband nor a Father? I am only born to be an unfor∣tunate Wife, and a more unfortunate Daugh∣ter, not having the least Power or Interest, where I ought to have been in the greatest Esteem. As for Cleombrotus, I have suffici∣ently disown'd his Cause, when I forsook him to follow you; but now you your self will justifie his Proceedings, by shewing to the World, how Ambition is a Passion not to be resisted: for a Kingdom, a Man may kill a Son-in-law; nay even destroy his own Children. Chelonis having ended this Lamentation, turn'd her weeping Eyes towards the Spectators, then gently repos'd her Head in her Husband's Bosom.

Leonidas touch'd with Compassion, with∣drew a while to advise with his Friends; then returning, condemn'd Cleombrotus to perpetual Banishment: Chelonis, he said, ought to stay with him, it not being just she shou'd forsake a Father, who had grant∣ted at her Intercession the Life of her Hus∣band; but all he could say, wou'd not pre∣vail. She rose up immediately, and taking one of her Children in her Arms, gave the other to her Husband; then having per∣form'd

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her Devotions at an Altar dedicated to Juno, she chearfully follow'd him into Ba∣nishment. To be short, so great was the Virtue and Generosity express'd by Chelouis on this occasion, that if Cleombrotus were not strangely blinded by Ambition, he wou'd chuse to be banish'd with the enjoy∣ment of so excellent a Woman, rather than without her to possess a Kingdom.

Cleombrotus thus remov'd, Leonidas thought fit also to displace the Ephori, and to choose others in their room; then he be∣gan to consider how he might entrap Agis. At first he endeavour'd by fair means to perswade, that he wou'd come and partake with him (as was his Right) in the King∣dom: the People, he said, wou'd easily par∣don the Errors of a young Man, ambitious of Glory, and deceiv'd by the Craft of Age∣silaus. But finding Agis was suspicious, and not to be prevail'd with to quit his Sanctu∣ary, he gave over that Design; yet what cou'd not then be effected by the Dissimulation of an Enemy, was soon after brought to pass by the Treachery of a Friend.

Amphares, Demochares and Archesilaus, did often visit Agis, and he was so confident of their Fidelity, that after a while he was prevail'd with to accompany them to the Baths, which were not far distant, they constantly returning to see him safe again in

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the Temple. Amphares had borrow'd a great deal of Plate and rich Household stuff of A∣gesistrata, and hop'd if he cou'd destroy her and the whole Family, he might peaceably enjoy those Goods. To so base an intent, he was ready to serve Leonidas in any trea∣cherous way, and being one of the Ephori, did all he cou'd to incense the rest of his Collegues against Agis. These men there∣fore finding that Agis wou'd never stir from his Sanctuary, but only when he went with them to the Bath, resolv'd to make use of that occasion. And one day in his re∣turn, they met and saluted him as former∣ly, discoursing pleasantly by the way, as fa∣miliar Friends use to do, till coming to the turning of a Street which led to the Pri∣son, Amphares by virtue of his Office ar∣rested Agis, and told him, He must go with him before the other Ephori, to answer for his Misdemeanors. At the same time Demo∣chares, who was a tall strong man, threw his Cloak over his Head, and dragg'd him af∣ter by the Neck, whilst the others went behind to thrust him on; so that none of Agis his Friends being near to assist him, they easily got him into the Prison, where Leonidas was already arriv'd, with a Com∣pany of Souldiers, who strongly guarded all the Avenues: the Ephori were also there with as many of the Senators as they knew

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to be true to their Party, being desirous to proceed with some resemblance of Justice. First they bad him give an Account, why he had gone about to alter the Government To which Agis (only smiling at their Craft and Dissimulation) answer'd not a word. Amphares told him, It was more seasona∣ble to weep, for now the time was come in which he shou'd be punish'd for his Pre∣sumption. Another of the Ephori seeming more favourable, (and offering as it were an occasion of Excuse) said, He was confident Agis had been seduc'd, and in a manner constrain'd to what he did, by Lysander and Agesilaus. But Agis answer'd, He had not been seduc'd or constrain'd by any man, nor had any other intent in what he did, but only to follow the Example of Lycurgus, and to govern conformably to his Laws. They ask'd him, Whether now at least he did not repent his Rashness? To which he reply'd, That tho' he saw unavoidable Death before his Eyes, yet he cou'd never repent of so just and so glorious a Design, They had not the patience to hear him a∣ny longer, but commanded the Serjeants to carry him into the Decade, (which was a place in the prison where they us'd to strangle Malefactors.) The Officers re∣fus'd to obey, and the very mercenary Souldiers declin'd it, believing it an insolent

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and a Wicked Act to lay violent hands on a King; which as soon as Demochares per∣ceiv'd, threatning and reviling them for it, he himself thrust him into the Room.

By this time the News of Agis his Impri∣sonment having reach'd all Parts of the Ci∣ty, had occasion'd a great Concourse of People with Lanthorns and Torches about the Prison-gates, and in the midst of them, the Mother and the Grandmother of Agis crying out with a loud Voice, That their King ought to appear, and to be heard by the People, and shou'd at least be proceeded with in the usual Forms of Justice. But this Clamour instead of preventing, hasten'd his Death, his Enemies fearing if the Tumult shou'd increase, he might that very night be rescued out of their hands.

Agis being now at the point to die, per∣ceiv'd one of the Serjeants bitterly bewail∣ing his Misfortune: Weep not Friend, (says he) for me, who die innocent, but rather grieve for those who are guilty of this wicked Act; my condition is much better than theirs. As soon as he had spoken these words not shew∣ing the least sign of Fear, he patiently stretch'd out his Neck to the Executioner.

Immediately after Agis was dead Ampha∣res went out of the Prison-gate, where he found Agesistrata, who casting her self at his Feet, he gently rais'd her up, pretending

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still the same Friendship as formerly: he as∣sur'd her, she needed not fear any farther Vi∣olence shou'd be offer'd against her Son; and that if she pleas'd, she might go in and see him: she begg'd her Mother might also have the favour to be admitted; and he re∣ply'd, No body shou'd hinder it. When they were enter'd, he commanded the Gate shou'd again be lock'd, and the Grandmother to be first introduc'd: she was now grown very old, and had liv'd all her days with great reputation of Vertue and Wisdom. As soon as Amphares thought she was dis∣patch'd, he told Agesistrata, She might now go in if she pleas'd: she enter'd, where be∣holding her Son's Body stretch'd on the Ground, and her Mother hanging by the Neck, she stood at first astonish'd at so hor∣rid a Spectacle; but after a while recollect∣ing her Spirits, the first thing she did, was to assist the Souldiers in taking down the Body; then covering it decently, she laid it by her Son's, whom embracing, and kis∣sing his Cheeks, O my Son, said she, 'tis thy too great Mercy and Goodness which has brought thee and us to this untimely End. Amphares, who stood watching behind the Door, hear∣ring this, rush'd in hastily, and with a fu∣rious Tone and Countenance said to her, Since you approve so well of your Sons Actions, 'tis fit you shou'd partake in his Reward. She

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rising up to meet her Destiny, only utter'd these few words, I pray the Gods that all this may redound to the good of Sparta.

And now the three Bodies being expos'd to view, and the Fact divulg'd, no fear of Magistrates cou'd hinder the people from expressing a detestation of it, or from ha∣ting the chief Contrivers and especially Leo∣nidas and Amphares. They were not afraid openly to declare, that so wicked and bar∣barous an Act had never been committed in Sparta, since first the Doriens inhabited Pelopennesus; the very Enemies in War, they said, were always cautious of spilling the Bloud of a Lacedoemonian King, insomuch that in any Encounter they wou'd decline, and endeavour to avoid them, so great a Respect they bore to the Royal Majesty. I must needs say, 'tis very remarkable, that in so many Battels fought betwixt the La∣cedoemonians and the other Grecians, none but Cleombrotus was kill'd, being wounded with a Javelin, at the Battel of Leuctres, a little before the days of King Philip of Ma∣cedon. I am not ignorant, that the Messe∣nians affirm, Theopompus was also slain by their Aristomenes; but the Lacedoemonians deny it, and say, He was only wounded: Be it as it will, 'tis certain at least that Agis was the first King put to death by the Epori, with a form and pretence of Justice, and on∣ly

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for having endeavour'd to reduce them to their original Institution, a Design well becoming the Courage of a noble Spar∣tan.

Thus Agis had the Fortune to be ill treat∣ed by his Enemies, and worse by his Friends; for if he had reason to complain of Leoni∣das, whose Life he had sav'd, much more of Amphares, in whose Friendship he repos'd the highest Confidence: so unmercifully was he dealt with by others, who being himself of a most mild and generous Dis∣position, did deserve to be belov'd by all Mankind.

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