The third volume of Plutarch's lives. Translated from the Greek, by several hands

THE LIFE OF EUMENES.

Translated from the Greek. VOLUME III.

DƲris reports that Eumenes the Cardi∣an was the Son of a poor Wagoner, in the Thracian Chersonesus, yet liberally educated, both as a Scholar and a Soldier; and that while he was but young, Philip passing through Cardia diverted himself with a sight of the Training, and other Ex∣ercises of the Youth of that place, among whom Eumenes performing with the great∣est address and activity; Philip was so plea∣sured

[illustration]

EUMENES.

with him, as to take him into his Service. But they seem to speak more probably, who tell us, That Philip advanc'd Eumenes for the Friendship he bore to his Father, whose Guest he had sometime been. After the Death of Philip, he continued in the Service of Alexander, with the Title of his Principal Secretary, but in as great favour as the most intimate of his Familiars, being esteemed as wise, and faithful as any Person about Court: So that he went General in the Expe∣dition against India, and succeeded in the command of Perdiccas, when Perdiccas ad∣vanced to that of Hephaestion then newly de∣ceased. Wherefore after the Death of Alexan∣der, when Neoptolemus who had been Captain of his Life-guard, said, That himself had followed Alexander with Shield and Spear, but Eumenes only with Pen and Paper, the Macedonians laught at him, as knowing ve∣ry well that besides other particular marks of Favour, the King had done him the Ho∣nour to make him a kind of Kinsman to himself by Marriage. For Alexander's first Mistress in Asia, by whom he had his Son Hercules, was Barsine the Daughter of Ar∣tabazus: Now, in the famous distribution of the Persian Ladies amongst his Captains, Alexander gave her Sister Apame to Ptolo∣my, but Barsine to Eumenes. Notwithstanding he frequently incurred Alexander's displea∣sure, particularly once upon the Score of

Hephaestion: For the Quarrels that had been taken up for Eumenes, Hephaestion as∣signed to Euijus a Musician. Whereat Eu∣menes in a rage, and Mentor came to Alex∣ander, and aloud upbraided him, and told him, That the way to be regarded was to throw away their Arms, and turn Fidlers, or Tragedians, insomuch that Alexander took their part and▪ chid Hephaestion. But soon after changed his mind, and was an∣gry with Eumenes, and accounted the free∣dom he had taken, to be rather intended as an Affront to the King, than a Reflection up∣on Hephaestion. Afterwards when Nearchus with a Fleet was to be sent into the Gulph of Persia, Alexander borrowed money of his Friends (his own Treasury being exhau∣sted) and would have had 300 Talents of Eumenes; but he sent a hundred only, pre∣tending that 'twas not without great diffi∣culty he had raised so much. Alexander nei∣ther complained, nor took the money; but gave private order to set Eumenes his Tent on fire, designing to take him in a manifest Lye, when his money was carried out; but before that could be done, the Tent was consumed, and Alexander repented of his Orders, all his Papers being burnt. Now the Gold and Silver which was melted down in the fire, being afterwards digged up, was found to be more than a Thousand Talents, yet Alexander took none of it, and only

writ to the several Princes to send new Copies of the Papers that were burnt, and ordered them to be delivered to Eu∣menes.

Another difference happen'd between him and Hephaestion concerning a Gift, and a great deal of ill Language passed between them, yet Eumenes still continued in favour. But Hephaestion dying soon after, the King took it very much to heart, and presuming, all those that differed with Hephaestion in his life-time, did now rejoyce at his death, used great strangeness, and severity towards them, especially towards Eumenes, whom he often twitted with his Quarrels, and ill-Language to Hephaestion. But he being a wise and dextrous Courtier, made advan∣tage of what had done him prejudice, and struck in with the King's humour of honour∣ing his Friends memory, suggesting divers inventions to do him honour, and contribu∣ting very largely and readily towards erect∣ing him a stately Monument. After Alexan∣der's Death, a dispute hap'ning between his own Phalanx, and his more intimate Friends; Eumenes, though in his Judgment he incli∣ned to the latter, yet in his Words and Acti∣on stood neuter, as if he thought it unbe∣coming him who was a stranger, to inter∣pose in the private Quarrels of the Macedo∣nians. And when the rest of Alexander's

Friends left Babylon, he stayed behind, and, in great measure pacified the Foot, and dis∣posed them towards an accommodation. When the Officers had agreed among them∣selves, and quelled the Mutiny of the Soldi∣ers, they shared the several Commands and Signiories, and made Eumenes Governour of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, and all the Coast upon the Pontic Sea, as far as Trapezond, which at that time was not subject to the Macedonians (for Ariarathes kept it as King) but Leonnatus and Antigonas, with a great Army, were to put him in possession of it. Antigonus (being now grown haughty, and despising all Men) took no notice of Per∣diccas's Letters; Leonnatus with his Army came down into Phrygia to the Service of Eumenes; but being visited by Hecataeus, the Tyrant of the Cardians, and requested rather to relieve Antipater and the Macedo∣nians that were besieged in Lamia; he re∣solved upon that Expedition, inviting Eu∣menes to a share in it, and endeavouring to reconcile him to Hecataeus. For there was an hereditary feud between them upon some Politick Account, and Eumenes had often declared openly, that Hecataeus was a Tyrant, and had exhorted Alexander to restore the Cardians their Liberty. Where∣fore at this time also he declined the Ex∣pedition proposed, pretending that he fear∣ed

least Antipater, who already hated him, should, for that reason, and to gratifie He∣cataeus, kill him. Leonnatus so far believed, as to impart to Eumenes his whole Design, which, as he pretended, and gave out, was to aid Antipater, but, in truth, was to seize the Kingdom of Macedon; and he shewed him Letters from Cleopatra, wherein she seemed to invite him to Pella, with a design to Marry him. But Eumenes, whether fear∣ing Antipater, or looking upon Leonnatus as a fond, rash, unconstant, and therefore lost Man, stole away from him by Night, ta∣king with him all his Men (which were Three hundred Horse, and Two hundred of his own Servants armed,) and all his Gold, which was to the value of Five thousand Talents of Silver, and fled to Perdiccas, dis∣covered to him Leonnatus's Design, and thereby gained great interest in him, and was made of his Council. Soon after Per∣diccas, with a great Army, which he led himself, conducted Eumenes into Cappado∣cia, and having taken Ariarathes Prisoner, and subdued the whole Countrey, declared him Governour of it. Who disposed of the Chief Cities to his own Friends, and made Captains of Garrisons, Judges, Receivers, and other Officers of such as he thought fit himself, Perdiccas not at all interposing. Notwithstanding Eumenes still waited

on Perdiccas, both out of respect to him, and a desire not to be absent from Court. But Perdiccas (believing he was able enough alone to secure his March for∣wards, but the Countrey he left behind him might stand in need of an active and faith∣ful Governour) when he came into Cilicia dismiss'd Eumenes, under colour of sending him to his Command, but, in truth, to se∣cure Armenia, which was Frontier to it, and unsettled through the Practices of Neopto∣lemus. Him, though a proud and vain Man, Eumenes endeavoured to gain by Civility; but to balance the Macedonian Foot, whom he found both insolent, and very stout, he contrived to raise an Army of Horse, excu∣sing from Tax and Contribution all those of the Countrey that were able to serve on Horseback, and buying up great store of Horses, which he gave among such of his own Men, as he most confided in. Infla∣ming the Courage of his Souldiers, by many Gifts and Honours, and inuring their Bo∣dies to service, by often Marching and Ex∣ercising; so that the Macedonians, some of them, were astonisht, others overjoyed to see, that in so short a time he had got to∣gether no less than 6300 able Horse.

Now when Craterus and Antipater, having subdued Greece, were advanced into Asia, with intention to quell the power of Perdiccas, and were reported to design an impression upon Cappadocia; Perdiccas being himself to march against Ptolomy, made Eumenes Commander in chief of all the Forces of Armenia and Cappadocia, and to that purpose wrote Letters, requiring Alcetas and Neoptolemus to be obedient to Eumenes, and giving full Commission to Eumenes, to dispose and order all things as he thought fit. Alcetas flatly refused to serve, because his Macedonians (he said) were ashamed to fight against Antipater, and loved Craterus so well, they were ready to re∣ceive him for their Commander. Neopto∣lemus designed Treachery against Eumenes, but was discovered; but being summoned, refused to obey, and put himself in a po∣sture of defence. Here Eumenes first found the benefit of his own foresight and con∣trivance; for his Foot being beaten, he routed Neoptolemus with his Horse, and took all his Carriage; and pursuing close upon the Phalanx which he had broken, and disordered, obliged the Men to lay down their Arms, and take an Oath to serve under him. Neoptolemus with some

few straglers which he rallied, fled to Craterus and Antipater. From them came an Embassy to Eumenes, inviting him over to their side, whereby he should have the advantage of being secured in the Government he was possest of, and being put into further Command by them of obliging his Enemy Antipater to be∣come his Friend, and keeping Craterus his Friend from turning to be his Enemy. To which Eumenes replied, That he could not so suddenly be reconciled to his old Enemy Antipater, especially since he saw him use his Friends like Enemies; but was ready to reconcile Craterus to Perdiccas, upon any just and equitable terms; but if his desires should prove unreasonable, he was resolved to assist the injured to his last breath, and would rather lose his Life than betray his word. Antipater recei∣ving this Answer, took time to consider upon the whole matter; when Neoptole∣mus after his defeat arrived, and acquain∣ted them with the ill success of his ma∣nagement, and requested both of them to assist him; but especially Craterus, be∣cause the Macedonians loved him so ex∣cessively, that if they saw but his hat, or heard his voice, they would all Arm and follow him. And in truth Craterus had

a mighty name among them, and the Sol∣diers after Alexander's death were extreme∣ly fond of him, remembring how he had often for their sakes incurred Alexander's displeasure, restrained him from following the Persian Fashions, to which he very much inclined, and keeping up the Customs of his Country, when through Pride and Delicacy they began to be disregarded. Craterus therefore sent Antipater into Cilicia, and himself and Neoptolemus Marcht with a great Army against Eumenes; expecting to come upon him unawares, and to find his Army disordered with revelling after the late Victory. Now that Eumenes should su∣spect his coming, and be prepared to re∣ceive him, is an Argument of his Vigi∣lance, but no great one of his Sagacity: But that he should contrive both to con∣ceal from his Enemies, the ill Posture he was in, and from his own Men, whom they were to fight with, so, as to serve a∣gainst Craterus himself, not knowing he commanded the Enemy, this indeed seems to shew the peculiar Address and Talent of a great General. He gave out therefore that Neoptolemus, and Pigris, with some Cappadocian and Paphlagonian Horse, and designing to March by night, he fell into

a deep sleep, and had an extraordinary Dream. For he thought he saw two Alexanders ready to engage, each Com∣manding his several Phalanx, the one assisted by Minerva, the other by Ceres; and that after a hot dispute, he on whose side Minerva was, was beaten, and Ceres gathering the Corn, wove it into a Crown for the Victor. This Vision Eumenes in∣terpreted as boading Success to himself, who was to fight for a fruitful Corn-Coun∣try, the whole being sowed with Corn, and the fields so thick with it, that they made a beautiful shew of a long peace; And he was farther confirmed in his opi∣nion, when he understood that the Enemy bore Minerva and Alexander in their Co∣lours; wherefore he also bore Ceres and Alexander, and gave his Men orders to make Garlands for themselves, and to dress their Arms with wreaths of Corn; he found himself under many temptations to dis∣cover to his Captains and Officers whom they were to engage with, and not to con∣ceal a secret of such moment in his own breast alone, yet he kept to his first reso∣lutions, and ventured to run the hazard of his own Judgment. (When he came to give Battel,) he would not trust any Mace∣donian to engage Craterus, but appointed

two Troops of Foreign Horse, command∣ed by Pharnabazus, Son to Artabazus, and Phaenix of Tenedos, with Order to charge as soon as ever they saw the Enemy, without giving them leisure to speak or retire, or re∣ceiving any Herauldor Trumpet from them; for he exceedingly feared the Macedonians, lest, knowing Craterus, they should go over to his side. He himself with 300 of his best Horseled the right Wing against Neoptole∣mus. When the Enemy having past a little Hill came in view, and Eumenes his Men charged with more than ordinary brisk∣ness, Craterus was amazed, and bitterly reproached Neoptolemus for deceiving him, with hopes of the Macedonians revolt, but he encouraged his Men to do bravely, & forthwith charged. The first Ingagement was very fierce, and the Spears being soon broke to pieces, they came to close fighting with their Swords; and here Craterus did by no means dishonour Alexander, but slew several of his Enemies, and repulst di∣vers that assaulted him; but at last recei∣ved a Wound in his side, from a Thracian, and fell off his Horse. Being down, many not knowing him went over him, but Gorgias one of Eumenes his Captains knew him, & alighting from his Horse guarded his Body, which was now in an ill condition, and

even in the very Agony of Death. In the mean time Neoptolemus, and Eumenes were engaged, who being inveterate and mor∣tal Enemies, sought for one another, but missed for the two first Courses, but in the third, discovering one another, they drew their Swords, and with loud Shouts they immediately charged, their Horses striking against one another like two Gal∣leys, they quitted their reins, and taking mutual hold they drew off one anothers Helmets, and their Armour from their Shoulders; while they were thus strip∣ping one another, each of their Horses went from under them, and they fell to∣gether to the ground, each of them keep∣ing their hold and wrestling. Neopto∣lemus getting up first, Eumenes wounded him in the hamm, and withal got upon his feet before him, Neoptolemus staying himself upon one knee, the other Leg be∣ing grievously wounded, and himself un∣dermost, fought courageously, though his strokes were not mortal, but receiving a blow in the neck he fell down and fainted. Eumenes transported with Rage, and in∣veterate Hatred to him, sell to reviling and stripping of him, and perceived not that his Sword was still in his hand, wherewith he wounded Eumenes in the

Groin near the privy parts, but in truth rather frighted than hurt him; his blow being faint for want of strength. Having stript the dead Body, ill as he was of the Wounds he had received in his Legs and Arms, he took Horse again, and made towards the left Wing of his Army, which he supposed to be still engaged. Hearing of the Death of Craterus, he rode up to him, and finding there was yet some Life in him, alighted from his Horse and wept, and laying his right hand upon him, in∣veighed bitterly against Neoptolemus, and lamented both Craterus his Misfortune, and his own hard fate, that he should be necessitated to engage against an old Friend and Acquaintance, and either do or suffer so much mischief.

This Victory Eumenes obtained about ten days after the former, and got a great reputation for atchieving it, partly by his Conduct, and partly by his Valour.

But on the contrary it created him great Envy both among his own, and his Ene∣mies, that he a Stranger, and a Foreigner, should employ the Forces, and Arms of Macedon, to cut off one of the bravest and most considerable Men among them. Had the news of this defeat come timely enough to Perdiccas, he had doubtless been the

greatest of all the Macedonians; but now he being slain in a Mutiny in Aegypt, two days before the News arrived, the Mace∣donians in a rage decreed Eumenes his Death, giving joint-Commission to An∣tigonus and Antipater to prosecute the War against him. Passing by Mount Ida, where the King had a breed of Horses, Eumenes took as many as he had occasion for, and sent an account of his doing so to the Masters of his Horse. Whereat Antipater is said to have laught, and pro∣fest to admire the wariness of the Man, who seemed to think that an account of the King's Affairs would either be expected from him, or given to him. Eumenes had designed to engage in the Plains of Lydia near Sardis, both because his chief strength lay in Horse, and to let Cleopatra see how powerful he was: But at her particu∣lar request (for she was afraid to give any umbrage to Antipater) he marched into the upper Phrygia, and Wintered in Ce∣laene, when Alcetas, Polemon, and Do∣cimus disputing with him, who should command in Chief: You know (said he) the old saying, That destruction regards no Punctilio's. Having promised his Soldiers pay within three days, he sold them all the Farms and Castles in the Country,

together with the Men and Beasts where∣with they abounded; every Captain or Officer that bought, did with Eumenes's consent, employ his Machins to storm the place, and divided the Spoil among his Company, proportionably to every man's Arrears. Hereby Eumenes came again to be beloved, so that when Letters were found thrown about the Camp by the Enemy, promising one hundred Talents, besides great Honours to any one that should kill Eumenes, the Macedonians were extremely offended, and made an Order that from that time forward one thousand of their best men should continually guard his Person, and keep strict Watch about him by Night in their several turns. This Order was chearfully obeyed, and they gladly received of Eumenes such Honours as Princes use to confer upon their Favou∣rites: for he had power to bestow purple Hats and Cloaks, which among the Ma∣cedonians is one of the greatest Honours the King can give. Now good Fortune puffs up narrow Souls, to imagine them∣selves high and mighty, and looking down upon the World; but a truly noble and resolved Spirit, in distress and mis∣adventure raises it self, and becomes more conspicuous, and such was Eumenes.

For having by the Treason of one of his own men, lost the Field to Antigonus at Orcyni in Cappadocia, in his flight he gave the Traitor no opportunity to escape to the Enemy, but immediately seized and hanged him. Then in his flight taking a contrary course to his Pursuers, he stole by them unawares, returned to the place where the Battel had been fought, and there encamped. There he gathered up the dead bodies, and burnt them with the Doors and Windows of the neighbour∣ing Villages, and raised heaps of Earth up∣on their Graves, insomuch that Antigonus, who came thither soon after him, was astonished at his great Courage, and firm Resolution. Lighting afterwards upon Antigonus his Carriage, he might easily have taken many Captives, both bond and freemen, and much Wealth collected from the Spoils of so many Wars; but he fear∣ed lest his men overladen with so great Booty, might become unfit for so many Marches, and through softness unwilling to hold out so long time as he designed; For upon those two things he laid the main stress of his Action, expecting to tire Antigonus into some other course. But then considering it would be extremely difficult to restrain the Macedonians from

plunder, when it seemed to offer it self, he gave them order to provide them∣selves, and bait their Horses, and then attack the Enemy. In the mean time he sent privately to Menander, who had care of all his Baggage, pretending a Concern for him upon the score of old Friendship and Acquaintance; and there∣fore advising him to quit the Plain, and insconce himself upon the side of a neigh∣bouring Hill, where the Horse might not be able to hem him in. When Menander, sensible of his danger, had trussed up his Carriage, and decamped, Eumenes openly sent his Scouts to discover the Enemies posture, and commanded his men to arm, and bridle their Horses, as designing im∣mediately to give Battel; but the Scouts returning with News that Menander had secured so difficult a Post, it was impossi∣ble to take him, Eumenes pretending to be aggrieved with the disappointment, drew off his men another way. 'Tis said, that when Menander reported this after∣wards to Antigonus, and the Macedonians commended Eumenes, imputing it to his singular good nature, that having it in his power to make Slaves of their Chil∣dren, and ravish their Wives, he forbore, and spared them all, Antigonus should

thus reply, Alas, good man, he had no re∣gard to us, but to himself, being loth to wear so many Shackles when he designed to fly. From that time Eumenes daily flying, and wandring about, perswaded divers of his men to disband, whether out of kindness to them, or unwilling∣ness to lead about such a Body of Men, as were too few to engage, and too many to fly undiscovered. Being come to the Cittadel of Nora in the Confines of Lyca∣onia and Cappadocia, with fifteen hundred horse, and two hundred Foot well appoin∣ted, he again dismist as many of his friends as desired it, through fear either of the straitness of the place, or want of Provisi∣ons, and imbracing them with all demon∣strations of kindness, gave them license to depart. Antigonus when he came before this Fort, desired to have an interview with Eumenes before the siege; but he re∣turned Answer, That Antigonus had ma∣ny Friends who might Command in his room; but they whom Eumenes defended, had no body to substitute if he should mis∣carry; wherefore if Antigonus thought it worth while to treat with him, he should first send him Hostages, and when Antigo∣nus required that▪ Eumenes should first come to him, as being the greater man; he

replied, while I am able to wield a Sword, I shall think no man greater than my self. At last, when according to Eumenes his demand, Antigonus sent his own Nephew Ptolomy to the Fort, Eumenes went out to him, and they mutually imbraced with great civility and friendship, as having formerly been very intimate. After long Conversation, Eumenes making no men∣tion of his own Pardon and Security; but insisting that he would be confirmed in his several Governments, and withall be honourably rewarded for his Service, all that were present were astonished at his Courage and Gallantry, and many others of the Macedonians flocked to see what manner of person Eumenes was; for since the death of Craterus, no man had been so much talked on in the Army. But Anti∣gonus being afraid for him, lest he might suffer some violence, first commanded the Souldiers to keep off, calling out, and throwing stones at them that pressed for∣wards. At last embracing Eumenes in his arms, and keeping off the crowd with his Guards, not without great difficulty▪ he returned him safe into the Fort. Then Antigonus having built a Wall round Nora, left a Force sufficient to carry on the siege, and drew off the rest of his Army; Eume∣nes

was beleaguered, and kept Garrison, having plenty of Corn, and Water, and Salt, but no other thing, either for Food or Delicacy; yet with such as he had, he kept a chearful Table for his Friends, inviting them severally in their turns, and seasoning his Entertainment with a gen∣tle, and affable behaviour; for he had a sweet countenance, and looked not like a rough batter'd Souldier, but was smooth and florid, and his shape as delicate, as if his limbs had been carv'd by Art in the most accurate proportions. In conversation he was not quick, but courteous and obli∣ging. The greatest distress of the besieged, was the straitness of the place they were in, their Quarters being very narrow, and the whole place but two Furlongs in com∣pass; so that both they, and their horses fed without exercise; wherefore not only to prevent the restiness that both might contract by that large living, but to have them in condition to fly, if occasion re∣quired, he assigned a Room fourteen Cu∣bits long (the largest in all the Fort) for the men to walk in, directing them to be∣gin their walk gently, and so gradually mend their pace. And for the Horses, he tied them to the Roof with great Halters, which being fastened about their Necks

with a Pully, he gently raised them, till standing upon the ground with their hin∣der feet, they just touched it with the ve∣ry ends of their fore-feet. In this posture the Grooms plied them with Whips and Noise, provoking them to curvet and ca∣per, endeavouring to stand upon their fore-feet; and thus their whole Body was exercised, till they were all in a foam, and groaned again; an excellent sort of exer∣cise this, whether for strength or speed; and then he gave them their Corn boiled, that they might sooner dispatch, and bet∣ter digest it.

The Siege continuing long, Antigonus receiv'd advice that Antipater was dead in Macedon, and that Affairs were embroyl'd by the differences of Cassander and Poly∣perchon, whereupon he conceiv'd no mean hopes, purposing to make himself Master of all, and in order to his design, to bring over Eumenes, that he might have his ad∣vice and assistance. Wherefore he sent Hieronymus to treat with him, proposing a certain Oath, which Eumenes first cor∣rected, and then referred himself to the Macedonians themselves that besieg'd him, to be judged by them, which of the two Forms were the most equitable. Antigo∣nus in the beginning of his had slightly

mentioned the Kings, but all the sequel referred to himself alone: But Eumenes would have the Form of it to Olympias and the Kings, and would swear not to be true to Antigonus only, but to them, and to have the same Friends and Enemies not with Antigonus, but with Olympias and the Kings. This Form the Macedo∣nians thinking the more reasonable, swore Eumenes according to it, and raised the Siege, sending also to Antigonus, that he should swear in the same Form to Eume∣nes. Now all the Hostages of the Cap∣padocians which Eumenes had in Nora he returned, and from those they were re∣turned to, took War-horses, Beasts of Carriage, and Tents in exchange, and rallying those men which from the time of his flight were scattered, and wandering about the Country, got together a Body of near a thousand Horse, and with them fled from Antigonus, whom he justly fea∣red; for he had not only ordered him to be first blocked up, but had sent a very sharp Answer to the Macedonians, for ad∣mitting Eumenes his Amendments of the Oath. While Eumenes was flying he re∣ceived Letters from them in Macedonia, who were jealous of Antigonus his great∣ness, to wit, from Olympias, inviting

him thither, to take the Charge and Go∣vernment of Alexander's little Son, against whom there was divers Plots. Other Letters he had from Polyperchon and Phi∣lip, the King, requiring him to make War upon Antigonus, making him Gene∣ral of all the Forces in Cappadocia, and impowring him out of the Revenue of Cyndos, to take fifty Talents to reim∣burse himself, and levy as much more as he thought necessary to carry on the War: they write also to the same effect to Anti∣genes, and Teutamus, the Chief Officers of the Argyraspides, who, receiving these Letters, treat Eumenes with a shew of respect, and kindness, but it was apparent enough they were full of Envy and Emu∣lation, disdaining to give place to him. Now their Envy, Eumenes very fairly de∣clined, by refusing to accept the Money, as if he had not needed it; and their Am∣bition, and Emulation, who were nei∣ther able to govern, nor willing to obey, he conquered by turning it into Super∣stition. For he pretended that Alexander had appeared to him in a Dream, and shewed him a Regal Pavilion richly fur∣nished, with a Throne in it; and told him if they would sit in Council there, he himself, would be present, and prosper all the Consultations, and Atchievements, up∣on

which they should enter in his name. Antigenes and Teutamus were easily pre∣vailed upon to believe this, being unwil∣ling to come and consult Eumenes, as much as he disdained to wait at another Man's Threshold. Wherefore they erected a Tent-Royal, and a Throne, and called it Alexander's, and there they met to con∣sult upon all Affairs of moment. After∣wards they advanced into the upper Country, and in their March met with Peucestus friend to Eumenes, and with other of the Lords, who joined Forces with them, and greatly encouraged the Macedonians with the number and ap∣pearance of their Men. But they them∣selves having since Alexander's Decease, been from under Government, and lived with great delicacy, and so becoming soft and effeminate, and imagining them∣selves great Princes, which fond conceit of theirs, was daily pampered by the flattery of the Barbarians; all these things concurring, made them rude to one ano∣ther, and unconversable, and all of them unmeasurably flatter the Macedonians, in∣viting them to Revels, and Sacrifices, till in a short time they brought the Camp to be a dissolute Place of Entertainment, by every Captains endeavouring to make a Party among the Commons, as in all

Democracies is usual. Eumenes perceiving they despised one another, and all of them feared him, and sought an opportunity to kill him, pretended to be in want of Money, and took up many Talents, of those especially, who most hated him, to make them both confide in him, and for∣bear all Violence to him for fear of losing their own Money. Thus his Enemies Estates, were the guard of his Person, and by receiving Money, he purchased safety, for which other Men use to give it. Now the Macedonians while there was no shew of Danger, made all their Court, and came to the Levè of those that treated, and presented them; and they had their Guards, and affected to appear Generals. But when Antigonus came upon them with a great Army, and their Affairs them∣selves seemed to call out for a true Gene∣ral, then not only the common Soldiers cast their Eyes upon Eumenes, but these Men who had appeared so great in a peace∣ful time of ease, submitted all of them to him, and quietly posted themselves se∣verally as he appointed them. And when Antigonus attempted to pass the River Pasitygris, all the rest that were appointed to guard the Passes, were not so much as aware of his March; only Eumenes met and encountered him, slew as many of

his Men as filled up the River with their Carcases, and took 4000 of them Pri∣soners. Chiefly when Eumenes was sick the Macedonians discovered that in their Judgment, others would treat hand∣somely, and make fire-balls, but he alone knew how to fight and lead an Army. For Peucestas having made a splendid Entertainment in Persia, and given each of the Soldiers a Sheep wherewith to Sacrifice, promised himself to Command in chief, some few days after the Army was to march, and Eumenes being dan∣gerously sick, was carried in a Litter with∣out the Body of the Army, that his rest might not be disturbed. But when they were a little advanced, unexpectedly they had a view of the Enemy, who had passed the Hills that lay between them, and was marching down into the Plain▪ seeing therefore the glittering of the Ene∣mies Golden Armour, which glar'd in the Sun, the good Order of their March, the Elephants with their Castles on their backs, and the Men in their Purple, (as their manner was when they were going to give Battel) the Front stopt their March, and called out for Eumenes, for they would not advance a step but under his Conduct; and fixing their Arms in the ground, gave the Word among themselves

to stand, requiring their Officers also not to stir or engage, or hazard themselves without Eumenes. News of this being brought to Eumenes, he hastned them that carried his Litter, and put forth his right hand. Assoon as the Soldiers saw him; they saluted him in the Macedonian Language, and took up their Shields, and striking them with their Pikes, gave a great shout, inviting the Enemy to come on, for now they had a Leader. But An∣tigonus understanding by some Prisoners he had taken, that Eumenes was sick and to that degree as to be carried in a Litter, presumed it would be no hard matter to tread in pieces the rest of them, since he was ill. Wherefore he made the greater haste to come up with them and engage. But being come so near, as to discover how the Enemy was drawn up, and ap∣pointed, he was astonished, and paused for some time, at last he saw the Litter carrying from one Wing of the Army to the other, (and as his manner was) laugh∣ing aloud, he said to his Friends, That Litter there, it seems, is the thing that offers us Battel; but withal he immediately wheeled about with all his Army, and decamped. The other side finding a little respite, re∣turned to their former custom of revel∣ling, and assuring every Man the port of a

General, taking up for their Winter-Quar∣ters near the whole Country of the Gabeni, so that the Front was quartered near 100 furlongs from the Rear, which Antigonus understanding, marcht imme∣diately towards them, taking the worst way, through a Country that wanted Water (but the way was short though uneven) hoping if he should surprize them thus scattered in their Winter-Quar∣ters, the Soldiers would not easily be able to come up time enough, and join with their Officers. But being to pass through a Country uninhabited, where the Winds were bleak and boisterous, and the Frosts great, he was very much checkt in his March, and his men exceedingly tired. The only relief in this case was making continual fires, whereby his Ene∣mies got notice of his coming. For the Barbarians who dwelt on the Mountains, bordering upon the Desart, amazed at the multitude of fires they saw, sent Messen∣gers upon Dromedaries, to acquaint Peu∣cestus: He being astonisht and almost struck dead with the News, and finding the rest in no less disorder, resolved to flee, and get up what Men he could by the way. But Eumenes delivered him from his great fear and trouble, undertaking to stop the Enemies Career, that he should

arrive three days later than he was ex∣pected. Having persuaded them, he immediately dispatched Expresses to all Officers, to draw the Men out of their Winter-Quarters, and Muster them with speed. He himself with some of the chief Officers rode out, and chose an eminent place within view of such as travelled the Desart; this he fortified and quar∣tered out, and commanded many fires to be made in it, as the Custom is in a Camp This done, and the Enemies seeing the fire upon the Mountains, Anguish and De∣spair seized Antigonus, supposing that his Enemies had been long advertised of his March, and were prepared to receive him. Wherefore lest his Army now tired and wearied out with their March should be forced immediately to encounter with fresh Men, who had Wintered well, and were ready for him, quitting the near way, he marched slowly through the Towns and Villages, to refresh his Men. But meeting with no such Skirmishes as are usual, when two Armies lie near one another, and being assured by the People of the Country, that no Army had been seen, but only continual Fires in that place, he concluded he had been outwit∣ted by a Stratagem of Eumenes, and being very much troubled, advanced towards

him, resolving immediately to give Battel. By this time the greatest part of the For∣ces were come together to Eumenes, and admiring his Conduct, declared him sole Commander in chief of the whole Army. Whereat Antigenes and Teuta∣mus, Captains of the Argyraspides, be∣ing very much offended, and envying Eumenes, formed a Conspiracy against him; and assembling the greater part of the Lords and Officers, consulted when and how to cut him off. When they had unanimously agreed, first to a∣buse his service, and make him miscarry in the next Battel, and thence take an occasion to destroy him; Eudamus the Master of the Elephants, and Phadimus, gave Eumenes private advice of this de∣sign; not out of kindness, or good will to him, but lest they should lose the Money he had lent them. Eumenes having com∣mended them retired to his Tent, and tel∣ling his Friends he lived among a Herd of wild Beasts, made his Will, mangled and tore all his Letters, lest his Corre∣spondents after his Death, should be questioned or punished for the Intelli∣gence they had given him. Having thus disposed of his Affairs, he thought of let∣ting the Enemy win the Field, or of flying through Media, and Armenia, and seizing

Cappadocia, but came to no Resolution while his Friends stayed with him. After forecasting divers things in his mind, which his changeable Fortune made un∣steady and sickle, he at last put his Men in Array, and encouraged the Greeks, and Barbarians, as for the Argyraspides, they encouraged him, and bid him be of good heart, for the Enemy would never be able to stand them. For indeed they were the oldest of Philip and Alexan∣der's Soldiers, tried Men, that had long made a Trade of War, that had never been beaten or so much as foiled, most of them 70, none less than 60 years old▪ Wherefore when they charged Antigonus his Men, they cried out, You fight against your Fathers, you Rascals; and furiously falling on, routed the whole Troop at once, no Body being able to stand them, and the greatest part dying by their hands, so that Antigonus his Foot were routed, but his Horse got the better, and he became Master of the Baggage, through the Cowardise of Peucestus, who beha∣ved himself negligently and basely. While Antigonus, not daunted with the loss of his Infantry, was vigilant and active, and had the advantage of the ground. For the place where they fought was a large Field, neither deep, nor hard

under foot, but like the Sea-shore, covered with a fine soft sand, which the treading of so many Men and Horses, in the time of the Battle, reduced to a small white dust, that like a Cloud of Lime darkened the Air, so that one could not see clearly at any distance, and so made it easie for An∣tigonus to take the Carriage unperceived. After the Battel Teutamus sent a Message to Antigonus to demand the Baggage. He made Answer, He would not only restore it to the Argyraspides, but serve them farther in other things, if they would but deliver up Eumenes. Whereupon the Ar∣gyraspides made a villainous Resolution, to deliver up this great Man alive into the hands of his Enemies. So they came to wait upon him, being unsuspected by him, but watching their opportunity against him, some lamenting the loss of the Baggage, some encouraging as if he had been Victor, some accusing the rest of the Captains, till at last they all fell upon him, and seizing his Sword, bound his hands behind him with his own Girdle. When Antigonus had sent Nicanor to receive him, he begged he might be led through the Body of the Macedonians, and have liberty to speak to them, neither to request, nor deprecate any thing, but only to advise them what would be for their Interest. A

silence being made, as he stood upon a ri∣sing Ground, he stretched out his hands bound, and said, What Trophy, O ye basest of all the Macedonians, could An∣tigonus have wished for, so great, as you your selves have erected him, in deliver∣ing up your General Captive into his hands? How vile is it when you were Conquerors, to own your selves Conque∣red, for the sake only of your Baggage, as if it were Wealth, not Arms wherein Victory consisted? Nay, you deliver up your General to redeem your Lumber. As for me I am unvanquished, though a Captive, Conqueror of my Enemies, and betrayed by my Fellow-Souldiers. For you, I adjure you by Jupiter, the Pro∣tector of Arms, and by all the Gods that are the avengers of Perjury, to kill me here with your own hands, for 'tis all one; and when I am murdered yonder, it will be esteemed your Act; nor will Antigonus complain; for he desires not Eumenes alive, but dead. If ye would with-hold your own hands, release but one of mine, it shall suffice to do the Work; but if you dare not trust me with a Sword, throw me bound as I am, to wild Beasts. This if you do, I shall free∣ly acquit you from the guilt of my death, as the most just and kind of Men to their

General. While Eumenes was thus speak∣ing, the rest of the Souldiers wept for grief; but the Argyraspides bawled out to lead him on, and gave not attention to his trifling. For it was nothing so grie∣vous the Lamentation of this Chersonese∣an Plague, which in thousands of Battels, had annoyed and wasted the Macedonians, as it would be for the choicest of Philip and Alexander's Souldiers to be defrau∣ded of the Fruits of so long Service, and in their old Age to come to beg their Bread; besides that their Wives had lain now three Nights with their Enemies. So they pushed him on with all speed and violence. But Antigonus fearing the Mul∣titude, (for no body was left in the Camp) sent ten of his strongest Elephants with divers of his Mede and Parthyaean Lances to keep off the Press. Then he could not endure to have Eumenes brought into his presence, by reason of their former Inti∣macy and Friendship; but when they that had taken him, had enquired of An∣tigonus how he would have him kept? As I would (said he) an Elephant or a Lion. A little after, being moved with Compassion, he commanded the heaviest of his Irons to be knock'd off, one of his Menial Servants to be admitted to anoint him, and that any of his Friends that

were willing, should have liberty to visit him, and bring him what he wanted. Long time he deliberated what to do with him, sometimes inclining to the advice and Promises of Nearchu•• of Crete, and Demetrius his Son, who were very ear∣nest to preserve Eumenes, whilst all the rest were unanimously instant and impor∣tunate to have him taken off. 'Tis repor∣ted that Eumenes should enquire of Ono∣marchus his Keeper, why Antigonus, now he had his Enemy in his hands, would not either forthwith dispatch or generous∣ly release him? And that Onomarchus con∣tumeliously answered him, That the Field was a more proper place than this to shew his Contempt of Death. To whom Eu∣menes replied, And by Jupiter I shewed it there; ask the men else that engaged me; but I could never meet a Man that was too hard for me. Therefore (rejoyned O∣nomarchus,) now you have found such a Man, why don't you submit quietly to his pleasure? When Antigonus resolved to kill Eumenes, he commanded to keep his Meat from him, and so with two or three days fasting, he began to draw near his end: But the Camp being on a sudden to remove, an Executioner was sent to dis∣patch him. Antigonus granted his Body to his Friends, permitted them to burn it,

and having gathered his Ashes into a Sil∣ver Urn, to send them to his Wife and Children.

Eumenes being thus taken off, the Di∣vinity appointed no other of the Captains or Commanders to revenge the Disloyal∣ty of them that had betrayed him; but Antigonus himself abominating the Ar∣gyraspides, as wicked and inhumane Vil∣lains, delivered them up to Ibyrtius Pro∣curator of Arachosia, commanding him by all ways and means to confound and destroy them, so that not a man of them might ever come to Macedon, or so much as within sight of the Greek Sea.

[illustration]

SERTORIUS.

THE LIFE OF QUINTUS SERTORIUS:

Translated from the Greek. By Edward Browne, M. D.

VOLUME III.

IT is no great wonder, if in long pro∣cess of time, the Wheel of Fortune running variously hither and thither through the Universe, shall happen to fall divers times into the same Trace, and the like Occurrences be often produced; and if the number of Subjects to be wrought upon, be infinite, Fortune being supplied with matter sufficiently copious, may

more easily produce this remarkable like∣ness in humane Affairs: Or if otherwise all things be composed and framed out of a finite and limited number of Events; when these have all appeared, the same of necessity must again come to pass; the Series, and whole course of Accidents having already been performed. Now some, being delighted with such casualties as exactly resemble one another, make Historical Collections of those fortuitous Occurrences they have heard, or read of; and observing some Fatality therein, re∣present them as the works of a rational predeterminating Power and Providence. Thus they observe that of two eminent Persons, both whose Names were Attis, both Nobly Born, and of most Illustrious Families, the one of Syria, the other of Arcadia, both of them were slain by a wild Boar; that of two Noblemen, Both whose Names were Actaeon, the one was torn in pieces by his Dogs, the other by his Lovers; that of two famous Scipio's, the one overthrew the Carthaginians in war, the other totally ruin'd and destroy'd them; the City of Troy was the first time taken by Hercules for the horses promis'd to be given him by Laomedon; the second time by Agamemnon, by means of the celebrated great wooden Horse; and the

third time by Charidemus, by occasion of a Horse falling down at the Gate, which hindred the Trojans, so as they could not shut them soon enough; and of two Ci∣ties which take their Names from most delightful odoriferous Plants, Jos and Smyrna, the one from a Violet, the other from Myrrh, the Poet Homer is reported to have been born in the one, and to have died in the other. To these Remarks, if it may be permitted, we may further ob∣serve, that the most warlike Commanders,* 1.1 who have perform'd the greatest exploits, and carried on the most notable Strata∣gems by their Courage and Skill in Mar∣tial Affairs, have had but one Eye; as, Philip, Antigonus, and Hannibal, and Ser∣torius also, whose Life and Actions we describe at present, and who far surpassed the other in all noble Vertues; for we may give this true report of him, That he was more Temperate, Sober, and Con∣tinent than Philip, more Faithful to his Friend than Antigonus, and more Merci∣ful and Courteous to his Enemies than Hannibal; for Prudence, Wisdom, and Judgment, he gave place to none of them; but in Fortune was inferiour to them all, who though she was every where more severe and cruel to him, than to all his Illustrious Enemies, yet for Skill and Ex∣perience

in War he made himself equal to Metellus; for bold Attempts, Valour, and Bravery, he might compare with Pompey; and in Success, he no ways yielded to Sylla; and for Power and Force he made himself a March for the whole Roman Em∣pire, and fought gloriously against the united Arms of Rome, when he was a Banished Man, and a Stranger amongst Barbarous People.

Of all the Grecian Commanders, Eu∣menes* 1.2 of Cardia may be best compared with him; for they were both of them great Generals, both Valiant and Politick Commanders, making use of Deceit, in∣tricate designs, and cunning Stratagems in War; they were both Aliens and Strangers, Banished from their Countries, and had the Command of Foreign Forces; both had Fortune for their Adversary, and so ex∣travagantly injurious to them in the end, that they were both betrayed, and villai∣nously murdered by those who served them, and by whom they had formerly overcome their Enemies.

Quintus Sertorius was of a noble Fami∣ly,* 1.3 he was born in the City of Nursia, in the Country of the Sabines, his Father di∣ed when he was young, he was carefully and decently educated by his Mother, whose Name was Rhea, and whom he ex∣treamly

loved and honoured; he exercised* 1.4 himself in Oratory, and pleading in his Youth, which he performed so judiciously, that he acquired no small Reputation and Power in Rome by the force of his Elo∣quence; but the splendor of his glorious Actions in Arms, and his successful At∣chievments in the Wars, induced him to alter his Ambition, and to seek for Ho∣nour wholly in martial Affairs. At his first entring the Field, he served under Scipio, when the Cimbri and Teutones invaded Gaul; where, the Romans fighting unfor∣tunately, and being put to flight, he was wounded in many parts of his Body, and thrown from his Horse, yet nevertheless he swam cross the River Rhosne in his* 1.5 Armour, with his Breast-plate and Shield, bearing himself up against one of the swiftest Rivers in the World, and break∣ing through its furious Waves by clear strength, so strong a Body he had, inur'd to hardship, and by long exercise brought to endure all Labour.

The second time that the Cimbri and* 1.6 Teutones came down with some hundreds of thousands, threatning death and destru∣ction to all, when it was no small piece of Service for a Roman Souldier to keep his Rank, and obey his Commander, Serto∣rius undertook to view the enemies camp,

and to discover their utmost Forces, and Designs, and to this intent having learned the manner of their Salutations, and the ordinary expressions of their Language, he threw himself in amongst the Barbari∣ans, dressed in the Habit of a Celtick Gaul, where having carefully seen with his own Eyes, or having been fully in∣formed by Persons upon the place, of all their most important Concerns, and Affairs of greatest Moment, he returned to Marius, General of the Roman Army, from whose hands he received the honou∣rable Rewards of his Valour: And af∣terwards giving frequent Demonstrations both of his Conduct and Courage in all the following War, he was advanced to Places of Honour and Trust under his Ge∣neral, who highly esteemed and consided in him.

After the Wars with the Cimbri and* 1.7 Teutones, he was sent into Spain, having the Command of a thousand Men, under Didius the Roman General, and wintered in the Country of the Celtiberians, in the City of Castulo, where the Souldiers en∣joying great plenty of all things, grew insolent, and continually drinking, the Inhabitants despised them, and sent for aid by Night to the Gyrisenaeans their near Neighbours, who sell upon the Romans

in their Lodgings, and slew a great Num∣ber of them; but Sertorius being alarm'd, withdrew out of the City, with a few of his Souldiers, and rallying together the rest who had slipp'd out, he marched round about the Walls, and finding the Gate open, by which the Gyrisaenians pri∣vately entring, had set upon the Romans, he gave not them the same opportunity,* 1.8 but placing a Guard at the Gate, and seizing upon all Quarters of the City, he slew those who were of age to bear arms; and then ordering his Souldiers to lay a∣side their weapons, and put off their own Cloaths, and put on the accoutrements of the Barbarians, he commanded them to follow him to the City, from whence those were sent, who fell upon the Romans by Night, and deceiving the Gyrisaenians with the sight of their own Armour and* 1.9 Equipage, he found the gates of their City open, and took great Numbers of them Prisoners, who came out, thinking to meet their Friends and Fellow-Citizens, coming from performing a worthy piece of Ser∣vice. Many also were slain by the Romans at their own Gates, and the rest within yielded up themselves, and were sold for Slaves.

This action made Sertorius to be highly renowned throughout all Spain, and as

soon as he returned to Rome, he was con∣stituted* 1.10 Treasurer General of Gallia Ci∣salpina on both sides of the River Po, very advantageously for the Roman Affairs at that time; for the War with the Marsi being unanimously resolved upon, Serto∣rius was ordered to raise Souldiers, and provide Arms, which he performed with such Diligence, Speed, and Alacrity, con∣trary to the languishing feebleness and slothfulness of his Companions, that he got the repute of a man of Life and Spirit in Business; nor did he any ways desist from his Milirary Boldness and Bravery, when he arrived at the Dignity of a great Commander, but performed Wonders with his own hands, and never sparing himself, but exposing his Body freely in all Conflicts, he lost one of his Eyes, which was cut out of his head, and yet continued to have a chearful Look, and always esteemed it an honour to him: For others do not continually carry about with them the marks and testimonies of their Valour, but often lay aside their Chains of Gold, their Spears and Crowns; whereas his Ensigns of Honour, and the Manifestations of his noble Courage always remained with him, and those who beheld his Scars and Misfortunes, admired at the same time his undaunted Prowess and

Magnanimity; the People also paid him due Respect, and honoured him suitably to his Merit; and when he came into the Theatre, they applauded him, and re∣ceived him with clapping their hands,* 1.11 beating their feet against the Seats, and with joyful Acclamations, which sort of Applause was not easily obtained, even by Persons who were more venerable in respect of their Age, and of greater Dig∣nity in the Common-Wealth.

Notwithstanding this Popularity, when he stood to be Tribune of the People, he was disappointed, and lost the place, be∣ing oppos'd by a Party stirred up by Sylla, which seems to be the principal cause of their inveterate irreconcileable hatred.

After that Marius was overcome by Sylla, and fled into Africa, and that Sylla, had left Italy to go to the Wars against Mithridates, that of the two Consuls, Octavius and Cinna, Octavius remained stedfast to the Designs of Sylla, but Cinna (affecting Innovations) attempted to re∣call the lost Interest of Marius, and to set up a Party again that was declined and trodden under foot; Sertorius adhered to Cinna, perceiving that Octavius was some∣what heavy, could not distinguish of the worth of a Man, and was also suspicious of any one that was a Friend to Marius.

When the Battel was fought between the* 1.12 two Consuls in the Market-Place, Octa∣vius overcame, and Cinna and Sertorius having lost not less than ten thousand Men, left the City, and persuading the Soldiers who were dispersed about, and gaining those who remained still in many parts of Italy, they united their Forces, and in a short time mustered up a Party against Octavius, sufficient to give him Battel again, and Marius coming by Sea out of Africa, proffered himself to serve under Cinna, as a private Soldier under his Consul and Commander.

Most were for the speedy Reception of Marius, but Sertorius openly declared against it, and whether he thought that Cinna did not herein consult his own In∣terest, and that his Greatness would be diminished by the presence of a Person of greater Splendour and Authority, or whether he feared that the violence of Marius would bring all things to Con∣susion, and that by his boundless Wrath and Vengeance after Victory, he would go beyond all the Rules and Limits of Justice, he insisted upon it with Cinna, alledging that they were already Victo∣rious, that there remained little to be done, and that if they admitted Marius, he would not only deprive them of the

Glory and Aduantage of the War, but would also prove a very uneasie and un∣faithful sharer in the Government. To which Cinna answered, That he had right∣ly computed these affairs, but that he him∣self was at a loss, and ashamed, and knew not how to reject him, whom he sent for to be Partner in all his Concerns: To which Sertorius replied, That he thought Marius came into Italy of his own accord, and therefore he deliberated what might be most expedient, but that it was not fair for Cinna to consult whether he should accept of him whom he had already vouch∣safed to invite, but should honourably re∣ceive and employ him, for his word once past, left no room for debate, and his promise being sacred, ought never to be disputed.

Marius being sent for by Cinna, and* 1.13 their Forces being divided into three parts, under Cinna, Marius, and Sertorius, the War was carried on successfully; but those about Cinna and Marius committing all manner of Insolence, Severity, and Rapine, made it evident to the Romans, that the Original and chief inducement to these Wars, was Booty and Plunder; but on the contrary it is reported of Sertorius, that he never slew Man in his Anger, to satisfie his own private Revenge, nor never insulted

over any one whom he had overcome, but was much offended with the inhumane Rigour of Marius, and would often con∣verse privately with Cinna, and entreat him to mitigate his Fury, and to use his Power more moderately; in the end, when the Slaves whom Marius had freed at his landing, to increase his Army, being made not only his fellow-Soldiers in the War, but also his Guard, and the Execu∣tioners of his Tyrannical Cruelty, be∣came strong and numerous; and either by the Command, or Permission of Marius, had, contrary to all Law, forcibly oppressed their Masters, slain their Lords, ravished their Ladies, and forced, and abused their Children; their Crimes appeared so into∣lerable to Sertorius, that he slew no less* 1.14 than four thousand of them upon the place; commanding his Soldiers to strike their Darts through the Bodies of them all as they lay encamped together.

Afterwards when Marius was dead, and Cinna was slain, when the younger Ma∣rius had usurped the supreme Authority, and made himself Consul against the mind of Sertorius, and the known Laws of Rome: When Carbo, Norbanus, and Scipio had fought unsuccessfully, and made but small resistance against the fortunate Arms of Sylla, returning victoriously from the

Wars with Mithridates and Fimbria; when much was lost by the softness and effeminate remissness of the Commanders, but more destroyed by the treachery of their own Party; when their Affairs were so miserably shattered, and born down that they were not able to be supported even by the presence of Sertorius, and that he was able to do little by reason that those who had the greatest Command, and Authority, were persons of no great Prudence or Conduct; in the end, when Sylla had placed his Camp near to Scipio, and by pretending friendship, and putting him in hopes of a good Peace, had cor∣rupted his Army; and Scipio could not be made sensible thereof, although often foretold, and forewarned of it by Serto∣rius;* 1.15 he utterly despaired of the prosperi∣ty of Rome, and made haste into Spain; that by taking possession thereof before∣hand, he might establish his Power in a Country, which would be a resuge to his Friends, and a support to his declining party. But having bad weather in his journey, and travelling through Moun∣tainous Countries, and the Inhabitants stopping the way, and demanding a Toll, and Money for passage, those who were with him were out of all patience; and high∣ly aggravating in their discourses the in∣dignity

and shame it would be for a Pro∣consul of Rome to pay Tribute to a Crew of wretched Barbarians; he little regar∣ded their censure; but slighting that which had only the appearance of an undecency, told them he must buy time, the most precious of all things, to those who go up∣on great Enterprizes; and pacifying the barbarous People with Money, he hastned his journey, and took possession of Spain, a Country flourishing, and populous, a∣bounding with lusty young Men fit to bear Arms; but by reason of the Insolency and covetousness of the Commanders, sent thither yearly from Rome, they had ge∣nerally an aversion to the Roman discipline; and were very ill prepared to receive any sort of Government. But he soon gained the affection of the Nobility, by his Ci∣vilities and free Conversation amongst them and got the good Opinion of the People by remitting their Taxes. But that which made him generally beloved, and wan the hearts of all, was his exempt∣ing them from finding Lodgings for the Soldiers, when he Commanded his Army to take up their Winter Quarters without the Cities, and to pitch their Tents in the fields; and when he himself first of all, caused his own Pavilion to be raised with∣out the Walls; yet not being willing to

rely totally upon the good inclination of the Inhabitants, he armed all the Romans who lived in those Countries that were of Age, and undertook the building of Ships, and the making of all sorts of Warlike Engins, by which means he kept the Cities in due Obedience, being affable and courteous in time of Peace, and ap∣pearing formidable to his Enemies, by reason of his great Preparations for War.

As soon as he was informed that Sylla had made himself Master of Rome, and that the Party which sided with Marius and Carbo was utterly destroyed, he ex∣pected that some Great Commander with* 1.16 a considerable Army would speedily come against him, and therefore sent away Ju∣lius Salinator immediately with six thou∣sand Men well Armed, to Guard the Mountains, and to fortifie and defend the narrow passages of the Pyrenaeans; snd Caius Annius not long after being sent out by Sylla, finding that Julius Sali∣nator could not be approached unto, and that his Camp was impregnable by reason of its Situation, nor to be forced by any assault, he sat down short at the foot of the Mountains in great perplexity; but Calpurnius Lanarius having treache∣rously slain Julius Salinator, and his For∣ces astonished at this accident, forsaking

the tops of the Pyrenaeans, Caius Annius came forward with a great Army, and passed over the Mountains, and forced those from their Stations who endeavour∣ed to hinder his March; Sertorius also not being strong enough to give him Battel, retreated with three thousand men into new Carthage, where he took Shipping,* 1.17 and crossed the Seasinto Africa, and com∣ing near to the coast of Mauritania, his men went on shoar to water; and stragling about negligently, the Africans fell upon them, and slew a great number. This new misfortune forced him to sail back again into Spain, from whence he was also repulsed; but the Cilician Pyrats joyning with him, they made for the* 1.18 Island of Pityusa, where they landed and overpowred the Garrison placed there∣in by Caius Annius, who also came thither not long after with a great Fleet of Ships, and five thousand Souldiers, and Sertorius made ready to fight him by Sea, although his Ships were not built for strength, but for lightness and swift Sayling; but a vio∣lent West-wind raised such a storm at Sea, that many of Sertorius's Ships were run on ground, and shipwrack'd all along the rocky Shoars, and he himself with a few Vessels, being kept from putting further out to Sea, by the storms and fury of the

Weather, and hindred from Landing by the power of his enemies, was tossed about for ten days together, and the Seas run∣ning high, and the waves being boisterous and violent, he escaped with great diffi∣culty, and after the Wind ceased, ran into certain desolate Islands scattered about in those Seas, affording no Water, from whence making out to Sea again, he passed the Streights of Gadiz; between the Pillars of Hercules, and sailing out∣ward, keeping the Spanish Shoar on his right hand, he landed a little above the mouth of the River* 1.19 Baetis, where it falls into the Atlantick Sea, and gives the Name to all that part of Spain. Here he met with Sea-men, newly arrived from two Islands in the Atlantick, which are* 1.20 divided from one another, only by a nar∣row Channel, and are distant from the Coast of Africa ten thousand Furlongs; These are called the Fortunate Islands,* 1.21 where the Rain falls seldom, and then in moderate showers, but for the most part they have gentle Breezes, bringing along with them soft dews, which renders the Soil not only fat▪ and fit to be ploughed, and planted; but so abundantly fruitful, that it produces of its own accord Plants and fruits for plenty and delicacy, sufficient to feed and delight the Inhabitants, who

may here enjoy all things without Trouble or Labour. The Seasons of the year are temperate, and the alteration from Quar∣ter to Quarter so moderate, that the Air for the most part is serene and refreshing, and the Weather generally fair and plea∣sant. The rough Northerly and Eastern Winds, which blow towards these Islands from the Coasts of Europe and Africa, are divided and dissipated by reason of the vast distance, and utterly lose their force long before they reach these Parts. The soft Western and Southerly Winds which breath upon them, do sometimes produce gentle sprinkling Showers, but for the most part they calmly impregnate the Earth only with the fruitful Dews, and the nourishing Moisture of the Air, which they bring along with them from the Sea; so that it is firmly believed, even by the barbarous People themselves, that this is the seat of the Blessed, and that these are the Elysian Fields highly celebrated by Homer.

As soon as Sertorius heard this Account,* 1.22 he was seized with a wonderful affection for these Islands, and had an extreme desire to live there in peace and quietness, far from the noise of Wars, and free from the Troubles of Government; but his in∣clinations being perceived by the Cilician

Pirates, who desire neither Peace nor Quiet, but rove after Riches and Spoils, they immediately forsook him, and sailed away into Africa, to assist Ascalis the Son of Iptha, and to help to re-establish him in the Throne of his Father, and to restore him to his Kingdom of Mau∣ritania.

The sudden departure of the Cilicians, did no ways discourage Sertorius, or cause him to desist from further Attempts; for he presently resolved to assist the Enemies of Ascalis, and by this new Adventure kept his Soldiers together, who from hence conceived new Hopes of their future Prosperity, and began to have better pro∣spect of their Affairs. His arrival in Mau∣ritania being very acceptable to the Moors, he lost no time, but immediately giving Battle to Ascalis, beat him out of the Field, and besieged him; and Pacciacus being sent by Sylla with a Powerfull sup∣ply to raise the Siege, Sertorius slew him in the field, and overthrew all his Forces, with this great advantage, that he not* 1.23 only took the whole Roman Army Pri∣soners, but also forced the City of Tingis, where Ascalis and his Brothers were fled for refuge. The Africans report that Antaeus was buried in this City, a Gyant of a wonderfull stature, but Sertorius being

unwilling to trust common Fame, which* 1.24 gave out that his Body was of a most Prodigious length, he caused his Se∣pulchre to be opened, and finding that his Corps was effectually full threescore Cubits long, he was infinitely astonished, and immediately offered up Sacrifice to the Gods, and closed up the Tomb again, whereby he confirmed the report of the Inhabitants, increased the Fame of the Sepulchre, and added new honours to the Memory of Antaeus. The Africans fur∣ther alledge that after the Death of Antaeus his Wife Tinga lived with Hercules, and had a Son by him called Sophax, who was King of these Countries, and gave his Mothers name to this City, whose Son also was Diodorus a great Conqueror, who subdued many other Regions, and brought the greatest part of Africa under his Sub∣jection, with an Army of Greeks, which he raised out of the Colonies of the Ol∣bianians and Myceneans placed here by Hercules. I mention these passages for the sake of King Juba, the most excellent Historian of any Prince that ever yet hath honoured History with his own Pen, and who numbers for his Progenitors a long Race of Mauritanian Kings. Who derive their Genealogies from Diodorus and Se∣phax, and are lineally descended from Hercules.

When Sertorius had made himself ab∣solute Master of the whole Country, he was very just to those who had confided in him, and shew'd not the least unkindness to others, who yielded to his Mercy, but restored to them their Estates, their Cities, their Laws and Priviledges, accepting only of such acknowledgments as they themselves freely offered. And whilst he considered which way next to turn his Arms, the Lusitanians sent Ambassadors* 1.25 to desire him to be their General, for being terrified with the Roman Power, and finding the necessity of having a Commander of great Authority and ex∣perience in war, being also sufficiently in∣formed of his Worth and Valour, by those who had formerly served him, they were extremely desirous to commit themselves and their Fortunes wholly to his care, and humbly beseeched him to accept of the Command. And to give a true Character of Sertorius, he was of a temper not to be surprized with fear, nor easie to be Cap∣tivated with pleasure, in Adversity and Dangers undaunted, and no ways puffed up with Prosperity, but of an even Mind, Courteous and Obliging. Upon a sudden Assault or dangerous Attempt, no Com∣mander in his time was more bold and daring, for whatever was to be performed

in War by Deceit, Circumvention, or Surprize; or if any strong place was to be taken in any pass to be gained speedi∣ly, any sudden Invasion or Inroad to be made, he was a most notable Contriver, and politick Advancer of all such intricate and difficult Designs, in bestowing Re∣wards, and conferring Honours upon those who had performed good service in the Wars. He was Bountifull and Magni∣ficent even to Prodigality, but very spa∣ring and backward in punishing Crimes, and Mild and Mercifull to Offenders; yet that piece of Harshness and Cruelty, which he executed in the latter part of his Days, upon the Spanish Hostages, seems to ar∣gue, that his Clemency was not Natural, but only acted and handsomely dissembled, as his Occasions or Necessity required; and as to my own Opinion, I am perswaded that sincere Vertue established by Reason and Mature Judgment, can never be totally Perverted or Extirpated by any Misfortune whatever. Not that I think it impossible but that great Indignities of∣fered without cause, and frequent Abuses put upon those of the best Nature, and most vertuous Inclinations, may make some impression and alteration in their Temper; and thus I suppose it happened to Sertorius, who being exasperated by

the repeated Injuries of ungratefull Persons, he was at last severe to those who had unworthily injured him.

The Lusitanians having sent for Ser∣torius, he left Africa, and being made General with absolute Power and Autho∣rity, he ordered all things for the best Advantage, and brought the Neighbour∣ing Parts of Spain under his Subjection; many Countries also voluntarily submitted themselves won by the Fame of his Cle∣mency, and of his Martial Performances. Upon some Occasions also he would not fail to invent strange Artifices to please the People, and to make use of alluring De∣vices, and even of deluding Impostures, amongst which certainly that of the Hind* 1.26 was none of the least. Spanus a Country∣man, who lived in those Parts, meeting by chance a Hind that had newly Calved, flying from the Hunters, he let the Dam go, and pursuing the Hind-calf, took it, being wonderfully pleased with the Rarity of it, and the strangeness of the Colour, which was all milk-white, and at the same time Sertorius keeping his Court in those Parts and receiving courteously such Presents of Fruit, Fowl or Venison as the Country afforded, and rewarding liberally those who presented them, the Country∣man brought him his young Hind, which

he kindly accepted, and was much taken with it at the first sight, but when in time he had made it so tame and gentle, that it would come when he called, and follow him wheresoever he went, and could endure the Noise and Tumult of the Camp; knowing well that Barbarous People are naturally prone to Superstition, by De∣grees he gave out that it was inspired with a Deity, that it was given him by the Goddess Diana, that it discovered to him hidden Mysteries, and revealed to him what was to come to pass hereafter: To which also he added these further Con∣trivances; if he had received at any time private Intelligence, that the Enemies had made an Incursion into those Provinces which were under his Command, or had sollicited any City to revolt, he pretended that the Hind had informed him of it in his sleep, and charged him to keep his Forces in readiness; or if otherwise he had notice that any of the Commanders under him had got a Victory, he would hide the Messengers, and bring forth the Hind crowned with flowers, for joy of the good News that was to come, and would en∣courage them to Rejoyce and Sacrifice to the Gods for the good account they should soon receive of their Prosperous Success, and by those Inventions filling their

Heads with strange Imaginations, and the thoughts of Miracles, he brought them to be more Tractable and Obedient in all things; for now they thought them∣selves no longer to be led by a Stranger, but rather conducted by a Hero, or one nearly related to a God. Considering also that his Power dayly encreased con∣trary to all Humane Reason or Proba∣bility. For with two thousand five hun∣dred, which for Honour's sake he call∣ed Romans, joyned with seven hundred Africans, who landed with him when he first entred Lusitania, together with four thousand foot, and seven hundred Horse, he made War with four Roman Generals, who commanded a hundred and twenty thousand Foot, six thousand Horse, two thousand Archers, and Sling∣ers, and Cities innumerable, whereas at the first he had not above twenty Ci∣ties in all, and from this weak and slender beginning, he became af∣terwards so considerable* 1.27 that he took many good Cities and overcame Great and Powerfull Countries. Of the Roman Command∣ers which were sent against him, he overthrew Cotta in a Sea-fight, in the Channel near the

City of Mellaria, he routed Phidius chief Commander of Hispania Baetica, and slew two thousand Romans near the Banks of the River Baetis. Domitius and Lucius Manlius Proconsul of another Province of Spain, were overthrown in a set Battle by one of his Lieutenants, he slew Toranius a Commander sent against him by Metel∣lus with a great Force, and destroyed his whole Army; and Metellus the greatest General in those Times, and a Person of the most approved Experience of any Ro∣man then living, was often supplanted and circumvented by him, and reduced to such extremities that he was forced to call Luci∣us Lollius to his assistance out of Gallia Narbonensis, and Rome it self being alarm∣ed and terrified, parted with her beloved Pompey the Great, and sent him into* 1.28 Spain in all haste with the most consi∣derable Forces of the Roman Empire. Nor did Metellus know which way to turn himself, having to do with a man of un∣daunted Boldness and Sagacity, who was continually molesting him, and yet could not be brought to a set battle, but by the swiftness and dexterity of his Spanish Sol∣diery he was able to change his Station, and to cast his Army into all Forms and Figures, to lead them on, and bring them off again, and wind himself out of all

Streights and Difficulties; and although Metellus had great Experience in condu∣cting entire well appointed Legions, and was an excellent Commander of Soldiers armed with heavy Armour, and drawn up in due order into a standing Phalanx able to encounter the Enemy hand to hand, and overpower them by clear Force, yet he was no way able to climb up steep Hills, and be continually upon the pursuit of a swift Enemy, or attend the speedy Marches of Men that were accustomed to range a∣bout the Mountains, to endure Hunger and Thirst, and to live expos'd to the Wind and Weather without Fire or Covering; Besides that, Metellus being now in years, and having been formerly engaged in ma∣ny Fights and dangerous Conflicts, he was now inclinable to lead a more remiss, easie, and voluptuous Life, and was the less able to contend with Sertorius who was in the Flower and Strength of his Youth, full of Spirit and Life, and had a Body wonder∣fully fitted for War, being strong, active, and temperate, continually accustomed to endure hard Labour, to take long, tedious Journeys, to pass many Nights together without Sleep, to eat little, and to be satis∣fied with very coarse Fare, and was never stained with the least Excess in Wine, even when he was most at leisure, but what

time he had to spare, he spent in hunting, and riding into all Parts; whereby he un∣derstood the Course of the Country, the Situation of all places, and where there were passages, and where not; with this advantage to himself, that when he could not maintain the Fight, he knew which way to fly and escape, and where certainly to ensnare and encompass his Enemy, when Victory accompanied his Arms; insomuch that those with Metellus suffered all incon∣veniences like Men that were conquered, although he earnestly desired to fight, and Sertorius (though he refused the Field) reap'd all the advantages of a Conqueror; for he hindered them from Foraging, and cut off all Provision; if they proceeded forward he stopped their March, if they stayed in any place and encamped, he con∣tinually molested and alarmed them; if they besieged any Town he presently ap∣peared and besieged them again, and re∣duced them to great Extremities for want of necessaries, whereby he wearied out the Roman Army, and reduced them to so low* 1.29 and despairing a condition, that when Ser∣torius challenged Metellus to fight singly with him, they commended him, and cry∣ed out it was a Fair Offer for a Roman to fight against a Roman, and a General a∣gainst a General, and when Metellus re∣fused

the Challenge, they reproached him, but Metellus derided and contemned them, in doing which he did well; for as Theo∣phrastus observes, a General should die like a General, and not like a Gladiator.

Metellus perceiving that the City of the Lagobrites, which gave great assistance to Sertorius, might easily be taken for want of water, (there being but one Well with∣in the Walls) and that whosoever besieg'd the Place, would make himself Master of the Springs and Fountains in the Suburbs, he hoped to force the Town in two days time, there being no more water, and gave command to his Soldiers to take five days Provisions only; but Sertorius resolving to send speedy relief, ordered two thousand Vessels to be filled with water, and a good Reward for the carriage of every Vessel, and many Spaniards and Moors under∣taking* 1.30 the work, he chose out those who were the strongest and swiftest of Foot, and sent them through the Mountains, with or∣der, that when they had delivered the wa∣ter, they should remove and convey away privately all those who would be least ser∣viceable in the Siege, that there might be water sufficient for the Defendants. As soon as Metellus understood this, he was highly disturbed, and when he had spent most part of the necessary Provisions for

his Army, he sent out Aquinus with six thousand Soldiers to fetch in fresh Supplies: but Sertorius having notice of it, laid an Ambush for him, and having sent out be∣forehand three thousand men, which he placed within a shady Vally, in a Chan∣nel which had been made hollow by the rapid fall of Water from the Hills; they set upon the Rear of Aquinus in his Return, while Sertorius charging him in the Front, destroyed part of his Army, and took the rest Prisoners, Aquinus only escaping, after he had been thrown from his Horse, and lost his Armour, and Metellus being forced shamefully to raise the Siege, became the Laughter and Contempt of the Spaniards, and Sertorius the Object of their Esteem, Love and Admiration. He was also highly honoured for his instituting a right Disci∣pline, and good Order amongst them; for he altered their furious savage manner of Fighting, and brought them to make use of the Roman Armour, taught them to keep their Ranks, and follow their En∣signs, and out of a confus'd Number of Thieves and Robbers, he constituted a re∣gular well disciplin'd Army: he afterwards bestowed Silver and Gold upon them libe∣rally to gild and adorn their Helmets, he caused their Shields to be wrought, and en∣graved with various Figures and Designs,

he brought them into the Mode of wear∣ing flowered and richly embroidered Cloaths, and by courting them, by paying their Expences, by conversing familiarly with them, he won the Hearts of all, and led them whither he pleased, but that which delighted them most, was the Care that he took of their Children, when he sent for all the Noblemen's Sons in those Parts, and placed them in the great City of Osca, where he appointed Masters to in∣struct* 1.31 them in the Grecian and Roman Learning, that when they came to be men they might be fitted to share with him in Authority, and in the Government of the Commonwealth, although under this pretence of their better Education, he really made them Hostages and Sureties for their Country; however their Fathers were wonderfully pleased to see their Chil∣dren going daily to the Schools in good order, handsomely dressed in fine long Garments edged with Purple, and that Ser∣torius paid a Sallary for their Learning; examin'd them often, distributed Rewards to the most deserving, and gave them Jew∣els to hang about their Necks, and Golden Bosses which the Romans called Bullae.

There being a Custom in Spain, that* 1.32 when a great Commander was slain in Bat∣tle, those who attended his Person fought

it out till they all died with him, which the Inhabitants of those Countries called an Offering, or a pouring out of Blood in Sa∣crifice. There were few Commanders that had any considerable Guard or Number of Attendants; but Sertorius had many thou∣sands who offered up themselves, and vow∣ed to sacrifice their Lives, and spend their Bloods with his, and it is reported that when his Army was defeated near to a Ci∣ty in Spain, and the Enemy pressed hard upon them, the Spaniards took no care for themselves, but being totally sollicitous to save Sertorius, they took him up on their Shoulders and passed him from one to ano∣ther, till they carried him into the City, and when they had thus placed their Ge∣neral in safety, every one provided after∣wards for his own security.

Nor were the Spaniards alone ambitious* 1.33 to serve him, but the Roman Soldiers also that came out of Italy were impatient to be under his Command, and when Per∣penna, who was of the same Faction with Sertorius, came into Spain with great Rich∣es, and a good Army, and designed to make War against Metellus in a distinct Body by himself, his own Soldiers opposed it, and discoursed continually of the great Fame and Merit of Sertorius; which was no small Mortification to Perpenna, who

was puffed up with the Grandeur of his Family and his Riches. When they after∣wards understood also that Pompey the Great had passed the Pyrenaens, they took up their Arms, laid hold on their Ensigns, called upon Perpenna to lead them to Ser∣torius, and threatned him that if he refu∣sed it, they would go and place themselves under a Commander who was sufficiently able to defend himself and those that serv'd him, which forced Perpenna to yield to* 1.34 their desires, who immediately joining with Sertorius, added to his Army three and fifty Cohorts; and when all the Cities on this side of the River Iberus also united their Forces together under his Command, his Army grew great, for they flocked toge∣ther, and flowed in upon him from all Quarters; but when they continually cried out to charge the Enemy, and were impa∣tient of Delay, their unexperienced Rash∣ness was troublesome to Sertorius, who at first strove to restrain them with Reason and good Counsel, but when he perceived them refractory and unseasonably violent, he gave way to their impetuous Desires, and permitted them to engage with the Enemy, in such sort, that being repulsed yet not totally routed, he hoped they would become more obedient to his Com∣mands for the futue; which happ'ning as

he conjectured, he soon rescued them, and brought them safe into his Camp; and after a few days being willing to encourage them again, when he had called all his Army together, he caused two Horses to be brought into the Field, one an old, feeble, lean Jade, the other a lusty strong Horse, with a very fair, thick, long Tail; near to to the lean Jade he placed a tall strong man, and near to the strong young Horse a weak, little, despicable Fellow to look upon, and at a Sign given, the strong Man took hold of the weak Horses Tayl with both his hands, and drew it to him with his whole force, as if he would presently pull it off; the other little weak Fellow in the mean time fell to plucking off hair by hair from the great Horses Tail; and when the strong man had given trouble enough to himself in vain, and sufficient divertisement to the Company, and had given over his intent, whilst the weak pitiful Wretch in a short time and with little pains had left never a hair on the great Horses Tail. Sertorius rose up, and spake to his Army after this manner. You see Fellow. Soldiers, that In∣genuity is greater than Force, and Perseve∣rance more prevailing than Violence. Many things which cannot be overcome when they are together, do yield them∣selves up by degrees when they are separa∣ted,

Assiduity and continued Diligence is resistless, and in time overthrows and destroys the greatest Powers whatever; Time being the favourable Friend and Assistant of those, who through mature Judgment understand aright how to take their best Advantages; and the destructive Enemy of those who are unseasonably urging and pressing forward; with such like Inventions and Discourses, wherewith he frequently entertained them, he bridel∣ed the rash fierceness of the Barbarous People, and taught them to attend and to watch for their best Opportunities of Fighting.

But of all his Remarkable Exploits, and* 1.35 wonderful Stratagems in War, none raised greater Admiration in all, than that which he put in practice against the Characita∣nians; these are a People beyond the River Tagus, who inhabited neither Cites nor Towns, but liv'd in a vast high Hill, within the deep Dens and Caves of the Rocks, the Mouths of which open all towards the North, the Country below it is a clayish, chalky Soyl, and being also light, full of Pores, and spungy, it is apt to be crummed and broken into Powder, and is not firm enough to bear any one that treads upon it, and if you touch it in the least it flies about like Ashes, or unslaked

Lime. In any danger of War, these Peo∣ple descend into their Caves, and carry∣ing in their Booty and Prey along with them, are free from all fear, and think themselves invincible. And when Serto∣rius being at some distance from Metellus, had placed his Camp near this Hill, they slighted and despised him, imagining that he retired into these Parts being over∣thrown by the Romans; and whether out of Anger, and just Resentment, or out of his unwillingness to be thought to fly from his Enemies, he caused himself to be carried thither early in the Morning to view the situation of the Place; but finding there was no way to come at it, as he rode about threatning them in vain, and troubled in his Mind, he took notice that the Wind raised the dust and carried it up, towards the Caves of the Characitanians, the Mouths of which, as we said before, opened towards the North; and the Nor∣therly Winds, which some call Coecias, pre∣vailing* 1.36 most in those Parts, engendred out of the moist Morish Plains, or the Mountains covered with Snow, and in the Heat of Summer being supplied and encreased by the Relaxation and Melting of the Ice on the Peaks of the Northern Hills, it blows a delightful fresh Gale, which recreates the Characitanians, and

refreshes their Cattle all the Day long. Sertorius confidering well all Circum∣stances, wherein either the Information of the Inhabitants, or his own Experience had instructed him, commanded his Sol∣diers to shovel up a great Quantity of this light dusty Earth, to heap it up together, and make a Mount of it, over against the the Hill wherein these Barbarous People resided, who imagining that all this Pre∣paration was for the Raising of a Fort, or for the making of a Bulwark against them, they looked upon it as a Design most worthy to be laughed at; however he continued the Work till the Evening, and brought his Soldiers back into their Camp. The next Morning when a gentle Breeze arose, and moved the lightest Parts of the Earth, and dispersed it about as the Chaff before the Wind, and when the Sun coming to be higher, the blustering Northerly Wind had covered the Hills with the dust, the Soldiers turned this new Mount of Earth over and over, and brake the Clots of Clay in Pieces, whilst others on Horseback rode through it backward and forward, and raised a Cloud of dust, which being com∣mitted to the Wind, was blown into the Dwellings of the Characitanians, the en∣trances into which were all towards the

North, and there being no other Vent or Passage, than that through which bluste∣ring Caecias rushed in upon them, together with all the powdered Earth and Dust, tossed and blown about, it quickly blinded their Eyes, and filled their Lungs, and causing a Difficulty of Breathing, choak'd them up, whilst they strove to draw in the rough harsh Air mingled with streams of Dust, nor were they able with great hardship to hold out above two Days, but yielded up themselves on the third. This Success added not so much to the Strength and Power of Sertorius, as it encreased his Glory and Renown, in let∣ting the World see that he was able to conquer those Places by Art, and by the Strength of his Brain, which were im∣pregnable and never to be taken by the Force of Arms. He was continualy Suc∣cessful during the whole War against Me∣tellus, who by Reason of his Age and his slow Temper was not able to resist the active Boldness and Bravery of Sertorius, who commanded a light army more like a Band of Robbers than a due establish∣ed Militia. When Pompey also had passed over the Pyreneans, and placed his Camp near him, where both of them gave their utmost Proofs of their Gallantry and Skill in War, both in Receiving and Attacking

one another, Sertorius far surpassing him, either in defending himself, or counter∣mining the Designs of his Enemies, his fame was then highly celebrated even in Rome it self, for the most terrible Warriour, and the most expert Commander of his Time. For considering that the Renown of Pompey was not small, who had al∣ready won much Honour by his Prowess and Magnanimity in the Wars of Sylla, from whom he received the Title of Magnus, and was called Pompey the Great; and who had ascended to the Honour of a Triumph before the Hairs were grown on his Face, and many Cities which were under Sertorius had an earest Desire to Revolt, when they were deterred from it by that great Action amongst others which he performed near the City of Lauron, contrary to the Expection of all.

As soon as Sertorius had laid siege to* 1.37 Lauron, Pompey came with his whole Army to relieve it, and there being a Hill near this City very advantagiously seated, they both made haste to take it. But Sertorius prevented him, and took possession of it first, and Pompey having drawn down his Forces, was not sorry that it had thus succeeded, for he ima∣gined that he had hereby enclosed his

Enemy between his own Army and the Ci∣ty, and sent in a Messenger to the Citizens of Lauron, to bid them be of good Courage and to come upon their Walls, where they might see their Besieger Besieged. Serto∣rius perceiving their Intentions, smiled, and told them, he would now teach Sylla's Scholar (for so he called Pompey in de∣rision) that it was the Part of a General to look as well behind him as before him, and at the same time shewed them six thousand Soldiers which he had left in his former Camp, from whence he marched out to take the Hill, where if Pompey should assault him, they might fall upon his Rear, Pompey discovered this too late, and not daring to give Battle, for fear of being encompassed in on every side, and yet being ashamed to leave his Friends and Confederates in extream Danger, was forced to sit still and see them ruined be∣fore his Face; for the Besieged despaired of Relief, and delivered up themselves to Ser∣torius,* 1.38 who spared their Lives and granted them their Liberties, but burnt their City, not out of Anger or Cruelty, for of all Commanders that ever were, Sertorius seems least of all to have indulged these Passions, but only for the greater Shame and Consusion of the Admirers of Pompey, and that it might be reported amongst the

Spaniards, that the Fire which burnt down his Confederates, tho' 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was so near as to be well warm'd at it, was not able to raise heat enough in him to dare to relieve them.

Sertorius sustained some Losses in these Wars, but he always defended those with him, and maintain'd himself Invincible, and it was by other Commanders under him that he suffer'd, and he was more admir'd for being able to repair his Losses, for shewing himself brave in danger, for recovering the Victory, when the Field seem'd already to be lost, than the Roman Generals against him for gaining these Advantages: As at the Battle of Sucro against Pompey, and at the Battle near Turia, against him and Metellus together. It is reported that the Battle near the City of Sucro was fought through the Impatience of Pompey, lest that Metellus should share with him in the Victory, and thro' the willingness of Sertorius to fight with him before the Arrival of Metellus: However Sertorius delay'd the time till the Evening, considering that the darkness of the Night would be a great disadvantage to his Enemies, either Flying, or Pursuing, who were meer Strangers, and had no knowledge of the Country. When the fight began it happened that Sertorius was not placed directly against Pompey, but against Afranius, who had Command of

the Left Wing of the Roman Army, as he commanded the Right Wing of his own; but when he understood that his Left Wing began to give way, and yield to the furious Assaults of Pompey, he committed the care of his Right Wing to other Com∣manders, and made haste to relieve those in distress, and rallying some that were flying, and encouraging others that still kept their Ranks, he renewed the Fight, and set upon them with that Force that he routed the Enemy, and brought Pom∣pey* 1.39 who was pursuing into great danger of his Life; for after being wounded and thrown from his Horse; he escaped un∣expectedly, for the Africans with Serto∣rius who took Pompey's Horse, set out with Gold, and covered with rich Trap∣pings, fell out with one another, and upon the dividing of the Spoyl, gave over the Pursuit. Afranius in the mean time, as soon as Sertorius had left his Right Wing to assist the other part of his Army, over∣threw all that opposed him, and pursued them to their Camp, fell in with them, and plunder'd them till it was dark Night; knowing nothing of Pompey's Overthrow, nor being able to restrain his Soldiers from Pillaging. When Sertorius returning with Victory fell upon the Forces of Afranius,* 1.40 which were in Disorder, and slew great

Numbers of them; and the next Morning came into the Field again, well arm'd, and offered Battle, but perceiving that Metel∣lus was near, he drew off, and returned to his Camp, saying, If this old Woman had not been here, I would have whipped that Boy soundly, and sent him to Rome.

Sertorius being much concerned that his white Hind could no where be found; whereby he was destitute of an admirable Contrivance, both to amuse, and encourage the Barbarous People, at a time when he most stood in need of it; some of his Men wandring in the Night chanced to meet her, and knowing her by her colour, took her; to whom Sertorius promised a good Reward, if they would tell no one of it; and presently shut her up; a few days after, he appeared in Publick with a very chear∣full Look, and declared to the Chief Nobi∣lity of the Countrey that the Gods had foretold him in a Dream that some great good Fortune should suddenly attend him; and being set on the Tribunal to Answer the Petitions of those who applied them∣selves to him: The Keepers of the Hind let her loose, and she no sooner espied Ser∣torius, but she ran leaping with great joy to his Feet, laid her Head upon his Lap, and licked his Hands as she formerly used to do, and Sertorius stroaking her, and

making much of her again, with that ten∣derness that the Tears stood in his Eyes, all that were present were immediately filled with Wonder and Astonishment, and afterwards accompanying him to his House with respectfull Congratulations, and loud Shouts for Joy, they looked upon him as a Person above the Rank of Mortal Men, as one that was influenced from above; and that was highly beloved by the Gods, and being hereby mightily encouraged they conceived far better hopes for the future.

When he had reduced his Enemies to* 1.41 the last extremity for want of Provision, he was forced to give them Battle (in the Plains near Saguntum) to hinder them from foraging, and plundring the Coun∣trey, where both Parties fought gloriously, and Memmius the greatest Commander in* 1.42 Pompey's Army was slain in the heat of the Battle; but Sertorius overthrew all before him, and with great slaughter of his Enemies pressed forward towards Metellus. This old Commander making a stout re∣sistance beyond what could be expected from one of his years, was wounded with a* 1.43 Lance, which struck amazement into all that saw it, or heard of it, and filled the Roman Soldiers hearts with Sorrow and with Shame, to be thought to have left their General in distress; but at the same

time it provoking them to Revenge and Fury against their Enemies, they soon co∣vered Metellus with their Shields, and brought him off in safety, and then vali∣antly repulsed the Spaniards, whereby Vi∣ctory changed sides, and Sertorius that he might afford a more secure Retreat to his Army, and that more Forces might more easily be raised, retired into a strong City in the Mountains; and thought it was the least of his Intention to sustain a long Seige yet he began to repair the Walls, and to fortifie the Gates, whereby he de∣luded his Enemies, who came and set down before the Town, hoping to take it with∣out much resistance; and gave over the pursuit of the Spaniards, affording them opportunity to gather together again, and to raise new Forces for Sertorius, to which purpose he had sent Commanders to all their Cities, with Orders, when they had sufficiently encreased their Numbers, to send him word of it, which News he no sooner received, but he sallied out and for∣ced his way through his Enemies, and easi∣ly joyned with the rest of his Army, and having received this considerable reinforce∣ment, he set upon the Romans again, and by fiercely assaulting them, by alarming them on all sides; by ensnaring, circum∣venting, and laying Ambushes for them;

he cut off all Provisions by Land, while* 1.44 with his Ships of War, and Pyratical Ves∣sels, he kept all the Coast in awe, and hin∣dred their Recrutes by Sea; whereby he forced the Roman Generals to dislodge, and to separate from one another: Metellus departed into Gallia, and Pompey wintered among the Baccaeans, in a wretched condi∣tion, where being in extreme want of Mo∣ney, he wrote a lamentable Letter to the Senate, to let them know that if they did not speedily supply him, he must draw off his Army; for he had already spent his own Estate in the Defence of Italy. To these Extremities the Chiefest and the most Pow∣erfull Commanders of the Age, were redu∣ced by the Skill and Valour of Sertorius; and it was the common Opinion in Rome, that he would be sooner in Italy than Pom∣pey, and how far Metellus was terrified with his Greatness; and at what rate he esteemed him, he plainly declared, when he offered by Proclamation an hundred Talents, and twenty thousand Acres of Land to any Roman that should kill him; and leave if he were banished, to return; attempting villanously to betray and sell him, when he despaired of ever being able to overcome him in open War, with all the powerfull Forces of the Roman Empire. And when afterwards he gained some advantage

in a Fight, against Sertorius, he was so won∣derfully pleased and transported with his good Fortune, that he caused himself to be publickly proclaimed Imperator, or Sove∣reign Commander; and ordered that all the Cities which he visited should receive him with Altars dedicated, and Sacrifices offered to him: where indulging himself in splendid Entertainments, and costly Sup∣pers, he would sit drinking in his Trium∣phal Robes, with Garlands and Crowns up∣on his Head, while the Images and Figures of Victory, were introduced by the motion of Machins, bringing in with them Crowns and Trophies of Gold, to present to him, and Companies of young Men and Wo∣men danced before him, courted him, and sang to him Songs of Joy, and Triumph; whereby he rendred himself deservedly ri∣diculous, for being excessively delighted and puffed up with the thoughts of fol∣lowing one that retired of his own accord, and for having once the better of him, whom he used to call Sylla's Fugitive, and his Forces the Remainder of the scattered Troops of Carbo.

The Generosity of Sertorius signally ap∣peared* 1.45 when he appointed a Senate, and called together all the Roman Senators which fled from Rome, and came and re∣sided with him; and out of these he chose

Praetors, and Quaestors, and adorned his Government with all the Roman Laws and Constitutions; and though he made use of the Arms, Riches, and Cities of the Spa∣niards, yet he would never permit them so much as to mention any thing of Go∣vernment, but set Roman Officers and Com∣manders over them, whereby he restored Liberty to the Romans, without increasing the Spaniards Power against them; for he was a sincere Lover of his Countrey, and had a great desire to return home, but in adverse Fortune he shew'd his undaunt∣ed Courage, and behaved himself towards his Enemies free from all dejection and mean spiritedness; but when he was in his Prosperity and in the heighth of his Victories he sent word to Metellus, and Pompey, that he was ready to lay down his Arms, and live a private Lite, if he were called home, declaring that he had ra∣ther be the meanest Citizen in Rome, than Supreme Commander of all other Cities together; and it is thought that his great Love for his Countrey was in no small measure promoted by the respect which he had for his Mother, under whom he was brought up in his tender Years, after the Death of his Father, and upon whom he had placed his intire Affection, and after that his Friends had sent for him

into Spain to be their General, as soon as he heard of his Mother's Death, he had al∣most cast away himself, and died for Grief; for he lay seven days together continually upon the Ground, without giving the Word, or being seen by the nearest of his Friends; and when the Chief Command∣ers of the Army, and Persons of the great∣est Note came about his Tent, with great difficulty they prevailed with him at last to come abroad and speak to his Soldiers, and to take upon him the Management of Affairs, which were in a prosperous Con∣dition; by all which he seems to have been of a mild and compassionate Temper, and naturally given to Ease and Quietness, and that he accepted of the Command of Mi∣litary Forces contrary to his own Inclina∣tion; but not being able to live in safety, he was forced by his Enemies to have re∣course to Arms, and to espouse the Wars as a necessary Guard for the defence of his Person.

His Administration of Affairs with King* 1.46 Mithridates, does further argue the great∣ness of his Mind; for after that Mithri∣dates was overthrown by Sylla, and had recovered himself; and, as a strong Wrast∣ler that is desirous to try another fall, was again endeavoring to re-establish his Pow∣er in Asia, at which time the great Fame of

Sertorius was frequently celebrated in all Places; and the Merchants which came out of Spain and the Western Parts of Eu∣rope, to furnish the Asiaticks with Forreign Commodities, had filled all the Kingdom of Pontus with their Discourses of his Exploits in War. Mithridates was earnestly desi∣rous to send an Embassy to him, being al∣so highly encouraged to it by the Boast∣ings of his Parasites, and flattering Cour∣tiers, who comparing Mithridates to Pyr∣rhus, and Sertorius to Hannibal, gave out that the Romans would never be able to make any considerable resistance against such great Forces, and Commanders of that Temper and sublime Judgment; when they should be set upon on both sides at once, on one side by the most Warlike General that ever was, and on the other side by the most Powerfull Prince on Earth.

Mithridates having sent Embassadours* 1.47 into Spain to Sertorius with Letters, and Instructions, and with full Power and Commission to promise Ships, and good Sums of Money, towards the Charge of the War, if Sertorius would vouchsafe to confirm his Pretensions upon Asia, and Au∣thorize him to possess all that he had sur∣rendred to the Romans, in his Treaty with Sylla. Sertorius called a full Council, which

he named the Senate; where, when all joyfully approved of the Conditions, and were desirous immediately to accept of his Offer, seeing that he desired nothing of them but a Name, and an empty Title to Places, not in their Power to dispose of, in recom∣pence of which they should be supplyed with what they then stood most in need of, Ser∣torius would by no means agree to it; de∣claring, that as he was willing that King Mithridates should exercise all Royal Power and Authority over Bithinia and Cappadocia, Countries accustomed to a Monarchical Go∣vernment, and not belonging to Rome, so he could never consent that he should seize or detain a Province, which by due Right and Title, was possessed by the Romans, which Mithridates had formerly lost in open War to Fimbria, and had afterwards quitted upon a Treaty of Peace with Sylla, for he looked upon it as his Duty to enlarge the Roman Possessions by his Conquering Arms, and not to encrease his own Power, by the Diminu∣tion of the Roman Territories, telling them that a generous-minded man, though he willingly accepts of Victory, when it comes accompanied with Honour, yet he will never so much as endeavour to defend himself or save his own Life, upon any dishonourable terms.

When this was related to Mithridates he

was struck with admiration, and said to his intimate Friends, What will Sertorius enjoyn us to do, when he comes to be seated in the Senate-house in Rome, who at present, when he is driven out to the furthest parts of the Earth, bordering upon the far remote Western Ocean, sets bounds to our Kingdoms in the East, and threatens us with War, if we Attempt the recovery of Asia? However they solemnly upon Oath concluded a League between them, upon* 1.48 these Terms, That Mithridates should enjoy the free possession of Cappadocia and Bythinia, and that Sertorius should send him Soldiers, and a General for his Army, in recompence of which the King was to supply him with three thousand Talents, and forty Ships. Marcus Marius a Roman Senator, who had quitted Rome to follow Sertorius, was sent General into Asia, by whose Conduct when Mithridates had reduced divers of the Asian Cities, Marius made his entrance with Rods and Axes carried before him, as before a Pro∣consul of Rome, and Mithridates followed in the second place, voluntarily waiting upon him; some of these Cities he set at liberty, and others he freed from Taxes, signifying to them by Letters, that these Priviledges were granted to them by the Grace and Favour of Sertorius, and hereby Asia which had been miserably tormented by the unsatiableness of

the Publicans, and oppressed by the insolent Pride and Covetousness of the soldiers be∣gan to rise again, and with new Wings add∣ed to their former hopes, to soar alost in earnest Desires towards their long wished for change of Government.

But in Spain the Senators about Sertorius and others of the Nobility, finding themselves strong enough for their Enemies, and having no less hopes of returning to Rome; they no sooner laid aside all fear; but Envy, imme∣diately, and unreasonable Jealousies inflamed their minds, and chiefly Perpenna, who be∣ing of a Noble Family, and extremely envi∣ous of Sertorius's Greatness, was at this time so arrogantly transported with a fond Ambi∣tion of Commanding the Army, that he threw out villanous Discourses in private amongst his intimate Acquaintance, and a∣mong those whose seditious Ingratitude, had made more willing to hearken to him. What* 1.49 evil Genius (would he often say) hurries us perpetually from worse to worse, and we who disdained to obey the Dictates of Sylla, the great Ruler of Sea, and Land, and might have lived at home in Peace and Quiet, are come hither to our destruction, hoping to enjoy Liberty, where most wretchedly we have made our selves Slaves of our own ac∣cord, and are become the contemptible Guards and Attendants of the banished Ser∣torias,

who that he may expose us the fur∣ther, gives us a name that renders us ridi∣culous to all that hear it, and calls us the Senate, when at the same time he makes us undergo more hard Labour, and forces us to be more subject to his haughty Commands and Insolencies, than the poor Spaniards and Lusitanians. With these mutinous Discourses, he continually seduced them; and many who could not be brought to fall into Rebellion openly against Sertorius, fearing his great Power and Authority, were prevailed with, to endeavour to destroy his Interest secretly; and by many ways to ruin his Affairs. For by abusing the Lusitanians and Spaniards, by inflicting severe Punishments upon them, by raising exorbitant Taxes, and by preten∣ding that all this was done by the strict Com∣mand of Sertorius, they caused great Trou∣bles and made many Cities to revolt: and those who were sent to mitigate and heal these Differences, did rather exasperate them, and encrease the Number of his Enemies, and left them at their return more obstinate and rebellious than they found them. Which so highly incensed Sertorius, and caused so great an alteration in his former Clemency and Goodness towards the Spaniards Sons, educated in the great City of Osca; that coontrary to all Civil Justicie, he cruelly put some of them to Death, and sold others.

In the mean time Perpenna having en∣creased the Number of his Conspirators, drew in Manlius, a Commander in the Army, who at that time loved a Youth, and to endear him the more discovered the Confederacy to him, perswading him to neglect his other Lovers, and to be constant to him, alone; who in a few days was to be a person of great Power and Authority; but the Youth having a greater Inclination for Aufidius, disclosed all to him, which much surprized and amazed him; for he was also one of the Confederacy; but knew not that Manlius was any ways engaged therein; but when the Youth began to name Perpenna, Gracinus, and others, which he knew very well were sworn Conspirators, he was very much terrified, and astonished; but made slight of it to the youth, and bid him not regard what Manlius said, a vain boasting fellow; but however went pre∣sently to Perpenna, and giving him notice of the danger they were in, and of the shortness of their time, desired him im∣mediately to put their designs in Execu∣tion; and when all the Confederates had consented to it, they provided a Messen∣ger who brought feigned Letters to Serto∣rius, in which he had notice of a Victory obtained by one of his Lieutenants, and of the great slaughter of his Enemies; and

as Sertorius, being extreamly well pleased, was Sacrificing and giving thanks to the Gods for his prosperous Success, Perpenna in∣vited him and those with him (who were also of the Conspiracy) to an Entertainment, and being very importunate, prevailed with him to come. At all Suppers and Entertainments where Sertorius was present, great Order and Decency was wont to be observed, for he would not endure to hear or see any thing that was rude or unhandsome, and their Freedom and Mirth, was Modest and Inof∣fensive; but in the middle of this Entertain∣ment, those who sought occasion to quarrel, fell into dissolute Discourses openly, and making as if they were very Drunk, com∣mitted many Insolencies on purpose to pro∣voke him; and Sertorius being Offended with their ill behaviour, or perceiving the unqui∣etness of their Minds by their muttering and sudden disrespect, changed the posture of his lying, and leaned backward, as one that neither heard nor regarded them. When Perpenna took a Cup full of Wine, and as he* 1.50 was drinking, let it fall out of his hand, and made a noise, which was the sign agreed on between them; and Antonius who was next to Sertorius, immediately wounded him with his Sword, and whilst Sertorius upon receiv∣ing the Wound turned himself and strove to get up, Antonius threw himself upon his

Breast, and held both his hands, whereby not being able to free himself, he was ex∣posed to the fury of the rest of the Confede∣rates, who killed him upon the place with many Wounds.

Upon the first News of his Death, most of the Spaniards left the Conspirators, and* 1.51 sent Embassadors to Pompey and Metellus, and yielded themselves up to them. Perpenna at∣tempted to do something with those that re∣mained, but he made so ill use of Sertorius's Arms and Preparations for War, that he soon made it evident to all, that he understood no more how to Command, than he knew how to Obey, and when he came against Pompey he was soon overthrown, and taken Priso∣ner; neither did he bear this last afflicti∣on with any bravery of Mind, but having torius's Papers and Writings in his hands, he offered to shew Pompey Letters from Persons of Consular Dignity, and of the highest Qua∣lity in Rome, written with their own hands, expresly to call Sertorius into Italy, and to let him know, what great Numbers there were that did earnestly desire to alter the present State of Affairs; and to introduce another manner of Government. Upon this occasi∣on Pompey behaved himself not like a young Man, or one of a light inconsiderate Mind, but as a Generous Commander of a confirmed, mature, solid Judgment: whereby he freed

Rome from great Fears and Innovations, for he put all Sertorius's Writings together and read not one of them, nor suffered any one else to read them, but burnt them all, and caused Perpenna immediately to be put to* 1.52 Death, lest by discovering their Names, fur∣ther Troubles and Revolutions might ensue.

Of the rest of the Conspirators with Per∣penna, some of them were taken and slain by the Command of Pompey, others fled into Africa, and were set upon by the Moors, and run through with their Darts; and in a short time not one of them was left alive; except only Aufidius, the Rival of Manlius, who hiding himself, or not being much enquired after, dyed an Old Man, in an obscure Vil∣lage in Spain, in extreme Poverty, and hated by all.

The Comparison of Serto∣rius with Eumenes.

THese are the most Remarkable Passa∣ges, that are come to our know∣ledge, concerning Eumenes and Sertorius. In comparing their Lives, we may observe, that this was common to them both; that being Aliens, Strangers, and banish∣ed Men, they came to be Commanders of Powerful Forces, and had the leading of Numerous, and Warlike Armies, made up of divers Nations. This was peculiar to Sertorius, that the Chief Command was by his whole Party, freely yielded to him, as to the Person, undoubtedly of the great∣est merit, and of the highest Worth and Renown; whereas many contended with Eumenes, till by his great Performances, he at length obtained the Superiority.

The Soldiery followed the one, being earnestly desirous to be Commanded by him, and submitted themselves to the other for their own security. The one being a Roman, was the General of the Spaniards and Lusitanians, who for many years before, had been under the Subjecti∣on of the Roman Empire; and the other a Cherronesian, was chief Commander of the

Macedonians, who were the great Conque∣rors of Mankind, and had at times subdued the World. Sertorius being already in high esteem for his Courage and Conduct, and admired for his former services in the Wars, and his great Abilities in the Senate∣House, was advanced to the Dignity of a General over a great and numerous Army. Whereas Eumenes obtained this honour from the Office of a Writer or Secretary, and from having been a long while despised by the great Ones, for his Scribling Employ∣ment. Nor did he only at first take his rise from these slender Opportunities, but after∣wards also met with great Impediments in the further Encrease, and Progress of his Honour and Authority, and that, not only from those who publickly resisted him, but from many others that privately Conspired against him; but it was much otherwise with Sertorius, for not one of his Party did ever publickly oppose him, or promote any Insurrection against him; nor secretly; till at last a few of his Acquaintance entered in∣to a private Conspiracy. Sertorius put an end to his Dangers, as often as he was Vi∣ctorious in the Field, whereas the Victo∣ries of Eumenes were the beginning of his Calamities, through the Malice of those that envied his Glory.

Their martial performances were equal

and parallel, but their manners and inclinati∣ons were different. Eumenes naturally loved War and Contention, but Sertorius esteemed Peace and Tranquility: When Eumenes might have lived in safety, with honour, if he would have quietly retired, he persisted in his contentions, and made War with the greatest of the Macedonian Princes, with the danger and loss of his Life: But Sertorius, who was unwilling to trouble himself with any publick disturbances, was forced, for the safety of his Person, to make War against those who would not suffer him to live in peace: If Eumenes had not violently con∣tended for the Superiority, or could have contented himself with the second place, An∣tigonus would have used him handsomly, and shewn him all favour and respect, whereas Pompey's Friends would never permit Serto∣rius to live in quiet. The one made War of his own accord, out of his ambition to Rule and Govern; and the other was constrained to accept of the Soveraign Power and Au∣thority, to defend himself from his Enemies that made War against him. Eumenes was certainly a true Lover of War, for he pre∣ferr'd his covetous Ambition before his own ease and security; but Sertorius was truly warlike, who procured his own safety by the successful force of his Arms.

As to the manner of their Deaths, it hap∣ned

to one without the least thought or sur∣mise of it; but to the other when he sus∣pected it daily; which in the first argued a clear equal temper, and a noble mind not to distrust his Friends: But in the other it shewed some infirmity of Spirit, for Eume∣nes intended to fly and was taken. The death of Sertorius dishonoured not his life, he suffered that from his companions, that none of his mortal enemies were ever able to perform. The other not being able to deliver himself before his imprisonment, be∣ing willing also to live in captivity, did nei∣ther prevent nor expect his fate with any honour or bravery; for by meanly supplica∣ting and petitioning, he made his enemy, that pretended only to have power over his Body, to be Lord and Master of his Body and Mind.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Great Com∣manders who had but one Eye, Phi∣lip, Anti∣gonus, Hannibal, Sertorius, and o∣thers.
• * 1.2

  Sertorius compared with Eu∣menes.
• * 1.3

  Sertorius was of a Noble Fa∣mily.
• * 1.4

  Sertorius was a good Ora∣tor.
• * 1.5

  He swims cross the Rhosne in his Armor.
• * 1.6

  He is sent as a Spy into the Camp of the Cim∣bri and Teutones, to discover their De∣signs.
• * 1.7

  He is sent into Spain under Di∣dius the Praetor.
• * 1.8

  He reco∣vers the City of Castulo.
• * 1.9

  He de∣ceives the Gyrisaeni∣ans, and takes their City.
• * 1.10

  He is made Que∣stor of Gal∣lia Cisalpi∣na, now cal∣led Lom∣bordy.
• * 1.11

  Sertorius highly ap∣plauded by the Peo∣ple.
• * 1.12

  A Battel fought in the Forum at Rome.
• * 1.13

  The Army comman∣ded by Cinna, Ma∣rius, and Sertorius.
• * 1.14

  Sertorius punishes the inso∣lency of the Slaves
• * 1.15

  He leaves Italy and hastens into Spain.
• * 1.16

  He sends Julius Sa∣linator to Guard the narrow passages of the Py∣renaean Moun∣tains.
• * 1.17

  Cartagana.
• * 1.18

  Pityusa, Ebusus, now. Y••ica
• * 1.19

  Baetis or Guadil quiver.
• * 1.20

  Called from them Hispania Baetica.
• * 1.21

  The fortu∣nate Islands.
• * 1.22

  Sertorius desirous to live in the Fortunate Islands.
• * 1.23

  He takes the City of Tingis, now Tan∣gier.
• * 1.24

  He causeth the Tomb of Antaeus to be open∣ed.
• * 1.25

  The Lusi∣tanians send Em∣bassadors to him.
• * 1.26

  Sertorius's Hind.
• * 1.27

  Mellaria now Tariffa, be∣tween Trafalgar and Gibral∣ter, in the Streights mouth. Cape Spartel, and Trafal∣gar, Abyla, and Gribalter, are places well known to Sea∣men that Sail into the Me∣diterranean Sea.
• * 1.28

  Pompey sent a∣gainst Ser∣torius.
• * 1.29

  Sertorius challenges Metellus.
• * 1.30

  Sertorius relieves the City of the Lago∣brites.
• * 1.31

  Osca Hu∣esca.
• * 1.32

  Sertorius infinitely beloved by the Spani∣ard.
• * 1.33

  The Ro∣man Sol∣diers with Perpenna desire to be under his Command.
• * 1.34

  Perpenna joins his forces with Sertorius.
• * 1.35

  His Stra∣tagem a∣gainst the Characita∣nians.
• * 1.36

  Caecias is the North-East∣Wind or the North∣East ••and by East.
• * 1.37

  The Siege of Lauron.
• * 1.38

  Sertorius burns the City of Lauron in the sight of Pompey the Great who is not able to re∣lieve it.
• * 1.39

  Pompey in great danger, wounded, and thrown from his Horse.
• * 1.40

  Sertorius overthrows Afranius.
• * 1.41

  He fights with the Romans in the Ter∣ritories of the Sagun∣tines.
• * 1.42

  Memmius slain.
• * 1.43

  Metellus wounded.
• * 1.44

  He cuts off all Provisi∣on from the Ro∣man Army both by Sea and Land.
• * 1.45

  He consti∣tutes a Se∣nate out of the Roman Senators which fled to him from Rome.
• * 1.46

  His Treaty with Mi∣thridates.
• * 1.47

  Mithrida∣tes sends Embassa∣dours to Sertorius.
• * 1.48

  He makes a League with King Mithrida∣tes.
• * 1.49

  Perpenna conspires a∣gainst Ser∣torius.
• * 1.50

  The manner of Sertori∣us's Death.
• * 1.51

  The Spani∣ards for∣sake the Conspira∣tors, and yield them∣selves up to Pompey and Me∣tellus.
• * 1.52

  Perpenna put to Death.