A brief history of the times, &c. ...

THE MYSTERY OF THE DEATH OF Sir E. B. Godfrey UNFOLDED. PART. I. (Book 1)

CHAP. I.

Sir Edmundbury Godfrey did certainly Dye a violent Death; and William Bedloe and Miles Prance took upon them to Discover the Murthe∣rers, and the Murther.

THERE never was, perhaps, such a Mystery made of a Plain Case, as we have had in the Bus'ness of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey: That is to say; Concerning the Manner of his Death; The

Time; The Place; The Occasion of it; and by what Hands He Fell: And All This only for want of Taking right Measures in the Tracing and Timing of Things. For Whoever draws Inferences, Hand-over-Head, from Bold Allegations, to Certainty of Fact; or from Positive Oaths, to the Truth of every Thing that is Sworn, without Further Enquiry, or Examination, will find himself Mightily Mistaken upon the Subject here in Issue.

To do This as it should be done, there must a Re∣gard be had to the Order, both of Time, and of Con∣nexion; the Date, the Series, and the Succession of Things, Apart; with the Reasons, and Countenances of Affairs, as they stand in the Context. It will Need but a very short Deduction, to bring down the Course of This Story into the Proper Channel, by laying open the Naked Fact of Sir E. B. G's Dying a Violent Death: By shewing Who they were that took upon them to De∣tect the Murtherers, and to Prove the Murther; and how Godfrey's Name came Originally into the Story; which, as they pretended, was the Occasion of his Death. This is it that I propose for the Argument of my First Chapter, and Thence to Proceed, Step by Step, and in a Natural Method from one Point to another.

The First Question will be, Whether or No the Mur∣ther was Committed in Manner, and Form, as the Wit∣nesses Swear it was, at Somerset-house? The Second Point will be This. In Case it shall appear that he was Not Murther'd at Somerset-house, or by such Per∣sons, or by such Means, or upon such a Grudge, as Prance and Bedloe swear he was; In what Place, by what Instruments, in what Way, and by what Instiga∣tion, Was he Murthered? These Two Considerations shall be laid indifferently before the Reader, in a Di∣stribution of this Discourse, respectively, into Two

Parts, without Bespeaking One Partial Word or Thought upon the whole Matter.

As to the Two Witnesses that gave Testimony in This Cause, they had no more Skill in the Merits of it, then the Next Cast of Parrots in the Price of Almonds: But there was an Intrigue of State driven on, under the Cover of a Iesuitical Confederacy, which render'd it Necessary, at That Time, to make the Papists as Odi∣ous as they could, and to lay all Iudgments and Cala∣mities, as well Publique, as Private, at their Door. As, among others, This Unhappy Miscarriage of Sir E. B. Godfrey for One: So that we are to Consult the Popish Plot for the Popish Murther: The Latter being made so Essential a Part of the Former, that there's No Disbelieving the One, without Ridiculing the Other: But how These Two came to be Incorporated into One Interest and Design, will Deserve a Place by is self.

Dr. Tong was hardly ever without a Plot in his Head, and a Pen in his Hand. The One Bred the Maggots, and the Other Vented them: As his Royal Martyr, for Ex∣ample; His Iesuits Assassins, and other Writings of his under the Title of Cases, or Narratives: which Narratives were Transform'd, with One Breath of Otes's, into Damnable Conspiracies. Now Narrative in those Days, was only a Modish Name for a Roman∣tique Forgery. This was the Rise of the Doctor's Popish Plot; He took the Idea of it from Habernfeld; Sent Otes among the Iesuits, for Hints, and Materials; and so away Trudges he to Valladolid, and after that to St. Omers, where he stays a while, and then comes back again to his Principal, Charg'd with Minutes of Names. Times, Places, Customs, &c. Tong Pounds them into One Confection, and according to the Text, Exod. Ch. 32. ver. 24. [There came out this Calf.]

The Project being now form'd, and Distributed into Articles, Tong presented a Copy of them, in a Narra∣tive, to his Late Majesty upon the Thirteenth of August, 1678. Plying the King with Fresh Informations and fur∣ther Importunities, till toward the End of September fol∣lowing; but instead of gaining Credit by the Pretence of Additional Confirmations and Discoveries, His Maje∣sty came by Degrees to be Fully possest in the Conclu∣sion, That the whole Train of the History was no better then a Down-right Imposture. The King's Hardness of Belief, was quickly smoak'd by the Plot-master, and his Advisers; Insomuch, that though they could not To∣tally take the Matter out of His Majesties Hand, They did what they could yet, by a Side-Wind, to Transfer the Cause, from the Privy-Council, to the Parliament; where they made themselves sure before-hand, of a Majority to bid it Welcom. In Order hereunto, Sir E. B. Godfrey was Earnestly pressed, and with much Diffi∣culty prevail'd upon, Sept. 6. 1678. to Swear Otes to Tong's Narrative; and likewise to take his Oath over again, to the same Copies, with Fresh and further Enfor∣mations, upon the 28th. of the same Month; which Depositions were presented by Tong, That very Morn∣ing, to the King and Council.

While Matters were thus Depending, Sir E.B. God∣frey went from his House on Saturday, the 12th of Octo∣ber following; And No Tidings what was become of him, till Thursday the 17th. when he was found, to∣ward the Evening, in a Ditch, with his own Sword through his Body, at, or near a Place Call'd Prim-Rose-Hill. The Coronors Inquest sate upon't, but adjourn'd to the Day Following, and Then gave up their Verdict, i. e. [That he was Murther'd by divers Persons Vnknown; &c.] October 20th. His Majesty Emitted a Proclamation for the Discovery of the Murtherers, wherein are these Words.

His Majesty is graciously pleased hereby to promise to any Person or Persons, who shall make such a Discovery, whereby the said Murtherers, or any of them, shall be Appre∣hended, the Sum of Five Hundred Pound, which shall be immediately paid down upon sufficient Testimony, that such Persons or Person are, or is Guilty of the said Murther: And if any one of the Murtherers shall discover the rest, whereby They, or any of them, shall be apprehended, such Discoverer shall not only be Pardon'd his Offence, but shall in like manner receive the said Reward of Five Hundred Pound.

On the Thursday following, upon a Suggestion that there were People would come in to discover the Mur∣ther, if it were not for the Danger of being Murther∣ed themselves in Revenge; His Majesty was graciously pleas'd, by Another Proclamation, to add an Assurance of Protection to the former Promise of Pardon, and Reward; so that here was Indemnity, Mony, and Security offered to the fairest Bidder, and it fell to the Lot of W. Bedloe (or rather Beddoe) to be the Man. We shall reserve the Consideration of his Character, and of his Evidence for Another Place.

The Second Proclamation was not Eight-and-Forty-Hours-Old, when a sudden Freak took him in the Head of making a Step from London to Bristol, and there was a Gentlewoman in his Company that went down to her Parents there, by the same Passage. They were no sooner come to their Inn at Newberry, but Bedloe Call'd presently for Pen, Ink, and Paper, to write, he said, to Secretary Coventry. The Woman saw the Writing, Sealing, Superscribing, and the sending away of the Letter by the Post: She Read the Superscription too, but could not get any thing from him of the Contents, more then This, That if the Business of that

Letter succeeded, he would present her with a Diamond Ring (being a small Sum of Mony in her Debt, it seems) And he said Farther, that he expected to receive an Answer of That Letter at Bristoll, which accordingly he did receive with a Letter Enclos'd to the Mayor of Bristoll in the Terms Following.

Whitehall, Nov. 2. 1678.

Mr. Bedloe,

I Have Received your Letter of October 30th. and shall be glad to see you here with all the Con∣venient Speed you can; but whereas you desire to come (as you Express it) Clandestinely, and not to be seen by Those People that sent you out of Town, and yet would have me give you an Order to the Mayor of Bristoll, for your Appearance before Me: These two Things seem to be Inconsistent. You may, if you think Fit, come-up of your self, as Privately as you Can, without the Knowledge of the Mayor, or any other Person, being under No Restraint, as I suppose you are Not. But if you Iudge it Conveni∣ent that Mr. Mayor be acquainted with your coming, I have written a short Letter to him here-Enclosed; and have sent you a Copy of it, that you may consider whether you will make use of it or No. I know not whom you mean by [Those People that sent you out of Town;] but when you come to Town, I will take the most Effectual Course I can for your Safety and Protection: I am

Your Humble Servant, H. Coventry.

To Mr. W. Bedloe at Mr. T. Iones's house in Broadstreet. Bristoll.

Mr. Secretary Coventry's Letter to the Mayor of Bristoll, Nov. 2. 1678.

Worthy Sir,

THere being some Special Occasion for Mr. Wil∣liam Bedloe, (now residing in your City) to make his Appearance before me, I have thought it fit hereby to acquaint you with it, desiring you to fa∣vour and further his speedy coming hither, with such Orders and Directions as you shall think necessary, if he shall apply himself to you in that behalf: But because Secrecy is to be us'd in This matter, I must intreat you to keep it Private, so as No Notice may be taken thereof. I am with much Truth, Sir,

Your Affectionate Humble Servant, H. Coventry.

I shall only observe here, that Notwithstanding Bedloe's Caution of Priva••y, he had the Vanity to make his pretended Discovery a Work of Noise, and Cla∣mor: For he got himself to be taken up at Noon-day upon the Tolzey, with hundreds of People Crowding about him; and the Multitude were not only Witnes∣ses of the Seisure, but made Privy also to the Bus'ness, which was as Publique as a Street-Rumour, and his Af∣fectation of being taken Notice of, could make it. From Bristoll he was Convey'd to London, where he was Immediately Dubb'd a Captain, and a Kings Evi∣dence. By This Timely Application, he got the Start

however of All Other Pretenders, to the Five-Hun∣dred-Pound-Reward.

It was upon the 5th. of November, 1678. that he Left Bristoll, and upon St. Thomas day following, Miles Prance, a Silver-Smith, was taken into Custody upon Suspicion of being one of the Assassins. He Deny'd All, at First, and so by Fitts, went off and on, After∣wards, till the Condemn'd Hole in Newgate, with the help of the Earl of Shaftsbury, open'd his Eyes, and brought him in the End, to do the Office of a Necessa∣ry, and a Thorough-pac'd-Evidence.

CHAP. II.

Why, and How the Pretended Murther of Sir Ed∣mundbury Godfrey was made a Branch of the Pretended Plot, Exhibited by Dr. Tong and Titus Otes.

TO Talk of a PRETENDED Murther, and of a PRETENDED Plot, may look perchance like a prejudging of the Cause; and if it were a Stage, as it is a State-Plot, It would not, I must Confess, be so Masterly, to forestall the Readers Curiosity by telling him the Secret so soon: But in a Case of Truth, Hone∣sty, and Conscience, I take the Readiest Way to the clearing of the Point, to be the Best; Beside, That even if the very Fact, both of the One, and of the Other, were, to a Tittle as 'tis Reported to be, it would go no further then PRETENDED Still; That is to say, with a Respect to the Reporters, if they

Swear Positively to more then they Know. But for Pre∣tended, or Not Pretended, we'll let That Pass, and come short to the First Member of this Division, that is to say, [WHY] was the Murther, &c. made a Branch of the Plot?

There was at That Time, a Real Conspiracy upon the Wheel, under the Countenance of another in Vision; and the Hopes of the One, Depended entirely upon the Reputation of the Other; for the Peoples Affections are as Necessary to a Rebellion, as their Fingers; and for One Man that Heartily Espouses the Wickedness, and the Malice of a Sedition, a Body may Honestly reckon upon a Hundred, that are Trick'd into it, by a Plau∣sible Cheat: Now the Heat of Otes's Plot was, by This Time, pretty well Cool'd, and the Republican Pra∣ctices Consequently at some sort of Stand. Men be∣gan to Hearken, to Enquire, to Lay Things and Things Together, and to Examine Matters; to Carry their own Heads upon their own Shoulders: Again, to Iudge for Themselves, and to Act like Reasonable Creatures. They began, I say, to make Use of their Own Eyes, and Vnderstandings, and to Try if they could find the way Home again, without the help of a Dog and a Bell. The Supposed Conspiracy, they saw, had but One Single Testimony to support it: And That, a Blasted one too: Nay, the Narrative it self was found to be only Noise, without Proof. But in fine; what with This, That, and T'other, the Cause, (in Common Reputation at least) was ee'n giving up the Ghost; for want of Variety, as well of Matter, as of Witnesses, to keep the Life and Soul to∣gether on't. But at Length, through a Wonderful Pro∣vidence (as Providence went Then-a-Days) both these Wants were supply'd, by Bedloe and Prance; and a Se∣cond Fraud made use of, to Prove the Truth of the Former. So it was, in fin••, That Tong's and Otes's Devil had been quite Sunk, they said, if the Two New Conjurers had

not Call'd him Vp again. The Matter in Brief, was so Manag'd, that the Murther was to prove the Plot, and the Plot, to Prove the Murther: Witness the Stress that was laid upon the Matter at All Tryals, in favour of the Truth, and Providence of the Discove∣ry. Nay, they went so Inseparably hand in hand to∣gether, that [Who Murther'd Sir Edmundbury Godfrey?] was the Common Refuge of People that were run up to the Wall, upon That Controversie. Insomuch, that it Stopp'd All Mouths, and Answered all Objections. The Pretended Conspiracy it self, as I was a-saying, had as much need of a Second, as the Witness; and when Otes and his Works came once to be Blown up∣on, they were, in their own Defence, to find out some∣thing else that was Horrid in Fact, to Bolster up the Reputation of the Guns, Daggers, Pilgrims and Con∣sults, that never had any Being in the Nature of Things, further then in Imagination. And People be∣gan to make their Observations also, that though there was Time enough allow'd before the Discovery, for the Vttermost Execution of the whole Villainy; there was not so much as an Inch of Match found; Not a Flask of Powder, or a Dark Lanthorn, toward the bringing of it to Effect: No, not so much as one Snip of a Letter, or Commission, to uphold the Credit of the Pretence; so that the Managers were exceedingly in the Right, under so many Difficulties and Disappoint∣ments, to cast the Weight of the Plot upon That Issue: For the Cry of a Popish Murther, and a Protestant Iu∣stice, at that Time of the Day, was enough to lay the Three Kingdoms in Sackcloth and Ashes; Espe∣cially with the Pulpits, Iuries, News-Letters, and Coffee-Houses to friend. This was the Reason for That way of Proceeding, and their Expectations were not decei∣ved in the Event. To Conclude; as they found it Necessary to link the Plot and the Murther together;

so they made it, quite throughout, the Interest of the One to Assist toward the Belief of the Other: And who∣ever Disputed the Murther, Affronted the Conspiracy. Now if a PLOT or NO Plot, was the Question, there needs no more to be said upon the WHY and the WHEREFORE of the Bus'ness, then that the Whole was at Stake upon This Cast. It was next to be Consi∣der'd, HOW, i. e. upon what Pretext, by what Means and Methods this Pretended Murther was made a Branch of the Pretended Plot.

It happen'd very Unluckily, that the Pretended Po∣pish Murther should fall upon him that took the Depositi∣ons of the Pretended Popish Plot: for it was This Accident that gave the Hint and Countenance, to the Alliance that was afterwards Contracted betwixt them. The Fact was Evident, and the Colour, Popular Enough, to ground an Imposture upon: as if the One had been the Provocation, and the Other the Revenge. The Sham was, at First, so Fair, and Specious; the Contrivers, Promo∣ters, and Abe••tors of it, so Industrious, and Powerful, that it went down in the General, without Chewing; or if it happen'd to stick by the way, People were at their Choice, whether they would Choak, or have it Ramm'd down their Throats. It was come to This, in short, That a Man might with more Credit and Secu∣rity give his Oath to Twenty Palpable Falsehoods, then Assert one Generous, Righteous Truth.

The First Step they made, was to gain an Enfor∣mation of the Popish Murther; as a Point that could not Fail of bringing on an Enformation of the Popish Plot, in Course: for the Ice being once broken, the Two Perjuries, they knew would be Both of a Price. This they foresaw, and Projected, and the Measures they took did not deceive them. Bedloe could not speak one Word to the Plot, at his First Coming-in as a Witness to the Murther: and Prance upon his First Commi••tment,

renounc'd God over and over, if he knew one Syllable, either of the One, or of the Other. But upon Second Thought••, These Two Discoverers came to see as far in∣to a Mill-stone as Otes Himself, and set up in a short time for a Pair of Principal Pillars of the Cause; asw ill ap∣pear by the Evidence they give upon the whole Matter.

So soon as those Sparks had deliver'd their Testi∣mony about the Tragedy of Godfrey, it was then but Cross or Pile whether the Scene should open at the White-Horse in the Strand, or at the Chappel-Gallery in Somer∣set-House: Or in few Words, Whether they should carry the Murther to the Plot, or bring the Plot to the Murther: For so the Plot were in the Case, No Mat∣ter how it came Into't. Briefly, they swore the [Need∣full] (as they call it) and in That Oath, Projected the Foundations of a New Heaven and a New Earth.

Their First Step (as I said) was, to Gain such an Enformation: The Second was to Improve That Infor∣mation, by setting the Stamp of a Vote upon it to make it pass Current for the Discovery of a Plot: which was, in Truth, a kind of Naturalization. The Third Step was, to procure an Order for the Seizing of All the Persons Nam'd in such an Enformation, as Parties to the Conspiracy, at which Blessed Rate, it was but say∣ing WHO and WHO, to lay the Three Kingdoms at the Mercy of Half a Score Knights of the Post. After such an Enformation, such a Vote, such an Order, and such a Seisure, there follows an Address, an Indictment, an Impeachment, a Tryal: and, after That, a Verdict: By Vertue of which Verdict, all the Mistakes that led to't are made Sacred, and Authentique: and Then's the Time for Declamatoryes, and Exaggerations; And when the Conscience, at Last, the Wisdom, and the Iustice of the Nation, come to be all Concern'd in the Espousing of such an Error, the Lord have Mercy upon that People, untill Time, that is the Mother of Truth; and Experience, that is the

Daughter of Time, shall put Mens Heads and Hearts in their Right Places again. There was, in sooth, so much Application, and Artifice us'd, to give This sad Accident the face of a Popish Contrivance, Design, and Execution, that they broach'd the Report of it as a Thing Resolv'd, Pass'd, and Done; even while Sir Edmund was yet living, to prepare People for the Ficti∣on that was to Follow. Of this we shall say something hereafter.

Upon the First Rumour of his being Missing, there were several Surmises, of Fancy, and Conjecture, put about, what might be Become of him? One while he was Murthered in Arundell House: Another while in My Lord Bellasis Cellar: And then again, the Duke of Norfolk's Coach was seen to come from Prim-rose-Hill the Saturday that he went away: But in fine, Somerset-House was the Place they pitch'd upon; and That They Stuck to; It was but Requisite, that it should be a Popish Place to Answer a Popish Conspiracy; and Recon∣cile it to a Popish Intelligence. For the Plot was at that Time Almost Cold in the Mouth, and they were fain to take in the Murther to get Credit to the Treason. It was a Thousand Pitties, that when the Devil had Fur∣nished them with so plausible an Argument to work upon, they could find no better Pretence for the Strangling of him, then to get the Enformations out of his Hands. Bedloe swears indeed, that They Treated with him a∣bout those Enformations, before the Smothering of him [betwixt two Pillows.] But Prance swears that his Bus'ness was done with a [Twisted Handkerchief] with∣out so much as the Ceremony of, by your leave, Sir Ed∣mond; (which was much the Courser way of the Two) But a Note by the By Now; Why should they ex∣pect to find the Enformations still in his Pocket, that he had Taken, Some of them, a Fortnight, and Others, Five Weeks before? Or what would it have availed

them, if they had taken the Papers too, when they Dispatched the Iustice? Could not Tong, and Otes, (that they left behind them) have Sworn the same En∣formations Forty times over again, and have made them Fifty times stronger then they were at First? Be∣side that they had been in the Kings Hands Already, above Two Months before: To draw toward a Close, when Bedloe had once Declar'd himself for their Turn, they wanted another Witness yet to Second Bedloe; but Principally for the Tacking of the Murther to the Plot; To which End they Swore Prance into the Noose, and left him This Choice before him, Whether being Inno∣cent he would Confess Himself to be a Murtherer, and so Scape; or Deny it, and Hang: But Charity began at home, and he Chose the Perjury. By This Time they were a Gleek of Knaves strong, to the Two Great Points: and every one of the Three Seconded the Other Two, both to the Plot, and to the Murther: which was a Point well enough Order'd, by the Contrivance of making the same Persons, (as Walsh, Pritchard, Le Phaire) Parties to Both.

The Authority of This Imposture was Established in such a Manner, that there was no Touching the Murther, without an Indignity to the Plot; nor any Touching the Plot, without Grating upon the Mur∣ther: Nay the Somerset-House Relation was held to be so Authentique, that there was nothing to be Bated on't, to the very Spright and the Piss-pot. They had an Excellent way too of Breaking into their Particulars, by a Previous Proof of the General Plot; which En∣rag'd the Multitude, before ever they came to the Cause in Hand, to such a Degree, that the Prisoner at the Barr was as good as Condemn'd before he was Heard; And Truss'd-up by the Sentence of the Rabble, for the Sins of his Fore-Fathers. This may suffice to shew the Reason, and the Manner of making Godfrey's Murther

a Branch of the Popish Plot. It follows next to see how far Bedloe, and Prance, gave Evidence to them both in one.

CHAP. III.

Bedloe and Prance Swore to the Plot as well as to the Murther.

THE Question is not in This Place, whether Prance and Bedloe, upon the Matter of Fact, swore True or False; but how far they Swore to the Murther, and to the Plot, Both under One; and how far They took upon them to Swear to the Plot, over and above the Murther; And not to a Plot at Random neither, but Catechistically, (if a Body may so say) to the Parts, Branches, and Articles, Directly, or Indirectly of Otes's Narrative. Every Body knows that Bedloe came-in with a Cry only of Murther in his Mouth; but for the Conspiracy, he Declared that he knew nothing at all on't; though 'tis likely enough, that another Five-Hundred-Pound-Proclamation for the Discovery of the Plot, might have refreshed his Memory without Need of a Prompter. And who knows but his Compunction might have wrought as Heartily upon him, in That Case, for fear of the Kings Life, as his Remorse of Conscience did in the Other, for the Death of Sir Ed∣mundbury Godfrey. But I am now to bring my Chapter to my Text, and in the First Place to take a short View of the Evidence that These Two Iustice-Killers Deliver'd upon the History of the Plot. The Informations I know are Many, Intricate, and Tedious: but a brief Ab∣stract

of the Whole will serve my Present Turn, Every jot as well as Copies at Large: So that I shall Content my self to make the Matter as Short, and as Orderly, as I can, without more Trouble, either to the Reader, or to my Self, then needs must.

To take the Thrid of the Story along with me, Upon the 5th. of November, 1678. Bedloe came from Bristoll, upon This Adventure, directly for London, where he was Examin'd on the 7th. by the Two Prin∣cipal Secretaries of State, in the Presence of His Late Majesty, touching the Murther of Sir Edmundbury God∣frey; Declaring upon his Oath, at the same Time, that He could say Nothing at All to the Plot that was Then in Question. And the Lords Iournal does Effe∣ctually hold forth as much as That comes to, upon the said Examnation.

Nov. 8. 1678.

THe Lord Treasurer Reported by His Majesties Directi∣ons, that Yesterday one William Bedloe was examin'd at Whitehall concerning the Discovery of the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, and that his Majesty had gi∣ven Order he should be brought to give This House an Ac∣count thereof; Who being brought to the Barr, and having his Oath given him, made a Large Narrative to This Effect: That he was born in Monmouthshire, and was of the Church of England till within these Two Years; that by Persuasion, and Promises from the Jesuits, he was drawn over to them; that he is not in Orders▪ He KNOWS that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murthered in Somer∣set-house, &c. Lords Journal.

From hence it appears that he had been Examin'd about the Murther, and that he was now to give an ac∣count to the Lords of what he knew Concerning that

Matter: But when his Hand was once In, he was pleas'd, out of a Superabundant Zeal for the Safety of the King and his Government, and for the Preser∣vation of the Protestant Religion, to Launch out into the Depths of the Plot, with a New, and Supplemental Evidence: Wherein he says further, that Walsh and Le Phaire Enform'd him, that the Lord Bellassis had a Commission to Command Forces in the North, the Earl of Powis, in South-Wales, and the Lord Arundel of War∣der, had a Commission from the Pope to grant Commis∣sions to whom he pleased; that Coleman had been a great Agitator in the Design against the King, and that he ask∣ing the Iesuits why they had not formerly told him what they had Design'd concerning the Kings Death; they Answer∣ed, that None but whom my Lord Bellassis gave Dire∣ctions for, were to know it: Desired he might have Time to put the whole Narrative in Writing, which he had Begun; And being asked, If he knew Titus Otes, he Deny'd it. Lords Iournal, Nov. 8. 1678.

But he had a Salvo for This afterwards, which was, that he knew him by the Name of Ambrose, not by the Name of Otes. Journal 29. 1678. And such another Fetch he had in the Case of Whitebread: I speak it with a Caution, says he, That I never heard of Whitebread, that he was so very much Concern'd: And indeed I had No Reason to say so, because I heard him my self, and could not so well speak from the Hear-say of Another. Five Je∣suits Tryals. P. 32.

Immediately upon This Evidence, an Order was Pass'd to make a Strict Search for Charles Walsh, Le Phaire, and other Suspicious Persons, &c. and an Ad∣dress, the Day following for a Proclamation against Conyers, Simmonds, Walsh, Le Phaire, Pritchard, and Cattaway, as Persons Guilty of the Damnable and Hellish Plot, &c.

Nov. 12. 1678. The Lord Marquess of Winton reported, that the Committee appointed to take Examinations for the Discovery of the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, have spent Many days therein, and do present the House Two Examinations of Mr. William Bedloe; and some Examinations of several other Persons. His Lord∣ship said, that the Lords Committees did Conjure William Bedloe to speak Nothing but Truth, and he did in the Pre∣sence of God, as he should Answer it at the Day of Iudg∣ment, assure All to be true he had Depos'd. Lords Journal.

Then the Examinations taken November the 8th. 1678. at the Committee of Lords for Enquiring into the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey were read. Lords Journal.

After he had spoken to the Murther, he proceeds, as before to the Plot; but not without Intermixing here and there a Word, even in the Depositions touch∣ing the Murther, that Skew'd upon the Plot too; [There was a Man to be Kill'd, he says, that was a great Obsta∣cle of their Design.] And then he speaks Afterward [Of the Principal Plotters of that Design against the King;] and so Passes-on to his Evidence, about the Conspiracy, under the Title of.

The Further Examinations of William Bedloe being Sworn at the Bar.

THe Monks at Doway told him the Design, he said, and after Four Sacraments of Secrecy, they sent him to Harcourt a Iesuit in Duke-street; who Provided for him, and sent him to Paris, &c. Le Phaire, Walsh, Pritchard, and Lewis told him what Lords were to Govern; What Men to be Rais'd; Forty Thousand to be ready in London; What Succours to be Expected; Ten Thousand from Flanders; Twenty or Thirty Thousand Re∣ligious

Men, and Pilgrims, from St. Iago; Hull to be Surpriz'd: But just in the Godspeed, the Plot was Dis∣cover'd. Le Phaire gave him a Sacrament of Secrecy; They told him Who and Who were to be kill'd; and the Men that were to do the Work. Le Phaire sa••d further, that Conyers was My Lord Bellassis's Confessor, and Communicated his Orders; and that they were resolv'd, if any Plotters were Taken, to Dispatch 'em before they could be brought to a Tryal, or to Burn the Prison. And he Deposes moreover, that Le Phaire, Pritchard, Lewis, Keines, Walsh, and others had often told him, [That there was not a Roman Catho∣lique in England, of any Quality or Credit, but was ac∣quainted with this Design of the Papists, and had r••∣ceived the Sacrament from their Father-Confessors, to be Secret aad Assistant in the Carrying of it on. Lords Journal, Nov. 12. 1678.

On the 18th. of November, 1678. He Deliver'd an Enformation upon Oath concerning the Plot, to the Lord Chief Iustice, in the Speakers Chamber, which was in Effect, but so much over again; adding only that the part assign'd him, was to bring and carry Orders and Counsels, and all other Intelligences from One Army to Another, upon All occasions, he knowing every Part and Road of England and Wales.

That about the Latter end of April, or the beginning of May last was a Twelvemonth, about Six a Clock in the Afternoon there was a Consult held in the Chappel-Galle∣ry at Somerset-House, where were present the Lord Bella∣sis, and, he thinks, the Lord Powis, Mr. Coleman, Le Phaire, Pritchard, Latham, and Sheldon; and Two French-men in Orders, whom he took to be Abbots, and two other Persons of Quality, but did not see their Faces, and Others: Amongst Them, the Queen: And further that Coleman and Pritchard told him, that after the Consult, the Queen Wept at what was propos'd there, but

was Over-perswaded to Consent, by the Strength of Two French-men's Arguments: That he was below walking in the Chappel at the Time of the Consult, with others, &c. That after the Consult, the Queen came through the Room where the Priests Dress'd Themselves, and that he then ob∣serv'd some Alteration in her Majesties. Council Chamber, Nov. 27. 1678.] And so he runs on into a Ramble of his carrying Letters for France; and Treasonous Discourses betwixt Stapilton and Himself, at Cambray, &c.] All of the same Batch with the other.

Presently upon This Enformation, there Follow'd [an Address for Removing the QUEEN, and all her Fa∣mily, and All PAPISTS, and REPVTED or SVSPE∣CTED Papists from his Majesties Court at Whitehall.] There is one remarkable Deposition yet behind, that was taken before the Council, Iune 24. 1679. upon the Subject of the Consult last above mentioned; which is not upon any Terms to be Pass'd over, for Reasons to be given hereafter.

He brings the Queen into the Plot of Poysoning the King, her Husband, by the Hand of Sir Geo. Wakeman: And says that [He Himself being the Latter Part of the Last Summer in Harcourt's Chamber, Sir Geo. came in there in a great Huff, saying, Why should I be so Drill'd on, and Slighted, when I have Vndertaken so great Work, having been promis'd so many Thousands? &c.] Harcourt thereupon, went and took a Paper out of his Cabinet; which for a While he held in his Hand, telling him he had been at Whitehall to Fetch That Paper; and thereupon read it to him, and it was a Bill for 2000 l. written by the Queens Order, &c. He also further saith, that when Harcourt shewed the said Bill for 2000 l. to Sir Geo. Wakeman, in the Deponents Presence, Sir Geo. asked Harcourt, Who the Deponent was? to which, Harcourt reply'd, ['Tis one whom we have Entrusted, not in so Great a Work

as Yours, but in a Work next to That;] by which he supposes, was meant the Death of Sir Edmundbury God∣frey. Council Chamber, June 24. 1679.] Harcourt owning also to Bedloe, that the Great Work was to Poy∣son the King.

He says Moreover, that at a Meeting, where several of them were together, he heard them Express great Dissatis∣faction that there had been so many Opportunities lost of Kil∣ling the King whilst he was at Windsor, and therefore to repair the same, there went Eight of them after the King to Newmarket; taking Horse from Harcourt's Lodging at Four in the Afternoon, whereof Grove, and Picke∣ring, were Two.

But not to be Endless; I find a Charge of betwixt Thirty and Forty Conspirators, by Name, in his Enfor∣mations before the Lords: Beside, Generalities, and So∣cieties, He gives an Account of Commissions in Coleman's Tryal, p. 41. Pritchard told him that Grove and Pick∣ering were to Kill the King. Irelands Tryal, pag. 40. Four Ruffians sent to Windsor. Ibid.. And they Missing, Conyers was taken in. Ibid. He tells also of 30000 Mas∣ses for the One, and 1500 l. for the Other. P. 43. And that Ireland, Whitebread, and Fenwick were at the Consult. Ib. He saw the Mony for the Ruffians. Five Jesuits Tryals, p. 32. Pickering was Disciplin'd for missing Opportunities, fol. 33. Wakeman to have 15000 l. Ibid. Ireland Propos'd the Murther at Newmarket. Ib. Finally, There's little more in Bedloe's Plot-Evidence then an Amusement of Words, Names, Places, and o∣ther Circumstances of Things to Jingle with Otes's Narrative, and to make out the Miraculous Harmony, as they call it, of the Kings Witnesses. He tells a Tale of Father Le Chaise, the French King's Confessor, Secre∣tary Coleman, Harcourt, Ireland, Stapilton, Pickering, Grove, Conyers, Whitebread, Father Warner, Sir Iohn Warner, Sir Geo. Wakeman, Duke-street, Somerset-House,

Windsor, St. Omers, Watton, Valladolid, St. Iago, Ruffi∣ans, Commissions, Poysoning, Groves 1500 l. Pickerings 30000 Masses, &c. And no more Agreement at last upon the whole matter, then if the Four and Twenty Letters had been thrown in at Hap-Hazzard.

And Prances Manage was the very same with Bedloes too; only the Other got the start of him, in Time; and had the honour of standing Otes's second when the Plot it self must have sunk without That Supporter: for Bedloe was a Mortal Evidence against Coleman, Ireland, &c. The Five Iesuits, Langhorn, Green, Berry, and Hill, &c. Whereas Prance never open'd his Mouth in a Criminal Cause 'till the Business of Godfrey, though they made a shift with him afterward, for a kind of Bung∣ling Evidence against Fenwick; And then he came by Degrees to have some Insight into the Plot too; and to hear of Fifty Thousand Men to be Rais'd: Sir George Wakeman's Tryal, p. 19. What Lords to Command the Army, and what Commissions, p. 20. And, in a Word, Who and Who were to kill the King, and How it was to be done. As to Other Particular Charges I refer my self to his Narratives.

CHAP. IV.

Notes upon the Transition of Bedloe's and Prance's Evidence, from the Proof of the Murther, to the Witnessing of the Plot.

THE Reader must not Imagine, when he finds the Argument of This Chapter to be [Notes upon Bedloe's and Prance's Evidence, &c.] that it is my Purpose to Pick a Gotham-Quarrell with every Blunder and Soloecism, in such a Chance-Medley of Enformations;

or to Enter into a Captious Scrutiny upon the whole affair: for my business is not to Expose simple Over∣sights, Inadvertencies or Mistakes; No, Nor, in this Place, so much as to Cavill at the Credit, and Authority of the Witnesses, Or to Bear too hard upon the Vnlike∣lyhood of Things Affirm'd, or Deny'd; but to lay open the Matter Nakedly as it is represented, and leave the Reader to the Liberty of his own Comment.

The Depositions here in Question, were sworn, ei∣ther before the Councill, the Lords Committees, at the Bar of the Lords House, or given in Evidence at the Tryalls of the Pretended Criminals. Now to be Fair, they must hold such a Congruity, One part to Ano∣ther, and every Part to the Whole, as in a Charita∣ble Construction to be found All of a Piece, without any Considerable Variation of the Story, either in Su∣perfluity or Defect: which is No more then according to the very letter of the Oath; to Deliver the Truth, the Whole Truth and Nothing But the Truth: and the Matter still to be the same, in what Diversity of Phrase or Expression soever. 'Tis very remarkable, the Pro∣gress of Bedloe's openings, or Illumination, into the Mystery of This Plot.

Upon the 7th. of November, 1678. he had not so much as the least Kenning of it. The 8th. Sprung a Pretty light to't. The 12th. He was as good as Master of the Secret. The 18, 19, and the 27th, he saw fur∣ther into't. The 24. Iune following, [Where his Ma∣jestie's Life was concern'd, he must and would speak Truth, he says, Although it was against HIS OWN DEAR MOTHER.] and so Charg'd the Queen. And as he went further On, he saw Things Clearer and Clearer, and More and More still, though all his Swearing hitherto amounted Only to the keeping of his Faculty in Ure, and his Conscience in Breath. But when he came to Sharps afterward, upon Life and Death,

there was No avoiding of his Point, for he had still some New way of Attaque or Other that never was heard of before: and against which there was No Place, for either Prevention, or Defence. He swore then to the Pris'ner, rather then to the Crime, for there Needed No more then the Clapping of any Man's Name to This or That Article, or Accusation, to the doing of his Business: Though his Depositions upon the Lords Iournal, and Those in the Printed Tryalls are in Many Cases Flat East and West, One to the Other: But to proceed now from Reasoning upon Matters, to the Fact it self.

His First appearance upon Oath, was, (as is already set forth), on the 7th. of November, 1678. before his Majesty and his Two Secretaries: at which time, he spake singly to the Murther, Disclaiming to any Knowledge at all of the Plot. By the Next day, he was brought to Understand, that though it was the Murther that made the Noise in the Proclamation, he would yet find the Discovery of the Plot to be the Nearest way to the Five-hundred-Pound that was Promis'd in't; so that on the 8th, he gave the Lords Committees a General Touch of the Popish Lords; Commissions; Armies to be rais'd; of [Coleman's being a Great Agitator in the Design against the King] The Iesuits in the Conspiracy, &c. [Desiring Time to put the Whole Narrative in Writing, which he had Begun.] Now to Explain the Amusement of This Wild, and Uncertain Generality, the Revela∣tion was but of One Days standing; and they had not as yet Time enough to Concert the Particulars; so that the Bare Naming of the Lords, and their Commissions; The very Hinting of Armies to be Rais'd, and the simple Mention of Coleman for an Agitator, was as much as Bedloe durst venture Upon, without further Lights, and Instructions. Coleman's Accusation was then upon the Anvil; and the Plot the Ground-Work of the

Whole Transaction; but there was No want of Heart and good Will, All this While to the Emproving of This Occasion; and his desire of Time, to put the Whole Narrative in Writing, carry'd the very same Countenance, as if he should have said, [Pray My Lords spare us but Three or Four Days to Confer with the Managers of the Intrigue, and let us alone for a Damna∣ble Hellish Popish Plot, ready Cut and Dry'd, and a Se∣cond Witness to support it. This is so fair, and Reason∣able a Gloss upon the Text, That the Lords Commit∣tees were not without some Jelousies of it, even in the very First Instance; as appears upon the same Journal, by their asking Bedloe [Whether he knew Otes or not:] And why should Bedloe then Deny the knowledge of him, if he had not been Conscious that the Owning of an Acquaintance with him would have made the Evidence smell too Rank of a Confederacy? But to Touch This Matter to the Quick, It will appear by and By upon the Comparing of Notes, and Resem∣blances that Bedloe and Prance were Initiated into This Mystery by the same Lesson of Instructions; only with This Difference in the Motives to what they did, that the One Forswore himself for Fear, and the Other, for Mony.

Bedloe (as I have sayd) gave Evidence to the Mur∣ther upon the 7th. of November, 1678. Prance was Com∣mitted on Saturday the 21. of December following [for Assisting in the Murther of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey] He was Examin'd the same Night, and stood stiff in't, that he knew Nothing, either of the Death of Godfrey, or of the Popish Plot; and Bedloe was as Positive upon the First Examination, that He knew Nothing of the Plot neither. Now the Plot was a Thing so Necessary, that the Five-hundred-Pound-Murther would not have been worth Fifty Farthings without it: and though the Bait was thrown out for the Discoverers of the Murther,

the Anglers were yet secur'd before-hand, that upon a sound Bite, they should draw up a Discoverer of the Plot: for the Matter being Equally Both ways a Per∣jury, the One they knew (as I have noted before) would be as Cheap as the other. They had both of them however, only One Night, and no more, to Sleep upon't: And it was Impossible, in that Pinch of Time, to bring their Matters to Agree in Every Point like a Pair of Tallyes: And therefore Bedloe was fain to Con∣tent himself at Present with a Tale of a Cock and a Bull, (Just as the Journal sets it forth) without any Preg∣nancy of Likelyhoods, or Particularity of Circumstances, to give it Credit.

Now Prance was upon his Peril to speak out, at Four-and-Twenty-hours-warning too; for on the same Day that he was taken up, and Examin'd, (Damning himself to the Pit of Hell if he knew any thing either of the Death, or of the Plot) he was Committed to the Condemn'd Hole in Newgate; Loaden with Heavy Irons; And for That Night left to Chew upon't, whether he would venture his Soul, or his Carcass; (which was the very Choice Before him) In This Con∣dition he lay, both of Body, and of Mind; till Early next Morning (being Sunday) when Up comes a Person to him Wholly Unknown, Layes down a Paper upon a Form just by him, and so goes his way. Soon after This, Comes Another, with a Candle; sets it down, and Leaves him. By the light of that Candle Prance read the Paper, Wherein he found the Substance of These Following Minutes.

So many Popish Lords mentioned by Name••, Fifty Thousand Men to be Rais'd; Commissions given out; Officers Appointed. Ireland was acquainted with the Design; And Bedloes Evidence against God∣frey, was Summ'd-up, and Abstracted in it too.

There were Suggestions in't, that Prance must

undoubtedly be Privy to the Plot, with Words to This Purpose [You had better Confess then be Hang'd.] Prance fancy'd This presently to be a Con∣trivance of Shaftsburyes, and Design'd for Hints of what he was to Swear to. Novv These vvere the very Points also of Bedloe's Depositions: And as Bedloe vvas to second Otes in the One; So Prance was to se∣cond Bedloe in the Other: Prance Ponder'd for some hours upon the Heads of his Paper and the Circum∣stances of his Condition; and what with the Noisom∣ness of the Place, the Cold of the Season, the Weight of his Chains, the Sense of his Misery; Want of Health, and the Dread of Death; upon the laying of things together, he took the right Quene, and desired the Master of the Prison to Carry him to my Lord Shafts∣burys, under Pretence of Matters of Great Moment to Communicate to his Lordship. Captain Richardson gave his Lordship an Account of it, and Thereupon, received [An Order for Bringing of Miles Prance to Shaftsbury-House, to be farther Examin'd.] He vvas Carry'd thither betwixt Five and Six the same Even∣ing, and there Continued till about Eleven that Night. So soon as he came thither, he was Call'd into a Low Parlour where was Shaftsbury (and Three more) And there Examin'd strictly upon the Points of the Paper; and Threatned with Hanging if he did not Confess. Upon these Menaces, Prance Yielded; and so fram'd a Pretended Discovery in Part, with a Promise to speak out more at Large, if he might have his Pardon. VVhereupon, there was a Paper drawn up, vvhich Prance Sign'd, and he vvas then return'd to the Place from vvhence he came. By this time they had secured Three Strings to their Bovv; and it is vvorthy of a Note, that Bedloe and Prance, like a Couple of School-Boys of the same Form, had in Effect the very same Lesson given them, and the very same Allovvance of Time to get it by Heart in.

But to come now to the Matter. Bedloe was upon his Oath, as I have said Already, to Deliver [the Truth, the whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth.] And the Lords Committees did over and above Conjure William Bedloe to speak Nothing but Truth: And [he did in the Presence of God, as he should Answer it at the Day of Iudgement, assure All to be True he had Depos'd. Lords Journal, Nov. 12. ••678.] It was upon the same Terms too, and Under the same Conditions that he gave his Evidence upon all Tryals of the Pris'ners in Question. The Next Point will be how far he was True to his Matter, and to Himself, without either Stretching, Shortning, Suppressing, or Clashing with his own Testimony; but with a Charitable Abatement of, and a Christian Allowance still for Humane Frailty. The Point in Issue was [a Plot or No Plot, upon the Life of the King, &c.] So that all Omissions upon That Mor∣tal Article, are Mightily to be suspected of Malice, and Iniquity, where they carry the Face of a Direct Ten∣dency to That Execrable End.

CHAP. V.

Notes upon Certain Omissions, Enlargements, Dis∣agreements, and Contradictions, in the Evidence of Bedloe and Prance concerning the Plot, to∣gether with the True Reasons Thereof.

WE have Already given a General, and a Suffi∣cient Account (in the Last Chapter but one) of the Evidences Deliver'd by Bedloe and Prance, upon the Subject of the Plot: And we are now to take into Consideration the Competency, the Fairness, the Ful∣ness,

and the Consistency of Those Depositions. In the First Place, the Omissions, and Enlargements that appear in the several Enformations, upon Comparing them One with another. Now this is a Point not to be Cleared, without References, Repetitions, and Reci∣tals: So that there's No help for't, but by making them as Few, and as Short as may be.

1. I find it upon the Lord's Journal, that the Monks of Doway gave Bedloe the Sacrament Four Times, upon a Charge of Secrecy. Nov. 12. 1678.

2. And again: That Bedloe Demanded of Mr. Gage the Rector of the English College, what they would do with the King. He Answered, They would keep him well in a Convent.

3. Bedloe then Demanded who should Govern in Chief; He told him there should be a Tender made to [ONE] of the Crown, if he would Acknowledge it from the Church; but they did believe he would not Accept of it, and then the Government should be left to some Lords that the Pope would appoint; which Lords he would not tell me, but said, I should know it from the Monks at Paris. Lords Journal, Ib.

4. He says again in the same Deposition as is Already hinted in the Third Chapter, Who were to Govern, Who Told him so. Ten Thousand from Flanders to Land at Bridlington-Bay. The Lord Powes, Petres, &c. to Rendezvous in South-Wales with Another Army, and They to Ioyn Twenty or Thirty Thousand more, that were to Land at Milford Haven from the Groin in Spain, which Army was to be [RELIGIOVS] Men and [PIL∣GRIMS] from St. Jago in Spain, &c. Lords Journal, Ibid.

5. Forty Thousand Men ready in London, Beside Those that would on the Alarum be Posted at Every Ale-House Door, to have Kill'd the Soldiers as they went out of their Quarters.

6. Le Phaire told him also that when any Plotter was taken up, he should be kill'd before he was brought to his Tryal, or the Prison Burnt.

7. And That Guernsey and Jersey were to be surpriz'd by a Power from Brest, and other Places of France; and that several French Ships have layn in, and about the Channel All This Summer upon the same Occasion.

8 And further, Le Phaire, Pritchard, &c. (as before) had often told him that there was not a Roman Catholique in England that was not Privy to the Design, and had not Received the Sacrament from their Father Confessors to be secret, and assistant to the carrying of it on.

To Pass a Note or Two upon the Particulars above, they are of so great Importance to be Thoroughly Sifted, and made out, that the Plot it self, the Credit, and the very Being of it, stands, or falls, upon the Truth or Falsity of these Enformations. But the Stress does not lye so much upon True or False, as whether this be the Whole Truth, or Not; For All these Heads, and Circumstances of the Story upon the Lords Iour∣nal (and the Four Evangelists over and above) are ut∣terly Forgotten in the Evidence, upon the Tryal of the Pris'ners. Now if Bedloe Deliver'd the Whole Truth at First, how came he afterwards to Enlarge his Evi∣dence?

But to Expound this Riddle now; he swore before the Lords to the Generals only of Otes's Plot; for Otes himself was not yet Resolv'd upon the Particulars: So that which way soever Titus Led, William was bound to Follow; and the Point of his Oath in Westminster-Hall was not Levell'd at the Plot it self, but at the Persons of the Pretended Conspirators.

Now to trace Things in order as they lye before us: We hear Nothing of Four Sacraments; The Con∣vent; The Tender of the Crown, and the Pope's Reso∣lution

upon't; The Ten Thousand, and the Twenty or Thirty Thousand, the Pilgrims, and the Religious; The London Forty Thousand; The Posting of People at Ale-House Doors; The Killing of Plotters, or the Burning of Prisons; The Surprizing of Guernsey and Iersey; Every Roman Catholique of Quality under a Sacrament to serve the Design. We have not one Syllable of All this, in the Printed Tryals, though upon the same Oath, and fro•• the same Lips that swore to the Whole Truth upon the Lords Iournal. But here's the Scheme of Otes's Plot yet, upon the whole Matter. And then for the Tender of the Crown, as it is Pointed at in the Third Article, it is so exactly the Drift, and the Case of a Whimsey, set forth in Otes's Narrative, only in other Words, viz.

The Pope hath ordered (says Otes) That in case the Duke of York, (which is the [ONE] he speaks of) will not accept these Crowns as forfeited by his Brother unto the Pope, as of his Gift; and settle such Prelates and Dig∣nitaries in the Church, and such Officers in Commands and Places, Civil, Naval, and Military, as he hath Commis∣sioned as above, Extirpate the Protestant Religion, and in Order thereunto, Ex post Facto, consent to the Assassinati∣on of the King his Brother; Massacre of his Protestant Subjects; Firing of his Towns, &c. by Pardoning the As∣sassins, Murtherers, and Incendiaries, that then [HE] be also Poysoned, or Destroyed, after they have for some time abus'd his Name, and Title, to strengthen their Plot; Weakned and Divided the Kingdoms of England, Scot∣land, and Ireland, thereby, in Civil Wars and Rebellions, as in his Fathens Time, to make way for the French to seize These Kingdoms, and totally ruine their Infantry, and Naval Force. Otes's Narrative, p. 64.

This Paragraph comprizes in few Words a General View of the whole Project; and it was but Swearing so many Men to such and such Parts and Offices in

this Fiction of a Conspiracy, to Compleat the Repu∣tation of the Discovery: that is to say, some were to have Publique Charges and Commissions; Others to car∣ry on the Massacres, Murthers, Assassinates, Poysoning, and Conflagrations; And after the Digesting of the Treasons, they could not well fail of Discovering the Traytors, especially when the same Oath that made the One made the Other.

It is not to be Imagin'd, that Bedloe, upon his re∣peated Oaths, before the King and the Lords, could Honestly forget so many remarkable Instances, of Men, and Things, as he calls Afterwards to Mind, and upon Recollection, swears to, over and above what he had sworn before. And it is a Thing no less Remarka∣ble, that he should upon the Following Tryals, Forget so many Capital, and Dangerous Articles of the Plot, as he had formerly sworn before the King and the Lords; and the Omissions, all the while, as Essential to the Mat∣ter in hand, in one Place, as in the other. But This Wonder will Cease, if a Man Rightly Considers what the Points are that are omitted in the One, and supply'd in the Other; and the Relation which they Respectively had to the Design that was Then in Agitation. While the Plot was General, the Enformation must be General too; and Bedloe did as much as Man could do, upon Bare-four-and-twenty-Hours-time, toward the Tuning of his Depositions to the Narrative; which was all he had to Work upon at Present: But New Lords New Laws; and when Otes came to Charge Particular Per∣sons upon the Strength and Foundations of That Gene∣neral Model, Bedloe was no longer at Liberty to Steer his own Course, but Ty'd up too swear in a Conformi∣ty to Otes's Measures: So that Bedloe must have Di∣vin'd, before the Lords, to Hit the Evidence, that in the Future, would be necessary at the Trials. As for the Purpose now, to Begin with Coleman.

He Carry'd a Pacquet, he says, from Mr. Coleman to Monsieur Le Chaise; and that he heard Coleman say, If he had an Hundred Lives, and a Sea of Bloud to carry on the Cause, he would spend it all to further the Cause of the Church of Rome, and to establish the Church of Rome in England; And if there was an Hundred Here∣tical Kings to be Depos'd, He would see them All De∣stroy'd. This he swears was spoken in his own House behind Westminster-Abbey at the Foot of the Stair-Case. Colemans Tryal, pag. 43, 44. [They were carrying-on a Plot, he says, to Destroy the King, and the Lords of the Council, p. 44.] Now there's not one Word either of Le Chaise, or of This Matter, to be found in the Lords Iournal: Nor any thing more of Coleman, then that he had been a Great Agitator in the Design against the King, Nov. 8. 1678. Under which Generality, Bed∣loe, sav'd to himself a kind of Right to say more af∣terwards, as he should come to be further Enlightn'd, and better Enform'd: For Bedloe, in short, was no other then Otes's Eccho; and His Bus'ness, no more, in Effect, then to take the same Oath that the Fore∣man had done. In one Word, as there is a most Ex∣travagant Difference betwixt his Depositions before the King and the Lords, and Those against the suppos'd Plotters, at the Kings Bench; so the Reason of it is obvious, for he is forced to stretch his Latter-Evidence against the Pris'ners, where his Former Deposition would not Reach them.

In the Tryals of Ireland, Pickering, and Grove, Otes swears a Consult in August, 1678. at Harcourts Chamber; Ireland present at it; Grove and Pickering appointed to kill the King; the One to have 30000 Masses, if he Miscarry'd, and the Other 1500 l. Vpon their Fail∣ing, Four Ruffians were hired to do it at Windsor: Cole∣man gave a Messenger a Guinnea to carry them their Mo∣ney. Fogarthy, Ireland, Grove, and Pickering were

present at the Resolution; and if all Fail'd, Sir Geo. Wake∣man was to do the Work by Poyson, the very Price agreed upon, and Part of the Money Receiv'd, &c. Now there's not one Syllable of All This in Bedloe's Evidence upon the Lord's Iournal; No not so much as the NAME of Corker, Fogarthy, Fenwick, Grove, Pickering, and yet Bedloe, upon the Tryal, sets-up for Otes's Se∣cond to every Point; and the Disagreement leads still to the Hanging of the Pris'ner.

And so again in the Tryal of the Five Iesuits. He brings in Whitebread for sending the Four Ruffians to Windsor: Coleman's Guinnea given to drink his Health; The 1500 l. again, and the 30000 Masses. Pickering is Disciplin'd for the Neglect of his Flint. Once he had no Powder in the Pan; Another Time no Powder in the Bar∣rel: Wakeman's 15000 l. The King to be kill'd at New-market, Conyers taken in for an Assistant.] But to conclude, there's not one Word of All This neither, nor so much as the Name of Whitebread, and several other of the Pris'ners, upon the Lords Iournal.

'Tis the same Case again with him upon the Tryals of Sir Geo. Wakeman, William Marshal, William Rum∣ley, and Iames Corker, where he Charges Keines, and Corker, with Discourse about Raising an Army, KIL∣LING, and DESIGN. He makes Marshal one of the Club, and runs through the whole History of Sir Geo. Wakeman. This was, Iuly 18. 1679. And the Par∣ticulars were never so much as thought of, till his De∣position before the King and Council of Iune 24. then last past, when he was preparing for That Jobb.

He took the same Measures too, in the Bus'ness of Langhorn. Le Chaise told him, he says, of Mony to be remitted into England; and that he had remitted some of it to Coleman, and Ireland, p. 21. and he speaks of Three Letters that he saw Langhorn Transcribe; One to the English Monks at Paris; Another to Mon∣sieur

Le Chaise; Another to the Popes Nuncio, p. 53. This is All New Matter, Newly Accommodated to the Evidence of Otes, and the Case of the Pris'ner, without one VVord of it in his Original Discovery.

It would be Endless to take All his Evidences to Pieces, and to Confront one Testimony with Ano∣ther: but one Instance may serve for the Measure of All: That is to say, his Additions are still, Stabbing, if not Mortal; and Adapted to the Case, without any regard to the Truth.

As for Miles Prance, he was under the same Govern∣ment also, with his Brother Bedloe; only coming in Late, he had not so much occasion to shew his Parts; but he serv'd as well as the Best however, for a General Plot-man. He made several Proffers yet at the Helping out of the Conspiracy, though to little or no Purpose; only in the Case of Fenwick, he had the Honour to pass, with Otes, and Bedloe, for a Third Witness. His was only a dull kind of Hackney-Story still; that Mr. Messenger was to Kill the King. 50000 Men to be rais'd; The Popish Lords to Command them; Fenwick, Ireland, and Grove, spake of this Together; Harcourt said the King was to be kill'd by several; and Fenwick said that Langhorn was to have a great hand in't. Lang∣horn's Tryal, fol. 8. He brought in All the Roman Ca∣tholiques he could Name, for an Appendix, 'tis true, but made Little on't, and order'd his Matters all the way with an Eye to his First Paper.

Upon the whole matter, Right or Wrong, here's Perjury without Dispute, either for not swearing the Whole Truth at First, or for swearing More then the Truth, afterward; and the Presumption of the Perjury is so much the stronger, in Regard that almost All the Di∣versities, and Additions in the Evidence upon the Try∣als, are Expresly Calculated, (as I have Already ob∣serv'd) for the Destruction of the Pris'ners: And This

is not All Neither; for Bedloe lyes much opener in his Disagreements and Contradictions, then he does in his Omissions and Supplements; though it is Manifest, well-nigh to a Demonstration, that all his Capital Oaths were Apply'd only to the Serving of a Turn. And so I shall go on with him upon the two Latter Points.

He swears before the Lords, that the Army of Twen∣ty or Thirty Thousand Men who were to Land at Milford Haven from the Groin, was to be Religious Men and Pilgrims, from St. Iago in Spain. Lords Iournal, Nov. 12. 1678. But then in Langhorn's Tryals, He Swears, That they had provided in Spain, under the Notion of Pilgrims from St. Jago, some Irish Cashier'd Soldiers, that had left their Country, some for Religion, and some for their Crimes, and a great many Lay-Brothers, whom they had procur'd and gathered together, under the Notion of Pilgrims, to be ready to take Shipping at the Groin, to Land at Milford-Haven, There to meet my Lord Powis, and an Army that he was to raise in Wales to further this Design, fol. 20.

In a Deposition before the Lords, he swears himself to have been of the Church of England, till within These Two Years; That by Perswasion and Promises from the Jesuits, he was drawn over to them. Lords Iournal, Nov. 8. 1678. But upon the Tryal of Ire∣land, he Swears, That he had been Five Years almost Em∣ployed by the Society of Jesuits, and the English Monks at Paris, to carry and bring Letters between them, &c. Fol. 37.

In the Tryal of Coleman: Being Interrogated what he had seen or heard touching any Commission to Mr. Coleman, he gives This Answer, [In particular I know not of any Commission directed to Mr. Coleman. I do not know any thing of it but what Sir Henry Tichborn told me, that he had a Commission, and he brought a Com∣mission for Mr. Coleman, and the rest of the Lords, from

the Principal Iesuits at Rome, by order of the Pope, &c. fol. 41. The Title of it I do not know, because I did not See it: But then in Langhorn's Tryal; being asked where he saw Certain Commissions there in Question, His Answer was This, Sir Henry Tichborn did Shew me Three Commissions in Paris, sign'd by the General of the Order, and Seal'd with the Iesuits Seal.

Not to Multiply Instances, One more upon This subject shall serve for All.

Sir George Wakeman was to come to his Tryal on the 18th. of Iuly, 1679. The Five-Iesuits-Tryal (as they call it) having been on the 13, and 14. of the Iune be∣fore: And it was then High Time to Adjust their Mat∣ters towards That which was to Follow. The Evidence that was given by Bedloe, at the Iesuits Tryal of Iune 13, 14. concerning the Queens being in a Practice with Sir George to Poyson the King, gave occasion to a fur∣ther Examination of him before the Council, on the 24. of the same Month; which was Introduced with a Preface remarkable, and in These following VVords, truly Copy'd, and strictly Examined, from and by the Original; every Page Attested by his own hand.

At the Council Chamber, Iune 24. 1679.

MR. Bedloe being Call'd in and Sworn, is told that his Majesty had appointed This Council to know the Bottom of all That Danger that might Concern his own Person, and in Particular what he could say touching the Queen's being in any Measure Privy to it; And if she were Concern'd therein, the Danger was so much the Greater as she is near to his Majesty; so that it would not without the Vtmost Peril be Conceal'd by any; Yet that if he had any New Matter to declare, the Concealment of it should not be Penal unto him; And therefore, that he should, up∣on

his Allegeance, speak out, Fully, and Plainly, with∣out respect to any Person whatsoever: (which he might do with All Freedom and Safety) And not only for what Con∣cern'd the Danger of the King's Life, but the Plot in General against the Government, and the Murder of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey.

After the Flam of the Chappel-Gallery-Consult, and the Cambray-Adventure, he comes to his Point, and Deposes, [that Sir George Wakeman coming to Har∣court's Chamber with a Complaint that they had not kept Touch with him, Harcourt told him he had not so much reason to Complain, for he was provided for; and there∣upon went and took a Paper out of his Cabinet, which, for a While, he held in his hand, telling him he had been at Whitehall to Fetch that Paper; and thereupon read it to them, and it was a Bill for Two Thousand Pounds, written by the Queen's order. Council Chamber, Iune 24. 1679.

The Deponent further sayth, that when Harcourt shew∣ed Sir George Wakeman the said Bill, he said, This indeed is something, but when shall I have the rest? Har∣court Answer'd he should have Five Thousand Pounds in Due Time, and also Ten Thousand more, and that the Two Thousand Pounds was only for his present Sup∣ply] And sayth, that Pritchard told him afterward, that it was for Poysoning the King; and Harcourt likewise owned the same. Ib.

And saith, that when Harcourt shew'd the said Bill, for Two Thousand Pounds to Sir George Wakeman in the Deponents Presence, Sir George asked Harcourt who this Deponent was? To which, Harcourt replyed, he is one we have Entrusted; not in so great a Work as Yours, but in a Work next to That; by which he supposes was meant the Death of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey.] Ib.

We shall now see how his Depositions before the

Councill as to this Point, Agree with the Evidence he gave at the Five Iesuits, and Langhorn's Tryal.

Sir George Wakeman, he says, received a Bill of Ex∣change from Mr. Harcourt, and he was told, here is a Bill of Exchange for 2000 l. as part of a greater Summ, To which Sir George Wakeman Answered: that 15000 l. was a small reward for the setling of Religion, and preserving the Three Kingdoms, &c. Five Jesuits Tryal, p. 35. And after he had given Sir George Wakeman the Bill, Sir George Wakeman open'd it, and Read it. Ib.]

And then in the next Page, says Bedloe, I did only [see] the Bill out of Mr. Harcourt's hand: but it was [Read] There only by Sir George Wakeman. In fol. 36. Sir George Wakeman Receiv'd the Bill of Exchange from Mr. Harcourt, he Read it Himself, Folded it up, and went and Received the Mony.

Note here, that before the Council, [HARCOURT] Read it; but in the Iesuiss Tryal, [WAKEMAN] only Read it. In the former, the Two Thousand Pounds was for Sir Georges Present Supply; In the Latter, it was as Part of a greater Summ. In the Former, Sir George seem'd well enough Content with the 15000 l. In the Latter, he thought it too Little. Nay in fol. 35. Sir George open'd it, which Implyes, it was Then Folded; and yet fol. 36. Sir George Wakeman Folded it up, not Folded it up Again: But Barely [Folded it up,] which looks as if it had not been Folded before.

In Sir George Wakeman's Tryal, he says, that Sir Geo. VVakeman Fetched a Turn or Two about the Room, seem∣ing Angry, and Discontented, and asked Harcourt if he had any Thing for him? Then Harcourt asked him how he did Proceed? sayd he, I don't know whether I shall or No, &c. fol. 31. with That, Harcourt, went to his Cabi∣net and took out Five or Six papers, and brought a

small Bill, &c. Ib. (of 2000 l.) Well, sayd Sir George, I will go and see if the Bill be accepted, and you shall hear of me to Night. And Bedloe met him Presently after, and Sir George told him it was accepted, and that he was to go in the Afternoon to Receive it, Ib. Soon after This, He is Call'd upon to go over with This Part of his Evi∣dence again, fol. 46. and There we have him searching among his Bags, and finding a Little Note among them: And the Relation Effectually to be quite Another Thing.

He is Now got into Clear Another story than the Two Former; for there was no such Question as [Have you any Thing for Me?] No such Peevishness, or Hesi∣tation, as [I don't know whether I shall or No] In One Deposition, Five or Six Papers taken out of the Ca∣binet, Whereas in the other Depositions, there's men∣tion made only of One. Nor is there any Talk of Ac∣ceptance or Payment.

There remains Yet Another scruple with a respect to the Timing of This action, which is Never to be Reconcil'd. He makes it before the Council, to have been the Latter part of the last Summer, i. e. 1678. That This Meeting was in Harcourt's Chamber [It was (I think, says He) about the beginning of August. Sir George Wakeman's Tryal, fol. 37.] But being Press'd afterward by Sir George Wakeman in These words [What Day was it, that I had the Discourse with Harcourt, and Received the Bill from him, as You say?]

[Mr. Bedloe] To satisfie you as well as I can, I say it was the Beginning of August, or Part of the Beginning. I do not speak to a Day, p. 40.

So that according to Bedloe's Oath before the Coun∣cil, of Iune 24. 1679. Mr. Harcourt gives Sir George Wakeman a Hint, which Bedloe Understood to be Meant of his being Employ'd to kill Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, and Bedloe looks the same way in his Evidence at Sir George Wakeman's Tryal. Sir George asked of Harcourt

(says he) Who I was? Said he, 'Tis a Friend, that hath been long Engaged in our Bus'ness, and is to do the Next Great Work to Yours. Fol. 37.

Now upon the Upshot of the Matter, Bedloe swears that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murthered because of Tong's and Otes's Enformations that he had Taken: and Bedloe was Employed at the Beginning of August to Destroy Godfrey, for having Taken those Enformations, which he never Took, nor ever so much as heard of, till the Sixth of the Following September.

His Swearing Off and On in the Case of Whitebread and Fenwick, was a Notable Cast of his Faculty too; that is to say, They, being upon their Tryals with Ireland, Grove, and Pickering, Bedloe declares, that [he does not Charge any Man but them Three] and when he was told by the Court, [What he said was not any Evi∣dence against Whitebread:] and demanded what he could say as to Fenwick: his Answer was in These words, [No more then as I have to Mr VVhitebread. Ire∣ands Tryal, fol. 42.] But This Notwithstanding Whitebread and Fenwick were remanded back to the Goale, by reason that Otes's Testimony was so Full: It being Insisted on, That the King having sent forth a Proclamation for further Discovery, there was [No Question made, but that before the Time therein prefixed should come out, there would come in more Evidence. Ib. pag. 56.

This was at the Sessions-House at the Old-Bayly; December 17. 1678. where They were brought upon their Tryals again on the 13. and 14. of Iune, 1679. at which Tryal, Bedloe Charged Whitebread upon the Matter of the Four Ruffians that were sent to Windsor about September, fol. 32. and Whitebread, and Fenwick, Both, with being Privy and Consenting to the Practice, fol. 33. Bedloe's Evidence pass'd for Currant, notwith∣standing

his former Declaration; and upon the Sum∣ming of it up, Prance was also accounted upon as a Third Witness.

CHAP. VI.

An Abstract of the Evidence that Bedloe gave con∣cerning the Death of Sir Edmundbury God∣frey. First, before the Lords House, the Lords Committees, and the King and Council. 2ly. Vpon the Tryals of Green, Berry, and Hill, in the Court of the Kings Bench: With Notes upon the Whole.

THE Body of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey being found, a View pass'd upon it, and a Verdict deliver'd up; It Behov'd the Witnesses (whether they were True or False) to keep close to the Circumstances of the Fact that was before them: And therefore, since a Malici∣ous Murther it VVas to be, There must be some Provo∣cation Thought upon, or Presum'd: Hands found out to Execute it; a Place Convenient for the Action; some Way or other Propos'd for the Doing of it; and then some Means or other for the getting of the Body out of the Way when the Deed was done. This Train of Fore-cast, brings us Decently to Primrose-Hill; and whether he went Thither by Horse, Chair, Litter, Coach, or Waggon, it Matters not a Single Marque, Provided there be a Decorum in the Story; and that the Thing be done A-Gods-Name, as they say, and without the Help of Spirits, or Art Magick to Convey him Thither. The Next Point to be consulted, is the Position of the Body in the Ditch; The Sword, the

Bruises, the Circles about the Neck, and Finally, the Linnen Cloth that he was Strangled with; which will all be taken into Consideration in Due Time and Place. As to the Visible Matter of Fact, it stands good and agree'd upon at All hands, That is to say, the Death; the Finding of the Body; the Place where he was found; the Date When; the Time and the Manner of Removing it; the Summoning of a Iury; the View, the Debate, and the Verdict. But for what lay out of Sight, it must be left either to Further Discovery, or to Conjecture: Though in a Made-story as This was from the Begin∣ning, That which was well Fancy'd was well Prov'd: And no doubt but Bedloe and Prance would have made More on't, if they had but been aware time enough of the Blessings Heaven had in store for them; and that the Fates had Design'd them one day for Supporters of a Glorious Church and State. They made a Shift how∣ever to draw Blood, and at That Time, and in That Cause, the Speaking Head might have done as much. The Mischief was, that Bedloe's Bolt was Shot so long before Prance appear'd; And that notwithstanding the General Lights given to Prance about Godfrey and Bedloe, in the Newgate-Paper heretofore spoken of, he was yet left Miserably in the Dark, how to put Things and Things together, toward the Formalizing of a Story. He very well knew, upon the Main, that Godfrey was to be Kill'd at Somerset-House; and the Papists to do it; but upon what Provocation; to what End; how to get him Thither; In what Part of the House; and in what Manner it was Done; and what Numerical Per∣sons were to do it; How to Dispose of the Body from Place to Place; When, and which way to get it Out; His Instructions were short, and nothing but pure Dint of Forehead to bear him out in the History: This may serve for a kind of Apology for their Blun∣ders in the General, but we shall now look into the

Merits of the Cause, upon a Sober and Candid View of their Evidence in Particular.

Bedloe's Evidence before the Lords, as it stands up∣on the Iournal, Friday, Nov. 8. 1678. was Briefly This.

He [KNOWS] that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murther'd in Somerset-House, on Saturday, by Charles Walsh and Le Phaire, Jesuits: and by Two Lay-men. He saw the Body after it was Murthered, and before it was carry'd out; and Le Phaire told him he was Stifled be∣tween Two Pillows; and he was offered Two Thousand Guinneas to be one of the Three to carry out the Body; which was kept either in the Room, or the next where the Duke of Albermarle lay in State; that the Chair-men who carry'd out the Body, on Monday Night at Nine of the Clock, are Retainers to Somerset-House, but he knows them not: He saith that Walsh, Le Phaire, and Pritch∣ard told him, that the Lord Bellassis Employ'd them in This Bus'ness.]

Upon his Examination before the Lords on the Tuesday following, He calls to Mind, that He was offered Four Thousand Pound to be one of the Four, or Six, that should kill him, which he promised to do, but Saunter'd up and down, to Grays-Inn-Walks, Fleetstreet, Red-Lyon-Court, Palsgrave-Head Tavern, Somerset-House-Court, &c. and was none of the Man at last, either to kill, or to carry away; but tells a Story how he saw the Body; and Le Phaire, VValsh, Beeston, Atkins, and one belonging to the Queens Chappel in the same Place with the Body.] So that by this Time, he had made a kind of an Ambling Story on't. [They Agreed, he says, to carry him in a Chair to Clarendon-House-Corner, and there to put him in a Coach, to carry him to the Place where he was found; and having concluded This, they agreed to carry him off at

Eleven a Clock of the same Night.] But now to the Timing of the Bus'ness.

Bedloe Swears that betwixt Eight and Nine at Night, Le Phaire and He met in the Cloyster at Somerset-House Court, and pass'd the Time there about Half an Hour▪ After This, they walked into the Middle of the Court to be out of Hearing; and Le Phaire told him, that the Person whom he was to kill was kill'd already, and his Body th••n in Somerset-House; but he should shill have half the Re∣ward, if he would help to Carry the Body to a Place where they had chose to lay him. Bedloe asked who should go with him; and Le Phaire Named himself for one; Mr. Walsh the Lord Bellassis's Gentleman, Mr. Atkins, and one that belonged to the Queens Chappel. Le Phaire then brought him by the Hand in the Dark, led him into the Room where the Body was, and then pull'd a Dark Lanthorn from under his Coat, and shew'd a small light in the Room, where Bed∣loe saw the Persons before Named, &c. After This, they Debated how to carry him out, and to what Place; and Agreed upon the Hour of Eleven That Night, (as is said already.) Some further Chat they had about the Person that was Murthered, but Bedloe Excusing himself for One Half Hour, gave them the Slip, and came no more that Night. Le Phaire Meeting him the Next Day, told him that the Person was Justice Godfrey, and how they got him to So∣merset-House, and where they found him, viz. That He Himself, Walsh, and the Lord Bellassis Gentleman met him by the Kings-head-Inn in the Strand, Crossing of the Street, about Five of the Clock; and told him, that if he would please to go with them so far as Strand-Bridge, they would bring him to a Place near St. Clements Church, where there were a Company met; Principal Plotters of [That Design against the King] and There (if he would go presently) he might Take them, and the Principal of their Papers, &c.] To shorten the Matter; Godfrey offe∣red his Warrant and a Constable; but was loath to go Him∣self,

though they got him at last into Somerset-House Court; While Somebody was gone as pretended to fetch a Constable; and after a Turn or Two, there came Two Per∣sons more, and shov'd him into a Room; Presented a Pistol to shoot him, if he made a Noise; but if he would Answer their Expectation, they would do him no Harm; and so they bad him send fon the Examinations. He sayd he had them not; and upon Refusal, they seiz'd, and stifled him with a Pillow; but finding sometime after that he was not quite Dead, they strangled him with a Long Crevat, which Crevat Bedloe saw the Munday Night about his Neck; Le Phaire telling him further, That they had made a Wound in his Body, and layd his Sword by him, as if he had kill'd himself.

I shall only Note upon the Enformations above, that if Bedloe had stuck in his Second Deposition to the Offer of Two Thousand Pound in the Former, to help carry away the Body, without Clapping in Four Thousand Pound Extraor∣dinary, to be One of the Four, or Six, that should com∣mit the Murther, the Story would have hung never the worse together; for when his Hand was in, upon the Reward, 'Twas a wonderful Thing how he should remember the Two Thousand, and forget the Four; and then the Carrying out of the Body at Nine of the Clock in his Deposition of Friday, Nov. 8. And the Resoluti∣on of not Carrying it out 'till Eleven, in his Deposition of the Tuesday following; This Stumble, I say, has knockt the History quite out of Joynt; for it could not be less then Ten at the rate of his Second Enfor∣mation, when they came to a Resolution of carrying the Body off at Eleven. Whereas he swears Positive∣ly in the Former, that it was Carry'd away at Nine, and yet in the Tryal, fol. 34. He Swears that [He saw it there after Nine.] There was an unlucky Oversight too in the Wording of the Pretence; when Le Phaire

and his Fellows were to Trepan Godfrey into Somerset-House, under the Colour of a Meeting thereabouts of [the Princpial Plotters in [That Design against the King.] And why That Design, to a stranger? when the De∣monstrative is Nonsence, where the Two Parties to the Colloquy do not Mutually Understand One Another. If Godfrey knew the Persons, 'tis odds he knew their Reli∣gion, and their Character; and would never have been put upon, by known Iesuits for the Discoverer of the Conspiracy.

Here's the Summ now of the Depositions above; but the Evidence that he gave upon the Tryals of Green, Berry and Hill, Feb. 10. 1678/9. was briefly This.

Le Phaire, Pritchard, Keines, &c. Trea••ed with Bed∣loe about Murthering a Gentleman; Promising him both Assistance, and Reward. Tryal, fol. 28. He was set to make an Acquaintance with Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, and Ply'd him at his House for six or seven Days together, on Pretence of getting Warrants against Persons, when there were None such, for their good Behaviour. He sent his Boy from the Grey-hound Tavern in the Strand, October 11. to have gotten Godfrey over to him. He had then Five Iesuits in his Company; but Missing him at Home, Bedloe and Two of the Jesuits, Le Phaire, and Walsh, went into the City. Greens Tryal, p. 29. Le Phaire came to his Chamber next Morning, and Miss'd him, but by ac∣cident they Met about Four, Afternoon, in Lincolns-Inn-Fields; went to the Palsgraves Head together; and there told Bedloe of a very Material Man that was to be put out of the way That Night; for he had gotten All Otes's and Tong's Enformations; And if he were not Dispatched, it would Endanger the Design. Bedloe said, he should need to be well seconded: And asking about the Mony, Le Phaire told him the Lord Bellassis was Engag'd for't, and Cole∣man had order to Pay it. The Summ was 4000 l. Bedloe Promis'd to Meet him at Somerset-house That Night;

but fail'd him, fol. 30.] and saw him No more 'till he met him next Night in Red-Lyon Court, where he put his Cane to his Nose, for a Hint to Bedloe, that he was to Blame not to keep his Promise. They went together to the Grey-Hound Tavern in Fleet-street, where they appoint∣ed to Meet at Nine that Night, at Somerset-House. Bed∣loe met him Exactly at the Time, when they Walk'd and Talk'd a Great While; Le Phaire telling him, that he was Murther'd; and offer'd him Half yet to Help Carry him off: and so (says Bedloe) he took me by the hand, and led me into the Room thorough a Dark Entry. In the Room were a Great many: I can't tell who they All were [Mr. Iustice Iones] VVhat kind of Light had they Mr. Prance? [Mr. Prance] It was a Middle-siz'd Lanthorn. [Mr. Iust. Iones] VVas it a small Light or a great Light? [Mr. Bedloe] It was a small Light. [Mr. Iust. Iones] Had they No Light but that Lanthorn? [Mr. Bedloe] No, and they did not open it 'till I had had a Turn about the Room. Vpon this, They Threw off the Thing that was layd upon Him, fol. 31. and Bedloe knew him; And he had about his Neck such a kind of Crevat (says he) as This about my Neck, and I went to Try and could not get my Finger in betwixt. Bedloe would have had Weights Ty'd to his Head and Feet, and Thrown him into the River. No, say'd they, We will put it upon Himself, there are None but Friends Concern'd. So they Resolv'd to put him in a Chair, and Berry the Porter should sit up to let them out at the Gate. They told me (says Bedloe) they had strangled him, but how he did not know. They Press'd Bedloe to help Carry him out; but he Excus'd himself, and said it was too Early, and that about Eleven, or Twelve a Clock would be a Better Time: So Bedloe promising Le Phaire upon the Sacrament he took on Thursday, to be at the Carrying of This Man That Night, he got away. [fol. 32.] He went then to Bristoll, but very Restless, and Disturb'd in his Mind, 'till at last he could forbear

Discovery no longer; and so he wrote to the Secretary of it, and went to the Parliament, and gave in his Enforma∣tion.

One Day (says Mr. Bedloe) I met with Prance in the Lobby.

[Mr. Attorney General] I will ask you one Question: Had you any Discourse with Mr. Prance Between the time you saw him with the Body, and the Day he was Appre∣hended?

It is to be Noted here, that Bedloe had said Nothing at All as Yet of seeing Prance with the Body; but it was found a Necessary Tack for the Holding of the Story Together, That the Two Chief Murtherers should be brought Acquainted.

Bedloe says further, he saw Green about the Court, and was told that Berry was to open the Gate; but he did not see Hill. Prance, he says, was taken up upon Suspicion, for lying out of his Lodging; and when he was There, in the Constable's Hands, Otes came by and Desired to see him, and presently after He Himself came thither. The Consta∣ble Asking him, Mr. Prance, Will you see Mr. Bedloe? No (he said) he would not; And then Prance put his Hat over his Eyes, that Bedloe might not see his Face, [fol. 3.] But Bedloe calling to have the Lobby Clear'd, he happen'd at Prance's coming by, to cast his Eyes upon his Face, and presently knew him, and Cry'd, Oh! Pray Sir Stay; you are one of my Friends that must stay here: And I presently Charg'd my Guards to take Charge of him. Saith the Constable, He is my Pris'ner. Is he so, said I? Then you have a very good Pris'ner: And Pray look safe to him: And then when I went into the House of Lords, I made out my Charge against him, fol. 34.

Now to Compare Bedloe with Himself, in his Depo∣sition of Oct. 8. The Body was Carry'd-off on Monday

Night at Nine of the Clock. He swears upon the 12th. before the Lords, that He himself saw the Body there long after Nine, when they Agreed to carry it away at Eleven; and in Green's Tryal again, Expresly that he saw it there after Nine, fol. 34.

He was told upon the 8th. That they stifled Godfrey betwixt Two Pillows. On the 12th. That he was stifled with a Pillow: And upon the Tryal, fol. 32. was told they had Strangled him, but he did not know How.

In his Enformation, Nov. 12. He appointed to meet Le Phaire at Somerset-House at Eight in the Evening, and accordingly, betwixt Eight and Nine, went Thither: but Le Phaire sayd he had stayd almost an Hour for him: whereas at the Tryal, the Appointment was Nine a Clock, and they met Exactly at the Hour. Tryal, pag. 31. He Swears, Nov. 12. 1678. That Le Phaire led him into the Room where the Body was; which was Dark, and pull'd out a Dark Lanthorn, &c. Whereas in the Tryal, he takes Notice that the Entry was Dark, but not the Room, fol. 31. And he had forgot the Lanthorn, if Prance had not minded him of it. Beside that he took a Turn in the Room before it was opened. Ibid. Bedloe had a mind, he says, to Discover, Two Years ago; but was Pre∣vented, and only Drill'd them on to know the Party that was to be Murther'd, that he might prevent them, Tryal, p. 28. It is here to be Noted, that, fol. 28. Bedloe was Resolv'd to Discover; but fol. 32. He is Contriving how to Conceal the Murther. And 2ly. That he had a Mind to Discover it some Two Years ago; That is to say, a matter of Two Year before 'twas Committed. He says again, That He did not see Le Phaire, from Sunday, to Monday Night, pag. 31. And yet before the Lords, he met him by Accident, upon Sunday, in Fleetstreet. The Iesuits, he says, that were about the Body, and had Employ'd him to Insinuate him∣self into Godfrey's Acquaintance, thought he had not

known them, fol. 32. though it was Le Phaire, Pritchard, and Walsh, that set him to insinuate Himself into God∣frey's Acquaintance; Le Phaire Himself that now shew'd him the Body. Tryal, pag. 29. And that were present (as he Swears before the Lords) at the same Time in the Room with the Body. Prance says, That they run him through with his own Sword, and then threw him into a Ditch. Bedloe says upon the Journal, That they had made a Wound in his Body, and lay'd his Sword by him.

Upon the whole Matter, This Story was certainly one of the Rankest Forgeries that ever pass'd so much, and so long Current for a Truth: But we shall now take a Summary View of Prance's Evidence, upon the same Subject, and Pretext.

CHAP. VII.

How Prance came to be Taken up; How he was Managed; with the Sum of his Evidence about Sir Edmundbury Godfrey; and a General Re∣flexion upon the whole.

THE Intrigue of Prance's Affair must be Methodi∣cally Open'd, or it will never be Clearly Vnder∣stood; and the Truth of the History it self, will suffer without the Light of an Orderly Introduction.

Prance had the Ill Fortune to have a Lodger in his House, one Iohn Wren, that was behind-hand with him for Fourteen Months Rent; and Pressing him for his Mony, he was observ'd to cast out Threatning Words against his Landlord. Soon after This, there was a Tankard gone; and a Squabble about it; but in short, Prance never heard more of his Tankard;

He had his Rent Paid him on St. Thomas Eve, 1678. And was Taken up Next Morning upon a Warrant bear∣ing Date the Day before, at the Instance and Com∣plaint of This Wren and others, upon a Suspicion of being Privy to the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey. This VVarrant was Deliver'd to the Officer by one Hill, and there it was suggested in the Enformation, That Prance lay out of his House some Nights while Sir Edmund was Missing. His Dealings with Grove: His Hiring a Horse to go out of Town: His Brother being a Priest; Pickering, and Ireland having been at his House, &c. It came to This, in fine, that Iohn Wren, Ioseph Hill, and Another, put in for the Five Hun∣dred Pound Promis'd in the Proclamation; as being the First Discoverers of the Murther, and obtained a Certificate to That End, Dated December 27. 1678. upon Prance's Taking upon Himself to have had a Hand in the Action: He was Carry'd away in Cu∣stody, into a Little Room within a Lobby by the House of Commons, and While they were There At∣tending, in comes Bedloe; staring up and down, and Enquiring Privately which was the Pris'ner, They shew∣ed him the Man, and so soon as Ever he had got sight of him, he went his way.

Now the Truth of this Matter is quite Another Thing from the Bus'ness of the Lobby, as Bedloe has Reported it in his Evidence, Tryal 33, 34. for Bedloe did not Apprehend Prance, as he says, but he was in Custody already; No such Question asked by the Con∣stable as Mr. Prance, will you see Mr. Bedloe? No Plucking his Hat over his Eyes; Not one Word sayd Bedloe to Prance; No Bidding of his Guards to take Charge of him. And so for the Bus'ness of his going to Bristoll, in such Trouble of Mind forsooth, for the Murthers that had been Already Committed, and the Great∣er One's that were Daily intended, and his being at last

Convinc'd, and Writing to the Secretary, &c. Green's Tryal, p. 33. 'Tis all a Sham (as appears Already) for he Wrote from Newbery upon his way to Bristoll; and had the Cheat, the Perjury, and the Reward at That Time in his Eye.

After the Officers had Waited for some Hours with Prance in the Lobby, they Carry'd him to an Eating House call'd Heaven; Into a Room (as by Chance) where Bedloe was Planted by Sir William Waller, and some Others, by Manifest Design: when, of a sudden, Up starts Bedloe, and with an Oath VVorthy of That Mouth cry'd out [This is one of the Rogues that I saw with a Dark Lanthorn about the Body of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, but he was then in a Periwig.] Prance was Carry'd from Thence to the Committee of Lords, and VVhile he was VVaiting to be Call'd; Wren came to him and told him, [Now is your Time to Confess, or you are Ruin'd:] speaking of the Murther of Sir Edmund B. Godfrey. Bedloe Charg'd him before the Lords with the Murther; and Wren, with being out of his House while the Body was Missing, but he Deny'd All upon his Examination, Affirming that he knew Nothing of the Murther, neither did he know Bedloe: and object∣ing against Wren, as an Incompetent Witness. This was December 21, 1678. And the Heads of his Depositions were as follows;

That he had been a Papist, but was now a Protestant, and had taken the Oaths: That he had wrought in his Trade for Groves, Pickering, Fenwick, and Ireland; That the Sunday after These Persons were Taken up, He sayd in a Coffee-house, [they were very Honest Men:] which some People took offence at. He kept out of the Way for fear of being Question'd. He never lay out of his House but Three Nights in Two Year. He had not seen Rawson of the VVhite-house, This Twelvemonth; Nor did

he go to the Queens Chappel once a Month. He Deny'd the Hiring of a Horse, at First; but Confess'd it after∣ward, and that it was to Avoid the Oaths. That an Arrest stayd him in Town. That his Wife was a Papist. That he Chang'd Guinneas for one Mr. Owen a Layman: That he had nothing to do with the Death of Godfrey: That he sent a Halbert over the Way once, when they were search∣ing for Arms; That he lay at a Neighbours House on Monday when Sir Edmund was Missing. That he had made a Light Flaxen Periwig of his Wive's Hair, but he never Wore it; That he had Dealt with Grove for Guin∣neas, and had Money of him for Work: That he knew Pickering, and had been lately in his Company, but Nei∣ther VValsh, nor Prichard: That Pickering was a Clark in the Queens Chappel: That he did not know Le Phaire, and thinks he did not know Captain Pugh; And that he was at Home from Five the Last Night, to Eleven.

I have been the more Particular in This, in Regard of the Relation it has to All the Rest; but to come Round now to my Bus'ness, Here's the short on't.

Upon Saturday, December 21. Prance Denyes All. His First nights Lodging in the Condemn'd Hole, and a Paper of Instructions next his Heart on Sunday Morning, Mollify'd, and made very Wax of him to Yield to Any Impression. That Sunday Night, by the help of some Illuminations in Aldersgate Street, he began to see Day-Light, and to Promise Discoveries, if he Might be sure of a Pardon. On Munday, the 23. [The House was In∣form'd (as I find it upon the Lords Journal) That Miles Prance hath made some Discovery of the-Plot, and hath offer'd to make further Discovery of the Plot; and also touching the Death of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, and the Whole Manner of it, If he might First be fully Assured of his Majesties Gracious and General Pardon, &c.

The Plot goes First, I perceive; but upon This Re∣port, Immediate Application was made to His Maje∣sty; a Full and General Pardon Promis'd; and it was forthwith [Order'd, that certain Lords should acquaint Miles Prance in Newgate, That Afternoon with his Ma∣jesties Gracious Assurance, and that they should then and there Proceed to Examine him thorougly in Order to a True and perfect Discovery; and that Care should he taken that No other Person, Lord, or Commoner should be pre∣sent at the said Examination, but the said Lords, and the Pris'ner.]

The House of Commons pass'd Two Orders of the same Date likewise, upon the same Subject.

1. Order'd, That the Committee of Secrecy, or any Three of them, do repair to the Prison, and take the Examination of Mr. Prance touching the Plot, and the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey.

Post Meridiem.

2. Ordered, That the Committee of Secrecy appoint∣ed to Examine Mr. Prance, do Impart to the Pris'ners in Newgate, the Contents of His Majesties Procla∣mation in Relation to the Discovery of the Plot against his Majesties Person and Government. Commons Jour∣nal, pag. 206, 207.

It makes a Man Tremble, to think what a Iayl-De∣livery of Discoverers this Temptation might have Pro∣duced. The Assurance of a Pardon, had by This Time Mellow'd Prance, and made him Ripe for a Further Ex∣amination; so that upon Tuesday Morning, Decemb. 24. He was Examin'd by the King in Council, about the Plot, and about the Murther, with a Promise of Pardo•• upon a Full Discovery.

Hereupon he Declar'd, That One Girald, an Irish Priest spoke to him about the Killing of a Man, not saying who it was; this was about a Fortnight before the Murther: And about a Week after, Girald, Green, and Hill told him they would Kill Sir Edmundbury Godfrey; for he was an Enemy to the Queen, or her Servants: He had us'd some Irish Men Ill; and Girald told him, the Lord Bel∣lassis would see the Action rewarded; Girald owning an Old Grudge to Sir Edmund, about a Bus'ness of Parish-Duties. He said they had Watch'd him a Week or Fort∣night before his Death: Green had call'd at his House that Saturday Morning, and that He, Girald, and Hill had Dogg'd him That Day until he came by his Death.

His Majesty thereupon appointed the Duke of Mon∣mouth, and the Earl of Ossory to take Prance's Enforma∣tion at Somerset-House, from Place to Place, where the Things were acted; which they did accordingly, and reported the Matter to his Majesty in Council, which Report we shall here Insert at Length, as the very Key of the Imposture, to any Man that shall but Trace the Story through the Lodgings.

May it Please your Majesty,

IN Obedience to your Majesties Order signified to us this Morning in Council, we have been at Somerset-House, and there taken the Examination of Miles Prance a Silver-Smith, touching the Murther of Sir Edmundbury God∣frey, upon the Place where the same was Committed, and in Virtue of the Oath taken before your Majesty, he decla∣red as followeth.

That it was either at the Latter End, or the Beginning of the Week, that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey did, about Nine of the Clock at Night, pass from towards St. Cle∣ments as far as the Great Water-gate at Somerset House,

being watched and followed by Lawrence Hill, one Green, and one Gerald; that Hill making some hast before, stept within the Wicket which was open, and turn∣ing soon out again, call'd to Sir Edmund as he was Passing, and said there were two Men quarrelling within, who might soon be quieted if once they saw him: Whereupon he entred through the Wicket, and after him, Green and Gerald, and down they all went, till they came to a Bench that is at the Bottom of the Deep Descent, and joyning to a Rail next to the upper end of the Stables on the Right hand: That up∣on the said Bench, there were sitting and attending their com∣ing, the Examinate, Miles Prance, and one Berry the Porter of the Other Gate, together with an Irish-man that Lodg'd at Green's House, whose Name 〈◊〉〈◊〉 knows not; And by that time they were come half way down, he the said Prance went up to the Wicket there to attend, and give notice, if any came; and at the same time the said Berry went streight on, from the Bench toward the Stone Stairs which led to the Upper Court: and when Sir Edmundbu∣ry Godfrey came down to the Bench, Green, who follow'd him, put about his Neck a large Twisted Handkercher▪ and thereupon all the rest Assisted, and dragged him into a Corner which is behind the said Bench and the said Rail: and Green, who Inform'd him in the manner hereof, and with whom he had before Seen the large Twisted Hand∣kercher, added, that he had Thumped him on the Breast, and Twisted his Neck untill he Broak it.

And the Examinant saith, that he did, in about a Quar∣ter of an hour after he had been standing at the Wicket, come down to see what was done; and found that they had Throat∣led him, but his Body remain'd Warm, and seem'd hardly Dead. But He, together with the said Hill, Green, Ge∣rald, and Berry, and the Irish-man, took him up, and convey'd him through a Door that is on the Left Hand coming down at the Corner of the Coach-House, which leads up several Stairs into a long dark Passage or Gallery,

opening at last into the Upper Court, in which Passage there is a Door on the Left hand, which being open'd, leads up with Eight Stairs into Another House adjoyning; but Immediately upon the Right hand, being got up, there is a little Closet, or Square Room, into which they convey'd the Body; and there set the Body Bending, with the Back against a Bed, which the Examinant having now seen a∣gain, thinks to be the same Bed that was there at the said Time. He further said, that Hill lived at this House, and the Body was for Two Days Left there, in his care; but then being afraid of Discovery, Hill, Gerald, Green, Berry, and the Irishman, as they told him, did Take and Convey the Body from thence about Nine or Ten of the Clock at N••••ht, and carry'd it into the House, and into some Room towards the Garden; and that while the Body lay there, he was, by Hill, conducted to see it, and saw the Body as it lay Bended, and Green, and Gerald were present. That from Thence, upon a Tuesday Night, the Body was brought back near to the Place where first it lay, into a Room in the said Gallery, over-against the first Door, somewhat higher up towards the Court, the Chamber belong∣ing to some of the Servants of Sir John Arundel, where it remain'd until Nine or Ten of the Clock on Wednesday-Night: and then, thinking it fit to remove it to the Little Room where first it Lay, this Examinant happened to come as they were lifting it up the said Eight Steps, whereupon Hill and Berry fled, as supposing him to be some Stranger; but Gerald, Green, and the Irishman stood still; and so he helped them to Lift up the Body into the former Closet, and There it continued till after Twelve of the Clock the same Wednesday Night. Hill and Berry came to them when their Fright was over; and Hill having got a Sedan, and placing it in the long dark Entry at the Foot of the said Eight Stairs, they put the Body thereinto. The Exa∣minate Prance, and Gerald, first took up the Chair, and

convey'd it through the Upper-Court; Berry the Porter open'd half the Gate, and let them out; and they rested not till they came to Covent Garden, where Green, and ano∣ther Irish-man took their Turns, and so carry'd the Sedan, and Body in it, as far as the New Grecian Church in the So-ho; and there Hill met them with a Horse; where∣upon they took out the Body, and forcing open the Legs, they set it upon the Horse, Hill Riding behind, to keep the Body up, while Green, Gerald, and the Irish-man went to accom∣pany him. Berry the Porter did not depart from the Gate, and the Examinate Prance, fearing to be missing, return'd home when the Body was set on Horseback; and the Sedan, which was left in one of the New Unfinished Houses, they took it up, and brought it home as they came back.

He further saith, That the Body lay in Somerset-House about Six or Seven Days, before it was Carry'd out: but he is not certain in the Number of the Days. He was very Positive as to the Place where the Murther was Com∣mitted, and the Manner of it; as also for the Room where the Body was first laid; but being desired to conduct us to the Room next the Garden, he led us to the Corner of the Piazza on the Left hand, and so down a Pair of Stairs, and so far seem'd to be assured he had been Led, and did think that he pass'd through the Great Court Below: But when from Thence we went up and down into several Rooms, he seem'd very Doubtful, and could not ascertain the Places; saying, He had never been there but that Once, when Hill convey'd him thither with a Dark Lanthorn; but that it was some Chamber towards the Garden. In the House where the Body was first layd, we found a Woman, whose Deposition we have taken; She was House-keeper to Dr. Godwin, and the said Hill had been a Servant to the said Doctor in this House, for above Seven Years; and con∣tinued to live there since the Doctor's Departure until Mi∣chaelmas Last: but that he hath been there Three several

Times since; and she also knew the Examinate, and call'd him by his Name.

All which is humbly submitted to your Majesty.

24. Decemb. 1678.

Monmouth. Ossory.

Vpon reading which Report, it appear'd that the Parti∣culars were very Consonant to what he had spoken at the Board in the Morning before his going; at which time being also further asked, Why he gave so different a Relation to the Commitee of the Lords, from what he now so freely Confess'd? He made Answer, He was in much Confusion before the Committee, being not sure of his Pardon; but now, being Sure of it, and also upon his Oath, he did Speak the whole Truth, according to his Knowledge. And being then further Asked, Why he came not in upon the Proclamation, and the Reward there∣of: He said, He was affraid to Trust thereunto. And being further Asked, What Reward he had receiv'd from those that Employ'd him? He said, He had yet received no Reward, nor had he sought for any, but only the Promise of Gerald, that there should be a Reward, by the Lord Bellassis. He said that he wrought in the way of his Trade to the Queens Chappel, and was a Roman Ca∣tholick, but that about Eight Weeks ago he had taken the Oathes: Being Asked, Whether there were no Guards in the usual places, at the time of Carrying on this Work? He saith, He did not take Notice of any: And being asked, Whether he saw Bedloe when he was Car∣ry'd to see the Body, when it lay in the Back-Chamber near the Garden? He Answered, He could not tell whether Bedloe was There or No; but doth remember, that Gerald, and Green, were then Present. He adds,

that Hill, Green, and Gerald, told him that they had at Primrose-hill Thrust Sir Edmund's Sword through his Body, till it came an Inch out of his Back: and that he strugled very much at the time they strangled him, but that Green punched him with his knees upon his Body, to hasten his Death.

The Council sate again in the Afternoon, and Prance was Confronted with Green, Hill, and Berry, who De∣ny'd every Syllable of the Charge, and Prance stood as stoutly to every Point of the Accusation.

On the Following 25, 26, 27, 28, December, there pass'd little more then the same thing over again, from some Members of Both Houses, who were often with him in Newgate, and still telling him, when his Evidence did not agree with Bedloe's, that he was a Rogue, and had a Mind to spoil All, with Menares if he did not Confess.

Upon Sunday the 29th, he was Examin'd before the King in Council; And, Denying All; he was asked what Inducement he had to the story? Why he swore against Those Persons? Who put him upon't? He said, No Body Prompted him; He only knew the Men that he swore a∣gainst; He never saw Bedloe before he was taken up. He knew Nothing of the Plot, nor of the Murther; All he had Sworn was False; He never was Guilty of any Man's Bloud, and could not Rest for the Story he had told: But Wren ought him Mony, and Threatned him be∣cause he Press'd him for't; and so Hair'd him into't. Some there were that Call'd him a Thousand Villains, and Apostates; and Threatned to shew him the Wrack; but he was in the Conclusion, Remanded to Newgate. It should have been Premis'd, that the Keeper being Order'd to Attend the Council with his Pris'ner, Prance made it his request that he might Wait upon his Majesty, before he Carry'd him to the Council.

Captain Richardson Enform'd the King of his Earnest desire; and he was Order'd to Carry Prance to Mr. Chiffinch's Lodgings, which accordingly he did; and stayd there together with him, 'till his Majesty came into the next Chamber, and Beckon'd Prance to come to him; and the Door was shut after him. He had been a very short time there, When his Majesty Open'd the Door, (Prance being then upon his knees) and bad Mr. Chiffinch, and Captain Richardson to take Notice of what Prance sayd; VVho, being call'd upon to speak what he had to say, [Declar'd that the Men he had sworn against, were All Innocent: and that All he had sworn against them was False: which he Affirmed with great Passion, and Earnest Asseveration. The Late Blessed King Pressing him in These very Words, (as I have good Authority for't) Upon your Salvation is it so? Prance Replying Upon my Salvation the whole Ac∣cusation is False] He was Carry'd thence to the Council, where he fell down upon his knees also, and Deny'd All that he had sworn at First; Insomuch that the Duke of Monmouth Inferr'd, that Certainly they had let Priests and Iesuits come to him, he could Never have gone off as he did else. He told the very same story to the King in Council upon the 30th. as he had done upon the 29th. To Conclude; He stood Firm to This Denyal, against All Terrors, and Temp∣tations, from the 29th. of December, to the 11th. of the Following Ianuary; and his Carcass had not as yet gotten the full Mastery of his Conscience; but when he once overcame That scruple, He Proceeded by De∣grees from a sin of Infirmity, to the Habit of a Most Malicious Wickedness: Though upon the VVhole Mat∣ter, I have Charitable Reason yet to Believe, that God has vouchsaf'd him, the Mercy, and the Grace of an Vnfeigned Repentance.

I should now come to take his Westminster-Hall Evi∣dence to Pieces; but telling his Tale by Book, and ha∣ving Little or No occasion to Change his Note, His running the History over and over in his Evidence was in Effect but the so many times saying of the same Lesson again. Not but that there are Blunders, abun∣dantly, and Incongruities, upon the Connexion, that are never to be Justify'd or Reconcil'd. As for Example.

Prance swears before the King and Council, Decemb. 24. 1678. That Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey was Mur∣ther'd either the Latter end, or the Beginning of the Week; and afterward, that the Body lay about Six or Seven Days in Somerset-house before it was Carry'd out: But he swears Punctually, upon the Tryals, to the Saturday Morning: Nay to the very Hour of Nine or Ten, fol. 15. to the Dogging of him till about Seven; to his coming to Somerset-house about Eight or Nine; where he lay till Munday-Night; and what became of him 'till Tuesday; and so to the Chairing of him away to Prim-Rose-Hill, upon Wednesday about Midnight, which amounts to but Four Days from Saturday Night, and from Munday, but Two.

But we shall have Work enough to Observe upon Contradictions and Absurdities when we come to Con∣front Prance, and Bedloe, One with Another: and in the Mean time, it shall suffice, that he has given Himself the Lye with the Horridest Solemnity of Imprecations Imaginable in Denyal of Every Article of his Accusa∣tion: Besides that he was as much Out, when he was to shew the Duke of Monmouth and My Lord Ossory the Room in Somerset-house where the Body was First Lay'd, December 24. as Otes was to bring the Earls of Ossory and Bridgwater to the Stair-Case that led to the Place where he Overheard the Queen speaking Treason, Nov. 26. Nay My Lord Ossory Himself had such an Opinion of the Story, that Mr. Vincent who was then Attending

the Duke of Monmouth, heard my Lord Ossory tell his Master upon Asking What he Thought on't, that it was All a Great Cheat.

CHAP. VIII.

The Secret History of Prance's Condition, from December 29. 1678. to January 11. 1679. and the Secret Manage of him in the Prison.

THE Readers Memory must be Refresh'd once again with it, that Prance was Taken-up by the Lords Committees; Examin'd and Committed to Newgate, Decemb. 21. 1678. Finally, Denying every Point that was Charg'd upon him. On the 22d. Shaftsbury, &c had the Handling of him, (as Captain Richardson well knows) and by the Help of a Preparatory Paper of In∣structions, formerly spoken of, Wrought upon Good Nature so far, as the next Morning to obtain the Pro∣mise of a Pardon for him, upon the Plot-Condition of Making out a Full and Perfect Discovery; and on the same day he was Close Ply'd in the Prison with Two Committees, one after another, upon the Subject (to Cross the Proverb) of Confess, and you shall Not be Hang'd. On the 24th. he Deliver'd his Enformation at large to the King in Council; from whence he was Remov'd back again, and according to Order, put into a Better Lodging; There he continued near a Week, with his Irons, sometimes off, sometimes on; During which Time, he was taken out by one of the Keepers, who told him, You are now going to be hang'd; but they Carry'd him to my Lord Chief Iustice: And upon his Refusal to Answer to Certain In∣terrogatories,

he was taken back again to Prison: There pass'd Nothing Considerable till the 29th. and 30th. Upon which Two Days, he did, with Dreadful Im∣precations Declare, and Affirm, both to the King and Council upon his Knees, and [upon his Salvation] (tho Those Words are left out of Mr. Chiffinche's Evidence in the Tryal) that his Depositions are wholly False, and the Persons Innocent that he had Accus'd: Affirming like∣wise to his Majesty and Council, that he had no other Hints to the Story he had told, then what he took from the aforesaid Paper of Instructions, that was laid by him in the Condemn'd Hole in Newgate, as is set forth in another place.

Now That which I call Prance's Secret History, is the Account of what pass'd in the Interval betwixt his Falling off from his Former Evidence, and his returning to it again; a Parenthesis that lyes much in the Dark, and a Period too Remarkable to be Bury'd in Silence.

Soon after This Vehement Denyal, and Retractation of Prance's, the Lords Committees (Ian. 2.) Order'd one William Boyce to Attend them about Miles Prance, who accordingly, with his Wife, Attended their Lord∣ships on the 4th. And being Interrogated upon the Enformation of Iohn Wren about Prances Lying abroad at His House, they made This Answer.

WILLIAM BOYCE Enforms, That upon Clapping up of the Jesuits into Newgate, he was in a Coffee-House, with Miles Prance, who hearing thereof, Lamented their Misfortune, and openly Declar'd them to be such Honest Men, that some of the Company said, they would Complain of him to the Council-Board; whereupon Prance, being affraid, did, on Wednesday and Thursday Night, the Second and Third of October Last, come and lye at his House, but never before, nor since. And the Wife of Boyce also being call'd-in, Deposed the same.

Now This Enformation of Boyce Destroys the Oath of Iohn Wren, that says he was out Tuesday and Wed∣nasday Night, when Godfrey was Missing; and of Mar∣garet his Wife, that says he was Missing Four Nights that Week; And so of Charles Manning; and Elizabeth Trevor, that swear to his Lying abroad some Nights More or Fewer, betwixt the 12th, and the 17th of October, according to the Entryes of them made in the Council Books: He Persisted in his Denyal of All; and from the 30th. of December to the 8th. of Ianuary following, what with the Deadly Cold, and Nastiness of the Place; the Distress of his Condition, the Agony of his Thoughts, under the Horror of Drawing upon himself the Guilt of Innocent Bloud, and the Gal∣ling Weight of his Irons, he lay in such Torments, both of Body and Mind, that he spent his Hours in Roaring and Groaning, and Restlessly Exclaiming; and Crying out Not Guilty, Not Guilty. No Murther. And so the same Out-Cryes, or Clamours at least, to that Effect, Over and Over, that they had no way to Cover the Scandal, and the Inhumanity of his Usage, but either by Imputing the Anguish of a Wounded Conscience to the Ravings of a Distemper'd Brain; or else to make a worse Matter on't, by Ridiculing a True Repentance into the Story of a Counterfeit Madness. But when Things were at the worst, Miles Prance was, now and then by Fits, as the Good Humour Prevail'd, Eas'd of his Irons; Comforted with Good Words; and no∣thing of Manage Omitted for the bringing Him to Understand Reason.

Upon the 8th. of Ianuary, 1678/9. Captain Richardson attended the Lords Committees about the Safe Custody of Miles Prance, according to an Order of the Day before. He was call'd-in to give some Enformation in Writing concerning him; as Also the Enformation of his Servant Charles Cooper; and it appearing to the

Lords that Prance strives what he can to Counterfeit being Mad, and that he spake Plainest when he was in Irons, their Lordships therefore Direct Captain Richard∣son to return him to the Condition he was first in, hoping by some Streightness he may be brought to stand to the Truth. Their Lordships further Order'd that Dr. Lloyd, the Dean of Bangor, be Desired to Dis∣course with Prance, in order to settle his Mind, if there be any real Occasion for it, and that Mr. Dean do at∣tend their Lordships to Morrow to receive Directions therein.

On the Day following Dr. Lloyd Attended the Council-Chamber, according to Order; And thereupon a Letter of Instructions was sent to Richardson as fol∣ows.

Sir,

THe Lords of the Committees have This Morning Dis∣coursed Dr. Lloyd, the Dean of Bangor, concern∣ing Miles Prance, and the Various Tempers he hath appear∣ed in: and their Lordships have Desired the Dean to try whether he can Compose his Mind by such Methods of Dis∣course and Persuasion, as he shall think fit to use. Wherefore the Lords Direct that you, do from Time to Time permit Mr. Dean to have Access to him, as he shall desire; and as well All the Papers of Mr. Prance's Evidence here Depen∣ding, as also what your Man Cooper hath Certify'd touch∣ing his Behaviour, there, have been sent to Mr. Dean for his Better Enformation, &c.

It appears likewise upon the Council-Books that a Ser∣vant of Captain Richardson's Attended their Lordships the same Day.

Cooper, a Servant from Captain Richardson, acquaint∣ed the Lords, that he sate up last Night with Prance, who is, according to Directions, put in Irons. He says, that

he slept very Little, and used much Raving Talk; but having Drink by him, and pretending to have spilt it, by Flinging down the Vessel, there did not appear one quarter of the Drink to be spilt. That when he put on his Stockings, ha∣ving Stirrups within, and one of them Tore, he layd the Pieces over each other before he drew the Vpper Stocking on; and having put on his Shoes with the Buckles Wrong, he pre∣sently Alter'd them to Rights.

The Next day, Ian. 10. Captain Richardson had an∣other Letter about giving Boyce Liberty to Visit Prance in the Words following.

SIR,

THE Lords of the Committee did think fit This Morning to send for William Boyce, who was an old Friend and Acquaintance to Miles Prance, and believing that he may do much toward the Composing of the Mans Mind, the Lords have Discoursed with him at Large, and would have you also Enform him in what you can, and to permit him from time to time to have Access to the said Prance, and he will come and Enform the Lords how things do Pass, which is all I have in Command from the Lords to signifie, and am, &c.

On the Next Day came Cooper again with Another Re∣port from Newgate about Prance.

Charles Cooper Servant to Captain Richardson, gave their Lordships an Account, how that Prance had Yesterday Rav'd very much, but in the Afternoon, grew more Mild, and desir'd to speak with Captain Richardson, which he did, and soon after Dr. Lloyd came to him: That he rested well till Midnight, but then fell to Rave, Crying out frequently, that it was not He Murther'd him, but They kill'd him. He having long forborn to Eat, Cooper told him he would lose his Stomach if he did not Eat; whereup∣on he fell to Eat very Heartily, and having the last Night

thrown in to him a Flock-Bed, with a Piece or Two of Blanket to cover him, he made use of all to his Conveniency, rather than to Continue on the Boards.

On Ian. 11. Captain Richardson receives Another Letter, as follows, about Prance.

SIR,

THE Lords of the Committee having put into the hands of Dr. Lloyd his Majesties Warrant for Prance's Pardon, and Instructions how to make use of the same, you are to follow such Direction as the said Doctor shall give you, either to the taking off Mr. Prance's Irons, or for his Better Accomodation, notwithstanding their Lordships for∣mer Order to the Contrary.

And the same Day Mr. Dean of Bangor tells their Lord∣ships, that having been several times with Prance, he first found him very Sullen, and Denying all; but at last his Speech was Consistent, and he desired the Doctor to come the next day, as if then he would say more, which the Doctor doing, he appear'd very well compos'd, and in good humour, saying that he had Confess'd Honestly before, and had not Wrong'd any of those he had Accus'd.

This Report of the Doctors, is follow'd with ano∣ther of Boyces, of the same Date.

William Boyce, who had also been with Prance, tells the Lords, That he Enquir'd for his Wife, and was glad to hear she was not in Prison.

That he fear'd he should be Hang'd, by what my Lord Shaftsbury told him, That if he did not Confess, and Agree with Bedloe in what Concern'd the Murther, that he should be Hang'd.

He also seem'd to fear that Those Three whom he accus'd, (meaning Green, Berry, and Hill) were set at Liberty; That he would Confess All, if he were sure of his Pardon; That he desired to speak with the Lord Shaftsbury about Four Men that had a Design to Murther him.

Captain Richardson tells the Lords that Prance sent Yesterday for him while he was in his good Temper; told him that Four Persons Named in the Following Warrant, together with Young Staley, and Himself, were lately Drinking at the Cross-Keys over against Staley's Shop; and that their Discourse was, how that the Lord Shafts∣bury was a great Persecutor of the Catholiques, and must be taken off by shooting, or some Other way: and that he would have told the Lord Shaftsbury of it when he came to Newgate, but that his Lordship appeared so Hasty, that he would not let him speak. Their Lordships presently Signed a Warrant for the Apprehending of These Men, and Appointed Sir Robert Southwell to go in the Afternoon to acquaint the Earl of Shaftsbury therewith. The Persons Accus'd were Humphry Adamson, George Bradshaw, Benedict Prosser, and Christopher Maddi∣son.

Mr. Boyce further Enform'd their Lordships on the day above, that being This morning in Newgate with hopes to have found Prance in the same Temper; he found him so sullen that he would not speak a Word to him, but laying down his Face upon his Arms, Cryed out, and often Repeated, I have Committed No Murther.

Captain Richardson being Examin'd what might be the Cause of This Fright from whence All These Changes seem to Arise; says that he cannot Imagine, unless it were that when once he brought him down, several People came to Enquire of him, when the Men, meaning the Three Con∣demn'd would be Executed: wherein he might perhaps think himself Concern'd. That Prance had once told him of a Whisper through the Key-hole, which he Believed not; but supposes Another thing might be True which is said by him, that Moore, and Messenger, being here Attending when he was brought, did Beckon to him, which made him alter his Mind.

Their Lordships thought fit to Move his Majesty for a Warrant of Pardon, which is accordingly obtained, and Mr. Dean is to shew it unto him, in order to settle his Doubts; and if he appears to Embrace it, and Deserve it, then that his Irons be knockt off; and He remov'd into Better Quarters: and a Letter, to This Effect, to Captain Richardson, which appears in the beginning of This Days Entry, and as well the Dean as Mr. Boyce are to A••quaint their Lordships, on Munday, how This Bus'ness proceeds.

Vpon Monday the 10th. the Dean of Bangor is call'd in, and says, that he gave on Saturday-night to Mr. Secretary Coventry such Enformation in Writing as he had from Miles Prance; which being call'd for, to be Read, was for some Reasons of Secrecy, Excus'd, as Discovering New Persons Not yet apprehended.

That when the Dean went to him on Saturday, he found him almost Dead, and without a Pulse: but at last, when his Irons were off, and he Carry'd into a Warm Room, he began to Hearken to his Pardon, and did Revive; Promising that he would Declare all he knew, but first desiring to have his Pardon Completed, and after Insisting hereupon; that Then he should speak out.

William Boyce says he found him in a very good Tem∣per: but very Jelous, and Desirous about his Pardon.

And then he open'd and told him of Dangerous Words spoken by Bradshaw, and Guzzeen; of Mr. Messenger's being set on by the Popish Lords to Kill the King; Vernatti Concern'd in the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, &c.

••e had now sworn Himself out of the Condemn'd Hole, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of a starving Condition upon the Boards, into a Warm Room, Variety of Dishes, a Convenient Lodging; and his Friend Boyce at his Elbow, with the Liberty of Invention, Pen, Ink and Paper, toward the Compiling of his Narratives.

It is a Bold Adventure for One Man to Undertake for Another Man's Conscience; but it is yet a Bolder, Under so many Signs, and Indications of Remorse, as Prance Express'd in the Prison, for so many Days to∣gether, to Pronounce That Appearance of Penitence▪ to be Hypocrisy, and to Interpret That steadyness, in favour of a Lye, rather then of a Truth; He Deny'd Every Syllable of the Accusation, upon his First Charge. He shrunk after That, under the Fear of Death, from the 22. of December to the 29. And there, as a Man that was not as yet Wholly Abandon'd to Work Wickedness, he went off again; and from Thence, to the Following 11th. of Ianuary, he Continu'd Firm notwithstanding All the Temptations of Life, Liberty, and Ease. But the First Proof of his Frailty, was an Encouragement to the making of a Further Tryal of it; And, Effectually, Prance's Case was the very same Case with that of Green, Berry, and Hill, as to the Choice they had before them, of Living or Dying, upon the same Terms.

Now as to his Playing the Mad-Man, the very Fancying of it, Under his Circumstances, is Certainly One of the most Phantastical Freaks, next to the Believing of it, that ever was in Nature. To take it first in the Reason of the Thing. Suppose it a Mur∣ther, and Himself one of the Murtherers; or suppose it Neither One, nor the Other: He was to Dye, in Case of not Confessing, whether he were Guilty or Not. Now for him to stand out in the Defence of a Falsity (as the Patron of the Murther will have it) was the Certain way to Carry him to the Gallows, and to the D••••il, Both at once; and the owning of a Truth (a•• T••••y would have it Understood) was the Ready Way to the Saving of him both Soul and Body.

There is a Second Consideration, which makes that Conceit of it so Ridiculous, that a Man of sense would

rather Chuse to wear a Fools-Coat then own himself the Author of it. They will have it a Piece of Art in him to make himself appear a Mad-man; when on the Contrary, it was Manifestly his Interest the Most in the World to be taken for a Sober Man; for after the Irresistible Transports, and Agitations of a Labour∣ing Conscience, Reflecting upon his having call'd God to Witness to a Perjurious Oath against the Life of his Neighbour; His Bus'ness was to gain Belief to his Inno∣cence, by taking shame upon Himself for the Guiltless Bloud that he had Endanger'd by a False Oath, and Re∣tracting, as well as by Confessing the Wickedness: But on the Other side, what end could he have in Making the world Believe, that All his [Not Guilties] and [No Murthers] were rather the Issue of a Distemper'd Head, then of a Troubled Conscience? To take the Mat∣ter in Order; Captain Richardson, and his Man Cooper; are Witnesses to the Fact here in Question. Prance told the same story to the King and Council. He said the same Thing also to his Friend Mr. Boyce; Who in an Enformation of April 5th. 1686. upon This Subject has Expresly These words.

[Here I am in Prison, Jan. 10. 1678. And I am like to be Hang'd, and I am Falsly accus'd.]

There is Nothing hitherto that looks like the Playing of a Part; and it will appear upon further En∣quiry, that Prance's Body was as much out of Humour, for Fooling, as his Mind. But before I proceed to the Hardness of his Condition, and to the Severity of the Vsage; it will be but Iustice to Note by the Way, that the Plot-Pris'ners were not under the same Methods of Government with Those People, that the Law Lodges in the Power, and in some sort, at the Discretionary Mercy of their Keepers. For there's a Great Difference betwixt Men that were Brought Rogues Into Newgate, and Men that were to be Made Rogues There; and so

to be moulded for the Use they were Taken-up for: A great Difference, I say, betwixt a Criminal of Law, and an Instrument of State: And in This Latter Case, the Keepers were Effectually under the Direction of a Certain Ambulatory Committee, When and in what De∣gree, to Squeeze, to Pinch, to Ease, to Shackle, to Comfort, or to Torment their Pris'ners, and Little or Nothing was done, but according to the Order and Disposition, Either General, or Particular, of the Cabal. I am now Entr'ing upon so Copious a Subject, that I Cannot do it Right without being Tedious; And therefore, though the Matter may seem all of a Piece with the Head that I am now upon, I shall yet assign it a Section by it self; And after the Narrative I have Already Exhibited, out of Authentique Entries, and Papers, of what pass'd Back and Forward con∣cerning Prance, produce such Further Authorities, and Depositions to the same Effect, as will leave Envy and Diffidence it self, No Place for a Cavil.

CHAP. IX.

Prances Ill Vsage, with a Brief Account of Him∣self; How he came to Depart from his Evidence. The Bishop of St. Asaphs Commission to Examine him; and several Passages Clear'd in the Pro∣ceeding.

THE History of the Last Chapter has layd the matter here in Question so open, that it Needs neither Enlargement, nor Comment. But the Reverend Dean of Bangor, (now Lord Bishop of St. Asaph) having been Assigned so Great a Part in the Transacti∣on,

I find my self Obliged in Duty, Iustice, Common Prudence, and Good Manners, to make use of That Reverend Name upon This Occasion.

There are some years now past since I had a Commission to look into This Case of Sir Edmund∣bury Godfrey; and finding the Bishops Name, so often mentioned in Records, and Iournals concern∣ing it, I took the Freedom to Trouble his Lordship with Several Papers about it; to which I had the Ho∣nour to Receive very Particular and Satisfactory An∣swers. But of This, By and By. And so we'le pass on to the remaining part of our Secret History; be∣ginning with several Enformations referring to Prance's Condition in Newgate, till he went off from his Evidence.

William Boyce Deposeth, That upon Fryday, (Jan. 10. 1678/9.) some time after Christmas, while Miles Prance was a Pris'ner in Newgate, going to the said Prance by Order, went into a Room to him on the Left hand of the Entrance into the Lodge, where he found the said Prance in Irons, and brought him down into the Lodge; where the said Prance said to This Enformant, to this Effect; Here I am in Prison, and I am like to be Hang'd, I am falsly Accus'd. This Enformant, after some stay with him, went his Way, and Dr. Lloyd went in to him, This Enformant staying at Captain Ri∣chardson's House, 'till the said Dr. Lloyd return'd again.

And saith; That the Next Morning to the Day afore∣said, This Enformant was sent to by Captain Richardson to come to the said Prance again; whither This Enformant went, and found the said Miles Prance in his Irons, in the same Room where he found him the Day before; The Captain and his Servants telling him This Enformant, that the said Prance had a Raving Night of it; And This Enformant going to the said Prance, found him Ly∣ing at his Length upon the Boards, and Crying,

[Guilty, Guilty; Not Guilty, Not Guilty, No Mur∣ther.] Crying so Loud, that some of the Neighbourhood told This Enformant, that they had heard the Noise into the Street in the Night.

Mary Preston Deposeth, That this Enformant going frequently to visit her Husband, who on the First of No∣vember, 1678. was Committed to Newgate upon the Oath of Titus Otes, for a Priest, she This Enformant, in or about Christmas, in the year above, being in Company with one Mrs. Bridgman, Mrs. Medbourn, and Mrs. Medbourns Sister, with some others, coming down the Stairs of the said Prison into the Lodge, heard a Loud and a Constant Groaning of a Man as in great Tor∣ment; which was Taken Notice of also by the Company, which at that Time was with This Enformant. The Noise seeming to come from a Place call'd the Condemn'd Hole: because the nearer this Enformant went that way, the Plainer it was heard. Whereupon, This Enformant, or some of her Company, ask'd the Keeper who it was, one of them replying it was a Woman in Labour. But This Enformant and her Company, Concluded it to be a Mans Voice; after which, the said Keeper hastned This Enfor∣mant and her Company out of the Lodge, and so they Departed: But staying a while without the Door under the Arch, they heard the Noise and Groaning very plainly still.

And This Enformant came the next Morning to the said Prison again, and waiting longer then Ordinary for the Keepers Coming, to turn the Key for her to go to her Husband, she This Enformant walking in the Lodge about a Quarter of an hour, heard the Groaning of a Man from the same Place as the day before, though much Weaker.

This Enformant heard afterwards a Discourse in the Prison, that Prance was Mad, and she remembreth that

within a few days after the hearing of these Groans, she This Enformant enquired how Prance did, receiving for Answer that he was Pretty well; And that they had given him a Flock-bed. This Enformant referring her self up∣on the Contents of this Enformation, to the Best of her Knowledge and Memory.

Catharine Wallis and Elizabeth Newens do joyntly Depose, That these Enformants, having been to visit Mr. Medbourn in Newgate, Coming down Stairs, and stay∣ing at the Door 'till the Turn-Key Vnlock'd it, heard a Dreadful Groaning, and Noise out of a Place they call the Condemn'd Hole, and heard it likewise in the Lodge, and so out in the Street, 'till they came to the Old Bayly-Corner, Divers Passengers stopping in the Street to hear the Noise, were Chid away by the Keepers.

They say likewise, that the Keepers were asked what the Noise was; but they desired to be Excus'd, they must not Tell: Only it was said in the Prison, that it was the Cry of Miles Prance.

Elizabeth Newens Deposeth apart, That the time above-spoken-of in the Ioynt Enformation of this Deponent and Mrs. Catharine Wallis, was some very few days before the Saturday, whereupon Miles Prance (as this Enfor∣mant heard in the Prison) was Remov'd from the Con∣demn'd Hole into the Press-yard; and that there was Present, one Mrs. Preston, and several others, who all took notice of the same Cry.

Philip Cook Deposeth, That this Enformant was Com∣mitted to Newgate by the Lord Mayor of London, upon the First publique Fast-day for the Plot, where he This Enformant Continued a Prisoner near the space of a year.

And that this Enformant, in, or about the time of Christmas next Ensuing the Commitment of This En∣formant; He this Enformant heard the Strong Groans of a Man, which this Enformant Iudged to be in the Place call'd the Condemn'd Hole; and several of his Fellow-Pris'ners declar••d themselves to be of the same Opinion; di∣vers of them hearkning after it: And this Enformant hearing it passing up and down the Stairs, and at the Grate of the Lodge, for the space (as he Believeth) of at least half an Hour.

And that This Enformant Enquiring what the Matter might be, the Pris'ners in the House said, that they were Torturing of Prance: and this Enformant asked some of the Keepers likewise; but he doth not particularly re∣member who they were, only he remembreth that some one or more of them told this Enformant softly, That it was Prance that made That Noise; seeming unwilling to have any Notice taken of it; They refusing to tell it to some Others that asked the Question.

The Enformant Delivers all the matters in this Enfor∣mation contained, according to the best of his Knowledge and Memory.

Many more Instances might be added; but upon the whole Matter, Prance was made Guilty when he De∣ny'd the Murther, though Innocent of it; and no way to save his Life, but by Confessing it, whether Guilty or Not. The Pain that made him Roar, made him Counterfeit himself Mad, and no way but loading him with Fresh Irons to bring him to his Wits again. But after all This, How did it appear that he was come to his Senses again? Why first, he pretended to have Spilt his Drink, when he had Drunk Three Parts of Four on't. 2ly. He found out an Expedient to draw-on his Vpper Stocking, though the Stirrup was torn. 3ly. He found that the Buckles of his Shoes were put on wrong, and

Presently set them to Rights again: I shall lay no stress upon any Testimonials that are not Current, but keep my self to the Lords Iournals; The Entries of the Coun∣cil-Books; Enformations formally taken upon Oath; and such other Evidences as, Morally speaking, are of Equi∣valent Certainty with any of the Rest.

Let me not be thought to reckon any thing that Prance says of Himself, among these Credible Testimo∣nials; tho Truth is Truth still, Whoever Delivers it; I shall only Condition, that Men of Probity may not Suf∣fer, where Prance Agrees with them in the Point of Fact; and This without Prejudice to the Reputation of any Man, where they Differ.

As to the Enformation, and the Enformers against Prance; The Day of his Seizure, (being Saturday, De∣cember 21. 1678. his Charge, Examination, and Com∣mitment; Wren's Sham-Advice to him in the Lobby; The Imposture of Bedloe's Story there; and the Trepanning of him into the Devils Mouth; The loading him with Irons in the Condemn'd Hole; The Carrying of him to be Tutour'd, and Curry'd by Shaftsbury the Next day; and the Hammering of him by Shaftsbury again, and other Examiners in the Prison, the Day following; His Perjury for fear of Death; His Enformations before the Lords, and the Promise of his Pardon upon That Dis∣covery; The Dance he led the Duke of Monmouth, and the Earl of Ossory at Somerset-House upon Tuesday the 24th. The remanding of him to Newgate; His Denyal of his Evidence to the King and Council, December 29. and 30. His Raving in Newgate, and Denying the Murther; The Turning of him back out of a Convenient Lodging into the Hole again; Boyce's coming to him by Order, and his Privacies with him; and Dr. Lloyd's being sent to him, both by the King, and the Lords Committees; The Doctors Reports upon the Matter, as

well of Conscience, as of Health; The Killing Cold, and Nastiness of the Place; The Misery of his Condition; The Shewing him his Pardon; The Effects of it; and his Change of Resolution, to the very Time of his Re∣moval into Better Quarters; These Circumstances are All Punctually Reported by Prance, and Confirm'd by other Witnesses; He speaks also of his Horrible Pains, and Ex∣treme Weakness upon Thursday, Friday, and Saturday; which agrees both with the Doctor's Report, and seve∣ral Affidavits. But for what Now follows, though Prance affirms every Syllable on't to be True, the Read∣er is yet at Liberty whether to believe it or not.

He says he had a Paper of Instructions brought him into the Condemn'd Hole; with Hints, and Minutes of the Plot, as is set forth Already, with these Words in't, [You had better Confess then be Hang'd.

He says further, That the Lord Shaftsbury told him particularly, that there were Great Ones concern'd; and he must discover Them too; for the Little Ones should not serve his Turn, calling him Rogue and Rascal several Times, for Crossing Bedloe's Evidence, and saying [there must be Great Persons in it] reflecting upon the Queen and the Duke of York; bidding him not to spare the King Himself; saying likewise, That the Body was layd under the Altar, and that he was Carry'd in a Coach to Primrose-Hill; and that Bedloe said he was stifled under a Pillow, and that he (meaning Prance) would have it anohter way. He says, That some of the Keepers, upon his Cry∣ing-out in the Anguish of his Affliction, took him to that Part of the Room that was furthest from the Street, and Chain'd him down to a Staple over Night, and Loosen'd him again in the Morning; and that one time, as he was lying with his back upon the Ground, and Roaring in the Extremity of his Pain, Two of the Keepers took him by Neck and Heels, and cast him Three or Four Times against the Ground.

We have now got over the Dark and Doleful Period of Prance's Conflict, betwixt a Whole Skin and a Good Conscience, and brought him from the Sordid Necessities of the Condemn'd Hole, to the Comfort of Meat, Drink Lodging, and Clean Linnen again. I had no sooner Promised (says Prance) upon my Assurances of Par∣don, that I would stand to my Former Evidence, but my Irons were Immediately knockt off; I was removed to a very good Room, and a Curious Bed in the Press-Yard, where I had Varieties of Meats and Drinks as good as I could wish.

This was the 11th. of Ianuary 1678/9.

So soon as Prance had compounded for the Wages of Vnrighteousness, and Rock'd his Conscience Asleep, in Attending and Providing for the Security of his Car∣case, he call'd for Pen, Ink, and Paper, and had his Lesson given him, to Provide for the Tryal of the Pretended Murtherers, Green, Berry, and Hill; who were Convicted on Monday, February 10. 1678/9. Sen∣tenc'd the Day following; and Green and Hill Executed on the 21th. and Berry Respited till the 28th.

There is Annex'd to the Printed Tryal a most Vn∣christian, an Vncharitable, and an Inhumane Reflexion up∣on the Truth, and Conscience of Hill's Dying Words, which is not only the Killing of a Man over again, but the Ridiculing of the most Sacred Test of Truth in Na∣ture. I shall have occasion to Insert a Piece of the Poor Man's Letter to his Wife, in his Extremity, which will do some sort of Right to his Memory. The whole Course of the Story is a Mystery, but This shall suffice for the Present Time, Place, and Occasion.

I am now to Proceed in Course, to the Honour of the Correspondence, which the Right Reverend Bishop of St. Asaph was Pleased to Vouchsafe me upon This Subject; and in particular I Begg'd a

Word from his Lordship to These Following Queries.

[In what State he found Prance in Newgate, with Respect to his Owning, or Denying the Murther? In what Condition of Health; and in what Manner he was Chain'd and Fetter'd; and whether he did not Condition, upon his Discovery, to be Eas'd of his Irons.]

His Lordship was pleased to return me an Answer to this Question, bearing Date, April. 16. 1686. in the Words following.

It was late (as I remember) on a Friday, in the After∣noon (Jan. 10. 1678/9.) when I was call'd before his Majesty in Council, and there Order'd to go to Prance, Then in Newgate; and it was quite Dark before I got thither. When I came to Captain Richardson with my Order, he brought me up into the Room where Prance was. I never saw it before, or since, that I remember; nor saw it then, but only by a small Candle Light. It was wall'd strong and close, with great Pieces of Timber; And yet it was very Cold through the Extreme Hardness of the Weather. Prance lay in the furthest Corner of the Room, from the Door, Wrapt up in a Coverlet, or some such kind of Thing. (Now This was the Flock-bed, and Blanket before mentioned by Cooper.) When the Captain call'd him up, he seem'd to have very little Strength in him, but with much ado, he came to me at the Chimney, where I think there was a little Fire; but I am not certain of this. The Captain with∣drew, and I said to him what I ought in Obedience to the Order that was given me. He at first Deny'd his Privity to the Murther with which he was Charg'd, and he Con∣fess'd Nothing of it at That Visit. But at last he de∣sired me to come again, and then he would tell me Every thing that he knew.

When I came the next Day in the Evening, (Jan. 11. 1678/9.) he was brought down to the Hall Fire, where, for

a good while, I spoke All that was said, and he did not An∣swer a Word to me: perhaps he could not, for he seem'd to be Stupified with Cold. By Degrees, he seem'd to come to himself; and then complained Extremely of Pains, one while in his Arms, Another while in his Legs, Roaring with it, till the Natural Heat had prevail'd. Then he seem'd to be a New Man, and spake to me of his own Ac∣cord to This Purpose, [I remember you were with me the last Night, and then I promised you I would tell you All that I knew;] and then he began to open to me so freely, not only of the Murther of Sir E. G. but of Designs against the Kings Life, by some Persons whom he then mentioned (by the way, Vernatti was not mentioned at that Time) that I began to be affraid of him, and warn'd him of so wicked a Thing, as the Accusing of Innocent Persons, and thereby drawing the Guilt of Their Bloud upon his Head; but he protested very solemnly, he Had told me, and would tell me nothing but the very Truth; So then I heard him out, till he said he had told me All that he knew, or all that he could Think of. Then I caus'd him to repeat it before Captain Richardson, and told him I would acquaint his Majesty with it, which he Earnestly Desired me to do, for fear These Designs should take Effect.

Then, and (as I think) not before, he desir'd he might be Eas'd of his Irons, and that he might be Lodg'd in a Warmer Room. He also desired me to help him to a Physi∣cian, complaining very much of the loss of his Health. I promis'd to remember These Things, and so left him, and went Immediately to wait on his Majesty with an Account of All that had pass'd, by whose Order I deliver'd the Enfor∣mations in Writing that Night to Secretary Coventry; but first, (by his Majesties Order likewise) I sent Dr. Dick∣inson to him to be his Physician, from whom you may have a better Account of his Health then I am able to give you.

For that which is suggested of a Chain layd a-cross him, to keep him down upon the Floor, I saw no such Thing, neither do I believe it, because I found him wrapt up as I have said.]

Note; that this was the 10th. of Ianuary, that Prance was found wrapt up in This Coverlet: Cooper gave it him the same Night, as is said Already; and the Cap∣tain had received an Order the Day before, for the Ad∣mittance of the Dean. So that there was both Notice and Preparation for his Reception. Once more yet in Another of Ian. 18.

For that Complaint of the Severity of his Vsage in Pri∣son, if there was no other Cause then that which I saw, there was too much in That, as you will find by the Account I have given you. But whether this Severity was a Fault of the Jaylor, or the Sheriffs, or whose else, I know not; I found him Lodged in That which I take to be the Common Room for Guilty Felons and Murtherers; (the Con∣demn'd Hole) and such he had made himself by His Own Former Confession. He lay there in Irons, which I sup∣pose is the usual Accomodation of the Place. But besides, he was very slenderly Provided against the Extreme Coldness of the Weather; which alone, I did Believe would have kill'd him, if he had continued there a few days. These Things I faithfully represented to his Majesty, and did not Conceal them from any one that ask'd me of him at That Time.

I was then so much affraid that this Hardship to a White-Liver'd-Man, of No Principles, might drive him into That Fit of Confession, that I made my Visits to him the more sparingly. I think I went not once, but when I had a Command for it, either by my Lord Claren∣don, or one of the Secretaries.] But from the Credit of the Story, to the Credit of the Man.

The Commission of Enquiry, to the Reverend Dean of Bangor, both from his Majesty, and the Lords Com∣mittees, into This Bus'ness of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, gave his Present Lordship great Advantages of seeing further into This Intrigue then another Man; and if they had left the Story to Common Fame, without bringing in such Witnesses to make good the Imposture, as were sufficient to Blast the Credit even of Truth it self; I see nothing to the Contrary, but that it might have liv'd many a fair Day without Controll. [I never saw (says the Dean, April 16. 1686.) how Prance's Evi∣dence could stand; and I never went about to Support it.] As for Otes's, and Bedloe's, and Prance's Enformations, they would make me (says he) Renounce Any Thing that Dependeth on their Credit.] His Lordship says again in Another of April 18.

[I believe, Prance can say nothing more then every one knows of the Murther of Sir E. G. Yet he is best able to Confute his own Fictions concerning it, and his Word may be of some Credit in This, though of None in any thing else.] And a Little Lower Thus.

[It was his Majesties Pleasure, (and That, as I remem∣ber) in Council, to Employ me to Berry, the Queens Por∣ter, who was then a Close Pris'ner in Newgate upon Prance's Enformation. Prance had made him one of them that at Eight, or Nine of the Clock at Night went up with Sir E. G's Dead Body, as he said, into a Chamber in the Stable-Yard at Somerset-House. I Charg'd Berry with This. He told me, Upon his Salvation 'twas False. But, saith he, How could Prance Swear to This, if it were True?] He gave such Reasons for what he said, that I went to Prance with them immediately, and Endea∣vour'd to Convince him that it was a False, or Rash Oath that he had taken. He would not Yield, nor Abate, but still Persisted in it, and Affirm'd, Upon his Salvation, that All This Part of his Enformation was True. I

could not certainly tell which of them had forsworn him∣self, though I Suspected Prance much rather of the Two. But being now very sick of my Employment, I went home to my House in Leicester-fields, where Presently a Lady of Quality came in, and, having heard before that I was sent to Berry in Newgate, she, out of Curiosity, Ask'd me what I had heard of Sir E. G. I told her that I had heard That, which made my Hair stand an End: Meaning of the Two Contradictory Oaths, as I should have Ex∣plain'd my self if I had staid. But at That Instant I was call'd away to Whitehall; and the Good Lady went away with the Belief that I had heard such Things from Berry of That Murther; which being blown about the Town, it was expected I should have made great Discoveries, while I, on the other Hand, Questioned all that had been made. This enraged a Faction against me. They said that Berry had Confess'd most Horrible Things to me, as I Ac∣knowledged, before I went to the Court; but that There I was Charm'd into Concealment. And Again in Another of May the 2d. Following.

Prance's Enformation was such as made me much affraid of him; for I could not satisfie my self, but that if Those things were True, of the Plots against the King's Life, that he pretended to Discover, he must have Discover'd them sooner, while he was Second to Bedloe; though then I should not have been apt to Believe him, for other Reasons. But now I was extremely Distrustful, and therefore came as little near him as I could.

Having Proceeded thus far with all Simplicity, and Openness upon This Subject, it will be now Matter of Respect to This Reverend Person, as well as Common Iu∣stice to the Truth of the Story, to Touch upon some other Passages that Naturally fall under Consideration; and may be found Lyable to a Sinister Construction, if I should be wholly Silent in the Point.

I took the Liberty to Crave (among other Things) his Lordships Favourable Explanation of a Certain Ex∣pression, pag. 24. in his Funeral Sermon, upon Sir Ed∣mundbury Godfrey. The Words are These.

I was told it some Hours before the Discovery, that he was found with his own Sword through his Body: Others could tell that he had Two Wounds about him. These Things were found to be True some Hours after.]

To the Enquiry above, His Lordships Answer of April 16. 1686. was This.

It was Mr. Angus, now or lately Curat of St. Dunstans in the West, that told me he heard Sir E. B. G. was found Dead with his own Sword thrust through his Body. This he told me before Dinner, on the Thursday in which Sir E. B. Godfrey's Body was found, in that manner, (as I heard it afterwards in every ones Mouth) about Two or Three of the Clock in the Afternoon.

When I heard of This before Dinner, I sent presently my Man Peter Fuller to enquire in Sir E. Godfrey's Fa∣mily, What they had heard of this News. My Man brought me word that they had heard of no such Thing. Thereupon, Enquiring no further, I went and Din'd with some Friends in the City, and did not return home till the Evening. Then, at my Return, I heard every one speak of the finding of his Body at Primrose-Hill. Whereupon I sent again to his House, that enquiry should be made after the Author's of Mr. Angus's Story. At that Time I was wholly a Stranger to the Brothers of Sir E. B. G. But they told me afterwards, that they went to Mr. Angus, and took him with them to en∣quire after the Authors: and that they had heard the News from Others, with this Enlargement, that it was said that he was found Dead with Two Wounds.

Upon This I Discours'd with Mr. Angus, who gave me an Enformation of the Matter by word of Mouth; and afterward deliver'd upon Oath as follows.

Adam Angus Deposeth, That this Enformant dined at the Wool-sack in Ivy-Lane, with one Mr. Oswald, a Minister, upon the Thursday, whereon the Body of Sir Edmund-B. Godfrey was said to be found, about Five in the Afternoon, in a Ditch upon Primrose-Hill: and that after Dinner, This Enformant went in Company with the above said Mr. Oswald, to the Shop of Mr. Chiswell a Book seller in St. Pauls-Church-yard. This Enformant stood for some time, Leaning over the Counter, and read∣ing some Printed Papers there; Mr. Oswald being in the Shop at the same time, at a Distance from him. And when This Enformant had been about a Quarter of an hour in the Shop, (about One of the Clock as he believeth) a Young-Man, in a Grey-Colour'd Suit passing by, Clapt This Enformant on the Shoulder, and This Enformant look∣ing towards him, Do you hear the News? says he; This Enformant asking him What News? He Answered, Sir Edmundbury Godfrey is found. This Enformant asked him Where? The Other Answer'd, In Leicester-Fields, at the Dead Wall, with his own Sword run through him. This Enformant Discovering himself to be Surpriz'd at the News, Mr. Oswald asked the Enformant what the matter was? Who related it to him as above; And This Enformant doth not remember any further Discourse upon it.

This Enformant hereupon went Immediately to Dr. Bur∣net, having some Dependence upon him at That Time, as an Ammanuensis to him in his History of the Reforma∣tion, and Entrusted with the Care of the Press.

Vpon This Enformants telling Dr. Burnet, what he had heard, as above, the said Dr. desir'd This Enformant to take a Coach, and Ask Dr. Lloyd En∣formant

went accordingly, and found that the Dr. knew Nothing of it. The Dr. Immediately sending his Servant to enquire about it in Sir Edmundbury Godfreys Family, who brought back word, that they had heard Nothing of the News: This Enformant staying there about a Quar∣ter of an Hour for the Boys Return.

This Enformant Presumeth, that the Dr. had not as yet Din'd, because both the Dr. and his Lady earnestly desired This Enformant to stay and Dine.

And further; This Enformant neither did, nor doth know, or so much as Guess at the Name of the Person that told him the News; Nor doth he remember, that ever he saw the said Person, either before or since the Time above-mentioned: But This Enformant doth Reasonably perswade himself, by the Manner of the Other Persons speaking to him This Enformant, that He the said Person might have some Knowledge of This Enformant.

And moreover, that This Enformant never heard any thing of the Murther, or the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, before he heard it, standing in Chiswells Shop, as aforesaid.

Since the Enformation above, I have found out Mr. Oswald, who gives the Following Account upon the Matter in Question.

Iohn Oswald Deposeth, That upon the Thursday, when the Body of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was said to be found, he Din'd at the Woolsack in Ivy-Lane, with Mr. Adam Angus, and that staying there together a pretty while after Dinner, they went, about Two a Clock (as he Believeth) to Mr. Chiswell's Shop in St. Pauls-Church∣yard; Mr. Angus being at that part of the Counter next the Street; And This Enformant at a Distance; A Ser∣vant of the House being present in the Shop. And that after some time spent there, the said Mr. Angus said to

him with some Wonder, that one passing by, said, that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was found Dead in Leicester-Fields with his own Sword run through him; but that He This Enformant, neither Saw the Man, nor Heard any such Thing said; neither (as he remembers) did the Servant of the House take any Notice of it 'till after he was gone; Mr. Angus hereupon going his way.

Beyond All-Doubt, Mr. Angus Carry'd the First News of it to Dr. Lloyd, and the Dr. Din'd in the City That day; And if Mr. Oswald had not taken it to be an Hour Later when This happen'd in Mr. Chis∣well's Shop, then Mr. Angus did, I should have thought that Mr. Angus himself had been an Hour too Late: for he makes it past One of the Clock, Himself, when he went to Dr. Burnet in Lincolns-Inn-Fields: And after That, he goes to Dr. Lloyd in Leicester-Fields, (and before Dinner still) He stays there till Peter Fuller goes to Harts-horn-Lane, and comes back again, and Time enough after all This yet, for the Dr. to go into the City to Dinner. I was, I must Confess, a Little Diffident at first, Considering No body else either Saw the Person, or Heard the Words; Whether there might not be a Fetch in't, to put such a Story about; 'till the Fair Character I had of Mr. Angus, Resolv'd that seeming Incongruity into a Mistake of the Time. But This should have been follow'd, they'l say, while Things were fresh, and People in the way. Now This Objection lyes open to several Answers. First it was Attempted, but to No Purpose, and At∣tempted by My Self too; While People were yet Living, and the Report at the Hottest; and the Story is This.

Mr. William Goldsborough the Younger was Under the Barbers hands, and while he was a Trimming, comes a

Person into the Shop, Open-Mouth'd, That Sir Ed∣mundbury Godfrey was found. It was Ask'd where, and his Answer was, That he had kill'd himself upon Prim∣rose Hill. This was upon Tuesday Morning, while he was missing; and upon Thursday following in the Even∣ing, the Body was There found. I talk'd with Mr. Goldsborough my Self about it, and ask'd him, if ei∣ther He or the Barber knew the Man? he said, No: But if he saw him again, he thought he should know him from All the Men in the World. What? said I, did he come into the Shop only to tell his Tale, and be Gone again? No, (says he) It may be he was in haste to be Trimm'd, and could not stay. I had the First Account of it from his Mother; a Person of Sense, and of Value, and she told it, not without Reflexion and Admiration. This Mr. Goldsborough succeeding his Father to the Clerks Place in the House of Commons, I went into Mans Coffee-house in the Court of Requests, while the Parliament was Sitting, and Mr. Goldsborough in his Place; and there I told Sir Thomas Player of This, with Several Other Members in his Company; De∣sired them to Represent the Matter to the House, and to get Mr. Goldsborough Examin'd about it; Pro∣pounding some not Unlikely Ways of finding it out my self. I could not learn, after all my Diligence, and Zeal, that any of them ever so much as menti∣oned This, afterward, either in the House, or to the Clark: For what Reason, no Mortal can Imagine, un∣less that some of 'em were affraid the Truth should be brought to Light. Sir Thomas Player and Mr. Golds∣borough are Dead since; but the Story is Published in an Observator, Num. 123. Vol. 1. April 15. 1682.

Another Reason for Not Pressing This Matter too far so Early-Dayes, was the Danger of an Honest Mans Attempting the Discovery of what the Cabal

had a Mind to Conceal; Witness the Riotous Affronts upon the Sacredness of Publique Iustice, so often as any Witnesses appear'd in favour of the Truth, and the Pris'ner. Nay, so far were Those Times from Suffering any Man that Generously, and Conscienciously stood up as an Advocate for Oppressed Innocence, that Corall the Coachman, Bromwell, Walters, and several Others, were Allmost Murther'd, because they would not be Murtherers, and because they would not For∣swear Themselves to take away the Lives of Honest Men. To say Nothing of Those that Suffer'd Death Outright upon That Score.

CHAP. X.

Why This History was not Published sooner. Their Wayes of Suppressing the Truth; as in the Case of Bromwell, Walters, Gibbon, Corall, &c. and of Encouraging False Witnesses.

THE whole Intrigue of This Murther being an Imposture; and the Pretended Conspiracy that was wrapt up in't, a meer Fiction, there could be No thought of Supporting One Cheat, but by Another: And the Credit of it was not to be Bolster'd up but by a Sham-Evidence. This was the Reason of the Thing, and These Two Ends were the Two Main Points: wherein they Govern'd Themselves by a certain Ge∣neral Rule, of making it as Dangerous, as Detrimental, as Scandalous, Fruitless, and Inconvenient, on the One side, to Detect, or to Invalidate a Forgery, as the Con∣trary, on the Other hand, to Assert, Swear-it-up, and Maintain it. This was the Policy and the Practice of Those Times, when Knights of the Post were Chri∣sten'd

Kings Evidences; and Men▪ of Honour stig∣matiz'd for Conspirators. This was the Case; and People will be apt to say perhaps, that it was a Sad Story too; but the Murther of Godfrey, they Cry, was a Question of Another Season, Why comes it out so Late? or Rather, What Need on't at All? I have An∣swer'd the Former in the Close of the Last Chapter. The People were not in Tune at That Time for the Impartial Truth of Things, and a Man might as well have talk'd Reason to a Tempest, as to the Multitude. In short, Nothing more Familiar, then Instances of Men that were Ruin'd, for but Discovering Barely a Good Will to the Good Office. In fine, This is not an Age for Devotees; and the Humour of Mens Sacrificing themselves for the Good of their Country, is worn mightily out of Fashion: So that there's No Great Wonder in't, if People were Wary of Medling, when they were only to be Vndone for their Pains. But This was not a Thing to be expected, so long as the Kingdom lay Trembling and Groaning under the Awe and Tyranny of the Plot-Faction; and therefore it was but Reasonable to Wait, till Honest Men might come once again to have a Clear Stage, and Fair Iudges.

As to the Second Objection, of the Season being Past, and Consequently the Vse, and Service of such an Enformation, I have This to say for my self, that if the Sacredness of Truth be at All Times, and upon All Occasions, within the Compass of Discretion, and Good Manners, to be Preserv'd: Nay, to carry it yet Higher and Higher; If the Setting of all Christendom right, upon a Subject wherein they have been abus'd by Thousands of False and Scandalous Papers and Reports, to the Disho∣nour of the King, the Royal Family, This Imperial Go∣vernment, and the English Nation: If the doing of All This, I say, be a Thing Necessary to be done (to the Highest Degree of a Moral Necessity) I can then Justifie

my self to be at This Instant, in the Exercise of a Needful, as well as a Warrantable Duty.

But now the Objection of [Why so Late?] seems to look Two Ways: First, for Instance, as who should say, 'Tis Pity 'twas done no sooner; Implying a Thing fit to be done: And this same, [Why so late,] Another way Taken, may Import quite Another Meaning, as who should say again, [He durst not meddle with it while People were Living and Matters fresh in their Memories;] Now this Sugge∣stion is so far from Reflecting a Prejudice upon the Testimony of the Kings Witnesses, or the Reputation of That Cause: so far, I say, from a Disadvantage on That side, and an Advantage, on the Other; that I shall Allow the Testimony of the Kings Witnesses to be of the same force Now, that it was Before, and pay the same Deference to the Proofs of the Dead Witnesses, on That side, that I do to the Living. So that Their Cause is just in the same State Now that it was Before: Whereas the Delay, on the Other Hand, has made it Infinitely Harder to Detect the Sham at This Distance, then it was so long ago. For there are I know not how many Stabbing Witnesses Dead since (who Durst not open their Mouths when the Prosecution was afoot) that would have Spoken to the Practices of Prance, and Bedloe; the Discoveries they made in their Fro∣liques, The Privacies of That Interval, betwixt Sir Edmunds Departure from his House, and the finding of his Body: And All These are Lost Now to My Purpose, Any further then as to the Hearsay, of what they spake upon Knowledge. And yet in Despite of Ca∣lumny, Oblivion, nay of Death it Self, the Light of the Noon-Day-Sun shall not be more Vniversally Acknow∣ledged by All Men that have Eyes in their Heads, then the Clearness of the Matter here in Question, to All Those that are not Sworn Enemies to Plain-Dealing,

and Common Sense: I shall only give some few Instances when I come to That Topique, out of a great Many, and lay No more stress upon them, then in Equity the Pre∣sumption will bear.

To come Now to the Methods that were Us'd for the Frighting, the Baffling, or the Suppressing of Fair Witnes∣ses, and for the Suborning, the Engaging, the Protecting, and Countenancing of Profligate Mercenaries that will swear any Thing; This Practice, in the First place, Answers the Question [Why so Late;] And it comes Next to be Consider'd, What it was, How it was Ma∣nag'd, and what Effects it Produc'd.

There is but Soul, Body, Reputation, Life, Limb, Li∣berty, and Estate, the Comfort of Friends, Relations, and Humane Society, that a Man has to Consider in This World; and every Man as he Likes, when he comes to the Touch, upon This Point.

[Here was the Body of a Magistrate found Dead in a Ditch, in such Manner and with such Circumstances, as has been said Over and Over already: Now it was Highly Expedient, at That Time, to make a Popish Assassination of it, and so to Close-Draw it into the same Piece with the Popish Plot. During the Innocency of the First Heat, there was a Warm Application made to his Late Majesty, for the Promise of a Re∣ward, upon the Discovery, to the Discoverers of it. There was (as it happen'd) the Snare of a Dilemma upon the King. Cover'd Under This Proposition; A Refusal would have been Interpreted a Popish Incli∣nation, in favour of the Plot, and had Infallibly been made use of as a Mighty Stumbling-block: In Case of Yielding, it was Constructively, but so much Mony offer'd to any Man, that Right or Wrong would swear Himself into a Discovery. But there was However a Proclama∣tion Emitted, a Reward of Five Hundred Pound Promis'd, and William Bedloe (or Beddoe) was the First that Leapt

at the Bait. The Wheel was now in Motion; Here's a second Witness to the Plot, and a single Evidence to the Murther. But the Plot, by Good Manage, was so Ar∣tificially Link'd to the Murther, that Both Works were put in a Way to go-on Together. In one Word, they were to make their Market, among an Abandon'd sort of People, that had Neither Honour, nor Conscience: and the Profligate, and the Fearful, were the Men for their Turns, so many as would be wrought upon by Mony, Liberty, Protection, Indemnity, or Popular Applause, to act against All Principles of Faith, Truth and Conscience, were Instruments for their Purpose: And This was it which they call'd the Providence of Raising so many Wit∣nesses out of Dungeons, and Alms-Baskets, for the Pre∣servation of our Sovereign, and our Religion: And at the same Time, there were Catch-Poles, Pursevants, Iayles, Pillories, and Gibbits at hand, for the doing of any Man's Bus'ness that oppos'd These Violences, either by Word, or Deed; and Preserv'd a good Conscience, to the Contempt of All Bodily, or Worldly Interests. This was the General Course, and Biass of their Proceedings; and I think a Man may safely say This of them, They were so Merciful in their Wrath, so Placable, or in other words, they had so much Wit in their Anger, as in a Political Construction to make Every Man whose Life they took away, a kind of Felo de se, by Chusing rather to Dye Innocent, then to Live Guilty; and to run All Honest Hazards, Themselves, rather then to accuse others, Wrongfully: But the Particular Master-stroke was This. The Guilty accus'd the Innocent, and they were Imme∣diately Taken-up upon't; and in This Condition, there was but Two Oaths, and Those Two Oaths Concerted in Two Minutes, betwixt Any Man's Neck, and the Gal∣lows. Now in This Pinch, the Pris'ner had no other Choice before him, then either by a False Oath to Hang Other People; or by a True one to Hang Himself. This

has been the Case of Many and Many an Innocent Per∣son, since the Broaching of Otes's Pretended Discovery; and it has been a Wonderful Mercy, that More have not shrunk under the Temptation. But as to the Volun∣tier-Witnesses now, they were such a Parcel of Disso∣lute Miscreants in the Whole Habit of their Lives, that their Souls were scarce Blacker, After the Perjury then they were Before.

We have been here speaking of their Practices upon such as have been formally Accus'd, Articled, and Im∣peach'd, &c. [And Then says Bedloe of Prance, when I went into the House of Lords, I made out My Charge against him. Green's Tryal, pa. 34.] But now there were Another sort of People too, that, as a Man may say, fell into the Toyl by Chance; and This in Twenty Several Cases: But I am here upon the Bus'ness of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, and I'le keep to My Subject.

The Two Persons that Found the Stick, and the Gloves, that gave the First Light to the Discovery, of the Body of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, did their Duties Honestly, and Discreetly, upon That occasion, as Will appear by the Enformations here following: and we shall see the Thanks they had for their Pains: Over and above a very Good Reason Why This was not done While Matters were Fresh.

VVilliam Brumwell Deposeth, That This Enformant, together with one John Walters Passing by Primrose Hill toward the White House, about Three or Four in the Af∣ternoon of That Thursday, when the Body of Sir Ed∣mundbury Godfrey was found; saw a Cane and a Pair of Gloves, lying within a Thicket, upon a Green Bank near the Ditch, This Enformant and the said VValters went forward to the White-house: Where, as they were Drinking together, speaking of the said Gloves, and Stick: and likewise of a Belt lying with them, (as This Enformant

remembers) It was Propos'd, and Agreed, to go down to the Place to see whether they were there still: And being come Thither, the Master of the White-house stooping to take them up, started back on the sudden, saying, [Lord Bless us! There's a Man Murther'd] This Enformant, and the Company, after a very Little stay, and without Touch∣ing the Body, or Medling with the Gloves, and Stick, that lay by, went away presently to Mr. Brown, who was then Constable; And upon This Enformants, and the Others Description of the Person to Mr. Brown, he said to This Effect; I wish it be not Sir Edmundbury Godfrey.

And that in the way from Primrose Hill, to Mr. Browns, This Enformant with his Company, Met one Jennings, a Cow-keeper, at Cony-bury Hall, And told him, that they had found a Man Dead in such a Place, Naming the Place, and Considering what was best to do in it: The said Jennings replying, You had best let it Alone, and take No further Notice for fear You should come into Trouble about it.] Rawson Rebuking the said Jen∣nings for Talking at that Rate, and so they Parted from the said Jennings.

And saith Likewise, that about the Latter end of Octob. 1678. This Enformant and John VValters abovesaid, were Taken up, and brought before the Lords Committees at VVallingford-house, the Earl of Shaftsbury being in the Chair, where they were Examin'd, and this Enformant severely Threatned by the Earl of Shaftsbury, and Com∣mitted to Newgate. And about Ten days after; This Enformant was sent for again, Where the Lord Shafts∣bury Declar'd, That This Enformant was set on by some Great Roman Catholique to find out the Body of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey; And if any Man ever was Hang'd, He should be Hang'd if he did not Dis∣cover it.

And further, that after These Menaces of the Lord Shaftsbury, Major W— took This Enformant into a

By-Place, and there ask'd This Enformant Why he would not Discover VVho set him on, for he should have 500 l. Reward, His Life Secur'd, &c.] Still Pressing This En∣formant as aforesaid: This Enformant telling him, that he had spoke What he Knew already, and that He Could say no More, nor Would he Accuse any Man Falsly.

And Moreover, That This Enformant was kept about Nine-Weeks a Prisoner in Newgate, without suffering Any body to come to him, saving only that This Enformant's Wife had an Order from the Duke of Buckingham, Twice, to Visit him.

John Walters Deposeth, that He This Enformant Walk∣ing with William Bromwell toward the White-house, upon the Day when Justice Godfrey's Body was found, saw a Cane and a Pair of Gloves, upon a Bank near Primrose Hill, about Three or Four in the Afternoon: And as they were Drinking afterwards at the White-house, speaking of the said Gloves, and Stick, they went down to the Place to see if they were there still, the Master of the House going along with them, who being come to the place, and stooping to take up the Gloves, started back, and Cry'd, Lord Bless us! There's a Man Murther'd: This Enformant and Company made very Little stay after This, but left things as they found them, and went away to see for a Constable, and were Directed to one Mr. Brown, Who upon Describing the Body, said to This Effect, I VVish it be not Sir Edmundbury Godfrey.

And that as they were upon the Way to get a Constable, they met One Jennings, and told him of a Body they had found in such a Place; Naming the Place; Whose answer was, I take You for Neighbours and Friends, I do 'een advise you to say Nothing on't, but let some body else find it out, for you may bring your selves into a Great

Deal of Trouble: This Enformant and the Company Bla∣ming Jennings for Talking so; And then they Parted.

And saith, that about the Latter end of October, 1678. This Enformant was Taken up by One that belonged to the Duke of Buckingham, (as he told This Enformant) and Carried to the Lords Committees at VVallingford-house, the Day that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Body was Bu∣ry'd: The Late Earl of Shaftsbury being in the Chair; and Titus Otes appointed to See if he Knew This En∣formant; The said Earl Threatning This Enformant ve∣••y severely; and This Enformant was Committed thereupon to the Gate-house, where he was Fetter'd, and Hand-Cuff'd, and kept in the Dungeon for Three Days, and Three Nights.

That about Eight or Ten Days after his Commit∣ment, This Enformant was sent for again to the Lords Committees, when the said Lord Saftsbury took This Enformant aside into a By-Closet, speaking to him to This Effect, [Honest Smug the Smith, Thou look'st like an Honest Fellow, Thou shalt shoe my Horses, and I'le make a Man of thee: saying further, Tell me who Murther'd This Man, and who set thee to find him out? VVhat Papists dost thou VVork for? And so the said Earl went on, Pressing This Enformant to the same Effect, This Enformant making Answer, My Lord, If I knew Your self had Murther'd him, I would Discover it, though I Dy'd for't, This Enformant telling the said Earl, as well as he Could remember for what Customers he Wrought; After which, This Enformant was Deliver'd up to the Keeper, but presently call'd back, and Discharg'd.

For a VVord of Introduction to what now follows, Mrs. Mary Gibbon, the VVife of Captain Thomas Gibbon was related to Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, and No Creature more his Confident then This Lady was, as will be further seen hereafter: But at Present, I have only

to observe, that when This Matter was at the Hottest before the Lords Committees, This Mr. Gibbon Deliver'd a Paper (the Contents whereof she hath since Attested upon Oath) to a Person of Quality, Sir I. B. who de∣liver'd the Paper to the Earl of Shaftsbury; And upon This Paper Mrs. Gibbon was sent for to Attend the Committee, where (to speak the Words of the Enfor∣mation.)

The Lord Shaftsbury call'd to her, saying, You Damn'd Woman, what Devillish Paper is This you have given us in? Putting her upon her Oath to Declare who Wrote it; calling her Bitch, and other Vile Names, and Threat∣ning her, That if she would not Confess, that Sir John Banks, Mr. Pepys, and Monsieur de Puy set her on to write that Paper, she should he Torn to Pieces by the Multitude; Threatning her to have her Worry'd as the Dogs Worry Cats, insomuch that she fell into Fits upon't, and thought she should never have got home.

Note, that the Enformation above spoken of, was Deliver'd to Sir Leoline Ienkins several Years before ever I had the Knowledge of her Person; and that she Deliver'd me a Copy of the said Enformation, with This following Postscript at the Bottom of it.

I Mary Gibbon am Indisposed in Health; but whether I Live, or Dye, in the Presence of God, and his Holy Angels, I do make Oath, that this is every Syllable True; And I have left the same, and made Oath of it to a Wor∣thy Gentleman, a Secretary of State very Lately; and if I Live till 'tis Questioned, I will Witness it.

There remains yet a very remarkable Instance of the Faith and Generosity of a Poor Hackney Coach-man; his Name Francis Corral; And if I could Contribute as ••uch to the making of his Fortunt, as I may to the Ad∣vantage

of his Name, and Reputation, it should be the first Thing I would do; for they wanted but a Second Evidence against the Lords in the Tower; and Forty other Persons of Eminent Quality, that were laid up in La∣vender, to be in readiness for the Providence of a Fur∣ther Discovery; and if this Poor Fellow had but Yield∣ed, Bedloe's Coach would have done the Iobb of carry∣ing Sir Edmund to Primrose-Hill, every Jot as well as Prance's way of Horsing him Thither: And so for Brumwell and Walters too: Either of them would have serv'd, some Way or Another, to the same Purpose. This Bus'ness of Corrall is a Barbarous Story; but I'le be as easie in the Telling of it, as is Possible, with a Respect, both to Decency, and to Common Iustice. The Truth of it is, The Severity of his Imprisonment could not well Exceed the very Direction of the Orders that the Keeper had for the Mortifying of him; and Corrall Himself does likewise Charge many Cruelties upon the Vnder Keepers, which he cannot say the Master was Privy to. But be it as it will, we shall here Deliver Corrall's Enformation, for so much as concerns the mat∣ter before us, in his own Words: Giving only to un∣derstand by the way, that he was taken into Custody some a Fortnight or thereabouts, after the Body was found, upon an Officious Enformation of Some Words he had spoken concerning the Carrying of it to Primrose-Hill: Whereupon he was had to Newgate, and next Day to Wallingford-House, where he was Sworn, and Examin'd; of which Examination he gives This Account.

Francis Corral Deposeth, That The Lord Shafts∣bury, with others, asked this Enformant if he carry'd Sir Edmundbury Godfrey to Primrose-Hill in his Coach, or knew who Carry'd him? To which, This Enformant Answered, That he did Not, and that he Knew not who did. The Lord Shaftsbury said to this

Enformant, That if he would swear the Truth, he should have Five Hundred Pound: The said Lord Shaftsbury laying down some Mony upon the Table, saying, that this Enfor∣mant should have a Room near the Court, if he was affraid of any Body that set him to Work, and should Command a File of Musquetiers, at any time when he had Occasion to go abroad, to Guard him, for fear any of Those that employ'd him, should do him any Mischief. This Enfor∣mant asked him, my Lord, Who should those be? No body set me at Work; Nor do I know for what I am brought hither. To which the Lord Shaftsbury reply'd, We are the Peers of the Land; and if thou wilt not Confess, there shall be a Barrel of Nails provided for thee, to put thee in, and roul thee down a Hill. The Enformant made Answer, What would you have me to say, my Lord? I know nothing of the matter, would you have me to accuse other People, to bring them into the same Condition I now am? The Lord Shafts∣bury Answering, Then thou shalt Dye. Whereupon a Mittimus was Drawn, and this Enformant carry'd back and Committed to Newgate.

This Enformant was laid in Huge Heavy Irons, and thrust into the Dungeon; where, after he had continued about three or four Hours, he was Taken out again, by Lyon, one of the Keepers, who likewise was the Man that put this Enformant into the Dungeon. And this Enformant was so faint with the Closeness and Nastiness of the Place, that he swounded away, and that they were fain to give him Brandy to keep Life in him.

This Enformant Recollecteth, that before his coming from Wallingford House, the Lord Shaftsbury said to This effect, The Papists have Hir'd him, and he will not Confess.

He was now remanded to Prison, and about Three in the Afternoon, they had him to a House in Lincolns-Inn-Fields,

where the Lord Shaftsbury Examin'd him again.

Saying to this Enformant, Now you Rogue; Here's one that will Justifie he saw you (speaking of one that stood there to bear Witness;) The Lord Shafts∣bury saying to the said Person, Did not you see him Whip his Horses, and go down by Tottenham-Court? The Man saying, Yes my Lord? [Sirrah, (said the Lord Shafts∣bury to This Enformant) What's the Reason that you will not confess, but put us to All this Trouble? This Enformant speaking hastily, said, What would you have me confess, my Lord? I know no more than your Lordship does, and it may be, not so much: Then said the Lord Shaftsbury, If thou wilt not Confess, Richardson, take him away, and let him be starv'd to Death; which made this Enformant to weep: Whereupon the Lord Shaftsbury reply'd, Ah Rogue! There's never a Tear comes down; This Enformant with Imprecations telling my Lord, that he knew no more than the Child that was unborn: That's a Popish Word (says my Lord Shaftsbury) He has consulted with the Papists, and will not Confess; bidding Richardson take him away, and punish him s••verely. This was Thursday; and this En∣formant was kept in Great Irons in the Condemn'd Hole, till Sunday Noon, without any thing to Eat or Drink, which put This Enformant into so great Despair, that if his Knife had not dropt out of his Hand, he had Kill'd Himself. On Monday Morning this Enformant was led into the House of Lords, where one of the Lords bad Richardson bring this Enformant into the Committee, where this Enformant saw the same Lords as before; and the Lord Shaftsbury spake after This Manner to this Enformant. [Come (says he) thou lookest like an honest Fellow, tell us the Truth, and thou shalt have the same Reward that was promised thee at Wallingford-House; and then thou shalt go presently home to thy Wife and Children, and we will secure

thee from any Harm: What dost thou say to us all? Now speak. Then This Enformant fell down upon his Knees, and said, I know nothing of it, and before I wrong any Man, I will Dye Immediately. The Lord Shaftsbury replying, Thou art such a Peremptory Rogue, thou shalt go back to Newgate, and lye and Rot there a while. And then thou shalt be brought to be tryed at the Sessions, and then there will come enow against thee, and thou shalt be Hang'd. Hadst thou not better Confess the Truth, and have that Mony, then be brought before the Barr of the Judges, and be con∣demn'd to be Hang'd? It will be a Dreadful Hearing for Thee. [Yes, my Lord, (said this Enformant) I know it will be a Dreadful Hearing: But, my Lord, It will be a more Dreadful Hearing for me, at the Lord's Bar, if I should wrongfully accuse any Man; it will be a more Dreadful Hearing, when it shall be said, Take him away Devil, for he hath falsly Accus'd those he knew no hurt by. Whereupon the Lord Shaftsbury said, I see we can do no good with him; take him away, and let him lye there and Rot. This Enformant Pleading that he had a Wife, and Children; the Lord Shaftsbury Answered, Let his Wife and Children starve. This Enformant lay in the Condemn'd Hole with Heavy Irons, Six Weeks and Three Days; and afterwards, Seven Weeks on the Common Side upon Bords, without Irons.

This Enformant saith also, that He Complaining at a Time uncertain, of his Ill Usage, one Richard, and one that was commonly call'd John-Come-Last, said, that their Master had Power from my Lord Shaftsbury, and the Committee, to torment this Enformant, if he would not Confess. This Enformant saith likewise, that a Tall Man in a Ministers Habit, was with him in the Con∣demn'd Hole, Pressing him to Confess; and Pressing him, This Enformant several times to Confess, after that he

had Imprecated himself that he knew Nothing of the matter.

And saith, That this Enformant, as he was reading the 20th. Chapter of the Revelation aloud in the Hole, He this Enformant heard of a sudden, the ratling of Chains, and Roaring like that of a Bear, Believing it to be an Evil Spirit, and that the Door had been Open: In this Fright, This Enformant let his Candle fall, and in the Dark he was more affraid, the Noise continuing near a Quarter of an Hour: This Enformat had been now about a Fortnight in the Hole; and afterward, telling one Harris and some others of the Keepers, how this Enformant was Terrify'd, They made him Answer, If you do not Confess, the Devil will have you.

There are so many Instances of this Kind, that the Proceedings at length, would make rather the History of a Persecution, then the Narrative of a Conspiracy: But in one Word, He had Two Great Holes worn in his right Leg; One in his left: He was Eight Weeks after his Discharge, before he was able to Drive a Coach again. He got Salve for These Wounds at Sir Thomas Witherley's; and likewise of Mr. Knolles the Surgeon. He is able to produce Forty Witnesses that saw These Wounds: But it must not be omitted, that his Mise∣ry gave the Earl of Clarendon a great Tenderness for him, insomuch, that he Viewed his Vlcers himself, took Compassion of the Man, and gave him Mony.

There are Two Objections that I expect will be made to This Account of the Hard Usage both of Prance and Corrall. The Former, while he was under the Power of the Lying Spirit; and went on without ei∣ther Fear, or Wit; was brought a Witness at Mrs. Celier's Tryal, where his Evidence in the Colloquy, or Context, was as follows.

Mr. Bar. Weston.

Mr. Prance; Pray were you ever Tortur'd in Prison?

[Mr. Prance.]

No, I never saw any such Thing there in my Life.

Mr. Bar. Weston.

How were you used?

Mr. Prance.

Very well, I had every thing that was fit∣ting; Captain Richardson did take great Care of me, &c. And a little after.

Mr. Prance

(again)

Dr. Lloyd was with me many times for half an hour together, and if any such thing had been, he would have seen it, Celiers Tryal, p. 25.

Now This was a Cast of Mr. Prances Civility and Good Nature; but he was Mightily Overseen to Ap∣peal to Dr. Lloyd in't; who found him Roaring under his Pains, and Allmost Kill'd with the Misery of his Con∣dition; but all this while, the Keeper had his Orders how to use him.

Corrall was Also to be made use of, for the same Iobb; but This shall Suffice, (Unless I shall be Abso∣lutely Forc'd to say more on't) that the Marks he Carries to This Day, are Ten Thousand Witnesses of the Hardship he Endur'd.

But in the End, when Prance came to stand to't, that the Body was Carry'd a Horse-back, Corrall, upon very Good Security, was Discharg'd for not Carrying him in his Coach.

This was their Way of Compassing Witnesses, where People were not Wicked Enough to go to the Devil of their own Accord: And the same Method went thorough the Whole Tract of their Proceedings in All such Cases, and with all Persons therein Concern'd. The Choice was short, Either Stand out and be Hang'd, or Confess and be Damn'd. But to take up where we left.

We brought Prance to his New Lodgings on the 11th. and there we find him, with Mr. Boyce at his Bedside, on the 12th. of Ianuary, 1678. According to

his own Relation, and upon the Preparatory for the Tryal of the Persons whom he had Accus'd. He had, even at That Time, some Grudgings of Another Re∣lapse, Exclayming sometimes by Fits, that he had Sworn False; and that he was Vtterly Ruin'd: But being still Ply'd with the Memory of what he had Confess'd All∣ready, and the Hammering of it into his Head, that he would be Hang'd if he went off: And that if either Green, Berry, or Hill, should come to Confess Before him, he was a Lost Man beyond Recovery: His Heart would not serve him to go thorough with his Reso∣lution; He had several Messages from Bedloe about the Periwig; and that if he did not Own the Periwig, the Three Men would not Dye: He was seldom without an Ammanuensis, or a Dictator rather, in the Chamber with him. And the way was This: He was asked what Papists he knew; where they Liv'd; and what he could say of them; and so the Most was made of Those Minutes, 'till they came to be Emprov'd into Narratives. He is positive, that the Nights he lay abroad in, were within the First Week of October: And he finally Avers, That if it had not been for the Dread of Death, and Misery, that was with so much Restless Importunity Press'd upon him; And the Flat∣tering Promises of the Great Advantage it would be to him, to Persist in his Evidence of the Murther, he verily Believes, he should rather have Dy'd, then have Hazarded his Damnation by Another Perjury.

And it was not All yet Neither, that the Scum of the Rabble pass'd Muster for Competent Witnesses against Men of Honour, in Matters of State; That the most Abandon'd Miscreants, even of that Scum, were Allow'd to give Evidence as Men of Probity; that Every Thing was Screw'd in favour of the Guilty, and to the De∣struction of the Innocent, That the Pris'ners and their Wit∣nesses, were rather brought to the Stake, then to a Tryal,

and Put, by the Violences of the Rout into an Inca∣pacity, of Defending, either Themselves or their Friends, &c. This was not All, I say, without making a False Witness of the very Press too. Is it so upon your Salvation? (Says the Late King to Prance, speaking of the Evidence against Green, Berry, and Hill,) Upon my Salvation, (says Prance) It is All False: Now This Passage was given in Evidence by Mr. Chiffinch at Green's Tryal, and Left-out in the Print. Did not Mr. Langhorn, upon his Tryal, Move the Court, that some of the Jury might be sent to the Temple upon a View of his Study, and Chamber? and offer to put his Life upon That Issue, if they should find it but so much as Possible for Bedloes Oath to be True; in Swearing, that out of the Chamber, he saw Lang∣horn taking Duplicates of Letters in his Study? Now there's Nothing of This Neither in the Printed Tryal. The Tryal of Nat. Thompson, &c. is Printed Double; One by Simmons, and the Other by Mason. In Masons Tryal, Fisher that help'd to Strip the Body, gives This Evidence; We could not Bend his Arms, when we came to his Shirt, So we Tore it Open, fol. 6. Now This Stiffness of his Arms would hardly Agree with the Condition of a Dead Body to be put into a Chair: So that in Simmon's Tryal, fol. 22. they have very Discreetly told the Rest of the Story without That Circumstance.

But to come now to a Conclusion, as to the Matter of Writing This History No Sooner; What should any Man put Pen to Paper for, in an Age, when there was No place, No Security for Truth, No Re∣fuge for Innocence; and No Protection for Common Iu∣stice? The Noise of the People was Call'd the Voice of the People, and Popular Tumults pass'd for the Wis∣dom of the Nation; when Impostors were Consulted as Oracles; and when All sorts of Men were Practic'd, and

wrought upon, by All Sorts of Means, to Blind their Vn∣derstandings, or to Corrupt their Morals: There was Mony for the Covetous; Preferment for the Ambitious; The Impunity of an Vnaccountable License, for Malice, or Revenge. In Short, Cases in Those Days were Carry'd by Huzzahs instead of Votes; and Bear-Gar∣den-Law was All many an Honest Man had to Trust to for the Liberty of the Subject.

CHAP. XI.

Notes upon Bedloes and Prances Evidence, Com∣par'd One with Another.

WE are now Entring upon a Subject to Con∣found a Man, as well where to Begin, as where to End; and there's No Accommodating the Matter, but by Covering the Depositions on Both Sides with One Great Plot.

Here's a Horrible Out-Cry of a Barbarous Murther; A Popish Murther, A Plot-Murther; The Murther of a Magistrate; The Murther of a Protestant Magi∣strate; and in fine; The Murther of a Magistrate, in Revenge, for his Endeavouring to Prevent the Mur∣thering of a King, the Burning of his Towns, and the Massacring of his People. Here's the Scale of the Case, and who but Bedloe, and Prance, the Devotes upon This Occasion, for the Saving of their Prince and Country! The Noise of This Murther, and the Fame of the Discoverers, has fill'd All Mouths and Places Ecclesiastical, as well as Civil; Churches, and Pulpits have been Dedicated to their Honour: And if Altars had not been Popish, and if the same Whimsey had gone on Still, we might have come in Time, to

a St. Titus, a St. William, a St. Miles: Nay, and a St. Eustace Comins too, Orate pro nobis: But for Temporal Preferments however, there was Care taken, that they should not want either Mediations or Effects. We have Spoken Already of the Two Supporters of This Quar∣ter-Part of the Plot, and respectively of their Depositi∣ons, apart; but we are now going to see how they look upon One Another, Together; And whether 'twas the Spirit of Revelation that Guided the Kings Witnesses, or the Spirit of Delusion that wrought upon the Believers of them: That is to say, upon Those Believers of them, that had the Whole Cause under Their Eye, and Com∣mand; and, Duly Consider'd the Proportion of the se∣veral Parts, and Coherence of the Intrigue.

It seems a Wonderful Thing, that Bedloe and Prance that were Two of the Main Wheels of This Motion, should hold No Communication at all One with Another. Prance does not so much as Mention Bedloe; nor Bed∣loe Prance; either before the Lords, or upon the Try∣als, (Previously, that is, to the Murther) save only Once; and That by Implication too; When the very Name of Prance was Thrown into Bedloes Mouth by a Leading Question. Tryal, fol. 33. And it was not the Two Witnesses only that were Strangers to One Another; but the Principal Agitators Themselves, were Few of them Acquainted. The Instruments, Several, and they took Several Walks too, at the same Time for the do∣ing of the same Bus'ness, and without holding any visi∣ble Correspondence: As if Divers Men had Stumbled, or rather Pitch'd by Impulse, upon the same Thoughts with∣out Knowing One Anothers Minds.

Bedloe Swears before the Lords, that he Knows that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murther'd in Somerset-House, on the Saturday, by Walsh, Le Phaire, Two Lay-men; a Gentleman that Waits on my Lord Bellassis,

and an Under-waiter in the Queens Chappel. He Swears, that he Knows what afterwards he Delivers but upon Hear-say. Now Prance tells us upon the Tryal, that He Himself, Green, Berry, Hill, and Gerald, were the Five Murtherers, fol. 18. without so much as One Word of Bedloes Confederates. Prance was Entic'd in (he says) by Gerald and Kelley, fol. 14. But it was Le Phaire, Pritchard, Keines, and several Other Priests that Treated with Bedloe about the Murther, Tryal, fol. 28. And then Vpon the Lords Journal, Nov. 12. 1678. He Speaks as if it were only Le Phaire, and Walsh, that offer'd him 4000 l. to Help forward with it. But it was Gerald, and Vernatti that spake of a Great Reward to Prance; Tryal, fol. 22. Prance says, that it was He Himself, Green, Hill, Gerald, and Kelley, that put the Body into the Sedan, and Help'd it away out of the House [All set our Hands to't,] he says, Tryal, fo. 19, 20. But Bedloe, before the Lords, say's that Le Phaire, Walsh, the Lord Bellassis Gentleman, Atkins, and one that belong'd to the Queens Chappel, were the Persons that were to go with it. The Whole Story, in Fine, is made up of Ill-Contriv'd, and Incredible Disa∣greements, and Point-Blank-Contradictions. And they are at the same Variance One with the Other in the Walks they took, and in the Conduct, and Manage of the Whole Design.

Bedloe in his Depositions before the Lords, Leads us a Dance to Le Phaire in Grays-Inn-VValks; to Le Phaire again by Accident, in Fleet-street, going into Red-Lyon-Court, and to An Appointment at the Palsgraves-Head-Tavern; Thence to the Cloyster in Somerset-House-Court. He tells us a Story then of Clarendon-House, Lincolns-Inn-Fields, the Greyhound-Tavern, the Kings-Head-Inn in the Strand, &c. Now Prance, on the Other Hand, lays his Scene at Somerset-House VVater-Gate; Talks of the VVicket; The Bench by the Rayles, and the

Stables; Dr. Godden's Lodgings; A Little Closet or Square Room; The Grecian Church, and So-ho; And saving that Somerset-House was to be the Place of Action; There's No sort of Intelligence betwixt One Passage and Another. Now when Prance comes to his Evidence upon the Tryals, the Plow-Alehouse strikes a Great Stroke; Red-Lyon-Fields; And then for a Sup∣plement, comes Sir John Arundel's Lodgings, Covent Garden, Long Acre, the Queens-Head at Bow, &c. and not one Word in Bedloe of any of These Jaunts: So that they Squar'd now as Little about the Places, as they did before about the Instruments; Sir Edmund was to be Dogg'd however; And we shall find as much Difference about the Time, the Manner of it, and the Particular Persons that were upon the Heel of him, as about any thing else.

Bedloe before the Lords, says nothing more of Dogging him, then that Le Phaire, Walsh, and my Lord Bellassi's Gentleman met him by the Kings-head in the Strand, Cros∣sing the Street about Five Afternoon; and so by a very Pitiful Wile Trepann'd him into Somerset-House-Court, and there did his Bus'ness. He says indeed upon the Try∣als, that he was sent to Insinuate Himself into Sir Ed∣mund's Acquaintance, pag. 29. but still not one Word of This before the Lords. He says further, that he had been Six or Seven Days together with him at his House, upon Pretence of getting VVarrants for the Good Behaviour, against Per∣sons that there were None such: Wherein he must Manifest∣ly ••orswear Himself, whether he did so, or Not; for Godfrey was not a Man to Grant any such VVarrants, but upon Oath. He says further, That he was with Five Je∣suits at the Greyhound Tavern, on the Friday, and sent his Boy to see if Sir Edmund were at Home. Ib.] But not a Syllable of This neither in his other Depositions.: And then to talk of his Boy too; the Boy of a Fellow that was but newly Spew'd out of an Alms-Basket. The whole Re∣mainder

of his Evidence is only the Old Story made worse. But Prance, for all this, I Warrant ye, had him Dogg'd into Red-Lyon-Fields, fol. 15. And After∣ward by Girald, Green, and Hill into St. Clements; and so back again to Somerset-House. But a VVord or Two now to the Desperate Provocation to This Bloudy Revenge.

Bedloe says before the Lords, that he was to be put out of the way, because of some Examinations that he had taken tending to the Discovery of the Popish Design, Nov. 12. 1678. But Prance before the Lords, swears it was out of Malice for being Cross-grain'd to the Queen and her Servants. Bedloe makes no more on't upon the Tryal, then that there was a very Material Man to be taken out of the way; One that had All the Enformations that Mr. Otes and Dr. Tong had given in; and if the Papers were not taken from him, the Bus'ness would be Obstructed, and go near to be Discover'd, p. 30. But Bedloe was still for giving him Quarter before the Lords; and for doing it by Fair Means or by Foul, according as he should Behave Himself. But Not a Word of That Neither, upon the Tryals: Beside that in the Lords Journal, he was stifled betwixt Two Pillows: And in the Tryal, they had Strangled him, he says, but he knew not how, p. 32. And in one Word, Bedloe, and Prance, did both agree at the Court of Kings Bench to Destroy him Out-right, without offering any Terms, or Conditions, for the saving of his Life; contrary to what Bedloe swore before the Lords.

The Two Witnesses were as much Divided too, about the Place where he was Murther'd, and the Manner of the Execution; but they Both Agreed that he was Murther'd at Somerset-House. Prance will have the Deed to be done upon the Descent by the Stables; and that he was Wheedled down under the Pretence of Parting a Fray,

Tryal, fol. 16. Bedloe gets him thither under Colour of Catching some of the Plotters. Lords Iournal. Prance makes Green to follow him with a Twisted Handkercher, and to get him down by Surprize, fo••. 16, 17. Bedloe, in the Journal makes it to be done Fairly, with Presenting a Pistol, and upon Articles of Mercy; though No body could ever find out Bedloe's, and Prance's Place, where the Body was Convey'd, any more then Otes's Stair-Case that led to her Majesties Whispering Room: And it is to be noted also, that This was no Hear-say-Evidence, upon the Final Resolution of the Case; for Bedloe saw the Body by Le Phaire's Dark Lanthorn; and Prance saw it by Hill's Dark Lanthorn, at the same Time and Place; and yet they had no Light there, but one Dark Lanthorn, Tryal, fol. 31. Nay, and Bedloe saw it by Prance's Dark Lanthorn, or he was Damnably Forsworn, when Prance was brought from the Lobby to the Eating-House. There were, in fine, Two Sir Edmund's Mur∣ther'd, One in the House, T'other in the Yard; and Bedloe's was Carry'd off on Munday at Night, at Nine of the Clock, Iournal, Nov. 8. 1678. Prance's, not 'till Wednesday about Twelve of the Clock, Tryal, p. 19. This Passage starts a Hint worth the taking Notice of: Bedloe has the Body Carry'd away on the Monday Night upon the Lords Journal: But Prance upon the Tryal, mistook his Notes, and says it was only remov'd into Somer∣set-House. Tryal, pag. 18. And so they concerted the Bus'ness of the Dark Lanthorn too; only they were not agreed upon the Bearer of it, as is already set forth; so that Le Phaire was Bedloe's Lanthorn-Bearer, and Hill was Prance's.

Here's een enough in Conscience said Already upon the Particularities of This Subject, to make all Think∣ing Men of the Next Age, Blush at the Corruptions and Credulity of This: But Whoever considers the Circum∣stances of the Men that Gave This Evidence, will no

longer Trouble his Head with Wondering at the Evidence that was Deliver'd. And I shall give the Reader a Tast upon This Topique, in the Following Chapter.

CHAP. XII.

Some General Touches upon the Character of Bedloe and Prance, and their Credit in Other Cases as well as This, Not forgetting Titus Otes.

IT was under the Triumvirate of Otes, Bedloe, and Prance, that the Tragedy of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was brought upon the Stage; and something ought to be said, Methinks, of the Persons, as well as the Acti∣ons of These Three Heroes; if a Man could but hit upon the Iust Medium, betwixt too Much, and too Little.

Titus Otes was the Son of Samuel Otes; A Gifted and a Dipping Weaver: And he Dip•• fair too; He was Ar∣raign'd at Chelmsford Assizes, p. 146. for the Murther of One Anne Martin, that Dy'd some Fourteen Days after the Dipping, and layd her Death to his Charge. Gangrena, part 3. p. 105. There's a story Pleasant enough, and Every Body has it, of a Woman that he had Under the Ord'nance of Dipping, that still fell to Squalling, and Screaming so soon as ever they had her above Water, [Down with her again (cries Otes) 'Tis her Concupiscence:] Now the Matter in Truth was This, The Roguy Boys had sunk a Huge Bundle of Brambles, and Thorns in the Dipping-Place, and the Poor Womans Body, it seems, did not like That way of Discipline.

As to Titus, it was a Long Time before he had so much as the Badge of Christianity, and there he stopt

too, without ever Advancing one step further into the Practice of it. He never Liv'd any where after Fourteen, but when ever he quitted the Place, he left the Chara∣cter of an Infamous Creature behind him: As at Caius College in Cambridge; Hastings; Bobbing, Valladolid, St. Omers, White-Hall, the Kings Courts of Records; and finally at Sea, Under Sir Richard Ruth, as well as at Land. He Began with Perjury and Sodomy; so soon as ever he came to be qualify'd, either by the Law for a Competent Evidence, or by the state of Virility for the Other Execrable Villany. His False Oaths, and his At∣tempts of that sort of Brutality, are so Many, that they are scarce to be Number'd; and so Notorious, that there's No Need of Holding a Candle to them; for they are as Publique as the Solemnity of Attestations, Tryals, Verdicts, and Iudicial Sentences can Make any thing. In One Word; His Narrative Consists of 81. Articles; and I dare be Answerable for Four times as many Falsities in 'em; To say Nothing of Driblets, By-Blowes and Loose Grains, Over and Above.

Bedloe indeed was the Merryer, though perhaps not the Greater Rogue of the Two; but the fittest Man Yet in Nature to stand Second to such a Principal. His True Name (after That of his Reputed Father) was Beddoe, a Word that according to the Septuagint, Im∣ports [Little] or [Diminutive.] The Fidlers, and the Coblers were at as much strife as Ever the Cities were for Homer, whose Bedloe he should be; for he had a smattering in Both Faculties. The One he Learn'd from his Mothers First Husband that Ply'd at May-Poles, Wakes, and Fairs; and then she had afterwards Another that Dealt in Clouting, Capping, and Vnderlaying; but in short, the Poor Woman, they say, took a Great Deal of Pains to Mend the Strain. His First Commission was to run on Errands, at Hap-Hazard, for him that came Next; and from Thence, he stept into a Livery, and

serv'd the King, and the Protestant Religion in the quality of a Foot-boy. This was his Rise, to the Knowledge of Men, and Bus'ness. He got the Names, and Habitations of Men of Quality, their Relations, Cor∣respondents and Interest: and upon This Bottom it was, with a Convenient stock of Impudence, and a Dextrous Turn of Fancy and Address, that he put himself into the World. There was No sort of Cheat, that he was not In at, and Good at. But his Master-Piece was his Personating Men of Quality; Getting Credit for Watches, Coats, Horses, Borrowing Mony upon Recommendations; Bilking of Vintners, and Tradesmen; Lying, Pilfering, and Romancing, to the Degree of Imposing almost upon any man that had any spark in him of Humanity, or Good Nature. His Character, and his History, in fine, Truly drawn, would have Sixteen Guzmans in the Belly of it: But there Needs no more then Common Fame, upon the Tracing of his Motions, to the Instructing of that Story. He pass'd thorough All the Degrees of Knavery, and Wickedness, as Gradually, and Insensibly, as he did through the Moments, and the Inches of his Age, and Stature; He Liv'd like a Wild Arabs, upon the Prey, and the Ramble; and where ever he was in Flanders, France, Spain, or England, he never faild of leaving the Footsteps, and the Reputation of a Prostitute Cheat behind him: He was hardly ever at Home, but in a Prison; Nor in his Element, as they say, any Longer then he was in the King's High-way to't. That is to say; he was still a doing somewhat or Other, Contrary to Law, Honesty and Good Manners.

This, upon the Whole Matter, was but a Congruous Preparatory to the Consummated state of a Flagitious Miscreant; when he came Afterward to Ioyn Issue in a Perjurious, and Murderous Cause, with Otes, Prance, and Others, as a King's-Evidence. The Pompous sound of [a King's Evidence;] And the Terrible Chymera of a Plot

upon his Majesties Life, and the Protestant Religion, Dazled, and Blinded the People, as if the Sun had been thrown in their Eyes from a Looking-Glass: Insomuch that in Two as Lewd Lives as ever were led Vnder the Ca∣nopy of Heaven, in the Persons of Otes and Bedloe, and the Character of These Two Wretches as Well known, as the Whipping-Post, they could not find in their Conscience Yet, to make any Exception to the Probity of These Witnesses. Nay, and they were not only Believ'd, but, if not Temples, Pulpits, at least, Dedicated to their Honour, and by a Blasphemous Figure, They were Recommended to the Mobile, as the Saviours of the Nation, though the Left-Hand Thief upon the Cross, Might, to All Humane Appearance, have made as Good an Evidence. VVell! And there's more in't Yet too; for Bedloe was much Better at a Sham, Off-Hand, then at a Conspiracy, by Book. Take them singly, and they give Themselves the Lye; Take them Respectively, and they give One Ano∣ther the Lye; And Yet after all, When they neither Believ'd Themselves, nor One Another, there were found so many Believers of them, that Great Britain was with∣in One Gust more, of sinking, under the Malice and Folly of the one side, and of the other; beyond All Possibility of Redemption without the relief of a Miracle.

That Bedloe and Otes were Forsworn in the Bus'ness of Godfrey, no less then in That of the Plot, (and Prance for Company) is no more to be Doubted, then the most Certain Evidence we have of Any One Instance of Fact in These Times; And This being most Unde∣niably Clear, it is not so much My Part, or in Truth, My Bus'ness, to shew where Bedloe was forsworn in any other Cases; as to Defie any Man to Produce any one Oath he made, in favour of the Credit of That Plot, wherein he was Not Forsworn; for to Name some, and Not All, would be a Tacit Scandal upon the Rest.

In the Course of My Design, Prances Place should be now Immediately Next; but as there is an Order even among the Devils in Hell, the same Decorum ought to be Observ'd toward his Instruments here upon Earth; So that I shall Post-Pone Prance a Little, as a Poor, Sneak∣ing, off-and-on-Wretch, that's scarce Worthy to be Nam'd on the same Day with the Other Two. Now if a Man Might Honestly Laugh upon so Tragical, and so Reprobated an occasion, VVho could forbear, at the seeing of a Thousand Fooleries less Credible then the Fa∣bles of the Poets, Warranted for Gospel! Ovid has not in All his Tales a more Incredible Metamorphosis, then This of Otes, and Bedloe. Religious Brutes; State Fools; De∣vils Incarnate, turn'd all of a sudden, Bigots; Beggerly Varlets, with Neither Faith nor Brains, all in the tur∣ning of a Hand, become Mony'd Men, and the Confi∣dents of Princes. Nay, and Not Only to Continue False, and Scandalous, but to Grow Wickeder After their Conversion then they were Before. And for That Monster Otes, to go on Buggering, and Yet at the same Time Celebrated in Despite of Common Sense, and Shame, as a Vessel of the Holy Ghost. But not to spread the Matter too Thin, I shall Entertain the Reader here with Two Bills of Monyes laid out in his Majesties Service; The One by Otes, at a Time when he was not VVorth a Brumigem-Groat to Spunge for a Dish of Coffee: The Other, by Bedloe, out of his Sa∣vings, when he liv'd a Little before in the Marshallsea upon the Charity of the Alms-Basket.

Otes's Bill of Expences, Feb. 11. 1678.

	l.	s.	d.
IMprimis, My Journey into Spain, be∣sides the Ten Pounds given me	15	00	00
Item, My Manuscript of the Alexandrian Version of the Septuagint, which I gave them	50	00	00
Item, For a Journey to Madrid more then was allowed me	05	00	00
Item, For a Journey to Villa Garcia more then was allowed me	01	00	00
Item, For a Journey to Salamanca more then was allowed me	04	00	00
Item, for my Expence to Madrid in a Se∣cond Journey more then was Allowed me	10	10	00
Item, For my Expences in Intelligence from Sevill and other parts in Spain, more then was known	12	00	00
Item, For a Present of Twezers, and a Case of Knives to Father Sweetman at Madrid, and 2 Cases of Spectacles	02	10	00
Item, For a Watch to present to the Archbishop of Tuam when at Madrid	08	10	00
Item, For a Case of Knives to the Rector of the English College at Valladolid	01	00	00
More for a Dozen of Gloves to be pre∣sented to him	01	10	00
Item, For my Expences home to England more then was allow'd me	12	10	00
Item, For my Expences for the Time I was in London more then was allowed me	02	00	00

Item, For my Expences from London to St. Omers more then was allowed me	04	00	00
Item For Gloves and Knives to present to the Rector of St. Omers	02	10	00
Item, For my Journey to Paris more then was allowed me	03	10	06
Item, For my Journey to Ghent more then was allowed me	05	00	00
Item, For my Expences in St. Omers	08	00	00
Item, For my Expences in my Journey to, and in doing Bus'ness in England, in APRIL more then was allow'd me	10	00	00
And for my Journey Back again	03	00	00
Item, For my Expences home to England in Iune, more then was allow'd me	07	04	00
Item, For my Expences from the 17th. Iune, to the 14th of August last	50	00	00
Item, From the 14th of August to the 8th of September	70	10	00
Item, From the 8th of September, to the 28th of September	46	10	00
Item, From the 28th of September, to the 21th of October	38	18	00
For Cloths	10	10	00
For Linnen	02	00	00
Item, For Expences from October 21. to December 29.	90	00	00
Item, From December 29. to February 8.	40	08	00
For Necessaries for Winter	20	10	00
For Books which the Jesuits had of me	40	00	00
Money owed to me by the Jesuits	80	00	00
For my Council	20	00	00
For Witnesses	00	12	00
	678	12	06

To say Nothing of his Alexandrian Version, his [Intelligence more then was known.] His Accounts with the Iesuits; and the other Fopperies that he has Farc'd up his Bill withall. It is very Remarkable, how close he Sticks to his 24th of April, and the Bus'ness of the Consult; for he is very Particular in the Ex∣pences of his April-Iourney into England; and his Jour∣ney back again, and so afterward, for his Journey in∣to England again in Iune, which keeps touch with his Evidence upon the Tryals, though never any thing was more Clearly prov'd Then his Perjury upon That Point: and that from his going to St. Omers the December be∣fore, he never set Foot in England again, till toward the Latter end of Iune. And now follows a Consciona∣ble Bill of Bedloes too.

Bedloe's Account of Expences, February 15. 1678.

An Account of several Expences made by William Bedloe, on Occasion of the Service of his Maje∣sty, and the Kingdom, which as to the Gross Sums he is ready to attest upon Oath, and does most humbly Crave Allowance for the same, that he may repay his poor Friends what he hath Bor∣rowed from them for this publick Service; and which, notwithstanding 90 l. Received from his Majesties Bounty, doth still remain in Arrear, being 123 l. according to the Particulars Fol∣lowing.

NOvemb. 5. Borrowed to bring me up from Bristoll	20	00	00
Laid out since I came to London in Coach-hire, Water-men and Links	43	00	00

	l.	s.	d.
For several Necessaries in and about my Chamber▪	09	00	00
For several Dinners for my self, and other Witnesses on the Tryal	16	00	00
For fetching out of Kent one Mr. Codd and his Maid, who are Material Wit∣nesses upon the Tryal of the Lords	10	00	00
For sending for several Witnesses out of the Country, and keeping them in Town, till the King is pleas'd to order their Tryals	50	00	00
For several Meetings and Dinners for the Witnesses that brought in, and Testify'd against Prance	15	00	00
For several Occasions laying out Mony in Searching Suspected Houses for Priests, and Papers, and other suspect∣ed Persons	20	00	00
Mony laid out to have the Advice of an honest Councellor, in many great and weighty Matters, and for a Clerk to write, and put in Order my Papers, with many other Necessary & Unavoid∣able Occasions, which I could not omit	30	00	00
	213	00	00

Here are Two Accounts now that might pass betwixt Father and Son, and, in my Conscience, their Bills are as true as their Narratives: So much Sworn to a Sylla∣ble, and so much Spent to a Penny. Otes sets down in Debts, Books, and Presents to the Iesuits, 186 l. And Bedloe Reckons 91 l. for Witnesses. But People will be apt to Cry out now, What's All this to Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Murther? Why Truly, if there were no more in't then a bare Curiosity, the very Memorial

would be worth the Ink and Paper that's bestowed up∣on't. Beside that in This Place it falls in most Natu∣rally with my Purpose, and Text: First, as it is Another Branch of Roguery apart from the Plot, and shews them to be Pick-pockets as well as Knights of the Post; which may serve to Illustrate what Credit is to be given them in Other Cases. 2ly. It gives any Man to understand, that at a Time when such Fellows, and such Nonsensical Impostures could keep a Government in Awe, it was not for any Private Man, with a Single Voice, and Reason, to oppose an Epidemical Madness; for the Reck'ning carry'd Fraud, and Insolence in the Face on't, and the Witnesses knew before-hand, that it would be no more Believ'd by Others, then They Believ'd it Themselves. But they Push'd on the Affront never the Less; and though I never heard of a Tally struck upon that Ac∣count, it was yet a kind of Victory to come off Gratis.

But Thirdly; The Timing of it was the Great Point of All; for the whole Nation was then at Gaze upon the Tryals of the Pretended Murthers of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, and most People were of Opinion, that the Suppos'd Popish Plot was to Stand or Fall, upon That Issue: But for my own Part, I was never of that Per∣suasion: If the Verdict went against the Pris'ners, it was Reasonable Enough to expect that it would make a Horrible Noise; Especially considering the Pompous Solemnities that had Prepar'd Men Already, for Wild and Dangerous Impressions. And then on the other hand, if they had been Acquitted, it was but Arraigning the Bench, the Iury, and the Witnesses, as they did in other Cases Afterwards to make All whole again. This does not Hinder, but that Otes and Bedloe did very Prudent∣ly strike while the Iron was hot; for the Tryal bears Date the 10th. of February, 1678/9. the Day of the Conviction of the Three Pris'ners. And these Two Blades put in their Bills, the very same Week with the Tryals; Otes

on the 11th. and Bedloe his on the 15th. And if ever such a Reck'ning was to pass Muster, That Nicking Mi∣nute was the Time for't.

As to Prance's Character, All that I shall say of it is This; that he had a good Will to be Honest, but not the Heart to go thorough with it; and that he took more Care of his Carcase at First, then he did after∣ward of his Conscience. I shall do him This Common right yet, to say, that he had not the Brand upon him of an infamous Course of Life, to Blast his Evidence as his Fellow-Witnesses had: And This may serve, in some sort, to Colour the Easiness of Those that gave Credit to him. In one VVord more, If the Murther and the Plot were the only Two Points in Dispute, upon the Cre∣dit of his Testimony, his Iustice and Faith in other Cases, might Induce a Charitable Softness toward the Believing of him in This: But from his Swearing False in Every Thing Else, (as That's the Case) to Infer that in One Single Point, or Two, he swears True, would be a very Perverse way of Reasoning. To shorten the Bus'ness now, I have a Letter of Prance's upon This Subject, and I cannot better Dispose of it then in This Place; And there can hardly be a Better Testimony, then that of an Ill Man, who, without either Hope, or Fear of being the Better or the Worse for't, bears Witness against Himself.

SIR,

HEaring that you are about to Publish something concerning the Death of Sir Edmunbury Godfrey, I think it my Duty to take Shame upon me, and to make a Publique Declaration to the World of my Confession and Repentance of the Heinous Sins that I have committed against God, and my Offen∣ces against his Sacred Majesty, my most Gracious

Mistress the Queen Dowager, the Noblemen, Gen∣try, and All others that I have wickedly and wrong∣fully Accus'd about the Death of That Gentleman. I cannot hope or expect that any thing I say should find Credit in the World; but it will be some Ease to my Conscience, if I may obtain the favour of a Place for this Declaration any where among your Papers, if you shall commit any upon This Subject to the Press.

From the time of taking off my Irons, and changing my Lodging, which was upon my Yielding Basely to Forswear my self against those Innocent Persons, Green, Berry, and Hill, that Dy'd upon my Wicked Evidence: Mr. Boyce was the Man that Acted for me, and writ many Things which I Copy'd after him; I found by his Discourse that he had been several Times with my Lord Shaftsbury, and with Bedloe; and he told me, that I would be certainly Hang'd, if I did not agree with Bedloe's Evidence, and own the Periwig, the Men would not be Hang'd; I would not yield to't, so he yielded to mine, and the Periwig was spoke no more on; and bidding me consider what a Condition I should be in, if any of them should confess first. He got me out of Newgate some few Days after the Tryal of Green, &c. But before any of them were Executed, Mr. Boyce told me how much some of Sir Edmund's Relations were troubled that I was out so soon, for fear I should deny all again; and so Mr. Boyce took me to his own House, and watched me, and went with me ••heresoever I went, till the Inno∣cent

men were Executed. I would fain have had Berry sav'd, but Mr. Boyce said he was Guilty of the Mur∣ther, and could not be sav'd; and that if the King had a mind to pardon him, he might do it without my Troubling my self.

It was purely the fear of Death, and the Misery of my Condition, that wrought upon me to For swear my self, without any thought of reward, although I was told several Times that Great Things would be done for me. My Lord Shaftsbury told me my Trade should be Better then ever it was, and bought some Plate of me Himself, part whereof was for Otes. This brings to my Mind that in the Time while I Deny'd the Murther, or any Knowledge of it, I was taken out of Newgate, and carry'd to Two Eminent Lawyers, where I was Vpbraided for departing from my Evidence; One of them, wondring much what should make me do it, and speaking to me to this Effect, [You were affraid, perhaps, of Lo∣sing your Trade, that lay mostly among the Pa∣pists; or else perchance you did not think your self sure of your Pardon, &c.] which Words were spoken in such a way, that I took them for Hints to me what Excuse I might make upon going off again, and as I am a Christian, This was it that first put That Excuse into my Head. My Lord Shaftsbury gave me Two Guinnea's once, to help off a Man that I had Sworn against for Dangerovus Words against the King. I received Thirty Pounds by his Majesties Order, and Five Pounds of Bedloe.

As to those I swore against about the Plot; If I may take the Names as they lye in the Narrative: I Accus'd one of the Townleys of Townley in Lan∣cashire, with saying, [That when his Brothers, who were then at Doway, came back from Flan∣ders, they expected to receive Commissions from the Lord Bellassis, and other Catholick Lords concern'd for the raising of Men to carry on the Catholique Cause; and that I had heard Adamson a Watch-maker several Times speak of this at the Club in Veer-street. I do declare in the Pre∣sence of God Almighty, that the Accusation is false in every Point of it, both concerning Mr. Townley and Mr. Adamson. See Narrative, fol. 3. I do declare likewise, That I was no otherwise put upon it, then by a Paper that was brought to me in the Con∣demn'd Hole, and by the Menaces of Hanging me, if I did not confess more and more, saying, Hang him Rogue, He thinks This shall save him.

I Accus'd Mr. Keightly also, when the Earl of Shaftsbury, &c. was in the Tower, with Rejoi∣cing at their Imprisonment, and the Differences amongst the Lords; and if the Duke of York did but follow the Bus'ness close, they doubted not but the Catholique Religion would be quickly settled, fol. 3. I declare with the same Solemnity as aforesaid, I never knew nor heard that Mr. Keightly said any such Words. This Accusation was drawn up by Mr. B. from General Heads that I gave him, and one drew up the Narrative, wherein they both went further then I directed. They did as the

rest did; If I spoke a Word, they made Ten on't.

I accus'd Mr. Singleton a Priest, for saying, He hoped to be settled in a Parish Church within a Twelvemonth; and that he would make no more to stab Forty Parliament-men, then he would do to eat his Dinner, fol. 4. which Accusation I do de∣clare to be utterly false, and of my own Framing.

And so likewise was that of Mr. Ridley's saying, that He hoped to be Surgeon to the Catholique Army in England, and that he hoped to have the Lord Bellassis to Friend. Ibid.

My Accusation of Mr. Paston for saying, That the King was a great Heretick; but the Lord Bellassis, Arundel, Powis, and Petres would have a gallant Army for Deposing the King; and that they had already given out Commissions to di∣vers Gentlemen, as Sir Henry Beddingfield, Mr. Talbot, and Mr. Stoner, as was suggested to me by my first Paper of Instructions, but made much more in drawing up the Enformation and Narrative.

My Charge, fol. 5. against Ireland, for saying ••n the Presence of Fenwick and Grove, That there would be shortly Fifty Thousand Men in Arms, and Fenwick saying thereupon, That they should be commanded by the Lords, Bellassis, Arundel, Powis, and Others, is False in every part of it; ond so is the following Article of Grove's saying, That the Lords, Bellassis, Arundel, Powis, and Petres was to Command this intended Army, and had Commissions for that Purpose. I took Hints toward these Accusations from my first Paper

of Instructions, and they that drew up the Enfor∣mations made the rest.

I did falsely Accuse Le Phaire also, for a Dis∣scourse about the Catholiques Providing Weap∣ons, fol. 6. and likewise Mr. Moor. Ibid. for speak∣ing of Ten Thousand Horse to be shortly rais'd for the Catholique Cause. It was all false, like∣wise, and of my own Contrivance.

My Charge against Mr. Messenger, ibid. for Boast∣ing, that the Heretiques would e're long be root∣ed out, was false, and my own too.

And in like manner that of Lawrence's speak∣ing These Words, I wish with all my Heart that half the Parliament were poyson'd, for they will ruine us all; which is utterly False, and out of my own Head; and so was my Accusation of my Lord Arundel's Butler, for saying, That Mr. Messenger was to have a vast Reward to kill the King, fol. 7.

And so was my Charge likewise upon Mr. Grove a Schoolmaster, For being privy to the Levy of Fifty Thousand Men, which were suddenly to be Raised, fol. 8.

I shall now speak to the Pretended Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey; wherein I Charg'd Gerald, Kelley, Green, Berry, Hill, Lewson, and Vernatti, to be either Actors or Confederates. I do declare for my part I know nothing of such a Confederacy; neither do I believe there was any such, but that the whole Pretence of the Murther, as

well for the Persons, as for the Place, was all False.

The Particulars above Written are All True, as I hope for Salvation: And Begging your Worships Pardon for This Presumption, I Rest

Your most Humble and Obedient Servant. Miles Prance.

Princes-street, Ian. 17. 1677/8.

CHAP. XIII.

The Relation of Godfrey's Murther, as it stands in the Narratives and Tryals, is one of the most Vnlikely Stories to be True, that ever was made Publique, and Believed.

THe Body was found in the Ditch; Cary'd Thence to the White House; And so they Proceeded upon it to a View, and to a Verdict: This was, in few Words, the Ground-Work of the History: They began, Effectually at the Wrong End, and, by an Inverted Way of Reaso∣ning, instead of Drawing Conclusions from Premises; Their Bus'ness was Subsequently to Frame and Accommodate Premises, to a Fore-laid Conclusion. This Unhappy Gentleman, was, in Truth, Miserably Haunted with an Hereditary and a Fore-boding Melancholy; and it was the Manage of that Season to Improve Every Fit of the Spleen, into a Popish Dagger at the Heart of him: In∣somuch, that he was said to be Murther'd by the Pa∣pists, (as in Due Time and Place shall be made appear)

even while he was yet Alive: Nay, betwixt the Satur∣day when he went away, and the Thursday Night Fol∣lowing, when he was found, it was in Every Bodies Mouth, that the Papists had Kill'd Sir Edmundbury Godfrey. The Resolution being already taken, to make a Popish Murther on't, and so to make a Popish Conspiracy the Root of This Popish Murther. Never was any thing more Ridiculously Order'd, from One End of the Series to the Other. First, for the Place in General, it was the Queens Palace; and then in Particular, where the Execution was done. Prance's Evidence says it was by the Stables; Bedloe swears it was by Shoving him out of the Vpper Court. But whether the One way, or the Other, it was in a Quarter so Publique, that what with the Guards, The Concourse of People; The Grooms, Wa∣termen, Passengers; The Lights and the Windows there∣abouts, there might any Bussle have been seen, or heard, from Forty several Places; and upon the Least Out-cry, either at the One Place, or the Other, Sir Edmund had Infallibly been Rescu'd, and the Assassin taken. Beside that it was now but between Five and Six, by Bedloe's Account, and Nine a Clock at most, by Prance's; a Time when People were every where up, and stirring, and the Porters Window over the Water-Gate look'd directly All this While, upon the Place where the Fact was said to be Committed.

And then the Dogging of him at the Rate, and Manner, that they sayd they did; was a Notable Fetch of a Project too. They had been upon the Heel of him, as Prance says, a Matter of a Week or a Fort∣night before he was Murther'd, Tryal, pa. 15. But at last, by the Consent of the Witnesses he was fairly Hunted to Somerset-house, from Below-street, says One, and from Above, says the Other; And they brought him in at Two Several Gates, And at Two Several Hours; The One, at Five, and the Other at Nine: and strangled

him as soon as they had him in, Two Several Ways, and in Two Several Places. Now the Contradictions apart; Nothing could be More Senseless then the very Propo∣••ition. For First, they might have found a Thousand better Ways and Opportunities for the doing of his Bus'∣ness. The Device of getting him into the Toyle, was Silly to the Last Degree too; under the Pretence of Parting a Quarrel; in a place where having No Au∣thority to Meddle, he knew better Things then to Lash out in so Tickle a Point. And was it not Another No∣table Piece of Invention, to Hound him up and down, (as the VVitnesses swear they did) either Bedloe's way, with a Crevat, or with a Hand-kercher, which Bedloe and Prance had seen before, (they say) as Predesign'd for the Execution? Now Methinks the Point of a Sword, or a Ponyard in his Guts, or a Convenient Brace of Bul∣lets in the Head of him, might have made every jot as sure VVork, as either the Handkercher or the Crevat. Or if That Must Needs be the way still, they were Mightily overseen again in the Choice of the Instrument; for Green was a Little Old Fellow, and Godfrey, a Tall, Strong Man; Now the Handkercher, was to be Thrown Over his Head, Hat, and All, I suppose, Unless they Expected he should Doff it Himself, and put his own Neck into the Noose. So that the Life of Every Mo∣thers Child of them was at stake too upon That Adven∣ture; either if Green had Miss'd his Cast, or else had not put him out of Condition of Defence, Upon the First Tugg: But Now they have him down, What's to be done with the Body? is the Next Question. The Story is too long, and too silly, to bear the Drawing out of the Train at Length; but it is Impossible for any Man to Trace the Passages, and to Believe the Evidence, without turning Somerset-House into an In∣chanted Castle; and Casting a Mist before the Eyes of Forty People, to render Both the Body, and the Bea∣rers

Invisible: And so, Effectually, it was to All the World but Bedloe, and Prance; who swore they saw the Body lying at the same Time, in Two Several Pla∣ces; Though No Creature could give Any Tidings of it Beside. Nor could They Themselves ever find, or Direct the way to Those Places again. The Body, in fine, (while it lay there) was forc'd, upon Several Occasions to shift for it self; and upon every Fright, though but at the Wagging of a Feather, Whipt away out of One Room into Another, with as much Ease as a Cat would Carry-off a Mouse. It was kept, from Saturday, till Sunday Night, (or Prance is Forsworn) in the Chamber of Lawrence Hill, in Dr. Godden's Lodgings: And now, to say Nothing of the Incompre∣hensible Way, and Manner of getting the Body Thither, let any Man read but These Following Depositions, and then Consider, what a Place they had found out for the Concealment of such a Villany.

Elizabeth Hill Deposeth, that She this Enformant lay that Saturday Night that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was First Missing, and the Sunday and Monday following, and several Nights before and After in the very Room where Prance Relates the Dead Body of the said Sir Edmund to have been laid: And that This Enformant was in that very Room before mentioned, the Greatest Part of the Sun∣day and Monday next after the Saturday before spo∣ken of.

And This Enformant being Interrogated, if there were not some Hiding Places in or about That Room, where the body might be Conceal'd, Maketh Answer, that the Room was so little, that it would very hardly hold Neces∣saries for the Chamber, There being but One Little Bed in the Room, and the Place Crouded with Boxes and Trunks under the Bed, so that it was Impossible for such a Body to lye in that Room any where Vndiscover'd: the Door of

the Room being Constantly also with the Key in't, and that Chamber the Common Place for Pen, Ink and Paper, for the Servi•••• of the Family: This Enformant also lying there with her Husband and a Child. And that During the Time Abovesaid there was No Dead Body in the said Room, to This Enformants Certain Knowledge.

This Enformant saith further, that upon the Saturday, when Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was First Missing, This Enformants Husband being at Cards at the House of Mr. Thomas Cutler, She This Enformant went at about Eight That Evening to fetch her Husband Home, and they went home together Accordingly, This Enformants Husband not going out again That Night.

Elizabeth Hill.

Ann Broadstreet Deposeth, that She this Enformant knew Laurence Hill, a Servant of Dr. Goddens, very well; and that for several Years together, This Enformant Living in the House of the said Dr. Godden, Never knew him to be one Night Missing out of the House: And saith Par∣ticularly, that at the time when Sir Edmundbury God∣frey was first said to be Missing; (being Saturday the 12th. of October) Vntil the Middle of the Next Week after, Mr. Hill, and his Wife, and his Child, lodged in the very Room, where Prance Affirmed the Dead Body to have been laid. And that the said Room was not Capable of Receiving a Dead Body, beside the Boxes and Trunks that were there before. The Room being found upon Measure to be but Six Foot and Three Inches, Broad; and Nine Foot, wanting Two Inches, Long; there being in it a Bed, a Cupboard-Table, Two or Three Trunks, and several Boxes, under the Bed, and a Little Stool to sit upon.

Ann Broadstreet.

Beside the Evidence given upon the Tryal, by Mrs. Ma∣ry Tylden, that the Footmen, upon Occasion, were fain to wait in Hill's Chamber, and that she went every Day into That Room for Something or Other; and that Particularly, on the Sunday, when Sir Edmund was missing, she was in it, and saw No Dead Body there, Try∣al, p. 55.58.

Catharine Lee Testifies, That Room of Hills, to have been a Common Place for Footmen; and that she went into it every Morning, and there was No Dead Body there, p. 58.

James Warrier swears, that upon Saturday, the 12th. of October, 1678. coming to his House in the Strand, about Seven a Clock in the Evening he found Robert Green (one of the Pretended Murtherers) sitting by the Fire with his Wife; and that after that time they did not Part Com∣pany till a pretty while After Ten a Clock: And this War∣rier's Wife gives Evidence to the very same Effect, which I shall have Occasion to Recite at large in another Place.

Thomas Cutler also Swears, That upon the Saturday when Sir Edmundbury Godfrey went away from his House, Lawrence Hill, a Servant to Dr. Godden, came to the House of this same Cutler about Four in the Afternoon, and there finding some Company, they went to Whisk, there being one Mr. Robert Belt, Mr. John Moor, Cutler Himself, and others in the Company; and that the said Mr. Hill did not stir from Cutler's House till about Eight of the Clock, when Hill's VVife went to fetch him Home.

Now this has quite spoil'd the Fashion of Prance's Story of Green and Hill's Dogging of Godfrey from Place to Place, at These very Hours: But a Man can hardly set one Single Step in This Proceed∣ing,

without a Stumble; And from the Monday Night's Remove out of Hill's Chamber, to the Twelve-a-Clock-Adventure on the Wednesday Night following, to Primrose-Hill, in the Face, and yet out of the Sight, it seems, of the Guards and Watches, is but the same Vnaccountable Foolery all of a Piece.

There was a Plot first to make out the Murther: 2ly. To make a Plot on't: And Then, to throw it up into the Air like a Paper-Kite, with Protestant Religion, Priviledges, Liberty and Property at the Tayl of it; to set the Mobile a Gaping: So that it was to be made a Murther of the First Magnitude; And they were in All Conscience, and Reason, to Assign some Cause, or Provocation, Answerable to so Nefarious a Fact: And what was This; but either Green's Revenge for Sir Ed∣mund's bearing hard upon him about a Parish-Duty, as Prance has it; or to Force Examinations from him, ac∣cording to Bedloe's Project; which Examinations were Already before the King and Council, Sworn Copies of them in several Hands; and the Witnesses then in Being, to swear them over again. Was This a Matter of Moment, to move the Foundations of Three Kingdoms? Or was there ever a more Senseless Pretext in Nature, without either Weight in the One, or Colour in the Other? But there was a Third Reason yet, which, by the help of a Popular, and a Mercenary Eloquence, made more Noise then the other Two. And that was his Zeal for the Discovery of the Plot; and the Enmity he bare to the Papists; when it is yet Notoriously known that he believed it a Sham from the Beginning, That he took Tong and Otes for a Brace of False Miscreants; and that he was so far from being an Enemy to the Papists, that in Cases of Need he did them All the Good Offices he could.

And now to come to the Chair-work. A Chair it was, that certainly dropt out of the Clouds for This Parti∣cular Service, and went Thither again; for we do not find that it was either Made a Purpose, or who was the Owner of it; nor whence it came, nor whether it went at last. Only Prance tells us that [they set it in a new House by So-ho, till they came back again, &c. Tr. pag. 20.] And then we are to Imagin a Tall, Stiff Body to be Crowded Into't; and then Carry'd off with Ropes to Cut any Man's Shoulders to the Bone; a Brace of Bearers to't, that never set one Step in a Chair before; And 'tis a Thing of Time to Break your Chair-men to the Work, that they may March, and Trot together. But the Body is by This Time Cas'd, Hous'd, Sedann'd, Box'd-up, or call it what you will. Now the Matter duly Consider'd, the whole Train of the History is but One Insuperable Difficulty upon the Heel of Another. Hill brought the Sedan, They put him Into't; and upon a Hem in the Queens Court at Midnight, Berry open'd the Gate, fol. 19. In the Lords Iournal, Dec. 24. It was but Half the Gate, and the Single Wicket would have serv'd as well too, and with Less Danger of giving the Alarm. And this was All to be done, and the Body and Chair-men, to Pass Invisibly too; for Nicholas Trollop Nicholas Wright, and Gabriel Hesketh, that were plac'd Centinels by Corporal Collet, that Wednesday Night with∣in the Gate, saw nothing of All This; though Trollops stood from Seven to Ten; Wright reliev'd him at Ten, and staid till One; Hesketh reliev'd him at One, and staid till Four. They all swear to the Night, to the Hour, to the Place, and Positively, that they kept to their Post, and that there was No Sedan Pass'd out at Somerset-House that Night. Berry's Maid, Elizabeth Minshaw, swears that her Master came Home That Night in the Dusk, and was not an Hour Out, 'till he went to Bed about Twelve. Tryal, pag. 68, 69, 70.

Consider the Season too, when there were Two Plots a-foot at once; One upon the King, and Another up∣on Godfrey: And a Man could hardly walk the Streets, without being taken for a Suspected Person: And they were to pass in the very Teeth of the Watch too: And why so Far, when they went every Moment in Danger of their Lives? And the Single Question of Who goes there? would have Hang'd them All: If they were but met, and Examin'd, they were Lost: So that wherever they found the Coast Clear, it would have been infinitely more for the Bearers Security, and for the Impostors purpose too, to have thrown the Bo∣dy into the very Kennel, before the Gate of the House: Which would have given some Countenance to the Sham; or at a Venture, to have left both Chair, and Bo∣dy together, Any where in the Open Street to have taken their Fortune.

Would any People in their Right Wits now, ever have sworn such a Huddle of Inconsistencies and Contra∣dictions, into the Pretext of a True History? where the Fact was not only False, but so Easily Prov'd to be so?

Hill was gone abroad to Dog Sir E. Godfrey about Nine or Ten a Clock on Saturday Morning, October 12. 1678. Tryal, p. 17. This is Prance's Story: And Elizabeth Curtis agrees with Mr. Prance Exactly in Point of Time, as Mr. Attorney Observes, Tryal, p. 40. And this Elizabeth Curtis again, is Sworn, and Examin'd, Tryal, pag. 38. as Sir Edmund's Servant, which was a mon∣strous great Hazard they ran, to lay the Stress of an Evidence, upon her Privity to Matters, as a Servant in the House, when it was Notorious that she was never so: But only a Poor Woman that now and then did Chair-work for them. Now Robert How Swears, That upon That Saturday, Hill and He were together from about Nine till One, pag. 61. And Richard Lazenby

Confirms How's Testimony, by his Evidence, that they two Din'd with Hill that Saturday. And Lazenby swears again, that upon the Wednesday Night following, he was with him from Five to Seven: And yet this was the Hour that Girald, Green, and Hill had Dogg'd him into St. Clements, Tryal, pag. 20. And so for Eliza∣beth Curtis, that swears Directly to the Particular Know∣ledge of Green and Hill, fol. 39. Iudith Pamphlin, that liv'd in the House with Sir Edmund, deposeth quite another Matter: And Avis Warrier does very notably Corroborate Pamphlins Evidence. Pamphlin's Depositi∣on is This.

Iudith Pamphlin Deposeth, That she This Enformant, with her Daughter; Elizabeth Draper, (or Eliz. Curtis) going to Newgate by direction from Henry Moor, to take a view of Green, Berry, and Hill, (at that time Pri∣s'ners there) to see if they could Remember that they had seen These Persons, or any of them, at Sir Edmunds House: she This Enformant did not remember any of them, and the said Eliz. Draper declar'd, at the same time, that she had not seen any of them Neither.

Now this same Iudith Pamphlin that had Liv'd a year and a half in the Family, would have been a shrew'd Evidence against Curtis, as well as to many other Material Points then in Question; But she was kept safe enough, from Appearing. Her Evidence as to This Point, however, is most Particularly Con∣firm'd, by a Passage in a Letter of Hills to his Wife out of Newgate, as follows.

On the Thursday after I came to This Place, there came Two Grave Men like Justices, to Examine me; they call'd me not a few Rogues, and Order'd me to be Chain'd to Boards; but was set at Liberty in the Night.

The Monday after, they came again, and brought Two Women with them, which I suppose, were Sir Edmunds Servants. At first, when they came, they declar'd they had never seen me in their Lives: and said, it was a Lesser Man, and had Another kind of Face that brought the Letter. So I was sent up, but Immediately sent for down again, and a Barber sent for to Shave me, and when he had done they Whisper'd; what they said God knows, &c.

And then the Enformation of Avis Warrier Deli∣ver'd upon Oath, March 18. 1685. runs in These Words.

Avis Warrier Deposeth, That one Robert Green be∣longing to the Queens Chappel, came to This Enformants House to Lodge some few days before Michaelmas-day, 1678. And to the best of the Enformants Memory, it was the Fryday before the said Michaelmas-day; And that the said Green Continued a Lodger in the House aforesaid, without Lying out of the House One Night; to the Best of This Enformants Memory and Knowledge; for the Space of about Five or Six Weeks: At which time, there came an Order to This Enformant, to give an account what Lodgers she had in the House, and who and what they were: Whereupon, the said Green Departed from his Lodging; and This Enformant gave an Account of the Rest.

This Enformant being Interrogated, if she remembers, upon what Day it was Reported that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey left his House; maketh Answer, That it was said to be upon a Saturday, that he was first Missing. And being likewise Interrogated, if she remembreth that she saw Robert Green above-said, upon the said Saturday. And at what Time, and How Long? And being demand∣ed to give a Particular Answer to These Questions, She

this Enformant saith, That she did see Robert Green upon the same Saturday, when the said Sir Edmund was said first to be Missing; And that she well remembreth that it was the second Saturday following the Michaelmas-day aforesaid.

And saith further, That she this Enformant Particu∣larly remembreth that the said Saturday was very Rainy, especially toward the Evening; And that about Six a Clock in the Evening, to this Enformants Best Remembrance, the said Robert Green came into the House of This Enfor∣mant, very wet; and took off his Hat, and Shuck it to Drain the Wet from it, and hung it upon the Door; The said Green asking for his Wife, and she not being within; he bad This Enformant tell his Wife when she came in, that he was gone to Georges Coffee-house, within Four Doors of the House of This Enformant, whither he went, as This Enformant Believes, and after about a Quarter of an hours stay, return'd to This Enformant again; and about half an hour afterward This Enformants Husband came home. And then This Enformant, with her Husband, the said Robert Green, and Robert Green's Wife, were in Company together, till a Good While after Ten.

And This Enformant being further Interrogated, how she Come•• to Remember that Saturday so particulary, after so many years, This Enformant answereth, that she This Enformant remembreth very well, that she had bought Pi∣geons that very Saturday, that was intended for the Next days Dinner, with the said Robert Green and his Wife. And that hearing afterward the Name of the said Green mentioned, as one of the Murtherers of Sir Edmundbu∣ry Godfrey, she This Enformant, together with her Hus∣band, and others in the Family, enter'd into a Discourse upon the Matter, while the Time was yet fresh in their Me∣mory, and they all agreed with This Enformant upon the Saturday before mention'd: And that the said Robert Green was in the House of This Enformant, in Manner

as is above-said, that very Saturday that Sir Edmund∣bury Godfrey was said to be First Missing.

And saith further, That she This Enformant being Subpoena'd by Mrs. Green above mentioned, to give Evi∣dence at the Tryal of the above said Robert Green, &c. to the Effect above-mention'd, there was an Elderly Wo∣man in Mourning, that seeing This Enformant waiting to be call'd in for a Witness, among other Questions, ask'd This Enformant for whom she was to be a Wit∣ness? This Enformant making Answer, She did not know whom her words might serve for. And then asking This Enformant where she Liv'd? and being told that This Enformant Liv'd in the Strand, Oh then said the other, you come to give Evidence for my Master; This Enformant asking her who her Master was; the Woman made Answer to This Effect, The Gentleman that is Dead: This Enformant Asked the said Woman in Mourning, hereupon, Whether she had ever seen Ro∣bert Green before-spoken of, at her Masters House? Who Answer'd, That he had been twice at her Ma∣sters House that Day he was First Missing; This En∣formant then bidding her have a Care, for there were Three Mens Lives at Stake, and there might be ma∣ny more. And that she This Enformant had heard the said Green declare several times, before he was accus'd, that he never saw Sir Edmundbury Godfrey in his Life. To which the other reply'd, If it was not Green, 'twas Hill.

This Enformant saith further, upon Recollection, that the said Woman in Mourning Describ'd the said Robert Green by wearing a Black Periwig, instead of a Light Reddish Wig.

But then the Fancy of Horsing away the Corps from So-ho to Prim-rose Hill, Carry'd as many Absurdities in the Face on't as ever met perhaps in an action of

That Compass. The Body must be First Ply'd for the Chair; and then made stiff, and streight again, for the Horse. Now either it was stumbling-dark, that it was in Danger of a Tumble every step they sat; Or if light, in a Greater Danger of Discovery: But for the state of the Moon, My Almanack says, that it was the First Quarter upon Sunday 23. Minutes past 3. in the Morn∣ing; And it was Wednesday Night following, when the Body was Pack'd away. A Man can hardly frame to himself a more surprizing Figure; or a more Vncouth Contrivance. A Merry-Andrew in fine, or a Scaramou∣chi could never have Presented any thing more Ridi∣culous: Over and Above the Almost-Impassable Foulness of the Way; The Difficulties of Hedge and Ditch; Nay and of finding the very Way to the Place Design'd. A Dead Body Mounted Astride, and a Living Man behind him, Holding him up, with his Hat, his Sword, his Stick, his Gloves, and All his Little Bus'nesses about him: as if they had been rather upon a Freak to fright People with a Fantome, and make 'em Believe the Place was Haunted, then to save their Necks by the Concealment of a Murther: But Whence came This Horse? Whose Horse was he? Where did Hill get him? What Became of him Afterwards? Prance before the Lords was ask'd the Colour of the Horse, December 24. 1678. And gave This Answer [that though it was Dark, Yet he could Discern the Horse to be a Brown Horse.] And in his Deposition of the Date above, he says likewise of the Sedan, that it was left in One of the New Built houses, and They took it up and brought it home as they came back: But the Horse Disappear'd, it seems, and so did the Chair too After the Iobb was over, for it was never heard of again. Now the Horse had like to have been How's Horse: And thereby Hangs a Story.

And then, to My thinking, they were Out a Little in their Reck'ning, upon the very Timing of it. They set out at Twelve, and Considering that they were but Young Chair-men; Ill settled in their Geeres; a Long Iobb, and a Heavy Burden; The Ways Dirty, The Night Dark; And, in fine, laying All Circumstances together, they could not be well less then Two hours and a half upon the Way; And what with the Time spent in fidling about the Body, and setting things to Rights, a Man may honestly Reckon it five a Clock before they got back again. Prance swears that he came home again, so soon as they had Mounted the Corps. Hill was a Horse-back, while Green, Gerald, and the Irish Man were left to bring home the Chair. And why did they bring it home again, to Betray them∣selves Backward as well as Forward? They tell us No∣thing of Restoring the Chair, as if it had been Borrow'd or Taken by stealth: Neither was the Sedan Ever heard of After That Time: Nor do they Tell us where That same Home was: But the story of the Horse that I was speaking of, lyes so fit for my Hand in This Place, that it will be VVorth the VVhile to give the Enformation here at Length that I have upon This Subject.

Thomas Whitfield Deposeth, That in or about the Month of March 1680. This Enformant standing at his own Door in Cranborn-street near Leicester-Fields, one William Boyce, (well known to This Enformant) passing by, told this Enformant, that he was Carrying a Couple of Glass-Eyes into the Square, and would be with This Enformant again presently: and within less then half an hour, he the said William Boyce call'd at This Enfor∣mant's house accordingly.

And that the said William Boyce, and This Enfor∣mant, drank, and smok'd a Pipe together in the Fore-Room

of the said House, where, among other Discourses, He asked the Enformant if he had heard of the Difference betwixt him the said Boyce and Miles Prance: This En∣formant replying that he had heard Nothing of it: Where∣upon, Boyce told this Enformant, that Prance was a Great Rogue: This Enformant telling the said Boyce again, that He the said Boyce knew best, for He had had the Tutoring of him. Boyce going on, to Confirm it, that he was a Great Rogue; for, says Boyce, Prance and I dyn'd Together, and we did not Part, till betwixt Eleven and Twelve at Night, that very Day that Prance swore He was at the Murthering of Sir Ed∣mundbury Godfrey at Nine of the Clock at Night; when He was so Drunk, that I'm sure he was not able to Murther a Cock-Chicken.

And that as This Enformant was sitting with the said Boyce in the Fore-Room as above; One Robert Howes pass'd by into the Kitchin, the said Boyce saying, that he thought he should know That Man: to which This Enfor∣mant made Answer, Yes, it may be you May, Boyce ask∣ing if he was not a Carpenter? This Enformant telling him, Yes. Boyce asking again, if he did not belong to Somerset-house? This Enformant said, Yes, He was one of the Queens Carpenters. Well! says Boyce; he may thank me for his Life. This Enformant asking him, Why thank him for his Life? Boyce Answer'd, that if it had not been for Him (the said Boyce,) Prance would have sworn that it was Howes's Horse that Car∣ry'd Sir Edmundbury Godfrey to Primrose-hill.

Vpon This, the Enformant went and Call'd Howes out of the Kitchin, into the Fore-Room, and there told him, in the Presence, and hearing of Boyce. Here Howes; Here's your saver, he that sav'd your Life: for if it had not been for Him, Prance would have sworn that it was Your Horse that Carry'd Sir Edmundbury Godfrey to Primrose-hill. My Horse, says Howes? Why I have

sold my Horse Three Years agon: Boyce telling Howes, that Prance had brought in the said Howes, but for Him.

The Vnder-written Robert Whitfield of St. Martins in the Fields, declares upon his Oath, That Thomas Whit∣field above mention'd, told the said Whitfield the effect of the foregoing▪ Enformation for so much as concerns the Relation of what past betwixt the said Thoms Whitfield, and William Boyce; and that he told it to This Enformant about the time assign'd in the aforesaid Enformation.

To bring this Long Paper to an end at last. This Part of the Confederacy seems to have been as Weak, and as Short in the Contrivance, and Manage of it, as it was Malicious in the Project; and there does not hi∣therto appear so much as One Glimpse of a Probability to keep it in Countenance. To say Nothing on the other Hand, of the Dying Testimony of Mr. Coleman, Hill, Green, Berry, Harcourt, Fenwick, &c. who did all Declare upon the Faith of Dying Men, that they were Innocent of that Murther. And I cannot Close This Section Better now, then with the Christian, and the Charita∣ble Resignation of Poor Hill, in a Letter to his Wife upon This Occasion.

My Dear Wife,

I Recommend you to that Good God of Heaven, who, I hope, will be both a Husband to you, and a Father to my Poor Child; If you Serve and Love him as you ought to do: And the First Thing you are to do, is Heartily to For∣give him that is the Occasion of my Death; and not bear him any Malice, but leave the Revenge wholly to God, who knows best how to Revenge the Innocent. This I earn∣estly beg of you to do, and likewise to Desire all my Friends to pray to God Almighty, that if it be his Divine

Will, that this Little Suffering may Mitigate his Iust Wrath against me for my heinous Sins.

We have Proceeded thus far, in so Full, so Clear, so Particular, and so Faithful a Deduction of Matters, that there's hardly Any thing more Left for a Man to wish for, toward the Satisfaction, either of his Curiosi∣ty, or his Iudgment, upon This Subject. The Imposture from One End to the Other, is made up of Vnlikely∣hoods, Incoherences, and Contradictions, without so much as One Point in the whole Story that will bear a Colour. Take each of the Witnesses, a-part, and he gives him∣self the Lye to his own Teeth; Take them Together, and they dash one another to pieces. But 'tis to be hoped, that the Two Principals were well Seconded as to the Credit, both of the Matter, and of the Evidence; and it will be but Fair Dealing to Examine the Ballance.

The First Witness that opens upon the Tryal for the King (as they call it) as to the Point here in Que∣stion, isOtes: And the Short of his Evidence isThis, That Two Days after the Swearing of his Depositions, Sir God∣frey came to him, and told him of Affronts he had Receiv'd from some Great Persons for being so Zealous, and of others Threatning him for being too Remiss: telling him a while af∣ter, how he had been Menac'd by several Popish Lords; and that he went in fear of his Life, by the Popish Party, that had been Dogging him several Days, Tryal, fol. 12. The use made of This Evidence was to shew that his For∣wardness in the Discovery of the Popish Plot, was the Thing that set them on to Murther him; and that he Dreaded Mischief from them Himself upon That Ac∣count. Ibid.

Now instead of Sir Edmund's being too Forward, in One Page, he was, it seems, too Backward in Another; for he told Mr. Robinson, That he took Otes's Examina∣tion

very unwillingly, and would fain have had it done by others. And then upon Mr. Robinson's wishing, That the Depth of the Matter were found out. I am afraid (said he) of That, that it Is not. But Discoursing fur∣ther, he said These Words, Vpon my Conscience, I believe I shall be the first Martyr. Now Sir Godfrey's Apprehen∣sion was not from the Papists for fear of a Discovery, but partly for incurring the Danger of a Misprision, upon the Concealment of it; and partly for Another Rea∣son, as will be more Expresly set forth hereafter.

Brown the Constable swears to the Posture they found the Body in; The Sword, the Bruises, the Neck, the Stick, and the Gloves, and to No Bloud in the Ditch: And Five Lines Afterwards, That there was No Bloud at all when the Sword was taken out; He does not say [Where] but [When] fol. 36. and so saves himself by the Reservation of Meaning the Ditch still; for he Swears elsewhere, to a Great Quantity of Bloud that came Gubling out. But People were ove••-aw'd, and made the best Shift they could to keep themselves in a Whole Skin. Beside that there lyes No Stress at all upon This Testimony.

The Attorney General call'd then for the Surgeons that View'd, and Open'd the Body; That is, Mr. Skillarn, and Mr. Cambridge, who were both Sworn, fol. 36. This Hint made the Court take it for Granted, that the Bo∣dy was Open'd, as it ought to have been, whereas it was not Open'd at All, any further, then with a Little Inscision to let out some Corrupt Matter: Nay, Sk••••arn Mov'd the Godfreys to have it Open'd: and could not get any Answer from them. Mr. Skillarn speaks to the Bruises; The Distortion of the Neck; The Two Wounds; and that there was More done to his Neck then an ordinary Suffocation. If the Wounds had Kill'd

him, his Muscles would have been Turgid, he says. He observ'd, that Strangled People never Swell. If he had Dy'd of the Wound, there would have been Some Evacuation of Bloud, at least, which there was Not; And then again, That the Wound went through his very Heart; and there would have appar'd Some Bloud, if it had been done quickly after his Death: So that the Main Point in Issue is This, Whether there was any Evacuation of Bloud, or No.

Mr. Cambridge speaks also to the Bruises; Two Pun∣ctures; His Neck Dislocated; and delivers his Opinion, That the Wound was given him after his Death, fol. 38. but without shewing any Reason for't. Now These Two Evidences are so far from Proving the Strangulation, that if We Prove the Bloud, They do, Effectually, give up the Cause.

The next Person call'd for, is Sir Edmundbury God∣frey's Mayd, Elizabeth Curtis. She knows Green, saw him, and talk'd with him at her Masters, about a Fortnight before his Death; spoke to him in French, which she could not understand, it seems, pag. 38. and yet, swears 'twas French; Swears Positively to the Knowledge of the Man; The Colour of his Periwig: How Long he was with her Master, &c. And then immediatlyChargesHill with com∣ing to her Master That Saturday Morning; and Talking in the Parlour with him: she saw him afterward in Newgate; and so she turns it off with a SleevelessStory of some Body that brought a Note to the House upon the Friday be∣fore; and there the Question was very Civilly dropt. No•• this is an Oath to go for Nothing, as well as Otes's. For in Taking upon her to know Green and Hill, she's Forsworn upon the Testimony of Two orThree Enformations, already Produc'd. I must not pass over a Deposition of this Elizabeth Curtis, or Draper, bearing Date the 8th. of Ianuary, 1678/9. before the Lords Committees in the

Council-Chamber, where she swears, [That she Lived off and on for about Six Years with Sir Edmundbury Godfrey before his Death.] This Off and On, must be taken for her Chare-Days, when she came to help Scowr the Pewter, or Clean the House; for she never was a Ser∣vant in That Family in all her Days.

She Swears further, that Green came to her Master's House a Fortnight before he was Murther'd, bringing with him in his Company, one in a Purple-Colour'd Li∣very, who stood at the Door; and that the said Green spake to her Master, First, in French, and After∣wards in English. We have No News now of the Purple Livery, in the Tryal; And that which was First in French, and Afterwards in English, in the Council-Chamber, was turn'd Cross at the Kings Bench. [Green said, Good Morrow, Sir, in English, and Afterward spake to Sir E.B. Godfrey in French, Tryal, pag. 38.]

We are to make room now for the Master and Man at the Plow Ale-house. Prance swears to a Discourse there with Green, Hill, and Girald, about the Murther of Godfrey; The House Proves that they had been There together, and the very Meeting Presumes the Design.

Here's the Collateral Evidence that was offer'd, in Fa∣vour of Bedloe's, and Prance's Testimony, which I shall Leave fairly before the Reader, to weigh one against the other.

CHAP. XIV.

The Extreme Difficulty of Reconciling the History of the Murther at Somerset-House, to the Mat∣ters of Fact as they appear'd in the Ditch at Primrose-Hill; and upon the Verdict. The Rea∣sons of That Difficulty, and how it might have been in some Measure Prevented.

AFter so many Several Tales, and Those Several Tales, so many Several Ways Told too, of one and the same Thing. After the Saying and Swearing of That same [Same] Thing, to be done in so many Several Places, Shapes, and Manners; At so many Se∣veral Times; By so many Several Methods and Persons, upon such and such Several Reasons; and to so ma∣ny Several Ends: It can be no Longer a Question, I say, upon the Whole Matter; After These Diversities, Disagreements and Contradictions, Whether the Point in Issue be True, or False; For Truth is Simple, Vni∣form, Consistent with it self, and in Every Line and Ar∣ticle of it, Still, and Ever the same. This is the very Case, betwixt the History of the Somerset-House-Mur∣ther upon Saturday, and That of the Dead Body that was found the Thursday following. They are, without more ado, so Vnlike; so Forreign; Nay so Contrary, One to Another, in many Passages even of the Greatest Weight; that they Agree only in the Name of the Iu∣stice; Insomuch, that Supposing Two Sir Edmund Godfreys, the Relation might very well Pass for an Ac∣count of Two several Persons.

Now since it is a Thing Utterly Impossible to Vnite These Variations, and Oppositions in the same Point; and to make good Evidence to the VVorld; of Those Al∣legations

that are Never to be Reconcil'd; I am, in This Chapter, to Ask Bedloes and Prances Pardon, for having made such Fools of a Couple of the Kings Witnesses in some Half a dozen Chapters before, as if it had been VVholly Their Fault••, that Things and Things Cot∣ton'd No better together; when, in very Deed, Their Present Circumstances, and the Parts they had in the Plot, Duly Consider'd, they were at That Time, Under a Moral Necessity, either of laying themselves open, or of doing Things not to be Done: So that for want of Well-grounded Presumptions, and Authentique Proofs to move mens Vnderstandings, they were fain to Content Themselves with Dazling the Peoples Eyes, and Boyling up their Passions, by the most Popular, and Plausible Arts the Matter would bear. Where the Sham was not strong enough to stand upon its own Legs, the Security of his Majesties Person, and the Protestant Re∣ligion; the Honour of so many Parliaments, the Wisdom of the Nation, and the Credit of the Kings Witnesses, were All Call'd in to the Vpholding of it; and the Rest∣less Alarms of Popish Fires, Massacres, and Faggots, were like so many Rods in Piss, for Those Infidels, that had not the Grace to give Credit to a Forgery, so Necessary to be Believ'd. VVhen I speak of the Difficulty of Re∣conciling the History to the Fiction, in This Present In∣stance, I do not Mean, that the making a Plausible Im∣posture of it, was a Thing Vtterly Impossible, if it had been Attended in Time; though I am very well aware too, that Falsity can Never Pass for Truth, but for want of Means, and Industry to find out where the Inconciliable Difference Lyes: But the Difficulties to be Treated of in This Place are of Another Quality; and not so much arising from the Contradictions in the Na∣ture of True and False, as Peculiar to the State of Things in That Iuncture, and to the Matter in Hand.

The Body was found out of Town yonder, in a Ditch; and the Murther was laid at Somerset-House. The Death of Sir Edmund was made a Murther; Nay, and a Popish Murther; as is formerly Observ'd, even while he was Yet Alive. Now this could be no other, then an Ominous Foreboding upon a Desperate Melancholy, which he had then upon him. For there was No Talk of any Apprehension he had of the Papists, 'till the ve∣ry day that he left his House. We shall speak in Ano∣ther Place, to the Bus'ness of his Saying, that he should be the first Martyr, or the first Man that should suffer. The Faction had no sooner made a Popish Murther of this Disaster, but it dropt Naturally into the Common Receptacle of All Rogueries, the Pretended Popish Plot. This Occasion lay so fair, for the Hand of the Republi∣can Conspirators, who under Another Pretext, were at that time Designing upon the King, the Royal Line, and the Monarchy it self, that having drawn his Royal Highness, the Queen Consort, and Almost the Late Bles∣sed King Himself into the Confederacy, they thought they could not do better, then to make her Majesties Palace the Scene of the Villany.

This was the Ground-work of the Mock-Tragedy, that Our Knights of the Post, Bedloe and Prance (Nay, Otes came in for a Snack too) afterward, Play'd their Parts in, upon That Stage. In one Syllable, the Plot-Cabal Lodg'd it there, and Bedloe took them at their Word, and Swore to't there; by which Vnlucky Blun∣der, the Project was as good as Curs'd in the Cradle; for when it was once Lodg'd within Those Walls, there was no removing of it, at least, without taking the House for Company. The Story, 'tis true, went off well enough at Volley, for a good while, and pass'd Cur∣rent among the People, upon Content, without either Weighing, or Computing it: But when they came once to Confront Matters, and to Adjust Things to Things,

they found themselves Horribly out in their Measures, and that they might as well pretend to bring Heaven and Hell together, as to Tally the Two Stories of Somerset-house and Primrose-Hill. There was the Hat, the Gloves, the Stick, the Sword, the Ditch, the Posture, the Two Wounds, the Bruises, the Fly-blows, the Bloud, the Lin∣nen Cloth, the Looseness of his Neck, and the Circles about it, &c. Now All these Cases and Accidents were to be Obviated, and Provided for in the Counter-part: As in some sort they were too. There was a Twisted Hankercher and a Crevat to Answer the Linnen Cloth: Green to Wring his Neck about: Hill and the rest to Punch him, to Encounter the Bruises, Tryal, fol. 17. Hill, Kelly, and Gerald to run him through with his own Sword, throw him into a Ditch, and lay his Gloves, and other Things upon the Bank, Tryal, fol. 20. to make the Tale Square with the Original. To say no∣thing of the Risque of Discovery upon the Place, or up∣on the Way; and the Vanity of so much as Hoping to Prevail upon any Man in his Right Wits, either to Vn∣dertake, or Believe so Ridiculous an Adventure. Upon the whole Matter, If People had but taken Half the Pains to Detect, and to Crush this Imposture, that they did to Countenance, and Conceal it, the Cheat could never have stood a Six Minutes Close Examination: For the Witn••sses Launch'd out into such a Variety of Circumstan∣ces, and Matters, that it was wholly Impossible for them so to Concert their Lessons, as not to lye open to a Hundred Surprizes.

It was a kind of Fantastical, if not an Vnaccountable Re∣solution taken, to send the Body away to Primrose-hill, and just to such a Ditch there; A Place that 'tis odds none of the Assassins ever so much as heard of Before; and to give such Orders as they pretend they did, about the Disposing of things with the Body, the Sword, the Stick, the Gloves, &c. Now whether this was History,

or Forgery, let the World Judge. But in Fact, the Bo∣dy was there: So and so Found; and, in the Congruity of the Counterfeit, it must be thither carry'd, and so and so laid. The Distance, the Danger, the Chair, and the Difficulties of the Way thither, are the Soberest part of the Foolery. Nay, and by the strangest Consent of Thought that ever was heard of, the Murtherers Pitch'd upon the very Place, upon the Wednesday Night, that Sir Godfrey Enquir'd the Way to, the Saturday Morning be∣fore.

There were, in fine, a Number of Inextricable Dif∣ficulties in the Way, as they had order'd the Contri∣vance. But the Mother-Over-sight, and in Truth, the Root of all the Difficulties, and Cross Accidents, that Follow'd, was the laying of the Murther so far at first from the Place where the Body was found. For if they had but Hounded him to Primrose-Hill, instead of Dog∣ging him to Somerset-House, and open'd the Intrigue upon the very Spot; the Mystery of This Project might have re∣main'd a Secret to the Day of Iudgment: Especially, ha∣ving so fair a Pretence to Look for him That Way: for this was not only known to be Sir Edmund's Vsual Walk, but he was seen Going thitherward, and taken Notice of to Enquire which was the way to That Place, that very Morning: So that for Brevities sake, they should have Smother'd, or Stifled, or Strangled him, or what they would have call'd it else, and then have run him through with his own Sword, in the very Ditch it self, which would have Prevented all the ensuing Dan∣gers betwixt the Cup and the Lip, as they say. If they had gone that way to Work, there would have been no need of a Comment upon the Text of Somerset-house. The Story of the Crevats, the Pistols, and the twisted Handkercher; the Water-Gate, and the Court-Gate; the Plotters, and the Quarrels; the Stable-yard, the Vpper Court, the Invisible Chair, and the Dead Body a-Cock-horse,

would have been All out of Doors. There would have been no need of Witch-craft to cast Mists before the Eyes of the Guards. But in fine, All these Plunges, and a Hundred and Fifty more, might have been sav'd, and the VVitnesses might have brought Green, Berry, and Hill as Cheap to the Ditch; Especially when they had him (as Prance says) in Red-Lyon-Fields alrea∣dy, and have Sworn as true to the One, as they did to the Other; But This was the Fault of the First Disco∣verer. Bedloe's heart was so set upon the Five Hundred Pound, that he thought of nothing else; and when the Word was once pass'd, and the Charge Rivetted to Somer∣set-House, there was No Recalling, No Vnclinching of it. But now if he had thought on't tine enough, to have Order'd the Regulation of This Murther in the Chappel-Gallery; and the Execution of it about the White-House, the History might have been kept up to the Decorum of a Probable Truth. I must not slip the Occasion here of Obviating a Question that very fre∣quently offers it self in this Case [If this was Sir Ed∣mund's usual Walk, why should he ask the Way to a Place that he knew as well as any body could tell him?] There's no Divining upon Men's Thoughts; but since it is certain he knew the way; and no less certain, that he did Ask the VVay; and that he did not Ask it Neither, as Ignorant of it, or as Needing the Enformation. VVhy might not his Enquiry be intended for a Hint, or a Light to People where they should look for him, when they should afterwards come to miss him?

CHAP. XV.

Supposing the Murther of Sir Edmund-bury God∣frey to have been a Branch of the Popish Plot; (as it was Commonly Reputed) If there was no such Plot, there was No such Murther.

THERE was a Time, when a Popish Murther was Trumpt up for the Proof of a Popish Plot; but we are Now as hard put to't for want of a Plot to Prove That Murther, as we were Formerly for want of a Mur∣ther to Prove That Plot: In short, there's no Reconci∣ling Either of them to it self, Apart; or Both, Each to the Other. If there was No Popish Plot, There was Consequently No Popish Murther; at least upon That Bottom: Unless a Man shall suppose a Branch without a Root; or an Effect, without a Cause. If there were No Treasonous Consults, how should there be Murderous Practices Grounded upon Imaginary Councels? The Equi∣ty of Otes's Conviction of Wilful, Malicious, and Cor∣rupt Perjury, at the King's Bench Bar, Westminster, the 8th. of May 1685. upon the Iesuits Tryal in the Bus'∣ness of That Plot, lyes every Jot as strong, in Parity of Reason, and of Iustice, against Prance and Bedloe, for This Pretended Branch of That Pretended Conspiracy. They Hang both upon the same String, and whoever Overthrows the One, Trips up the Heels of the Other. That is to say, where the Matter of Fact is False in the foundation, All Inferences from it must be so like∣wise, in the Superstructure: and whatsoever Bedloe and Prance have Sworn upon a Plot where there was None, is only the Seconding of one Perjury with Another; For the Profligate Improbity of the Witness Blasts the Credit of the Murther, as well as of the Treason. I do not

say but that there might be a Murther, and yet No Conspiracy: Nay, I say there might be a Murther Exe∣cuted by Papists too; and yet That Murther not a Popish Assassinate neither, for I would Distinguish the Wicked Practices of some particulars in All Religions, from the Wicked Principles of a Whole Body of Men, of This, or That Persuasion; so that we have a Great Many Steps to make, before we come to a Resolution upon This Question. We take it for Granted, First, (as we find it upon Record) that Otes's Popish Plot was an Imposture. 2dly, That if there was No Popish Plot, there could be No Popish Branch of it: From whence it will Now Fol∣low, that Prance and Bedloe are Manifestly forsworn in Every Tittle of their Evidence, that either Imputes the Murther to the Conspiracy, or lends a helping hand to the Confirming of the Forgery. They Swore the Mur∣ther into the Plot, for the Sake of the Plot; Not the Plot into the Murther, for the Sake of the Murther. And though Bedloe came in to give Evidence to the Murther, 'twas his Swearing to the Plot, that got him the 500 l. And to make the best on't, his Perjury in the One Case made him Incompetent in the Other.

To Sum up All in a Little, (for I am Now about to Close the First Part of This Discourse) Was God∣frey Murther'd at Somerset-house, according to the Depo∣sitions of Bedloe, and Prance, or was he Not? What Inducement have we to believe it? or what Arguments, or Objections to the Contrary? As to the Credibility of the Fact in Issue; There were so many Contradictions in the Watching, and Dogging of him, in the Manner of Des••roying him; in the Concealing, and Removing of him; in the Means of Carrying him away; and in other Circumstances of Time, and Place, as Never were heard of in This World from the Mouths of Two Credible Witnesses. They Might as well have Sworn to the Con∣veying of him into the Ditch in a Mist, or upon a

Broom-stick, as in a Chair, or on Horse-back. Bedloe swears against Bedloe and Prance; and Prance swears against Prance and Bedloe. They swear One thing be∣fore the Lords Committees, and quite Another thing at the Tryals. Insomuch, that Light and Darkness might as well have been Reconcil'd, as These Testimonies, either severally, or One to Another. In one Word: What shall I need to say more on't, then Effectually is said Already? The Story is Wholly Inconsistent with it self; never any thing more Ridiculously Projected, more scan∣dalously Attested; or, upon Comparing of Evidences, more Impossible to be True. So that here's the First Question of Sir Godfrey's being Murther'd at Somerset-house, Clear'd beyond All Dispute, or Contradiction. And Consequently the End of This My First Part, Answer'd, to All Intents and Purposes. For we are not more Certain of any thing, then we are Morally Sure, that the Pompous History of This Pretended Villany, has been, from End to End of it, a State-Cheat, and No other, then a Palpable Imposture.

But some People will not Content themselves per∣haps, with a Negative upon the Abuse; in satisfying the World that he was Not kill'd in the Place, and Manner, as is laid in the Indictment; Unless they may receive Further Satisfaction, How, Where, and by Whom, he was brought to his End. Now This Case Lyes so much in the Dark, by what Hand soever it was done, that Reasonable Collections, Inferences and Pregnant Presumptions, are All in the very Nature of the Thing, the Matter in Question will bear: But I shall leave the Reader to his own Freedom of Belief, or Iudgment, upon a Fair Report of the Fact, as he shall find it Impartially Deliver'd in the Second Part of This Discourse.

The End of the First Book.