The primitive origination of mankind, considered and examined according to the light of nature written by the Honourable Sir Matthew Hale, Knight ...

SECT. II. (Book 2)

CAP. I. The Proofs of Fact, that seem with the greatest Moral evidence to evince the Inception of Mankind: And first, touching the Antiquity or Novity of History.

I Have now done with those Evidences that in my Understanding seem, quasi ab intrinseco, to evince the Inception of Mankind from that intrinsecal incompossibility and inconsistency that the Sup∣position of the eternal existence thereof bears with his Nature: I now descend to the examination of those Evidences of Fact, which do or may seem to contribute to the proof of what is designed, namely, Novitatem generis humani.

And although that Evidences of Fact of things remote from our Sense cannot be said infallible and demonstrative, because the nature of such matters of fact (simply as they are matters of fact) is not capable (as such) of Demonstration; yet they may be Evidences of high cre∣dibility, and such as no reasonable Man can with any just reason deny his assent unto them.

That which hath been, hath as certainly and infallibly, yea and as necessarily been, as that which is: Omne quod, est, dum est necessariò est, & omne quod fuit, cum jam preteriit necessariò fuit quando fuit, & in prae∣teritis non est contingentia. Only that which is, and is obvious to Sense, hath this advantage of evidence which that which hath been wants, namely, the immediate evidence of Sense, wherein though it is not uni∣versally impossible but that Sense may be deceived, yet because it is the best evidence that we have of matters of fact, we give credit to it as a sensible evidence, and we have reason so to do.

But of things transacted before our time, and out of the immediate reach of our Sense, we may have such an evidence as in reason we ought as reasonable Men to acquiesce in, though the evidence be still in its own nature but moral, and not simply demonstrative or infallible: And the variety of circumstances renders the credibility of such things more or less, according to the various ingredients and contributions of credi∣bility that are concentred in such an evidence.

It is impossible to demonstrate by evidence infallible (or which is all one, by evidence that is impossible to be false) that there was such a Man as Julius Caesar or Augustus, that there was such a Man as William the Conqueror, or King Henry the Eighth, or that such a Man was his Father, or such a Woman his Mother; or that there is such a City as Venice, or Rome, (to me that never saw it,) for all these I have but by relation from others, and it is not impossible but those Histories or informations or relations by which I am informed of these things may be false: And

they are such matters as have in them a less evidence than my own Sense of Sight; for the evidence of my Sense is simple and immediate, and therefore I have but a shorter cut thereby to the assent to the truth of the things so evidenced: But in things that I have by relation from others, my evidence is of greater distance; for first, I see them not by my own Eyes, but it is others that must first see the thing they relate; and secondly, though I should think that whatsoever might be believed, if obvious to the Sense of others, might have as great a credibility as if obvious to my own, yet I must have a second postulation that must have an ingredient to elicit my assent, namely, the veracity of him that reports and relates it. And hence it is, that that which is reported by many Eye-witnesses hath greater motives of credibility than that which is reported by few; that which is reported by credible and authentick witnesses, than that which is reported by light and inconsiderable witnesses; that which is reported by persons disinteressed, than that which is reported by persons whose interest it is to have the thing true, or believed to be true; that which hath the concurring testimony of real existing monuments, than that which is without them; and finally, that which is reported by credible persons of their own view, than that which they receive by hear-say from those that report upon their own view: So that it is not with Evidences of Fact as it is with Logical or Mathematical Demon∣strations, which seem to consist in indivisibles, for that which thus is demonstratively true is impossible to be false; but Moral Evidence is gradual, according to the variety of circumstances. Yet such a man would be exploded as an irrational man, that will not believe there was such a man as Julius Caesar, because the Historians that write of him might possibly conspire to deceive the World with a Romance, or that the Books may be supposititious or corrupted; or will not believe that such a Man was his Father, or such a Woman his Mother, because he might be supposititious; or will not believe there is such a City as Rome, which he never saw, because Travellers are wont to love to tell strange things, and so may many as well as one.

So that as eternal Truths may have one kind of certainty by Logical Demonstration, and as Mathematical Conclusions have an infallible certainty by Mathematical Demonstration, and as matters objected im∣mediately to our Sense have another kind of certainty by sensible evi∣dence, so matters simply of fact not objected immediately to our Sense have another kind of certainty, though not altogether equal to the former, nor simply infallible, yet so highly credible that may justly elicit the assent of reasonable men, and such as is proportionate to the nature of the thing, and therefore more cannot be reasonably expected for the proof of the fact.

In the pursuance of this Argument, namely, Evidences of Fact touch∣ing the Origination of Mankind, I must therefore say that the Evidences thereof are not of an infallible certainty, and so much the rather because it relates to a matter that at the nearest that can be supposed is near six thousand years distant from us, and some suppose more; therefore the Evidences of Fact are as it were percolated through a vast Period of Ages, and many very obscure to us. And therefore all Proofs of this kind except that of Divine Revelation (which though true, and infallibly true,

we must not by the Laws of Argumentation bring in here, because at one word it determins the Question) will arise to no higher than Moral, and therefore fallible in their own nature. We rest upon what hath been before said for Evidences and Reasons, that to me seem demon∣strative.

But yet the Evidences of Fact which we shall produce must be consi∣dered also with these Advantages for their credibility.

1. They are such as bear a great congruity and consonancy with, and subservience to those former Arguments that ex natura rei and intrinsecè prove an impossibility of an eternal duration of Mankind, à parte ante, which though it doth not, cannot evince that Mankind must have their Origination or Beginning in hac vel ista hora, yet they do evince that Beginning it must have, and the evidences of fact are as so many testes, contestes, or suffragiales, that bear witness to that Truth that the former sort of Arguments do plainly evince.

2. Though these Evidences of Fact taken singly and apart, are not without their Objections that may seem to weaken them, yet juncta ju∣vant: That evidence at Law which taken singly or apart makes but an imperfect proof, semiplena probatio, yet in conjunction with others grow to a full proof, like Silurus his twigs, that were easily broken apart, but in conjunction or union were not to be broken.

Truths (especially of Fact) are not made Truths by Arguments or Evidence; If there were once such a man as Caesar, it is most certainly true that he was, though no Historian ever mentioned him; and there∣fore if there were ten thousand Authors that mention him kept sacredly and inviolably in certain Archives unto this day, all this evidence doth not make him to be, but only gives us a light and evidence of great probability that he was: The Stars in the Milky-way, and those Asseclae Jovis are not therefore in the Heavens or Aether, because the Telescope hath discovered them, for they were there before; but the position of those Glasses present them to our perception, and evidence their being, which cannot be discovered without them.

And so it is with Evidences of Fact, they do not make the thing to be, but evidence them to be; and because if to any one quaesitum of fact there be many but probable evidences, which taken singly have not per∣chance any full evidence, yet when many of those evidences concur and concenter in the evidence of the same thing, their very multiplicity and consent makes the evidence the stronger; as the concurrent testimonies of many Witnesses or many Circumstances even by their multiplicity and concurrence make an evidence more concludent.

Now these Evidences of Fact I shall cast into these ranks.

1. We have no authentical History of former Ages extant, but what hath been written within the compass of four thousand years.

2. The subject matter of those Histories give us no account of the Original of great Monarchies, Kingdoms, or Commonwealths, but what appear thereby to have begun within the compass of about five thousand years.

3. The original Invention and Inventors of most considerable Arts had their Origination, as far as we can find, by Monuments of ancient times, within the compass of about six thousand years.

4. The Original of the Apotheoses of most of the Heathen fictitious Deities appears by the ancient Monuments of former times to have had their beginning within the compass of five thousand years.

5. The most authentick Histories and Monuments of Antiquity give us an account of the first Fathers, or Capita familiarum, and of the Plan∣tation of the known Parts, Continents and Islands of the World within the compass of five thousand years.

6. The Inhabitants of the World do daily increase, and their incre∣ment surmounts daily their decrease; which could not be, unless the World of Mankind had their original within some proportionate time, and could not consist with such a vast excess of duration which some would assign, much less with an eternal duration, or such as never had a beginning.

7. There hath in all Ages, and among all People been a constant tra∣dition retained and believed, touching the Origination of Mankind ex non genitis vel per generationem propagatis.

These are the Heads of those Evidences of Fact which I shall use in this Argument touching the Origination of Mankind, whereunto pos∣sibly other occasional Topicks of the like nature may be added.

And touching these Evidences of Fact, this I shall subjoyn.

1. That I do not lay the weight of this Argument upon those Evi∣dences of Fact, because they have or may have their several allays and fallibilities, which I shall impartially subjoyn to every particular To∣pick.

But I lay the weight of the Argument upon what hath been before said, which to me seems to be little less than demonstrative, drawn from the intrinsick nature of the thing, and from that absurdity which would arise upon the Supposition of the Eternity of Mankind, and the incom∣possibility of an eternal duration, à parte ante, to successive Natures.

2. That although singly and apart these Evidences of Fact are not so conclusive but have their allays and exceptions, yet they have these ad∣vantages that advance their evidence, as very credible; 1. In that the Supposition which they are produced to prove, is not impossible to be true: 2. That there is nothing of probability of Reason or Instance that can be produced against the truth of that Supposition which is contended to be proved by them: 3. They have so much the more weight and evi∣dence, in that they do suffragate and bear witness to the truth of that Supposition (namely, the Inception of Mankind) which holds so great a congruity with the intrinsick reason and nature of the thing, the con∣trary whereof, namely, the Eternity of Mankind, is apparently contra∣dictory to a strict and true reason.

3. That although these Evidences of Fact, taken singly and apart, possibly may not be so weighty, yet the very concurrence and coinci∣dence of so many Evidences that contribute to the Proof of the thing designed, carries with it a great weight, even as to the point of Fact: it is not probable that that Supposition should be false which hath so many concurrent Testimonies bearing witness to it: And therefore although I shall impartially subjoyn those Allays and Abatements which may be brought against the several Instances, whereby if single, they might seem of less weight and moment; yet I do not thereby take off that Evidence

which in consort and conjunction they give to the truth of the Suppo∣sition intended to be proved by them.

4. That it cannot be expected in an Argument of this nature, which is touching a matter of Fact, that Evidences of Fact can be no more than topical and probable; and therefore though there may be Allays and Abatements that may take away a necessary or infallible concludency in these Evidences of Fact, yet it is sufficient that they be probable and inductive of Credibility, though not of Science or Infallibility. Aristotle, as I remember, in the beginning of his Politicks tells us that all Truths have not the same kind of Evidence, neither indeed can have, and there∣fore it is unreasonable to expect such an Evidence as the thing cannot possibly bear, though it be a real Truth.

5. That among these Evidences of Fact, though all contribute to the Proof of the Supposition, yet the three last seem to be of that nature that they are of greatest weight, and less subject to exception.

6. That in as much as in this Argument I design only the use of Reason and Reasonable Evidence, and endeavour to make my Suppo∣sition evident to Reasonable Men as such; I do not therefore make use of the divine and irrefragable Authority of the Holy Scriptures: For they that subscribe to the Infallibility and Divine Authority of them, need none of this Method of Ratiocination that I use to prove this Supposition of the Origination of Mankind, which is so plainly and distinctly deli∣vered in the Holy Scriptures; and therefore where I have recourse to the Holy Scriptures, I use it but as a Moral Evidence, a History highly credible; and I demand of my Reader•• this equal Justice, That he would at least give it that credit that the Antiquity, Congruity, and Moral Evidence of it deserves, which certainly would be much more than what the most do ordinarily allow to the History of Thucydides, Herodotus, Livy, Tacitus, Manethon, Xenophon, Ctesias, or Berosus.

7. Though in this large Discourse I may seem to lose time by proving of that which is not questioned by sober Men, that in a laborious Dis∣course of this nature I do rather raise a Question that would be at quiet if let alone, at least I lose time, and, magno conatu nihil efficiam; yet I hope in the Conclusion it will be of use to confirm our Faith, to mag∣nifie the value of the Holy Scriptures, and to give some stop to those Atheistical and Epicurean Opinions that begin more than formerly to obtain in the World.

CAP. II. Concerning the first Evidence, the Antiquity of History, and the Chro∣nological account of Times.

BUT before I begin, I shall prefix a short Chronological Scheme of Times, to which I shall have occasion oftentimes to refer; wherein I shall not be over-sollicitous for great curiosity or exactness. For al∣though there is scarce any one Chronological Writer that differs not from another in the precise connexion of Times and Things, yet there

will be certainty enough for my purpose, if I take so much out of them wherein they do in substance agree, though they differ in their particular Account.

And although the Account of the Years of the World according to the seventy, do seem more useful to the solution of some difficulties in Chronology, who assign 2262 years from the Creation to the Flood; and from thence to the Birth of Abraham 1132 years; whereas the Jewish Account assigns for the former Period 1656 years, and for the latter 292 years. So that according to the Seventy, from the Creation to the Birth of Abraham were 3394, but according to the Jews only 1948 years; yet I shall rather choose to follow the Jewish Account, and take Helvicus Abstract for my little, small Chronological Table.

Anni Mundi.	JUDAICI.	ASSYRII.	ARGIVI.	AEGYPTII.	ATHENI ∣ENSES.	HISTO∣ RICI.
1656	Diluvium.
8171		Belus.
1771		Ninus.
1823		Semiramis.
1870		Ninus. Sardanapa∣lus.
1948	Abraham natus.
2093		Inachus.
2123	Abrahami mors.
2149		Phoronous. Regnante in Attica Ogy∣ ge, & intra annos Phore∣ nei, diluvium Ogygium.
2200			Apis.
2210				Aegyptie∣ rum dyna∣ stia: The∣ mosis.
2220	Joseph in Aegypto.
2235		Argus.
2300				Promethei seculum.
2373	Moses natus.

2430					Athenien∣ sium dynastiaz prima: Cecrops.	Deucalionis diluvium.
2450	Exitus ab Aegypto.
2475		Danaus.
2490	Joshua dux.
2573		Ganymedis raptus.
2660			Cadmus è Phoenicia in Graeciam migravit.			Hercules Amphitryo∣ nis filius.
2710				Argonau∣ tarum expe∣ ditio.
2750						Bellum Tro∣ janum, & Trojae exci∣ dium.
2850						Reditus He∣ raclidarum.
2905	David Rex Israelis.					Ionica mi∣ gratio.
3000						Homeri aetas.
3060	Athalia & Joas.					Lycurgus legislator.
3175	Ʋzziah.					Olympiades incepti.
3195						Roma con∣ dita.
3325						solon & se∣ ptem sapien∣ tes.
3391						Pythagoras, Cyrus.

Having premised thus much touching the Chronological Account of some Times and Things past, without confining my self to the exactness of Years, and with omission of many things happening in these Pe∣riods; I shall now proceed with the first of my Instances, namely, touching the Histories of former Ages, and their Antiquity; reserving

the matter of their Histories, and what may be collected from them, to the ensuing Chapters.

Those Nations whose Historians put fair for the greatest Antiquity, are the Romans, Grecians, Persians, Assyrians or Babylonians, Egyptians, and the Jews: of all these there is something extant.

As touching the Chineses and their long derived Annals, there is much spoken by report or relation, but nothing authentick thereof is extant to the common view but some ingenious yet uncertain Collections out of Martinius by Mr. Webb in his Essay touching the Primitive Lan∣guage; Vossius, and some others: and therefore I shall spare any thing touching them.

First touching the Romans, though there were many Monuments of Antiquity preserved in writing among them, as appears by their Laws of Twelve Tables, their Fasti Consulares, the Transcripts whereof are extant to this day; yet we cannot expect so much Antiquity of Histo∣rians and Writers among these, as we may among other People of greater Antiquity; since the first Foundation of their City was some time after the Olympiads began, viz. in the 7^th Olympiad, and about the year of the World 3190.

The Grecians, whose Monarchy preceded that of the Romans, have more ancient Historians than the Romans: And not to reckon up their Philosophers and Poets, that applied not themselves to History, I shall only mention these that follow: Xenophon, that lived about the 97^th or 98^th Olympiad; Thucydides and Herodotus, who lived about the 85^th or 88^th Olympiad; but he among them of greatest note and antiquity was Homer, who wrote the History of the Trojan War; touching the time of his life and writing the Chronologists agree not, some making him 200 years after the Destruction of Troy, some more, some less; but all placing him before the first Olympiad, and after the Destruction of Troy, those two famous Epochae among the Greeks.

This is the ancientest Poetical Historian that is extant among the Greeks, although it is not unlike that many were more ancient among them, as is mentioned by Tatianus in Euseb. praeparationis lib. 10. as Linus the Tutor of Hercules, Amphion, Orpheus, Musaeus, and some others; yet we have little extant of them but Poetical Raptures and Fictions, and those also but in fragments and pieces traditionally preserved in subse∣quent Authors.

Among the Persians, though their Monarchy were more ancient than that of Greece, yet we have less extant of Historical Writings con∣cerning them; the ancientest that I have heard of is that of Xenophon, though a Grecian, and Ctesias, who is supposed to have lived contem∣porary with Xenophon; Megasthenes, a Persian Historian about the 120^th Olympiad, out of whom Abydenus that wrote touching the Assyrians and Babylonians extracted many things relating to the Persians, as appears by his Fragments cited by Euseb. lib. 9. Praepar. sect. 41.

Touching the Chaldean or Babylonian Historians, though that Monar∣chy be extended to a vast Period by some of their ancient Historians, yet the ancientest credible Historians that we have concerning them are, Berosus who lived about the 130^th Olympiad, and Abydenus before men∣tioned; only it is reported by Simplicius out of Porphyry, that Calisthenes

one of Alexander's Captains brought to Aristotle from Babylon a relation of their ancientest Astronomical Calculations, 1903 years before the Taking of Babylon by Alexander, which is supposed to be in the year of the World 3620 according to the Septuagint; which gives a probable conjecture of the Inception of the Babylonian Monarchy to be about 200 years before the Birth of Abraham.

Touching the Phoenicians, from whom it is supposed that not only Learning but Letters themselves were brought into Greece by Cadmus; the first and ancientest Historian is supposed to be Sancuniathon, who is related by Philo Biblius according to Euseb. praepar. lib. 1. sect. 9. to have been before the Destruction of Troy, and very near the time of Moses, and to have written a History à prima Universi molitione, and that he searched many Monuments of Antiquity: The Writings of Mercurius Trismegistus whom the Egyptians call Thoth, and the arcana Ammoneorum volumina, purged the History of former times from Fables, and gave a full account of former Ages, whose Writings Philo Biblius translated into Greek, and digested into nine Volumes, he gathered much from Hierombal the Priest of Jao, whom Bochart upon very probable reasons supposeth to be Gedeon called Jerubbaal; and having set up an Ephod in his City, might be supposed a Priest, and from the intercourse between them the Idol Baal-berith was brought from Berith the City of Sancunia∣thon, into Judea.

Touching the Egyptians, they pretended to the greatest antiquity both of Government and Learning; the latter they principally derived from Hermes, stiled by some Mercurius Trismegistus, and by the Egyptians Thoth; the Phenicians made claim to this man as theirs, attributed to him the Invention of Letters, of Navigation, of the Virtues of Herbs, Euseb. lib. 1. Praeparat. sect. 10. de Phoenicum Theologia; he is supposed more an∣cient than Moses, but we have nothing authentick existing which he wrote: The ancientest Historian of the Affairs of Egypt was Manethes the Egyptian Priest, who lived about, or as some think, before the time of Alexander, he carries up the Res Aegyptiacas to an excessive Antiquity, and yet with great particularity and pretended certainty: some account him fabulous, because he carries up the Egyptian Dynasties before the Flood, yea and long before the Creation; others assert the probability of the Egyptian Dynasties to over-reach the universal Flood, but salve that prodigious excess of their numerous Years by reducing them to Months, or Anni Lunares, which were anciently so accounted among the Egy∣ptians.

The Egyptians have had other Writers of their Histories, but of a later date, as Ptolemeus Mendesius, mentioned sometimes by Eusebius; and those Arabick Historians mentioned by Kircher in that Book that delivers the History of the succession of their Dynasties.

Lastly, I come to the Jewish History begun by Moses, and continued down in a clear succession and series of times till their return from the Babylonish Captivity and this History hath a just prelation above all the Writings of other Historians in these ensuing respects.

1. It hath the greatest and most particular certainty, and far beyond any of the Historians before mentioned; it contains the certain Periods of Times, Names, Men, Places, Actions, and all Circumstances requirable

in a History to inform; it is not involved in Mystical expressions or Mythologies, but is plain, familiar, and intelligible.

2. It hath the greatest evidence of Truth that can be expected by a reasonable man, namely, Evidence from it self, the particularity and circumstances of the things it relates; Evidence from the ancientest Heathen Authors, especially Sancuniathon, Berosus, and Abydenus before mentioned; Evidence from the several parts thereof, the Book of one Age bearing witness to another; as the Books of Joshua to those of Moses, the Books of Kings to those of Moses and Joshua, though written in several Ages; Evidentia rei, or facti, there cannot be greater Evidence than the Regiment of a People for so many Ages according to the Laws given and recorded by their first Historian Moses, and the enjoyment of their Possessions according to the distribution of their next Historian Jo∣shua.

3. It is no broken Piece, or Historical Fragment, but it is carried down from the beginning of Time to all the ensuing Ages of the Jewish State, without any chasma or interval.

4. It hath the evidence of the highest credibility that any thing of that nature is capable of, That the Books of Moses especially, which are the Caput Historiae Judaicae, were written by that Man Moses, and that he lived in that Age wherein he is supposed to write: 1. The constant uninterrupted Tradition of that Kingdom and Nation from it first coa∣lition, even to this day. 2. The attestation of all the succeding Writers of that Historical Series of the Jewish Affairs. 3. The inviolable Ob∣servation of those Laws given by Moses and recorded in that History, as of the Laws given by him. 4. The Suffrage of all Heathen Authors both modern and ancient, that have occasion to mention the concerns of that People.

5. It is a History that contains matters of far greater moment and antiquity than any other Writers but such as in probability made their Collections out of it, namely, of the Transactions from the first Creation of the World until the Universal Flood, and from thence to the time of him that first wrote it, namely Moses.

6. It is a History that was really written by Moses, who was far more ancient than all the Heathen Writers above mentioned (excepting only Trismegistus, of whose Writings we have nothing extant) and more ancient than most of those Things or Notes recorded by those most ancient Heathen Writers which for the most part filled their Books; He wrote 540 years before Homer; 200 years before Sancuniathon, ac∣cording to Bochart's account; 300 years before the Expedition of the Argonauts; 350 years before the Trojan War; and a considerable time before the Apotheoses or Inaugurations of many of the Heathenish Deities. So that as the Matter of his History, so the Time of his writing is far more ancient than the writing of the most ancient Heathen Historians that are at all extent. Much of this I shall have occasion to resume and enlarge in the ensuing Chapters, yet this was necessary in this place.

The Inference that is made from hence is, That probably if the World of Mankind had been Eternal, or if it had any such vast distance from its Beginning as some suppose, we should have had Historical Monuments and Writings long before the Age of Moses.

But for all this, I must needs say, this Consideration singly (I say singly) taken and weighed, maketh not much against an eternal or at least a vaster Epocha of the first Origination of Man than is ordinarily supposed; I shall therefore set down those allays that make against the strength of the consequence drawn from this Topick.

1. It is evident that the use of Letters and Writing were far more ancient than the time of Moses; the Egyptians and Phenicians carry up the original of the invention thereof to Mercurius Trismegistus, which is supposed long before Moses: And although Cadmus is supposed to have brought the use of Letters out of Phoenicia into Greece some time after the Age of Moses, according to Polydore Virgil, lib. 1. cap. 6. out of Pliny, Hero∣dotus and others; yet it appears by what is before mentioned, that there were in Phoenicia very ancient written Volumes called Volumina Ammo∣naeorum long before the time of Sancuniathon. And if we believe the Tradition of Josephus, the Pillars of Seth were extant in his time; and according to Tertullian some Fragments of the Writings of Enoch were traditionally extant in his time: But howsoever Moses (if he be the Au∣thor of the History of Job, whom some think to be contemporary at least with Jacob) mentions Books and Writings to have been common things in the time of Job, Job 19.23. Josephus lib. 1. cap. 3. Tertull. de Habitu Mulierum.

2. Surely if Writing were so ancient, it is probable that many Hi∣stories might be before the time of Moses which were lost in succession of time, as it must be agreed that most of those ancient Monuments that in the granted Period of the World were extant before Moses time are since lost, and many millions of Books that have been written since Moses time have by the injury of Time and Men been lost; much more those Books which were written antecedent to Moses time: And the truth is, the preservation of the Books of Moses entire unto this day, when so many of a far later date are lost, is to be attributed to the special Providence of Almighty God.

2. Again, they that assign the shortest time between the Origination of Mankind and the Writings of Moses, allow it to be somewhat above 2460 years: So that although Moses were admitted the first Historian that ever wrote, it would very near as strongly conclude against the an∣tiquity of 2460 years before his writing as against an eternal existence of Mankind: if it should be an Argument against the latter, it would be such also against the former.

3. Considering the many mutations and casualties of Wars, Trans∣migrations, especially that of the General Flood, there might probably be an obliteration of all those Monuments of Antiquity that immense Ages precedent at some time have yielded. Cecrops was contemporary with Moses, and Belus and Ninus were before him; yet we have no Monuments extant of the Assyrians so ancient as Belus, or of the Athe∣nians so ancient as Cecrops, but such as are Traditions, and written long after their times. So that although I have mentioned this concerning the known Periods of Historical Writers, yet I think we are to be careful not to lay too great a stress singly on it, and it is the least of all that follow in weight or evidence: And yet this was fit to be mentioned, because it is ne∣cessary for the more clear discovery and application of that which follows.

CAP. III. The second Evidences of Fact, namely, the apparent Evidences of the first Foundation of the greatest and ancient Kingdoms and Em∣pires.

I Come to my Second Evidence of Fact, which is the subject Matter of Histories, and principally concerning the Evidence arising from them of the first Original of the most considerable Monarchies in the World.

Touching the great Monarchies of the World, their Original is so well known, and delivered down to us from Authors of unquestionable truth, that there need little be said touching them; for they have their confessed Epochae within certain and known Periods. As the beginning of the Roman Monarchy under Romulus, which gives the Epocha Urbis conditae in the 7^th Olympiad; the beginning of the Grecian Monarchy, which hath its Epocha in Alexander about the 111^th Olympiad; the beginning of the Persian Monarchy, which had its Epocha in Cyrus about the 55^th Olympiad, though the same were not established in the beginning of Cyrus, but completed in Cambyses his Son about the 62^d Olympiad. And the like might be observed concerning several smaller Kingdoms, whose originals are delivered over to us in Histories.

And although it is true that these Beginnings of these several Monar∣chies and Kingdoms do not so begin as if those Men that founded these Monarchies were the natural Fathers of all those Persons that did coalescere in Regnum vel Monarchiam; or as if those Monarchies were derived from the Heads or Roots that gave them this denomination, as all Men are derived from the common Parent of Mankind, or as possibly some other of the ancient Monarchies, which we shall have occasion hereafter to mention, were derived: For many times the beginning of Monarchies and Kingdoms was by the coalition of many Persons, it may be of several Nations, into an Army, as they did under Cyrus, or into a City, as they did under Romulus, or by transmigration of Persons from one Countrey to another, as the Israelites did.

And therefore we are not to take it that these Originations of Monar∣chies were the Origination of all the People that were joyned in it; for they had their existence oftentimes before, and took their denomination from the Dux Exercitùs or the Rector Civitatis, under which they were as it were listed in their Civil or Military coalition.

And therefore the Argument is not thus necessarily that the Roman Monarchy or the Grecian Monarchy had not its beginning before such a time, therefore those Men that were the constituent parts thereof had no existence before that time; but that the Civil Society under the Prince, Rector or form of Government then began to be formally such in such a special Constitution.

But those Monarchies that pretend to the greatest Antiquity are prin∣cipally,

• 1. The Assyrian or Babylonian Monarchy.
• 2. The Egyptians, and their Dynasties.
• 3. The Grecians.
• 4. The Chineses.

These I shall examin in order.

1. Touching the Assyrian or Babylonian Monarchy, we do with the best authority both of Sacred and Prophane Writers suppose,

1. That it had its beginning since the Universal Deluge from Ham the youngest Son of Noah.

2. That the Reasons and Authorities against that Supposition are not of weight enough to evince the contrary.

Before I come to my Reasons for this Assertion, something I shall pre∣mise touching the Assyrian Empire, and how it stood in relation to that of the Babylonian.

It seems that Babylon was at first the Seat of the Assyrian Empire, the building whereof some attribute to Belus, some to Ninus his Son, some to Semiramis his Wife, and some to others: but afterwards the Caput Imperti of the Assyrians was Ninive, built upon the River Tigris.

It also seems, that in process of time the Assyrians either new built or repaired Babylon that had lain long neglected, and the same was peopled with those People on the South of Assyria called Caldeans: That which gives me light of it, and indeed of the whole History of the Babylonian Monarchy is Isaiah 23.13. Behold the land of the Caldeans, this people was not till the Assyrian founded it for them that dwell in the wilderness: They set up the towers thereof, they raised up the palaces thereof. It seems therefore that Babylon formerly neglected, by this favour of the King of Assyria prospered into a petty Kingdom, and growing powerful did set up for themselves in the time of Ahaz the King of Judah who was contemporary with Tiglah Pileser, 2 Kings 16.10. And possibly the first divided King of Babylon was that Nabonassar that gave the original of the Aera Nabo∣nassaris that began about the beginning of King Ahaz, in the beginning of the 8^th Olympiad, about four years after the Building of Rome.

It seems that either the same Tiglah Pileser, or his next Successor Salma∣nassar King of Assyria that carried away the People of Israel in the ninth year of Hoseah, about four years after the death of Ahaz, 2 Kings 17.6. did afterwards re-take Babylon; for certainly he was possessed of it at or shortly after the deportation of Israel; for he brought Men from Babylon, from Cutha, from Ava, Hamath and Sepharvaim, to put into Samaria. 2 Kings 17.24.

It seems that most of these places from whence People were trans∣planted to Samaria, were places conquered by the Assyrian Monarch, who did as Victors use prudently to do, transplant the conquered into other places; and the same seems evident for some of these places at least, and as pro∣bably for Babylon also, 2 Kings 18.24. Isaiah 10.10. particularly for Hamath, Sepharvaim and Avah: And accordingly he transplanted the conquered People into Gozan and other places, 2 Kings 18.11. which were won by Salmanassar from the Medes by Conquest. 2 Kings 19.12.

Senacherib succeeded Salmanassar, and came up against Hezekiah in the fourteenth year of his Reign, where he received that great blow of 185000

Men, which sent him back to Nineveh where he was slain; and Ezar∣haddon his Son reigned in his stead. 2 Kings 20.35, 36, 37.

This gave opportunity to the new usurped Kingdom of Babylon again to break the Yoak of Assyrian Monarchy; for it evidently appears that Berodach-Baladan the Son of Baladan was King of Babylon, and sent to complement Hezekiah when there was another King of Assyria, 2 Kings 20.12. Hezekiah having reigned 29 years dyed, and Manasseh his Son succeeded him.

Manasseh reigned 55 years, and towards the latter end of his Reign he was carried Captive to Babylon by the King of Assyria, 2 Chron. 33.11. whether the King of Assyria had regained Babylon, or whether the King of Babylon had overcome the Assyrian, and so held the stile of that Mo∣narch, appears not, though the latter seems probable by comparing the reprehension of Isaiah, 2 Kings 20.17.

Ammon succeeded, and reigned 2 years.

Josiah succeeded, and reigned 31 years.

Jehoahaz 3 months.

Jehoiachim 11 years.

Jehoiachin 3 months.

Zedekiah 11 years; the last year of whose Reign was contemporary with the 19^th year of Nebuchadnezzar.

Now putting all the years together from the first of Ahaz to the last of Zedekiah are about 155 years and 6 months; out of which subducting 19 years for the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar, there remains from the first of Ahaz to the first of Nebuchadnezzar 136 years, which comes very near to the Aera Nabonassaris; for according to the common Calculation the first of Nebuchadnezzar hapned in the 138^th year of Nabonassar, which began about two years before the first year of Ahaz; or in the second year of the 8^th Olympiad.

And that in all probability, Baladan who was the Father of Merodach-Baladan that sent to visit Hezekiah, might be that Nabonassar whose Aera is so much celebrated.

After the beginning of the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar the entire Assyrian Monarchy was translated to Babylon, and Nebuchadnezzar the King thereof. Herodotus in his First Book tells us that Cyaxares the Grand-child of Dioces first attempted the taking of Niniveh, but was repulsed by the aid of the Scythians; and that afterwards he took it, and became Master of all As∣syria, Excepta Babylonica quadam portione.

But according to the Histories of Tobit and Judith, Niniveh was taken by Assuerus and Nebuchadnezzar, and afterwards entirely possessed by Ne∣buchadnezzar, Tobit 10.17. Judith 11. But this is obscure, because it hath been conceived that Nebuchadnezzar was a common Name used amongst the Babylonian Kings, as Pharaoh among the Egyptians; only it may not be impossible that Nebuchadnezzar who was certainly contem∣porary with Cyaxares the Mede, might be an assistant in the Destruction of Niniveh with Cyaxares, called it may be by Tobit, Assuerus; but how he came to be sole Possessor after in the time of Judith, is hard to un∣riddle.

This Nebuchadnezzar made Babylon the Seat of his Empire, and so far enlarged it that it seemed as new built, as his own arrogant and

vain-glorious expression witnesseth; Is not this great Babel that I have built? Dan. 4.30.

Upon all this that hath been said, it seems plain:

1. That Babylon or Babel was the first or ancient Seat of the Assyrian Empire.

2. That the same was first built by Belus, or Ninus, or Semiramis, as the Heathen Writers tell us; or by Nimrod, as the Holy History tells us, who possibly might be the same with Belus.

3. That afterward the Seat of the Assyrian Empire was translated to Nineveh the great City of that Empire.

4. That afterward Babylon was again either repaired or enlarged by the Assyrian Empire, and was the Metropolis of that part of Assyria called Caldaea, the Inhabitants whereof were greatly addicted to the Ce∣lestial Observation, and became so famous for it, that a Caldean and an Astrologer were terms equivalent in common appellation.

5. That afterward the Babylonians or Caldeans obtained or usurped a divided Kingdom from the Assyrian Empire.

6. That the first King of that divided Kingdom was called Nabonassar, which give the original to the Aera Nabonassaris, beginning about the 8^th Olympiad.

7. That about 140 years after the beginning of that Kingdom it grew so potent, that it acquired the whole Assyrian Monarchy, and became the Seat thereof under Nebuchadnezzar.

8. That Nebuchadnezzar again enlarged the City of Babylon with Buildings and Walls of incredible strength and glory.

This being premised, I now come to those Reasons that satisfie me that the Assyrian or Babylonian Monarchy was not of that great Anti∣quity that the Babylonians and the favourers of their Tradition pretended, but had its known Original or Epocha from whence it began.

1. The Authority of the Heathen Authors allow not above 1400 years at most for the continuance of the Assyrian Monarchy, and lodge the Original of it in Belus the Father of Ninus, the beginning of whose Reign is by computation to be cast in the 153^d year after the Flood, according to the Jewish Account. Vide probationes indè Petavii doctrina temp. l. 9. per totum. The Account, according to Diodorus Siculus, runs thus; The As∣syrian Monarchy beginning with Ninus lasted 1360 years unto the fall of Sardanapalus by Arbaces the Mede, after which that Monarchy fell in with the Mede: it continued there until Pul became the Head of the Assyrian Monarchy, and after him Tiglah Pileser, and then Salmanassar, and after∣wards Senacherib: The Proof they add to this Supputation is this; That from the Fall of Sardanapalus to the Taking of Babylon by Alexander are accounted 543 years, which added to the former number gives 1903 years, the Epocha of the Caldean Astrological Calculation brought by Calisthenes to Aristotle at the Taking of Babylon by Alexander; which casts the Beginning of the Assyrian Monarchy under Belus, or at least under Ninus his Son, to be about the year of the World 1717, about 60 years after the Flood, according to the Jewish Account; though others, fol∣lowing also the Jewish Account, cast the same to be about 104 years after the Flood.

But Africanus, and others that follow the Account of the 70 Interpreters,

tell us of seven Kings of the Caldeans, and six Kings of the Arabians that were antecedent to Belus in that Empire, that successively reigned in Babylon 440 years; that Belus obtained by Conquest the Kingdom, and reigned 55 years; and by this Account the Beginning of the Assyrian Kingdom under Ninus was 631 years after the Flood, and one Age after the Confusion of Languages in the time of Phaleg: But which way soever we take, yet we find a Beginning of the Assyrian Empire, though they that suppose it 440 years before Belus, thrust the Deluge and the Creation farther back than the Jewish Account.

2. The Authority of the Holy Scripture by the Pen of Moses gives us the Original of the Babylonian or Assyrian Monarchy in Nimrod, which possibly may be the Name in Hebrew of Belus the first Founder of it. And here I do not take advantage of the Divine Authority of the Sacred Scripture, but make use of it only as a History, and singly upon that account hath greater evidence of its truth than any Heathen Historian whatsoever. 1. The Writer thereof was most certainly nearer the times of the first Foundation, of that Monarchy by above 800 years than any other Historian that gives us the account of the Assyrian and Babylonian Monarchy; which is a great advantage in point of evidence touching the truth of any Historical Relation. Again, 2. He was not very far di∣stant from the Place or Seat of that Monarchy, the Wilderness and Palestine being not far distant from Assyria 3. He was descended from him that was the native of that Country, namely Abraham, who was born and lived many years in the Caldean Country, and doubtless did bring along with him and transmit to his Posterity a fair Tradition of that Empire, being contemporary with Peleg, in whose time the famous dissipation of Man∣kind and distinction of Languages hapned. 4. He was educated in Egypt, the people whereof were greatly learned, especially in Chrono∣logical Computations. 5. The coherence and synchronism of all the parts of the Mosaical Chronology, especially after the Flood, bears a most singular testimony to the truth of his History and Computation: for although he draws not down the lineal Descendents of Ham and Japhet down to his time, but only mentions their Children and Grand-children for two or three Generations at most; yet he draws down the lineal Pedigree from Sem in the Sacred Line down to his very Age, together with their Births and Ages, which are a great evidence of the probability of the rest of his Account. So that if we take the History of Moses upon a bare Moral account, abstracted from the Authority of Divine Reve∣lation, he hath greater evidence of the truth of what he relates than any Historian whatsoever that takes upon him the narrative of the Anti∣quity of Kingdoms or Empires, the ancientest of which Historians were above 1000 years later than Moses. But this I shall have occasion farther to improve hereafter.

The Objections against this late Original of the Assyrian or Babylonian Monarchy (for it had its successive translation into these denominations) are principally these:

1. That it appears by the Account of ancient Historians, that the Caldeans (in whom the Assyrian Monarchy began and ended) at the Taking of Babylon by Alexander had preserved Astronomical Calculations for about 400000 years; thus Diodorus Siculus, lib. 3. cap. 8. Quadringenta

tria annorum millia usque ad ascensum Alexandri numerant; and Tully in his second Book de Divinatione mentions the number to be greater, Qua∣dringenta & septuaginta millia annorum, in periclitandis experiendisque Pueris quicunque essent nati, Babylonios posuisse.

2. That it seems impossible, that if their Monarchy began but in Nim∣rod, or so short a time after the Universal Deluge, that in the time of Ninus, by some supposed the first, by some the second King of the As∣syrians or Babylonians, the Empire could have grown so populous as to build that vast City of Babylon, and that of Nineveh, whose state and magnificence and amplitude were of incredible greatness; or that his Widow Semiramis could at once bring into the field against Zoroastres an Army of 1700000 Foot-men, 500000 Horse-men, 100000 Chariots, 2000 Ships, as Diodorus Siculus out of Ctesias, l. 3. cap. 5. And therefore as well Mankind as the Empire of Assyria must have had a longer conti∣nuance to have set out such an Army, than the succession of an Empire for two or three Governours at most, or the successions or propagations of Mankind within so short a time as this is supposed to succeed the Uni∣versal Deluge, could afford. To the first I answer:

1. That some will have these Years to be but Months, which they suppose to be accounted Years by the ancient Babylonians and Egyptians: But as we have no certain evidence that they used to account a Month a Year, but if we had, yet that reduction will not serve; for that num∣ber of Lunar Months reduced to Solar Years will arise to above 40000 Years, which will over-reach the Creation of Mankind.

2. Therefore we may with the same Tully and Diodorus Siculus pronounce it to be an incredible and fabulous Account warranted by no credible evidence, but meerly their own fancy or imposture; that because they held the World eternal, would gratifie their people with a succession of an incredible Antiquity. And it appears to be fabulous, 1. For that in all this time they would probably have gotten the perfect Theory of the Planetary Motions and Positions, which it is plain they did not, if we believe the same Author; for they were at a loss touching the true dis∣coveries and periods of the Eclipses, especially of the Sun. 2. For that Calisthenes, who was very curious in searching the famous Periods of the Babylonian or Caldean Celestial Observations, at the very time when they pretended so great an Antiquity, namely, at the Taking of Babylon by Alexander, upon a strict enquiry found their Astronomical Observations not to be above 1903 years old, which he accordingly reported to Aristotle, that employed him specially in that Enquiry, as Simplicius reports in his Commentaries upon the Book of Aristotle de Caelo. The prodigious Accounts therefore of the Caldeans of the Times past deserve as little cre∣dit as their Predictions of things to come, who, as the same Tully there observes, flattered both Caesar and Pompey with long Lives and happy and peaceable Death; both which fell out in the success, to both extremely contrary.

2. I come to the second Objection, namely, That it seems altogether im∣possible that the General Flood should put a period to all former Govern∣ments, and indeed to the whole Race of Mankind except eight persons, and yet that from these in so short a time such vast and powerful Monarchies, especially as that of the Babylonian or Syrian should arise. To which I answer:

1. That if we should admit the Computation of the Seventy, now much magnified by Vossius and others, it would easily deliver us from that difficulty; for whereas the Hebrew Computation gives the Universal Flood to be but 1656 years after the Creation of Mankind, the Septuagint gives it to be 2262 years: and whereas the Hebrew Account gives us about 300 years from the Flood to the Birth of Abraham, and consequently about 104, and according to some only 58 years from the Flood to the begin∣ning of Ninus the Son of Belus, the Septuagint gives us from the Flood to the Birth of Abraham 1132 years; and consequently the beginning of Ninus though admitted to have been about 250 years before the Birth of Abraham, would yet have hapned near 800 years after the Flood, which would not only give a competent time for Mankind to grow to that great multitude that is supposed, but would satisfie those preceding thirteen Kings in Babylon that are supposed to have worn out 440 years before 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the beginning of Belus the Father of Ninus.

2. But the Objection needs not that help, neither doth enforce us to desert the Hebrew Account to satisfie that or the like Objections. For considering the long Life of the Ancients that lived within 300 years after the Flood, and consequently their coexistence with those that de∣scended from them; we may without the help of a miraculous fertility find that in 104 years Mankind descended from Noah and his three Sons and their Wives, might arise to a stupendious multitude by that Arithme∣tical Progression that would be found in their Generations. I shall not need to set down the process of the Computation or the product, it is excellently done to my hand by Temporarius in his second Book Chronolo∣gicarum demonstrationum, and out of him by Petavius his Doctrina tempo∣rum, lib. 10. and out of both by Kircherus in the first Book of his first Tome of his Oedipus Aegyptiacus, where he undertakes, that in the pro∣gress of 200 years after the Flood the multitude of the coexisting People might be so great, that if they were cast into a square Battalia, allowing to every person but one square foot of ground, the side of that Square would be 372 Astronomical miles, or 25 Heavenly degrees. And thus far touching the Original of the Assyrian, Caldean, or Babylonian Monar∣chy.

2. Touching the Egyptians, they maintained the Origination of Man∣kind, and that the same was not Eternal, as it seems by Diodorus Siculus in his second Book; for they supposed, in respect of the fruitfulness of their soil and the convenience of their situation, that the first Original of Mankind was among them, and that the Egyptians were the an∣cientest People in the World.

But though they admitted the Origination of Man, yet they pretended to a very great antiquity of their Nation and Government; and because they would exceed all others, they suppose their first Governours were Gods: Diodorus tells us, that in the 180^th Olympiad they pretended a succession of Government of 33000 years, whereof the first 18000 years they were governed by Gods and Heroes, and the last 15000 years by Men.

Manetho, that wrote the History of the Egyptians about the beginning of the Grecian Monarchy under Alexander, with very great pretence hath carried up their Government to an incredible distance before the Creation

of Mankind; for he digested the successive Governments of the Egyptians into 32 Dynasties, and to each Dynasty a great number of Governours and Years, whereof 15 exceeded the time of the Flood, and therefore are omitted by Africanus and others that yet are fond of the credit of Ma∣netho: the other 17 Dynasties are supposed to be extended unto the begin∣ning of the Grecian Empire for about 1694 years after the Flood.

But 1. This Account, even of Diodorus Siculus, is very uncertain; for it appears by Censorinus, de die Natali, cap. 19. that the ancient Egyptian year was bimestris, and after that trimestris, and after that, in latter time, of 13 months and 5 days: And some tell us, that yet their most ancient year was but one month, namely, one revolution of the Moon through the Zodiack; which if it should be admitted, may shorten their Account of 33000 years to 3600 years or thereabout. But yet this An∣swer serves not, for in all probability their years continued to be 365 days ever since the time of the Jewish Exody at least, which will carry up the Account far beyond the Creation of Man, though their former years should be supposed menstrui or bimestres.

Therefore it seems either a plain Imposture of Manetho, out of an emulation of the pretended Antiquity of the Babylonian Monarchy, or at least a very plain mistake, by reckoning all these 32 Dynasties or Prin∣cipatus successivè, when it seems they were all contemporary, and that after Mene, which is supposed the first Head of these Dynasties, the Re∣giment of Egypt was divided into several Principalities, and each had his Dynasty, but the particular Regiment of each several Principality, Mene being the Head to them all; which is so well evinced by Vossius in his little Tract de Aetate Mundi, out of Eratosthenes contemporary with Ma∣netho, Herodotus and others, that nothing can be added to it, or reasonably objected against it; though Kircherus in the first Book of his Egyptian Antiquities endeavours to carry on the 17 last Dynasties in continued succession from Cham to the dissolution of the Egyptian Monarchy by Alexander; and supposeth the first 15 Dynasties to have incurred before the Flood, and the traditional memory thereof derived down by Cham to his Posterity. But of this also more hereafter.

Touching the Grecians, it is true, the Grecian Monarchy had its known Epocha in Alexander about the 114^th Olympiad: but they were a People long before, though divided into smaller Kingdoms or States; but the Memorials of the Babylonians and Egyptians were far more ancient than those of Greece, which derived much of its Learning from the Egyptians. Censorinus in his golden Book de die Natali gives us out of Varro a threefold Period of the Grecian Histories or Monuments or Times, Cap. 21. namely, 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or incognitum, from the first Origination of Mankind (if it had an Original) ad cataclysmum priorem, or the Ogygian Flood: 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or fabulosum, from the Ogygian Flood to the first Olym∣piad: 3. Historicum, from the first Olympiad until his time. For the first of these times, Sive semper fuit, sive habuit initium, certè quot annorum sit non potest comprehendi: for the second; Non planè quidem scitur, sed creditur esse annos circiter mille & sexcentos, though he reduceth it by his account to a shorter time; namely, 400 years from the Ogygian Flood to Inachus, and from him to the first Olympiad according to some 400, according to others 395, 407, or 417: I shall not trouble my self with the curious

enquiry into the number, or the different Account of Chronologers touch∣ing it: But within the compass of this tempus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Periodus fabulosa, hapned many of those Relations of the Greeks; namely, the Age of Prometheus, the Flood of Deucalion, shortly after the beginning of the Dynasty of the Athenians, in the time of Cretopus King of the Argives; Incendium Idae, Cadmus and Europa, Ganymedis raptus, Phaetontis incendium, Hercules Amphitryonis filius, Expeditio Argonautarum, Bellum Trojanum & Reditus Heraclidarum, Ionica migratio, and many other fine Stories that have furnished some of the Poetical Historians of after Ages.

But however Censorinus makes his Computation, Inachus, who was the first King of the Argives, though he were about 375 years after the beginning of the Assyrian Monarchy, and contemporary with Isaac, yet he began his Reign about 100 years before the Ogygian Flood, which hapned in the latter end of Phoroneus the Son of Inachus and second King of the Argives. So that Inachus was about 100 years before the Ogygian Flood, and about 1070 or 1080 years before the first Olympiad upon this account.

This then being, as it seems, the state of these Periods, there seem two Nations of the Grecians that pretend to greatest Antiquity, namely, the Argivi and the Attici.

The former had their beginning with Inachus, whether before or after the Ogygian Flood it will not be much of moment, but at least within 1070 years before the first Olympiad, which is the highest time that the Grecians pretend unto.

Touching the Attici, the Grecian Memorials give us no higher Account than of Ogyges, in whose time it is supposed the Ogygian Flood hapned in that part of Greece called Attica, and takes its name from him, namely, Diluvium Ogygium.

Out of this Kingdom arose the Dynasty of the Athenians, about 200 years after the Ogygian Flood, wherein Cecrops was the first Governour contemporary with Moses; he first set up the Worship of Jupiter, as some report. And so we have the Original of the Government of the Argives in Inachus, of the Athenians in Cecrops.

It is true, the Egyptian Priest under the name of Timaeus in Plato tells us a large Story of the Island of Atlantis far bigger than Asia, and that although now that goodly Island be lost and swallowed up in the Sea, yet the Athenians were a kind of Colony transplanted from that Island into Greece about 7000 years before Solon's time. But this is one of those Poetical Fictions wherewith Plato plays, mingling more serious things with it in the following part of his Discourse; and the Story hath no footsteps of any evidence for it, unless we shall suppose that Atlantis to be an Island that was before the Universal Deluge, and destroyed by it.

4. Concerning the Seres or Chineses, a People whose Customs and Histories were strangers to Europe till of late times, wherein some Tra∣vellers have lately given us some account of those great Periods both of their Histories and Government. Vossius in that little Book de Aetate Mundi, tells us by relation from others, That by their Histories and Mo∣numents their Empire hath lasted 4505 years in the year of Christ 1658, which reacheth some Ages beyond the Flood according to the Hebrew Account, but according to the Septuagint the beginning thereof falls in the time of Phaleg, 531 years after the Flood; which he brings as an

Argument for the Authority of the Septuagint: But the truth is, we are still strangers to the true state of Chronology of the Seres or Chineses, what we have touching it, is by broken relation of some few Travellers, and what they had, possibly may be gathered up from the vulgar Tra∣ditions of that People, upon which little of sound conclusion can be made touching their Antiquity. But be it true or not, which we have from these Relations, yet their longest Period gives them a Beginning, and reacheth not so high as the pretended Epoch of the Babylonians or Egyptians, much less is there any thing in them that gives any colour of Evidence of an Eternal Duration.

And thus I have gone through the Examination of those Kingdoms and Monarchies which pretend to greatest Antiquity, the Babylonian or Assyrian, the Egyptian, the Grecian, and the Seres or Chineses; upon all which we may observe,

1. That though many of them pretend to a very great Antiquity, yet there are none that give us any sufficient Evidence of an Eternal Dura∣tion; for what are those Periods of the Egyptians or Babylonians to Eter∣nity? Nay many of these Nations that pretend to the longest conti∣nuance, as the Egyptians and Grecians, yet disclaim an Eternal Succession; pretend themselves to be Aborigines, and to be the first People, but yet not to be Eternal. Indeed their vast continuance, if admitted, would seem to contradict the Authenticalness and Authority of the Mosaical History, which contains a Relation of the Beginnings of Mankind within the compass of about 5660 Years, according to the Hebrew Account, and about 7240 Years, according to the Septuagint; but doth not so much as suppose an Eternity thereof.

2. That notwithstanding these great pretensions of Antiquity, yet upon a true examination their great pretended Antiquity is fabulous; and the Origination of their Monarchies began some Ages after the general Deluge; and so the truth of the Holy History concerning the Inception of Mankind, and the Inception of all the Monarchies in the World after the Deluge that happened under Noah, 1656 Years after the Creation of Mankind, is not at all weakened by those Fabulous Antiquities of the Babylonians, Egyptians, or Grecians.

3. That this Inception of the Notable Empires and Kingdoms of the World, even of those that pretend greatest Antiquity, and the termi∣nation of the uttermost Extent of the Histories of the Babylonians, Egyptians, and Grecians, within the compass of the Extent of their pre∣tended Monarchies, is an Evidence against the Eternity of Mankind; for had Mankind been Eternal, they had infinite Ages since arrived to all the perfection of Political Government, and to all those Means and Arts for the preserving the Memorials of things past, as they have now attained unto; there would have been no tempus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or obscurum, among the Grecians, but there would have been as fair Monuments and Histo∣rical Narratives of things past, before the Olympiads or the Ogygian Flood (which was not universal) as after. I shall conclude therefore with Lucretius, lib. 5.

Preterea, si nulla fuit genitalis origo Terrai & Coeli, semperque aeterna fuerunt;

Cur supra bellum Thebanum & funera Trojae Non alias alii quoque res cecinere Poetae, Qui tot facta virum toties cecidere, neque usquam Aeternis famae monumentis insita florent? Verùm ut opinor habet novitatem summa, recensque Natura est mundi, neque pridem exordia cepit: Quare etiam quaedam nunc artes expoliuntur, Nunc etiam augescunt, &c. —

But yet this Consideration touching the Antiquity of Monarchies, their Inception, and the Narratives and Historical Monuments of things, hap∣pening within the Periods of their Commencement and Continuances, are not of that weight that we can lay the stress of this Hypothesis of the Inception of Mankind upon: And therefore this Consideration must be taken with its allay, I shall therefore fully set down those Instances that do give this Consideration its due abatement.

1. It is no Consequence, That because a Monarchy or Kingdom had its Beginning, that therefore the People that constituted the Moles of that Kingdom had its Beginning: Kingdoms, Monarchies, and States, often change their Governours, and the Forms of Government, and their Stiles and Denominations, as the Silk-worm doth his shape, and yet the People in a continued succession the same. Rome took its Name from Romulus, but the People were a Farrago, collected and gathered out of the neighbouring Nations. Greece fell into one Monarchy under Alexan∣der, yet the People (that were the Stuffing, as it were, and Materials of that Monarchy) were existing before in other Forms of Government, and under other Governours. And though it is by some supposed, That the Assyrian Monarchy began in Ninus, yet Diodorus out of Ctesias tells us, That he made up that great Structure of the Assyrian Monarchy by the Conquest of divers People, who thereby were added to it, as the Egyptians, Phenicians, Syria, Coelicia, Pamphilia, Lydia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia, and many more, mentioned by him, l. 3. cap. 1.

England began not to be a People, when Alfred reduced it into a Monarchy, for the Materials thereof were extant before, namely, under the Heptarchy. So that the finding out of the Head of a Monarchy is not like the finding out the Head of a River in the Fountain, or the Head of a Family in one common Parent: The ancientest Monarchy might have a Beginning, and yet the People, that are the material constituent of it, might exist long before, under other Forms or Vicissitudes of Governments.

2. All Nations do not always begin their Histories, or the Matter, of the same Antiquity with the People touching which they write; but some earlier, some later, according to the variety of their Opportunities, Educations, and Disciplines.

The Israelites were certainly the most knowing People of the World, began early to record the Memorials of their own Times, and of those that anteceded them, delivered down by Tradition from the Patriarchs: Thus did Moses; and the Annals of that People are carried down to the very dissolution of their Government. The Phenicians began their Historical Monuments after them, the Grecians after them. The Pelasgi and Attici were

a People long before Homer wrote. England was doubtless Inhabited before Caesar came over, yet we have few Monuments of Britain more ancient than Caesar gives us; and from him, except Beda, we have few Authenti∣cal Histories by any known Historian before the Conquest by King Wil∣liam; but they have been all written since, or very near his time; and many of the things which they have put together touching the Britains, Picts, Danes, yea and the beginning of the Saxons, have been collected out of broken Monuments in Monasteries, and Tradition, and digested into series and order of times by those that have written long since the things done; by men that lived since the Normans came in, as Henry of Huntington, William of Malmsbury, Roger Hoveden, Matthew Paris, and others.

3. A third difficulty is this: That in those elder times there were not those means of preserving the Monuments of things past, as after times afforded; for whatever antiquity the World may be supposed to be, it is plain that Arts have increased and grown: Printing is a new In∣vention, and although Letters and Writing were ancient among the Phenicians, and from them derived to the Greeks, yet we must suppose they were not so perfect or so common in the elder Ages as in those that succeed them. And therefore those that contend for an Eternal succes∣sion of Men in the World, do suppose that by a kind of circulation or rotation Arts have their successive invention and perfection and tradu∣ction from one People to another; and consequently though some might be early able to deliver over Historical passages, as being better instructed in Letters and Writing, and more civilized than others, yet others at∣tained it later: As the Europeans had their Learning from the Asiaticks, so the Americans have it from the Europeans, and yet the People of Europe, Asia, and America may be of equal Antiquity.

Besides all this, there have been many vicissitudes and changes whereby ancient Monuments and Histories have been lost: As 1. The Variation of Languages, or at least of the Characters wherein they were written, many things written in former Ages being scarce legible in after Ages, and so neglected. 2. Wars and Desolations hapning thereby, which obliterate many ancient Monuments. If by a kind of common stipulation or pact as it were, Monasteries had not had a kind of common Protection in the vicissitudes of the Conquests of England by the Picts, Danes, Saxons and Normans, we had had very little extant of ancient things. 3. Trans∣migrations of People from one Country to another, whereby they left their ancient Monuments behind them, which were neglected by them that succeeded them. 4. Floods and Inundations, especially in the parts of Asia, which swept away many ancient Monuments.

These are the Allays that are to be given to this particular touching the Epochae and Original of Monarchies, Kingdoms, and States, and the Monuments and Historical Relations of them or hapning in them, and to the weight of those consequences deduced or deducible from them, in order to the Argument in question touching the Origination of Man∣kind.

CAP. IV. The Third Instance of Fact proving the Origination of Mankind, namely, the Invention of Arts.

I Come to the Third Instance of Fact, namely, the Discovery and Per∣fecting of Arts, and the new Discoveries that later Ages have made of things that were not formerly known.

And this Topick consists principally of these parts; 1. That there have been such Discoveries of Things and Arts not formerly known: 2. That consequently the World, especially of Mankind, is of a far later Edition than Eternity.

Touching the former of these, it is very evident both by the Tradition of the Ancients, and also by our own unquestionable Experience, that very great Discoveries have been in several Ages made of Things and Arts that were hidden and unknown unto precedent Ages. I shall not trouble my self with those large Catalogues of profitable Inventions which have been successively discovered, when before they were not known, at least for ought appears to us; as the use of Husbandry, the making of Wine and Oyl, the discovery of the Letters of the Alphabet in successive Ages, Musick, Military and Civil Discipline, Engins of War, and Navi∣gation: These and infinite more have been by the Industry of former Writers reduced to their several Epochae and Authors of their Discoveries, and some of the Authors have had therefore divine Honour given to them by the admiring Heathen. These several Inventors and Inventions are registred by Diodorus Siculus in his first six Books, by Clemens Alexan∣drinus in the first Book of his Stromata, by Pliny l. 7. cap. 56. and ex pro∣fesso by Polydore Virgil in his eight Books de Rerum Inventoribus: In which and other Collections of that kind, although possibly there be many things that are fabulous, or grounded upon a very light and uncertain tradition; yet there are many things that are true or very credible, especially since the Monuments of ancient times give us an account of the most remote Ages of Men; Rudes primùm & incuria silvestri non multùm à ferarum asperitate dissimiles, Macrob. in somnio Scipionis, l. 2. cap. 10. see the elegant description of the elder Inhabitants of the World, Lucret. l. 5.

Nec commune bonum peterant spectare, neque ullis Moribus inter se scibant neque legibus uti.

With which description of the elder World agrees Plato in his Politicks, Nudi enim & sine stragulis magnam partem foris & sub dio vitam colebant; and the same Plato in his third Book de Legibus supposeth, that those relicks of Men that escaped the ancient Deluges by flight into the Mountains became perfectly ignorant in process of time of those Arts and conve∣niences of humane Life, which possibly their Progenitors might have been better acquainted with.

But we need not go so far for a full conviction of that admirable Dis∣covery and Improvement of Arts and other things, especially such as are necessary for humane Life.

In matters Astronomical we have a far greater light than what was two thousand years since; for we find the old Hypothesis of the Heavenly System called since in question by Copernicus, Galilaeus, and Kepler; the solidity of the Orbs detected to be untrue, by the plain discovery of Tycho Brahe and others; the new discoveries of Stars and Asterisms, and their figures, by the help of the Telescope, demonstratively and to the sense.

In matters Philosophical many new Discoveries have been made by Experiences, whereunto the Ancients never attained: And although the Bodies of Men, Animals and Insects have been these many thousands of years exposed to the view and search of diligent Physicians and Anato∣mists, yet it is a wonder to see what new Discoveries have been made in Anatomical Dissections and Observations, which seem wholly hidden to the Ancients; as those of the Circulation of the Blood by Doctor Harvey; the Venae lacteae by Asellius; the Repositorium Chyli of Pecquet, with the method of its deduction into the Vena cava; the process of Generation and of the For∣mative actions; the curious Discoveries of the Parts and Faculties of small Insects, by the help of the Microscope, rendred by Malpighius and others.

Again, the great Discoveries that have been made by the means of Pyrotechny and Chymistry, which in late Ages have attained to a greater height than formerly.

Again, in matters Mechanical, although it be true that this latter Age hath not arrived to that incredible skill of Archimedes, yet Mecha∣nical powers have been strangely improved, as we see in the late im∣provement of the late discovery of the Motion of the Pendulum, whereby the portions of Time are not only measured with an incredible exactness, but the use thereof translated unto Watches, Clocks, and other Engins; so we have high advancement of Dialling, Clocks, Pumps, Fountains and other Motions beyond the acquests of former Ages.

And although the Art of Navigation hath been very ancient, and the use of the Mariner's Needle, which some carry up to Amalpes an Arabian in the year of Christ 1360; others to the Chineses, and by them discovered to Paulus Venetus; others carry it up to King David: yet the Art of Na∣vigation hath been since greatly improved, and many excellent Disco∣veries in relation to the Inclination and Variation of the Magnetick Needle. To these we may add the use of Guns, Gunpowder, and Printing, which though by some asserted to be of long use in China, yet in this Western part of the World the original of the Invention hath its known Epocha.

By these and many more Instances of the like kind it may appear, That many Inventions and Discoveries of things not only of curiosity but of use and convenience to Mankind have had their known and certain Epochae, or a sufficient evidence of times when they were not used or known in the World.

2. The consequence of this Supposition seems to be this; That in as much as these had their discoveries within known Periods, it is not supposable that the successions of Mankind could have been without a Beginning, but rather that they had a Beginning within a reasonable time: for it is not conceptible that in an infinite, or indeed in a very long period of Revolutions of Mankind, those or any things of this kind discoverable would have been of so late and puisne a discovery: This is

the Argument of Lucretius, who though an Asserter of the Eternity of Matter and Motion, yet together with his Master Epicurus asserts a Be∣ginning of this World which we now behold, Lib. 5.

Quare etiam quaedam nunc artes expoliuntur, Nunc etiam augescunt; nunc addita navigiis sunt Multa, modo organici melicos peperere sonores; Denique natura haec rerum ratióque reperta Nuper —

And upon the same account Macrobius l. 2. cap. 10. in Somnium Scipionis; Si enim ab initio, imò ante initium fuit mundus, ut Philosophi volunt, Cur per innumerabilem seriem seculorum non fuerat Cultus quo nunc utimur inventus? Non Literarum usus quo solo memoriae fulcitur Eternitas? Cur denique multa∣rum rerum experientia ad aliquas gentes recenti aetate pervenit? ut ecce Galli vitem vel cultum oleae, Roma jam adolescente, didicerunt; aliae verò gentes adhuc multa nesciunt quae nobis inventa placuerunt. Haec omnia videntur aeter∣nitati rerum repugnare, dum opinari nos faciunt certo mundi principio paulatim singula quaeque coepisse.

But although this Argument at the first view may seem to have much of evidence in it of the Origination of Mankind, yet it seems too weak to lay any great weight, at least singly, upon it, as will appear by what follows; though in consort with other Instances it hath its use and weight.

The Discovery or Invention of things may seem to be upon these, or some of these Methods.

2. It seems to me that some things have been discovered unto Mankind by a more immediate interposition of the Divine Providence, or the ministration of Angels; as for instance, the Medicinal Virtue of some Herbs, Vegetables, or Minerals, that lye not in the ordinary road of Experience, or analogical collection from Circumstances, Signatures, or Observation.

2. Some things were discovered experimentally, though perchance not intentionally, or by design in the first discovery: And thus probably the Virtues of ordinary Simples came to be discovered; for the Food of Mankind being anciently Herbs and Fruits, or at least of such of Mankind who either through choice, custom or necessity were driven to that abste∣mious Diet, there did doubtless occurr the experience of various tem∣peraments and operations of those Herbs; some purgative, some emetick, some sudorifick, some astringent, which gave Men opportunity of di∣gesting them into several ranks and uses.

3. Some things were discovered ex praenotis, & per viam rationalis dis∣cursus: Thus probably Men by the Signatures, Tasts and Colours of Herbs, bearing analogy to other things they knew, concluded fairly touching their Nature and Use, which by Tryal and Experience they improved into more fixed and stable Theorems and Conclusions: And upon this account also many Practical Arts, especially relating to Num∣bers, Weight, Measure and Mechanism had their production; for the Rudiments of Proportion being lodged in the Mind, they seem to have grown intentionally and ex industria into those various practices of

Arithmetick, Geometry, and Mechanicks resulting from those princi∣ples per media processus rationalis; and thus those practices of the Rules of Proportion, Mechanical Motions, Staticks, Architecture, Navigation, Measuring of Distances and Quantities, and infinite more did arise.

4. Some things in their first discovery seem purely accidental, and although possibly the operation of Reason and Tryal and Experiment might or may carry on the Invention into farther Improvements and Advances, yet in the very first primo primum of the Discovery it may be accidental: The old, whether true or fabulous Discovery of Fire may serve to explain my conception; wherein it is supposed, that one sitting upon a Hill and tumbling down Flint stones, upon the collision thereof he observed sparks of Fire, which nevertheless he after improved by adding combustible materials to it; and doubtless upon such and the like occurrences many Chymical and other accidental Discoveries have been made, besides and beyond and without the intention of the Operator: And I well knew a Person that had not capacity enough to deduce any thing of curiosity per processum rationalem, yet by accidental dealing with Water and some Canes did arrive to a most admirable excellence in some Mechanical Works of that nature, though he never had the Wit to give a reason of his performance of them.

5. Some things have been found out by a kind of necessity and exi∣gence of Humane Nature; such as Clothes, Societies, Places of Defence and Habitation, and possibly much of the plainer sort of Tillage and Husbandry; Venter magister artis, ingeniíque largitor: and commonly these were the earliest Inventions, because Nature stood early in need of them. And hence it came to pass, that they who had Coelum clementius, that afforded them necessaries without the assistance of considerable In∣dustry, continued longest rude and uncultivated. And therefore if the Husbandry of Ceres or Triptolemus came late into the World, it was because those Eastern Countries then inhabited abounded with plenty of Fruits, which supplied the defect of Husbandry till the World grew more dispersed and fuller of Inhabitants, and transmigrated into parts of less natural fertility.

6. Some things have been discovered not only by the Ingeny and Industry of Mankind, but even the inferior Animals have subministred unto Man the invention or discovery of many things both Natural and Artificial and Medicinal, unto which they are guided, and in which they are directed by secret and untaught instincts, which would be infinite to prosecute. The Fable or History of Glaucus observing Fishes to leap into the Sea, upon tasting an Herb by the shore; the Weasel using Plan∣tane as an Antidote; the wounded Stag using Dittany to draw out the Arrow, (if true) and divers others, give us some Analogical In∣stances.

And these are ordinarily the Methods of Discoveries. The Things or Objects discovered are principally of two kinds; viz. 1. Such things as are already lodged in Nature, as Natural Causes and Effects, and those various Phaenomena in Nature, whereof some lye more open to our Senses and daily observation; others are more occult and hidden, and though accessible in some measure to our Senses, yet not without great search and scrutiny, or some happy accident; others again are such as we cannot

attain to any clear sensible discovery of them, either by reason of their remoteness, distance, and unaccessibleness, as the Heavenly Bodies and things closed up in the bowels of the Earth; or by reason of their subtil and curious texture, escaping the clear and immediate access of Sense, as Spiritual Natures, the Soul and its various Faculties and Operations, and the Reasons or Methods of them, wherein for the most part our ac∣quests touching them are but Opinion and Conjecture, wherein Men vary according to the variety of their Apprehensions and Phantasies, and wherein (because they want that manuduction of Sense which is our best and surest Guide in the first Instance in matters Natural) Men range into incertain, inevident, and unstable Notions.

2. Such things as are Artificial, wherein some Discoveries are simply new, others are but accessions and additaments to things that were before mentioned: Some things are of convenience, utility or necessity to Humane Nature or the condition of Mankind; some things are of curiosity: some things are found out casually or accidentally; some things intentionally, and out of those Principles or Notions that seem to be lodged originally in the Mind.

Now upon these Considerations premised, it seems that the late Dis∣covery of many things in Nature, and many Inventions in Art are not a sufficient Evidence of the Origination or late Origination of Mankind, at least taken singly and apart.

1. In things Natural the variety is so great, and the various combi∣nations therein so many, that it seems possible that there should not have been a full discovery of the whole state of things Natural unto the Minds of Men, although there were supposed an eternal duration of Mankind. We may give our selves a Specimen hereof, if we look but back upon that one Piece of Nature with which we have reason to be best ac∣quainted, namely, our selves; which by reason of our vicinity to our selves, our daily conversation with our selves and others of the same Species, our daily necessities and opportunities of inquiring into our selves, and the narrowness of our own nature in comparison of the vast and various bulk of other things, seems to render us a Subject capable of being very fully discovered. And besides all this, the more inquisitive and judicious part of Mankind have industriously set themselves for many Ages to make the best discovery they could of the nature of Man. Hip∣pocrates the Father of Physicians, who lived in the 82^d Olympiad, and above 2000 years since busied himself much and profoundly in this En∣quiry; and a succession of industrious, observing and learned Physicians and Naturalists have pursued the Chase with all care and vigilancy, and by the help of Anatomical Dissections have searched into those various Maeanders of the Veins, Arteries, Nerves and Integrals of the Humane Body: Yet for all this, in this sensible and narrow part of Humane Nature, the husk and shell thereof, how much remains after all this whereof we are utterly ignorant? So that notwithstanding all the Discoveries that have been made by the Ancients, and those more curious and plentiful Discoveries by the latter Ages, there still remains so much undiscovered that leaves still room for Admiration and In∣dustry, and gives us a powerful conviction of our Ignorance, that the things we know in this little narrow obvious part of Nature the

Body of Man is the least part of that we know not touching the same.

But when we yet consider how small a part of the Humane Nature is that which is the Corporeal part; and how little we know with any tolerable certainty touching the more noble Parts, Acts and Operations of the Humane Nature, the Principle of Life, Sense, and Intellection, we have still reason to conclude that this little, narrow, near Subject of our Knowledge is yet very difficult for us actually and fully to com∣prehend, and furnisheth our search with more Materials than we are possibly able to exhaust with all our Industry, Care, Study, and Ob∣servation. When I consider those difficulties that occurr touching the Production of that we call the Soul, whence it is, what it is, what power it is that performs the processus formativus that digests, disposes, models the prima stamina naturae humanae that acts with most admirable skill, dexterity, infallible order, and in the most incomparable way of Intelligence, and yet wholly destitute of those Organs whereby we exercise the operations of Life, Sense, and Intellection. That incom∣parable accommodation of all parts and things fittest for use, for time, for convenience: Again, when I consider those various powers of the Sensible Nature, that Regiment that it performs and exerciseth by the Spirits, Nerves, and Muscles; the admirable powers of Sensation, of Phantasie, of Memory, in what Salvatories or Repositories the Species of things past are conserved: Again, when I consider the strange powers of Intellection, Ratiocination, Reminiscence, and what that Thing or Nature is that performs all those various operations: And when I con∣sider how little, how incertain, how contradictory those Sentiments of Mankind have been touching these things, wherein nevertheless they have searched and toyled Age after Age; I must needs conclude, That if we had no other subject of our search and enquiry besides our selves, we should have for ought I know for infinite Ages a continued stock for our discovery; and when we had learned much, yet still even in this narrow Subject there would be still somewhat to be learned; and we should never be able actually to overtake the plenary discovery of what would remain;

Sic rota posterior currit, sed in axe secundo.

And if this one small near piece of Nature still affords new matter for our discovery, where or when should we be ever able to search out all the vast Treasuries of Objective Knowledge that lyes within the compass of the Universe? So that the new Discoveries that have been made in Natural things is not a sufficient evidence of the newness of the existence of Mankind, because of that inexhaustible Magazin of Natural Causes and Effects which possibly will store Mankind with new Discoveries unto an everlasting continuance.

2. And the same that is said for the redundance of matters intelligible and cognoscible in things Natural, may be also applied to things Artifi∣cial. There are these things that render Artificial Inventions prodigiously fertil and various: 1. The variety of the materials of things that may be applied to Artificial ends and uses; as we have Iron, Brass, Wood, Stones, Sounds, Light, Figuration, Tactile qualities; some things of a

more active, some things of a more passive nature; some things diversified in degrees of heat, cold, dryness, moisture; various Elements, Meteors: and infinite variety of these Materials we have, which may be the material constituents or ingredients into Artificial Structures, Engins, Motions, or Effects. 2. The variety of the Apprehensions and Fancies of several Men in the destination and application of things to several ends and uses; and this arising in them partly by the various texture and frame of their very temper of their Brains, Blood, and Spirits; partly by variety of Edu∣cation, partly by Necessity, partly by Accidental Emergency: by this means possibly the same Material is variously managed into various Arti∣fices, according to this variety of Phantasy or Imagination. As take the same Wool, for instance, one Men felts it into a Hat, another weaves it into Cloth, another weaves it into Kersey or Serge, another weaves it into Arras; and possibly these variously subdiversified according to the phan∣tasy of the Artificer: For it is most certain that there is not greater variety in the figures and complexions of Mens Faces and Features, and in the contemperations of their natural Humours, than there is in their Phan∣tasies, Apprehensions and Inclinations. And hence it is that, for in∣stance, the texture of Zeuxes or Apelles inclines him to the invention or improving of Painting, Archimedes to Mechanical Motions, Euclid to Geometrical Conclusions: and hence it must necessarily come to pass, that according to the variety of Men that either casually or industriously apply themselves to Artificial Discoveries or Inventions, there will ensue variety of Inventions. That Invention that did arise from the Genius or temperament of the Phantasie or Imagination of Apelles, would pro∣bably never in the same individual Invention have been found out before him, though the World of Men had lasted millions of Years before him; because perchance in that long Period no Man had ever the same Syntax of Phantasie or Imagination that he had, and consequently though some Artificial Inventions are as it were of that common congruity to the general Phantasies of Men; or seem to arise upon a common sutable∣ness to the use or exigence of Mankind, as digging, planting, ploughing, sowing, making of Apparel and Houses; yet some have that particular respect or cognation to the Phantasie of this or that particular Man, that they would never have been found out till such a Man had had his being in the World; and consequently the Invention was not found sooner, because the Man to whose Phantasie this Invention was accommodate was not born nor lived sooner.

3. The variety of Application and Combination of several Materials of Artificial things in their several Artificial Complements: For it is very plain, that even where things are finite and determinate in their number, yet they arise to a strange and prodigious multitude, if not indefinitude, by their various Positions, Combinations, and Conjunctions: The Letters of the Alphabet, which arise from the several apertures and conjunctions of the Tongue, the Teeth, the Palate, the Lips, the Throat, are but 24 in number, yet various combinations of these Letters are the formal constituents of all the Words and Languages in the World: And yet all the Words and Languages in the World do not amount to the hundredth part of those other articulate Languages that might be made out of the remaining combinations of the Letters of the Alphabet, which are not

in use in any or all the Languages of the World. The general division of Lines in Geometry is into streight and crooked, but the various com∣binations and positions of these two sorts of Lines would make more Figures of Superficies than all the Ages of the World could possibly col∣lect or describe.

And from this variety of Materials, variety of Phantasies and Imagi∣nations, and variety of Combinations or Junctures of things, we may reasonably conclude that the multitude of Artificials is inexhaustible; and that although there be many new Inventions discovered daily which were not discovered before, yet that alone is no sufficient Argument of the Novity of Mankind; for this Magazin of Artificials is so fruitful, vast, and indeterminate, that if the World should last millions of Ages there would be a store and supply for immense Ages, Et semper aliquid ultra.

It may be possibly objected, That although the variety of Materials are great, and possibly indefinite and indeterminate, and so also of the Fancies of Men, and consequently those various combinations of things that are constituents of new Inventions, yet they are not Infinite: For although the combinations of the 24 Letters of the Alphabet are a pro∣digious number, yet if instead of 24 Letters there were 24 millions, as those 24 millions are a finite number, so would all the changes and combinations thereof be finite, though perchance not easily computable by Arithmetick, in respect of the huge excess of the number; and conse∣quently, in an infinite Period of Time, though one of these combinations should be exhibited in a million of Years, the whole number of combi∣nations had been infinite Ages since exhausted, and no combination left to make up the material or formal constituent of a new Invention.

I answer; It is true, the combinations of things finite existing must needs be finite as well as the things themselves. But, as I have before supposed, the Invention of Arts doth not only depend upon the existence of the Materials of things Artificial, no nor singly upon the various combinations of those Materials; but upon the Phantasie, Design and Destination of Man, which is various, according to those various Tem∣peraments that have ingredience and influence into him: yea and possibly also upon certain junctures and concourses of things that might never before befall any other. And therefore, as if upon a supposed Eternal Succession of Mankind we should find but one individual Socrates or Plato, so it is not impossible to suppose that Socrates or Plato should consist of such a Temperament and Constitution, such a Phantasie and Ima∣gination as never any man before had exactly the like; and consequently he might be the discoverer of some such Invention as never before was discovered. Or if we should be so hardy as to suppose a Man pre-existing in all things exactly like to Socrates, both in his Temperament, Body and Mind, yet possibly those accidental Occurrences which excited the Imagination of Socrates to the discovery and composing of such an In∣vention might not fall in with that Man that is supposed of a perfect parity with Socrates.

For although perchance existing Individuals may not be actually Infi∣nite, yet certain it is that the potential gradation of things may be po∣tentially Infinite, and so may the junctures of Occurrences be potentially Infinite; whereby it may come to pass, that though an Eternal Succession

of Men were admitted, yet in ista hora a Man might be produced that had never parem omnibus gradibus & numeris: And such junctures of Oc∣currences might happen in ista hora that had never an exact parity of all Circumstances, and the same exact weight and number of Occurrences in any antecedent portion of Eternity.

And hence it may very easily come to pass, that as any one Invention had not its existence in a portion of a thousand, two, ten, twenty thou∣sand years before; so, if the Ages of Mankind were infinite, it might never have pre-existence before, though the whole Race of Mankind had been industriously addicted ad ultimum posse to have discovered or im∣proved Artificial Inventions.

3. The third Allay to the concludence of this Argument is this: That Mankind have been, and in many places are very remiss and unactive in improving their knowledge and discovery of things Natural and Arti∣ficial; and that which befalls one Man, or Age, or Place in this kind, may befall another: This may happen by laziness and sloth, by an evil custom, or by overflowing barbarousness and want of improvement by Education: And upon this account we find a great want of Arts and Inventions in the Western World, in Africa, and even nearer hand among the Irish: And if now by the accession of Planters of better Education, or by the advanced Industry of some Inhabitant of those barbarous Countries there should be derived among them the Inventions of profitable or curious Arts, we could not with any sufficient reason conclude that the World lately began in those Countries, because the Original of those Arts and Inventions was but lately begun among them. If therefore those People by reason of their Barbarous course of life might be strangers unto Arts and Inventions for the space of five hundred or a thousand Years, why not for a much longer time? why not eternally? Since the very same supineness and negligence might as well possess those Parts and Inhabitants for many Ages, as well as few; and for interminate Ages, as well as certain: and if at this day they should discover and practise new Arts and Inventions, it were no greater Argument against the Eternity of their Succession, than against their Continuance for those many thousand Years, which probably they have had in that un∣known Western World.

4. The fourth Allay of this Observation seems to be this: That as in Kingdoms and Empires, so in Discoveries of Arts there seem to be very great vicissitudes and circulations, which strangely vary the Faces of Things and Countries; and this principally done, 1. By Wars and Victories: 2. By Floods, Inundations, or Epidemical Diseases and Plagues.

The Instances of the former are various. The Romans were a People civilized and improved into great Knowledge in Arts and Sciences, and in Civil and Military Government; and where they prevailed in Con∣quests and Victories, they did together with their Victories transmit Arts, Sciences, and excellent Methods of Government among even Barba∣rous Nations, which quite altered oftentimes the former Face of those con∣quered Countries, and by that means those Arts which were not known before in those Places, became in use and request in those Countries wherein before they were strangers: not as if they then began for they

had their Practice and Use long before among the Romans, though their transmission and derivation into those Countries that were conquered seemed new.

Again, some Countries were benè morati, well disciplined in Learning, Arts, and Knowledge, but possibly by the Irruption of numerous Armies of Barbarous People, those Countries were quickly over-grown with Barbarism and desuetude from their former Civility and Knowledge, and degenerated into the Ignorance and Barbarism of their Conquerors; so that in a reasonable Period of time much of their ancient Knowledge and Arts was forgotten, as if they never had it. This was the condition of Greece the Learned Part of the World after their subjugation by the Turks, and this possibly may be the condition of China in a few years after the great Irruption and Devastation by the Tartars; wherein possibly if an Age or two hence the state of things should be judged according to the present appearance, it would be looked upon as if it had never been the habitation of those Curious Arts which some time dwelt there: and possibly the setting on foot some of those very Arts that were once well known in those parts, would be looked upon as the Natales of those Arts, or the first Inchoation of them, Wars and Desolations having obliterated the Monuments of their former practices; which yet neverthe∣less would be in truth but the reviving of those Arts which were long before practised, though intermitted and interrupted by the vicissi∣tudes of Wars.

And upon the same account are those alterations that have hapned in the condition and state of People by other accidents, as Inundations, Epidemical Diseases, Corruption of the Air in some Parts and Conti∣nents, either by some eruption of pernicious Vapours, or other Incle∣mency of the Heavens. Plato in his third Book de Legibus, in the begin∣ning, though he suppose an interminate Beginning of Mankind, and that there were successively Cities, Laws, and Arts; yet he supposeth that upon these and the like Occurrences, those that escaped these com∣mon Calamities betook themselves to the Mountains, kept Sheep, and preserved the Species of Mankind; but most of those Arts and Sciences which formerly were common, became disused and forgotten among them: But after Mankind multiplying, they descended into the Vallies, and by degrees, mutual conversation, the necessity of their condition, and the due consideration of things did gradually revive those Arts which Men had formerly lost by long intermission. For such is the indoles of the Humane Nature, where it is not strangely over-grown with Barba∣rousness, that it will by a kind of Natural Sagacity discover things, especially necessary for the use of Humane Life and Society; as Hus∣bandry, Laws, Government, Architecture, Clothing, and the like; as Bees or Ants provide for their common habitation and supply.

Upon all which it may seem that we are over-hasty when we conclude, That because Arts or Sciences do perchance discover themselves first to our view in such Places or Ages, that therefore this was their first and primitive production, or that they were never before. For it may very reasonably be, that those or the like Arts might have been either in other places, and by a kind of migration or circulation be transmitted to those new places either by Armies or Colonies deduced hither; or that even

among the same People or Nation these Arts were sometimes flourishing, though possibly having received some intermission by great Accidents and Occurrences, they again do repullulare and revive upon the opportunity of Peace, Trade, Commerce and Popular Increase. Nay many times it comes to pass, as is before observed, That when People are multi∣plied, so that their places grow strait and narrow, and their supplies not proportionable to their number, necessity and exigence, it gives an edge to their Industry and Invention, and produceth new Discoveries of things that were either not known before, or forgotten: And even this one thing hath advanced the Dutch to that eminence of Manufacture, Industry and Arts, that they exceed the rest of the World therein.

We may have an Instance of this Circulation of Arts even in this Kingdom of England in that which is our great Manufacture, namely, Woollen Cloth: It appears very plainly by those ancient Gilds that were settled in England for this Manufacture, as at Lincoln, York, Oxford and divers other Cities, that in the time of H. 2. and R. 1. this Kingdom greatly flourished in that Art: but by the troublesom Wars in the time of King John, H. 3. and also in the times of E. 1. and E. 2. this Manufa∣cture was wholly lost, and all our Trade ran out in Wools, Wool-fells, and Leather carried out in specie; and the Manufacture, during those Warly times, held its course in France, the Netherlands, and the Hans Towns; but by the Wisdom and peaceable times of E. 3. and his fair treating of forein Artists, which he invited and entertained in this King∣dom, he regained that Art hither again, which for near one hundred Years had been for the most part intermitted, which hath hitherto con∣tinued to the great Wealth and Benefit of this Kingdom.

So that we are not to conclude every new appearance of any Art or Science is the first production of it, but as they say of the River Tigris and some others, they sink into the ground, and keep a subterranean course, it may be 40 or 50 miles, and then break out above ground again, which is not so much a new River, as the continuation and new ap∣pearance of the old: So many times it falls out with Arts and Sciences, though they have their non-appearances for some Ages, and then seem first to discover themselves where before they were not known, it is not so much the first production of the Art as a transition, or at least a resti∣tution of what possibly was either before in another, or in the same Country or People: And thus some tell us that Guns and Printing, though but lately discovered in Europe, yet were of far ancienter use in China.

So that notwithstanding this Consideration of the late Invention of Arts, or Discoveries of things Natural or Artificial, Mankind might have had an infinite succession, or at least such a continuance as surmounts all those Accounts which the most prodigal Computations have given: and that Saying of the Wise Man may be verified, Ecclesiast. 1.9. The thing that hath been is that which shall be, and that which hath been done is that which shall be done, and there is no new thing under the Sun: Is there any thing whereof it may be said, See, this is new? It hath been already of old time before.

I shall here add a farther Consideration, because it hath a cognation with the Subject of this Chapter.

There seems to be very probable Conjectures made touching the Ori∣gination of Mankind, because there seems to be one Radical Language from which all others have their derivation, though some carry in them more, some less Memorials of their Original, as they were more or less remote in their Inception.

The Languages of the World may be aptly enough divided into the Primo primae, the Primo secundae, and the Secundo secundae.

The Language which I call Primo primae must needs be but one, if the Original of Mankind were but two common Parents of either Sex, as the Holy Scriptures teach us; and this one Language they must needs learn either from a conformation of Voices by the Angels, such might that vocal Language be between Almighty God by the ministration of Angels, and Adam, whereof we read in the first and second Chapters of Genesis; or it must be an instituted Language, chosen by Adam in Paradise, by which he gave the several Beasts their names, and maintained discourse with GOD, and the Woman with the Serpent: For although it is as natural to Man∣kind to express their Desires, Passions, and Conceptions vocally, as it is for Brutes to use their natural vocal Signs, though of a more simple and im∣perfect kind; yet the forming of Languages into this or that particular fashion or mode, whereby Conceptions may be rendred intelligible to others, is a business of Institution, Discipline, Intention and Consent. But what this first Language of our first Parents was, is difficult for us to de∣termin: some think it was the Hebrew, and from thence they derive other Languages; others think that the Chineses Language was the Original, because it is the most simple, consisting most of monosyllables, the most natural, fitting the apertures and flexures of the Lips and Tongue with the greatest ease, and yet having the greatest multiplicity and variety of Words; others again contend for the Scythian Language as the Primi∣tive: all founded upon conjectural Reasons.

But when we consider how soon Languages are changed, and what a tract of time there was between the Creation and the Flood, and from thence to Moses, it may be difficult to suppose that that Language conti∣nued so long in its purity and integrity; possibly if in any Line it con∣tinued in its integrity, it might be in the Line and Family of Noah, and so down to the Confusion of Languages at the Tower of Babel.

But it is hard to determin what that Primitive Language was: the Hebrew or Samaritan bids fairest for it, 1. In respect of its Antiquity; 2. In respect of many Languages, especially of the East, that seem to be derived from it, as the Caldee, Egyptian, Phenician, Syriack, Arabick, which have a great cognation with it, and derivation, as it seems, from it.

And though possibly in those Elder times, as in the time of Abraham, these several Languages might be but as so many several Dialects of the same Language, whereby it came to pass that Abraham, though brought up in Caldea or Assyria, held conference with the King of Gerar and the Children of Heth, that were Canaanites, and as some think, used the Hebrew Language; his Servant also readily conferred with Laban the Syrian: Isaac also had conference with the Philistims and Egyptians, yet it is apparent that in process of time they grew into distinct Languages, unintelligible each to other: The Sons of Jacob understood not the Egyptian Language when they came down for Corn, Gen. 42.23. neither

did they afterward understand ordinarily the Syrian Language, 2 Kings 19.26. nor the Caldean Language, Jer. 5.15.

But although it be commonly thought the Hebrew Language was the common Language of the Canaanites, yet it seems hard that the Holy and supposed Primitive Language should be preserved only in the Po∣sterity of accursed Canaan, and from them derived to the Posterity of Abraham the Holy Seed.

As touching the Language of the Seres or Chineses, those that sup∣pose it to be the Primitive Language, do suppose that Noah's Ark first rested upon the bordering Mountains of China, and that Country first peopled by the descendents of Noah; that they were not at the building of Babel. But this seems to be but a novel Conceit.

2. The Languages that were Secundo primae, were those that hapned upon the Confusion of Tongues, which the Jews suppose to be 70 or 72, from that place Psal. 78. vers. 55. He hath divided the Nations according to the number of the Princes of Israel, or the Sanhedrim; but whether they were so many, or more, or less, is not possible to determin.

Some suppose those Languages which are ordinarily called Linguae matri∣ces, were some of those Languages that arose at the Confusion of Tongues, and are called Matrices, because divers other, especially of the European, seem to be much derived from them, namely, the Greek, Latin, Teutonick, Sclavonick, Scythian, Hungarian, Finnick, Cantabrian, Irish, British, Arabick, Frisick, Illyrian, and Jarygium.

But though these are taken to be Linguae matrices, yet much of their Languages seem to be borrowed from the Hebrew and Phenician Language; and though they suppose those Linguae matrices might arise at the Confu∣sion of Tongues, yet they were not totally estranged from that common Language which universally obtained before that Confusion, which some think as before, was the Hebrew; some relicks of which Primitive Lan∣guage were notwithstanding that Confusion retained as Indications and Monuments thereof, as Bochart in his Phaleg, and out of him Mr. Gale in his Book called The Court of the Gentiles, endeavours largely to prove.

3. The third sort of Languages, which I call Secundo secundae, are those that have either been derived from those that were Primo secundae, or that have been compounded out of other Languages, or taken up de novo of later times, or by all of those ways have obtained in several parts of the World, as the French, Italian, Spanish, Danish, English, and divers others.

Now if it can be well deduced that there was some ancient Primitive Language that by reasonable Evidence can appear to be the common Root of all other Languages, it is reasonable to conclude, That surely there was some one common Head that was the Beginning of Mankind; for without this Supposition it is hardly possible that there should be a common Language at any time in the World, from which as from a common Root all the Languages of the World should in process of time be derived.

But this Evidence also taken singly, lyes open to some Objections that weaken it upon these Considerations.

1. We have not clear Evidence enough of any single Primitive Lan∣guage, nor what that Primitive Language was if such there hath been:

there might be in process of time a thousand successive Languages, and many that went before have been lost, and succeeded by others.

2. Those similitudes of Words of one Language which are found in another, give us no sufficient Demonstrations which of them was Pri∣mitive; the resemblances of words signifying the same thing in the Hebrew and Greek Language prove no more that the Hebrew was before the Greek, and lent Words to them, than that the Greek was before the Hebrew, and lent the similitude of Words to them.

3. If we consider almost any Language not before-hand or by some after means mancipated to Rules, we shall scarce find any that contain themselves in the same Articulation, Accent or Pronunciation for the space of three or four hundred Years, but are infinitely varied in process of time from what they formerly were. The English Language that was common and usual three or four hundred Years since, is scarce now intel∣ligible by us; yea and the Greek Tongue, though a regular Language, and reduced to a Grammatical Canon, yet a good Grammatical Grecian can hardly understand a Native Grecian, nor a Native Grecian the other at this day: yea we are told by Quintilian, as I remember, that in Rome it self in process of time the Latin Language was so altered, that the Priests could not readily understand the Hymns composed for their Idol-Service by the ancient Priests of Rome.

4. As succession of Ages, so variety of places in the same Country and Nation gives such variety of Dialects in the same Language, that one side of a Kingdom scarce understands the other: witness the four Dialects of the Greek Language, and the several Pronunciations of the French in several parts of France, and the various Dialects of the English in the North and West that render their Expressions many times unintel∣ligible to the other, and both scarce intelligible to the Midland: various Provinces of the same Kingdom, and that at first used the same Language, in process of time use various manners of Pronunciation, which in time also alter the structure of the Words as they are spoken or written, which in farther process of time alters the Language into several Dialects, as it did in Greece and other places.

5. Every Nation hath a certain humour or disposition appropriate to it, which by a kind of Natural necessity frames the very Air of Words, Speech and Accents accommodate and similar to that Natural humour or inclination;

— Graiis dedit ore rotundo Musa loqui —

In the very frame of the Speech of the Spaniard, Italian, French, Dutch, Welsh, English we may find a kind of Image of their Complexions and Tempers, suiting and framing their Speech, Accents, Tone, Pronuncia∣tion: Vowels conform thereunto, no less than in their Gate and Gesture; and this very Account would in a little time diversifie one and the same Language in the Mouths of several Nations, so that in a little space they would not be the same.

6. Commerce and Trade with forein Nations gives great alterations in Languages, each Country borrowing some Words, Accents, or Ex∣pressions from the other, whereby in a little time it is quite altered, and

becomes a mixt confused Language, made up of the Ingredients of se∣veral Languages.

7. As in Clothes, so in Words, Phrases, and Expressions there com∣monly grow new Fashions, whereby it comes to pass that the same Words and Phrases that were not used, or scarce understood in former Ages, become in Fashion, Reputation and Vogue in another Age; and this obtains sometims from the Courts of Princes, wherein a Word a little in request soon grows in fashion with the Gentry, and from them at the third hand passeth over to the Tradesman or Countryman.

8. Many times the Literati and Scholares coyn new Words, and some∣times in common Speech or Writing in their Native Language, give Terminations and Idiotisms sutable to their Native Language, unto Words newly invented or translated out of other Languages; which is some∣times done out of Affectation, sometimes out of Necessity, by reason of the want of sufficient significancy in their own Language; and when such Phrases or Words come abroad in printed Books, in Sermons or Orations, they become more general, and incorporate into the Native Language.

9. Many Languages of Countries are greatly altered and mingled, and sometimes totally eradicated and lost by Invasions and Victories, or by transmission of Colonies by Forein Princes of a different Language. Thus by the chacing the Britons out of England into Wales, their Lan∣guage was wholly exterminated from hence with them, and by the suc∣cessive Incursions and Invasions of the Saxons, Danes and Normans, the English Language grew a kind of mixture of them all, which yet in pro∣cess of time hath been so much varied, that the English that was written in the time of H. 1. is not now intelligible.

It is true that those Languages that are not now Native, though some∣times they were, but are preserved in Writing or Rules or Canons, have long kept their simplicity, as the Hebrew, Greek and Latin, which have been indeed preserved from being lost by vulgar use, but when a Language once becomes of vulgar use, it soon loseth its integrity; thus the Latin degenerated into the Italian, and the very Hebrew and Greek more bar∣barous by much where they are popularly used, than in the ancient Writings, wherein they have been preserved and kept to their ancient integrity.

Considering therefore the great instability of Languages, the great variations and changes to which they are subject, the great alterations that they have had, the great difficulty of finding any Language which (upon grounds barely of Reason, without Divine Revelation) we can safely call Original, and the great difficulty of deducing other Languages entirely from it: It is hard for us singly to lay any weight upon this In∣stance, to prove the Origination of Man upon a meer Moral Account or Topical Ratiocination thereof.

CAP. V. The Fourth Instance of Fact seeming to evince the Novity of Mankind, namely, the Inceptions of the Religions and Deities of the Heathens, and the deficiency of this Instance.

REligion seems to be as connatural to Humane Nature as Reason, and possibly a more distinguishing property of Humane Nature than it: For almost in all sensible Creatures, especially those of the more perfect kind, a certain Image or weak Adumbration of something like Reason appears, yet we find in no Creatures below Mankind any thing like Religion, or Veneration of a Deity: And those faint Conjectures touching something analogical to Religion observed in Elephants, are too weak to give any reasonable admission thereof in them.

Religion therefore seems as ancient as Humanity it self, at least of some kind of dress or fashion or other: therefore if we can arrive at the Inception of Religion, Veneration of a Deity, and those Rites, Adorations, and Services that result from thence; we have reason to conjecture that the Inception of Mankind was not long before.

And because the Inception of Mankind is not doubted by Jews or Christians, who acknowledge the Truth and Divine Authority of the Scriptures, that reveal and discover the Origination both of Mankind and the World, but the doubt only resteth among those of the Gentile World; it hath been thought a reasonable Argument to convince the Heathen World of the Origination of Mankind, by discovering the Ori∣gination not only of the Religious Worship of the Heathens, but even of those very Deities which they celebrated and venerated, and paid that Religious Worship unto.

And this Discovery of the Origination of their Heathenish Deities hath been endeavoured by two Methods: First, by following the ancient Histories of the Phenicians, Egyptians, Grecians, and Romans; by which means they have traced up most if not all their Heathenish Deities to their Original, and their first Inauguration into Deities; whereas they were in their original for the most part but Men of great Note and Merit or Power in the Ancient World, or such, who outgoing the ordinary rate of Mankind by some signal Excellence, Learning or Industry, were by the admiring inferior sort of Men translated into the Opinion and Veneration of Gods: and then there wanted not Poets and Priests to derive from them a Race and Progeny of Gods, which swelled into great Numbers, Pedigrees, and Genealogies of Gods and Heroes, Theogonia, which filled the superiour World as Men filled the inferiour World by successive Generations: And those Authors that have given us an account of the Apotheoses, the Inau∣guration of the Heathenish Deities and their successions, are many; especially, Diodorus Siculus in his first six Books; Eusebius in his first and second Book De Praeparatione Evangelii, out of the Ancient Monuments of the Phenicians, Egyptians and Grecians; and Clemens Alexandrinus in lib. 1. Stromat. who gives us an account of the Apotheoses of Bacchus, Her∣cules, Aesculapius, Isis, Ceres, Serapis, Apis and others, many of them, if not

all, having their being and translation into Deities after the time of Moses; and from the various Denominations of those Heathenish Deities, some had one Name among the Egyptians, another among the Phenicians, another among the Syrians, another among the Grecians; though possibly the Persons themselves were for the most part the same.

Secondly, By carrying up the Original of most of the Ancient Deities of the Heathens, and resolving them into Noah, and his Sons and De∣scendents, deducing by very probable Arguments that Noah was Saturn, Chronos, &c. that Japhet was Neptune, Ham Jupiter, Shem Pluto, Canaan Mercury, Nimrod Bacchus, Magog Prometheus: vid. Bochart. in Phaleg, l. 1. Vossius de Idololatriae origine & progressu, l. 1. and others that have followed those Learned and Ingenious Authors.

But this Inference of the Recentness of Mankind from the Recentness of these Apotheoses and Origination of Gentile Deities, seems also too weak to bear up this Supposition of the Novitas humani generis.

1. Because although possibly some of their Heathenish Deities might have been of a late Edition, yet there might be many more that might be ancienter, who either were antiquated and forgotten, or they were translated to other Names and Successors; it faring with Idol Gods as it doth with Words or Languages,

— Cecidere cadéntque, Quae jam sunt in honore vocabula. —

The lust of Mens Fancies in Propagation of Deities was endless and unsatiable. We are told out of Varro that there were no less than thirty thousand Heathenish Gods and Deities of all sorts, which were known in his time; and how many more there might be whose Names and Wor∣ship were long before that time antiquated, we cannot easily conjecture: only in all probability they were far more than those that survived. And therefore possibly there might be a Race and Succession of Apotheoses long antecedent to those whose Originals we have given us in Ancient Histories. We see how easily the Roman Calendar swells with new Consecrations of Saints, and to what a multitude they have grown within less than the compass of one thousand Years; and possibly had the World continued many thousand years before it is supposed to have began, there might have been an interminate succession of imaginary Deities, though many or most of their Names are now unknown, or the times of their Consecrations forgotten.

2. But yet farther, if we should suppose that this course of Idolatry began even shortly after the time of Noah and his three Sons, yet it is granted of all hands that the World had stood above 1600 Years before the invention of this kind of Idolatry: So that ex confesso this was not the first Religion in the World, neither did this Religion tread upon the Heels of the Origination of Mankind if Mankind was, and was 1600 Years before those Deities were found out; and so this Religion cannot pretend to be coeval with Mankind, nor give us any sufficient Indication of the Recentness of Mankind.

3. But yet farther, it is very apparent that this Veneration of Men Consecrated into Deities was not the ancientest Idolatry, much less the

ancientest Religion of the World: The Worshipping of the Host of Hea∣ven, the Sun, Moon, and Stars was an Idolatry that way far more ancient than this of the Heathen Gods made of Men: and this is an Evidence of the antecedency of that Idolatry of the Stars and Heavenly Bodies, in as much as when these new consecrated Deities were made, they did as it were incorporate and affix them to that more ancient Idolatry, transferring the Names of most of their Gods to the Heavenly Bodies or Asterisms; as Saturn to the Star of Saturn, Mars, Venus, Mercury, Jupiter to the several Planetary Bodies; and to the Sun and Moon a prodigious number of Deities, as to the Sun, Phoebus, Apollo, Osyris, Horus, and many more; to the Moon, Diana, Hecate, Venus, Astarte, and many others: So that although we should allow the first Origination of those Heathenish Dei∣ties to have been when Historians give us an account, and not before; yet the Idolatry performed to the Heavenly or Elementary Bodies, the Sun, Moon, Stars, Fire, Aether, &c. might have had a long practice among Men before the Invention of these later Deities.

4. But yet farther; in as much as Truth is certainly more ancient than Errour, we have reason to think that even before the ancientest Form of Idolatrous Worship in the World, even that of the Heavenly and Elementary Bodies, there was a True Worship of the True GOD, which might continue many Ages before any sort of Idolatry prevailed in the World. So that it would be too rash to conclude, That because many of the Heathenish Deities had their known Original, that therefore no other Religion anteceded it, or that that Religion soon followed the Origination of Mankind.

5. Besides all this there seems in the World, or at least it is very possible to suppose certain vicissitudes or relations not only in Arts and Sciences, as is before observed, but even in the Religions professed, which may obtain successively both in Places and Ages according to several vicissi∣tudes: We see that in the Country of Palestine shortly after the Flood Idolatry obtained among the Canaanites and the descendents of Ham; after that, the Knowledge and Worship of the True GOD among the Israelites for many Ages; and after that, a degeneration of the greatest part thereof to Idolatry again in the Country of the Ten Tribes, and in a great part among the other Two Tribes: after that a Reformation and Restitution of the true Worship of God, in the return from the Captivity until Christ came; then the most sound and perfect Religion, namely Christianity, obtained for some time; then the return of Paganism, under persecuting Roman Emperours; then the prevalence again of the Christian Religion, under Constantine and some that succeeded him; then Popish Superstition; after that Turcism and Mahumetanism, especially in the parts of Greece, Palestine, Egypt and other parts of Asia and Africa. Thus various Professions of Religion have had various Vicissitudes, Revo∣lutions and successive Alterations in Places and Ages.

Albertus Magnus, as I remember, with somewhat too much curiosity, and somewhat transported with too much fancifulness towards the In∣fluences of the Heavenly Motions and Astrological Calculations, sup∣poseth that Religion hath had its successive Alterations and Seasons ac∣cording to certain Periodical Revolutions of the Planets: to the first Ages of the World he assigns the Presidency of Saturn in matters of

Religion, and so downward, according to several successive assigned Periods. These are vain Conjectures, but they serve to explain what I mean, namely, That there may be successive Alterations and Changes in the professed Religion of the World in successive Ages, and successively in the same and other places of the World; whereby it will be hard to determin the Epocha of the Commencement of Mankind by any one Form or Shape of Religion professed in the World; for there may be some Religion antecedent to that which to us in this Age appears to have been the ancientest; but still with this probable Conclusion, That since Truth is more ancient than Errour, it seems, that if there were any Religion that was Primitive in the World, it was the true Religion and true Worship of the true God, and not Idolatry, or worshipping of Men or Idols, or the Works of Nature: and consequently, that although we had no Monuments extant of any Religion ancienter than Idolatry, yet we had no reason to conclude that that Idolatrous Religion was the most ancient, or coeval to the Origination of Mankind: but rather, that Mankind had an Existence in the World much antecedent to such Ido∣latrous Worship, wherein the true God was for many Ages and Gene∣rations truly worshipped; and that partly by the subtilty of the Enemy of Mankind, partly by the apostacy and corruption of Humane Nature, and partly by the gradual decay of that true and ancient Tradition of the true Worship of the true God, Idolatry and Superstition prevailed and obtained in the World.

So that although it be a most certain Truth that Mankind had an Ori∣gination, and was not without Beginning, yet the Evidence of the Origination of their Idolatry and Idolatrous Deities, is no sufficient Proof or Evidence of the Origination of Mankind.

CAP. VI. A Fifth Consideration concerning the Decays especially of the Humane Nature, and whether there be any such Decays; and what may be collected concerning the Origination of Man upon that Suppo∣sition.

THis Argument hath been excellently handled by Dr. Hakewell, I shall therefore be the shorter in it, yet somewhat I shall say con∣cerning it.

Some of those that have been inquisitive into the Nature of Man have observed two things, which if they were true, would certainly give us an irrefragable Argument against the Eternal Succession of Mankind, viz. 1. That the Ages of Men grow gradually shorter and shorter: 2. That the Quantity of Humane Bodies was ordinarily heretofore much larger than they are now, and by a kind of gradual decay of that Na∣tural Vigour and Strength they decline to a smaller Stature. Thus Plu∣tarch inter placita Philosophorum tells us out of Empedocles, Nostrae aetatis homines priscis comparatos infantium instar esse; and yet Empedocles lived

upon the point of 2000 Years since, and Plutarch near 1500 Years since: and Pliny in the 7^th Book of his Natural History, cap. 16. tells us the same, In plenum autem, cuncto mortalium generi minorem indies fieri propemodum observatur, rarósque patribus proceriores, consumente ubertate seminum ex∣ustione, in cujus vices nunc vergat aevum; and some Instances are given there and by the Additional Notes thereupon, of the great Sceletons of Mens Bodies found in several Ages, and that, Jam ante annos mille vates ille Homerus non cessavit minora corpora mortalium quam prisca conqueri.

And indeed if this natural Decrease of the Ages of Mens Lives and their Bodily Statures had held such a proportion, it would not only avoid the possibility of an Eternal Succession of Mankind, but would also give us a very late Epocha of their first Origination: For a very ancient Ori∣ginal, accompanied with such a natural Decrease of Age and Stature by reason of that insensible but unintermitted decay of the strength and stature of Nature, would have long since reduced Mankind to be but Ephemeraes in duration, and little other than Insects in extent, or rather wholly determined, and put a Period to the whole Species infinite Ages past.

But it seems that these are mistaken complaints both of Empedocles and Homer; for surely in so great a Period as 2000 or 1500 Years elapsed since the death of those Men the experiment of that Decrease would have been much more obvious and observable than we find it at this day. And although the nature of Mankind and of other Creatures subject to cor∣ruption, if left to it self without the continued Subsidium and Influence of the Divine Providence, would soon have faln into dissolution per sal∣tum, and without the incessant and corroding invasions of so long a time; yet that same Power that first gave Being to things, hath sup∣ported their successive Generations in the same state and natural vigour that it ever had, abating those accidental occurrences that Sin, Excess, and other occurrences have brought into things.

First therefore as touching the Decays of the Age of Man's Life; we do indeed learn from the Sacred Scripture (for no Humane History reacheth so high) That the Lives of the Ancients were very long, espe∣cially before and for some time after the Flood; and this the Divine Wisdom, Providence and Goodness ordered for most excellent Ends, namely, the Peopling of the New World, and that without any other means than his own Will, or at least by means unknown to us: in Ar∣phaxad the Son of Shem the great Age of the Ancients was cut to halves, namely to 440 Years; and in his Grand-child Peleg it was again cut to halves, for he lived but 242 Years; and it is also true that afterwards gradually to the days of Moses the Lives of Men became shorter and shorter, till they fixed in that common Period of the Life of Man of 70 or 80 Years: and although it be true that the Histories of former times give us some account of longer Lives of Men, as the Lives of Moses, Aaron, Phinehas and some others, and those mentioned by Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 48. and some in our own Experience; yet Moses himself states the ordinary Standard of the Life of Man to be 70, or at most 80 Years. Psal. 90.10. 2 Sam. 19.32, 35. And this we shall find true upon the consideration of the Chronological Account of the Years of the ancient Patriarchs and Kings that succeeded Moses; as likewise of the time that the Israelites lived in the Wilderness, all which that were twenty Years old and up∣wards

at the coming into the Wilderness when the Spies were sent into Canaan, which was shortly after their coming thither; all these I say, except Joshua and Caleb, dyed within the 40 Years Peregrination in the Wilderness: and at this stay the ordinary Age of Men hath been for these 4000 Years, abating those casualties either of Diseases or other Accidents that have shortned the ordinary complete Ages of Mens Li〈…〉〈…〉

2. As touching the Stature of Men, it must be agreed that in former Ages there have been Giants and Men of extraordinary Stature: some Instances we have in the same Pliny and other Heathen Authors, and many more in the History of the Old Testament: But these were out of the ordinary and regular course of Nature.

But it seems that ordinarily in all Ages the Statures of Men have little differed from what they now are, though according to the difference of Climates and situations there hath been ordinarily and regularly a diffe∣rence in the Stature of Men; many times Marsh-Countries, and those that are of a temperate heat, producing Men of a larger size than Mountainous or those Parts that are nearer the Sun, as some parts of Spain and Ga∣licia.

And that the ordinary Stature of Mens Bodies is much the same now as anciently in the same Places or Regions appears by undeniable Expe∣rience: 1. The Bodies of the Egyptians that have been exsiccated into Mummy, and lain some thousands of Years, are found to have the same Stature or very little differing from what they now have; neither could they shrink into a shorter dimension by the length of time, considering that the Bones of all parts are joyned in their extremities, and could not become shorter without putrefaction, which occurrs not in those exsic∣cated Bodies.

2. As the first practical Rudiments of Arithmetick were taken from the Parts of the Humane Body in the Numeri primarii or Digitales, so in Geometry it is evident that the first notation of Measures was taken from the Parts of the Body of Man, and very ancient both among the Hebrews, Greeks and Romans, and these hold still the same proportion as they did anciently.

These Measures according to the Jewish, Arabian and Egyptian Account are as followeth.

6 Barley-corns make 1 Digit.

An Inch consisted of 8 Barley-corns, or which is all one, one Digit and ⅓ of a Digit.

The Palm consisted of 3 Inches, or 4 Digits, or 24 Barley-corns, mentioned Exod. 25.25.

Spithama, a Span consisted of 9 Inches, or 12 Digits; the half of a Cubit, namely, the utmost extent between the extremity of the Thumb and the little Finger extended to their greatest dimension. This was the Measure of Aarons Breast-plate. Exod. 28.16.

A Foot consisted of 4 Palms, or 12 Inches, or 16 Digits, or 96 Barley-corns.

A Cubit, the interval between the Elbow and the extremity of the longest Finger; this was the Ordinary Cubit, it consisted of 6 Palms, which allowing 3 Inches to a Palm is 18 Inches, or a Foot and a half: vid. Kircher in Oedipo, Tom. 2. Class. 8. where writing of the Egyptian

Cubit, Habet autem omnis Cubitus sex Palmos, & Palmus quatuor digitos, & Digitus sex grana hordei. This was the usual Mosaical Legal Cubit which they used in Measures of Building; the length of Ehud's Dagger, Judges 3.16. and that measure whereby the dimensions of the Ark are measured: though besides that common Cubit they had among the Jews and Egyptians two larger sorts of Cubits, one called Cubitus Regius, which was 3 Inches longer than the ordinary Cubit; and the other called Cu∣bitus Geometricus, which was double to the common Cubit, viz. 3 Foot, or according to others, 6 common Cubits, viz. 9 Foot.

These Measures according to the Roman or Latin Account are as fol∣loweth.

4 Barley-corns breadth make 1 Digit.

An Inch [Uncia] consisted of 5 Barley-corns and ⅓ of a Barley-corn, or which is all one, the breadth of the Thumb, or, 1 Digit and ⅓ of a Digit.

The Palm consisted of 3 Inches, or which is all one, of 4 Digits, or 16 Barley-corns.

Spithama, the Span consisted of 3 Palms, or 9 Inches, or 12 Digits, or 48 Barley-corns.

Pes, a Foot consisted of 4 Palms, or 12 Inches, or 16 Digits, or 64 Barley-corns.

Cubitus, a Cubit consisted of 6 Palms, or 18 Inches, or 24 Digits, or 96 Barley-corns.

Gressus, a Step, two Foot and a half; in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Passus, a Pace, consisting of 2 Steps, or of 5 Foot according to the Roman Account, but according to the Greek Account 6 Roman Feet and ¼; so that the Grecian Pace was longer than the Roman by a Foot and quarter.

Orgya, or a Fathom, the distance between the extremities of the Fingers of each Hand, the Arms being extended, which very near answers the length of any person from Head to Foot; and to reduce it to a certainty, the usual estimate thereof is 6 Foot. Vide de hac re Danielem Angelo∣cratorem de Ponderibus & Mensuris.

The usual Computation according to a medium or proportion of the height of a Man is 6 Foot, or a regular Fathom, or 4 Cubits: So Vi∣truvius, Pes est sexta pars altitudinis corporis, Cubitus quarta: with this agrees Kircher, ubi supra; Altitudo humana è quatuor communibus Cubitis Egyptiacis, unus quoque Cubitus sex Palmis, Palmus quatuor digitis. So that the ordinary height of a Man is 96 Digits which the ancient Egyptians estimated to be equal to that Mystical Cubit among them stiled Passus Ibidis, or the Trigon that the Ibis makes at every step, consisting of 3 latera, each 32 Digits, amounting in all to 96 Digits, the common Measure of the procerity of a Man, or 4 common Cubits.

These were the very ancient estimates of distances taken from the Parts of a Man, and their extent; namely, the Finger, the Thumb, the Span, the Cubit, the Fathom, the Foot, the Step; and these were the estimates and reduction of them to known and certain Measures, and these Pro∣portions are still, even in our Age, in Men that are of an ordinary sta∣ture: The Fingers breadth now as anciently 6 Barly-corns breadth; the 4 Fingers or Palm about 3 Inches; the Span, the Cubit, the Foot, the

Step, the Fathom of the same extent and dimension now as anciently, and the ordinary estimate of a tall Man 6 Foot now as then; Witness our Qld Statute called Compositio Ulnarum & Perticarum; Tria grana hordei sicca & rotunda (viz. in length) faciunt pollicem, duodecim pollices faciunt pedem, tres pedes faciunt ulnam, quinque ulnae & dimidium faciunt perticam, qua∣draginta perticae in longitudine & quatuor in latitudine faciunt acram. Where∣by we have very plain reason to conclude that Empedocles and Pliny were mistaken touching the gradual diminution of Humane Stature, since those Measures that took their denomination and extent from the Parts of Men held anciently that extent and length that the very same Parts in Men hold in these times.

And truly if we look upon the progressive Growth and Periods in Humane Nature, as also in all other perfect Animals, they hold regularly the same state and order as they held in the most remote Ages whereof we have any Memorial in Ancient Writings or Histories, The same time for the Formative process of the Humane Embryo now as is recorded to have been usual in the times of Aristotle and Hippocrates, viz. ordinarily in the beginning of the tenth Month. Aristot. Hist. Animal. cap. 3, & 4, Hippocrat, de Carnibus, in fine.

The proportion of Stature the same now as anciently; they bred Teeth at 7 Months, Aristot. Hist. Animalium, l. 2. cap. 10. shedding and new breeding of Teeth at 7 Years, Censorinus de Die Natali, cap. 14. and again breeding of the novissimi maxillares or genuini dentes at 20. Arist. Hist. Animal. l. 2. cap. 4. At 5 Years of age in an ordinary growth the procerity is half of that which will be attained at full age, Aristot. de Ge∣nerat. Animalium, l. 1. cap. 18. though Pliny l. 7. cap. 16. assigns that pro∣portion to trimatos or 3 Years of age, but mistakenly, as it seems.

The ordinary Period of the Humane Procreative Faculty in Males 65, or at most 70; in Females 45, or at most 50. Arist. Hist. Animal. l. 5. cap. 14.

The several Periods of the Ages of the Life of Man according to Hip∣pocrates divided into 7, viz. at 7, at 14, at 22, at 35, at 42, at 61, and from thence to the end of Life, which at most is 81 or 84, upon the greatest ordinary Account. Vide Rhodogin. l. 19. cap. 21.

So that although the Humane Nature, as to that part of it that is Cor∣poreal, is subject to changes and corruptions, and not of so firm and stable a consistence as the Heavenly Bodies, and consequently not so capable of a permanent and fixed constancy and continuation as they; yet by the constant and unintermitted Influx of the Divine Providence this cor∣ruptible and mutable Nature of Mankind, yea and of the other perfect Animals, is admirably preserved in the same measure of extent, regular procedure, and length of duration, as it hath been many Thousands of Years since. Indeed it may be possibly true, that Accidents, accidental Occurrences, Intemperance, ill and noxious Effluvia from the Earth, Waters, and intemperature of the Air, and other Accidents may in these latter Ages of the World produce some such Diseases and accidental Dis∣orders as may possibly more infest Mankind, and occasion more Mortality than in former Ages. But as to the regular and ordinary course of Na∣tural procedure and state of things with Mankind, yea and other Animals, there seems to be little or no decay or variation from what hath been

formerly (abating that Concussion which the Perfection of the Humane Nature suffered by the first Fall, and the shortning of Mens Lives, which is of another Consideration.)

And therefore I am not so apt to attribute that firm Consistency of the Heavenly Bodies, their constant uninterrupted and invaried Motion, and those other Indications of Permanency and Perpetuity, barely or singly to the singular and indissoluble Texture of their Nature or Com∣position, as to that incessant Influx and unintermitted Causality of the Divine Power and Providence, which I so plainly see conserves almost an equal regularity in the Motions, Processes, Succession, and Condition of poor, frail, Sublunary Bodies, which in their little Period belonging to their specifical and individual Nature, have the same regularities and orders now as formerly, and in the whole Systeme of their specifical Nature preserved in the successive Individuals for many thousands of years, obtain the same regularity, order, and method of Existence, with∣out decay, as it hath always held.

This Supposition therefore of the gradual decay of the state of Humane Nature, though in hypothesi it would strongly infer a late Origination of Man, yet it is false in thesi, and so concludes nothing touching the Argu∣ment in hand, namely, the Origination of Mankind in some determinate Point of Finite Duration.

An Ingenious Person, in a new Essay of Natural Philosophy, Entituled, New Principles of Philosophy, Part. 2. Cap. 22. tells us: That the Sun or Fiery Region gains gradually upon the Inferior Elements, so that the greatest Declination of the Sun in the time of Hipparchus and Ptolemy was observed to be 23 deg. 52 min. but is since found to be reduced to 23 deg. 30 min. or 28 min. which is a necessary Consequent of the Suns gradual approximation towards the Earth: And if that should be so, it were a necessary Argument of the Origination of the World, and with it of Mankind, within a certain Period of Time. But we must not be over hasty in allowing of that Position; for every Day gives us Instances how difficult it is exactly to find out the Distances of the Heavenly Bodies, Lines, and Motions, especially when we come to measure them by Mi∣nutes, or Parts of Minutes, which cannot be effected but by Mathe∣matical Instruments, which can never reach to a perfect exactness in this nature.

CAP. VII. The Sixth Evidence of Fact proving Novitatem generis humani, namely, The History of the Patres familiarum, and the Original Plantation of the Continents and Islands of the World.

IN Profane Authors and Historians we may find the Roots and Founders of many Kingdoms, Monarchies, and States, either by Victories, or by Emigrations, or by Intestine Commotions, or by common Consent of the People or Inhabitants: Thus we find the Foundation of the later States or Monarchies in that Constitution at least wherein they now stand,

or in some former Ages stood; As the Foundation of the English Monarchy in the Norman Conquest; and before that, the Foundations of the Saxon and Danish Monarchies in this Kingdom, in the old Histories of Hoveden, William of Malmsbury, and others. The like might be found for the Foundation of the French, Spanish, and Danish Kingdoms, the Empire of Germany, of the Grand Seignior, and others. And ancienter Histories give us an account of the Foundation of the Roman Empire in Romulus, of the Grecian in Alexander, of the Persian in Cyrus, of the Babylonian in Nabonassar, of the Assyrian in Belus, Ninus, Semiramis. But yet, as is formerly observed, the Discovery of these Originations of Civil Coa∣litions into Kingdoms and Empires, do not lead us up to the Origination of Mankind, in the material Constituents of these Kingdoms and Em∣pires; for the Men that made up these Civil Bodies, or at least their Ancestors, had a Being before, though perchance under a different form of Civil Government, or under some other Names or Governour: As the several States of Greece, before their coalition into one Kingdom under Alexander, or Philip his Father, subsisted in several smaller Prin∣cipalities or Commonwealths. For these kind of Histories, though they afford us the Inception of new Governors or Governments, the Capita Regiminum, yet they give us not the Capita Familiarum: For though Romulus, for Instance, laid the Foundation of the City and Monarchy of Rome, and became as it were the Parent of that City and State, yet he was not the Parent of the Men that were the material Constituents of it, for they were a Farrago, or Collection of many people that had their Existence long before in themselves or their natural Progenitors. And upon the same account it is, that although many Histories, as Diodorus Siculus, Thucidides, Herodotus, and others, do give us some true and some fabulous Derivations of the Names of Places or Countries, from the Men that seemed to be the Heads or Roots of those Denominations, yet though they should be all admitted to have truly given those Deno∣minations to those Countries, it doth by no means follow, that they were the Parents of the Inhabitants thereof; but they were such, as either by War, or Power, or Election of the People, presided in those places, and gave them thereupon their denomination. Thus they tell us, That Helen gave the denomination to that part of Greece which was called Helenica, and those Grecians were called Helenistae. Pelasgus was he that gave the denomination to the Pelasgi, another part of Greece. Latinus, to Latium and the Latins. Danaus, to another Cept of the Grecians. Tenes, the Son of Cygnus, to Tenedos. Cretas, to Creta and the Cretians. Italus, as some say, to Italia and the Italians. Romulus, to Rome and the Romans. And infinite more such Allusions of Denominations of Countries and People, from the Name of him that presided either in the Army, or Colony, or Countrey unto which such Denominations were after given: And yet Latinus, nor Pelasgus, nor Cretas, nor Helen, were any more the Natural Parents of all those persons that were called Pelasgi, or Cretenses, or Helenistae, or Latini; than Romulus was the Natural Parent of all those people that were the first Inhabitants of Rome, or of those that were after Incorporated and Infranchised into that Name, City, or Government. Indeed these were such persons, as perchance were the Captains of those Armies or Colonies that were commanded by them,

or were such as were the Heads or Founders of the Monarchies or King∣doms that they thus founded; or such as did sustinere nomen & personam totius communitatis, and thereby had the Power and Priviledge to give a Denomination to those Countries or People they governed, calling them after their own Names: But they were not the Natural Roots, or com∣mon Natural Parents of all them that bore their Denomination, though it may be very likely they had some Children of their own which might participate in that common Denomination.

This therefore singly considered, namely, the Denomination of Peo∣ple from some one Person, is not sufficient to assure us that all those Persons that bore that Denomination were derived by Natural Propa∣gation from him whose Name they so bear; but though it may be true that such a Denomination may be communicated to such only, as de∣scended by Natural Propagation from him, as I shall hereafter instance, yet it may be otherwise: Therefore I have no reason to conclude, That wheresoever I find a Society of Men bearing the Denomination of one Man, that that Man was the Natural Parent of those that bear that Denomination, unless I have some better Evidence than Allusion of Names, since it is apparent in these Histories that it is otherwise.

Upon this Reason it seems plain, that it will not be possible from any Prophane History to find the Original Parents of any one Kingdom, much less of Mankind. It is very evident indeed, that by help of a continuation of Prophane Histories or other common Monuments well kept together, the Genealogies and Ramifications of some single Families even to a vast and numerous extension may be preserved. But that will not do the business that I intend. For it is rare, and beyond Example in any Author that I know, that the entire and complete Pedigree of the whole Descendents of any particular Family is deduced down through the space of a thousand Years last past; whereas such Instances as must serve my turn must be such as are at least five thousand Years old, or otherwise I shall fail in the application of this Topick now in hand to the Matter in question.

It remains therefore that for Instances of such Antiquity useful to my purpose I must resort to the ancientest History, namely, the History of Moses, which as it is a History of the ancientest Times and Occurrences in the World, so it is a History that was written at the greatest distance from this Time, and nearest to the Times and Things whereof he writes; no History in the World being so ancient as this by near eight hundred Years, for so long lived Moses the Author of this Book before Homer the first Prophane Historian that is extant.

And if any Man shall object against the competency of this Instance, 1. Because the same Moses whom I use in this Topick is the person that asserts the thing de quo ambigitur, namely the first Production of Mankind, and therefore that he is incompetent in this Case: 2. Because all that urge the Testimony of Moses urge him as infallible, divinely inspired, and so whatsoever he saith must not be contradicted; and upon such a Supposition there were a compendious way of evincing the Question in hand of the Inception of Mankind, by telling us that Moses who wrote by an infallible Spirit and Inspiration, tells us that Mankind was Created by GOD about 6669 Years since according to the Seventy;

and so there needs no farther Reason, nor can be any farther Controversie touching it.

To this I shall say these things: That although it is certain that Moses was Inspired by an Infallible Spirit in what he wrote, and that he doth in plain terms tell us that Man was at first Created by Almighty God, and therefore to me or any else that is satisfied of the Infallible Authority of the Holy Scripture, this is sufficient to satisfie that the truth is as Moses hath informed us, and there needs no other Argument to support my Faith of the truth hereof: yet because I am writing of those Natural and Moral Evidences of this Truth that may be of strength enough to evince the truth of this Assertion, upon the apparent Moral Evidences of the credibility of the Writings of Moses, I shall here urge the Authority of Moses for the Proof of the Matters of Fact in question as I would urge Herodotus or Livy to prove a Matter of Fact alleged by them; and at this time and in this Dispute shall only use his Testimony as a Moral Evi∣dence of the Truth he asserts, as an Evidence of Credibility. And as I shall not exact a Subscription to the Truths he delivers upon the account of his Infallibility, so it is not reason to deny that Credibility of what he relates, which would be allowed to a Prophane Author; especially when it carries with it singly, without the contribution of the Supposition of a Divine Authority, as great an evidence of truth as any History in World besides.

And as to that which is said, That the Supposition of the truth of what Moses asserts, is to suppose the thing controverted, because Moses asserts the Creation of Mankind: I say, 1. That I shall not at all instance in that Assertion as to determin the Question, but only so far forth as it is a Moral Evidence of the truth of it; namely, That this was a thing believed near 4000 Years since by Wise Men, such as Moses was, and by them that were much nearer to the time wherein the Origination of Mankind and those other Matters of Fact that are contributory to the Proof thereof was transacted; and therefore in common Reason must needs have a clearer Tradition and Evidence of the truth in this matter than the Ages so many thousand Years after; but this I shall reserve to its proper place. 2. In this place I shall not at all insist upon the Tradition of Moses touching the Creation of Man, but only upon those Historical Narratives delivered by Moses relating to such Matters of Fact that were nearer his time, and such as he might very reasonably know and deliver as an Historiographer; namely, the Propagation of Mankind after the Flood, and the Reduction of most of the considerable Nations of the World to their several Roots or Parents by Natural Propagation, and the credibility of his Relation touching it: Though even the credibility of this Relation of his gives a great Evidence and Attestation, even upon a Moral account to what he writes touching the Creation of Man, and those parts of the History antecedent to the Flood.

The Sum therefore of the Mosaical History that I shall in this place make use of, is this:

1. That a Universal Flood was brought upon the Earth in the Year 1656 after the supposed Creation of Man according to the Jewish Account, although the Septuagint allows a longer Period between the Creation and the Flood.

2. That by that Universal Flood all Mankind were destroyed except eight persons, namely, Noah, his Wife, his three Sons, Shem, Japhet, and Ham, and their Wives.

3. That all the Race of Mankind after this Flood, were derived by natural generation from these three Sons of Noah and their Wives.

4. That the particular Descendents from these three Sons of Noah, are truly described and set forth in the 9^th, 10^th, and 11^th Chapters of Genesis by their several Names, and drawn down from that Root to the filling and peopling of the whole Earth: Gen. 32. These are the Fa∣milies of the Sons of Noah, after their Generations, in their Nations; and by these were the Nations divided in the Earth after the Flood.

5. That after the Flood, in the time of Phaleg, the Languages of the World, especially of the families of Cham and Japhet, were confounded, and the Nations proceeding from these Families dispersed.

6. That the Family of the Israelites was deduced through these ensuing Patriarchs, viz.

• ...Sem.
• Arphaxad, born two years after the Flood, Anno mundi, 1658.
• ...Salah.
• ...Heber.
• ...Peleg.
• ...Reu.
• ...Serug.
• ...Nahor.
• ...Terah.
• ...Abram.
• ...Isaac.
• Jacob marries Rachel and Leah, Anno mundi, 2192.
• Levi, and the Twelve Patriarchs.
• ...Kohath.
• ...Amram.
• Moses, born in the Year of the World, 2373.

So that from the Flood to the Birth of Moses the Descendents from Jacob grew into a great Nation, for in the 80^th Year of Moses Life the Males of the Children of Israel, that were above 20 Years old, were above 600000, besides the Levites, and besides Women, and Children that were under 20 Years old, Numb. 2.32. and this great Increase of this People happened within the compass of about 260 Years. And thus, according to the Jewish Account in the Holy Text, the Period between the Flood and the Exitus of the People out of Egypt was about 800 Years: But indeed the Account of the Septuagint, partly by the Intersection of Cainan in the Genealogy, and partly by adding 100 Years to that Techno∣gonia of the Patriarchs before Abraham, have made the Period larger by 884 Years. So that according to that Account, the Exitus ex Egypto was at least 1684 Years after the Flood.

Now this History of Moses of the peopling of the World by the Poste∣rity of Noah, doth these two things:

1. It gives us an Account of the Original of all the Nations in the World, not from bare allusion of Names, nor from bare Coalitions into Civil Societies in which they were formed, as Romulus was the Founder

of the Populus Romanus, and Pelasgus of the Pelasgi; but it gives us the Account of their Origination by Propagation from the Natural Roots and Parents of them. 2. Although notwithstanding this Instance, it may be possible, that though the Natural Derivation of all Mankind was from Noah and his three Sons, yet the Progenitors or Ancestors of Noah might have no Original, but might be Eternal, according to the Hypo∣thesis of Aristotle: yet when I find the same Author that gives me an Account of the Derivation of all the World from Noah and his three Sons, and that with most clear evidence and credibility, it gives me a very great Moral Evidence of the truth of his Relation touching the first Origination of Man by Creation: For doubtless both were derived to him by a constant Tradition from those from whom he was descended, and it is not reasonable to suspect the truth of the one, since we have a strong Moral Evidence for the truth of the other; namely, the General Flood, and the preservation of Noah and his Family, and the derivation of all Mankind from him and his Sons: He that hath sufficient reason to believe the History touching the latter, will have little reason to doubt the truth of the Relation touching the Origination of Mankind; which as in it self it seems reasonable, and no other possible Supposition to compass it but by a Supernatural Production, so it hath a most excellent congruity with the subsequents of the Holy History touching the Descendents from the first Man, the Flood, and the Re-peopling of the World from Noah.

Now the Moral Evidences of the credibility and truth of this History are these:

1. Moses that wrote it, had the best opportunity that could be to give a true Narrative of this Fact touching the Flood, and the Productions of Mankind by Generation from the Children of Noah: For, 1. It is evi∣dent by the Writings of this Man that lie was a very Learned knowing Man, inquisitive after all sort of Learning; a Man in great Power and Esteem in the Court of Egypt, and after that a great Governour of a very great People, which he governed with admirable Wisdom; and by this means had opportunity to furnish himself with all Monuments and Evi∣dences of Antiquity that might be conducible to the Discovery of former things, and his Learning, Judgment and Ability to make an excellent use of these helps was also remarkable. Again, 2. He lived not far remote from the transaction of these things that he wrote, in comparison of the Writers or Historians of after Ages: He dyed above 500 Years before Homer lived, which yet is the ancientest Historian that Greece af∣fords, and he lived within the Period of 800 Years after the Flood and the division of the World among the Posterity of Noah. Livy and other Historians give us an account of the Affairs of Rome for above 600 Years before they were born, and many other Historians for a much longer time, and we give them credit; and certainly such an Occurrence of such remark as the Universal Flood and the Re-peopling of the World must needs be fresh in memory for such a Period of about 800 Years; especially considering that the Peopling of the World was a gradual and successive business, that must needs preserve its Memory even upon its own account, for it was still current, and many were concerned in it in the preser∣vation of the laying the first Foundations of their States and Republicks. 3. As the Period or distance of time was not great, so if we consider

the longevity of Mens Lives in those times, the Period was not much longer than three Generations, and so the Tradition of things might be preserved fresh and certain unto the time of Moses without any great difficulty: For Shem that was an Eye-witness of the Flood was contem∣porary with Abraham, Abraham was contemporary with Jacob, Cohath the Son of Levi was contemporary with Jacob, and with Amram the Fa∣ther of Moses and Son of Cohath: So that the Tradition of the Flood, and all that succeeded, might be handed from Shem to Abraham, from Abraham to Jacob, from Jacob to Cohath, from him to Amram, and from him to Moses. 4. Besides all this, without any more Hands in the deli∣very of it over, it appears that Abraham, Isaac, Jacob were great Men, had great Families and Wealth, were Men of great Note and Obser∣vation for their Learning and Knowledge, Men that had great Expectations, having a Promise of that Land to be given to their Posterity; and al∣though they kept Sheep and Cattel according to the custom of those Eastern Countries, yet they were great Princes, and Men of excellent Education: doubtless Abraham instructed his Son in all the Knowledge that he had received by Tradition from his Ancestors, the like did Isaac, and after him Jacob. And therefore it might very reasonably be thought that the Traditions of former things were kept fresh and pure in this Line of Men.

And though we have no Writings extant ancienter than Moses, yet probably in his time there might be Books, or at least Monuments and Inscriptions of things done before his time, which might preserve the Memory of things past as well as our Books do now: For it is not to be doubted but Writing was much ancienter than Moses his time, Job speaks of Writing as a thing in use in his time, Job 19.23, 24. and Jose∣phus tells us of certain Pillars erected by Seth, wherein the Monuments of Learning and History were preserved, Joseph. l. 1. Antiquitat. cap. 2. and Moses mentions Books written by others, either before or in his time.

I very well know that Moses had a greater means to know all those things that to a Jew or a Christian are of greater weight than all these; namely, the Infallible Conduct, Revelation and Inspiration of the Divine Spirit: But the truth is, we are faln into an Age of many Christians in Name and Profession, that yet think it below them to believe upon that account without some farther Evidence that may satisfie their Reason; I have therefore subjoyned these and the following Considerations to make it appear, That upon the bare account of Moral Evidence more is to be said for the truth of the History of Moses than may be said for the truth of any other History of things transacted before the life of the Historiographer.

2. Again, we usually allow such an Historian to be worthy of belief, even in those things whereof we have no other Evidence than the Credit of the Historian, if we find many things delivered by him to have so great an Evidence of Truth that they cannot well be doubted by any reasonable Man. I will admit that Moses delivers many things that were antecedent to him, and can have now no other Evidence than the Credit, Prudence, and Fidelity of the Historian himself; as touching the De∣rivation of the Nations of the Earth from the several Sons of Noah, and

though possibly when he wrote there was a vigorous and authentical Tradition or other authentick Evidence of the Truth of them, which it may be is now so lost that we have no other Evidence thereof but the bare Relation of Moses (this I do for the present admit, though in the sequel it will appear that there are other concurrent or collateral Evi∣dences that assert and attest it) yet it is plain that the same Moses writes many things that have so undoubted and so solid a Tradition asserting it, that no Man can doubt it that will not first deny his own Reason. As for instance, Can there be any doubt but that the Family of the Israelites were derived from Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and the 12 Patriarchs; that they were brought out of Egypt under the Conduct of Moses; that they lived in the Wilderness forty Years, and were there miraculously fed by Quails and Manna, since this was written in that very Time and Age that could and would have contradicted it, if false? Can there be any doubt but the History of his making the Ark and the Tabernacle were true, since both continued for many hundred Years after? Can there be any doubt of the History of the Fiery Serpents, and the Cure of their Biting by the Brazen Serpent, which continued in the Wilderness until the time of Hezekiah, which was many hundred Years after, with an unquestionable Tradition of the reason of its Making? Can there be any doubt whe∣ther he divided the Land of Canaan, in such manner as is set down, in his life time, namely, to the two Tribes and a half on the farther side of Jordan; and his Prescripts for the future dividing of the rest, since it was enjoyed according to those Prescripts for many hundreds of Years after, and part of it until the coming of Christ? Can there be any doubt that he gave those Laws Moral, Judicial and Ceremonial recorded by him, since those very Laws have been for the space of near two thousand Years the very Rule and Model by which the Sacred and Civil Concerns of that People were always ruled and governed, and that in contem∣plation of the same Law that was given by the Hand of Moses, and so recorded in his Books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy? I say we have not greater Evidence that there was such a Man as Alfred, Edward the Confessor, or William the Conqueror; or that there were such Laws of the Confessor, such a Survey of England called Doomsday made by William the Conqueror, such an Abbey founded by him in Memory of his Victory in Sussex called Abbatia de Bello; such Laws made by H. 1. as are transcribed in the Red Book of the Exchequer under that name; such a Charter of King John made at Reningmead, or such a Charter as Magna Charta made by King H. 3. than we have that there were such Laws, such Distributions of the Land of Canaan, and such things done in Egypt and the Wilderness as are recorded by Moses. The Moral Evi∣dence that ariseth from this Consideration is this; That since in these things that are capable of an incomparable Evidence of Credibility in respect of the time wherein they were done (though very ancient, and exceeding the Age of any other Author) we find such indisputable Evi∣dence of Truth, we have reason to give credit to the same Author re∣lating the Derivation and Beginning of Nations from the Sons of Noah, though in respect of the greater Antiquity thereof we have not any other concurrent Testimony but that of Moses: And the rather, though we have not those other Evidences thereof, yet Moses might have as

unquestionable Evidences of the things transacted between his time and the Flood, which at the greatest Account was not above 1600 Years, but by the Jewish Account about 800 Years before his time, as we now have of those things which were transacted in the time of Moses, which is above twice 1600 Years distant from our time.

3. Besides the Relation of the Traduction of the several Nations of the World from the Sons of Noah, delivered by Moses in that short Pedigree or Extract, Gen. 10. we have very many probable Evidences of the con∣sent of all succeeding Ages to that Genealogy of the World; as, 1. The common Tradition of those Ages that succeeded shortly after Moses, which commonly esteemed them so descended: 2. The Analogy of their several Names of the Countries wherein Moses supposed the first Fathers fixed, as Canaan, Misraim or Egypt, Chittim, Assur or Assyria, and infinite more of this kind which are not needful here to be remembred, since Bochart and those that have transcribed out of him give us abundant Instances. Nei∣ther is it reasonable to object against this that which is before observed in relation to other Allusions of this kind, namely, That those Deno∣minations of Places might not be so much from the Roots of those Nations or Families, or from the Captains or Governors that gave Names to those Countries they conquered; because the Historian Moses gives us in express terms the reason of the Denomination to be from the very Parental Roots of those People or Families: and 2. Because those Heads of Countries or Nations who were nearer to Moses time gave the De∣nomination to the Countries which in effect they peopled; as Edomites to the Posterity of Edom, Moabites and Ammonites to the Posterity of the two Sons of Lot, Madian to the Posterity of Abraham by Keturah, and many more: And we have as great reason to suppose that these grew and increased into great Nations in the time of Moses, since the People of Israel who descended from a later Stock than any of these within the space of little more than 200 Years, increased into so great a People, that in their going out of Egypt their Males of above 20 Years old amounted to 600000, whereof use will be made hereafter.

The late Discovery of the vast Continent of America and Islands ad∣jacent, which appears to be as populous with Men, and as well stored with Cattel almost as any part of Europe, Asia, or Africa, hath occasioned some difficulty and dispute touching the Traduction of all Mankind from the two common Parents supposed of all Mankind, namely Adam and Eve; but principally concerning the storing of the World with Men and Cattel from those that the Sacred History tells us were preserved in the Ark. And the Objection runs thus:

It seems apparent by all Geographical Descriptions of this lower World, that the whole Continent of America and the adjacent Isles thereof are no way contiguous to any parts of Asia, Europe, or Africa, but disjoyned from the same by huge and vast Oceans; divided from the Western Coasts of Europe and Africa by the vast Atlantick Ocean; from the North parts of Europe by the great Frozen Seas lying between it and Greenland, which seems to be the Northern Coast of America; from the North-east part of Asia, Tartary and Cathay by the Fretum Anian; from the East parts of China and the Philippine Islands by the Oceanus Pacificus of above 2000 Leagues breadth, and is divided from the great lately

discovered Island del Fogo by the Straits of Magellan, and that Island again divided from the uttermost Southern Continent (if any be) by a great Sea, which though not formerly known to the Europeans and Asiaticks, being divided from Asia and Africa by the great Indian Ocean, yet hath been lately discovered by Le Maire.

It is also evident that this vast Continent and the greatest part of the Islands near adjacent to it are well stored with Men, and Beasts of all sorts: Laetius, in his Disquisition touching the Original of the Ameri∣cans, in his 8^th Observation gives us an account of above thirty Millions of Americans destroyed by the Spaniards in those Parts of America that they have usurped to their own Dominion, which is not the hundredth part of that great Continent.

The Inhabitants of this Continent as they greatly differ among them∣selves, so they extremely differ from the Asiaticks, Europeans and Africans in their Language and Customs, they recognize no Original from these Parts: it is true, they have some resemblance of the Scythians or Tartars in some of their barbarous Customs, and some Words they have which seem to carry a congruity with Words of other Nations; But these are but slender Evidences to prove their Traduction from Asia, Africa, or Europe, especially since no Monument is extant that gives an account of their Traduction or Migration thither; and the rather, because it was a World wholly unknown to the Europeans, Africans and Asiaticks, till the Discovery thereof made by Americus Vesputius and Christopher Columbus which is but of late time.

Again, Acosta tells us in his 4^th Book, Cap. 36. there are divers perfect Animals of divers kinds in America which have none of the same kind in Europe, Asia or Africa, as their Pacos, Guanacos, and Indian Sheep; and on the other side, many species of Birds and Beasts in these Countries which are not found in America.

And upon these Premisses they thus argue:

That since by all Circumstances it is apparent that America hath been very long inhabited, and possibly as long as any other Continent in the World, and since it is of all hands agreed that the supposed common Pa∣rents of the rest of Mankind, Adam, Noah and his three Sons, had their Ha∣bitations in some Parts of Asia, and since we have no probable Evidence that any of their Descendents traduced the first Colonies of the American Plantations into America, being so divided from the rest of the World, the access thither so difficult, and Navigation the only means of such a Migration being of a far later perfection than what could answer such a Population of so great a Continent; That consequently the Americans derive not their Original either from Adam, or at least not from Noah; but either had an Eternal Succession, or if they had a Beginning, they were Aborigines, and multiplied from other common Stocks than what the Mosaical History imports.

And although their Traditions in America be mingled with some things fabulous, yet they seem to favour this Conclusion. Some of them ac∣knowledge the Creation of all things by God, and that He fixed certain Arrows in the ground, and from thence the Original of Mankind came. de Laet. de origine gent. Americanorum, Observat. 6. Many of them have a Tradition of a Flood, at least in the Continent of America, which

dispeopled all the Countrey, and that out of the Lake Tilocaca the great God created at several places the common Parents of Mankind: ut videre est apud eundem, pag. 115, & 105. or that certain Men leapt out of a Cave called Picare Campo, or Tampo, and were the first Parents of Mankind; and therefore they hold the Tambi the most ancient of Mankind.

Besides, if we could suppose that either ex industria, or by accident some might pass the Seas from Africa, Asia or Europe into America, yet it is not easily conceptible how Beasts, especially of prey, should be trans∣ported into America, through those large Seas after the Deluge; neither is it possible to suppose that all the Beasts of America, which are many of them wholly different in kind from those of Europe, Asia or Africa, should be conducted over the Seas to be preserved in the Ark, and after be transported again thither: and the improbability thereof is so much the greater, because many of the perfect Animals found in America have none of the same kind in Europe, Asia or Africa, and è converso, but are as it were appropriate to their proper Regions, though some there are that are common to America and the other Countries on this side. And there∣fore either the Flood was not universal, or new Creations of Animals proper to America hapned there after the Flood.

I answer to these difficulties: The Author of the Book called Praeadamitae hath set down certain Suppositions, which though they salve the diffi∣culties, yet they cross the tenor of the Mosaical History, viz.

1. That Moses in the History of the Creation of Man doth not set down the Original of Mankind, but only the Original or common Parent of the Jewish Nation: that Adam was not the first Man that was created, but there were very many Ages of Men before him that peopled tho greater part of the World long before the Creation of Adam: And con∣sequently, though Adam was the common Parent of the Inhabitants of Palestine and many of the Countries adjacent, yet those that peopled the far greater part of the World, especially the Parts of America, were not descended from him.

2. That the Flood in Noah's time, though it drowned the Descendents from Adam and the Countries inhabited by them, namely, Palestine and some of the adjacent Countries, yet it was no Universal Deluge, but the far greater part of the World and the Inhabitants thereof were free from that Deluge; and consequently that Noah and his three Sons were not the Capita familiarum of the whole Earth, but only of those Families and Nations that were Inhabitants in Palestine and some of the adjacent Countries; and consequently that many of the Countries of Europe, Asia and Africa, and the entire Continent and Islands of America were not overwhelmed with this Deluge, though possibly they might have their particular Deluges, as hapned in Greece and Thessaly under Deucalion and Ogyges: and in favour of his Opinion alledgeth the long Computations of the Egyptians, Babylonians and Chineses; the vast Armies of Ninus, Se∣miramis, Zoroaster and others, and the great extent of their Monarchies suddenly after the Flood; which could not, as he supposeth, be so sud∣denly propagated from Noah and his three Sons: But especially insists upon the greatness of the Continent of America and the Islands thereof, the populousness and great store of Men and Animals, which could not be

in any tolerable probability transported from Countries divided by such great Seas from it.

And likewise he insists upon the Antiquity of the Egyptian Compu∣tations, and upon that fond Reason of the Egyptian Priest in Plato's Ti∣maeus, That Egppt is the most ancient of the habitable World, because neither subject to Total Inundations by reason it hath no Shoars, nor to Conflagration because of the Inundation of Nilus: That consequently Palestine and the Countries adjacent were only drowned, but the upper Asia from whence the Dove fetched his Olive-branch was never thereby totally overwhelmed. This is the principal Subject of his 4^th Book of what he calls his Systema Theologicum.

If there were no other fault in this Author, there is this one that renders him inexcusable; In that he in all places of his Book pretends to own and maintain the Truth and Sacred Authority of the Mosaical History, and seems to maintain some of his Tenets by Scriptural Suffrage, and yet substitutes such Assertions as any Man, and much more the Ingenious Author himself could not, cannot choose but see, that if they were true would necessarily not only weaken but overthrow the Authority and Infallibility of the Sacred Scriptures; at least where it seems to cross the Fabulous Traditions of the Egyptian and Babylonian Antiquity, to which Fables he gives more credit than to the Holy Scriptures, and submits the Authority of these to the Authority of those: and while Judas like he seems to kiss these Sacred Oracles, he perfidiously betrays their Authority, and draws their Truth as much as he can into suspicion. Such a Dis∣course had better become a plain professed Infidel, and is so much the worse, in that it is done slily, and by invidious Insinuations, sub Amici nomine: If he durst have spoken out, he would have told us roundly and plainly that the Eleven first Chapters of Genesis were but Fables; That Genesis 3.20. where Eve is said to be the Mother of all living; That Gen. 7.19, 20. where it is said, that all the high Hills that were under the whole Heavens were covered; That Gen. 7.23. where it is said, that every living substance was destroyed which was upon the face of the Ground, both Man and Cattel and Creeping things and the Fowls of the Heaven, and Noah only remained alive and those that were with him in the Ark; That Gen. 10.32. where it is said, that these were the Families of the Sons of Noah after their Generations in their Nations, and by these were the Nations divided on the Earth after the Flood; are not to be believed, and are but meer Fictions: This had become a Man of his Principles; but he durst not speak out.

I shall not in this place undertake a particular Answer of all that this Man hath said; it is besides my intention in this place to make so large an excursion, and many others have done it to my hand: only I may say thus much, That a Man that gives so much cred it to the Egyptian, Caldean, and Grecian prodigious Traditions, in derogation of that very Scripture which this Man in Complement at least seems to venerate, might have remembred, That the Tradition of the Universal Flood hath obtained in all places, even among the Americans themselves, and that the Race of Mankind was thereby destroyed, except some few that were preserved: That the most severe and observing Sect of the Philosophers, namely the Stoicks, have constantly held vicissitudes of Destructions of Mankind

by successive Deluges and Conflagrations, and a new Peopling of the World successively by the Power of God; That Aristotle himself insi∣nuates those great Vicissitudes, especially of Deluges in those Periodical great Winters which he supposeth to have hapned, and for the future to happen in this lower World. But of this hereafter.

And although this Author in his 8^th Chapter of his 4^th Book gives us a computation of a declivity of 600 Perches from the Fountain of Da∣nubius until its fall into the Pontus Euxinus, and supposeth the highest Mountains of Armenia, whereof Ararat where the Ark rested was the highest, doth not exceed the perpendicular height of one Mile above the plain of the Earth; and therefore that an excess of 15 Cubits above Ararat would not reach the Head of Danubius, or at least the upper Plains of the Upper Asia; yet he might have remembred, That though it were admitted, that usually the heights of most Mountains do not exceed a Mile in perpendicular height above their Basis, yet many Mountains are situate in the more elevated parts of the Earth, and have the advantage thereby of the height of their Basis: and possibly it will be found that the Basis of the Mountains of Armenia is situate in higher ground than the Fountain of Danubius or Euphrates. So that an excess of 15 Cubits above their height must in all probability cover the Plain of the Upper Asia.

Again, he might have remembred that Egypt, that from the Authority of the Fable of the Egyptian Priest is favoured by him with an immu∣nity from Inundation, lyes much lower than the Plains of Palestine, yea than the Superficies of the Red Sea it self: And therefore the Water (that naturally keeps its level, neither without a Miracle can lose it) which overflowed the whole Continent of Palestine, even to 15 Cubits above its highest Mountains, must of necessity overflow Egypt, which Aristotle by impregnable Evidences concludes to be one of the lowest Countries in the World, and the very Production and Accretion of the Slime of Nilus; so that if the Flood covered Palestine, nothing but a Miracle could protect Egypt from it.

The Author of the Dissertation De Aetate Mundi, cap. 12. though he reprehend the Praeadamitae, and confutes the extravagancy of their Opi∣nion, yet he seems to mince the Universality of the Flood: Nullum ita∣que relinquitur dubium, quin unum tantum fuerit diluvium, idque universale, cujus apud omnes penè gentes extat memoria: Verùm hîc minime probo eorum sententiam qui totum terrae globum it a aquis tectum fuisse existimant, ut nulla prorsus extaret ejus portio; ad hoc efficiendum multa debuissent concurrere mira∣cula. Cum enim universae orbis aquae non sufficiant ad obruendam tam altè terram, etiamsi omnia maria siccentur; debuissent vel plures aquae creari, vel dicendum cum aliquibus, istam aquarum molem ex aliis coeli orbibus decidisse, & demum finito diluvio ad sedes suas revolasse: Verùm hoc est piè nugari, Deus non facit miracula sine causa: Quid opus erat mergere terras ubi nec olim fuere homines, ac ne nunc quidem sunt? Stultum est putare ante diluvium adeò mul∣tiplicatum fuisse genius hominum, ut omnes terrae angulos pervaserit, &c. Ut verò diluvii inundationem ultra orbis habitati termines producamus, nulla jubet ratio, imo prorsus absurdum est dicere, ubi nulla hominum sedes, illic etiam viguisse effectus poenae solis hominibus inflictae.

This indeed salves the necessity of drowning America and the greatest

part of the New habitable World, when it extends the Flood no farther than there were Mankind inhabiting, and confines those Habitations possibly within the Circle of Syria and Mesopotamia. And so all the Brutes that possibly in their first Creation were produced sparsim through all the parts of the habitable World, as well in America as Asia or Europe, were safe and untouched; and all those Birds and Fowl that were within 40 or 50 Miles of the Circulus diluvii might easily preserve them∣selves by flight out of the extent of it; yea and the Brutes and Birds which were out of that supposed narrow extent of Syria and Mesopo∣tamia where the Flood prevailed, might easily refurnish the same Conti∣nent after the subsiding of the Flood, without the wonderful and diffi∣cult including of their kinds within the Ark for their preservation, which if this Supposition hold, seems a needless Institution and Miracle by the wise God. Gen. 7.1. Therefore, I confess, I am no way satisfied with this Gratification of that Author to the Prae-Adamitae.

For first, although I take this Flood to be somewhat more than Na∣tural, and a thing instituted by the Will of God, yet do I not esteem it a thing purely Supernatural or Miraculous, neither do I suppose those Waters created de novo, nor sent out of the Orbs of Heaven to drown the Earth: I do not think the Face of the Earth and Waters were altogether the same before the Universal Deluge, and after; but possibly the Face of the Earth was more even than now it is, the Seas possibly more dilate and extended, and not so deep as now; the Waters possibly more than now, and in those respects more capable of diffusion over the, dry Land. For though there be many great variations in process of time in the Sea and Land, yet it seems that ad plurimum the Seas grow deeper, and eat lower into the Earth, and consequently more dry Land is daily acquired, and the Seas grow narrower and deeper.

Now to deliver this Supposition of an Universal Deluge from those difficulties, and that necessity of multiplication of Miracles, which that Author hath substituted, we are to consider:

1. That we are not to make our estimate of the quantity of Waters meerly by the Superficies of the Sea, but by its vast depth, which in some places is unfathomable, and by those vast subterraneous Receptacles of Water which pour themselves out in several great Ebullitions and Marine Springs: Neither is it altogether improbable that the Waters of the Sea, naturally tending downward, and being of a fluid searching consistency, might in process of time have worked themselves even almost to the Center of the Earth, and there residing in great and vast quantities, and possibly have in a manner undermined much of the ap∣pearing Continent of the Earth: so that that which the Prophet speaketh may be true literally, Psal. 24.2. He hath founded it upon the Seas, and established it upon the Floods: So that there are greater Store-houses of Water than appear visible to the World. If we could suppose that the incumbent Superficies of the Earth should subside and press upon those Store-houses of Water within its bowels, it might afford a competent store to drown the Earth without a new Creation.

2. Again, we may easily compute that the quantity or extension of the Body of the Air, even that which is commonly called the Atmosphere, which at the lowest account extends seven Miles in height, might by

condensation into Water afford a competent store for the drowning of the World, and yet be again rarified into the same dimension and con∣sistence which before it obtained: for there is that vicinity of Nature between those two Elements, that we daily see considerable proportions of the one by condensation changed into the other.

3. When we consider those immense Inundations that are Annually, and with some constant equality occasioned by great Rains, as for In∣stance, in the River Nilus, which by the Annual Rains in Ethiopia is raised almost every Year twenty Cubits, and overflows a considerable part of Egypt yearly between the Months of June and October; and the like Inun∣dations yearly hapning by Periodical Showers in the great River of America called Orenoque, between May and September, whereby it riseth upright above 30 Foot; so that many of the Islands and Plains at other times inhabited, are 20 Foot yearly at that time under Water. And when we see that even the Ocean it self in its daily Tides, especially those that happen about the Equinoxes, caused, as the Copernicans say, by the Intersections of the Annual and Diurnal Motions of the Earth; we need not have recourse to a new Creation of Waters to perform this Office of the Divine Providence and Justice; He might by a stronger elevation of Vapours, or by an extraordinary motion of the Seas perform his purpose; which though probably it might not at the same time drown Asia and America, yet by the successive peragration of these Wa∣ters they might drown the whole Earth, as the Inundation of Nilus by the Showers of Ethiopia make the Flood there a Month sooner than it happens in Egypt.

2. As to the Second Objection; I do confess it to be most true, that the Universal Deluge was a Judgment upon the Old World for their intolerable degeneration from their Duty to God: But I do not think that was the only Reason thereof; for the Infinite Power of God might have destroyed those Evil Men by a Pestilence as well as by a Flood, without detriment to the harmless Brutes or Birds: But as God Almighty is of Infinite Wisdom, so it is the high Prerogative of that Wisdom to have variety of Excellent Ends in the same Action. I do really think that this Universal Deluge was not only an act of his Vengeance upon Evil Men, but possibly an act of Goodness and Bounty to the very Con∣stitution of this Inferior World, though the particulars thereof be hid from us. And if as some would have it, it should be coextended only to the places that were then inhabited, and so the Flood particular, yet most certain it would be, even in such a particular Flood, many great Spots of Ground would be necessarily drowned where never any Men were, or inhabited.

3. And it seems it is too hastily concluded, That in the Period of 1656, or as the Septuagint, whom he follows, 2256 Years between the Creation and the Flood, that only Palestine, Syria or Mesopotamia were inhabited: For considering the longevity of Mens Lives in that Period, a small skill in Arithmetical Calculation will render the Number of coexisting Inhabitants of the Earth more than six times as many as would have hapned in 5000 Years, when Mens Ages were abridged to that ordinary dimension which now they have: and the strait bounds of Syria and Mesopotamia would not have held one fortieth part of the Inhabitants;

all Europe, Asia and Africa were not more than sufficient for them: So that as the World grew full of Sin, so it grew full of Men and Beasts, and stood in need of a Deluge to make room for its future Inhabitants.

And this is as much as I shall say in this place, for the Vindication of the Possibility and Reasonableness of the Universality of that Deluge recorded by Moses.

And if any shall doubt of the Capacity of the Ark of Noah for the Reception of Brutes, Birds, and the Family of Noah, with the necessary Provisions of Livelihood for them; let him but consult Mr. Poole's Synopsis, and he will find that which may reasonably satisfie him touching it.

And now I shall briefly consider the Method and Means and Manner of the Peopling of America, and storing that vast Countrey with Men and Beasts and Birds, so far forth as we may reasonably conjecture.

And herein I must confess that I only make an Abstract or brief Col∣lection of what hath been done to my hands by those that had better Opportunities and Abilities to do it; as namely, Grotius, Laetius, Breer∣wood, Hornius, Josephus Acosta, Mr. John Webb, Martinius and others, who have professedly written, De origine gentium Americanarum.

First therefore, I shall consider the Manner of Traduction of Men into America.

Secondly, The Manner of Traduction of Brutes into America.

Touching the Traduction of Mankind into America, I do suppose these things following:

1. That the Origination of the common Parents of the Humane Na∣ture hapned in some part of Asia.

2. That though the Origination of the common Parents of Mankind were in Asia, yet some of their Descendents did come into Ame∣rica.

3. That such Migration into America by the Descendents from Adam, was not only possibly, but fairly probable, notwithstanding all the ob∣jected Difficulties.

4. That the Migrations of the Descendents of Adam and Noah into America, was successive, and interpolated.

5. That although we cannot certainly define the Time or Manner of all these Migrations, yet many of them were long since, or, as we may reasonably conjecture, some Thousands of Years since; but yet after the Universal Deluge.

The Means of Transmigration of the Children or Descendents of Adam and Noah from Asia into America must be either by Land or by Sea, or by both; and if by Sea, then it must be designed, and ex proposito, or casually.

I think it probable it may be all of these ways, but especially by Sea.

Touching the Transmigration by Land, it seems very difficult, because though it may be possible that there may be some junctures between the North Continent of America and some part of Tartary, Russia, or Muscovy, yet none are known, unless the Frozen Seas in those Parts might be a means to transport Men thither; which is difficult to suppose, those Parts being unpassable by reason of the great Snows that happen so far Northward: though some have thought that Groenland is one Continent

with America, and that in its farthest North-east extent it is joyned to the Continent of Asia about Japan or Cathay; so that a Land-passage might be out of Asia into Groenland, and thence into America. But this is only conjectured, and not fully discovered to be so.

But however the Case now stands with the three known Parts of the World, in relation to its contiguity with the Continent of America; it is not impossible, but in that long tract of 4000 Years at least, which hath hapned since the Universal Deluge, there hath been great alterations in the situations of the Sea and Earth: possibly there might be anciently Necks of Land that maintained passage and communication by Land between the two Continents. Many Instances of this kind are remem∣bred by Pliny, not only of the great Atlantick Island mentioned by the Egyptian Priest in Plato's Timaeus, of a great bigness, almost contiguous to the Western parts of Spain and Africa, yet wholly swallowed up by that Ocean to which it hath given its Name of the Atlantick Ocean; which if true, might for ought we know afford a Passage from Africa to America by Land before that Submersion; but also many more In∣stances of the like Variations: thus he reports that Sicily was anciently divided from Italy, Cyprus from Syria, Euboea from Boetia. Vide Plin. l. 2. cap. 88, 89, 90, 91.

Strabo also in his first Book seems to referr the Straits or Apertures of the Euxin and Mediterranean Seas to the like separations made by the force of the Sea, and attributes those great Floods and Inundations to the ele∣vation and subsiding of the Moles terrestris, in these words; Restat ut causam adscribamus solo, sive quod mari subest, sive quod inundatur; potius tamen ei quod mari subest: hoc enim multo est mobilius, & quod ob humiditatem celerius mutari possit. Spiritus enim, hujusmodi omnium rerum causa, ibi est copiosior. Sed, sicuti dixi, causa horum efficiens accidentium est, quod eadem sola alias attolluntur, alias subsidunt: and he resembles the ordinary Elevations and Depressions whereby the ordinary Fluxes and Refluxes are made, to the Exspiration and Respiration of Animals; but those greater and extraor∣dinary Elevations and Depressions of the Earth to the greater Accidents; Nam diluvia, terraemotus, eruptiones flatuum, & tumores subiti terrae in mari latentis, mare quoque extollunt; subsidentésque in se eaedem terrae, faciunt ut mare dimittatur. And it is no new or feigned Observation, That as the Volcans in the Land, as Aetna and Vesuvius, raise up those great Protu∣berances which seem Natural Mountains; so the like Volcans or Fiery Eruptions happen sometimes in the Land subjected to the Sea, whereby great quantities of Earth together with Fire are thrown up, and grow into Islands. De quibus videsis Strabonem & Plinium in locis citatis. And if we may give credit to the Conjectures of Verstegan, the Countries of England and France were formerly conjoyned, and after separated by the Ir∣ruption of the Sea between Dover and Calais. And therefore, although it may be that at this day there is no Land-passage from this Elder World unto that of America, yet within the tract of 4000 Years such there might have been, whereby both Men and Beasts, especially from about Tartary or China might pass; or between Norway or Finland and the Northern part of the American Continent.

But we need not go so far from home, nor resort to the Ages of ancient times for the evincing the great Changes that have been between the

Sea and Lands, sometimes by tempestuous Winds, sometimes by Earth∣quakes, sometimes, and that most commonly, by the working of the Sea, by casting up Silt and Sand, and by exaggerations thereby wrought; elegantly described by Ovid, 15. Metamorph.

Vidi ego quod fuerat quondam solidissima tellus Esse fretum, vidi factas ex aequore terras; Et procul à pelago conchae jacuere marinae, Et vetus inventa est in montibus anchora summis. Quódque fuit campus, vallem decursus aquarum Fecit, & eluvie mons est deductus in aequor, Eque paludosa siccis humus aret arenis.

The Instances of latter Discoveries which make evident this various state of the Globe of Earth and Water, thus described by the Poet, are among others those that follow.

1. Some Towns that were anciently Havens and Ports where Ships did ride, are now by exaggeration of Sand between those Towns and the Sea, converted into firm Land 2, 3, 4 Miles distant from the Sea; such was S^t Omer in Flanders, Old Rumney in Kent, Rye in Suffolk: vide Mr. Dugdale his History of Draining, pag. 173. and the Authors there cited by him.

2. some whole Countries, as well as the Egyptian Delta, recovered to be dry Land, partly by the exaggeration of Sand by the Sea or the out∣falls of great Rivers; thus the whole Country of Holland seems to be an Accretion partly by the Sea, partly by the River Rhine. Dugdale ibid. p. 12.

3. Some great Continents and Tracts of Ground were anciently firm Land, and full of great Woods that could not have less time than 500 Years continuance, and yet were afterwards reduced again into the Dominion of the Ocean, and after all that re-reduced into firm Land; leaving the infallible Signatures of these several Changes, though the precise times thereof exceed the Memory of any Men alive; Instances whereof are as follow.

In the great Level near Thorny, several Trees of Oak and Firr, some severed from their Roots, others joyned to their Roots which stand in firm Earth below the Moor, and in all probability have lain there hun∣dreds of Years, till covered by the inundation of the fresh and salt Waters, and the Silt and Moorish Earth exaggerated upon them: and the like monuments of great Trees buried in great quantities in the Isle of Ax∣holm about 3 Foot, and some 5 Foot under ground, whereof there are multitudes; some Oaks of 5 Yards in compass, Firr-Trees of 30 Foot long. Vide Dugd. ubi supra, pag. 141, 171.

Mr. Ray in his Ingenious Observations upon his Travels in the Nether∣lands, &c. pag. 6. gives us the like account of great quantities of sub∣terraneous Woods, lying 10 and 20 Ells below the Superficies of the Ground, prostrate towards the East, which are supposed to be anciently thrown down by the irruption of the Sea and strong Western Winds, which yet now, and for all the time of the Memory of Man or History extant, are firm Land, namely, Bruges in Flanders.

But that one Instance is instar omnium, remembred by Mr. Dugdale, ubi supra, pag. 172, but of known and notorious truth; the Sceleton of a great Sea-fish above 20 Foot long found in the Downs or Uplands of Cammington in Huntingdonshire, very far distant from the Sea; which is an unquestionable Evidence that the Sea was sometime Master of that Tract of Ground.

4. Touching the Conchae marinae of several sorts, it is most unquestiona∣ble; I referr my self herein to the Relation of Mr. Ray, ubi supra, pag. 114. & seqq. wherein he gives us an account of these Petrified Shells found in great quantities within Continents at a vast distance from the Sea; and some Shells that are found in the Continent, which are strangers in the Ports of the Sea conterminous to those Continents.

There are two Opinions concerning the Origination of these Pe∣trified Shells; 1. Of those that have thought (and with great proba∣bility) that these were left in those places by the Sea, either by the Uni∣versal Deluge, or that really the Sea did possess those places where it left these Relicks and Memorials of it self upon its recess to a more setled Channel. And certainly if this be so, we must needs suppose anciently another Face of the Sea and Earth than what now is; possibly many of these Vallies and lower grounds might be entirely Sea, and the Hills and Mountains, and other Prominences of the Earth where these Petri∣fied Shells are often found, being the Shoars of that great Ocean in those elder times, those Shells were there cast up, as they are at this day upon the Shoars.

The second Opinion is of those that think that these Conchae or Petri∣fied Shells were no other than the Lusus naturae, the Effects of the Pla∣stick power of the Earth; 1. Because they are found at such great distances from the Sea: 2. Because they are many times of such a kind of Fabrick as are not to be found in those parts of the Sea that is con∣terminous to those Continents where they are found; some are found in the middle of Germany, 200 Miles distant from the Sea at the nearest; Scallop-shells are found in the Ditches of Antwerp, and yet they are rarely to be gotten on the Sea or Sea-shoar nearer than Gallicia in Spain: 3. Be∣cause these Shells are ordinarily filled with Stone suitable to the Stone of those places where they are found. These and the like Reasons, though not evidently concludent against the former Supposition, yet have in∣duced many Learned Men to attribute these Phaenomena to the Plastick power of the Earth.

For my own part, I have seen such apparent Evidences in and near the place where I live of things of this nature, that I am satisfied that many of them are but the Relicks of Fish-shells left by the Sea, and there in length of time actually Petrified; and the Instance of the great Fish-sceleton found at Cammington seems an undeniable Evidence thereof. And I remember in my youth, in the Lisne of a Rock at Kingscote in Glocester∣shire, I found at least a Bushel of Petrified Cockles actually distinct one from another, each near as big as my Fist: and at Adderly, mentioned by Mr. Cambden, about 40 or 50 Years since those Configurations of great Shells in Stones were frequently found, and for their curiosity, as many as could be found were taken up by several persons and carried away; since which time, for above 20 Years last past, there are none, or very

few found; which nevertheless if they had been the Product of the Plastick power of the Earth, would have been Annually re-produced.

And yet I do think that all these Petrifications are not always neces∣sarily the Monuments of the Sea possessing those places as its constant or usual Seat, but that many of those Shells arise de novo, not barely from the Plastick power of the Earth (as some Insects and Vegetables arise spontaneously) but from certain Seminal Ferments brought thither, which are as it were the Seminium, of their production. And these Seminal Ferments were first in the Sea and Sea-Waters, and might by many means by brought into those new parts of firm Land, 1. By the Universal Deluge; 2. By the various mutable stations of the Land, and fluxes of the Sea; 3. By elevation of those Seminal Ferments from the Sea or some desiccated places thereof, by the heat of the Sun, and discharging them by Rain upon several parts of the dry Land, and where possibly those Seminal Ferments might be digested and ripened gradually into these Configurations. But touching these kinds of Seminal Ferments, and their Energy, more will be said hereafter.

By this digression I mean but thus much, namely, That we can by no means reasonably suppose the Face, Figure, Position and Disposition of the Sea and dry Land to be the same anciently as now, but there might then be Sea where there is now dry Land, and dry Land where there is now Sea; and that there might have been in former times Necks of Land, whereby communication between the parts of the Earth, and mutual passage and re-passage for Men and Animals might have been, which in long process of time within a Period of 4000 Years may have been since altered: That those parts of Asia and America which are now dis-joyned by the interluency of the Sea, might have been formerly in some Age of the World contiguous to each other; and those Spots of Ground, namely, the Philippine Islands, and others that are now crum∣bled into small Islands, might anciently have been one entire Continent. And if in places that have been long inhabited, and observed by Men, these mutations have happened as are apparent to our very Senses, yet the precise Times, Manner and Circumstances thereof are wholly lost to us, as in divers parts of Europe is apparent: much more the like Changes may happen in those remote and vast Marine Tracts which have been long unknown and unobserved, and scarce possible to be observed by Mankind, as in the Scythian, Atlantick, Pacifick, and other Northern and Southern parts of the Seas.

Touching the Second Means, namely, the Passage by Sea; It seems very probable that the greatest and readiest means of the migration of Colonies or Plantations into the Western World from the Eastern, was by Sea, and the help of Navigation; whereof much might be casual, by Tempests or contrary Winds, but some and the more principal might be, ex instituto & industria.

Navigation, and the use of Ships is of that great Antiquity, that it is difficult to assign when it began to be in use.

It seems probable that it was not unknown to the Old World before the Flood, and yet not in that perfection that it was after, their Vessels being not reduced to that perfection as to endure a wide Sea, such as the Universal Deluge was, neither were they probably fitted with such Stores

as might be requisite for so long and unexpected a Navigation as the Flood lasted.

But the Ark of Noah was certainly a most exact piece of Architecture, and might give a Pattern or Instruction for Vessels of great burthen, and very probably since that time the skill of Making and Navigating of Ships was much ripened and improved.

If we consult the Heathenish Histories, we shall find Navigation very ancient among the Grecians, but especially among the Phenicians, Tyrians, and Carthaginians.

Polydore Virgil, de Inventione Rerum, l. 3. cap. 15. and before him, Pliny in his Natural History, lib. 5. cap. 57. gives us an Account of the several Inventors of the various forms and appendants of Shipping and Navi∣gation, but yet the thing it self they carry up to higher Memorials; the Navigation of the Argonauts to Colchis for the Golden Fleece, being one of the famous Epochae of the Grecian Computation, happened in about the 1100 Year after the Flood according to the Jewish Account; and above 200 Years before them Danaus sailed out of Egypt into Greece, Shipping being there in use long before.

That although we find not express mention of the Pyxis Nautica or Magnet for many Years after mention of the Use of Navigation, yet the same Author tells us that the Phenicians steered their Course by the Obser∣vation of the Stars.

But we have a better and ancienter Account of the use and frequency and antiquity of Navigation in the Sacred Scriptures: Jacob died about 600 Years after the Flood, mentions Ships and Havens for Shipping as things well known, and particularly Zidon, as a great Port of Shipping, where Zebulon's Lot was to be cast, Gen. 49.13. Balaam also in the time of Moses mentions the Ships of Chettim or Greece as a known thing, Numb. 24.24. again, in the Reign of Solomon, the Tyrians are taken notice of to be expert Sea-men; that Solomon had a Navy upon the Coast of the Red Sea, that from thence he with the Tyrians made long and great Voyages to Ophir and Tarshish (places, as it seems most probably, in the East India, not in Africa or America, as some have thought) and thence brought Gold and other Commodities once in three Years. 2 Chron. 8.18.9.21.

And how sedulous and industrious all Maritim Coasts were in ad∣vancing of Navigation, in multiplying of Shipping, in Merchandizing and Trading, in searching out and subduing Forein Countries, when either they were afflicted at home by War, or grew over-populous, the Histories of all succeeding Ages of the Grecians and Persians, of the Ty∣rians, Phenicians and Carthaginians, of the Romans and Egyptians, of the Seres or Chineses; and in later times, of the Venetians, Sicilians, Rhodians, Spanish, Dutch, French and English give us a large Account.

And therefore as later Years, have given us of this Age witness, of the Transplantations to America from Spain, France, Portugal, England, Scotland, Holland, and some Ages before that have given Instances of Transplantations from Norway into Groenland and Iceland; so it seems not only possible, but very probable, that either by Casualty and Tempest, or by Intention and Design, either out of lucre of Gold, or for disbur∣thening of the Countries surcharged with multitude of Inhabitants, or by greatness of Mind, affecting Noble Undertakings, or by reason of

Hardship, Oppression and Wars at home, or by some or all of these ways, several parts of this great Continent at several times have been planted with Inhabitants, which in process of time have multiplied into those many Nations, and have forgotten their Original, and the Manners, Religion or Customs of those People from whom they were derived in Europe, Asia, or Africa. And surely we have reason to believe that we of this Island are not Aborigines, but came hither by Migrations, Colo∣nies, or Plantations from other parts of the World; yet were it not for the help of Historical Monuments, we should have forgotten who inha∣bited this Island six or seven hundred Years ago: yea, and notwithstanding all these Historical helps, we have no Authentick Tradition that can give us any tolerable Account before the time of Julius Caesar, much less of the first Plantation of this Island: for as to the Story of Brute and his Company, we have but little evidence of the truth of it, and if it were never so true, yet it doth not prove it uninhabited before.

Now those Countries in Asia or Europe that with greatest probability first peopled America, seem to be 1. The British; 2. The Norwegians; 3. The Tartars or Scythians; 4. The Phenicians and Carthaginians; 5. The Chineses or Seri. I do not at all mention the late Migrations of the Spanish, French, Portugals, Dutch, English, or Scottish, but those of a more ancient Edition.

1. Touching the British Migration, recorded by D^r Powel, sub anno 1170, who tells us, That Madoc one of the Sons of Owen Gwenith went over twice into the Northern Coasts of America, and made there a British Plantation, who though in process of time much degenerated from their Nature, Language, Customs and Religion, yet retained some Monuments of all. This is at large prosecuted by Laetius in his second Observation, who gives us many Resemblances in some principal Words between the Language of them and the Cambro-Britains.

2. Touching the Migration of the Norwegians, Hugo Grotius hath made some considerable Observations, which though not altogether approved by Laetius, yet he willingly grants that Iceland, and some part of Groen∣land were visited and planted by Ericus Ruffus, sub anno Christi 982, and the Christian Religion there planted, and probably from thence Colonies were traduced into the Northern parts of America.

3. Touching the Migration of a considerable number of Tartars and Scythians into the North-east part of the Continent of America, over the Fretum Anian, Laetius seems to lay much stress upon it, partly in respect of the easiness and shortness of that Passage from Nova Zembla and the farthest North-east part of Tartary over that narrow Sea; and partly by reason of the congruity of the Barbarous Customs of the Americans and Scythians, and some other Indications of that kind.

4. Touching the Migration of the Phenicians and Carthaginians, espe∣cially into the South-east part of the Continent of America, as Mexico and Brasil, Hornius thinks it probable upon many accounts: 1. Upon the great skill and long practice of Navigation, and the multitude of Shipping of the Phenicians and Carthaginians. 2. Upon the Accommo∣dation of the part of Carthage and other African Ports bordering upon the Mediterranean Sea, to make their Voyages Westward, and the great ad∣vantage of the constant Easterly Wind, that makes the Voyage to Mexico

and Brasil more easie. 3. Upon some ancient Histories intimating the progress of the Phenician and Carthaginian Fleets into some Islands and Continents in or near the Atlantick Ocean. 4. From the Analogy of many Words, and Names of Places with the Carthaginian Language; all which, and much more to this purpose may be seen in the Book of George Horne, de Originibus Americanis. 5. And lastly, much of the Origination of the Americans seems to be attributable to the Migrations of the Seri or Sinenses from the Eastern parts of China and the Philippine Islands, from the Islands of Borneo, and the Molucca's, and Japan, through the Marc Pacificum into the Western part of the Continent of America; which though it be a large Ocean of above 2000 Leagues, between the Philip∣pine Islands and the West of the American Continent, and the passage thither difficult in respect of constant Easterly Winds between the Tro∣picks; yet many Reasons seem to induce a likelihood of Plantations from thence, 1. In respect of the Antiquity of the Peopling of China, which if we believe M^r Webb was the first peopled after the Universal Deluge; that the Ark there first rested upon that tract of Mountains that environ a great part of China; that Sem the Son of Noah first setled there; that it is the most Ancient and Primitive Language; that by means of the Antiquity and Setledness of this Monarchy, having continued in its entireness ever since the Universal Deluge, it is most probable that the Western Continent was peopled from thence. 2. Because they were the greatest Masters of Shipping, and best skilled in Navigation of any part of the World; that the Pixis Nautica was there known and used long before the knowledge thereof in Europe. 3. The many Islands on the South-east and South part of China, as Borneo, Java, Gilolo, Celebes and others near the Equator are dis-joyned but by very narrow Seas, not much broader than those between England and France, from the Neck of Land called Terra des Papos or Nova Guinea; and Nova Hollandia, which is now discovered to be at least in some parts disjoyned from the more Southern Continent by a great Sea, but thought to have been anciently part of the Southern Continent, and possibly so it may con∣tinue in some parts thereof.

Upon these and the like probabilities it may seem reasonable to con∣clude, 1. That the Americans had their Original from the Inhabitants of Europe, Asia and Africa, that transmigrated into that Continent either intentionally, or casually, or both. 2. That those Migrations were not of any one single Nation or People, but from many or divers Nations. 3. That these Migrations were not altogether, or at one time, but suc∣cessively in several Ages; some earlier, some later. 4. That therefore it is impossible to determin the Time or first Epocha of such Migrations, but only that they were all since the Universal Deluge, which is now above 4000 Years since: Some Migrations might be within two, three, or four hundred Years after the Flood, some later, according to various Accidents; but it is no way probable that the earliest Migration thither was less distant than 1000 Years from this time. 5. That if we should admit that the first Migration thither were above 2000 Years since, of an hundred Pairs they might easily propagate a number competent enough to people all that vast Continent. 6. That it seems that since the last of these ancient Migrations, suppose that of Madoc and his

Britons, until our late Migrations by the Spaniards, French, English, Dutch and Scotc••, there probably interceded an interval of at least four or five hundred Years, in all which interval the Commerce and Communi∣cation between Europe or Asia, and America, hath as it were slept, and been forgotten both by them and us. 7. That in that interval of 500 Years or thereabouts in all Parts, but in some Parts far greater, there must in all probability happen a great forgetfulness of their Original, a great degeneration from the Primitive Civility, Religion and Customs of those places from whence they were first derived; a ferine and ne∣cessitous kind of Life, a conversation with those that having been long there were faln into a more barbarous habit of Life and Manners, would easily assimilate at least the next Generation to Barbarism and Ferineness. It is true, where a Colony comes and keeps it self in a Body, as the Roman Colonies anciently, and our Plantations in Virginia and New England do, and the new Accessions incorporate and joyn them∣selves unto that Body, Customs both Religious and Civil, and the Original Language are long kept entire: But where the Accessions are but thin and sparing, and scattered among the Natives of the Country where they come, and are driven to conform themselves unto their Customs for their very subsistence, safety and entertainment, it falls out that the very first Planters do soon degenerate in their Habits, Customs and Religion; as a little Wine poured into a great vessel of Water loseth it self: But if they escape a total Assimulation to the Country where they thus are mingled, yet the next Generation in such a mixture is quickly assimulated to the corrupt Manners and Customs of the People among whom they are thus planted: So that it is no wonder, if in such kind of small Accessions successively from one and the same or seve∣ral Countries, the third Generation forget their Ancestors, and the Customs, Religion and Languages of those People from whom they were first derived, and assume various temperaments in their Language and Customs, according as the places of their Habitation and the Com∣pany among whom they live, obtain. And if any man consider but the strange contemperation and production of our English Language out of the combinations and mixtures of the Danish, Saxon, British, French, Dutch, and other Countries, he may easily perswade himself, that out of the Mixtures of People there may arise as great diversities of Language, Rites and Customs, as there may Temperaments of Qualities by the various combinations and mixtures of the prime Qualities, or varieties of Words by the various appositions of the 24 Letters in the Alphabet: and even these Customs and Languages subject to infinite successive alterations and variations, according to the variety of Forein Mix∣tures, Commerce, Victories, Wars, Credit and Opinion of Factions or Parties.

And thus far touching the Peopling of America with Mankind; I shall subjoyn something touching the storing of it with Brutes and Birds.

It seems in the original Creation of things that Vegetables and In∣sects, especially those that by their nature may sponte oriri, or by equi∣vocal Generation, had as large and universal production as the habitable parts of the Earth or dry Land; as Fishes, for the most part, had their

first created production as universal and sparsim, in the whole extent of the Seas or Waters.

But whether the primitive production of the more perfect Animals both Brutes and Birds, that have ever since had their production by univocal Generation, were diffusively created over the habitable or dry Ground as Vegetables were; or whether there were only certain Capita specierum perfectarum utriusque sexus, created in a certain determinate di∣strictus near to the place of the first Origination of Mankind, viz. in or near the Garden of Eden; and that the whole Progeny of such Brutes and Birds were propagated after successively through the whole World from these Capita specierum, seems an Inquiry of more difficulty to de∣termin.

Some Observations seem to favour the former Conjecture, especially considering that many Species of Brutes and Birds are as it were appro∣priate to their several Countries, as Elephants, Camels, Lions, and divers other Brutes; Parrots, Ostriches, and other Fowls which are not found in other Countries.

But especially the same Opinion is inferred from the Beasts and Birds which are found in America, which have not the like in the other parts of the World: Acosta in his 36^th Chap. of his 4^th Book saith, that besides the Beasts called Guanaco's and Paco's, there be a thousand different kinds of Birds and Beasts of Forest in America which have never been known neither in shape nor name in other parts of the World; whereof no mention is made, nor names given in Greek or Latin, or other Eastern Language of the World.

And in his 34^th Chapter of that Book he tells us, That though the Spaniards in their first Plantation found certain Beasts, Birds, and other things in America common to those of Europe, Asia and Africa; yet some Beasts and other things they brought thither which were unknown there, and for which they had no Names but what the Spaniards brought along with them. So that one of the best Indications which they had to know those Beasts which were originally brought with the Spaniards out of Europe in their first Plantation, was, in that the Indians had no other Names for such but Spanish Names.

And again, since America, as is generally supposed, is divided on every side from Asia, Africa and Europe by considerable Seas, and no known passage by Land, so that all the possibility there could be for traduction of the Brutes into America from the known World, could only be by Shipping: Though this might be, and certainly was a method used for the traduction of useful Cattel from hence thither, yet it is not credible that Bears, Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and Foxes should have so much care used for their transportation.

And upon the same account they seem to inferr, That the Beasts and Birds preserved by Noah in the Ark could only be such as were appro∣priated to Asia, but not those that were of the American kinds, for how should they come from thence to the Ark? Or if it be supposable that they could be brought thither, why did none of the kinds which are found commonly in America leave some of their Kind or Race here?

On the other side, it hath been the more received Opinion, That the Capita specierum perfectarum of perfect Terrestrial Animals and Birds

were created near unto the place of Adam's Creation, and that from these, and these only the Race of perfect Animals, Birds, and Brutes were propagated and traduced over the face of the whole Earth; and that the American Brood was traduced from these, and from those Couples of these that were preserved by Noah in the Ark: And that upon these Instances, whereof some are of Divine authority, others are Physical.

1. All the Beasts and Fowls were brought to Adam to give them their Names, Gen. 2.19, 20. which could not have been, if the several kinds of them in their first Creation had not been within some reasonable and approachable distance.

2. All the Beasts and Birds had their kinds preserved in the Ark, and the rest were drowned by the Universal Deluge. Gen. 7.23.

3. Although the Continent of America was in the first Spanish Plan∣tations thereof stored with wild Beasts, as Lions, Tigers, Bears, &c. yet those Islands that were remote from the Land, though large and fruitful, had not any of these Beasts then in them, as Cuba, Hispaniola, Jamaica, Margarita: this is verified by Acosta, upon a strict examination, Lib. 1. Cap. 21. & alibi, and the same hath been found true in other new discovered Islands by other Navigations: Whereby it appears that the Brutes were not Aborigines, for then they should have been found in those Islands as well as in the Continent, as well as Insects and Vegetables; and that therefore in the Continent it self, the first storing thereof was not from it self, but by some means of accession from other Parts, for otherwise they might have been found as well there as in the Continent.

The two great Obstacles are, 1. The difference of the Brutes and Birds of that Continent from those of Asia, Europe and Africa: 2. The difficulty of finding a commodious passage from Asia, Africa, or Europe for such Beasts and Birds from hence thither, admit they were all of the same kind. And touching both these I shall say something.

1. Touching the diversity of Brutes and Birds of this and the Western World; the difficulty from thence is but small, for there are divers Accidents even in the Eastern World, Europe, Asia, and Africa, that afford us Instances of that kind, though, excepting some Islands, it be one common Continent: I shall instance only in some Accidents of this kind: 1. This Variation may happen by Mixtures of several Species in Generation, which gives an anomalous Production, as we see ordinarily by the mixture of Pheasants and Hens, Chickens are produced partaking of both in colour and figure, which yet renders them different from both: And it is observed by many that the Cause of that great variety of Brutes in Africa is by reason of the meeting together of Brutes of several Species at Waters (which in those dry Countries are scarce) and the promiscuous couplings of Males and Females of several Species, whereby there arise a sort of Brutes that were not in the first Creation. This was long since observed by Aristotle, so that it grew a Proverb also, Semper aliquid novi Africa affert. De generat. Animal. lib. 2. cap. 5. and so continues to this day. 2. The Percolation, as I may call it, of Vegeta∣bles by Prosemination will alter their Nature, Colour and Shape, as Tulips, or Carnations rising from Seed will differ in Colour from what those were that yielded those Seeds. 3. Culture will improve Wild Flowers in bigness and beauty; and want of Culture will sometimes

make Vegetables degenerate. See for these Transmutations Sir Francis Bacon, in the 6^th Century of his Natural History. I have often observed, that River-Fish, as Trouts and Flounders, and others, will alter their figure, some for the better and some for the worse, being put into Ponds. Again in Animals; the Learned Doctor Harvey in the end of his last Book de Generatione Animalium, delivers an Opinion which at the first view seems wonderful strange, viz. That the Conformation of the Proles, both in Men and Brutes, to their several specifical Shapes and Configu∣rations, is by a certain specifical operative Idea in the Phantasie or Ima∣gination of Animals, fixed and radicated in them, and conformable to their several Species; and that monstrous or anomalous Productions are by some disturbance or discomposure of that specifical Idea, by some other inordinate Idea. And conformable hereunto seems the Opinion of Marcus Marci, in his learned Book de Ideis formatricibus. Whatever the truth of this Opinion be, it is not here properly examinable; yet it seems beyond question, that as to some external Signatures, as Colour, Shape, Fi∣gure, &c. the Phantasie or Imagination of the Females as well Animals as of Mankind, especially in momento conceptus and for some time after, hath a great Influence: Some there are that think that Jacob's change of the colour of Sheep and Goats by peeled Rods, Gen. 30.37. was partly at least upon a Physical account; and he that reads Fienus de Viribus Imaginationis, and Sir Francis Bacon in the latter end of his Natural Hi∣story, will find such Changes by the strength of Imagination as are very remarkable. It is probable, that in the great plenty of Birds and Fowls in uninhabited Woods of the Western World, even the several aspects of their Figure and Colour in their seasons of Copulation may make various Configurations and Colours in their Broods. 5. But that which is more to my purpose, and of greater evidence, is this; Variety of Soils and Climates makes admirable and almost specifical Variations even of the same Species of Vegetables, Animals and Men: In Vegetables, a fruit∣ful Soil or Climate improves in Beauty, Bigness and Virtue; a barren Soil or Climate impairs them: among Animals, the Indian Elephants are larger than the African; the English Mastiff degenerates in his cou∣rage and fierceness, at least in the first succession by generation, when brought into France; the Barbary Horse is of a finer Spirit and Make than the Flanders Horse, yet degenerates in a great measure in the first or second generation, when removed from Barbary. Nay let us look upon Men in several Climates, though in the same Continent, we shall see a strange variety among them in Colour, Figure, Stature, Complexion, Humor; and all arising from the difference of the Climate, though the Continent be but one, as to point of Access and mutual Intercourse and possibility of Intermigrations: The Ethiopian black, flat-nosed and crisp-haired; the Moors tawny; the Spaniards swarthy, little, haughty, deliberate; the French spritely, sudden; the Northern people large, fair-complexioned, strong, sinewy, couragious: nay we may see in more conterminous Climates, even in those of ours, great variety in the People thereof; the Up-lands in England yield strong, sinewy, hardy Men; the Marsh-lands, especially about Somersetshire, Men of large and high stature; the Welsh that inhabit the Mountains, commonly sharp-visaged. And there is no less difference in the Humors and Dispositions of People inhabiting several

Climates, than there is in their Statures and Complexions. And it is an evidence that this ariseth from the Climate, because long continuance in these various Climates assimilate those that are of a Forein extraction to the Complexions and Constitutions of the Natives after the succession of a few Generations.

And upon this account there may be great variety in the Colour, Fi∣gure and Make of divers Birds and Animals in America from those in the Eastern World, and yet both have the same original extraction; for there is no less variety in the Brutes and Birds of Africa from those of Europe or Asia, and yet nothing impedes their mutual commigrations, being the same Continent, though differing Climates.

And therefore although Acosta and others tell us of Brutes and Birds in America that are not found in Europe or Asia, it doth not at all enervate the Sacred History; it is possible there may be the like in Africa, or some Parts of Asia which yet Acosta never travelled. 2. But if not, they might arise by an anomalous Mixture of Species. 3. Possibly they may be of the same Species with the Primitives, but received some accidental Variations in process of time; as the various kinds of Dogs here in England, Mastiffs, Spaniels, Hounds, Greyhounds, &c. might in their Primitives be of one Species; the like may be said of various kinds of Apes, Baboons, Monkies; of Elks, Buffalo's, and Cows; the like of several sorts of Parrots, which primitively might be but one Species, and receive accidental Variations in process of generations, by some of the means above mentioned: and thus Crows, Daws, Rooks might be but a bastard kind of Raven; the Royston Crow and the Cornish Daw, though they have accidental differences from those among us, seem yet to be of the same kind with ours; and so possibly might the Sheep of Peru, called by Acosta Pacos and Guanacos, be primitively Sheep, but dif∣ferenced by their long abode in successive generations in Peru; the Auza's and Poulasses mentioned by Acosta, lib. 4. cap. 37. may be but a Species of Ravens, though by the Climate accidentally altered in bigness and shape.

These things I mention, that it may appear, That even in the same Continent, wherein a mutual transition may be without difficulty, yet the very Climate may as it were appropriate some Brutes to certain Coun∣tries, which yet might without any great difficulty be at first Creation of them contained within nearer bounds, and might upon the occasion of the Common Deluge be drawn together into the Ark, and afterwards by their wandring farther, and inuring themselves to a certain Continent or part thereof, be accidentally changed, and as it were appropriate to it: And also to shew, That Animals even of the same Original, Extraction and Species, be diversified by accustomable residence in one Climate, from what they are in another. Therefore possibly as little Consequence may be drawn against the common Original of the Capita specierum Animalium in Asia and America, as may be drawn from the diversity of some kind of Animals inhabiting in divers parts of Europe, Asia or Africa, which not∣withstanding is one common Continent. I do therefore conclude, That the variety of the Brutes and Birds in America from those in Asia, where the Ark was made, is no Argument against their Original from those that were preserved in the Ark: Because that it doth not yet appear,

that those that are now known in this World do differ any more than accidentally from those in the Western World, viz. either by the Couplings and Mixtures of Animals of several Species, or by reason of the Variety of the Climate, or Temperament thereof; which Variations might be acquired by a dispersion of them as well into America, as other parts of Europe, Africa or Asia, after the Universal Deluge.

As to the Second, namely, The difficulty of the first Migration of Brutes and Birds from Asia where the Capita specierum were first created, and after in the Ark preserved; I shall first deliver my self from the lesser difficulties of the Objection, and afterwards consider the greater.

1. It seems but little difficulty touching the translation of Birds from hence thither: for although without the supposition of Plato's Atlantis, or some number of smaller Islands in a convenient distance in the Atlantick Ocean, it is hardly possible to suppose that any Fowls could maintain a flight from Spain or Africa, cross the Atlantick Ocean into America; yet there are other Seas between some parts of Europe and Asia, and the Northern parts of America, where Fowls by flight might pass from hence thither, as the Fretum Anian, and the Sea bordering upon Norway and Finland.

2. As to the Water-Fowls, the difficulty is less, for they can and do supply the weariness of a long flight by taking Water, and infinite num∣bers of them are found in Islands far remote from any Continent, and even in the main Ocean.

3. As to Domestick-Fowl, as Hens, Geese, Turkies, &c. and tame Animals for use, delight, or food, as Horses, Dogs, Hogs, Sheep, Goats, Deer, Apes, Monkies, Peacocks, Parrots, &c. of which America is furnished; there is as little difficulty but they might be transported by shipping either for use or commerce, especially by the Africans, who had store of them; and even Peacocks and Apes were an ancient part of commerce, 2 Chron. 9.21. and Acosta, lib. 4. cap. 33. tells us that the Dogs and Cattel transported not much above 20 Years before his coming thither from Spain, were in that space so exceedingly multiplied in S^t Domingo and other Islands possessed by the Spaniards where there were none for∣merly, that they became wild, and filled all the Country, that they were forced to use what means they could for the destruction of the Dogs, and killed infinite numbers of Cows, meerly for their Skins.

4. The only difficulty that seems to remain, is touching those ferine, no∣xious, and untamable Beasts, as Lions, Tigers, Wolves, Bears, and Foxes with which that Continent abounds: for it is not probable that these should be transported by shipping; no Men would probably be at that charge and hazard with such Beasts that would do more harm than good: And although possibly the frozen Northern Seas might be a Bridge for their passage, yet that seems unlikely in respect of the great Snows that ac∣company such Frosts, and the impossibility of a supply of food in so great and troublesom a Journey: And as to Swimming, though it hath been observed that Bears have swimmed into Islands many Leagues from the Continent to prey upon Fowls, and to return again; and though the Seas between Tartary and Cathay and some parts of America be not so wide as the Atlantick or Pacifick Ocean, yet they are too large to afford a passage by Sea, especially for Tigers and Lions, which are not so apt to

take the Water. And it is not yet certainly discovered, though con∣jectured, that there is any Neck of Ground, or passage by Land from any part of Europe or Asia into any part of the Continent of Ame∣rica.

There remains therefore nothing that I can reasonably conjecture to accommodate the difficulty, but to suppose what I have formerly inti∣mated; That although it should be granted that there is now no such Land-passage extant, yet within the compass of 4000 Years elapsed since the Flood there have been some such Junctures or Land-passages between the Northern parts of Asia or Europe, and some Northern parts of the Con∣tinent of America, or between the South-east parts of China or the Phi∣lippine Islands, and the Southern Continent (though lately there be discovered an interposition of Sea between the Island del Fuogo and that Southern Continent) whereby either from Asia to Groenland in the North, or from China to Terra australis incognita on the South a Land-passage might be from Asia to America for Men and Brutes, though for some Ages past either by the violence of the Water, or by Floods or Earth∣quakes, which hath made great alterations in the Globe of the Earth and Seas, that Bridge or Line of Communication be now broken and obliterated. And truly he that observes the infinite company of Islands lying between the Continent of China and Nova Guinea, almost contiguous to each other, hath probable reason to believe that these were all formerly one Continent joyning China and Nova Guinea together, though now by the irruption of the Sea crumbled into many small Islands.

CAP. VIII. The Seventh Evidence of Fact proving the Origination of Man, namely, The Gradual Increase of Mankind.

I Come to the Seventh Evidence of Fact, which seems with much strength and clearness to evince the Origination of Mankind, and that within such a Period of Time as the Sacred Scriptures propound, namely, The Gradual Increase of Mankind upon the Earth.

And because I mean throughly to examin this Consideration, I shall propound to my Enquiry these ensuing Particulars.

1. Whether according to the ordinary course and procedure of Nature in the Generations of Mankind, there be not a gradual and considerable Increase of Mankind upon the face of the Earth, unless some collateral Emergency or Occurrence interrupt or correct that Increase.

2. What Correctives there may be supposed that may check and restrain that Increase of Mankind, that otherwise according to the ordi∣nary course of Nature would have obtained in the World.

3. Whether those Correctives or collateral Occurrences which have been, or may be supposed to have been in the World, have so far prevailed, as totally to stop that Increase of Mankind, which upon a Natural account, without the intervention of such Correctives would have obtained.

4. Whether notwithstanding all these Correctives of the Increase or Excesses of Generations, yet if still the numbers of Mankind have in∣creased, it be not a sufficient Argument to satisfie a reasonable Man that Mankind had an Inception, and that within such a period or compass of Duration as is not of a vast or prodigious Excess.

I shall begin with the first of these, and I shall suppose, and I think clearly evidence, That without the intervention of some accidental or collateral Corrective, Mankind must needs increase upon the Earth, and that the Generations and Productions of Men and Woman in an ordinary, regular and constant course of Nature, do very much exceed the Decays of Mankind by Natural course of Mortality, allowing into the Ac∣count those common Decays of Mankind by ordinary, usual and common Diseases incident to Individuals.

The Laws, especially of the Romans and others, have determined the Legal Ages of Matrimonial Conjunction of a Man to be 14, of a Wo∣man to be 12; Prudential Considerations have protracted it longer. Plato in his Third De Legibus allows and determins the Age of the Woman should be between 16 and 20, of the Man to be between 30 and 35: we will suppose the medium to be for the Man 26, for the Woman 20. Aristotle determins the extreme time for Generation in the Man to be 70, for the Woman 50; the medium to be 65 for the former, 45 for the latter: we will take a shorter medium for both, and suppose the extreme term for Procreation for Man to be 55, for the Woman to be 40 Years; upon this account the terminus or periodus procreativa to be 20 Years: And although within that Period there is a possibility of procreation of 20 Children, yet considering that all Pairs are not of that fertility, we will take the medium to be less than a third part, viz. 6.

And because upon a due Observation of the Sexes of Mankind, espe∣cially by such as have curiously observed the Registers and Calculations of Births and Burials, there is some, though not very considerable excess of Males above Females, viz. as 14 to 13, or in some places, as 16 to 15 (an evidence of the wise Providence of God, to bring the number of each Sex to so near a parity) yet allowing a redundance to the Males, to supply those many Casualties whereunto Males are subject by Wars, Navigations, and other Occurrences that more exhaust the numbers of Men than Woman. Therefore we will allow to Productions of five Couples, about 16 Males and 14 Females; which though not exactly an∣swering either of those proportions, yet comes near to them, namely, 16 Males to 14 Females.

And because partly through the weakness of Infancy, and those Dis∣eases that happen to Youth either by reason of intemperance, indis∣cretion, want of of care, and the ebullition and fermentation of Blood, more dye before 20 Years than between that age and 50, we will suppose, of those six Procreations only two attain to the state of future Nuptials and procreation of succeeding Generations; therefore we will allott only two of these six to attain to the state of Men and Women, and conse∣quently in an ordinary course of Nature live to the common age of Man∣kind.

And although the common age of Mankind, when they are passed the danger of Childhood and Youth, is 70 Years, yet because I would have

my Supposition as easie and general as may be, I shall allow 60 to be that ordinary Age, abating great Casualties and Epidemical Diseases.

And upon this account we may justly suppose these things; 1. That these two Children may be coexisting with their Parents for near 30 Years; for if the eldest be born at 27 Years of the age of the Father, and the other at 30 Years of his age, and live till the Father be 60 Years old, the youngest is 30 Years old at the extremity of his Father's age, which we suppose 60 Years: and 2. These two Children by Inter∣marriage may have likewise two, three, or more Children by that time the Father attains 60 Years: So that in the compass of about 34 Years the number of two, namely the Father and Mother, is increased to the number of eight, namely, the Father and Mother, their two Children, and four Grand-children; so that in 34 Years they become increased in a quadruple proportion, and all coexisting: and although by that time we suppose the Father and Mother dye, yet in the like Period of thirty four by a Geometrical Proportion their Increase is multiplied proportion∣nable to the Excess of their number above Two.

But if we shall suppose that the Technogonia began sooner, as at 17 or 18 Years, and continued longer, viz. until 65, and that the Ages of Mens Lives were protracted generally to 70 Years, the Increase would be very much greater.

And upon this account it is, that considering the long Lives of the Ancients shortly after the Flood, and the long continuance of their strength of Procreation, Petavius in his 9^th Book De doctrina Temporum; cap. 14. and before him, Temporarius in his Chronology gives us a plain Demonstration, That within the compass of 215 Years after the Flood the Sons of Noah and their Descendents might without a Miracle increase to prodigious and incredible multitudes. The number of coexisting Individuals is by one of these Authors with very clear evidence com∣puted to 1219133512, descended from one of the Sons of Noah. And therefore, that allowing the beginning of the Syrian Monarchy to have been about 153 Years after the Flood, it might shortly after the begin∣ning of Ninus his Empire, which is supposed to have been about 215 Years after the Flood, have grown to that greatness, that might easily render credible the mighty Cities that were built by him, and the great Armies that he raised, and the Battles that he fought, and vast Slaugh∣ters that he made and suffered; But if we should follow the Account of the Septuagint, which gives us a far greater Period of Time from the Flood to Abraham, the advantage of the Increase would be signally greater; although the common Account of the Jews render the Increase easily credible, without the help of a Miracle.

And because that there can be no greater evidence of this Truth of the Increase of Mankind than Experience and Observation, neither can there be any Observation or Experience of greater certainty, than the strict and vigilant Observance of the Calculations and Registers of the Bills of Births and Deaths; and because I do not know any one thing rendred clearer to the view, than this Gradual Increase of Mankind, by the curious and strict Observations of a little Pamphlet, entitled Observations upon the Bills of Mortality, lately printed, I shall not decline that light or evidence that this little Book affords in this matter; wherein he plainly evinceth,

1. That the number of Males to Females is regularly as 14 to 13, or as 16 to 15. Cap. 8.

2. That supposing the number of breeding Couples to be 48000, in about the space of 7 Years, in a healthy time, or in 8 Years, if there be Plagues, the great City of London, which is not so healthy as the Coun∣trey, will double, without the help of the access of Foreiners: and therefore Adam and Eve doubling themselves every 64 Years, would in the Period of 5610 Years, the supposed distance from the Creation of Man, produce a far greater number of Mankind than are now in the World. Cap. 11.

3. That in the Countrey, which is generally more healthy than London, upon a medium of Observation of 90 Years, there are five Births for four Burials, sometimes three to two, and seldom in any Year these Burials equalled or exceeded the Births; or if they did, yet the succeeding Years ballanced it to that proportion of 5 to 4; for in the space of 90 Years 1059 were Born in one Parish more than were Buried. Cap. 12.

4. That this Redundance did not much increase the place or Parish it self, because by transmigrations to London, to Forein Plantations, and other places of Trade, they disburthened the proportion of their in∣crease, and added to the greatness and amplitude of other places, especially London.

5. That considering the small excess of the number of Males above the number of Females, and considering the redundancy of the num∣ber of Males is only sufficient to make good that decay of Males above Females, by Wars and Navigation, and other Accidents more incident to Males than Females; there is very near a parity of Males and Females in the World, to keep it in a consonancy and congruity to the first institution of Matrimonial society between one Man and one Wo∣man.

6. That consequently Polygamy doth not in the general conduce to the Increase of Mankind, because the natural or ordinary proportion between the number of each is equal. But in as much as by reason of the great Consumption of Males among the Turks, by divers Accidents, especially that of their great Wars between them and the Persians, Tartars, Christians and Moors; whereby there is, or at least in some Ages was, a great redundance of the number of Woman above the number of Men: The use of Polygamy allowed among them, gives a greater increase of People than otherwise would be; because of the excess of the number of Women above the number of Men, by such Accidents.

These are some of those plain and evident Observations of the seemingly inconsiderable Pamphlets; which give a greater Demon∣stration of the Gradual Increase of Mankind upon the face of the Earth, than a hundred notional Arguments can either evince or confute, and therefore I think them worthy of being mentioned to this purpose.

Upon all which, and much more that might be said, it is evident, That according to the ordinary course of Nature, though those common and usual Accidents of common Sicknesses, ordinary Casualties, and common Events are incident to Humane Nature; the number of Man∣kind doth and must necessarily increase in the World, and the Natural Supplies of Mankind are greater, and more numerous than the Decays

thereof. I now therefore come to the Second Consideration, namely, The Examination of the extraordinary or more universal Correctives of the Multiplication of Mankind, which because it will be large, I shall allow unto it a distinct Chapter.

CAP. IX. Concerning those Correctives of the Excess of Mankind which may be thought to be sufficient to reduce it to a greater Equability.

I Come now to the Second premised Consideration and Inquiry, viz. Whether there may not be found some extraordinary Occurrences and Correctives, that may reduce that otherwise Natural and ordinary Increase of Mankind to an Equability: And I call them Extraordinary, not simply in respect of themselves, but in opposition to those daily and ordinary Casualties which happen to Humane Nature; and in respect of those great Distances and Periods, whether certain or casual, wherein they may be supposed to happen: And I shall improve this Objection against the Increase de facto of Mankind, with the greatest impartiality and advantage that may be.

It is certain that the Increase of Brutes, and other Animals which are perfect and univocally generated, is very great in the World: Aristotle, that inquisitive Searcher into Nature, in his 4^th Book of the History of Animals hath given us an Account touching most Animals, of the length of their Lives, times of their Breeding, intervals of their Birth; wherein though possibly there may be variation in several Climates, yet his Account may give a near estimate, proportionable also to other places.

For Instance, the Cow breeds in the second Year, brings forth the tenth Month; lives 15 or 20 Years: the Mare breeds the third Year, brings forth in the twelfth Month; lives 25, 30, and sometimes 40 Years; the Sheep and Goat bear in the second Year, bring forth in the beginning of the sixth Month, sometimes two, ordinarily but one; lives 10, 12, or 13 Years: Sows breed in the second Year, bring forth after four Months; their Young numerous: Bitches breed in the latter end of the first or beginning of the second Year, bring forth after threescore Days, or in the ninth Week; their Young many, 5, 6, or sometimes 12; they live 10 or 12, sometimes 15 or 20 Years: Wolves breed and bring forth as Dogs, only their number fewer, sometimes 2, sometimes 3, some∣times 4: the Doe brings forth after eight Months complete, but one, and sometimes two; and live long: the Fox breeds 4, the Cat 5 or 6; and lives 6 Years, many times more: the speedy and numerous increase of Mice is prodigious; Aristotle mentions 120 produced of one Female in a very little time; Pliny in his 11^th Book, Cap. 63. hath in effect transcribed Aristotle herein.

By this it appears, That the Natural Increase of these Animals is much greater than of Men, yet their numbers have not arrived to that great

excess, because those that are for food have their reduction by their ap∣plication for that purpose; those that are domestical, and not for food, as Cats and Dogs, are kept within compass by drowning or destroying their Young; and those that are noxious, as Wolves and Foxes, are reduced by that common destruction that Men pursue them with.

Touching Birds, their Increase seems to be much greater than of Men or Brutes, but they have those reductions that bring them to a fair equability, unless it be in those Islands and Rocks in the Sea unaccessible by Men, where Sea-Fowls breed. First, their number is reduced by Man for food: 2. For destruction, as in Birds that are noxious: 3. By the natural shortness of the Lives of many that are yet numerous breeders: 4. By the mutual destruction of the weaker by Birds of prey; whereof more particularly hereafter: 5. By the Winter cold, which starves very many, either for want of heat or food; and of this more here∣after.

Fishes are infinitely more numerous or increasing than Beasts or Birds, as appears by the numerous Spawn of any one Fish, though ordinarily they breed but once a Year; and if all these should come ro maturity, even the Ocean it self would have been long since over-stored with Fish. Now the Correctives and Reductions of these are very many. 1. Ari∣stotle observes in his 6^th de Historia Animalium, cap. 13. Those Eggs that are not sprinkled, aspergine seminis genitalis maris, prove unfruitful; a great part are devoured by the Male, and much more by other Fish: some of their Eggs are buried in the slime, and corrupted. 2. Many are taken by Men, and employed for food. 3. As among Birds and Beasts they are Beasts and Birds of prey, which are less numerous than others, so especially among Fish: And though the Wisdom of Providence hath given certain Expedients to Animals, especially Fishes of the weaker nature, to escape the voracious; as swiftness to some, smalness to others, whereby they escape to Shallows and Shoars unaccessible to the greater: and to those that are not able to move, or at least not to move swiftly, the protection of Shells; as Oysters, Escalops, Crabs, Lobsters and other Shell-fish; yet a very great number are devoured by the voracious kind. I do remember, that a Friend of mine having stored a very great Pond of 3 or 4 Acres of ground with Carps, Tench, and divers other Pond-fish, of a very great number, and only put in two very little small Pikes; at 7 Years end, upon the draught of his Pond, not one Fish was left, but the two Pikes grown to an excessive bigness, and all the rest, together with their millions of Fry devoured by those pair of Tyrants. 4. Birds also of prey, as Storks, Herons, Cormorants, and other Fowl of that kind destroy many both in the Sea, Rivers, Ponds and Lakes. 5. Extreme Frost, especially in Ponds and Lakes, make a great destruction of Fish, partly by freezing them, partly by the exclusion of the ambient Air, which insinuates it self into the Water, and is necessary for the preservation of the Lives of those watry Inhabitants. 6. By great Heats and Droughts, not only drying up Lakes, Ponds, and Rivers, but also tainting the Water with excessive heat; and though these two do not so much concern Sea-fish, who have more scope and room, yet they have a great influx upon Rivers, Ponds, and Lakes.

Again, to say something of Insects, whether aiery, terrestrial, or watry;

they seem to be more numerous than the common sorts of univocal Ani∣mals, who have an univocal production. For first, their first production is strangely numerous, out of Putrefaction and much Moisture, influenced by Heat. Hence Diodorus Siculus in his first Book tells us of the numerous productions of Mice after every Inundation of Nilus, sensibly and visibly growing out of the slime; Juxta, Thebaidem, cum Nili cessavit inundatio, calefaciente Sole limum ab aqua relictum, multis in locis ex terrae hiatu mul∣titudo Murium oritur: which Aristotle also observes, as frequent in other places, lib. 5. de Histor. Animal. cap. 37. Locis enim compluribus tam inaudito modo oriri solent, ut parum ex universo frumento relinquatur. And in my remembrance, after the drayning of the great Level in Northamptonshire, and other Shires, such an innumerable company of Mice did upon a sudden in the Summer time arise, as it were immediately out of the slimy Earth warmed by the Sun, that they were constrained to cut their Banks to drown the Lands, and so cure one Inundation with another.

The like numerous production of Frogs happens in some Years, which Aristotle in the first Section of his Problems, and Sir Francis Bacon out of him makes a Prognostick of a sickly Year; because such Productions are the effect of a great degree of Putrefaction in the Elementary Bodies. And we read, that in Norway there was not long since such innumera∣ble company of Field-Rats of a new Make produced, somewhat larger than Rats, that they threatned a general Consumption of all their Fruits, but by some extreme hard weather they were destroyed; yet so as the multitude of their Carcases produced a noysom Contagion in the Coun∣trey. And the like numerous production every Year gives us, though some Years more than others, of divers other kind of Insects, as Flies, Locusts, Worms, Caterpillars, and divers others, which in some Countries so abound, that they cover the face of the ground, especially in the parts of Africa: quod vide, in the 9^th Book of Leo his History of Africa, and those additions out of Paulus Orosius and Alvarez in confirmation thereof. 2. As this original spontaneous production is very numerous, so the multiplication of these Insects by their Eggs or Seeds is infinitely more; their Lives are short, some dye within the compass of one Summer, as the Silk-worm: yet a curious Observer of that Insect, namely Mal∣pighius, hath given us an account of the number of Eggs of one Silk∣worm in one Year to be above 500; though all possibly prove not fruit∣ful, yet preserved carefully from the injury of the Winter, many of them come to perfection the next Spring: And it is apparent that the Erucae, Caterpillars and Worms we see upon Hedges and Leaves, multiply their Seeds to a very great excess; and this is much more visible in the Spawn and production of Frogs, and also in the multiplication of Mice, the blowings of Flies, and almost all kind of Insects; though their Lives are shorter, yet their productions are more numerous and frequent in the short Period of their Lives, than the perfect Animals. So that if there should not be some Corrective of the excesses of their Productions, the whole Atmosphere, Earth and Waters would be crouded with their numbers: The contrary whereof is nevertheless apparent, for the mul∣titudes of one Summer are for the most part exhausted, and invisible by the next Spring.

The Correctives therefore of the numerous Excess of Insects seem to

be principally these: 1. The Industry of Mankind, in destruction of noxious Insects. 2. The Wise Providence hath placed a certain Antipathy between some Animals, and many Insects, whereby they delight in their destruction, though they use them not as food: As, the Peacock destroys Snakes and Adders; the Weasel, Mice and Rats; Spiders, Flies; and some sorts of Flies destroy Spiders. 3. The common sort of Insects are the ordinary food of divers Animals, as well Insects as others: The Spider and all sorts of small Birds, especially the Swallow, feed upon Flies; the Mole feeds upon Worms; Ducks and divers Water-fowl upon Frogs; the Cat and Owl upon Mice: and thus Insects become the prey of other Animals, which correct their excess. 4. As the hot and moist temperament of the Air and Earth produce and increase Insects, so that temperament of the Air, Earth, and Waters that seems most opposite to Putrefaction, either destroys many of the Individuals, or at least renders their numerous Eggs and Seeds unfruitful, and resists as well the ori∣ginal Production of them from Putrefaction, or abates the Prolifick power of their Eggs or Seeds. 5. Great Rains, and Showers, and In∣undation of Waters drowns oftentimes many sorts of Insects, and renders their Seeds and Eggs unprolifick, or destroys them. 6. But especially the Winter Cold, Frost and Snow do kill many Insects, and their Eggs and Seeds, and renders them unfruitful. The Cold and Winter season is a great Enemy not only to Insects, but to many sorts of Birds, Beasts and Fishes: and therefore Aristotle most truly observes in his 8^th Hist. Animalium, cap. 13, 14, 15, 16, &c. that to avoid the severity of the approaching Cold, many of them retire into the closest and warmest Caverns they can get; wherein some lye for many Months without the benefit of Food, and if they escape the severity of the Cold, they as it were revive the next Spring. For instance, Serpents hide themselves 4 Months, Swallows betake themselves all the Winter to low Vallies and Caverns, Tortoises close up themselves in Holes and Earth all the Winter, as is obvious to daily Experiences; Et Insecta penè omnia conduntur, praeter ea quae vitam in domiciliis cum hominibus agunt, quaeque prius intereunt quam omnino tempus excedunt. And therefore Bees keep themselves close in their Hives, ab ortu Vergiliarum, till the next Spring. And yet, though Nature hath given Insects this Sagacity to avoid the Winter Cold, yet they are not always successful in it, but the severity of the Winter finds them out, and destroys them: But as for their Seeds or Eggs, which in the pre∣cedent Summer are laid up and down upon Leaves, and in other places, they are for the most part destroyed by the Winter; except such as casually by the Wind or otherwise are dispersed, and lodged in safer Re∣ceptacles, and thereby survive the inclemency of the Winter, and yield a new Production or Increase the next Spring.

And thus we have seen the Methods and Correctives, that by the Divine disposition of these small and inconsiderable pieces of Nature are used; whereby at once there is a preservation of the Kind of those little Animals, and yet a prevention of that Excess and Redundance which would happen by their numerous Increase, to the detriment and surcharge of the inferior World.

In all this Consideration of the Reduction of Excesses and Increase of Animals and Insects, two things are observable in a special manner, namely;

1. That in the state of Animals and Insects, we may see something that is analogal to the state of the Elementary and mixed Inanimate Bodies; that there are some more active and vigorous Qualities, that seem continually to exercise a Sovereignty and Tyranny over the more passive and weak Natures, and prey upon them: Thus Heat, and also in some degree Cold, are always persecuting and foyning at the weaker and more unactive parts of Nature: So among Brutes, Birds, Fishes, Insects there is a continual invading and prevalence of the more powerful, active and lively, over the more weak, flegmatick, and unactive Crea∣tures; the Bear, Lion, Wolf, Dog, Fox, &c. pursue the Sheep, Oxen, Hare, Coney, &c. and prey upon them: the like is evident among Birds and Fishes, and generally Insects, being the weaker and more inconsi∣derable parts of Nature.

2. That the vicissitudes of Generation and Corruption are by a kind of standing Law in Nature fixed in things, and the Notions and Qua∣lities of Natural things are so ordered, to keep always that great Wheel in circulation; and therein the Accesses and Recesses of the Sun, the Influxes of the Heat thereof and of the other Heavenly Bodies, and the mutual and restless Agitation of those two great Engins in Nature, Heat and Cold, are the great Instruments of keeping on foot the Rotation and Circle of Generations and Corruptions, especially of Animals and Ve∣getables of all sorts.

3. That yet these Motions of Generations and Corruptions, and of the conducibles thereunto, are so wisely and admirably ordered and con∣temperated, and so continually managed and ordered by the wise Pro∣vidence of the Rector of all things, that things are kept in a certain due stay and equability: and though the Motions of Generations and Cor∣ruptions, and the Instruments and Engins thereof are in a continual course, neither the excess of Generations doth oppress and over-charge the World, nor the defect thereof, or prevalence of Corruptions doth put a Period to the Species of things, nor work a total Dissolution in Nature.

And upon this seemingly impertinent Diversion touching the Re∣ductions and Correctives of these inferior Animals, there may seem to be collected reasonably an analogical Inference of the like means of the Correctives of the Generations of Mankind; and that although in an ordinary course of Humane Productions the Increase surmounts the De∣cay, yet there may be reasonably supposed such Periodical Corrections as might fairly keep the state of Mankind in a mediocrity and equability, although it should be supposed the Generations of Mankind had been Eternal.

And although these Correctives may not happen every Day, or every Year in the ordinary course of things, and therefore may be called extra∣ordinary, because they are less ordinary than the common Casualties of Mankind, as Sickness or Accident that happens to this or that individual Person promiscuously; yet they are in truth no more extraordinary, than a cold Winter is extraordinary; which although it is not every Day, nor doth it happen every Year possibly in an equal Degree, yet it is no extraordinary thing in Nature, if it happens once in 5, or 10, or 20 Years.

Having therefore considered these Correctives in the inferior Animal Nature, I shall now search out what may be those Correctives, that may be applicable to the Reductions of the Generations of Mankind to an Equability, or at least to keep it within such bounds as may keep it from surcharging the World; whereby if in the Period of 2, or 3, or 4000 Years it may grow too luxuriant, yet it may in probability be so far abated, as may allow it an Increase of the like number of Years to attain its former proportion. So that by these Prunings there may be a consistency of the Numbers of Mankind, with an eternal succession of Individuals.

Those Reductions that may be supposed effectual for these Ends, and such as the course of Mankind seem to have had great Experiences of, are, 1. Plagues and Epidemical Diseases: 2. Famines: 3. Wars and Inter∣necions: 4. Floods and Inundations: 5. Conflagrations.

1. Concerning Plagues and Epidemical Diseases, the Histories of all times give us Accounts of the great Devastations that they have made in many places: and sometimes it hath been, it is true, only in some particular Regions or Cities, but at other times it hath been more uni∣versal; and although at the same time, in some Seasons, it hath not universally prevailed, yet it hath gradually and successively moved from place to place.

The ancient Plagues of former Ages in Forein Parts have been very terrible, and cut off multitudes of People: See a Collection of some of them by D^r Hakewill, lib. 2. sect. 3. as, namely, That Plague in Ethiopia, and also in most parts of the Roman Empire, in the Year of Christ 250; which continued 15 Years, and left not so many People in Alexandria as there were formerly aged Men: that under Justinian, in Constantinople, and the parts adjacent; wherein there dyed 10000 in a Day: that in Africa, whereby according to Procopius, in the Country of Numidia there dyed 800000 Persons: that in Greece, under Michael Duca; which so prevailed, that the living were not sufficient to bury the dead: and that in Italy, in the Year 1359, whereby there were not left ten of a thousand; this possibly may be the same mentioned by Walsingham, but referred to the Year of Christ 1349; that prevailed over the World, beginning in the Northern and Southern parts, that the living were not able to bury the dead: Existimabatur à pluribus, quod vix decima pars hominum fuisset relicta ad vitam: and presently after followed a great Murrain of Cattel; so that he concludes, Tanta ex his malis miseria secuta est, quod mundus ad pristinum statum redeundi nunquam postea habuit facultatem. Vide Lipsium de Constantia, lib. 2. cap. 23.

And if we look upon our own Country, besides those great Plagues that have been in a manner universal, there have been very many such in England; sometimes more general, sometimes more circumscribed to particular Cities or places: As that Plague in the North parts of England, mentioned by Walsingham in the beginning of R. 2. that in a manner depopulated those Parts: that mentioned by the same Author, Anno 7 H. 4. whereby there dyed in one Year 30000 in London (which was considerable then, considering the narrowness of the City in those days, comparatively to what it now is) besides the great desolation it made in the Country.

If we come to latter Years, both in England and in Forein Parts, the Observator of the Bills of Mortality before mentioned hath given us the best Account of the Number that late Plagues have swept away; for Instance,

In London,	Anno Dom. 1592,	of the Plague	11503
Anno Dom. 1593	10662
Anno Dom. 1603	30562
Anno Dom. 1625	35400
Anno Dom. 1636	10400
Anno Dom. 1665	68596

We have also Accounts of the great Devastations made by the Plague in late Years in Forein Parts:

In Amsterdam, between 1622 and 1664	84564
And in the Year 1664	24148
Anno 1637 at Prague	30000
Anno 1652 at Cracovia	37000
Anno 1656 at Naples	30000
Anno 1657 at Genoa	70000
Anno 1619 at Grand Cairo in 10 Weeks	73500

And Leo in his History of Africa, tells us, that the Pestilence is so hot sometimes in that City, that there dye 12000 almost every Day; and Pliny in 7. Nat. Hist. cap. 50. saith that the Southern Plagues happen most in the Winter, and move Westward, according to the course of the Sun; which some have observed also in the Northern, that it sometimes held a gradual Motion, and for the most part Westward; as in 1652 at Cracovia; 1653 at Dantzick; 1654 at Copenhagen; 1655 at Amsterdam, and other Towns in the Netherlands; 1656 at Naples and Rome; 1657 at Genoa. And I have somewhere read, that in Alexandria in Egypt the Plague is Anniversary, beginning with the Rising of Nilus, which is about the 17^th of June, and continueth rising 40 Days, sometimes 12, some∣times 15 Cubits, and in its greatest excess to 18 Cubits, and as many Days decreaseth; so that the Plague lasteth 80 Days, and then perfectly ceaseth with the full Ebb of Nilus.

So that upon the account of Plagues, and extraordinary Epidemical Diseases, there seems to be a great Corrective of the Redundance and Increase of Mankind.

2. Let us a little take notice of Famines, which though they have not been of late times much observed, partly because of the great In∣dustry of Mankind, improving and increasing the Fruits of the Earth; partly by those Supplies that have come by Sea to those Countries that are in want; but principally by the goodness of God, in lending the Children of Men seasonable Weather, and fruitful Seasons, and prosperous Influences: yet in former times they have been very grievous, and de∣stroyed multitudes of People.

Walsingham in the Life of E. 2. tells us of so severe a Famine in England, that they were enforced to eat Dogs and Horses, yea and stole Children and eat them; viz. 9 E. 2. And divers other Instances our own Histories give us of other great Famines in this and other Countries.

Ordinarily a Famine and a Plague anciently went together, or the former followed upon the heels of the Plague, by reason of some of these means: 1. Commonly the same distemperature of the Air that occa∣sioned the Plague, occasioned also the infertility or noxiousness of the Soil, whereby the Fruits of the Earth became either very small, or very unwholsom: As it happened in that Famine under E. 2. above mentioned, in so much that the Historian tells us, that Medicinales herbae, quae leva∣men languidis conferre solebant, per Veris intemperiem & Elementorum inae∣qualitatem, contra naturam effectae degeneres, virus pro virtute reddebant. 2. Commonly the Plague among Men was accompanied or followed with a Rot or Murrain among Cattel, whereby the flesh of Beasts was wanting, or noxious to those that used it. 3. Commonly by a great and general Mortality or Plague the Husbandmen and Labourers were so diminished, that there wanted People to gather in the Harvest, or Till the Ground, whereby there necessarily ensued a Famine: And oftentimes by a kind of necessity Famines were durable, the Stock being exhausted one Year, left little for the supply of Tillage, Husbandry, or Increase for the next.

And as Famine was anciently the Concomitant or Consequent of Plague, so both Plague and Famine, especially the latter, were the usual Consequents of War, which bring with it Devastation and Destruction, and a general intermission of that Husbandry and Care that should supply it.

The terrible Effects of Famine, and the great Consumption of Man∣kind that is occasioned, was principally 1. Of the Poor, who upon the bare increase of the Price of Victuals, and wanting wherewith to buy, must needs occasion their starving, or a tumultuous gaining it by force, where they could not get it; which was but a short and temporary Relief, and made more want after, by the spoil and disorder occasioned thereby. 2. Of numerous Armies, who being brought into places of want or scarcity without due Conduct or Provision, are oftentimes de∣stroyed in a Week, especially in close and long Sieges, as it happened in Samaria when besieged by the Assyrians, and Jerusalem when besieged by the Romans, wherein more dyed by the Famine than by the Sword.

So that Famines as well as Plagues seem to give a great Reduction to the Numbers of Mankind.

3. A few words may serve concerning Wars, which are so frequent, and bring so great a Desolation upon Mankind, that it seems to equal that allay of the Excesses of Brutes, Fishes, Birds, and Insects, by the other Beasts, Birds, or Fishes of prey; and the rather, because many if not all the considerable Parts of the World are some Years at it, though it may be some Ages free from Pestilences and Famines (other than such as are consequences of War) but in no Age nor Year of the World hath it been quiet from Wars, and those calamitous consequences thereof, at least in some considerable parts of the World.

It would be endless, and indeed Morally impossible, to give an Ac∣count of the Numbers of People and Armies that have been cut off by Wars, especially on the side of the Conquered. Some few Instances may give some kind of Estimate herein.

Diodorus Siculus in his third Book tells us, that Ninus in his Preparation

against the Bactrians gathered an Army of 1700000 Foot-men, 200000 Horse-men, 10600 Chariots: that Zoroastres his Army consisted of 400000, who in the first Conflict prevailed, and killed 40000, but were afterwards wholly destroyed; so that probably in that War there fell no less than 400000 Men: Darius Hystaspis in the Battel of Marathron, whi∣ther he came with an Army of 600000, lost in one Battel 200000: his Successor Xerxes went into Greece with an Army, according to some, consisting in the whole number of it and its Appendices, of five Millions, those that spake most sparingly, of above one Million; all which within the space of five Years were in effect wholly lost. Vide Lips. de Constant. lib. 2. cap. 21, 22, 24. Alexander destroyed the Army of Darius, consisting of a Million of Men, the greatest part whereof fell by the Sword: and Pliny in his 7^th Book of his Natural History, Cap. 15. tells us, that Julius Caesar, and his Armies in the time of His Command, killed 1192000 persons, besides those that he slew in the Civil Wars: And if by the Estimate of that one Man, we might make a Calculation of those that were slain by the Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, and Grecian Monarchies, by Cyrus, Darius, Astyages, Alexander and his succeeding Captains; by Marius, Sylla, Pompey, Vespasian, and the succeeding Roman Emperors; by Tamberlane and the Scythians; by the Goths, Vandals, Turks, Tartars, Mus∣covites, Persians, Moors, and Christians; by the Wars in this little Spot of England; by the late Wars in France, Spain, Germany; by the Spaniards in the West Indies, the numbers of Internecions and Slaughters would exceed all Arithmetical Calculation.

So that it should seem, there needed no other Reductive of the Num∣bers of Men to an Equability, than the Wars that have happened in the World.

And although Wars are in a great measure accidental, or at least proceed in a great measure from the Wills of Men, their Pride, Am∣bition, impatience of Injuries, affectation of Dominion, mutual Jealou∣sies and Fears of the Potency of each other, and oftentimes accidental Emergencies and Occurrences; yet it seems, that abstracting from all these Occasions, Wars seem to be in a manner a Natural Consequence of the over-plenitude and redundancy of the Number of Men in the World: And so by a kind of congruity and consequence, morally ne∣cessary when the World grows too full of Inhabitants, that there is not room one by another; or that the common Supplies which the World should afford to Mankind begin to be too few, too strait, or too narrow for the Numbers of Men; that natural propension of Self-love, and natu∣ral principle of Self-preservation will necessarily break out into Wars and Internecions, to make room for those that find themselves straitned or inconvenienced.

So that as when the Channel of a River is over-charged with Water more than it can deliver, it necessarily breaks over the Banks to make it self room; or when the very Brutes or Animals find themselves oppressed and straitned in their provisions and supplies, by the redundance of their numbers, one necessarily preys upon another, or destroys another to preserve it self: So Wars among Mankind are a kind of necessary Con∣sequence of Redundance of Mankind, and will by a kind of Natural necessity make it self room, and give it self ease by the destruction of

others, if it can get power and opportunity to do it: And consequently there seems to be no fear of the surcharge of the World with Mankind, because there is this natural and necessary Remedy at hand; the very Redundance it self of Mankind seeming by a natural consecution to yield and subminister this Remedy, for its Reduction and Equation. As in a redundance of Humors in the Body, the most lively and active do natu∣rally thrust out those that are weaker or noxious, to make room for themselves: or as Bees swarm to get new habitations, when they are so increased that their Hives will not hold them.

4. Concerning the Fourth, and also, inclusively the Fifth Corrective of the Excess of Mankind, namely, Inundations and Conflagrations.

Those that have been Observers of things in Nature and Histories of former times, have given us Instances of two kinds of Mutations in this Terrestrial Globe of Earth and Waters: some that are more ordinary, and of less moment, and of such various have been in the World; such are those mentioned especially by Pliny in his Natural History, lib. 2. cap. 85. & seqq. some places severed from the Continent by the interruption of the Sea; thus he tells us that Sicily was divided from Italy, Cyprus from Syria, Euboea from Boeotia, Atlantis and Macris from Euboea, Bosticum from Bythinia; and some have thought, though perhaps upon very small evidence, that England and France were sometimes one Continent, and divided by the interruption of the Sea; and Spain from Africa. Again, some Cities and Countries swallowed up by the Sea; as Pirrha and Antissa, Elis and Buta, half the City of Tyndaris in Sicily, and 30 Miles of the Island Cea, with a great destruction of Men and Cattel: some Countries wholly swallowed up and drowned in the Sea; as Acarnania, Achaia, part of Europe and Asia in Propontis: but above all, that great Island of Atlantis, supposed by Plato in his Timaeus to be greater than Lybia and Asia, swallowed up in the Atlantick Ocean, to which it gives its de∣nomination: but Plato is oftentimes so Poetical, that we can hardly tell where he means in earnest.

But on the other side, many times the Sea by a certain recompence makes new room for the Inhabitants of the World, sometimes by pro∣ducing notable Islands; thus the same Pliny tells us that Delos, Rhodes, Anaphe, Nea, Thera, and Teresia, Hiera, Automate, Thia were produced.

Again, the Sea hath deserted vast Tracts of Ground in divers places, and left them dry Land, as is related by Aristotle in the second of his Meteors, Cap. 14. and by Pliny in a great measure, out of him and Hero∣dotus. Thus considerable quantities of Land were left by the Sea at Ephesus, at Ambracia and other Parts; and that a very great part of Egypt, namely, that called Delta is but the accretion of Nilus, and was sometime covered with Water: and according to the conjecture of He∣rodotus, the Sea possessed Memphis and a great part of Egypt, to the Moun∣tains of Ethiopia. But these are but Conjectures of the Historian, of what might be in some thousand Years before he was born. Aristotle indeed supposeth, that the City Thebes and the adjacent Parts, were all that were habitable in Egypt in the time of Homer, because he makes no mention of Memphis.

But these smaller Vicissitudes, and mutual borrowings and payments between the Earth and Sea, are not those Mutations which so much

contribute to the Reduction of Mankind; partly, because they are gradual and give Men opportunity to escape; and partly because they are not such Devastations as may be pares huic negotio (unless we believe that wonderful swallowing up of the vast Island, or rather Continent of Atlantis,) and partly because the Sea, which commonly gives in one place what it takes in another, and so makes room for the Inhabitants of the World in compensation of what it takes.

2. Therefore I come to those greater supposed Correctives, namely, 1. Floods and Inundations: 2. Incendia, Burnings; and again, both, or either of those are also varied, according to the Opinions of some of the Ancients.

1. They are either such as were all at one time, and did wholly over∣whelm and confound this lower World: or 2. They are such as did not wholly dissolve the lower Word, or put a period to all things living therein.

Again, the former Opinion that held these Cataclysms and Empy∣roses universal, was such, as either held that it put a total Consummation unto things in this lower World, especially that of Conflagration: Or else such, as though it quite for the present confounded the Face of things, especially in this inferior World; yet it was but preparative to a new Formation of things, wherein all things would be put into better Order, till in process of time they again degenerate, and so were to receive another Purgation by Fire or Water, according to the fatal Vicissitudes to which the World is subject: And they suppose, that these successive unmaking and making again of the World (not unlike the Suppositions of Anaxagoras or Empedocles) were Eternal, and should eternally con∣tinue in this Vicissitude; that the last Destruction of the World was by Water, and that which is to succeed is by Fire: And this was for the most part the Opinion of the Stoicks, whereof Lipsius in his second Book de Physiologia Stoicorum, cap. 21, 22, &c. hath given us a large Account, out of Seneca especially, and others which are not necessary to be re∣peated; and the rather, because they do suppose that Mankind is neither Eternal nor Perpetual, according to the course of Natural Generation: For these mighty Concussions of Nature, especially that of the Univer∣sal Conflagration, puts an end to all the Race of Mankind and all living Bodies; though in the Redintegration of the World after these Destru∣ctions there is also a Re-production of Mankind, but not by the ordinary method of Propagation as now.

Again, as to those others that held also certain Periodical Cataclysms and Conflagrations, yet they held them not to be Universal, nor any Universal Dissolution or Destruction of the inferior World thereby; but they were such as were great and notable Devastations, sometimes in one part of the Earth, sometimes in another; either by certain Rotations, or at least in some places more than in other, acocrding to the accom∣modation or disaccommodation of them to such Calamities: As the Vallies and lower grounds were more subject to devastation by Floods, so the more Mountainous parts were more subject to the desolations by Fire and Conflagrations.

Plato, who seems very uncertain and unsetled in his Philosophy, seems yet to agree with this partial kind of exhausting the num∣bers

of Men and Brutes, by such partial Floods and Conflagrations.

In his third Book of Dialogues, de Legibus, he gives us an Account of various Methods of the Declinations of Civil Societies, and of those Laws and Customs, Arts and Sciences in several parts of the World: and again, how and by what degrees they have been repaired and reco∣vered; the means whereof he assigns not only to be Wars and Epide∣mical Diseases, but great Floods and Conflagrations, which, together with those of Aristotle relating thereunto, I shall transcribe out of the Latin Translation, because perchance more significant than the English, though not so significant as the Language wherein they wrote. And this I do intend to transcribe more largely, because they seem to contain the full declaration of the Instances of this nature.

He tells us therefore in the beginning of his third Book de Legibus; Multos hominun interitus ex diluviis, morbis, aliísque permultis, olim accidisse, ex quibus pauci homines superstites fuerunt. Again: Eos qui cladem tum evaserunt (scilicet ex diluviis) montanos quosdam pastores fuisse, in montium cacuminibus pauca semina ad propagandum genus humanum conservata: atqui necesse est eos aliarum artium fuisse expertes, campestres autem & maritimae urbes funditus illo tempore perierunt. Instrumenta igitur omnia, & quaecunque artium sive ad disciplinam civilem sive ad facultatem aliam pertinentium, ex∣tabant inventa, concidisse illis temporibus. And afterwards: Ex ea itaque devastatione magnam terribilémque humanis in rebus desolationem tunc accidisse arbitramur; fertilium agrorum magnitudinem desertam, caeterísque animalibus corruptis, vix boum caprarúmque genus, & illud quidem rarum relictum fuisse, quibus pascendis tunc homines vitam agebant; civitatis verò & disciplinae civilis & legum memoriam quidem nullam fuisse putamus. Tempore igitur progrediente, &c. genere hominum multiplicato, ad eum quem nunc videmus habitum provecta omnia sunt.

Again, the same Plato though in his Timaeus he gives us an Account of the Origination of Mankind, yet he supposeth that a vast Period in∣terceded between that Origination and the Age wherein he lived; and within the compass of that Period, that there happened very great and very many vicissitudes of Floods and Conflagrations in this inferior World, whereby the state of things here was variously altered, and the Numbers of Mankind and Animals corrected and reduced at several times to small proportions, only sufficient to replenish the World, until such time as its Excess and Increase received again a like Correction or Reduction, by the like Revolutions of Floods and Conflagrations, though still without a total destruction of the Species.

In this Book he gives us a personated Discourse between Solon and an Egyptian Priest, who after some discourse of the Antiquity of Athens, the Priest tells him; Vos Graeci semper pueri estis, nec quisquam è Graecia senex, quia juvenis semper vobis est animus, in quo nulla est ex vetustatis commemo∣ratione prisca opinio, nulla cana scientia: Nam quod apud vos fertur Phaetontem quondam Solis filium currus ascendisse paternos, nec patris aurigatione servata, exussisse terrena, ipsúmque flammis coelestibus conflagrasse; quamvis fabulosum videatur, verum quodammodo esse putandum est: Fit enim longo temporis inter∣vallo coelestis circuitus permutatio quaedam, quam inflammationis vastitas ne∣cessario sequitur: tunc hi qui edita incolunt loca magis pereunt quam mari fluviísque vicini. Nobis prorò Nilus cum in plerisque rebus nobis salutaris est,

tum hujusmodi à nobis arcet exitium. Quando verò Dii aquarum colluvione sordes terrarum diluunt, pastores ovium atque bubulci qui juga montium habitant, periculum illud evadunt; vestrae autem civitates in planitie sitae, impetu flumi∣num ad mare rapiuntur: Sed in nostra regione neque tunc, neque alias unquam aqua in agros supernè descendit; contra verò sursum è visceribus terrae scaturit: quamobrem antiquissimarum rerum apud nos monumenta servantur. Proinde, ubicunque nec imbrium tempestas nimia, nec incendium ingens contingit, licèt alias plures, alias pauciores, semper tamen homines sunt. Quaecunque verò sive à nostris, sive à vestris, sive aliis nationibus gesta sunt memoratu digna, modo ad aures nostrorum pervenerunt, nostris in templis descripta servantur. Apud vos quidem & alias gentes res gestae nuper literis monumentísque traduntur, sed certis temporum curriculis illuvies immensa coelitus omnia populatur; ideo qui succedunt, & literis & Musis orbati sunt: quo fit, ut quasi juvenes iterum sitis, & rudes, praeteritarum rerum omnium prorsus ignari. Nam & ea ipsa quae modo ex vestris historiis recensentur, à fabulis puerilibus parum distant; primò, quod unius tantum inundationis memineritis, cum multae praecesserint; deinde, quod genus majorum vestrorum in regione vestra clarissimum ignoretis: ex quo, tu, & Athenienses cateri nati estis, exiguo semine quondam publicae cladi superstite: quod propterea vos latuit, quia superstites illi eorúmque posteri, literarum usu multis seculis caruerunt. Then he tells him of the Building of Athens by the Goddess Athena, 9000 Years since, ex terra & Vulcano accipiens semina: the great Wars between them and the Inhabitants of the vast Island Atlantis, greater than Lybia and Asia: the swallowing up of that Island by an Earthquake, Jugíque unius diei & noctis illuvione. After∣wards Timaeus begins, and proceeds with his Narrative touching the Pro∣duction of the Universe, and therein particularly of Mankind, which I shall have occasion hereafter to mention.

Thus this great Master seems to countenance the Supposition of the vicissitudes of Conflagrations and Floods, especially of the latter, certis temporum curriculis; and thereby the excessive multiplication of Mankind corrected, and the vicissitudes of Arts and Laws interrupted, lost, re∣stored, and repaired: Only he supposeth Egypt free from those Floods and Conflagrations; though it seems necessary; that if Inundations prevailed in Greece and those upper Countries, Egypt, that seems to lye much lower, could not easily escape them, though they have no Rain that might occasion them. But the Priest mingles some strange and improbable Stories with his Supposition of those Vicissitudes.

Aristotle the Scholar of Plato differed much from his Master: 1. In his manner of writing, which was much more steady and severe than the Writings of Plato, who mingled Poetical Fancies with the things he delivered, and seems very uncertain and unresolved in most things of great importance. 2. In his Position; for Plato seems not to hold at least the Elementary World Eternal, though very Ancient: But Aristotle, following rather the Opinion of Ocellus Lucanus, and not being able to digest those many difficulties he found in the Hypotheses of the Inception of the World, supposeth it Eternal, and an eternal consistency in the state it now stands; but not without some partial, successive and periodical Changes in the Elementary World.

And therefore in this Supposition of the successive partial Floods or Inundations, and Conflagrations, whereby great Changes happen,

and a fair Corrective and Reduction of the Excess of Mankind, he much agrees with Plato. And he gives us a large and learned Account of his Judgment herein, Lib. 1. Meteor. cap. 14. in these Words; Eadem terrae loca neque semper fluida, neque semper arida sunt, sed pro fluminum ortu aut defectu, faciem mutant suam: Quamobrem diversitas inter Mare & Continen∣tem existit, nec perpetuo alia pro Continenti, alia pro Mari habentur; sed ubi terra aliquando patuit, mare superfunditur; & ubi nunc mare, terra exaggera∣batur. Suspicaríque debemus, haec omnia ita fieri ordine quodam & ambitu; horum autem principium causáque existit, quod interiores quoque telluris partes, perinde atque animantium plantarúmque corpora, juventutem atque senectutem habeant. Verum istis haec per partem subire nequaquam contingit, sed simul totum javenescat aut senescat necesse est: Terrae particulatim hoc idem ob frigus & calorem accidit; haec igitur accrescere simul ac decrescere propter Solis calo∣rem conversionémque assolent. Then he proceeds to shew, how that succes∣sively some parts of the Earth grow moorish or watrish, others dry, where it becomes barren; Fountains and Rivers decay, and sometimes break out in other places; that this makes Changes in the Sea and Land. At quia omnis quae circa terram fit generatio non nisi successione & tempore, respectu vitae nostrae quam longo, fieri solet, ista nobis haudquaquam adverten∣tibus fiunt. Atque prius universae gentes intereunt pereúntque, quàm horum mutatio ab initio ad finem usque memoriâ teneri queat: Maximas itaque celerrimásque clades praelia advehunt, alias morbi, nonnullas sterilitates; & hae quasdam statim magnas, quasdam lentas adeò, ut talium quoque gentium trans∣migrationes nos lateant, propterea quod alii regionem deserant, alii eo usque sustinent, quoad nullam amplius multitudinem alere regio queat. Inter primam igitur novissimámque loci derelictionem, tempora interveniant adeò longa par est, ut nemo meminisse possit; imò incolumibus etiamnum hisoe qui remanserint, longi temporis injuriâ oblivio irrepserit. Eodem autem modo latere existiman∣dum est quando primùm singuli populi, quae permutata essent & arida à palustri∣bus aquosísve facta, inhabitare coeperint. Then he gives Instance in Egypt; Etenim locus ille totáque regio, quae fluminis tantum invectu nata est, semper aridior fieri videtur: That all the Ostia Nili, except one, were made by Art, and not by the River: That anciently Egypt was no more but the City of Thebes; which he proves out of Homer; shews, that in the time of Troy that part of Greece inhabited by the Argivi was Marish, and had but few Inhabitants, but now become fruitful and populous: That part of Greece inhabited by the Miceni was fruitful and populous, now become barren. Quod igitur in isto loco, qui parvus, accidit, hoc idem etiam circa loca magna accidere censeamus oportet. That there is no cause to conceive the Sea less than formerly; for though some places sometimes covered with Water, are added to the Continent, yet in other places the Sea hath gained upon the Land. Attamen hujusce rei causa ad mundi gene∣rationem haudquaquam referenda; ridiculum enim foret ob parvas brevésque mutationes Universum moveri asserere. Porrò, Terrae moles atque magnitudo ad totum Coelum nihil profectò est. Verum horum omnium causam existimemus oportet, quod ut elapsis certis temporum spatiis, inter anni tempora hyems; ita magno quodam circuitu hyems magna, & imbrium excessu sieri solet: at hic non semper eisdem in locis efficitur, sed perinde ut vocatum dilivium quod tempore Dencalionis accidit; etenim hoc circa Graeciam maximè, & eam po∣tissimam partem quam antiquam Hellada vocitant, factum est, &c. Cum autem

necesse sit quandam mutationem esse Universi, non tamen ortum & interitum; siquidem ipsum maneat necesse est non semper eadem loca mari, aut amnibus humectari atque siccescere, quod reipsa quae fieri solet liquidò constat. And concludes, That Egypt, Cujus homines antiquissimos esse diximus, is nothing but a Production of the River Nilus, that is lower than the Red Sea; and therefore that Sesostris and Darius gave over that Attempt of cutting the Neck of Land between the Red Sea and Egypt, for fear of drowning that Country: That the Lake Moeotis is shallower, and not able to bear Ships of that burthen as it did 60 Years before, by reason of the Slime carried thither, which will in time dry it up: That Lakes grow by the exaggeration of Sand by the Sea, which Lakes in time grow dry: That Tanais or Nilus and all other Rivers were sometime dry Land, and did not run where now they do. At verò si amnes habent ortum & occasum, nec semper eadem terrae loca scatent aquis, ipsum quoque mare simili modo mutari oportet, quod cum assiduè alia deserat, alia invadat, patet universae terrae tractus eosdem hos Mare, illos Continentem non esse, sed tempore cuncta per∣mutari.

I have mentioned these places of these Masters of Learning and Reason the more at large, not only because they herein give the sharpest Objections against the necessity of a Temporary Beginning of Mankind, by applying these Suppositions as Correctives or Reductions of the excess of the Generation of Men and Animals; but also they do discover herein some things that are useful in this Inquiry: For Instance, 1. It appears hereby that the Inventions of Arts, Sciences, and Laws might be far more ancient than those times that Historians gave for their Invention: for they might be in other Places or Ages, and either by a successive rotation brought from one place to another; or if they were lost, yet succession of Ages might retrive new Discoveries of them again. 2. We have a plain detection of the means whereby possibly the American People might have their deduction from the Europeans or Asiaticks; be∣cause it is not impossible but the Continents might be in some Ages or other contiguous, though now disjoyned by the mutations of the situations of Seas; though the certain times of those Changes are not transmitted by History to our Age. 3. That the ancient Histories of things, by Depopulations, Wars, Famines, Inundations, Transmi∣grations of People, and other Accidents may be lost in after Ages, which possibly in former Ages might be known, and some Monuments thereof than extant, which are now obliterated and forgotten.

Thus far concerning these Reductives by Inundations and Confla∣grations, out of the Princes of the Academical and Peripatetical Philo∣sophers: We shall find the like Suppositions frequently among the Stoicks, Seneca may be an Instance for all that Sect, only these vary from the former: for although they do with the former admit and instance in temporary and partial Inundations by Earthquakes and other Accidents, de quibus vide Senecam. l. 3. Nat. Quaest. de Terrae motu: yet these go farther, and suppose Universal Deluges and Conflagarations, which will quite alter the whole Frame of this lower World, and the whole Face thereof. See the Rhetorical Description thereof, Senec. in sine lib. 3. Nat. Quaest. Qua ratione inquis? Eadem qua conflagratio futura est; utrumque fit cum Deo visum ordiri meliora, vetera finire. Aqua & ignis terrenis dominatur; ex

his ortus, ex his interitus. And out of Berosus assigns the Times and Pe∣riods of these Universal Deluges and Conflagrations: Arsura enim terrena, quando omnia sidera quae nunc diversos agunt cursus in Cancrum con∣venerint, sic sub eodem posita vestigio ut recta linea exire per omnes omnium possit: Inundationem futuram cum eadem siderum turba in Capricornum conve∣nerit; illìc solstitium, hîc bruma confinitur. But yet he supposeth a Restitution of the World after these Destructions: Nec ea semper licentia undis erit, sed peracto exitio humani generis, extinctísque pariter feris in quarum homines ingenia transierant, iterum aquas terra sorbebit; natura pelagus stare, aut intra terminos furere coget, rejectus è nostris sedibus in sua secreta pelletur Oceanus, antiquus ordo revocabitur: omne ex integro animal generabitur, dabi∣túrque terris homo inscius scelerum, & melioribus auspiciis natus: sed illis quoque innocentia non durabit nisi dum novi sunt, citò nequitia subrepit; virtus diffi∣cilis inventu est, rectorem ducémque desiderat; etiam sine magistro vitia discuntur.

I shall spare mentioning any more to this purpose, though many more Instances may be given out of the Philosophers of all Sects, and Poets, as Ovid and others.

Only I shall subjoyn these two Inquiries, and so conclude this Ob∣jection.

1. Whence it is that these Ancients had these Conjectures touching these Floods and Conflagarations, so as to frame them into an Hypothesis either for the Castigation of the Excesses of Generation, as Aristotle and Plato; or to the total Dissolution thereof, as the Stoicks; and the means that wrought this Perswasion seem to be these:

1. The things that seem to prevail with the Academicks and Peripate∣ticks for these Partial Floods and Conflagrations, seem to be those dark and obscure Histories of the things of that nature which had twice before happened in Greece: Namely, for Floods, the Tradition of the Diluvium Ogygium, or Diluvium antiquius, which is supposed by Chronology to be under Ogyges King of Attica, about 1000 Years before the first Olympiad; about 248 Years before the Flood of Deucalion in Thessaly; about 532 after the General Flood in the time of Noah; and about the 2951 Year of the Julian Period, and of the World 2187, though there is some va∣riation among the Computations of Chronologers. This was a Partial Flood, as it seems, in Attica, part of Greece. 2. Diluvium Deucalionis, which was also Partial, and about 248 Years after the former, in the time of Cecrops first King of Athens, or as others, in the time of Cranaus his Son: This is that mentioned by Plato and Aristotle, that drowned a great part of Greece, only some saved by Deucalion by bringing them to the top of Parnassus: And out of the History of Moses touching the Uni∣versal Flood, and the History of Deucalion, Ovid made up his first Book, attracting in a great measure to the latter what was written of the former by Moses.

And for Conflagrations; they had two traditional Conflagrations in and near Greece, which might give some countenance to this Perswasion: namely, 1. That of Phaeton, Incendium Phaetontis, which seems not to be long after the Flood of Deucalion, though much of the Relation thereof, as the Grecians, and Ovid after them made, was a Poetical Fiction; yet it seems it had something of reality in it, as is observed by Plato, ubi supra.

2. Idae Incendium, which was no great business, but an Eruption of Fire out of the Hill Ida, as now in Etna: this was about 73 Years after the Flood of Deucalion.

2. As to the Stoicks, who held Universal Inundations and Confla∣grations, possibly they might have the former of these from the Traditio∣nal Relation of the Universal Flood of Noah, which Relation they be∣lieved, and upon that founded their Supposition of the like Inundations; being acquainted with the History of the Flood, but not with the Cove∣nant that God made never to bring a Flood again. 2. As to that of the Universal Conflagration of the World, it seems it was a known, ancient and received Tradition among the Jews before our Saviour's time, re∣inforced by him and his Disciples: This seems to be implied in that Pro∣phecy of Enoch, Jude 14. and by ancient Tradition, either from Noah or the ancient Jews this Perswasion might be Traditionally derived to the Gentiles, and believed by the Stoicks.

2. It appears by what hath been before transcribed, That these Philo∣sophers supposed those Inundations and Conflagrations to be at great distances of times, and yet to be in some sort Periodical, and with a kind of stated Revolutions. Plato supposeth his Floods to be certis tempo∣rum curriculis: Aristotle supposeth his Floods to be also Periodical, Haec omnia fieri ordine quodam & ambitu; and again, Magno quodam circuitu hyems magna & imbrium excessus fiunt, bearing some proportion to our Season of the Solar Year. Therefore it may be fit to consider what kind of Year this must be wherein this Hyems magna is supposed to happen.

Seneca as before hath given us out of Berosus some description of the Periods, namely, when all the Planets shall meet in one streight Line drawn from the Center of the Earth to the Tropick of Cancer, then the great Conflagration shall happen; and again, when they meet in the like position under the Tropick of Capricorn, then the Universal Deluge shall happen. So that these two Conjunctions divide that Annus magnus into two parts, and the Summer-Solstice thereof shall be for Conflagration, the Winter-Solstice for the Inundation, or that Magna hyems which Ari∣stotle hath assigned for his Periodical Inundations. But what is that Magnus annus wherein these Revolutions must happen, or what number of Solar Years it contains is uncertain, some assigning a Period that seems too short, some a Period of a wonderful length.

Censorinus, de Die Natali, cap. 10. speaking of this Magnus annus whereof Aristotle's Winter seems to make the Conclusion, gives us several Estimates of the same, some making them 2484 Years, others 5552 Years, others 10224 Years, others 100020, others 360000 Years, and others supposing it Infinite, and that such a Conjunction will never happen.

Macrobius in Somn. Scipionis, lib. 2. cap. 11. both describes and determins this Magnus annus to be when all the Heavenly Bodies shall return to the same position as they were in any time given, which he resolves to be 15000 Years, in which all the Heavenly Bodies shall be in the same position as they were 15000 Years before. So that if we should assign the Caput anni to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this Day and Year wherein I write, at the end of 15000 Years all the Heavenly Bodies will be in the same position that how they are; this he calls Annus mundanus.

Josephus, lib. 1. Antiquitat. cap. 4. in fine, determins that the Magnus annus

is 600 Years; and yet the Flood happened not till 1656 Years from the Creation; which according to the Supposition therefore of Aristotle should be the Magnus annus, and that Year the Winter-Solstice thereof.

Plato supposeth that the Magnus annus animarum is 12000 Years, for in that Period the Soul hath run through all the Spheres and Dances of the Gods and Daemons, and returns to its first Station; and the Annus magnus mundanus consists of three of those Periods, namely, 36000 Years, wherein the Soul of the World hath performed its great Circuit, or one Revolution of the eighth Sphere: vide Marsil. Ficin. prolog. in lib. 10. Platonis de Republica: and then not only all the Heavenly Bodies will be just in the same position in which they were 36000 Years before, but all Humane things will be in the same state as they were.

Alter erit tum Typhis, & altera quae vehet Argo Dilectos heroes; & erunt itidem altera bella, Ad Trojámque iterum magnus mittetur Achilles.

The Egyptians had their great Apocatastases; viz. 1. Apocatastasis die∣rum, which was 1461 Days: 2. Apocatastasis annorum aequabilium, which was 1461 Years: 3. Their Apocatastasis magna, consisting of 25 Apocata∣stases annorum, which amounted to 36525 equable Years; which was their Magnus annus canicularis, whereunto Manetho accommodates his fabulous Egyptian Dynasties.

There seems to be another Annus magnus, viz. the Motion of the ninth Sphere or Chrystallin Heaven, from West to East; which though some to make it agree with the Magnus annus Platonicus suppose to be 1 Degree every 100 Years, in all performing its Revolution in 36000 Years, according to the great Platonick Year; yet Alphonsus allows a greater number of Years to that Revolution, viz. 49000 Years: and others I think more. But I think that we shall not be able to fit the Seasons of this Year to the Magna hyems Aristotelica, or his Winter-quarter; because 1. We know not whether any of these, or any other that can be found, will suit with these Instances upon which it may be thought he grounds his Supposition; for the Incendium Phaetontis and the Flood of Deucalion happened very near one the other, as also the Incendium Idae: and be∣sides, if that Flood of Deucalion had faln within the Winter-quarter of any of these Anni magni, it would have had a longer Influence upon the World, and extended at least successively to all the several Parts thereof. For the Winter-quarter of the Magnus annus Platonicus, if it had any thing of proportion to our Seasons, must have been a fourth part of that Magnus annus; and then it had lasted above 8000 Years: But howsoever it must upon the lowest Account have lasted a thirty sixth part, viz. 1000 Years; and then the Effects thereof would certainly have been more permanent and extensive than to one or two Floods in Greece. 2. Again, could we know the extent of this Magnus annus, yet we can never find the Caput anni, when it begins, and consequently cannot possibly assign any probable Period for the Seasons of it; unless we shall fondly with Virgil suppose it began with the Birth of his Patron Pollio's Son,

Jam redit & virgo, redeunt Saturnia rgna.

Again, these must needs be meerly Conjectures, and can have no possible Evidence because meerly depending upon Fact and Experience: it is not possible that any Man, or any Age of Men can give us any Account of any one Revolution of this Magnus annus, which amounts to 36000 Years.

Therefore it seems difficult, and utterly uncertain to suppose those Inundations and Conflagrations to be Periodical in any proportion to any supposed time or duration.

And thus far touching the urging of this Expedient for the Reduction or Correction of the Excesses of the Generations of Men or Animals, by Periodical Floods or Conflagrations; which though the Generations of Men were supposed Eternal, might Regulate and Reduce their Num∣bers when beginning to be immoderate, as our annual Winters correct the excrescence of Insects, whose multiplication is far more excessive than that of Men, and would apppear so, if we had a perpetual Summer; yet are reduced to a mediocrity and due equability by the vicissitudes of Winter Cold and Rain.

CAP. X. The farther Examination of the precedent Objection.

I Have been the longer in the Explication and Inforcement of the for∣mer Objection, because as the necessary and sensible Multiplication of Mankind upon the face of the Earth by the ordinary course of Natural Generation, seems to be the most sensible Evidence of Fact against the Eternal Succession of Mankind; so the Reductives mentioned in the fore∣going Chapter seemed with most Evidence of Sense to weaken the Infe∣rence upon that Observation, and by the Supposition of those continual or interpolated Correctives to render the possibility of an eternal con∣sistence of Propagations of Men, yet without an over-charging of the World with a multitude inconsistent with its reception.

I shall now descend to the Examination of these supposed Correctives of the excess of the number of Mankind, and how far the same may be true; or if true, how far the same may be, or hath been effectual to that end.

Wherein, first I shall set down what is to be agreed touching the same, and wherein we differ from that Supposition of the efficacy, or available∣ness, or accommodation, or suitableness of these Reductives to the end proposed, namely, to the containing of the Generations of Mankind in such an equability and proportion as may be consistent with an Eternal Succession of them.

Touching the first of these things it must be agreed, 1. That there have been great Devastations and Decrements of Mankind by all or many of the Means mentioned in the former Chapter, namely, Plagues and Epi∣demical Diseases, Famines, and Sterilities of great parts of the World; Wars and Internecions, not only in Battels and Fights, but even in Per∣secutions

and Massacres, witness the great cruelty of the persecuting Emperours against the Christians, the cruelty of the Spaniards among the Indians, the violent bloodsheds of the Papists upon the Protestants, as the late and former Instances abundantly testifie: And also by Floods and Inundations, especially that Universal Deluge in the time of Noah, which probably did sweep away as great multitudes of Mankind as are now existing upon the Earth, considering what a Product might arise in the compass of 1656 Years, the interval between the Creation and the Flood upon the shortest Account, though the Septuagint render it much longer: and it is not easie to judge to what a Sum Mankind might arise to in such a Period, considering the great longevity of Man's Life in those times; only it is plain that it must needs arise to a greater proportion than thrice so long a Period would yield, when Mens Ages were reduced to less than a tenth part of the same longevity.

2. It is certain, that were it not for such Reductives as these above mentioned, though we should suppose that the Capita humani generis were only Noah and his three Sons, and that the Generations of Mankind began since the Universal Flood, yet the multitudes of Mankind would in this Period since the Flood have risen to such an excrescence, that according to the ordinary method of Propagation (though the Lives of Men were no longer than now they are) that the Earth would not have been able to have received its Inhabitants.

3. It is also therefore evident, that the most wise and glorious God hath used these Means above mentioned for most wise and excellent Ends. For it is the high Prerogative and Advantage of his infinite Wisdom, to bring about complicated and various excellent Ends in one and the same act of the dispensation of his Providence, by Plagues, Wars, Earthquakes and Floods (all which are at least permitted if not inflicted, but how∣soever most wisely and infallibly governed by him) he punisheth the Sins and Enormities of Mankind, and reduceth the World to such a due proportion as may be consistent with their convenience and reception in this Earth: And for this cause, while the World was but thin and empty of Inhabitants, the Ages of Mankind were longer, and more accommodated to the peopling of the World; and as the World grew by that means fuller, so their Lives were successively reduced to a shorter scantlet, till they came to that ordinary Age and time of Life which now they have, and for near 4000 Years have held.

4. Therefore also it must be granted, that the apparent Multiplication of Mankind upon the face of the Earth singly considered, is not any Demonstration or Apodictical Argument against the Eternity of Man∣kind: Since, as it is most evident, that there is a most wise and powerful God, who hath a care of the Inferior World as well as the Superior, and whose Providence (notwithstanding the contrary Sentiments of Aristotle) reacheth below the Moon, and governs the World with much more Accuracy and Wisdom than a Gardiner orders his Garden: I say, since the Regiment of the World, and especially of Mankind, is so actually under the Care, Wisdom, and Power of Almighty God, he that for near 6000 Years by those Methods of his Providence above mentioned hath kept the World of Mankind in a due proportion and equability, which otherwise would have grown too great for its reception; could have

interposed with the like Correctives for twenty thousand Years as well as six, and for a million or other interminate duration for the time past or to come; and so have prevented that enormous excrescence of Man∣kind, that in an infinite time or duration would have long since surchar∣ged the World; and upon a Supposition of a future Sempiternity would produce the same difficulty, without such interposition of the Divine Wis∣dom and Providence.

But all this while it must still be remembred, that this Supposition still takes in the Wisdom, Providence and Regiment of the glorious God; for without an intelligent Rector of the World, that ex intentione thus orders the Affairs of Mankind, these Reductives either barely, as accidental, or contingent, or periodical and necessary, were not equal nor competent Reductives of the Generations of Men, but would be too much or too little, or unseasonable in time, place, measure, or other Circumstances for such a Business, as shall be shewn.

We therefore are not enquiring what the wise and glorious God might or could do in order to the equable Reduction of the World, upon a Supposition of an Eternal Duration; but we are upon a Question of Fact indeed, namely, What he hath done, and whether upon the Supposition of all those Reductives instanced in the former Chapter, at least without the wise and intelligent Regiment of God, they have been, or well could be: considering the nature and course of things of that efficacy to cor∣rect the increase and excess of Mankind, that may render it competible with an Eternal Duration.

I therefore shall now come to the things I oppose, and they are these two; viz. 1. That these Means considered simply in themselves (without the Conduct and Guidance and Interposition of the mighty God) are in themselves incompetent and unsuitable to the Ends proposed: and 2. That de facto they have appeared to be so; and notwithstanding their admission, yet de facto the World hath in all Ages increased.

Touching the former of these, the Incompetency of these Expedients to the End proposed (considered singly in themselves) this will best appear by induction of particulars.

For Famines, they are de facto incompetent to these Ends: for 1. There was never yet known a Universal Famine, but the defects of one Country supplied by another, as Canaan was by Egypt. 2. It is ordinarily not sudden but gradual, and foreseen before felt in the extremity, which gives People opportunity of transmigrations. 3. Though the ordinary supplies fail, yet necessity makes Men ingenious and hardy, and if they have but Land∣room or Sea-room, they find some supplies for their hunger which they did not before think of or use; though it be otherwise in a close Siege, but that is but a narrow compass, and not of moment to be compared to the mul∣titudes abroad.

2. Plagues are indeed a sharp and speedy Visitation, yet it hath these Allays: 1. Many there are that are able to escape it by Flights, some by Physick, and some by their Age and Complexion. 2. It is not ordinarily of long continuance, the strength of the Disease seldom continuing longer than a Year. 3. Though the Desolation be terrible while it lasts, yet it rarely consumes one half of the Inhabitants. The late Compu∣tation of the Number of the Inhabitants, Men, Women and Children in

the City of London and the 16 and 10 Out-Parishes are estimated at 384000, and about six Millions in the whole Kingdom of England. 2. The greatest Plagues in our remembrance have not swept away above 100000 at most in London and the Suburbs: Indeed that before mentioned by Walsingham, which was in a manner Universal, and successively in several places of the World lasted about 15 Years, is said to be so great, that scarce a tenth part of People survived it; yet if it left a tenth part, sup∣pose in England, it left near a Million of People, which in a little time would and did recover and increase considerably, as shall be shewn. 4. Again, suppose the Devastation by Plagues greater than History gives us an Account, yet it is for the most part a Disease that reigns in some times and some places, it may fall in those places where the numbers are already too small, and need an Increase. And so taken singly by it self, is incompetent and unsuitable to the Excess, unless managed by the wise Conduct of Almighty God.

3. Touching Wars and Internecions. It is true, it hath been a great Consumption of Mankind, but yet it is not an equal Corrective of the Excess of Generations: 1. Though such have happened, and frequently, yet they seem against the nature and disposition of Mankind, ordinarily and in a course of Humane Constitution: Naturally Mankind is a sociable Creature, and more than Bees, as the Philosopher observes; and though sometimes Passions, Jealousies and Politick ends produce Wars, yet na∣turally Man is not a Creature of prey upon others, as Lions and Tigers are. 2. Ordinarily, though Wars are by one Kingdom or State upon another, yet they preserve their own Societies with increase under Forein Wars; and therefore Civil Wars as they are more destructive, so they are more rare, because they are more unnatural and destructive to that which Men usually are careful to preserve, namely, their own Societies. 3. It seems an improper and unsuitable Corrective, because Accident and the Wills of Men have so great an Influence in the production of Wars; whereby it may fall out that Wars may happen in those Ages, Times or Places, and consequently, Devastations upon them where or when they need not to correct. And though it be true, that a Plethory or Excess of Numbers of Men, sometimes by a kind of Natural or at least Moral Consequence cause Wars, yet we have hardly known any produced singly upon that Account; though it hath oftentimes occasioned Transmigrations, deductions of Colonies, and new Plantations; and the World hath been never yet so full, but a weaker or oppressed Party have sound room to retreat from the violence or insolence of their Oppres∣sors.

4. Touching Floods and Conflagrations. It is true that Almighty God as he manageth the forementioned Reductives by his Wisdom and Providence, so he hath done these especially in that Universal Deluge: But as they are instanced in by the Philosophers as Natural or Periodical Events whereby Mankind is reduced to an equability, we have no reason to believe them. Therefore I say, 1. That there doth not appear, either in History or in the Observation of Nature, any such Periodical Floods or Conflagrations; those that we have Relations of happened indeed near together, and in the same Country, viz. in Greece, had they been Periodical or Natural, probably either by a continued Circulation or Rotation, or

else by the interposition of some reasonable intervals, the like would have happened before in Persia or some Easterly parts of Asia, or since in Italy or Germany, or some other Western parts of the World, which we have not observed to be. And therefore this Supposition of the Hyems magna, whereby parts of the Earth should be successively drowned, seems to be only an Imagination, or at least it cannot be known with any tolerable certainty; in as much as the Periods are supposed to be vast, and not happening within any competent time to give us an Observation or Proof thereof. And therefore although we yearly see a reduction of the numerous increase of Insects, by the Winter Frost and Storms yearly happening; we have no warrant from thence to imagin that great Win∣ter that must make the like reduction of Men and Brutes; for every Year gives us Experience of the one, but never any Age gave us any reasonable Observation, upon which to build an Hypothesis of the like Perio∣dical Revolution of the other: and the same I say touching Conflagrations. Indeed there have been accidental and particular Instances of both, but not any Periodical Return or Revolutions thereof, quasi in quodam ambitu & circuitu naturali. 2. If such were supposed, yet unless they were very sudden, and very general, they would not be sufficient to make the Cor∣rection: Men would escape Floods by running up to Mountains and Hills, and though some might perish through improvidence, or though the suddenness of a Deluge, many would escape. 3. Natural and Periodi∣cal Floods or Conflagrations would not be sutable nor commensurate to the Increase, which depending either upon Accidents or the Wills of Men, would possibly be more in one place than in another: The Country of Palestine would be more peopled than the Sands and Desarts of Arabia, Egypt than the Mountains of Ethiopia; and fruitful Countries, or Countries open to Trade, and safe from Incursions and Invasions; more populous than barren Countries, or such as are out of the way of Trade, or subject to Inroads: But Natural and Periodical Floods or Conflagrations would probably keep some constant or ordinary Tract or Course, either from East to West, or from North to South; and possibly keeping in such a Climate or Latitude, possibly in another; whereby possibly these Plagues might be more fierce in those places or Continents where the World wants People, and less vehement in those places where there needs a Corrective for their excess: If these should be Universal, they would destroy the Race of Mankind; if Partial, they would be perchance weak and insignificant Reductives of the excess of Mankind.

When all therefore is done, though it be plain that these and the like Calamities are certain Reductives of the excess of Mankind, yet they are incompetent of themselves, and upon a bare Supposition of Natural or Accidental Effects. But it is true, as they are either brought and in∣flicted, or managed and governed by a most wise and intelligent Being, they are useful, and wisely applied to this End among others.

But in the whole management and conduct of these Events and Oc∣currences whereby Mankind hath been reduced and corrected, we shall observe very easily that Mankind hath still increased, and the World grown fuller, even to manifest Sense and Experience, which was the second thing I propose to be considered.

2. Therefore I do affirm, That notwithstanding all these Ordinary

and Extraordinary Occurrences that have afflicted Mankind, as shortness of Life, divers Casualties and common Diseases, loss of Men by Naviga∣tion, the Intemperance and Luxury of Mankind, the Weaknesses and destructive Sicknesses incident especially to Infancy, Childhood, and Youth, Abortions voluntary or accidental, and all those ordinary Casual∣ties incident to our nature. And notwithstanding also those great and vast Consumptions by Famine, by Pestilence, by strange and Epidemi∣cal Diseases, by Wars and Battels, Sea-fights, Internecions, Massacres and Persecutions, Earthquakes, Floods, Inundations, Conflagrations, or what other extraordinary or terrible and universal Accidents that have happened to Mankind in any or all the Ages past since the Flood of Noah; Mankind hath notwithstanding all these increased and grown fuller, the Generations of Mankind have exceeded their Decays.

And because this is an Assertion of Fact, it is impossible to be made out but by Instances of Fact.

And although it be impossible for any Man to give an Account of all the Nations of the World collectively, and so to make out the Fact; yet if the Instance can be made out in one or two Nations, whereof a true and clear Account may be given, it will be more than a common probability that the same may be concluded concerning the generality of Mankind.

And therefore I shall single out the Instances of two Nations, touching whom the clearest Account of their Original and Increase may be given, and such also as had as great an Experience of the severest of these Cor∣rectives, and possibly much greater than any determinate People or Nation in the World besides.

The first Instance I shall give is the Nation of the Jews, and I choose this People for my Instance, 1. Because their first Original, and the time wherein it began is most clearly, evidently, and unquestionably known, and the time wherein it was. 2. Because their several Increases and Abatements and Successions, with the several times thereof, even down to the last Dissolution of their City under Titus, is most clearly by a continued History plainly and authentically discovered. 3. Because by the strange and admirable Providence of God, even since the Dissolution of their State and Republick they have been to this day continued a sepa∣rated People from the rest of the World; notwithstanding their re∣markable dispersion among all Nations, among whom they have yet remained distinct as a signal Monument of the Divine Truth and Justice, and for what other secret ends and purposes, is best known to the Divine Wisdom. 4. Because this People hath been in all Ages exercised with as many Plagues and Slaughters and Devastations of all sorts, as ever any People under Heaven were. And 5. Because the particulars of these Devastations, and the several Times and Ages wherein they happened, and oftentimes the Numbers cut off thereby are Recorded by the several Authentical Histories of that People, which are extant to this day. And 6. Because their Increase even at this day, as in their several ante∣cedent Periods, is signal and evident to all the World. So that what is verified touching the Increase of that People, may in all congruity of Reason be assumed and determined much more touching any other People, and all the People in the World: since none had ever greater Instances

of Abatements or Correctives of the Excess of their Number than this People. Lastly, Because there can be no pretence that their decays or diminutions by those Occurrences were supplied by the accession and conjunction of others of other Nations to them: Since it was their Pri∣viledge in which they gloried, and which they strictly and religiously observed, To keep themselves separate and distinct from the rest of Mankind.

I shall not be scrupulous or curious in the Chronological niceties touching their several Periods, because in this and other Computations that I have used I do not aim at curious or precise Computations, but only to shew the Order and Series of Things for the discovery of what I intend; and therefore shall take the Account of Helvicus, as being plainest and readiest at hand for my purpose.

Isaac and Rebecca were the two next immediate Parents of all the Fa∣milies of Esau and the Edomites, and Jacob and the Israelites.

In the Year of the World 2108 were Jacob and Esau Born: I shall leave the Families of Esau, and carry down that of Jacob.

In the Year of the World 2238 Jacob goes down into Egypt, having then 70 Persons descended from him; which Increase was in the compass of about 130 Years after the Birth of Jacob, and about 70 Years after his Marriage with Leah. Gen. 46.27.

The Israelites increase in Egypt, yet not without a great destruction of them by their severe Bondage, and by the Slaughter of their Males. Exod. 1.

In the Year of the World 2453 the People of Israel came out of Egypt, which was about 215 Years after the going down of Jacob to Egypt.

In a short time after the Migration of the Israelites out of Egypt they were numbred, and the Number of their Males that were above 20 Years old then amounted to Six hundred and three thousand, five hundred and fifty, besides the Levites; from a Month old amounting to 22000. Numb. 1.46. and 2.32. and 3.39. and if we should take into the number of the Eleven Tribes Women, and Children under 20 Years old, we should reasonably have more than triple the number, viz. above two Millions.

From this time to the time of Phinehas we have no certain estimate of their Numbers, yet in this Interval they had very great Abatements and Diminutions, as will appear by these Instances.

That all this number of People above 20 Years old, except Joshua and Caleb, died in the compass of their 40 Years wandering in the Wilderness, Num. 26.65. yet some of them could not exceed 60 Years of age.

Of the Plague 34000 in the Wilderness, besides the Complices of Corah: Numb. 16.49. and 25.49. besides those that died of Fiery Ser∣pents. Numb. 21.

After the death of all that were before numbred, they were again numbred all except the Levites; and the Number of all the Males from 20 Years old and upwards, were Six hundred and one thousand, seven hundred and thirty: among these was the Land after divided by Joshua. Numb. 26.51, 53.

I do not remember any Numeration of the People from this time till the time of King David, and in that Interval that People suffered very great detriments.

1. By the Wars with the Canaanites under Joshua, wherein though they were victorious, yet it could not be without great loss of Men.

2. After this they endured in the time of the Judges great diminutions under the Kings of Mesopotamia, Canaan, the Midianites, the Philistims, the Ammonites, besides about 65000 Men slain in the Civil Wars with the Benjamites.

3. The Wars in the time of Saul, wherein though he was often victo∣rious, yet at last he suffered a great Slaughter by the Philistims.

4. The Wars of David, both with Foreiners and the Rebellious in his own Kingdom; wherein though he were victorious, yet those Victories could not be obtained without great Losses: In the Business of Absalom 40000 of the Israelites slain and lost in one Battel, 2 Sam. 18.7. in the latter end of the Reign of David, about the Year of the World 2925, which was 435 Years after the Numbring of the People by Moses and Eleazar, David again Numbers the People, and then the Account of the People of Israel was 800000 valiant Men that drew the Sword, and of Judah 500000 valiant Men, 2 Sam. 24.9. in all 1300000 fighting Men: and if we should take in Women, Children, and Aged, it is probable they were above five Millions.

So that in the space of 435 Years, notwithstanding all these Decre∣ments they were increased about three Millions.

The next Account of the Numbers of the Tribes of Judah and Ben∣jamin only under Jehosaphat, 2 Chron. 17.14. and though in the interval between David and Jehosaphat these two Tribes received considerable Allays by Wars, Plagues, and Famines, yet the Number of the mighty Men of valour of Benjamin was 380000, and of the Tribe of Judah 780000 mighty Men of valour. The Increase of Judah between that and David's Numeration was 280000 fighting Men; and therefore the Increase of Women, Children, and Aged not fit for War, must needs be much greater and more considerable; and yet this was in a Period only of those Years that intervened between David and Jehosaphat.

After this the ten Tribes were carried away Captives by Salmanasser, 2 Kings 17. and only Judah and Benjamin remained: so that now all our Account must run upon these two Tribes, the rest being carried away, and probably confounded and mingled among the Gentiles. And if we consider what Calamities these two Tribes endured by Wars and Capti∣vities from the time of Hezekiah until their deportation into Babylon, we may reasonably suppose that they had as great a Reduction as ordinarily could befall a People: Manasseh carried Captive to Babylon, which pro∣bably was the issue of some great Siege or Battel; Josiah slain in Battel by Pharaoh King of Egypt; Jerusalem taken by Nebuchadnezzar in the 8^th Year of Jehojachim, 2 Kings 24.12. again in the 9^th Year of Zedekiah the City again besieged, and after two Years Siege and great Famine and Slaughter, taken. Jer. 39.12.

These severe Administrations of War could not be without great Desolations, Slaughters and Mortalities, though their Number is not recorded.

The People were carried away Captive to Babylon in the Year of the World 3362 or thereabouts, which was about 437 Years after the Reign of David; seventy Years after the Captivity, viz. about the Year of

the World 3420, there was a Return of the Jews under Cyrus, which con∣tinued in Partial Remigrations for some time after.

The numbers of those that returned first with Ezra were 42360, Ezra 2.64. this seems to be the greatest number: there were other Remi∣grations in the time of Darius, and Artaxerxes, both in the 27^th Year, though the certain number be not mentioned. We will therefore take scope enough, and suppose them in all 100000 Persons, which is more than double to those that came up with Ezra.

These continued in a troubled condition from the time of the cessation of the Persian Monarchy until the time of Christ, and rarely without Wars, as the History of the Maccabees gives us an account; especially under Antiochus Epiphanes, who made great slaughter of them.

After that, Pompey by Arms took Jerusalem and subdued Syria in general, not without great bloodshed; and as they were naturally an unquiet People, so the Histories tell us that the Romans and their Governours exercised great severity and bloodshed among them.

And yet for all these Correctives and Decrements of this unquiet People, Josephus tells us, that Nero willing to take some Account and Estimate of them by their great convention and concourse in their Paschal Solemnity, found their number to be Seven and twenty hundred thousand Persons, Joseph. de Bello Judaico, l. 7. pag. 968. where Strangers might not be mingled with them in that Solemnity.

The Destruction of Jerusalem under Titus and Vespasian is supposed to be under the 66^th Year after the Birth of Christ, about the Year of the World 4006 which was about 586 Years after the Return under Cyrus: Josephus gives us an Account of those that were slain at the Siege of Jerusalem, viz. 110000, and Prisoners taken 90000, Joseph. lib. 7. cap. penult. besides the multitudes slain in Cyrene, Alexandria, and other places not easie to be remembred.

By which we may reasonably conclude, That in the Period of about 600 Years this Nation of the Jews increased to 27 times more than when they returned under Cyrus; for then we allow the number of them that returned to be 100000, but now they were increased to 2700000.

It is true, some of the Jews escaped this Slaughter and Captivity, suppose we the number of those that escaped were a Million of Jews, such I mean as held rigorously to their Jewish Law; for many became Christians, and left much of the Jewish strictness, and possibly mingled with other Nations.

But if we should now examin the multitude of the Jews in Europe, Asia and Africa, we shall find vast numbers of them in all the Trading Cities' and Countries except England, France, Spain, Portugal, Naples and Sicily, from whence they were formerly banished; yet even in those Countries from whence they have been banished, they are in great numbers, but yet under the disguise of other Names and Nations: But if all the Jews (I mean those descended from the Reduces captivitatis Babylonicae) which are in Germany, Bohemia, Poland, Lituania, Russia, Venice, Rome and other parts of Italy; in the Dominions of the Turks, Persia, Arabia, India, Africa, at Alexandria and other parts of Egypt, were collected into one Body, they would exceed in number any one of the greatest Nations of the World, and yield an irresistible Army, if they had Weapons and

Courage in any measure proportionable to their Wealth, Craft, Subtilty, and Numbers.

So that notwithstanding all the Abatements and Decrements they have had by Wars, Oppressions and Internecions, Plagues, Famines, and other Calamities, we find the Product of one Nation derived from only two Persons, Isaac and Rebecca, in the compass of about 5000 Years swoln into incredible numbers of Millions of Persons now existing, and known to be of that Linage and Descent, and still continuing unquestionably in that Distinction, besides those multitudes derived from the Line of Esau, and the ten Tribes, which are as it were lest and confounded, without any distinction among other Nations. And thus far of the first Instance, concerning the Multiplication of the Nation of the Jews.

The next Instance that I shall give shall be nearer home; the Kingdom of England: I shall not give any Instance touching it before the Con∣quest, because those times are dark, and besides, the Vicissitudes and Successions of various Nations in this Kingdom renders the discovery of the Progress of Generations of Men, or the Increases thereof, difficult; as Britons, Romans, Picts, Saxons, and Danes.

The ancient Inhabitants were the Britons, the Body of which People hath been in a great measure shut up and contained within the Country of Wales; but what by the transplanting of many of the Welsh into Eng∣land, and by transplanting of the English into Wales, it is not possible to say that all the Britons are confined to the Country of Wales, or that none but Britons are there: and therefore there can be no particular or evident Conclusion made touching their Increase or Multiplication. But I shall take a shorter Period or Compass of Time, namely, the last 600 Years or thereabouts since the Norman Conquest.

And although it may be true, that many Persons of Forein Countries have come into England and planted themselves here, so that the whole Increase of this Kingdom cannot be singly attributed to those that were either Natives, or such as came in with the Conquerour, but many Scotc••, Irish, Dutch, but especially French, either by Naturalizations or Transmigrations have increased the Inhabitants of this Island; yet con∣sidering that probably the Migrations of the English into Scotland, Holland, France and other Countries, have made amends for their Migrations hither: We may make a reasonable Conjecture, that the Descendents from those that inhabited this Kingdom in the time of the Conquerour, have increased exceedingly above what they were in that time.

And the Evidence thereof is this: King William the First, after his Victory over Herald, did in the 16^th Year of his Reign over England caule a Survey to be made of all the Cities, Towns, Mannors and in∣habited Lands in England, Northumberland, Cumberland, Durham and North-Wales.

This Survey was finished in the 20^th Year of his Reign, and the Book it self preserved to this Day among the Records of the Exchequer, not only a Transcript or Copy, but the very Original Book it self, and is called Doomsday: In this Book are entred the Names of the Mannors or inhabited Townships, Boroughs and Cities, and the Owner of them, the Number of Plough-Lands that each contains, and the Number of the Inhabitants upon them, under the several Names appropriate to those

Places: As for Instance, Ibi 12 Burgenses, 5 Villani, 5 Bordarii, 5 Na∣tivi, 5 Radiminches, 5 Cotterelli; and the like, according to the quality or condition of the Inhabitants: So that this Book in effect gives an Account not only of the Manurable Lands in every Mannor, Town, or Vill, but also of the Number and Natures of their several Inhabi∣tants.

To make a Calculation of the Number of Plough-Lands and Inhabi∣tants through all England, as they are recorded, and to make therewith a Comparison unto the present State and Number of Inhabitants at this Day throughout England, is a laborious piece of work, but it is not difficult to be done in any one County; I have tryed the Comparison in the County of Gloucester through some great Boroughs, as Gloucester it self, Thornbury, Tetbury and other places, and in effect through the whole County; and I do find,

1. That there are very many more Vills and Hamlets now than there were then, and very few Villages, Towns or Parishes then, which con∣tinue not to this Day; but now there are as many as then, and many more. The 5^th of March, 9 E. 2. there issued Writs to the Sheriffs of the several Counties, to return the Names of the several Vills and Land-Owners in their several Bayliwicks, which was accordingly done, and remains of Record in the Exchequer under the stile of Nomina Villarum; and the Sum of the Vills of Gloucestershire, together with the five Bo∣roughs of Gloucester, Bristol, Berkley, Dursly, and Newenham amounted to 234, which I take it are more than are in Doomsday, and yet not so many as are at this day; and those that continue to this day, are far more popu∣lous than they were at the taking of either of those Surveys.

2. That there is much more Tillage, and more Plough-Lands now than there were then; which happens by the reduction of many great Wasts and Commons into Tillage, or Meadow, or Pasture, which then were only Wasts, and therefore not particularly surveyed because of no con∣siderable Value, and not taken notice of in that Survey.

3. That the number of Inhabitants now are above twenty times more than they were at that time, as well in particular Towns, Boroughs, and Mannors, as in the general extent of the County; and yet that Survey, even as to the number and quality of those that resided in those Towns or Mannors, at least as Housholders, is very precise and particular: I have not yet made an exact particular Calculation of the Number re∣corded in that Book through the whole County, but I will give a few Instances of particular Towns, which may give an estimate touching the whole.

Gloucester is now a very great and populous City, formerly before the time of H. 8. a Borough: In the Survey of Doomsday it is surveyed distinct from the Bertun of Glouc': the gross of the Borough is surveyed together in the beginning of the County, but there are some other particular Burgages thereof mentioned under the Titles of particular Mens Pos∣sessions; as, Terra Rogeri de Lacy, Terra Elnuffi de Hesding, &c. The whole concretion of the City of Gloucester consists partly of what was the ancient Borough, partly of accessions from the Mannors or Villages adjacent, as Barton and some others: I shall therefore cast up the whole Number of all that were in Gloc' or Barton.

In the Survey of Gloucester there are reckoned 23 Burgages and Houses; 16 that were demolished for the building of the Castle, 14 that were wasted, and some that belonged to Osbertus Episcopus, not numbred, but yielded the yearly Rent of 10 Shillings; which according to the usual rate of the Houses in Gloucester at that time, which was at 5d or 6d a House, might produce 20 Houses, in toto,	73.
Besides these, there are surveyed under the Titles of several Owners of Lands sparsim through the Book, as under the Title Terra S. Dionysii, Ecclesia S. Martini, and others, according to my best Computation and Observation,	82.
Besides these under the Title of the Poffessions of St Peter of Glouc', there are reckoned up as many Burgenses as yielded the Abbot anciently the Rent of 19s and 5d, and 16 Salmons; but at that time 16 Salmons and 50s Rent, without any certain number of Burgesses; but if we allow 6d for a Burgess, we may suppose them to	100.
The Total	255.

The Mannor of Barton, or the Barton of Glouc', some part whereof hath been taken into the Suburbs of Glouc', was of two Owners; part was the King's Lands, part belonged to the Abbey of S^t Peters, but the whole number of the Housholders inhabiting the whole Barton, with its members, Tuffly, Barnwood, &c. were as followeth,

Villani	56
Bordarii	39
Servi	19
Molini	04
Liberi homines	10
In toto	128

And the Total of the whole Account of the City of Glouc', the Barton with its members; Brewere, Upton, Merwin, Barnwood, Tuffly, Norwent, amounted then only to

• 383.

And the single City of Gloucester within the Walls contains at this day near 1000 Houses and Housholds.

Again, the Borough and Mannor of Barclay, with the members thereof enumerated in Doomsday, viz. Alkington, Hinton, Cam, Gosington, Dersiloge, Cowly, Ewly, Nimsfield, Wotton, Simondshall, Kingscote, Beverscote, Oselword, Almondsbury, part of Cromhall, Harefell, Weston, Elberton, Cromale, Erling∣ham, Escelword are surveyed to contain in the whole to 590 Families, whereas at this time there are near 5000 Families in this Precinct; the Parish of Wotton yielding upon the point of 2000 Comunicants, and that of Dersilege above 500 at this day.

Again, Tetbury and the Hamlet of Upton belonging to it, the Survey of Doomsday gives us an Account of about 73 Families of all kinds be∣longing to it: But now I believe there are little less than 1500 Commu∣nicants in that Parish.

Sodbury: the Survey gives us an Account of about 46 Families of all sorts; they are now near twenty times so many.

Thornbury, with the Hamlets thereunto belonging: the Account of Doomsday is of 105 Families of all sores; there is now near six times so many.

Aderly, a little Village at the time of making of that Survey, consisting not of above 17 Families of all sorts; now above twice as many.

The like Instances might be produced, with the like evidence of very great Increases in the Towns of Cirencester, Minchin, Hampton, Teuxbury, Campden, Winchcomb, Avening, Westbury near Bristol, and generally through the whole County of Gloucester; which I do not without just reason suppose hath more than twenty times the Inhabitants which it had at the time of the coming in of William the First, which is not now above 604 Years since.

And if we should institute a later Comparison, viz. between the present time and the beginning of Queen Elizabeth, which is not above 112 Years since, and compare the numbers of Trained Souldiers then and now, the number of Subsidy-men then and now, they will easily give us an Account of a very great Increase and Multiplication of People within this Kingdom, even to admiration.

And let any man but consider the Increase of London within the com∣pass of 40 or 50 Years, we shall according to the Observations framed to my hands find, That the In-Parishes until the late Fire in that time have increased from 9 to 10, or a 10^th part; and that the 16 Out-Parishes have in that time increased from 7 to 12, and yet without any decrement or decay of the rest of the Kingdom.

By which, and infinite undeniable Instances that might be given, it is apparent, that within the compass of the last 600 Years this Kingdom hath increased mightily in its number of Native Inhabitants.

And yet it is most apparent, that it hath had as great Allays and Abate∣ments of the Multiplication of Mankind in it, as any Kingdom in the World. For Instance,

1. In respect of the nature of its Situation, which is all Maritim, and consists much in Navigation, which exhausts abundance of People by Diseases and Casualties at Sea.

2. It hath been as often visited with sore Pestilences, Epidemical Dis∣eases, and Mortality by reason thereof, as any Country: the experience of the last 60 Years gives us abundance of Instances thereof, and former Ages were as frequently visited in this kind as later.

3. Forein Wars, both at Sea and Land, have devoured great multitudes of our Inhabitants; as those formerly with Scotland, France, Spain, and lately with the Netherlands and French.

4. No Kingdom in Europe hath had greater Experience of Civil Wars, nor greater Consumption of Men thereby, than England hath had since the time of William the First: For not to instance in our Wars with the Welsh and Irish, let any man read but the Histories of the Wars here in England between King Stephen, and H. 1. and his Mother, King John and his Nobles, King H. 3. and the Nobility; between King E. 2. and the Earls of Lancaster and Mortimer; the Wars between the two Houses of York and Lancaster, and their Partizans, from the time of H. 4. unto the

beginning of H. 7. in one Battel between H. 6. and E. 4. killed of one side 30000; the Rebellions in the times of H. 7. and others the Kings and Queens that succeeded him, and the loss of many lives that happened by the suppression thereof; the late cruel Wars within these 30 Years last past in England; there cannot be Instances given in any one Kingdom of greater Abatements of the Increase, by Wars and Internecions, than may be given in England.

5. Let us also consider the vast Evacuations of Men that England hath had by Forein Assistances lent to Forein Kingdoms and States, by Volun∣teers and Auxiliaries; as, to Scotland in the late Queens time, to France, to the Netherlands, to Germany.

6. To these also add the vast numbers of Men that have transplanted themselves not only into France, Holland, and our neighbour Nations, but also to Virginia, Maryland, New England, Barbadoes, Bermudas, to Amboyna and other places in the East India, and lastly, into Jamaica; we shall find upon these and other Accounts, that England, hath had as great Corre∣ctives of the Excesses of their Generations within these last 600 Years, as any People in the World.

Add to these the great Famines and Pestilences which have happened within the compass of 600 Years, recorded in History, and obvious to our own Experience.

And therefore, if notwithstanding all these Correctives the number of Men have continually increased, and that in so vast and observable a degree above their decrease; we have as much reason to conclude a parity in the rest of Mankind: and possibly were we as well acquainted with the Concerns of other Kingdoms or States, especially of the Netherlands and France, the Instances of this Increase would he as much, and possibly more conspicuous than among us.

Upon the whole matter therefore I conclude, That as the Correctives instanced in the last Chapter are not in themselves likely to be sufficient and sutable to the Reduction of the Increase of Mankind to an Equability, especially in an infinite succession of Eternal Generations: So by plain Experience it is apparent and sensible, that de facto they have not done it in a finite limit of Ages; but Mankind have notwithstanding them increased every Age, and the multitude of them that are born and live, over-ballance the number of them that dye, communibus annis; or being taken upon a medium, though possibly some one Year gave the advantage of Number to the Descendents, yet it is not common nor ordinary, but more than two or three Years for one give the advantage of Number to them that are born and live.

CAP. XI. The Consequence and Illation upon the Premisses, against the Eternity of Mankind.

THe great Assertors of the Eternity of the World and of Mankind, have certainly gathered their Opinion principally from this, That they find that Mankind is propagated by ordinary course of Generation,

and this they see by Experience: And as they do so now, so they did a hundred or a thousand Years since, and as far as those Histories they credit give them account, it was so in those times, and in the times before them, as far as Tradition could instruct them. And although those various Occurrences of Wars, Pestilences, Migrations, Floods, Changes of Religion and Languages have obscured the Histories, Relations and Tra∣ditions of former times before those Histories that are extant; yet they think it becomes them, as reasonable Men, to believe that things have been always so as now they are; and that it were a fondness to suppose or believe things to be otherwise than they have appeared in the tract of all Times or Ages.

And upon the same ground that these Men assert the Eternity of the World, the Instance and Argument now produced of the plain and ex∣perienced Increase of the numbers of Men upon the face of the Earth, seems much more forcibly to conclude against that supposed Eternity of Mankind. For it is plain and evident to Sense, that the World grows every day fuller than formerly, notwithstanding all those Correctives and Reductives thereof: And we have reason to think it is so in all places, at least one with another, and in all Ages, and among all People as we find it in England for these 600 Years, or among the People of the Jews for above 2000 Years: For among these People, and in these Periods of Time there have been as many and as great Diminutions and Abatements as ever were in such Periods of Time: and yet though perchance in one Age they have diminished, yet they have not been so diminished, but that in the compass of four or five hundred Years their Increase above what they were before such Diminution, is upon a medium always exceeding their Decay.

And since we have reason to believe what we see, namely, the Excess of Generations above their Decays, we have reason to believe it was so always; and if it were so always, it is not possible the Generations of Mankind could be eternal.

For if we should suppose the Eternity of the World, an Increase of but one Man in the Period of Millions of Years would have filled more space than all the Earth or the Concave of Heaven could receive: For in as much as in a Duration that never had a Beginning there must needs be infinite Millions of Years, the Increase of one Man in every Million above what was before, must needs produce an infinite coexisting number, and an infinite moles of Mankind; much more if the Increase were in any measure proportionable to what our daily Experiences give us Instances of. Whereby we find, that although it be possible that several Families may be wholly extinct in a Kingdom in the Period of 5 or 600 Years, and though possibly in some one Age there may be a dimi∣nution of the People of a Kingdom from what they were in the Age before; yet in the succession of a very few Ages they again increase be∣yond the diminution, and neither successively decrease, nor hold an equality; which we may reasonably suppose to be the common condition of the World.

And as to that Supposition, That even upon a Natural account, when the World grows too full of Inhabitants, they must break the Bonds of Society and Peace, and so diminish each other by Internecions and

Wars. As Air compressed, or expanded beyond the measure of the Vessel containing it, breaks the Vessel wherein it is compressed to give it self room. I shall only say, that although the Pride and Ambition and In∣solence of neighbouring Princes or People, or the sense of too much Oppression and Hardship hath many times raised Wars, yet we never knew Wars to grow meerly upon the account of the Fulness of any Country: indeed that Plethory hath many times occasioned Emigrations, and Transplantations, and Navigation, and increase of Trade or Manu∣factures and other industrious Employments; but Wars have always grown upon other Occasions: though, as I before observe, the great, wise, and intellectual Governour of the World hath by his over-ruling Conduct of the Passions of Men, brought about ends for the convenience and benefit of Mankind in this respect also, as well as to punish their Excesses and Enormities.

CAP. XII. The Eighth Evidence of Fact proving the Origination of Mankind, namely, the Consent of Mankind.

I Come now to the Eighth and last Evidence of Fact, proving the Origination of Mankind, namely, The general Consent of Mankind in that Perswasion; wherein I shall pursue this Order:

First, to consider the more Popular or Vulgar Opinion of Nations in all or most Places and Ages of the World, agreeing in this Sentiment or Perswasion, and what may be reasonably concluded of the truth, or at least great probability of the truth of that Supposition of the Origination of Mankind, upon the Supposition of such a Consent. Secondly, to consider the more restrained Perswasion of the Learned and more consi∣derate sort of Men, that guided themselves in their Sentiments not barely upon Popular or Vulgar Opinions, but searched deeper into the Reasons and Evidences of things; namely, the learneder Tribe of Men, Physio∣logists and Philosophers: And then I shall also consider the several Sup∣positions of those that agreed in that Perswasion touching the several Manners and Methods of such Originations, and wherein their several Suppositions seem to be deficient, insufficient, or untrue.

First, touching the National or Popular Opinions touching the Ori∣gination of Mankind.

There hath prevailed among the generality of Mankind a common Perswasion, that Mankind had an Original ex non genitis; and those Nations that pretend to the greatest Antiquity, suppose themselves to be Terrigenae, or at least by some other Method than the ordinary course of Generation.

Kircherus in his Oedipus Aegyptiacus, Syntagm. 3. Cap. 1. out of Mai∣monides gives us an Account of the Zabei, descended from Cush, and inha∣biting the Coast of the Red Sea; that though they held the World eternal, yet supposed the first Man Adam to be begotten in the Moon, of a Father

and Mother, and from thence he came into this lower World, and was called Apostolus Lunae, and taught Men to worship the Moon: and for this he cites Maimonides, l. 3. cap. 29. though the late Translation mention nothing of his proceeding from the Moon, but of his coming out of India into Babel, and teaching Men the Worship of the Moon: this Fable the Rabbi confutes. Diodorus Siculus gives us an Account of the Opinion of the Egyptians, lib. 1. cap. 2. who though they pretend a vast number of Years to have passed since the Origination of Mankind, yet they suppose it had an Original; Et ab orbis initio primos homines apud se creatos: and they inferr it from the Fertility of their Soil by the Inundation of Nilus, which at its recess leaves so fruitful a Tincture, that thereby and by the heat of the Sun, Animals have their visible production, part after part: And yet both Aristotle, l. 2. Meteoron. and Herodotus in Euterpe do with great probability evince that the fruitfullest part of Egypt, namely, the part called Delta where the Nile overflows, is an Exaggeration, or Ground gained by the Inundation of Nilus.

Herodotus, ubi supra, tells us, That in the time of Psamniticus sometimes King of Egypt there was a Competition between the Egyptians and Phry∣gians, who were the first People, or the Terrigenae, and that by the Expe∣riment of the Education of two Infants which should not be instructed, by their Natural Speech in the Language of Phrygia; the Phrygians car∣ried the priority. The thing is fabulous, all the use that is to be made of it is, That there was a common Opinion in the Nations of the World, that there was some Inception of Mankind otherwise than by the way of Natural Procreation.

Laertius, in Prooemio, supposeth the Grecians to be the first Men, A quibus nedum Philosophorum, sed hominum genus initium habuit.

The above named Diodorus Siculus, lib. 4. cap. 1. tells us that the Ethio∣pians claim a greater Antiquity than the Egyptians, who borrowed many of their Laws and Customs and Religion from them: that as Ethiopia was the fittest and most congruous place for the first Production of Men and Beasts, in respect of the vicinity and constancy of the Sun; so, de facto the Ethiopians were the first Men that were on the Earth, and Ter∣rigenae. Ferunt, Aethiopes primos hominum omnium creatos esse; cujus rei con∣jecturam ferunt, quod non aliunde homines in eam accesserunt, sed in ipsa geniti meritò Indigetes omnium consensu appellentur. Et quidem verisimile est eos qui sub meridie habitant primos è terra suisse homines genitos; nam Solis ar∣dore terram quae humida erat arefaciente, atque omnibus vitam dante, decens fuit locum Soli propinquierem primò naturam animantium tulisse.

De Laet in his History of the Original of the Americans, pag. 178. tells us of the Perswasion of divers of the Americans, that held there is one God; Qui omnia creavit, dein plures in terram defixerat sagittas, è quibus hominum genus ortum & propagatum fuit: though they also held other infe∣rior Deities: And Pag. 106. Alii narrant, è quadam specu per fenestram exiliisse sex aut nescio quot homines, eósque initium dedisse humano generi in loco qui ob eam causam dicitur Pacari tampo; atque ideo opinantur Tambes esse hominum antiquissimos. Vide Acost. l. 1. cap. 25. ad idem.

Thus it seems there hath been in all Nations, that have had any manner of Order among them, a common Opinion of the Origination of Man∣kind; though they have dressed up the Supposition with various Fictions

and Imaginations no less vain than the Poets, who supposed Men to grow of the Serpents Teeth sown by Cadmus, or the Stones thrown over their Heads by Deucalion and Pyrrha.

This perswasion and opinion of Mankind of their Original, might be conveyed to the generality of Nations by some of these ways:

1. By some Tradition, derived down unto them from those that lived before them; but then if we look after the original or first head of this Tradition, it may be hard positively to define from whence it began; but it seems probable, that it was from those first Parents of Mankind, and so the Tradition founded in the Truth of the Fact, and originally delivered by them that perfectly knew it to be so: It is true, there are, and have been very many things entertained as true by Traditional Deri∣vation, which either have not any sufficient evidence of their Truth, or it may be some things that do oppose the credit of it; and it were a piece of vain credulity to believe every thing, that either vulgar Tradition, or the Artifices of Men, have imposed upon over credulous succeeding Ages and Persons: And we see, that as the Origination of Man hath been traditionally received, so those Adjuncts and Fables with which it hath been dressed up, have been also received and believed with it. But to this I say:

1. That the Origination of Man, as a Matter of Fact, could hardly be thought of, but either by very considering and thinking Men, whereof hereafter; or by such, as being the first Parents of Mankind, knew their Original. And if it be said, they could no more know their Original than a Child new born: It is true, if the Production of Mankind were such at first as it is now, or as some of the mistaken Heathen thought it, (viz. in Infantia) it may be so: But we shall see, that if Mankind had their Original ex non genitis, (as most certainly they had) then the For∣mation of Mankind was in his full and perfect Constitution, and not by a gradual progress from Infancy as now.

2. That the Tradition of the Origination of Mankind seems to be universal, but the particular Modes or Methods of that Origination, excogitated by the Heathen, were particular, and not common; and therefore, though these be fabulous and deserve not our credit, yet they do not abate the credibility of the universal Tradition. The common Tradition and consent thereunto of the Existence of a Deity, carries in it a great moral Evidence of the Truth thereof, although the particular superadditions and multiplications of Deities, by the Fancies and Tra∣ditions of particular Ages or Nations, are fabulous and untrue: Quod ab omnibus ubique & semper creditum est pro veritate habendum est, though the various particular Modes, and Methods, and Hypotheses, are or may be fabulous.

3. That Mankind had an Original might be known naturally, and without a Revelation to the first Individuals of Humane Nature, and consequently might with evidence and certainty enough, even upon a moral account, be communicated by them to others, and to pass into an universal Tradition: But the Manner of the first Production of Men, what gradations were antecedent to it could not possibly be known to the first Parents of Mankind without Divine Revelation, because it must needs be antecedent to their Being, and therefore the particular Manner.

therefore could not, upon a bare natural or moral account, be any true Root or Foundation of such a Tradition as according to the Mosaical Hypothesis of the Origination of Mankind, whereby we understand that Adam was created out of the Dust of the Ground, and then had an In∣tellectual Soul put into him; Adam might upon a natural account know that now he was, and that before he was not; and he might upon a rational account know, that such a Production of such a Being as he found himself to be, could never have been effected without the agency of a most powerful and wise Being, which we call Almighty God: And this Tradition, both that he was made when before he was not, and that he was created or made by Almighty God, he might with as great evidence and certainty traditionally communicate to his Descendents, as any other matter of fact, or rational deduction: But he could never know the manner of his own Production, or the particular Preparations ante∣cedent to such his Being, without Revelation from God, or some intelli∣gent Being that saw or knew the antecedents to his Constitution; neither could he without such Revelation or Discovery, deliver the same over traditionally with any certainty of truth to his Descendents. And con∣sequently, the general Tradition of his Origination hath a Rode of Credibility in it, to such a Man as will believe that any matter of Fact may be true that he sees not; though the particular manner of his Or∣gination is not with any certainty credible to him, that either believes not there is any Divine Revelation, or that believes not the particular Method propounded is in truth a Divine Revelation

So that the general Tradition that Man had his Origination ex non genitis, is a greater Evidence that it was true, than that he was made out of Arrows stuck in the Ground; or, ex folliculis terrae innascentibus, as some Philosophers.

2. The Ground of this Perswasion hath sprung from such of the Phi∣losophers, and other considerate Men, who upon a strict Enquiry and Examination have found it impossible that the successive Generations of Mankind could be Eternal, and consequently Infinite; and therefore have concluded with very great evidence of Reason, that it must needs have some other Origination in some one Period of duration, than what is now natural and common. But then being destitute of Divine Reve∣lation, or at least not giving due credit thereunto, and being greatly in the dark, and not knowing well how to determin what that Method of the Origination of Mankind should be, some took up one Fancy, some another, to salve the Phaenomenon, according as their Imaginations led them. And hence it was, that some thought their Origination was not altogether unlike the spontaneous Production of Insects; only these being Annual, required no great contribution of Heavenly Influkes; but that of the Production of Men or more perfect Animals, Non sine magna coele∣stium corporum conjunctione sive mutatione: Others again, more soberly attributed it meerly to the Power and Wisdom of the glorious God: Others, to the efficiency of Angels; whereof in the next Chapter.

And this Contemplation of such Philosophers and knowing Men coming abroad into the World, the generality of Mankind subscribed to the truth of the grand Hypothesis it self; namely, That Mankind had at one time or other, or by some means or other an Origination differing

from the ordinary and natural method of Propagation now observed: And finding that the same held a singular congruity to the nature of things, and the general Conception and Reason of the Humane Under∣standing; the generality of the World entertained, and by Tradition transmitted this Hypothesis to their Posterity.

But finding the Philosophers and Wise Men so uncertain and dis∣agreeing, de modo, and unable to give any satisfactory Resolution thereof; every Nation, and almost every Person took up what particular Hypothesis pleased them for the Method or Manner of such Origination; and herein the Wantonness of Poets, and the Crafts of their Heathenish Priests and Hierophants abundantly gratified the Fancies of the People with Superstructions and Inventions of their own.

And indeed it is observable, that all those ancient Traditions of things that were truly done, and so delivered over and received by Mankind, as they have for the substance and main of them been preserved by the strength of this Tradition; so where the Holy Scriptures have not been taught or known, these Traditions have been admirably dressed by So∣phistications and Superadditions, introduced by the Phantasies of Poets or the deceits of Heathenish Priests, or by the gradual corruptings of the Traditions themselves. Thus the History of the Creation, of the Flood, of the Tower of Babel, of Noah and his three Sons; many of which are, for the substance of them, preserved among the Barbarous People of the East and West Indies at this day, as appears by those that have written the Relation, especially of the Americans, as Acosta, and De Laet have never∣theless been covered over with divers fabulous and devised Additions and Stories: and so it happened also among the ancient Heathenish Writers, as hath been at large demonstrated, especially by Bochart in his Phaleg.

Now as touching the Opinion of the Learned Tribe, which, as before is shewn, fell into two Parties: The one holding the Eternal Successions of Mankind, whereof in this Second Section: The other holding a First Inception of Mankind, Ex non genitis.

The latter Opinion far out-ballanceth the former, both in the reasonable∣ness thereof, and the multitude and great Learning of those that so asserted it; and should, according to the propounded Method, be here declared.

But because I intend in the next Section to examin the various Sup∣positions of those of the latter sort, touching the Manner of the Origi∣nation of Man, I shall reserve that Business to the next Section; wherein I shall at once consider the Learned ancient Authors that hold the Ori∣gination of Mankind, and shall also deliver and examin their several Suppositions touching the same.