The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS. BOOK IX. (Book 9)

The Argument of the 9th. Book.

THE Reformed are afraid that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits. He Answers their Papers favou∣rably. Gex. The Genius of La Trimouille, and his Death. The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow. The Py∣ramid pull'd down. New Factions. An Assembly at Chatelle∣raud:

Matters which were there to be treated on. St. Germains Letter to Marshal de Bouillon. Roni Commissioner for the King at the Assembly. His Instructions. What Reception he had. His Speech. Provincial Councils. Deputies General. General Assemblies. The Ʋnion renew'd. Lesdiguieres comes into it. Roni Excuses this New Oath. Breviats for the Guard of Towns of Hostage. The Assembly suffers the places of Marshal Bouillon to be taken. Other advantages that Roni gain'd of the Assembly, with which the Pope is well contented. The Deputies of the Assembly caress'd at the Court. An As∣sembly of the Clergy. The Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion. An Edict in favour of the Cler∣gy. Roni Duke and Peer of France. The Marshal de Bou∣illon makes his Peace. The Treaty with those of Rochel in favour of the Catholics. Priests that did not Pray to God for the King. Gun-Powder Treason. The Oath exacted of the Catholics of England. The Exercise permitted at Charenton for the Reformed of Paris; which the Lord of the place oppo∣ses in vain. Papers favourably Answer'd. The Attempt of Se∣guiran the Jesuit to Preach at Rochel. A Mortification of the Jesuits. The Synod at Rochel. General Deputies. The Question about Antichrist renew'd. Deputies gain'd at the Court. The Quick-sighted of the Church, and Fools of the Sy∣nod. The Question is deferr'd, and Vignier order'd to Treat largely on it. The Synod Names only two Deputies General. Affairs Treated on at the Synod. Forreign Ministers. Mal∣win call'd to Rochel. The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies. He permits a General Assembly at Gergeau. Sulli suspected by the Reformed Affairs of the Assembly. Places lost by the Reformed. Conferences and Changes of Religion. The Assembly Complies with the Kings desire. An Assembly of the Clergy. The Resolute Answer of the King, and his disowning a promise made in his Name by his Attorneys in the Matter of Absolution. Cotton the Jesuit, the Dauphins Master. A Fund for the Ministers that sh••ll change their Religion. The Treaty with the Morisco's Persecuted in Spain is ••roke off by the Bigots. Lesdiguieres Marshal of France. The Kings

Domestic Vexations. Divers Sentiments on the Alliance of Spain. Frauds to renew the Civil Wars. The Power of the Jesuits Establish'd at Bearn. Papers Answer'd. The Synod at St. Mai∣xant. The Theatre of Antichrist. A Blow given to Seigni∣oral Rights. The Jurisdiction of the Chambers. A Book found at La Fleche. The Discourse of Jeannin upon Li∣berty of Conscience. The Edict in favour of the Morisco's. The Escape of the Prince of Condé. War declar'd against the Arch-Duke. The Formidable Power of the King. His D••signs. His unexpected Death.

THE Reformed had a great share in these particu∣lar* 1.1 Accidents, because they look'd upon all those who held Intelligence with Spain as their Sworn Enemies, and they believ'd that all the Projects of that Court design'd their Ruin at the bottom; insomuch, that they were always listening to discover the designs of that Cabal, and to hinder that it did not grow too power∣ful in France, where they had, if it may be so said, no Friend but the King. Besides, they were not so assur'd of him, as not to have some distrust of his Constancy; and the little Resolution they had observ'd in him upon the Account of Religion, made 'em fear that he had besides as little in Point of Acknowledgment and Friendship. They saw that* 1.2 he suffer'd himself to be too much possess'd by the Jesuits; and they complain'd sometimes, alluding to the Name of his Confessor, that he heard his old Friends no more, since he had his Ears stopp'd with Cotton. They saw likewise in him, amidst his great Qualities, great Weaknesses: And that to have Peace at home, he was so far Patient and Com∣pliant, that the meanest Citizen wou'd have hardly done so much. There was besides great Reason to fear, that to Content the Queen, whose Intentions were no way favorable to 'em, he wou'd break with 'em, and suffer himself to be led to an Alliance with Spain, of which they did not doubt but their Destruction was a necessary consequence,

These apprehensions which were but too reasonable, as it ap∣pear'd under another Reign, oblig'd 'em to Arm themselves every day with new precautions.

The King, who believ'd that these Alarms might serve for a pretext to those who were not well affected to his Go∣vernment, was very willing to dissipate 'em by the Testimo∣nies of the constant Will that he had to maintain the Edicts; and whatsoever discontent he had of particulars, he favour'd the General Cause as much as 'twas possible for him.

And this about the time that I speak of, he made appear by* 1.3 his manner of answering the Papers which the Deputies General presented him. They complain'd among other things, of certain Monuments of the late Wars, which the Catholics preserv'd, as it were to render the Memory of those Troubles eternal. Thus in the Cathedral Church of Ba∣zas, was to be seen an Inscription which call'd the Reformed Heretic Hugenots; and which imputes to 'em Profanations and Ruins. The King had often commanded the Bishop to erase those violent Terms, but the Bishop wae not willing to obey him. They complain'd again of the affronts which were done in some places to the Ministers and their Chil∣dren; of the delay of Establishing the Exercise of the Reform∣ed Religion in many places where it shou'd be, according to the Edict of 1577; of the trouble that they found, when the places design'd by the Commissioners to perform that Exercise, fell by Succession, or otherwise, into the hands of Catholics; of which they alledg'd an Example in Baujo∣l••is, where the Propriet of a Barn, that was design'd 'em for their Assemblies, was upon the point of being sold. They made likewise Complaints of the Seditious Terms that the Catholic Preachers made use of in their Sermons, as they had done all the Lent long at Blois, at Orleans, at An∣giers; and elsewhere, at Chalons upon Sacne, at Mortagne, at Chartres, the Judges to whom the Complaints were made ne∣ver using their endeavours to repress 'em. They spoke also of the attempts of some Judges that wou'd take upon them∣selves the Authority of proportioning upon the Reformed the

Sums of which they had occasion for the Maintenance of their Ministers. The Kings Answers were all favourable; however they were forc'd to come again more then once to desire the Abolishing of those Monuments which pre∣serv'd the Memory of the Civil Wars. Very near the same time, the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex sollicited the* 1.4 Confirmation of the Regulations which they had obtain'd in the Matters of Religion, since their Country came under the power of the King. I have already observ'd, that they had there follow'd the Methods of the Edict, as in all the rest of the Kingdom, whether for the Restoration of the Exercise of the Roman Religion, or for maintaining the Re∣formed in the possession where the King had found 'em. But to have a stronger Title then those Regulations made upon particular Accidents, they desir'd something more Au∣thentic, that they might make 'em effectual; and they ob∣tain'd it in the Month of June, by a Declaration for that pur∣pose.

In the mean time they prepar'd themselves to hold a Ge∣neral Assembly; and indeed, the following Year they held it at Chatelleraud. The King was much afrad lest some things shou'd pass there against his Interest, because it was said that this Assembly wou'd Grant their Protection to the Mar∣shal de Bouillon. The Marshal made his Affair pass over all Europe for an Affair of Religion, and when he writ to the King after his disgrace, he spoke more in the Style of an Ac∣cuser that threaten'd, then of a Criminal that humbl'd him∣self. It was dangerous in the Example, that that shou'd be taken for a Cause of Religion, in an Assembly of Subjects, which was held a Crime of State in the Council of a Sove∣raign. Moreover, the place was suspected, because it was* 1.5 at Chatelleraud, from whence la Trimouille and du Plessis were not far distant. For in regard the Duke had a great passion for Liber∣ty, and Sentiments on that Subject becoming a Hero, if he had not been Born under a Monarchy, 'twas fear'd that he wou'd have endeavour'd to make of the Reformed Party a kind of Common-wealth; of which the Marshal de Bouillon was ac∣cus'd

to have laid the Project. This likewise gave so much the more occasion to the Kings Council to think, that they had (perhaps) already some prospects of oppressing the Pub∣lic Liberty by an Absolute Power. 'Tis certain at least that the suggestions which came from Italy or Spain tended that way; and little Papers ran among the people, that taught how to rise to the highest degree of Despotic Authority. The Reformed did not Palate these Designs of a Power without Bounds, because they knew well what they ought to expect from a Catholic Council, if once they went about to set them∣selves above Promises and Laws. 'Twas therefore that there were many amongst 'em that were desirous to take measures to avoid Civil Servitude, because they saw it wou'd be easie to fall into the Servitude of Conscience if the first were once Esta∣blish'd. But the Death of the Duke of Trimouille deliver'd the* 1.6 King of that pain. It happen'd so seasonably, that it might be said to have been procur'd. His Distemper began with Con∣vulsions, which terminated in a Languishment wherein he lin∣gred some months; and when there seem'd some likelihood of his Cure, his Convulsions seiz'd him again and carry'd him off. He had bin invited by Roni a little before his Distemper began; and I knew some of his Domestic Servants that were strongly perswaded that his Death was not Natural. This Death was taken by the King for a Fortunate Hit, be∣cause the Duke's Genius gave him a great deal of trou∣ble. 'Tis a difficult matter for a Man to behave himself before Kings; if he be Fear'd, he is Hated; if he be Peaceable, he is Despis'd; and when some part of their favour is ob∣tain'd, 'tis not agreeable to a Man who has a Soul, to be more oblig'd to blind Compliance, or a servile Dependance, then to his Merit.

There was this Year an Affair that made a great Noise,* 1.7 which was judg'd at the Chamber of the Edict. The Cardinal de Chatillon had been Marry'd ever since the year 1564. yet for all that had neither quitted his Habit nor his Dignity▪ His Death happening some years after, his Widow agreed for his In∣heritance with the Admiral; and after that, having been car∣ry'd

away by a Man who Robb'd her of all that she had got, it came into her mind when the Edict of Nants was publish'd, to demand a Review of the Contracts which she had made, and to dispute with the Heirs of the Admiral the Inheritance of her Husband. She grounded her Suit upon the Edict, which by the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars, order'd a Tole∣ration of Marriages such as Hers. But on the other side, the Quality of the Person was a great Obstacle to her preten∣sions. She might have succeeded better, if the Dispute had been about any other then a Prelate; but the affront had been too heinous for the Pope to bear, had the Marriage of a Cardinal been confirm'd, Bishop and Peer of France, who had presum'd to retain after this Marriage his Revenues and his Pur∣ple. Besides the Cardinal was the Elder Brother of the Admi∣ral and of d'Andelot, and his Marriage ('tis like) cou'd not be confirm'd without the Ruin of two Families, which descended from these Lords; one of which was half Catholic, to wit, that of d'Andelot, whose Son had embrac'd both the Roman Religion and the League. Servin, Advocate-General, made a long Speech in this Cause. He spoke not of this Mar∣riage of the Cardinal but as of an unlawful Conjunction, and wou'd never grant that there had been any Solemnization of this Marriage, even in the Forms accustom'd among the Re∣formed. As Servin inclin'd very much to their Doctrine, it may be judg'd that all his discourse was made on purpose to be sent to Rome, where he was necessary to make it appear, that such a Marriage had not been approv'd of. His Evi∣dences took from the Cardinals Wise the Quality of his Widow, depriv'd her of all that she cou'd pretend to in that Quality, and did not so much as order any Provision for support of her Children. The Court order'd the Advocates to put off the Cause to be heard before the Council, for other Reasons then those that appear'd in the Decree; That is to say, That nothing might be pronounc'd in an Affair of this Nature, and to give place for an Accommodation. A very passionate Author, who has inserted Servin's Pleading in his Work, says, That the Decree was agreeable to the Evi∣dence; but he does not relate the Terms of the Decree,

whereas the Advocate General Talon relates 'em in his Re∣ports such as I have said. In a word, this Affair was one of the principal Reasons of making the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars so as it is, and the opposite Interests of the Widow and the Defendants, gave room for greater Con∣tests since the year 1600. The Cause of a Carthusian who had lest his Cloyster before the Edict, and who demanded a share with his Brothers; and in 1605. that of a Capuchin, whose Case was the same, were Judg'd according to the Tenor of the Article. If they deviated a little in this Widows Cause, 'tis easie to see that there was more regard had to the Quality of the Persons concern'd, then to the Nature of the business.

The Duke of Rohan this year likewise receiv'd a Check at the Court. He was not willing to live unprofitable to the World; and with a design to advance himself therein, he made some steps which did not please the King: But that was calm'd by the submission of the Duke, who referr'd himself to the Discretion of his Master. But the following* 1.8 year the Reformed, and all good Frenchmen, with no small dis∣gust beheld the Pyramid thrown down, which was rear'd to* 1.9 Eternize in a Plate of Brass, the Decree of the Banishment of the Jesuits, after the wicked attempt of Chatel. Those Assassins, who had the Credit to Re-establish themselves in spite of the Decree, had yet a greater Reputation to de∣molish that Monument of what they were capable to do; nor could the Parlament, who were troubl'd beyond imagina∣tion to see the noblest mark of their Zeal for the good of France destroy'd, prevent it either by Oppositions or Remonstrances. All that they obtain'd was, That they were not constrain'd themselves to undo their own Work, and that it was De∣molish'd without Formality of Justice. Discourses, Writings and Verses, were on this Subject; but the Jesuits, who had what they desir'd, took little notice of these slight storms, well knowing it to be a Liberty of no consequence, which may be Granted, for his Consolation, to an Enemy that can do no more mischief, then only evaporate his Anger in Sa∣tyrs

and Pasquills. After this, nothing but Favours were granted to this Society, nothing but Benefices united to the Colledges, but Houses built to Lodge their No∣vices more at their Ease.

In the mean time the Kingdom was full of Alarms, and the King received from all parts Advice of the* 1.10 great designs that the Spaniards had upon several places. Several Parties of the Male-contents got toge∣ther, of which the one had for pretence the Publick Good; others design'd to raise up the Nobility again, which had bin too much humbled; others to pull down Roni, whose Fortune they compared to that which Sejanus had done under Tiberius, and wish'd that his end might be like to the downfal of that Favourite, as there had been a resemblance in the advancement of the one and of the other, and in the abuse which as they pretended the one in imitation of the other, made of his Masters favour. Others pretended to Re∣venge the Death of Biron, whose Relations they were, or else his Creatures. The greatest part of these In∣trigues were Spun by the Marshal de Bouillon, who thought to render himself formidable, in hopes, per∣haps, to be recall'd; and who had every where such great Intelligences, that he seem'd capable of put∣ting all Europe in Combustion He Labour'd above all things to engage the Reformed in some League, by insi∣nuating a dread in 'em from the King's having pro∣mis'd the Legate to Ruin them. And he caused Pro∣positions to be made them for Establishing fixed Coun∣cels in all the Provinces, to Treat of the Affairs of the Common Cause; to exclude the Kings Offi∣cers of all the Politick Debates of their Assemblies; to draw up Models for Raising Men and Money; and to make Alliances with Strangers for their Common Defence. But I know not how they could im∣pute to him any other Projects Inconsistant with these; as to design to change the Religion; to

conspire the Dismembring of the Kingdom; to desire the Dauphinate for his share; to disturb the Suc∣cession of the Dauphin; to make a League with the Spaniards; to make Peace between them and the Ʋni∣ted Provinces. It is impossible to join these Designs with the other; for his part he deny'd constantly ever to have had such thoughts; and it was so much the more easie for him to justifie himself in, that it was not possible to find the least Proof against him in Writing. Some body deposed that Money brought from Spain was distributed by the Orders of the Marshal to some private Gentlemen of Querci, Guyenne, and Languedoc; and that they were promis'd at the same time, that they should be assisted with greater Succours; but the Sum, which did not ex∣ceed Ten or Twelve Thousand Crowns, was so little, that it could not be thought to come from Spain, which would never have confin'd her Profusions to so small a Matter. It was believed that the Marshal had drawn this Sum out of his own Purse, to keep his Friends in hope of a more considerable Profit.

Nevertheless, every thing caus'd a Jealousie in a King∣dom* 1.11 where the Remains of so many old Factions gave occasion to fear that new ones were forming; and the Assembly of Chattelleraud being come unlook'd for in this state of Affairs, redoubled the perplexity of the Suspicious; they well knew at Court that great mat∣ters were there to be Debated They were to consult which way to preserve their places of Security, of which they knew that the Council would all at once take two Thirds away from them, by distinguishing those which belong'd to particular Lords from those which were the Kings only. The Revolt of Gentle∣men, of which already many Examples had been seen, made the consequence to be feared; in regard that if one Person of Estate happen'd to change his Religion, all his Places would be lost from the Party. Moreover, the King talk'd openly of making War against the Marshal de Bou∣illon, and of seizing his strong Holds; and nothing could

divert him from it, but the Consideration of his Breeves which allow'd the Reform'd the keeping of the Places or Garisons for a time, which was not yet expir'd. But the difficulty was re∣mov'd, in case the Places belonging to particular Persons, were not included with those they call'd Places of Surety; from whence it follow'd, that when ever the King should think fit, he might dispossess the Reform'd of all those Places one after another; and the Breach being thus made, it would be easy also to take the main Places from them. Moreover, those Garisons belong∣ing to privite Persons were properly those that were most likely to trouble the King, not only by reason of their number, but also by impowring their Lords to act sometimes against the King's Authority. It was a hardship upon the King, not to be able to deal with them without a formal Siege, and without waging a just War against them, even at the hazard of offending the whole Party, which was perswaded that their Safety depended on the keeping of those Places. Insomuch, that whenever the King express'd some displeasure to see so many Places in the hands of the Reform'd, it was only in relation to those that were possess'd by particular Persons; which were the whole Subject of Roni's Negotiation with the Assembly of Chatelleraud. The Marshal of Bouillon had Agents, who were not wanting to give advices upon that Subject, and to represent how much his particu∣lar case was interwoven with the General Safety. On the other hand, the Reform'd were so far from being inclin'd to suffer their Places to be taken from them, that in order to secure themselves against the Conspiracies that were daily form'd against them, they desir'd a Prolongation of the Time which was allow'd them for the keeping of them. Moreover, they also pretended to keep those the King had given to some of the Reform'd since the Edict, or such as did belong to Persons, who having lately embraced their Religion, had been assur'd that they should be maintain'd in the Possession of their Holds or Places. So that this Affair was in∣terwoven with divers Difficulties, which no body knew how to unravel.

St. Germain, one of the Deputies-General, was a Creature of the Marshals, and held a close Correspondence with him; and the Marshal by his means held a Communication with all the

Churches. For that reason he was very desirous to have him continu'd in that Employment. The thing was to be debated in the Assembly; and therefore the King, who had only at first al∣low'd Deputies to reside with him, about the Affairs of the Edict for a season, resolv'd to make it an Ordinary Commission, on conditition, that the Assembly should nominate Six Persons to him, out of which he should chuse Two, that he might not be oblig'd to continue St. Germain, or to receive another of his Cha∣racter. Before the meeting of the Assembly, St. Germain writ* 1.12 to the Marshal to communicate his Sentiments to him about the present Conjuncture: And his Letter was either Intercepted or Copy'd by some of those who gave the Court an account of all that pass'd. There were several in every Province who drove that Trade, some to deserve the Pensions they had, or to obtain some, others out of a kind of simplicity, which induc'd them to believe that the Court-party was always the most Innocent be∣cause the King's Name was ever at the Head of it. By their means the Court was inform'd of divers Propositions that had been made in the Provincial Assembly, in order to be carry'd into the General.

St. Germain in the said Letter press'd the Marshal to depute some body to the Assembly. He also urg'd divers Reasons, for which in his Opinion, the King ought to be mistrusted; his Submission to the Councils that came from Rome; the Authority he allow'd the Jesuits; the great Charge he had been at for the Election of a New Pope to his mind, after the Death of Clement the 8th. The demolishing of the Pyramid, on the account of which so much severity had been us'd, that some People having caus'd the said Pyramid to be Ingrav'd, representing all the Sides and Inscrip∣tions of it, to preserve at least the Image of that Monument, the pulling down of which griev'd all True Frenchmen; care had been taken to discover and suppress the Plate to please the Je∣suits. Moreover St. Germain represented the mischief Roni was able to do. He added the reasons that should oblige him to quit the General Deputation, which he could no longer hold without exposing himself to displease the King, or the Reform'd; because that on one side he would be accus'd of doing too much, and on the other of doing too little. He acquainted the Marshal

that Roni was afraid of not holding a Rank suitable to his Digni∣ty in the Assembly, by reason that the King refus'd to give him a particular Commission to preside in it. He said that it was impossible to foresee with certainty, the Inclinations of the De∣puties that were to compose the Assembly: but however, that he would do well to write to them, which would be of some use. He was somewhat at a loss to find a proper Person, whom the Mar∣shal might trust with his Deputation; and therefore advis'd him to give that Commission to the Deputies of Guienue, who might ac∣cept it as a dependency of their particular Charge; the Deputies of every Province commonly taking upon them the management of the Affairs of the particular Members thereof.

This expedient was likely to break the Measures the Court took to hinder private Persons from sending Deputies in their own Name to the Assembly: For besides Marshal de Bouillon, they were diffident of Lesdiguieres, of the Duke of Rohan, of la Force, of Chatillon, of du Plessis, and several others. Therefore in order to apply a proper Remedy to all these Disorders, the King resolv'd to send Roni to Chatelleraud with large Instructi∣ons;* 1.13 they were of two kinds, the first, General; the others, Se∣cret, in form of Addition to the first. By the first, he was or∣der'd to remonstrate to them, that the Assembly was not very ne∣cessary, since the only end of it was but to receive an Account from the Deputies-General of what they had done for three years last past, which might be done with less noise: However, that the King had freely granted it, in hopes that it would serve to congratulate the Peace which the last Edict had afforded: Upon which Subject he was order'd to declare that it had been punctually perform'd; that the King was resolv'd to maintain it; that care had been taken that it might be done to the satisfa∣ction of both Parties, as it appear'd by the Answer that had been made to the Petition presented by the Catholicks and Reform'd, by which, all Affairs of Consequence had been immediately regu∣lated. He was further to say, That the King after having given so many Testimonies of his good Will, would be very much concern'd, should they pitch upon another Protector, he ha∣ving all along been so to them, and being resolv'd always to continue so. That such Assemblies for the future would become

of ill Consequence, the Edicts allowing none but such as relate to Discipline, in which no Persons were to be admitted, but such as were to see it perform'd: That as to what related to Civil Government, they were to apply themselves to the Judges; and for favours, to the King, who is the Dispenser of them: That the reasons for holding Political Assemblies, only about Depu∣ties-General, did not deserve so much show nor expence: That the Residence of Deputies at Court, was neither mention'd in the Edict, nor in the private Articles, nor in the Breeves: That it had been granted out of Toleration, until the Verification of the Edict: That nevertheless the King did grant the said Resi∣dence, and did consent to a certain Form for the Election of the said Deputies, viz. to name Six, out of which his Majesty would chuse Two. He was also ordered to endeavour, that the said Assembly might Treat of nothing: but that Nomination; To de∣clare, That that Assembly would serve instead of that which the Synod of Gap had desir'd leave to hold at Rochel. Not to pro∣mise any thing without the King's leave, in case they should persist in desiring another, especially if they desir'd to hold any contrary to the Edict. The King allow'd him to give them as∣surances of his own Affection, and order'd him to excuse the Alteration that was making at Orange, the Government of which City was to be taken from Blacons, who was dislik'd by Philip of Nassau, to whom the City belong'd; but to pro∣mise them withal, that his Majesty would put the said Place into the hands of a Person of the Reform'd Religion. The King had a great deal of reason to excuse that Alteration, be∣cause the Reform'd were extreamly displeas'd at it, and look'd upon that Affair, as being of a general consequence for their Safety.

The Additions, after a short Preface, in which the King ex∣press'd, That relying on the Affection and Fidelity of the Re∣form'd, he hop'd that they had only order'd such things to their Deputies as were allowable, and not displeasing to him; oblig'd him to take care that the question about Antichrist might not be renew'd; that they should receive no Letters from Marshal de Bouillon, or from Foreign Princes; that he should hinder it at first under-hand; but that in case that would not do, he should

oppose it openly, and make use of his Authority as Governour of* 1.14 the Province; That he should suffer no Deputies there from parti∣cular Persons; for example, as from Lesdiguieres, who being dis∣satisfy'd with the Court at that time, join'd with the Party again for his own ends. He was commanded to mention some things the King had been inform'd of, as if he had learnt them there himself; to give them hopes at first that the King should prolong the time prefix'd for the keeping of the Places of Surety, with∣out distinguishing those that belong'd to particular Persons from the others; because the King was willing not to oblige them by halves, provided they behav'd themselves as they should do. The Brief for that prolongation was deliver'd to him, but he was or∣der'd not to produce it until he receiv'd a positive command so to do. The King also order'd him to refuse the Assembly the Re-establishment of certain Funds that had been re∣trench'd, either for Marshal de Bouillon's Places, or upon the general Settlement of the other Cities of Surety, or upon the Arrears of certain particular Assignations. The Reason alledg'd for it was, That the King had made the same alterations in the Settlements of the Cities and Garisons held by the Catholicks, who should have had reason to complain, unless the Reform'd had been us'd in the same manner. Moreover, that he thought that the Catholicks being weakned, by the reducing of their Garisons to a smaller number of Men, the Reform'd could have no reason to complain at the reducing of the number of theirs, since they did not want so many to defend them, as when the Garisons of those they suspected were stronger. But they did not relish those Reasons, because they did not think their Cities and Forces of the same Quality with those of the Catholicks. The King only kept up these, because it was his pleasure; but there was a Treaty between him and the Reform'd, which oblig'd him to leave them certain Places for a time, which he was to pay the Garisons off; insomuch that those of the Ca∣tholicks were revocable whenever he pleas'd; whereas it was a breach of Treaty to meddle with those of the Reform'd before the time, for which the Cities of Surety were granted them: Never∣theless they could obtain nothing of Roni upon that subject, be∣cause he was as inflexible for them in point of Money, as he was

to every body else. Finally, the King order'd Roni by those In∣structions to refuse to interceed for the Marshal of Bouillon, al∣ledging what he had already attempted in vain for his Reconci∣liation: To accept the Presidentship of the Assembly in case it were offer'd him: To behave himself towards du Plessis and others, according to the Affection he should observe in them for the King's Service, and to give an account of all Occur∣rences.

Those Instructions were fram'd upon the knowledge the Court had of all that was to be propos'd in the Assembly; there being Persons in all the Provinces that inform'd the Council, as I have already observ'd, with all the Propositions the particular Assem∣blies had Incerted in their Memoirs. But one of the main Points was the preservation of the Places of Surety: And whereas the Reform'd grounded all the hopes of their safety on the keeping of those Fortresses, at a time when they plainly saw the Conspira∣cies that were hatching against them, the fear of losing them by surprize, kept them in perpetual agitations. This was the posture of Affairs when Roni came to the Assembly. Nothing can be more opposite than what most Memoirs relate about his recepti∣on there. Some Historians of great exactness and authority say that he presided there. The Compilers of Sulli's Memoirs say the contrary, and produce several of their Master's Letters to the King, in which he excuses himself for not having accepted the Presidentship, for reasons which he assures himself the King will relish, when he shall be at liberty to give him an account of them. They only say, that he might have presided there had he been so minded: Nevertheless he did not so much as sit among them, by reason that not presiding there, he could not hold a Rank suitable to the Dignity of Governour of the Province. O∣thers say, That both the one and the other was refus'd to him in a disobliging manner; and they relate the Fact thus,

The Court, say they, being desirous to have Persons devoted to them in the Assembly, in order to manage the Members ac∣cording to their intentions, Roni and Parabere presented them∣selves there to that end, pretending that no body could refuse them to sit there, by reason of their Quality; but the Assembly without Ceremony desir'd them to leave them at liberty. Para∣bere

was absolutely ingag'd in the Interest of the Court, except∣ing only that he would not believe the Marshal of Bouillon guilty of the Crimes he was accus'd of. Therefore when he alledg'd the Article made at S^te. Foy, which allow'd the Governours of Provinces to sit in the Assemblies, tho' they were not deputed, some answer'd him plainly, That the said Article had been al∣ter'd upon his account. In effect, to secure themselves against false Brethren, and to avoid the Intrigues and Contestations that were commonly manag'd to create a division in the Assembly, the President was Elected in this, before the reading of the Creden∣tials, contrary to what had been practis'd in all the foregoing ones. Roni was look'd upon as a Man sent on purpose to break off the Assembly handsomly, or to bring them to some Compo∣sition by his advice. For that end he brought Breeves and Pro∣mises, to mollify those who were to be mov'd that way. But his haughty humour, or his desire to serve the Court even to the prejudice of his own Religion, as he was wont to do, made him take another course. He commanded the Assembly, after having nam'd Deputy's General, to break up the following day at Noon; and he express'd that command in a very rough man∣ner, without ever mentioning the Breeves he had in his Pocket. He had flatter'd himself, that some Members of the Assembly would second him, and would help him to alarm the rest. But those from whom he expected that Complaisance, having de∣clar'd to him that they would remain firm to the Assembly, and that they would stand by their Resolutions; he was forc'd to al∣ter his note, and even to make some satisfaction to those he had offended in particular. He show'd the Breeves he had endea∣vour'd to conceal, and distributed the Pensions wherewith the Court desir'd to buy the Votes of the most considerable.

These last Memoirs seem to agree best with certain Circum∣stances, that are taken out of that Lord's own Memoirs. The first Speech he made to the Assembly is to be seen in them,* 1.15 which had more of Threats than Modesty in it; the haughtiness of which displeas'd every body. He far exceeded the Instructi∣ons that had been given him in Writing; and whether he had receiv'd other Orders verbally, or that he thought fit to do more than he was order'd, his behaviour prov'd as harsh and disob∣liging,

as his instructions were wise and moderate. It is true that he said many things that might be useful; but even Truth it self lost its force in such a Man's Mouth. Therefore he vainly imploy'd all his Power to disswade the Reform'd from keeping of their Places. He endeavour'd to perswade that every one being willing to keep his, the great numbers of them only serv'd to destroy their Forces, which by that means were too much di∣vided. He warn'd them not to trust Lesdiguieres, who would change his Religion as soon as he thought that step necessary to preserve his Authority and his Cities, &c. in Dauphine. As he had no such things to urge against du Plessis, whose Behaviour was untainted, and his Religion fix'd, he endeavour'd to turn him into Ridicule, together with his design of Fortifying Sau∣mur; the circumference of which he design'd to enlarge to that degree, that it would require 8000 Men in Garison. He press'd them to Surrender Nine parts of their Places to the King, and on∣ly to keep the Tenth, which would be the more easy to defend; after which he forewarn'd them not to receive either in common or in particular, any Letters or Deputations from Foreigners, or suspected Persons, whom he nam'd to them; because that in case those Persons had any Concerns, they might have sent them in the Petition of their Provinces: And finally, in case they re∣fus'd, he threatned them with his Authority as Governour.

This Behaviour probably occasion'd the ill treatment those last Memoirs mention: But when he grew more affable, the Depu∣ties became more gentle; and after several Negotiations, he ob∣tain'd almost all what the King desir'd, because he had at last sa∣tisfy'd both the particular Members and the whole Assembly. He prevail'd with them to desist from the thought of erecting Provincial Councils every where, which should have been different* 1.16 from the Provincial Political Assemblies in several things; but especially in that they should always have been fix'd, and in being, whereas those Assemblies were only upon occasion, and from time to time. Yet he had no express Orders to hinder that new Establishment, but only to do it if he could; or otherwise to endeavour that it might be compos'd of quiet people, well affect∣ed to the State, and of a proper Quality to apply themselves there in case of necessity: That is, they had no mind to have

any Presbyters there, because they were a sort of People the Court did not care to negotiate with, which they look'd upon to be more independent from them than the Gown or Sword men. That Affair cost Roni but little trouble, since there needed no more to hinder that new Institution, but to acquaint' them that the King disapprov'd it. Not but there were some erected al∣ready in some Provinces, according to the Regulations made at S^te. Foy, but they hardly did any thing; and above all, they wanted Correspondencies one with another. Therefore in the following Reign people said, That the Reform'd had made a mo∣dest use of that Institution under this. The Nomination of the Deputies cost him a great deal more. The Marshal de Bouillon was very earnest to have St. Germain continu'd. Lesdiguieres was for Bellujon, who was his Creature, and who under the* 1.17 Name of Deputy▪General, should have been his Spy and Confident at Court. The same Reasons which induc'd these two Lords to desire Deputies in whom they might confide, made the King re∣fuse both. Moreover it had been propos'd in some Provinces to augment the number of the Deputies General, and to join one to the two ordinary ones that should be chosen among the Ministers. Beraud, one of the Ministers of Montauban, seconded that Propo∣sition, by reason that he pretended to that Nomination, and that he endeavour'd to obtain it almost publickly. But the Court did not like that multiplication of Deputies; neither were they wil∣ling to consent to it in favour of a Minister. Roni order'd mat∣ters so, that they kept to the number of two; and that a Nomi∣nation of six Persons was made, among which the King Elected La Noue and du Cros. It is true, that the Nomination of six was only a Ceremony, since it was very well known that La Noue and du Cros would have the King's Approbation; the one by rea∣son of his moderation, the other because he was deputed by the Province of Dauphine into the Assembly; and that in refusing Bellujon whom the King dislik'd, he had offer'd to accept a man who should have a dependency on Lesdiguieres, as being his Vas∣sal, and living in a Countrey where he had a full power.

Roni endeavour'd according to his Instructions to make the* 1.18 Reform'd consent to hold no more General Assemblies, because they always created some Jealousies in the Court. But that Pro∣position

frighten'd the Reform'd, who look'd upon it as being In∣spir'd by their Enemies, and as a snare tending to break the Uni∣on which had maintain'd them till then. Neither could the Promise of allowing them Conferences and Synods there, to treat about the Affairs of their Discipline, content them. There were other Affairs of as great moment, which those Ecclesiastical As∣semblies took no cognizance of, which could not be neglected, without exposing the Reform'd to an approaching Ruin. So that the Court was oblig'd to allow them Political Assemblies, upon condition that they should acquaint the King with the Reasons that should make them judge it necessary; and in that case, if the King found there was any occasion for it, he promis'd to give them satisfaction. The King remain'd Master by that Accom∣modation; and in granting out of hand what might have given occasion for an Assembly, he might easily stop the project there∣of: And the Reform'd on the other hand were sensible that they should daily meet sufficient occasions to desire leave to have them. And indeed they assembled several times again in that Reign, and in the following; until their Division and Weakness afforded the Court an occasion to suppress them quite. But what Roni* 1.19 granted them upon that Subject, did not hinder the Assembly from renewing the Union of Nantes, and to swear it anew. The Court was very much disturb'd at it, looking upon that Oath as the Project of a Republick they design'd to form in the State. The King was particularly displeas'd at Lesdiguieres having sign'd the* 1.20 Union, after having so lately receiv'd a particular Favour from him. He had given Crequi, his Son in Law, the command of the Guards, to make him forget the Count of Soisson's Enterprize, and the Journey of Provence. But though he was no great pre∣tender to Religion, he thought his safety for that time would be more consistent with the union of the Churches, than in separating from their Interests.

Roni who had not been able to ward that Blow, endeavour'd* 1.21 to excuse it, and to extenuate the consequence thereof. He wrote to the King, That the said Union did not proceed from any ill Intention in the Reform'd, and that nothing but the fear of the Courts endeavouring to destroy them, in case any disunion should reign among them, had inspir'd them with it; That they should

have no fears, were the King immortal; but that the remem∣brance of the 24th of August, 1572. stuck in their Stomacks: That the Duke of Mayenne's Proposition of only granting them an Edict of Toleration from time to time, oblig'd them to think on the future, so much the rather, because that Prince's Demand, express'd the Pretentions of the major part of the Catholickcs, and especially of the Court of Rome: That that was the end of their Union, which after all was nothing but a Chimera which he laugh'd at; that it would destroy it self; that the Places they possess'd were more chargeable to them by their number, than of use for their safety. However the Court would have been glad to prevail with the Reform'd not to insist in desiring to continue the keeping of them beyond the eight Years the King had gran∣ted them at Nantes. Yet at last the Court consented to their keeping of them three years longer: And because that did not content them, another year was added to it; so that by a Brief of the 1^o of August, the keeping of their Places was continu'd* 1.22 to them for four Years longer. Moreover they obtain'd a Year more upon other Terms, by a Brief of the same Day, which declar'd, That the eight Years granted at Nantes should only be reckon'd from the day of the verification of the Edict in all the Parliaments. In the said Brief the Places belonging to private Persons were not distinguish'd from the others, by reason that it would have been difficult to obtain from every particular Person to consent to the retrenching of his, seeing that of another pre∣serv'd. But to authorise Roni, and to make the world believe that he labour'd heartily for the preservation of his Brethren, the King did as if he only granted those Favours at his solicita∣tion.

It was at this price, and by some promis'd or restor'd Pensions,* 1.23 that the King bought leave to take possession of the Places be longing to the Marshal of Bouillon. Roni's Intriegues were more prevailing than all the Endeavours of the Marshal and his Friends. The Assembly refus'd to interest it self for the preservation of his Places. The Argument they us'd for it, was, That in some pre∣ceding Assemblies, in which the Intriegues of the Cabinet had inclin'd him to thwart such particular Persons as were desirous to recommend their Affairs to the General, he had put a stop by

his Example to such deliberations; and that he ought not to take it amiss, if he was now us'd according to his own Maxims, since he had been warn'd of it, whilst he was practising them against others. The Effect of that Negotiation was, that after the break∣ing up of the Assembly, the King took possession of the Places belonging to the said Marshal, though they were Places of surety as well as the others, none of the Reform'd offering to defend them. The Marshal on his side behav'd himself like a good Poli∣tician, ordering his Men to deliver them up to the King without compulsion; Whether it were that he thought it inconsistent with the Innocence he boasted of, to take up Arms against his Sove∣reign; or whether not judging himself strong enough to resist Royal Forces, he was willing to prevent the ruin of his Places, which he was in hopes to have restor'd to him by an Accommo∣dation.

Besides all these Advantages, Roni prevail'd with the Assembly* 1.24 not to urge the restoring of the Edict to its first extent: Insomuch that at that time the King was not importun'd with a Proposition from which the Reform'd never desisted till after the ruin of their Affairs under his Son's Reign. Neither was any thing mov'd about the matter of Antichrist, by reason that the Political Assembly re∣ferr'd the Affairs about Doctrine to the Synods The Grand Machine Roni set at work to gain peoples minds, besides Gratifications and Promises, was, that of the King's grand Designs, in which the Pro∣testant Princes enter'd upon certain Conditions, of which one was, the preservation of the Protestant and Reform'd Religions. This was sufficient to dazle people, who imagin'd that all the Promises that were made to them, would be accomplish'd as faithfully as they desir'd it earnestly.

The Spaniards, according to their wonted Custom, made a great deal of noise at Rome, about the King's having allow'd the Reform'd to keep the Places of surety four years longer: And some of the Speculators of that Court declar'd, that the King ought to have retaken them by open force, even at the ha∣zard of renewieg the Civil War. But the Pope dreaded the League into which the Marshal of Bouillon endeavour'd to draw all the Protestants of Europe, under the King of England, whose inclination for the Catholicks were not yet known. He consider'd

that the Roman Religion would have been endanger'd by so potent a Union, if the Protestants had receiv'd cause to arm in the heat of their first Zeal, before the Catholick States could have form'd a sufficient League to resist them: Moreover, that the War would on∣ly serve to form closer Engagements between the Reform'd of France, and Foreign Powers, whom they stood in need of for their preservation: Whereas in time of peace, and process of time, their ardour would certainly cool, many of their Chiefs would die, or be divided; their Discipline would slacken, and they would lose their Ingagements and Intelligences. Insomuch that the Pope commended the King's prudence, and approv'd his having granted to the Reform'd the keeping of all their Places for four years longer. Thus Roni's Deputation to Chatelleraud prov'd very* 1.25 useful to the King; and at the same time his Negotiation was so agreeable at Rome, that Du Perron, who was there at that time, writ to him to congratulate his Success in the said Commission, and to let him know how much the Pope was pleas'd with it.

Roni's Ambition was very singular; although he profess'd the Reform'd Religion, he made it his study to acquire the Pope's favour. He valu'd himself upon having more Friends at Rome,* 1.26 and upon his receiving more Applauses there, than among those of his own Religion: Neither did it burthen his Conscience to find that the Court of Rome was better satisfied than his Brethren with his way of managing their Liberties and Safeties. In the mean time the Deputies of the Assembly repair'd to the Court, where they were very well receiv'd, and where neither fair Words nor Caresses were spar'd. The chief reason of that good Recepti∣on, was the secret Assurances they gave, that the Reform'd would not take Arms for the Marshal of Bouillon; and that they would not hinder the King from taking his Places, and of disposing of them as of Cities taken in a just War. Besides these Civilities redounded to the advantage of Roni, whose Negotiations had been so prosperous: And the King had no better way to express how well he was pleas'd with the complaisance of that Assembly towards that Favourite, than by those marks of his Good Will.

The Clergy assembled that Year, as well as the Reform'd, and did not break up until the following Year. The Place of the As∣sembly* 1.27 was Paris, where Villars, Arch-Bishop of Vienna, who made a Speech to the King, fill'd his Discourse with Allusions re∣lating to the Reform'd: But above all, he made very mournful Complaints about the Condition to which the Catholick Religion was reduc'd; and, he endeavour'd to persuade that it labour'd under great oppressions. 'Tis the common Stile of their Ha∣rangues: They are all upon the same Tone; and it has been ob∣serv'd, that the Clergy in the greatest Lustre in which it has ap∣pear'd these 500 Years, has still made as bitter Complaints, as if the Roman Church had been reduc'd to the utmost desolation However, the Archbishop's Complaints reduc'd themselves, in re∣quiring the Publication of the Council of Trent, the Re-establish∣ment of the Elections, and the abolishment of Laick Pensions. Moreover he accus'd the Reform'd of several Infractions of the E∣dict of Nants, and of several Scandals committed against the Catholick Religion. Among the rest, he accus'd them of having profan'd some Churches, and of having trampl'd upon the Sacra∣ment which the Catholicks adore at Milhau. The King's Answer receiv'd different Constructions; some thought it favourable, and others disobliging: But as to the Excesses that were laid to the Charge of the Reform'd, he spoke like a Prince who was not per∣swaded that there was any truth in it. He desir'd that it might be prov'd, and then promis'd to do them justice. The Clergy had occasion to renew their Complaints under the next Reign, and fi∣nally they took vengeance on the whole Party for a pretended Outrage, the Resentment whereof, at most, should not have ex∣tended beyond those who should have been guilty thereof.

At that time it was sincerely acknowledg'd, that the Edict al∣low'd* 1.28 Liberty of Conscience to all the French, whether Ecclesi∣asticks, or Laicks. Therefore Monks and Priests were often seen to embrace the Reform'd Religion. Those Conversions were cru∣el* 1.29 Mortifications to the Clergy, who look'd upon the Custom of some of the Churches in the Meridional Provinces, as Affronts to them, they preserving the Habits of those Proselites in their Vestries as Trophies erected with the Spoils of the Roman Religi∣on, in honour of the Reform'd. The Clergy not daring to desire

the King to hinder those Conversions, by reason that the Law by which they were authoriz'd, was as yet too new to be so soon vi∣olated in a Point of that importance, bethought it self of an Ex∣pedient which might have the same effect as a formal Defence. They made use of an Article in their Petitions, by which suppo∣sing that the Ecclesiasticks could never side with the Reform'd, unless to avoid the Canonical Punishment of their Crimes, and disorderly Course, they desir'd leave to try them, before they could make profession of the Reform'd Religion. This was an in∣fallible way to hinder the Ecclesiasticks from changing, since it was an easy matter to frame an Accusation true or false against a suspected Person; after which they might have forc'd him by Me∣naces and ill usage to alter his Mind, or tire him with long Impri∣sonments; or in case they had been oblig'd to release him, load him with ignominious Condemnations, which would have de∣stroy'd all the Fruit the Reform'd hop'd to reap by such Conver∣sions. This Article was granted to the Clergy, who made use of it on some occasions, when they could lay hold on such as they thought wavering in the Catholick Doctrine. But they never de∣riv'd all the Advantages they expected by it, by reason that those who were willing to quit the Roman Religion, for the most part found Means to escape the fury of those unmerciful Judges.

The Clergy obtain'd, notwithstanding, several favourable Re∣gulations,* 1.30 of which they compos'd an Edict which was long a drawing, and yet longer before they could get the Verification thereof. That which related to Religion, was, That the Re∣form'd should not be allow'd Burying Places, either in Churches, or Monasteries, nor in the Church-yards belonging to the Catho∣licks, not even under pretence of Foundation, or Patronage: That no Temples should be built so near Churches, that the Ec∣clesiasticks in performing Divine Service might receive the least disturbance or scandal thereby: That the Regents, or Teachers, Tutors, or School-Masters of Villages, should be approv'd of by the Curates, without prejudicing the Edict of Nan∣tes.

Roni found his Services rewarded that Year with the Dignity of* 1.31 Duke and Peer; and it was only to hinder the Pope from mur∣muring

thereat, that he made so many steps to perswade the Court of Rome that he was not overmuch conceited with the Re∣form'd Religion. The Marshal of Bouillon also made his Peace,* 1.32 when the King advanc'd to lay a Siege before Sedan. Sulli, that was the Name Roni took after his new Dignity, had been a great promoter of that Siege, and had made vast Preparations for the taking of that Place. But the Marshal's submission broke all the Measures of that envious Person. He deliver'd up the Castle of Sedan to the King, who was to restore it to him at the end of four years; but the King only took it out of Ceremony, and return'd it to the Marshal almost as soon as he had delivered it into his hands. This Reconciliation was made without the Duke of Sul∣ly's participation, which prov'd a great Mortification to him. Whether the King designedly conceal'd it from him, lest he should oppose it; or whether Velleroy, who was the manager thereof, would have the Marshal solely oblig'd to him for it; at least Sully complain'd, that Villeroy had sent him the King's Let∣ter by an indirect way, whereby he was desir'd to share in that Treaty; insomuch that he was ignorant of the Project, till after it was concluded. However it is most certain, that the Mar∣shal was a necessary Person for the King's Design, by reason of his credit among Foreign Protestants, who plac'd an intire confi∣dence in him, and whose Friendship the King was resolv'd to pre∣serve at any rate. Therefore the Marshal was observ'd the very next day after his Reconciliation, to be as far in the King's favour and Familiarity as ever he had been.

During these Transactions, the Court continued to cause the* 1.33 Edict to be put in execution where it was necessary. The Com∣missioners had re-establish'd the Mass at Rochel, but that Worship had been so long interrupted there, that the People being no longer accustom'd to it, the renewing thereof was very much thwarted. The Clergy appli'd it self to the King, to obtain greater Liberties. But the Court was at a great loss to Answer their Petition, not daring to do it favourably, for fear of occasioning some Comme∣tion at Rochel; nor harshly, lest the Ecclesiasticks should there∣by lose the hopes of returning thither. The thing was referr'd to an Arbitration, and Sully was chosen Mediator. The Roche∣lois had some confidence in him, perhaps because some among

them receiv'd Pensions. Some Effects of that Confidence had appear'd in the Affair of the Pancarte. The demands of the Clergy were reduc'd to Six Articles. Sully made them desist from the two first, which related to their Houses and Revenues. He obtain'd a grant for them upon the Third, for leave to visit the Sick in the Hospitals, and Criminals, and others in the Pri∣sons, and to administer Confession, and the Communion to them, on condition that it should be perform'd secretly, and without Pomp; and he prevail'd with the Ecclesiasticks not to accompany the Criminals to the Place of Executition. Upon the Fourth, he perswaded the Reform'd to allow that the Ecclesiasticks should assist at Burials, provided it were not in the Form of a Pro∣cession, carrying the Cross on high; but that they should have leave to wear their Canonical Habits in the Streets, and that the People should be hindred from insulting, or abusing them. Upon the Fifth he advis'd the Catholicks not to pretend to Places, unless call'd to them by the usual way of Suffrages; but at the same time, that no difficulty should be made to admit them to Arts and Trades, and that the Catholick Journy-men should not be turn'd out of the City, lest the Catholicks should do the same in those Places where they were the strongest. Upon the Sixth, By which the Catholicks desir'd a Place of Worship, pretending that the Commissioners had assign'd them one, he gave his Opinion for leave to build a Church there, provided the Place were neither suspicious nor troublesom; that in that case it would be fit to prevail with them to accept another; that upon their refusal, it would be proper to offer a Petition to the King to obtain a Regulation, and to abstain from ways of Fact. These Advices, which had been agreed upon by the King and the Ca∣tholicks, and which serv'd partly as a Law, until the renewing of the Troubles, show that the grand Maxim that was observ'd in the Execution of the Edict, was to leave things in the same Condition into which the Edict had found them; and to preserve to the Reform'd Religion the Priviledge of Superiority in those Places where they injoy'd it at the time of the Edict; as the Ro∣man Religion enjoy'd it in those Places out of which they had not been dispossess'd.

One would have thought that the King's Reconciliation with the Pope, and all that he had done since to perswade that he* 1.34 was a sincere Catholick, should have remov'd all the Scruples of the Bigots, and brought back every body to their Duty. How∣ever there still were some Clergy-men so much disaffected to him, that they did not pray for his Person in the publick Service. Moreover, there were several Churches under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thoulouse, where they made use of Mass-Books, in which that Prayer was omitted; and the said Books were so much in Vogue, that three Impressions of it had been sold during the Wars; one of Lyons, another of Paris, and the third of Bourdeaux. The Parliament of Thoulouse was oblig'd to remedy it that year, by a Decree which they gave on the Month of June, whereby the use of the said Mass▪Book was prohibited, and the Priests were commanded to mention the King in the Pray∣ers of the Mass.

But an Affair of far greater consequence occasion'd a great deal* 1.35 more noise. The Jesuits had of late imbroil'd all Europe by their Intrigues, and had promoted Bloody Tragedies in Sweden, Mus∣covy, Poland, Prussia, and Hungary. But that which they had design'd for England, was far more worthy of them, had the Success answer'd their hopes. They had design'd to blow up the King and Parliament with Powder, which they had laid to that purpose under the House where they Assemble, which was to have been fir'd at the King's coming in. The said Conspiracy was discover'd upon the very point of Execution, and some Jesuits who had a hand in it, were punish'd, High-Treason being fully prov'd against them, which did not hinder their Order from placing them among the Martyrs. The King's Complaisance for the Court of Rome, could not hinder them from forming that horrid Conspiracy against him. Altho he us'd his best endeavours to perswade the Court of Rome, that he inclin'd to their Sentiments; and that he express'd as much by his Publick and Private Discourses; and that there was a kind of a Secret Negotiation between the Pope and him about Reli∣gion, which Henry the 4th was Mediator of, the Court of Rome did not confide in him; whether they had no good Opinion of his steadiness, or whether they thought his Complaisance was

only an effect of Policy, to oblige the Catholicks of his King∣doms to remain quiet, in hopes of a better Condition. But he quite ruin'd his Reputation there by the Oath he exacted from* 1.36 the Catholicks, by which he made them acknowledg, that they had no dependency on any Foreign Power; that he was Sove∣reign in his Kingdoms, even in Ecclesiastical Causes. This Oath was the Discourse of Europe for several years, and serv'd to cre∣ate Divisions among the Catholicks of England, of which some maintain'd it lawful, and others contrary to their Consciences. The Pope joyn'd with the last, which was the Party of the Je∣suits. But there were some English Priests, who neither believ'd the Pope nor Jesuits in that point, and who exhorted the Ca∣tholicks to take that Oath without scruple. The King himself writ in defence of his Oath, and his Book had the success I have express'd elsewhere.

In France the Jesuits advanc'd their Affairs with a wonderful facility: And tho several Cities refus'd to consent to their Esta∣blishment, they notwithstanding daily obtain'd new Favours. However, they could not prevail to hinder the King that Year from granting the Reform'd a Boon. By the Treaty of the Re∣duction of Paris, the Exercise of their Religion was not to be allow'd them nearer than at the distance of five Leagues. It had been allow'd at Ablon, a place a little nearer than that Ar∣ticle mention'd. But yet the distance was too great to permit them to go and come in a Day, especially in the Winter time. It was very inconvenient for such as had Children to be Christ∣ned, the Reform'd at that time not allowing Baptism to be Ad∣ministred out of their Assemblies. They alledg'd that several Chil∣dren dy'd by the way, which might have been Christned had the place of their Exercise been nearer: which reason was capa∣ble to move the Catholicks upon the account of their Opinion concerning the necessity of Baptism. Moreover, Foreigners, and the Lords of the Court complain'd, that it was impossible for them to pay their Duty to God, and to the King, in one and the same Day, by reason of the great distance to which they were oblig'd to go to make their Devotions; which at that time seem'd more inconvenient than ever: The Dutchess of Bar's Death having depriv'd them of the Advantage of Religious Worship at Court,

which they had enjoy'd whilst she was a live. Therefore the Reform'd desir'd to have a place nearer, to remedy those in∣conveniences:* 1.37 And the King being desirous to favour them, of two places which they had pitch'd upon, granted them one, which was the Village of Charenton, near the Abby of St. Maur, within two short Leagues of Paris. They obtain'd his Letters. Patent for it, bearing date the 1st of August, by virtue of which they were put in Possession thereof within a few days. The King by the same Letters reserv'd to himself the Cognizance of all the Oppositions and Appellations that might be form'd upon that Subject, and forbid the Parliament and all other Judges to med∣dle with it.

That Affair did not pass without difficulty; tho it met with none from those who were most able to oppose it; viz. the Pa∣risians, who might pretend that the said Grant violated the Edict of their Reduction. It was the Lord of Charenton who oppos'd* 1.38 it, grounding the said Opposition upon that Article of the Edict which forbids the settling of the Religious Worship of the Reform'd in Mannors belonging to Catholicks, against the Will of the Lords thereof; but those Oppositions were shifted off by transferring them to the Council. Nevertheless, the Successors of the said Lord, have renew'd them from time to time, as if they had been concern'd at the improvement of their Mannor; the Village, which of it self was one of the poorest in the Kingdom, being grown one of the most considerable and richest, by the incredi∣ble Trade it occasion'd there every Sunday. But notwithstand∣ing all those Oppositions, the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion has been continu'd there until the Revocation of the Edict. The Rabble was not so easily supprest as that Lord's endeavours.* 1.39 Soon after that new Establishment, they excited a violent Sediti∣on at St. Anthony's Gate, which is the nearest to Charenton, against the Reform'd, at their coming back from their Temple. Tho the Magistrates immediately repair'd thither, it was not in their power to remedy it: And the consequences might have prov'd of very ill consequence, had not the King come back on purpose from Fontainbleau to Paris to give his Orders there. His Presence restor'd Peace and Union into the City, and confirm'd the Reform'd in the possession of the favour he had granted them.

About the same time the King receiv'd the Petitions which the Deputies General presented to him very favourably, which were very large, and very material. The most considerable Articles were, That the Modifications of the Edict, made by divers Courts and Jurisdictions, might be cut out: That it might be recorded with the particular Articles in such places where it had not been done yet: That the Comissioners already nominated, might be oblig'd to exe∣cute the Edict in Burgundy, in Dauphine, and in other places where it had not been done yet: That the Charges of their Journey might be allow'd them, to remove all pretence of delay: That the Ecclesia∣stical Lordships of the first Places of Bailiwicks might not be ex∣empted: That the Restriction of the second might be remov'd, which had been added after the first Expedition of the Edict; and that the Lands belonging to the Orders of Knighthood, might not be comprehended under the Denomination of Ecclesiastical Lordships: That the Poor might be receiv'd into Hospitals, and share in the Publick Alms proportionably to the number of the Inhabitants, and that they should not be molested upon the ac∣count of Religion; or otherwise, That the Reform'd Inhabitants of the places where the general Gatherings should be made, might not be oblig'd to contribute towards them: That in such Places where they had allow'd no Church-yards to the Reform'd, they might be allow'd to bury their Dead in the Old Church∣yards, and that the Ecclesiasticks should not be allow'd to disturb them in the same, or to take up the Corps, which the Official of Anger, the Bishop of Alby, and the Cardinal of Sourdis, were accus'd to have done to some that had been buri'd above Six, some even Eighteen Years: That a stop might be put to the Seditions that were excited in divers places against the Re∣form'd, either at their coming back from Divine Service, or when they held their Conferences or Synods: That Officers might not be allow'd to sit in their Assemblies in that Quality as they had pretended to do it in divers Provinces: That the Ministers might be allow'd to Visit the Sick, and such as were Condemn'd to Dye, and that the Priest and other Catholicks should not be allow'd to divert them from their Belief: That they might be exempted from contributing towards the Fraternities, Casting of Bells, Reparation of Churches, and the like, conformably to

the Second of the particular Articles, which the constraints impos'd by the Judges, and the Precipitation of the Syndies render'd of no use; even forcing the Reform'd to contribute towards certain Collections made for the Capucins, Jesuits, and other Ecclesi∣asticks; whereupon they beseech'd his Majesty, That whenever he should allow such Gatherings, an express Clause might be in∣serted in the Grant, declaring the Reform'd exempt of such Taxes, the which might impower the Chambers of the Edict to take Cognizance of the Infractions thereof: That the Reform'd might be allow'd the peaceable Possession of the Employments they had; upon which several Examples were alledg'd of the Opposi∣tions they had met with: That they might be receiv'd into the Offices of Receivers of the Tythes: That the Six Reform'd Coun∣sellors, or at least Three of them, might serve commonly at Paris in the Chamber of the Edict, to the end that there might be People enough to have an eye upon the observation of the Edicts, and that in case of Absence or Recusation, some body might constant∣ly remain there to take care of it: That it might not be in the Power of Parliaments to judge the Affairs of the Reform'd, unless they pleaded voluntary before them; and that the Counsellors of the Reform'd Religion, who should be accus'd of Misdemeanours in their Offices, might only be summon'd before the Chambers they were Members of: That no removal might be allow'd from one Court to another without a just Cause: That in such a Case the Neighbouring Chamber might judge according to the Formalities, Use, and Customs of the Places where the Suits were depending, without obliging the Parties to appear Personally, unless at the Charge of those that summon'd them there: That the Registers of the Parliaments of Burgundy, Provence, and others, might be oblig'd to send to the Register's Office of the Courts, where the Affairs of the Reform'd of their Jurisdiction were referr'd, the Ori∣ginal of the Criminal Informations that lay before them, by rea∣son that in several cases the Extracts were not sufficient: That the Reform'd might not be oblig'd to appear in person to demand a re∣moval, nor to surrender themselves Prisoners, unless to the Courts where the Removal should be desir'd. There were seve∣ral others, some refus'd, or not answer'd, and others of less con∣sequence.

The King's Answer to all these Articles was as favourable and as just as could be expected from an Equitable Prince, who desir'd* 1.40 the welfare of his Subjects. His Majesty order'd all the Modifica∣tions of the Edict to be cut out: That it should be Registred in such Places where it had not been done yet: That the Bailiffs, and Seneschals, or their Deputies, should execute the Edict at the first requiring, and take a Catholick or Reform'd Assistant, ac∣cording to the Religion they should be of themselves: That the Reform'd should continue the Exercise of their Religion in such places as were allow'd them by the Edict of 1577. be∣longing to the Ecclesiasticks; but that the Lands belonging to the Order of Maltha should have the same Priviledge, for the performing of the Exercises granted by the new Edict, as the other Lands belonging to the Clergy: That the Poor should par∣ticipate without distinction to the benefit of Hospitals and Alms: That Places should be provided for the Burying of the Reform'd, and that no Prosecutions should be made against them for the Bu∣rials they had hitherto made in Catholick Church-yards: That his Majesties Officers should prevent Popular Commotions and Inju∣ries by Words or Fact: That they should not be allow'd to di∣sturb the Reform'd in their Conferences and Synods, or to sit a∣mong them in the same; and that the Reform'd should admit none but Ministers and Elders there, and should treat about nothing but the Affairs relating to their Discipline in the same; but that it should be free for them to hold other Assemblies by the King's leave, to Nominate Deputies-General to reside near him: That the fourth of the particular Articles, touching Liberty to assist the Sick and Condemn'd, should be observ'd: That the second should also be observ'd, which exempts from contributing towards Fra∣ternities: That the Clause of Exemption should be put in favour of the Reform'd in the Letters the King should grant, to make Collections applicable to the use of the Roman Church; and that the Infractions should only be Try'd in the Chambers of the Edict, or Party Courts: That according to the 27th Article of the Edict, a stop should be put to all the Obstacles that were rais'd against the Reform'd, who were provided with Imploys: That no alteration should be made to the Order establish'd for the Chamber of the Edict of Paris, but that in case of illness, recusa∣tion,

or absence of the Person who was to serve in the Chamber, the Elder of the other five should serve in his room, while those Causes should be depending: That the Decrees of Parliament should only be put in execution against such as should plead vo∣luntarily before them; and that such Reform'd Officers as should be accus'd of Misdemeanors, should be summon'd for the same only in the Chambers of the Edict: That no transferring of Causes should be allow'd to the prejudice of the Edict: That the Regi∣sters who had Informations against the Reform'd, should send the Originals to the Chambers, unless some Catholicks were guilty of the same Crime, or concern'd in the Dependencies thereof, and already Appeach'd by Catholick Judges, who should have order'd the entring of the Informations in their own Offices; in which case the Extract or Copies of the same should only be sent to the Register's Offices of the said Chambers: Finally, that the Reform'd should be receiv'd to desire the Parliaments to grant them a removal by Attorney, without being oblig'd to appear there in Person.

At the very beginning of the following year, the Jesuits un∣dertook* 1.41 * 1.42 a thing, which in any but themselves would have beer judg'd worthy of a severe punishment; whereby it is apparent, that as they fear'd nothing, they had found the way to make themselves fear'd. Seguiran, one of the boldest of that Order, being favour'd by Varenne their Protector, obtain'd Letters from two Secretaries of State, without the King's knowledge, tho' in his Name, to those of Rochel, commanding them to allow him to Preach in their City. The Jesuit presented himself at the Gates, and boldly told his Name, his Profession, his Design, and his pre∣tended Power from the King. The Rochellois refus'd to let him enter into their City, answering, That they were very well sa∣tisfy'd that Jesus had no Companion, nor he any Letters from the King. The Jesuit made a great deal of noise about their re∣fusal; and the King, out of Policy, not to discredit the Letters subsign'd by the Secretaries of State, or not to offend so daring a Society, seem'd to be very angry at it. He gave Seguiran other* 1.43 Letters, and oblig'd Rochel to receive him for form sake; after which he order'd him to retire quietly. The King at the very time he seem'd to be angry, whisper'd to his Confidents, that the

Rochelois were not in the wrong. There were also Catholicks, who did not use the Jesuits better than the Rochelois had done. Poitiers refus'd to allow them to establish a Colledge there; and the Bishop was the most Zealous Opposer thereof. The Jesuit Cotton endeavour'd to lay the blame of it upon the Duke of Sully, and to make the King believe, that he was the Person who had hinder'd them from entring into that Important City, accusing him to have written against them to the Bishop. That Prelate, who was not their Friend, clear'd him from that Aspersion; and in order the better to convince the Jesuit of Calumny, he sent the King the Letters which Sully had written to him upon that sub∣ject. Those who have written Cotton the Jesuits Life, or ra∣ther the Romance which they have intitl'd his Life, have men∣tion'd Sully's Accusation by that Jesuit, but did not think fit to mention his Justification by the Bishop. Nothing can evidence the esteem which the Catholicks themselves, who were true Frenchmen, had of the probity of that Sect, better than what pass'd between some Jesuits, and a Canon of Nostredame, or our Lady of Paris. The Jesuits to honour their Church of La Fleche, daily sollicited the King to grant them his Heart, to put it there after his Death. The Chapter of Nostredame pretended that it was an Ancient Priviledge belonging to that Church, to have the keeping of the Kings Hearts: Insomuch, that the Pretension of the Jesuits met with great oppositions in those Canons, who were unwilling to yield them so considerable an advantage. During those Contestations, a Canon being netled at the Jesuits Impu∣dence, ask'd them Cruelly, alluding to the Name of that City, for which they desir'd that Honour? which of the two they desir'd most earnestly to put the King's Heart in * 1.44 La Fleche, or to put La Fleche into the King's Heart. They often re∣ceiv'd such Mortifications; but the success of their designs serv'd to comfort them for all; and they despis'd the World, because they had the Chief of the Council at their Devotion, and that the King fear'd them.

In the Month of February the King answer'd the particular Pe∣tition of the Province of Normandy. The Reform'd complain'd in the same of several things in which they were disturb'd, with∣out regard to the Regulations that had already been made on

their behalf. They remonstrated particularly, that by the ab∣sence, recusation, or illness of the Reform'd Councellors who serv'd in the Court of the Edict, it often happen'd that Suits were try'd, and none of the Reformed present; whereupon they de∣sir'd that one of the two others might take the room of him that was absent. They complain'd of the Summons the Councel gran∣ted to people who oblig'd them to go to plead in suspected Par∣liaments: That the Lords in whose Mannors Places were al∣low'd them for the exercise of their Religion, disturb'd them in the Possession of the said Places, to oblige the Communities to allow them a Vicar, Substitute, or Deputy, (which they de∣sir'd to be free from by a Fine once paid:) That at Roan on So∣lemn Festivals they only open'd the Wicket of the Gates for them, which hinder'd them from assisting at Divine Service. That ve∣ry inconvenient places were allow'd them for Burial; the Judges only allowing them in Highways and Dunghils, or in Commons distant from all Habitations, even which they refus'd to do, un∣less paid for their pains. The King granted them upon all these Points favourable answers; he order'd that in the absence of the Councellor in waiting, in the Court of the Edict, the Eldest of the two others should officiate in his stead; that no farther Sum∣mons should be granted contrary to the Edict, and that those that had occasion'd the complaint should be brought before the Council, there to be revok'd unless conformable to the Regula∣tions: That the Lords should content themselves with an la∣demnity once paid, to be referr'd to expert Persons by the con∣sent of both Parties, or Persons nominated for such an Office: That the Gates of Roan should be kept open on solemn Days for the convenience of the Reform'd, at least those two that lead to∣wards that place which was allow'd them for Divine Service; and that the Judges should allow convenient places for Burial, in places belonging to the King, or Commonalties, or otherwise; that a place should be bought at the common Cost of the Re∣form'd and Catholicks, which the Judges should be oblig'd to do without Fees; and that within the Fortnight mention'd in the 28th and 29th Articles of the Edict of Nantes.

Nothing of moment pass'd elsewhere, besides the National Sy∣nod* 1.45 that was held at Rochel. The Reform'd had sollicited to ob∣tain

it the year before; but the King who was afraid of scanda∣lizing the Legat, who was coming into France to Baptize the Dauphin, in case he should allow the Reform'd to hold a Synod in that Conjuncture, they preparing again to speak about Anti∣christ, refus'd to grant it at that time, and they were forc'd to have patience, and to put off their Synod to the following year. Several things were done, or propos'd in it, which displeas'd the Court; and the King omitted no means that Affairs might be de∣termin'd in it to his liking. As soon as the Synod was assembled, they deputed three of their Members to the King according to their wonted Custom. They were order'd chiefly to obtain three things of him. The one was to proceed to the Nomination of Two Deputies General in the room of those that had serv'd ever since the Assembly of Chatelleraud. 2dly. That the time of* 1.46 their Service might be limited to one year: And the third, That the Reform'd should only Nominate Two Persons to the King, which he should do them the favour to accept. But the King was positive to the contrary: That the said Nomination should not be mention'd, the two last not having been long enough im∣ploy'd: That the Deputies should serve three years, in order not to allow Political Assemblies yearly, under pretence of Nomina∣ting others: That the Reform'd should name Six Persons, to the end that he might be the better enabled to chuse such as were a∣greeable to him. Sulli kept the Deputies at Paris as long as was necessary to work upon them; after which having dispos'd them to what the Court desir'd, he dismiss'd them for the Sy∣nod, and gave them Letters as written from himself, tho' it was really done by the King's Orders. In one of the said Letters he endeavour'd to incline the Assembly not to insist upon the Affair of the Deputies General, by reason that they should not have time enough to think upon it, and that the number of the Mem∣bers of the Synod was inconsiderable, illness having hinder'd some of the Deputies from repairing thither. By another Letter apart, tho'* 1.47 bearing the same date, he gave his Opinion about the Question con∣cerning Antichrist, which was to be renew'd in the Synod. There were some Provinces the Deputies of which had acquainted the King, that they carry'd Memoirs thither upon that subject. Sully advis'd them not to disturb the Peace they had so much desir'd,

by unseasonable proceedings; assuring them that the then Pope would use none but mild ways to gain Consciences. In which this Lord, who was no more a Pretender to Divinity than Reli∣gion, reason'd, as if in deciding whether the Pope was Antichrist, the Synod should have consider'd the then Pope's Personal Qua∣lifications, more than the Tyrannical Power the Roman See usurps.

But the Reform'd were not ignorant that the Spirit of Popery is always the same; That the Roman Church always thinks it self bound to persecute: That there was a general Conspiration in Europe against the Protestants: That it was no longer con∣ceal'd: That it appear'd in divers places by a thousand Injustices: That even the French Nation was excited against them: That the Spaniards had Agents who endeavour'd to gain Priests, by their means to inspire Animosities and Hatred in the Catholicks against the Reform'd, which the Jesuits especially did almost barefac'd. Therefore they did not think they wrong'd the Pope, whatever his particular Maxims were, to give him a Name which suited to the Character of his Dignity, and which is much more inherent to the See itself, than to the Qualifications of the Person who fills it. Therefore the Synod did not desist from* 1.48 their Enterprize. They receiv'd their Deputies very well at their return from Court; but they were not mov'd by the Reasons they urg'd to perswade them, perhaps because the Gratifications, which were Sully's best Arguments, were not communicated to the whole Synod. There were also some Persons at Court full of Political Considerations, which they imploy'd to make the Re∣form'd fearful of offending the King; and their foresight ever ex∣tended it self to inconveniences the others did not see. There∣fore the Synod call'd them Ironically, the Clear-sighted of the* 1.49 Church; Sulli had the best Authority of any of them; yet nei∣ther his Letters, nor those of some others, could prevail any more than the Reasons of the Deputies. To be even with them, the Court call'd some of the Members of the Synod the Fools of the Synod, because they found them thick-skull'd, and that they thought too much on their safety. Those pretended Fools prov'd the strongest; and tho Montmartin us'd his utmost endeavours to strengthen the Court Party in the Assembly, his Cabal was not powerful enough to get the upper hand there.

Nevertheless he obtain'd part of what he desir'd, concerning the Question about Antichrist. He had such positive Orders* 1.50 from the King upon that subject, and he did so well represent to them, that they would offend him in persisting in their Resolu∣tion of Printing the Article of Gap in all the Confessions, that the Synod durst proceed no further in it; and so under pretence of adjourning that Affair, they laid it quite aside. They con∣tented themselves with promising the protection of the Churches to such as should be troubled for having preach'd, confess'd, or said, or written any thing about that Matter: That is, in a word, the Doctrine was stop'd, and the Question held as decided. But In∣terests of State hindered it from being incerted as an Article of Faith among the rest. This is partly what the Synod writ about it to the Duke of Rohan, from whom they had receiv'd Letters up∣on that Subject, desiring them to pleasure the King, and not to carry that matter too far. An Impression of the Confession of Faith in which that Article was incerted, having been sold off al∣ready, the Synod made Applications to the King, to beg that no body might be prosecuted, either for having shar'd in the Im∣pressions, or for keeping any Copies of that precipitated Edition. The King freely granted it, his Design being only to hinder it from ever being talk'd of. In the mean time the Synod being de∣sirous to show more clearly that they did not disown the decided Doctrine, though they had so much complaisance for the King, as not to make it an express Article of their Faith; desir'd Vignier* 1.51 to write at large about that matter; which he did in a manner that made a great noise in its time.

The Affair of the Deputy's General did not end thus. La Noue and du Cros, who had received that Quality in the Assembly at Châtelleraud, brought a Brief to the King, dated in December, which authoris'd the Synod to nominate six persons, out of which the King was to chuse two; but at the same time, that Bu∣siness only excepted, forbad them to meddle with any thing but their Discipline. The Council had thought that they should get something in acquiescing so far, tho by that permission granted to the Synod, they seem'd to consent that the Deputies General should officiate but one Year, since La Noue and du Cros had not exercis'd their Deputation much longer. But they were in hopes

that by granting this, they would deliver themselves for three years of the fear of these General Assemblies, because the King might refuse to allow one, under pretence that the Synod had pro∣vided for that time for the only thing that could render it necessary. The Synod had not the power to make that Nomination, because it exceeded the bounds of their Discipline; for which Reason the King had given them that Brief to authorise them. The Synod having examined it, did not find it sufficient, because it neither impower'd them to give a discharge to the Deputies, that were to lay down upon a new Nomination, or to give Instructions to those that were to succeed them, without which the Nomination was of no manner of use. They writ most humble Remonstran∣ces to the Court about it. The King received them very graci∣ously; and the bearers of them returned with very obliging Let∣ters from him, and almost an entire satisfaction upon the Subject of their Message; tho Sully by private Letters advis'd them not to make use of them. It is very probable that the Deputies had re∣veal'd the Secret of the Synod, which was not well dispos'd to sa∣tisfie the Court about the nomination of Six Persons. Therefore the new Brief renewing that Article, they would have been bet∣ter pleas'd to have the Synod put off the Affair of the Deputies to another time, than to see it determin'd in a way that should not* 1.52 please them. Therefore the King allow'd them to work about it, for fear of vexing them by a refusal; but at the same time his Favourite writ to them, to dissuade them from it if he could. The Synod neither believ'd him, nor those who were of his Opi∣nion, nor yet the Deputies Sully had corrupted. They discharg'd La Noue and du Cros with a world of thanks and praises; after which they nominated only two persons, although the Brief ob∣lig'd them expresly to nominate six. The Reason or Pretence of it was, That the Powers the Deputies had brought from their Provinces, did not allow them to exceed that number. But that to show that they did not design to offend his Majesty in refusing to answer his Intentions in that Point, they begg'd of him to al∣low a General Assembly to consider whether the nomination of six should be made for the future, according to the King's Desire, and to be pleas'd in the mean time to accept the two Deputies which were nominated to him by the Synod; they were Vil∣larnoul,

and Mirande, Persons of great credit amongst the Reform'd, and very zealous for the Publick Good.

Tho the Synod had positive orders to treat about nothing but* 1.53 what related to their Discipline, it did not hinder them from exami∣ning several things relating to the advantage of their Churches, which passed under the notion of the Instructions they were to give their Deputies, and the Articles of their Petitions. The deli∣verance of several Prisoners that were detained at Paris and else∣where upon the account of Religion: The pursuit of the esta∣blishment of the Churches where the free liberty of the exercise of their Religion was either hindered or contested. The naturali∣zation of the Reform'd Refugies of the Marquisate of Saluces: The care of restraining the insolence of the Monks, who often made se∣ditious Enterprizes; as it happened at Alencon, where a Capuchine had affix'd injurious Libels; and at La Roche foucault, where the White-Fryars had often insulted the Reform'd: The Affair of one Mascla, who had a great Suit depending about his Mothers Burial, which had cost him 7 or 8000 Livers: Foreign Ministers who de∣sired Letters of Naturalization: The removing of Causes granted to the prejudice of the Jurisdiction of the Courts, notwithstand∣ing the Regulations that had been often promis'd upon that Sub∣ject, were the main things the New Deputies took upon them. Above all, the exemption of the Ministers was recommended to them, for which Letters Patents had already been obtained, which the Court of Aids had already verify'd.

The Synod allow'd the Deputies of the City of Rochel to assist at their deliberation about the Affair of the Deputies, and their Instructions, by reason that it was a Political concern, and that* 1.54 Rochel held the Rank of a Province in the Assemblies in which they treated of Affairs of that nature. That Synod enjoy'd the same Liberty others had had in relation to Strangers. They re∣ceiv'd Letters from Princes, and from Protestant Universities; and some Ministers either actually assisted at the Synod, or were invited to it by the Churches, tho no Natives of France. But Rochel gave the Court some Discontents, by their calling one Malwin a Scotch Minister. He was a Prisoner in England upon the account of some Words or Writings he was accus'd of against King James and his Council. That Prince, to get rid of him, gran∣ted

him to the Rochelois, declaring positively, that he only gave him his Liberty on condition that he should depart his Territo∣ries,* 1.55 and that he should go to exercise his Ministry in France. This was a happy kind of Banishment, in which Malwin would have found considerable advantage. But one Primrose, another Foreign Minister call'd to the Service of the Church of Bourdeaux, reveal'd that Secret to the King, in order the better to obtain leave to settle himself in that advantagious Post. He might well be positive in the Matter, since he was the person that had been employ'd to carry the Letters from Rochel to the King of England, and who had brought that Prince's answer back again. Thus Private Interest began to divide the Party; and even the best among them suffer'd themselves to be drawn into little Infidelities against the General Cause. The King found fault with two things in the proceeding of those of Rochel in the Case of Malwin. First, the manner, because they had call'd him without the King's leave. Secondly, The person, by reason that the man who was a Prisoner in England for an Offence against the Go∣vernment, was not proper for France, where the disposition of Af∣fairs did not permit to tolerate Persons of that Character; and yet less at Rochel than any where else, considering their inclina∣tion for Liberty, which they indulg'd more than they ought to have done, according to the Policy of Monarchies. Sulli writ to the Rochelois to come to justify themselves, in case they were ac∣cus'd wrongfully, or to beg pardon if they were guilty. But the Af∣fair stop'd there, without being attended with any ill consequences.

During these Transactions, Chamier lost his time at the Court where he had been sent by the Synod, to offer the King the No∣mination of Villarnoul and Mirande, and the Remonstrances of the Assembly upon the dependencies of that Affair. He had been there above six Months, and yet had not been able to obtain the honour to speak to the King. His Person was dislik'd, he being one of those Fools of the Synod the King had an aversion to; one of those hard Sculs that nothing works upon; of those hearts which neither threats or promises could move, tho they are the strongest Machines of Courts. Neither perhaps was he more ac∣ceptable to Cotton the Jesuit, with whom he had formerly had a conference at Nimes; in which both of them, as it is most usual,

pretended to have the better of the other. The truth is, that the Jesuit had dazl'd the Auditors by Eloquent Digressions, which made them lose every moment the Subject of the Dispute; and that Chamier, whose Arguments had much more solidity and Scholarship in them, had reduc'd the Jesuit to save himself by that Artifice. Those who have written the Life of that Jusuit, say enough to show us, that the sharpness of Chamier would have put that Hero to a stand, had he not warded the Blow by Eloquence and Discourses wide from the purpose, which he had at command. But the Affairs Chamier came about, were yet more disagreeable* 1.56 than his Person. The King refus'd to accept the Nomination that had been made by the Synod, because it was not according to the Form prescrib'd in the Brief. The Council disapprov'd two things alike, one of which was of necessity to be allow'd. They were oblig'd either to receive the Deputies the Synod presented, which could not be done handsomly, the King having so positive∣ly declar'd that he did not like that Nomination; or to allow a General Assembly, as the only way to accommodate that Affair, which was a thing the Council never did willingly. They would perhaps have been glad to tire Chamier's patience by making him wait, and so oblige him to give over his Suit; but it was diffi∣cult to send him back without some satisfaction, by reason that the Reform'd having no body at that time to mind their Affairs▪ they daily grew worse. La Noue and du Cros had no longer any power, being discharg'd by the Synod: Villarnoul and Mirande could not do it neither, because the King would not accept them. Thus the Complaints made by the Reform'd remain'd unanswer'd:* 1.57 The Evils that requir'd speedy remedy, receiv'd none. Therefore all things rightly consider'd, the Council thought it best to allow them to call an Assembly; but that Permission was accompanied with such Limitations, that no considerable Advantages could be expected from it. The Matters they were to treat of, were pre∣scrib'd to them; they had not so much as the choice of the Place* 1.58 free, and Sully was given them as a Spy. Gergeau was pitch'd upon for the convenience of that Lord, that City being his, and the House he borrow'd his Name from in the Neighbourhood thereof.

He was receiv'd there, not like a man who interes'd himself for the Reform'd Religion; but like one who came to negotiate* 1.59 from the King. Moreover it was greatly suspected that he de∣sign'd to change his Religion which he had given reason to believe by a very extraordinary conduct. The King had offer'd him one of his Natural Daughters for his Son, provided they would both turn Catholicks: and he had oblig'd him to have some conferences with Cotton the Jesuit, who since his being at Court, had shar'd the Quality of Convertor with Cardinal Du Perron. Those Con∣ferences commonly produc'd the Effect they desir'd, being com∣monly accepted by such as desir'd only a pretence to change. Nevertheless, whether it were a Blind contriv'd between the King and Sully, or whether it were real, Sully refus'd to change, but gave his Son leave to do it if he pleas'd. The King pressing him to oblige his Son to do it, he refus'd to command it him; but de∣clar'd that he left it to his own free choice, which the King seem'd not to be very well satisfied with. I would not affirm that this were any thing but a Juggle to re-establish Sully's Reputation a∣mong the Reform'd, who look'd no longer upon him as a Member of their Party. Indeed it was not very likely that Sully should refuse in earnest what the King propos'd to him▪ to obtain an Al∣liance, which several Princes of Europe would not have disdain'd. It was also as easy for him, according to the Notions he had in∣spir'd into the King, to make a Religion to himself reduc'd to certain General Articles, as to perswade another to do it, or to believe that he might innocently authorize his Son to turn Roman Catholick. However it were, that Refusal is mention'd to his praise in his Memoirs; in which it is reported, that the King up∣braided him with loving the Huguenots better than him; by rea∣son that while he refus'd his alliance, he was treating about a Match between his Son and the Countess of Sa••x's Daughter, Grand-Daughter to Lesdiguieres. But that Reproach looks very like a Jest. It was very well known at Court, that neither Les∣diguieres, nor his Children were of the number of those who were zealous for Religion; Cotton the Jesuit knew it better than any body. And that Intriegue only serv'd to perswade, that Sully was not over religious: He was us'd in the Assembly of Gergeau like a Catholick. Du Plessis had sent them good Memoirs upon that Subject, which were follow'd.

Sulli notwithstanding prov'd very useful to the King in the Assembly, tho he refus'd to take the Title of Envoy or Commissa∣ry* 1.60 there. Seven or eight considerable Articles were treated of there, which prov'd difficult, and might have occasion'd the sit∣ting of the Assembly a long while, which was a thing the King fear'd. The Chief related to the Places of Surety. Some of them belong'd to Catholick Lords, or were fallen into their hands by succession, or otherwise. Those Lords put Catholick Gover∣nors in them. The Reform'd had already lost Caumont in that* 1.61 manner; and were upon the point of losing Montandre and Tartas in the like manner: Besides they were afraid of losing many of their Places thus by degrees; especially because Conversions were then in fashion, and that several Lords express'd but little Zeal for their Religion. They had lately had the experience of some, who af∣ter having long sought a pretence to change, had at last taken that of an accidental Conference, which Cotton the Jesuit had fasten'd upon Gigord, a Minister of some Reputation. He found him at Court, in presence of some people that were ill dispos'd, and in∣gag'd him into a Dispute, which the Jesuit and his Adherents did* 1.62 not fail to report to the disadvantage of the Minister; and be∣cause it was interrupted without being renew'd, the Minister not caring to engage in those tumultuous Disputes, in which those that talk most and loudest seem always to be in the right, which those that were wavering among the Reform'd took the advantage of to colour their Change: they pretended that he was sensible of his weakness, and confess'd himself vanquish'd. This was sufficient to give Castelnau, and some others, a pretence to do what they had long resolv'd, and to embrace the Roman Religion. Gigord did not remain mute upon the Subject of that Conference which the Jesuit's Friends publish'd: But those who had a mind to believe that he had not maintain'd his Cause well, little matter'd his Justification. The same Game was so often plaid at Court, that the Reform'd had some reason to distrust all the Lords of their Religion, and especially such as had Places, whom they chiefly endeavour'd to corrupt. Therefore Sulli seeing that that Affair, and the others, which were of consequence, might oc∣casion long debate, writ to the King, that it would be convenient to put Reform'd Governors in Places of that kind, being Friends

or Relations to the Lords to whom they belong'd; which would be a proper Expedient to remove all Jealousies on both sides. As to the other Articles, he advis'd him either to grant part of them, or to give them leave to incert them in the Instructions of their Deputies. The King pitch'd upon the last Expedient, because he was resolv'd not to treat about any thing with the Assembly; and that having only allow'd it for the nomination of the Deputies General, he would not suffer them to treat of any thing else in it. He order'd them to break up immediately after the said No∣mination. However his Answer to Sulli was very obliging for the Reform'd. He assur'd them of his Protection, and acknow∣ledg'd that they had deserv'd it by their perseverance in his Ser∣vice.

The Assembly submitted to the King's Will, and nominated Six Persons, of which Villarnoul and Mirande were Two, and sent the said Nomination to the King with very respectful Letters. The King express'd, that he did not like their writing so well, as if they had sent the Nomination the Assembly had made by De∣puties: However he was plaes'd to excuse it, and to say▪ That he would not declare his Choice until the Assembly was dissolv'd. As soon as they had obey'd him, he chose Villarnoul and Mirande, who had been presented to him by the Synod of Rochel; there∣by showing, that his refusal of them the preceding year, did not proceed from Aversion to their Persons only, but because he dislik'd the manner of their Election.

The same year the Clergy also Assembled at Paris, and their Deputies renew'd their usual Complaints to the King against the * Concordat, and the Laick Pensions. That which was most re∣markable* 1.63 in it, was, that Fremiot, Archbishop of Bourges, who was Speaker, represented the Church to be under a Misery ca∣pable to move Compassion; tho at the same time the Splendor in which he appear'd before the King, did not suit with his De∣scription of the said Desolation. Besides, a numerous Train of Bishops he was attended by, whose Air express'd no Misery, he had Five Cardinals in his Company; and this pompous Deputa∣tion resembled much more an excess of worldly Prosperity, than an afflicted Church, over-whelm'd with great Adversities.

The earnestness the Clergy express'd again that time, for the Publication of the Council of Trent, was not well receiv'd. The King answer'd with more Resolution than ever he had done;* 1.64 and upon their alledging the Promises his Attornies had made in his Name about it, he made no difficulty to disown them. He complain'd of their having promised it without his knowledge; and said, That that Publication would be a step for others after∣wards to desire the Introduction of the Inquisition: He made them sensible, that if Francis I. Henry II. and Charles IX. who had no such Solemn Ingagements with the Reform'd, as he had, and had not receiv'd such Services from them, had not approv'd that Counsel, he had much less reason to do it, for fear of re∣newing the Troubles of his Kingdom. This comforted the Re∣form'd in some measure for the grief they receiv'd that year, in seeing the Dauphin's Education committed to the Care of Cotton* 1.65 the Jesuit; since they could oppose the assurances of the King's good Will, to the fear of his being succeeded one day by a Prince, who being fallen in such ill hands was not likely to prove fa∣vourable to them. The King put the Change agreeably upon the Clergy in another Affair. That rich Body had often solli∣cited him to establish a Fund, out of which Pensions might be taken for the Ministers that should change their Religion; and whereas they had but inconsiderale Sallaries at that time, the Clergy, whose over-ruling Passion is Interest, did not que∣stion, but that in bettering the Condition of those that should change, they would invite several to immitate them. But the King being desirous, That the said Fund should be taken out of the Pockets of the Clergy, and not out of his Exchequer, caus'd the Pope to write a Brief to the Clergy, to desire them to raise that Fund themselves. The Brief was presented to the As∣sembly by the Cardinal of Joyeuse. They agreed to make a Fund* 1.66 of 30000 Livers a year, out of which they should take Pensi∣ons for Ministers only; and made a Rule excluding all such as had not been Ministers or Professors, from those Recompences; and all those who having embrac'd the Reform'd Religion since the 6th of August, should return to the Catholick Church. By the said Rule, those who were to injoy the benefit of those Pen∣sions, were oblig'd to bring in yearly Attestations of their good

Behaviour to the Agents of the Clergy; the manner also of pay∣ing them the Sums that were alloted them, was prescrib'd in the same. This Sum was inconsiderable, and yet the Clergy has ne∣ver made a sufficient number of Conquests to exhaust it: And some years after it, they took out of the said Fund, the best part of which was not us'd, Sallaries for certain Laick Missionaries, who troubled the Reform'd in a thousand manners; and recompences for People, whose Trade was to sollicit the Common People to change their Religion.

During those Transactions, the Council of Spain persecuted the Moors; whether it proceeded from the Councils own movement, or from the advice Taxis had given. Those Wretches offer'd to* 1.67 submit to the King of France, if the King would take them un∣der his Protection. But that Prince not confiding in those Peo∣ple that are naturally false and inconstant, thought fit first to send a Person among them to see what might be expected from that Overture. He made choice of Panissaut for his Envoy, a Gentlman of Gascony, and one of the Reform'd. He repair'd thi∣ther in the Habit of a Franciscan, with an Obedience that was given him by the Guardian of some House of that Order. He did negotiate with so much success, that some considerable Ad∣vantage might have been expected by it, had he been suffer'd to go on: But the Bigots told the King, That he inspir'd them with* 1.68 the Doctrine of the Reform'd, which might be true, and would certainly have been of great use, that Doctrine removing from the Mahometans the pretences of the Aversion which the Wor∣ship of the Roman Church has inspir'd in them against Christianity. Insomuch that Panissaut might have made them Christians, and good Frenchmen; but the Catholick Zeal thought it more rea∣sonable that they should remain Mahometans, than turn Huguenots. Therefore Panissaut was recall'd, and Claverie, a Gentleman of the Roman Persuasion, and of the same Country, sent in his room; but whereas he proceeded upon other Principles, which the Moors did not relish, his Negotiation met with no suc∣cess.

Lesdiguieres obtain'd that year the Staff of Marshal of France.* 1.69 His Services had sufficiently deserv'd it; but it was not granted so much in regard to his Merit, as to make him forget the Dis∣contents

he had receiv'd from the Court. In the mean time, the Spanish Faction was not a sleep, and lost no opportunities to sow Divisions in all parts to excite some Troubles in France. The Royal Family was very much imbroil'd. The King and Queen* 1.70 did not agree. That Princess cross'd him continually; and that* 1.71 which was most unaccountable, she adher'd with the Spaniards, whose Interests were espous'd by Five or Six Italians who serv'd her. The Marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta of Spain, and that of one of the Daughters of France with the Infant, had been propos'd to her, as a means that would for ever secure the Succession to her Off-spring. In order to draw her the sooner into that Project, they exasperated her mind by black Calum∣nies against the King; they perswaded her, that he design'd to be rid of her; after which the Charms of the Marchioness of Verneuiel, and the Promises of Marriage the King had made her, afforded reason to fear that he would raise her Children to the Throne, to the prejudice of hers. Those Jealousies proceeded so far, that Conchini and his Wife, dress'd themselves in their own Chamber, what that Princess was to eat, as if she had been in danger of being poyson'd. Sully sometimes advis'd the King to send back those pernicious Spirits into Italy, to stop the torrent of those Disorders, and to send the Marchioness and her Brother into England, to the end that the Queens Jealousies, and her Evil Counsellors being remov'd, she might be the sooner reduc'd to live peaceably with the King. But that Prince nei∣ther being able to remove his Mistress, nor willing to exasperate the Queen by taking her Confidents from her, while her Rival still remain'd before her eyes, encreas'd the Evil by his irreso∣lution, and daily gave the Queen new Causes of Quarrel. On the other hand, he did not relish the Marriage propos'd, the Project whereof did not agree with his designs. It was impossi∣ble for him to seek the Alliance of a House he design'd to humble. Besides, the intentions of the Council of Spain did not look can∣did in that Proposition, since one of the Conditions of it was to make War against the Protestants, which the King was sensible tended to two things, of which Spain would receive the sole benefit, and he the disadvantage. The one was, to break the Al∣liance between the Protestants abroad, and France: The other, to

renew the Civil Wars in the Kingdom. The King lik'd neither; and to satisfy his Subjects as to his good intentions, he promis'd that he would leave his Children such good Instructions, that they would take care not to renew past divisions, or to force the Reform'd to look for a Foreign Protector. He design'd to infuse into them as a principal Maxim, Never to reduce their Subjects to the necessity of wanting an Intercessor with their Prince: A Maxim equally of use to raise the happiness of the People, and the Authority of Kings to the highest degree. 'Tis a certain proof of the happiness of the People, not to stand in need of a Mediator to obtain favours from their King: And a King is ne∣ver more powerful, than when no body shares the Honour of his Favours, and the acknowledgement of his People.

There were also some Catholicks in the Kingdom, who had a* 1.72 great Aversion to those Marriages, especially the Princes, and those who dreaded, lest a Spanish Queen might bring along with her the despotick Maxims, of which all the Politicks of that Na∣tion was form'd. They thought that the Power of the Nobili∣ty, and the Liberty of the People, would be much better pre∣serv'd during a Foreign War, than in a time of Calm, which would afford favourable occasions to the Council to humble those who had a little too much Popularity and Credit: And they were sensible that the King daily aspir'd to that degree of Authority, to oblige Subjects to obey without reply. But then there were others, and particularly those, whose Souls were still inclin'd to Leagues, who fanci'd that the Grandeur of the House of Austria, and the Triumph of the Catholick Religion, were inseparable: That the Alliance with Spain was necessary to make France share in both; and that it was their true Interest to preserve themselves by a good Intelligence with that Potent House, by abandoning all the rest of Europe to them. Insomuch, that out of a Zeal to Religion they oppos'd the Glory of their Country, and omitted no means to engage the King against the Reform'd. To that end* 1.73 they daily made use of new Stratagems. They scatter'd Sedi∣tious Letters in the Streets of Rochel to alarum the People, as if the King were ready to declare War: The effect of which was, that they hasten'd their Fortifications, and took measures to avoid being surpriz'd. At the same time false Letters were cenvey'd

to the King, in which the Enterprizes of the Rochelois were exag∣erated, to oblige him to express some Resentment.

In the mean time the Jesuits, who made it their business to em∣broil* 1.74 all Europe, left no means unattempted to reduce Fance into its former disorders again. Some of them trespass'd upon the King's patience at Court with a surprizing boldness. Cotton the Jesuit was convicted of having reveal'd the Secrets the King had confided to him; but no manner of notice was taken of it. Gon∣tier the Jesuit, was a Man of an impetuous, violent Spirit, who lov'd nothing but Trouble and Broils. Ignatius Armand, was subtle and cunning, and so much the more dangerous, because his Intriegues were cover'd with the Vail of Modesty and Simpli∣city. Their Enterprises disturb'd the King exceedingly, by rea∣son that he had much ado to suppress them. But he had pre∣possess'd himself that he should tame them by his kindnesses; and that at least they would attempt nothing against his Life, while they had reason to expect new favours from him; inso∣much, that he seldom refus'd any thing they desir'd of him. He had setled them in Bearn, notwithstanding the Opposition of the Estates, and the Deputies of Provence, who protested that the* 1.75 said Settlement was contrary to the good of his Service, and the repose of the Country; and show'd a Decree of the Parliament of Pau, made in the year 1598. which prohibited the receiving of them there. The Bishop of Oleron's Intreaties prevail'd over those Remonstrances; and Jesuits were sent to him with an Edict, which order'd them only to submit to the Laws of the Country, and to the Discipline of other Ecclesiasticks; which conditions they kept no longer than till they were strong enough to lay them aside. This year they erected a Noviciat at Paris, and began to build their College of Clermont.

During these Transactions, the Court examin'd the last Petiti∣ons* 1.76 of the Assembly. They granted the Abolishment of some So∣lemnities which the Catholicks had Establish'd, in Commemora∣tion of the good Successes they had had over the Reform'd: As the Festival they had decicated at Chartres, to our Lady of the Breach, for a pretended Vision of the Blessed Virgin, who defended the Breach against the Reform'd, that had besieg'd that City in 1568. The Procession of Dreux, which was perform'd yearly there, on the

day the Duke of Guise had won a Battel against the Prince of Conde. And that which was made at Thoulouse, for some other event of the first Wars. It was also granted them, that in the Disputes of Jurisdiction, the Chambers should be Judges of their own Competency. The Judges Royal of Brittany were forbid∣den to exact from the Reform'd, who had any Affairs before them, a Renunciation of the benefit of the Edict, which allow'd their to Appeal from the Sentences of those Judges, to the Chambers of the Edict, or to the Great Council. They promis'd that the Creation of the Offices of Assistants of Inquisitors in all Royal Tribunals, which was an Invention of Sullys to get Money, should not derogate from the Priviledges the Edict granted them, of taking a Reform'd Adjunct in certain Cases; and they promis'd that all those of the Marquisate of Saluces, who should come to settle in France, both Reform'd and Catholicks, should be us'd as Natives.

A National Synod was held soon after at St. Maixant, in which* 1.77 they hardly treated about any thing besides their Discipline. Among the rest, maim'd Soldiers were allow'd by them to receive a Pension the King had founded for their maintenance; and whereas those that injoy'd it, were oblig'd to wear the figure of a Cross upon their Cloaks, they declar'd to them that they might do it without wounding their Consciences. It was observ'd also in the said Synod, that Sully had given such ill Assignments to the Reform'd, for the payment of the Sums the King was to pay them for the Years 1605, and 1606. that they could hardly make any thing of them. But the principal Affair that was treated of there, was that of Antichrist. They receiv'd the Book which Vignier had compos'd upon that matter, according to the desire of the preceding Synod, and committed it to the Examination of the Academy of Saumur, in order to have it Printed with the Name of the Author. The said Book appear'd soon after Enti∣tul'd, The Theatre of Antichrist: Among the other effects it pro∣duc'd,* 1.78 it induc'd Gontier, a Jesuit, to Preach against the Thirty first Article of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd; which he did before the King in so seditious and so insolent a manner, that the King reprimanded him severely for it: but lest the Catho∣licks should accuse him upon that account of favouring the Re∣form'd,

and of suffering their Writings to pass unregarded, he al∣so suppress'd Vignier's Book.

The first Incroachment that was made upon the Royalty's* 1.79 belonging to Reform'd Lords was made that Year by a Decree from the Chamber of the Edict of Paris. That Decree maintain'd against the Widow of a Lord de Vieille-vigne, to whom those Rights belong'd in a certain Parish of which she had the Presenta∣tion, a Gentleman who usurp'd them for this reason only, That he was the only Catholick Gentleman in that Parish; and that this Lady professing the Reform'd Religion, came never at Church. The Advocate General maintain'd the Cause of the Ca∣tholick, and pretended that no wrong was done to the Lady by the Sentence of which she was appealant; because she was only depriv'd of her Rights, for the Time being; which preserv'd them to her when she should be in a condition to reassume them. This Decree was confirm'd by the Opinions of the King's Coun∣cil; and imported that the enjoyment thereof by the Catholick, should in no wise prejudice the Lady, nor her Successors, being qualify'd for the said Priviledges; that is, being Roman Catholicks.

The Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers was also incroach'd up∣on* 1.80 that Year, upon pretence that it was abus'd. Bordes, an Augu∣stine Monk, and Giraud a Councellor of Thoulouse, were accus'd of an Assassination, the Circumstances of which were very odious. The Monk sought a shelter in the principal Cities of the Reform'd, at Tonsceins, Milhau, and Nimes; and having embrac'd their Reli∣gion, he desir'd leave to be try'd before the Party-Chamber of Languedoc. He affirm'd, that the only reason of his being perse∣cuted at Thoulouse, was because they had observ'd Sentiments in him contrary to the Catholick Doctrine: He alledg'd the usual Cruelty of that Parliament, who in abhorrence to his change of Religion, would sacrifice him without mercy. The thing being heard before the Council of State, the King sent back the cogni∣zance thereof to the Parliament of Thoulouse. The Reform'd complain'd of that Incroachment upon their Priviledges, belie∣ving themselves wrong'd every way by the said Decree. In case the Monk was accus'd wrongfully, it was a piece of Injustice to hinder equitable Judges from taking cognizance of it, to refer it

to implacable Enemies: And if he were guilty, they wrong'd the Integrity of the Reform'd Judges, to think that they would fa∣vour an execrable Assassinate, on pretence of his having em∣brac'd their Doctrine for a Protection. But whether the Crime were too well known, and the Hypocrisy of the Monk too notori∣ous; or whether the Clergy had credit enough to carry it from the Reform'd, their Complaints did not hinder the Parliament from having the Case try'd before them, and from condemning the Accus'd rigorously.

But a thing happen'd that Year at La Fleche, which comforted* 1.81 them for that small Disgrace, the which gave a Lustre to their Fi∣delity, and show'd how much the Catholicks were inclin'd to con∣spire against the State. A Book well bound and guilt was found in the House of an Inhabitant of La Fleche, a City where the Je∣suits had their chief Residence, at one Medor, who taught some Children of Quality, whose House was scituated near an Inn, which had for Sign the Four Winds, in a Street of the same Name. Half the said Book was written, part of it with Blood, and a∣bundance of Subscriptions to it written in the same manner. The Book was discover'd by a Woman who gave notice of it; but that was not a proper time to see every thing: And tho the Cir∣cumstances might probably have given great suspicion against those that were concern'd in the Book, the Inquiries that were made about it were soon stopt.

I cannot forget neither that Jeannin, formerly passicnately in* 1.82 love with Leagues, but a man of great sense, who was greatly concern'd in Publick Affairs, being sent into Holland, where the King of France had for a time sent Reform'd Ambassadors, he pro∣pos'd to the States, from the King, to have a Toleration for the Ca∣tholicks, the number of which was considerable in their Provin∣ces. He made a very fine Discourse to prove the Justice thereof; and it is likely that he spoke his thoughts, since we find in his Memoirs a Discourse like it in favour of the Reform'd, under the Reign of Lewis the XIII. He said that the Catholicks had con∣curr'd with them for the service of the State, at that very time when they were depriv'd both of Liberty and Religion, the resti∣tution of which they expected by means of the Peace: That no Servitude was so intolerable as that of Conscience: That the Pro∣vinces

had shewn it by their Example, having had recourse to Arms to free themselves from that Slavery: That the same had been done in other parts of Europe, and even in France: That God seem'd to have allow'd the happy success of that War, to show that Religion was to be taught and persuaded by the Move∣ments which proceed from the Holy Ghost, not by force, or constraint: That the King having found by experience that the means us'd by his Predecessors, had only serv'd to augment the Troubles in Religion, and in the State, endeavour'd to extin∣guish the Animosities which arise from diversity of Religion, by Peace: That he had deriv'd considerable Advantages by his mo∣deration for the Reform'd Religion, which he allow'd in his Terri∣tories, and by the observation of his Edicts, whereas before they were only granted to be violated; that having found the benefit of that Counsel, he gave it freely to his Friends: That the United Provinces had found the Catholicks in their State, when they form'd it; for which reason they ought to suffer them there: That such Sovereigns as have not found the Two Religious in their Coun∣trey, might well refuse to admit that which is not receiv'd there; but that it would argue no wisdom to oppose it, in case they en∣danger'd their state by it: That the rigour of the Provinces a∣gainst the Catholicks that were there, would be a dangerous Ex∣ample, and would prejudice the Reform'd in such Places where they were weakest; that there would be no danger in giving them some Liberty; since that if they had been faithful during the War without it, they would be so much the more so, after having obtain'd it again.

He afterwards answer'd divers Objections, which were partly the same that had been made in France against a Toleration for the Reform'd, only changing the Names. He deny'd that the State of the United Provinces was grounded upon the profession of the Reform'd Religion; By reason, said he, that the Catholicks had also concur'd towards the maintaining of it. He deny'd that it was a means to oblige the Catholicks to embrace the Doctrine of the Reform'd; by reason, said he, that constraint would rather serve to confirm them the more; that even their Death would not entinguish their belief; that they would commit it as by Ca∣bal or Tradition to their Children; or that they would fall into

Irreligion: And that it was better to tolerate Superstition than Impiety. He said as to the permission of retiring, which might have been granted them, that it would be unjust to condemn people that had done no harm, to a kind of Exile, which made them renounce all the delights which the love one has for ones Country includes in it self: That they had contributed to the conquest of the Countrey they should be oblig'd to quit: That thereby they should depopulate the State, which would be atten∣ded with other great Inconveniences. He concluded, declaring that he did not desire the Liberty of a Publick Worship for them, but only that they might not be prosecuted for what they did in their own Houses; and he propos'd precautions to prevent the evil that might be fear'd by it. That Negotiation had the success of which we see the fruits to this day. No Edict of Liberty was granted to the Catholicks; but they were tolerated in some Pro∣vinces without being disturb'd. They have carry'd their Advan∣tages in several places farther than was design'd, and no great ef∣forts have been made to hinder it: And tho they are maintain'd by no Publick Law, they injoy a Tranquility which others have been depriv'd of, tho their Sovereigns had promis'd it them by solemn Edicts.

During these Translactions, the Affairs of the Moors grew worse in Spain, and finally they were order'd to retire in a short space of time, and upon hard conditions, which were not well kept nei∣ther. The King resolv'd to grant a Free Passage through his Kingdom to such as would accept it: And in order to derive a double Advantage by their misfortune, in strengthning his King∣dom, while their retreat weakened Spain, he invited them by an express Edict to come to live in France; but the Conditions of it were so little to their advantage, that few of them resolv'd to tarry there. It oblig'd them to settle on this side the Dordor∣gna, to keep them at a distance from the Frontiers of Spain; to turn Catholicks, and to persevere in the Roman Faith, on pain of death. Perhaps a greater number of them would have prefer'd the sweet Climat of France to the Scorchings of the Coasts of A∣srick, had better Conditions been given them; and as they were for the most part good Merchants, expert Tradesmen, diligent Labourers, they would have been of great advantage to the

State, by their Industry; besides their carrying great Riches a∣long with them, tho they had been forc'd to leave the best part of them in Spain. Even in France they were forc'd to pay their passage by a thousand violences and injustices that were exercis'd against them. Those who were intrusted with the care of their Conduct and Embarkment, plunder'd them, and reduc'd them to great Extremities. The Deputies who brought their Complaints to the Court, return'd back with a shadow of satisfaction, which came to nothing: The Bigots who thought all things lawful against Infidels, protecting those highly who prostituted the Faith of France by their Injustices, in an occasion of that impor∣tance. Thus those Wretches carry'd away nothing from Europe besides their Arts and Cunning, together with an implacable ha∣tred against the Christians, whom they have ever since look'd upon as People without Faith or Probity: And their Children to this day by their Infidelities and Piracies, revenge the Injustices the Christians did to their Families at that time, by plundering of their Forefathers.

The King did not see that Passage; for as he was noble and just, he would perhaps have hinder'd those miserable Wretches from being us'd so barbarously. But an unexpected Death broke all his Measures and Designs, depriv'd the Kingdom of its De∣liverer, the Reform'd of their Defender, and all Europe of its Hopes. The Prince of Conde had lately marry'd the Daughter of the late Constable. Before that Marriage the King had hardly taken notice of her being the most beautiful Lady of the Court; but all of a suddain he fell in love with her, to that degree, that he could not conceal his Passion. The Prince being jealous, and* 1.83 dreading the Power of his Rival, fled with his Wife, who was willing to avoid the Snare that was laid for her Virtue, and got in∣to Flanders with her, without Attendance or Equipage. The King either transported with his Passion, which he was no longer* 1.84 Master of, or being willing to embrace that occasion to attack the House of Austria, as he had long design'd it, desir'd the Arch-Duke, who had receiv'd them very kindly, to send them back; and upon his refusal declared War against him. Some of his Councellors thought that Declaration a little too rash, be∣ing of opinion that the Prince who had neither Estate, Places of

strength, nor Creatures, could not be formidable enough to oblige the King to make so much noise about his Flight: Besides that, without making use of that Pretence to wage a War, a ve∣ry favourable one offer'd it self in the overture of the succession of Cleves to begin it, by reason of the King's alliance with some of the Pretenders. Moreover the Preparations of War were not ready, some of the Allies not being yet in a condition to act. But the King had his private Ends, and his Will decided the Que∣stion.

It was high time for Spain to look to it self. Never had such* 1.85 great Preparatives been seen in France. The Civil Wars had al∣most made all the French good Soldiers. There was an incredi∣ble number of old Officers, signaliz'd by a long experience. They wanted no experienc'd Generals; and the King was acknowledg'd throughout Europe for the boldest and best Captain of his time. The Blood boil'd in the veins of the Reform'd, who expected the end of their fears, by the downfal of the House of Austria, and only desir'd an occasion to revenge themselves by a just War, of the Massacres and Violences they thought the Council of Spain had inspir'd to that of France. The Catholicks hop'd to advance, and to set a value upon themselves by the War. The oeconomy and vigilancy of Sully had put the King's Affairs in such an or∣der, that the like had never been known. The Arsenal had ne∣ver been so full of Arms: And that which was most to be won∣der'd at, France had never had so much ready Money, nor so many recourses for several years. They had great and powerful Alliances: Besides that of the Unite Provinces, which had been renew'd, another had lately been concluded at Hall in Suabia, notwithstanding all the Emperor's opposition, with about 15 Pro∣testant Princes. These Preparations made Rome tremble for its Religion, and Spain for its Greatness: And their Interests appear'd so much interwoven, that they seem'd to run the same hazards, and to stand in need of the same success.

The truth is, that the King's Design was not positively known: And whereas he had not time enough to pursue the Project of it long, nothing happen'd whereby one might penetrate into the se∣cret of his Intentions. Such different Projects were proposed to him, that it was impossible to divine his justly. Moreover, it is

very well known that tho Princes begin War upon a certain Plan, they soon forsake it, according as Occurrences more or less favou∣rable inspire them with new thoughts. But there were two things that might be look'd upon as certain, or at least very pro∣bable. The one is, that Sully being his Confident, the Project that has been incerted in his Memoirs, which he had imparted to several people, was not altogether Chimerical: that according to that it was to be fear'd, that the King had a design to found the Equilibrium of the Powers of Europe upon the Equilibrium of the Religious: That consequently he would never consent to the ex∣terminating of the Protestants, therefore he was not look'd upon at Rome as a good Catholick, and they did not doubt but he had retain'd from his first Religion the design of humbling that haugh∣ty See: A remainder of Heresy, which is more odious in that Countrey than the most detestable Errors. Moreover this fear was all grounded upon his having made almost all his Alliances with Protestants: From whence it follow'd naturally, that in case he should succeed in his Enterprizes, none but Protestants would enjoy the benefit of his Victories: The Damages whereof would consequently fall upon the Catholick Religion. It is true that the Pope was offer'd the reunion of the Kingdom of Naples, to the demean of the Church: But the Religion got nothing by it, since all the Inhabitants of that Kingdom were Catholicks; whereas it would lose whatever should fall under the Power of the Protestants. The other was, That the King design'd to humble the House of Austria, and that he only ingag'd divers Powers into his Interests, by promising to enrich them with the Spoils of Spain: Which was look'd upon in the Council of that Court as a Crime less to be forgiven than Heresy.

But while all Europe was attentive on the Revolutions that were preparing and that all People were in suspence, between curio∣sity, hope, and terror, the Scene was chang'd by a fatal Cata∣strophe. The King had had the Complaisance to have the Queen crown'd before his departure. He omitted nothing to live pea∣ceably with her: And whereas the War he was entring upon broke all the Queens Measures, for the double Marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta, and of the eldest Daughter of France with the Infant, he was willing to remove that Vexation by

a Ceremony, which seem'd material to that jealous mind, in or∣der to secure the Crown to her Children. Some Persons of known wisdom had endeavour'd to disuade the King from that Pomp, which engag'd him to Expenses no wise suitable to the begin∣nings of a War, the event of which was doubtful. Moreover Roni had prevail'd to break the Project of that Ceremony; which ruin'd him quite in the Queens mind, who was already animated against him for other Reasons. But finally, the King resolv'd to give his Wife that satisfaction at any rate whatever. The Cere∣mony of the Coronation was perform'd at St. Denis with great magnificence: But while a sumptuous Entry was preparing for the Queen, after which the King was to repair to the head of his Army which drew near the Frontiers, and execrable Assassinate killed him in his Coach, on the 10th of May, as he was going to the Arsenal, there to give some orders relating to his Enterprize. The Historys of the Time relate the Circumstances of his Death at large; several Relations being order'd to be written about it, to dissipate the Suspicions people had throughout the Kingdom, that some people at Court were privy to the Secret of that Parricide. But no other Victims were offer'd to the Shrine of that great Prince, but the Monster who had struck the blow: And those who were most oblig'd to discover and prosecute the Authors of that Crime, took no more care to revenge him, than he had done to revenge the Death of Henry the III. his Predecessor. That which prov'd most honourable for his memory, was, that all his good Subjects lamented him as their Father, foreseeing that it would be long before any King should ascend the Throne, deser∣ving to be compar'd to him.

It is a very surprizing thing, that those who labour'd to de∣stroy the Reform'd, should have pitcht upon the time of that great Kings death, for the Epact of a ridiculous Enterprize, which they have imputed to the City of Rochel. Not being certain at what time they invented that Calumny, I think I cannot chuse a more proper place to relate the Story of it, than the moment in which they pretend the thing happen'd. That Potent City is accus'd of a design to extend their Power farther, in making themselves Masters of Brouage. The design, they say, was to convey two Ships fill'd with Soldiers, disguis'd like Merchants, into the Port

at break of day, who under pretence of unlading their Mer∣chandize, were to possess themselves of the Port-gate. It was usual for the convenience of Trade, to open it sooner than any of the rest; and those People were to make use of that advan∣tage, to enter the City without hinderance. They were to kill all such as should make any resistance; and Rochel had promis'd to send them, as soon as they were Masters of the Place, a suffi∣cient Reinforcement to maintain themselves there. Those Ships, they say, arriv'd at that appointed hour, but the little Gate was not open'd all that Morning, by reason that the Governor had receiv'd the news of the King's fatal Death in the Night by an Ex∣press. Insomuch, that the Ships were oblig'd to retire. Never* 1.86 was Calumny so ill invented; and I am at a loss which to won∣der at most, the Impudence of the Inventor, or the Credulity of Deagean who has reported it. I appeal to all Persons of sense, whether it be not improbable, that during the King's greatest Prosperity, at a time when he was Potent enough to prescribe Laws to all Europe, such a City as Rochel, without Intestine Leagues, without Foreign Intelligence, should have been capa∣ble to declare a War to him, and to undertake Conquests upon him? I say, without Intelligence at home, or abroad; because, that if there had been any such thing, it were impossible but that some Tracts of it would have been found at least sufficient to ground Suspicion upon; or that some mention of such a Trea∣ty would have been made in some Memoirs or other. It is also certain, that the rest of the Reform'd could not at that time have enter'd into so shameful a Conspiration; and that, had it been true, Rochel would certainly have been disown'd by all the Par∣ty. The King was engaging into a War, which extreamly pleas'd the Reform'd, from the success of which they expected, as it were, to indemnify themselves for all their Miseries past. They imagin'd themselves upon the point of Triumphing over their Ancient Enemies. They had us'd the utmost of their skill to put the King upon that Enterprize. The Alliances of that Prince were partly contriv'd by them. It is natural to conclude from thence, that it was very unlikely they should share in any Designs capable to cross that of the War, which-they were so much set upon; and that had Rochel dar'd to form the Project

imputed to it, all the Reform'd would have abandon'd it to the King's Indignation; and perhaps, would have thought them∣selves oblig'd in honour to assist his Revenge. Those who go∣vern'd that City, sufficiently understood the Interest of the Re∣form'd, to expect any thing else; and it is very unlikely, that knowing it, they should ingage themselves in Enterprizes of such dangerous Consequence. It seems as unaccountable to me, that those who made Rochel form so ridiculous a Design, at such a time, should make them abandon it, when the King's unex∣pected Death, and the Confusion which follow'd it, might not only contribute to the Success of it, but also to the impunity of the Enterprize. People commonly chuse times of Disorder and Trouble to take the advantage of others Misfortunes. And yet they make Rochel pitch upon a time for an Enterprize of the utmost Impudence, where the King they were to offend, was most in a condition to punish them for it; and they make them desist from their Design at a time, when the misfortune of the State would have oblig'd it to wink at that insolence. It must needs be acknowledg'd, that this Calumny is very ill contriv'd. One Witness only appears to reveal that secret, and that very Witness carries his Reproach about him. It was a Man, as Deagean re∣lates it in his Memoirs, who abandons his Religion, and betrays his Country, even so far as to give Intelligences to surprize Ro∣chel, and those Intelligences so certain, that they could not have fail'd of Success, had they been made use of. That Man, in imitation of all those who embrace the Roman Religion out of in∣terest, was desirous to signalize himself by an important disco∣very; and he had found nothing so proper to advance himself, as to impute scandalous, opprobrious Designs to the Rochelois; by reason that such Accusations were very well receiv'd at Court, where they impatiently indur'd the Power of that City. Let the Reader judge, whether it is possible that a design, which must needs have been communicated to so many, which must have been known throughout so large a City, the Preparations whereof must have been made by degrees, and at leasure, should notwithstanding have remain'd so secret for so many Years, that not one Man should have been found capable to reveal it. The Court had Creatures in all the Councils of Rochel. There were

Persons of Honour who lov'd the King, whose good Intentions often frustrated the Designs that City form'd for its own lawful Preservation. And yet it is neither those Creatures, nor those well-affected Persons, who reveal a Secret of that consequenc. It is a Man, who changes his Religion, that gives the first know∣ledge of it; and a Man, who being ready to sell his Country to make his Fortune, might very well lay a false Accusation to its charge. Moreover, it is a Man of no consideration, to be be∣liev'd in an affair of that consequence; Deagean, who says, That this Ruffian was concern'd in that undertaking, and that he was on board one of those Ships, would not have forgot his Quality, had he had any Command there; and as he says nothing of it, it implies, that he was only a private Soldier, or Seaman. I have insisted on the Refutation of this Calumny, a little at large, for two Reasons. The First is, That the Catholicks have laid a stress upon it, as if there had been truth in it. The Second is, That by the nature of this Accusation, it is easy to judge of several others, by which they endeavour'd to animate Princes, either in particular, against that Important City; or in general, against the whole Party of the Reform'd. They daily invented some or other, but seldom observ'd the Rules of likelihood any better.

The End of the First Volume.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1604.
• * 1.2

  The Reform∣ed fear that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits.
• * 1.3

  He answers their Pa∣pers favou∣rably.
• * 1.4

  Gex.
• * 1.5

  The Genius of la Tri∣mouille.
• * 1.6

  And his Death.
• * 1.7

  The Process, of the Car∣dinal de Chatil∣lon's Wi∣dow.
• * 1.8

  1605.
• * 1.9

  The Pyra∣mid thrown down.
• * 1.10

  New Fa∣ctions.
• * 1.11

  The Assem∣bly at Cha∣telleraud.
• * 1.12

  St. Ger∣main's Let∣ter to the Mareschal de Bouil∣lon.
• * 1.13

  Roni is sent the King's Com∣missary at the Assem∣bly. His In∣structions.
• * 1.14

  1505.
• * 1.15

  His Speech.
• * 1.16

  Provincial Councils.
• * 1.17

  Deputies General.
• * 1.18

  General Assemblies.
• * 1.19

  Union re∣new'd
• * 1.20

  Lesdi∣guieres en∣ters into it.
• * 1.21

  Roni excu∣ses that New Oath.
• * 1.22

  A Brief for the keep∣ing of the Hostage Cities.
• * 1.23

  The Assem∣bly suffer the Marshal of Bouil∣lon's Pla∣ces to be ta∣ken.
• * 1.24

  Other Ad∣vantages which Ro∣ni obtains of the As∣sembly.
• * 1.25

  The Pope is very well satisfied with it.
• * 1.26

  The Depu∣ties of the Assembly are caress'd at Court.
• * 1.27

  Assembly of the Clergy.
• * 1.28

  1606.
• * 1.29

  Artifice to hinder the Ecclesia∣sticks from changing their Reli∣gion.
• * 1.30

  Edict in favour of the Clergy.
• * 1.31

  Roni Duke and Peer of France.
• * 1.32

  The Mar∣shal of Bouillon makes his Peace.
• * 1.33

  Treaty with the Roche∣lois.
• * 1.34

  Priests who refuse to pray for the King.
• * 1.35

  Powder-Plot.
• * 1.36

  Oath ex∣acted from the Catho∣licks in England.
• * 1.37

  The Re∣form'd of Paris ob∣tain the Exercise of their Reli∣gion to be perform'd at Cha∣renton.
• * 1.38

  The Lord of the Mannor opposes it in vain.
• * 1.39

  A Sedition in Paris.
• * 1.40

  Favourable Answers to the Petiti∣ons.
• * 1.41

  1607.
• * 1.42

  The Jesuit Seguiran's Enterprize to Preach at Rochel.
• * 1.43

  Mortifica∣tions of the Jesuits.
• * 1.44

  Which sig∣nifies a Dart or Arrow.
• * 1.45

  Synod at Rochel.
• * 1.46

  Deputies General.
• * 1.47

  The Questi∣on about Antichrist renew'd.
• * 1.48

  Deputies gain'd at Court.
• * 1.49

  Clear-sight∣ed of the Church; and Fools of the Synod.
• * 1.50

  The Questi¦on is de∣fer'd.
• * 1.51

  Vignier order'd to write at large about it.
• * 1.52

  The Synod only names two Depu∣ties Gene∣ral.
• * 1.53

  Affairs treated in the Synod.
• * 1.54

  Foreign Mi∣nisters.
• * 1.55

  Malwin call'd to Rochel.
• * 1.56

  The King refuses the Nominati∣on of the Deputies.
• * 1.57

  1608.
• * 1.58

  A General Assembly is allow'd at Gergeau.
• * 1.59

  Sully suspe∣cted by the Reform'd.
• * 1.60

  Affairs of the Assem∣bly.
• * 1.61

  Places lost by the Re∣form'd.
• * 1.62

  Conference and Chan∣ges of Reli∣gion.
• * 1.63

  The Solemn Act that passes be∣tween the Pope and the French King.
• * 1.64

  A resolute Answer of the Kings, disowning the promises made in his Name by his At∣tournies.
• * 1.65

  Cotton the Jesuit made Tutor to the Dau∣phine.
• * 1.66

  Fund for such Mini∣sters as should change their Reli∣gion.
• * 1.67

  Treaty with the Moors who were persecuted in Spain.
• * 1.68

  It is spoken by the Bi∣gots.
• * 1.69

  Lesdi∣guieres Marshal of France.
• * 1.70

  1609.
• * 1.71

  The Kings Domestick Troubles.
• * 1.72

  Divers Sentiments about the Alliance with Spain
• * 1.73

  Frauds to renew the Civil War.
• * 1.74

  Power of the Jesuits.
• * 1.75

  Setled in Bearn.
• * 1.76

  Petitions answer'd.
• * 1.77

  Synod at St. Maix∣ant.
• * 1.78

  Theatre of Antichrist.
• * 1.79

  Incroach∣ment upon the Rights of Royalty.
• * 1.80

  Jurisdicti∣on of the Chambers.
• * 1.81

  A Book found at La Fleche.
• * 1.82

  Discourse of Jeannin a∣bout Liber∣ty of Con∣science.
• * 1.83

  The Prince of Conde': Flight.
• * 1.84

  War de∣clar'd a∣gainst the Arch-Duke.
• * 1.85

  The King's Formidable Power.
• * 1.86

  Calumny a∣gainst Ro∣chel, and its Refuta∣tion.