Pseudo-martyr Wherein out of certaine propositions and gradations, this conclusion is euicted. That those which are of the Romane religion in this kingdome, may and ought to take the Oath of allegiance.

PSEVDO-MARTYR.

CHAP. I. Of Martyrdome and the dignitie thereof.

AS a Depositarie to whose [ I] trust some pretious thing were committed, is not onely encombred and anxious, to defend it from the violencies and subtleties of outward at∣tempters, but feeles with∣in himselfe some inter∣rupt••ons of his peace, and some inuasions vpon his honesty, by a corrupt desire, and temptation to possesse it, and to employ vpon his owne plea∣sure or profit, that of which he is no Proprietary: and neuer returnes to his security, out of these watchfulnesses against other, and reluctations

with himselfe; till he who deliuered this Iewell, resume it againe: So, till it please the Lord, and owner of our life to take home into his treasurie, this rich Carbuncle our soule, which giues vs light in our night of ignorance, and our darke body of earth, we are still anguished and trauelled•• as well with a continuall defensiue warre, to preserue our life from sickenesses, and other offensiue vio∣lences; as with a diuers and contrary couetous∣nes, sometimes to enlarge our State and terme therein, somtimes to make it so much our owne, that we may vnthriftily spend it vpon surfets, or licentiousnes, or reputation.

2 From thence proceeded that corrupt pro∣digality of their liues, with examples whereof all Histories abound; honour, ease, deuotion, shame, want, paine, any thing serued for a reason, not only to forsake themselues, or to expose them∣selues to vn-euitable dangers, but also to be their owne executioners•• yea we read of the women of a certaine town,* 1.1 that in a wantonnes had brought it vp for a fashion, to kill themselues.

3 Which corruption, and Ambition of bee∣ing Lord of our selues, euery sort of men, which contributed their helpes to the preseruation and tranquility of States, laboured against•• as first the Philosopher, who obseruing that honour and ••ase did principally draw men into this inclinati∣on, because they were desirous to get a name of

during, and of greatnes, and to escape the miseries which euery day in this life presents, and heapes vpon vs; did therefore teach,* 1.2 That nothing was more base and cowardly, then to kill ones selfe, so to cor∣rect that opinion of getting honour by that Act: and to ouerthrow the other opinion of ease,* 1.3 they taught Death to be the most miserable thing which could fall vpon vs.

4 And when the Spaniard in the Indies found a generall inclination, and practise in the inhabitants to kill themselues, to auoide slauer••e; they had no way to reduce them, but by some dis∣semblings and outward counterfeitings, to make them beleeue, that they also killed themselues, and so went with them into the next world, and af∣flicted them more then, then they did in this.

5. The Emperors also by their lawes and ci∣uil Constitutions,* 1.4 haue opposed remed••es against this ordinary disease, by inflicting forfaitures and infamou•• mulctes vpon them which shold do it.* 1.5 And the Church hath resisted it by her Canons,* 1.6 which denie them Christian buriall, and refuse their oblations at the Altars. And with what seuere lawes, other particular States haue laboured against it, appeares by the law of our nation, which esteemes it not only Man••slaughter but Murder. And by that law in the Ea••ledome of Flanders, which reckons it amongst the heinous names of Treason,* 1.7 Heresie, and Sedition.

6 And yet it was obserued, that this corrupti∣on was so inhaerent and rooted, and had so ouer∣growne our nature, or that corruption which de∣praues it, that neither those imperiall lawes, nor that forme of a State which Plato Ide••ted,* 1.8 nor that which Sir Tho. Moore did imagine and deline∣ate thought it possible vtterly to extirpate and roote out this disposition,* 1.9 but onely to stoppe and retard the generall precipitation therein: And therefore in their lawes they haue flattered our corruption so much, as to appoint certaine cases and reasons, and circumstances, in which it might be lawfull to kill ones selfe.

7 And Almightie God himselfe, who dis∣poses all things sweetely, hath beene so indulgent to our nature, and the frailty thereof, that he hath affoorded vs a meanes, how wee may giue away our life, and make him, in a pious interpretation, beholden to vs for it; which is by deliuering our selues to Martyredome, for the testimony of his name, and aduancing his glorie: for in this we restore him his Talent with profite; our owne soule, with as many more, as our example workes vpon, and winnes to him. To denie him this, is not onely to steale from him, that which is his, by many deare titles; as Creating, Redeeming, and Preseruing; but at such a time, as his honour hath vse of such a seruice at our handes, then to withdraw our testimony from him, is as much a

betraying and crucifying of him againe, as it was in them, who by their false witnesse, occasioned his death before.

8 Saint Iohn saith,* 1.10 that the Baptist was not that light, but (as though that were the next dig∣nity) hee came to beare witnesse of that light. And when our blessed Sauiour re••used to beare witnesse o•• him••elfe;* 1.11 those, whom he reckons as his witnesses, are all of ••o high dignity, as no ambi∣tion can be higher, then to be admitted amongst those witnesses of Christ; ••or they are thus laide downe; First the Bapt••st, then his Miracles, then his Father, and then the Scriptures.

9 How soone God beganne to call vpon man for this seruice, by sealing his acceptation of Abels sacrifice, in accepting Abel for a Sacrifice: for so saith Chrysostome, Abel, in the beginning, be∣fore any example, first of all Dedicated Martyredome.* 1.12 And as soone as Christ came into the world, after he receiued the oblations of the kings, presenting part of their temporall fortunes; the next thing wherein he would be glorified, was that Holo∣caust and Hecatombe of the innocent children, martyrd for his name.

10 And though wee cannot by infinite de∣grees, attaine to our patterne Christ, the generall Sacrifice; yet we must exceed those Typique times, and Sacrifices of the old law; and be no more co∣uetous of our selues, then they were of their beasts,

when that Sacrifice is required at our hands: for when we sacrifice our concupiscences, by root∣ing them out we equall them, who sacrificed their beasts; but we exceede them, when we immolate our soule and body to God.

11 The blood of the Martyres was the milke which nourished the Primitiue Church, in her infancy, and shall it be too hard for our digestion now? It was the seede of the Church, out of which we sprung; and shall wee grudge to Tithe our selues to God, in any proportion that hee will ac∣cept? As Zipporah said to Moses,* 1.13 vere sponsus sangui∣num es mihi; the Church may well say to Christ, who lookes for this Circumcision at her hands, and this tribute of blood, which he hath so well deser••ed•• both by begetting the Church by his blood vpon the Crosse•• and feeding her still wi••h the same blood in the Sacrament.

12 But those whom hee hath pre-ordained to this supreame Dignity of Martyrdome, God doth ordinarily bring vp in a nouitiate, and Apprenti∣sage of worldly Crosses and Tribulations. And as I••stinians great Officer Tiberius,* 1.14 when out of a reuerence to the signe of the Crosse, he remoued a Marble stone from the Pauement, and vnder it found a second stone, with the same Sculpture, and vnder that a third, and vnder all, great plenty of treasure, had not this treasure in his hope, nor purpose, nor desire before hand, but satisfied him∣selfe

in doing that honour to that signe, which those first times needed: So is the treasure and crowne of Martyredome seposed for them, who take vp deuoutly the crosses of this life, whether of pouerty, or anguish'd consciences, or obedience of lawes which seeme burdenous, and distastefull to them; for all that time a man serues for his free∣dome, and God keeps his reckoning, from the in∣choation of his Martyredome, which was from his first submission to these tribulations: which Chrysostome testifies thus;* 1.15 That when one is executed, he is then made a Martyr (that is, declared and accep∣ted ••or a Martyre by the Church) but from that time, when he begunne to shewe, that he would professe that Religion, he was a Martyre, though he endured not that which Martyres doe.

13 Saint Paul ••aith of himselfe, I die daily;* 1.16 and Chrysostome of Dauid, He merited the Crowne of Mar∣tyrdome a thousand times in his purpose and disposition, and was slaine for God a thousand times. And these per∣secutions are not onely part of the Martyredome, but they are part of the reward: for so S^t. Marke seemes to intimate, when hee expresseth Christ thus; No man shall forsake any thing for my ••ake, but he shall receiue a hundred folde now at this pre••ent, houses Brothers, Sisters, Mothers and Children, and land, with Persecutions. So that Christ promises a reward, but not to take away the persecution; but so to mingle and compound them, and make them

both of one taste, and indifferency, that wee shall not distinguish, which is the meate and which is the sawce, but nouri••h our spirituall growth as well with the persecution, as with the reward.

14 For this high degree of a consummate Mar∣tyre, is not ordinarily attained to per Saltum, but we must be content to ••erue God first in a lower ranke and Order: for as much Kings, as come to the possession of a Kingdome, by a new, or a vio∣lent, or a litigious Title, doe vse at the beginning to signe their Graunts, and Edicts, and o••her pub∣l••que Acts, not onely themselues, but admit the Subscription and testimony of their Counsellers, and Nobility, and Bishoppes; but being est••bli∣shed by a long succession, and entring by an in∣dubitate Title, are confident in their rights, and come to signe Teste me ipso: So doth our Sauiour Christ ordinarily in these times, when hee is in possession of the world, seale his graces to vs by himselfe in his word and Sacraments, and do••h not so frequently c••ll witnesses and Martyrs, as he did in the Primitiue Church, when he induced a new Religion, and saw that, that maner of con∣firmation was expedient for the credite and con∣ueiance thereof.

And if a man should in an immature and vn∣digested zeale, expose his life for testimony of a matter, which were already beleeued, or to which he were not called by God, he did no more honor

God in that acte, then a Subiect should honour the King by subscribing his name, and giuing his T••stimony to any of the Kings Graunts.

CHAP. II. That there may be an inordinate and corrupt affectation of Mar∣tyrdome.

THe externall honours, by which the [ 1] memories of the Orthodox Martyres in the Primitiue Church were cele∣brated and enobled, (as styling their deaths Natalitia, obseruing their Anniuersaries, commemorating them at their Altars, and institu∣ting Notaries, to register their actions and passi∣ons) inflamed the Heretiques also to an ambition of getting the like glory. And thereupon they did not onely expose and precipitate themselues into ••ll d••ngers, but also inuented new wayes of Martyredome; with hunger whereof they were so m••ch enraged and transported, that some of them taught,* 1.17 That vpon conscience of sinne to kill ones selfe, was by this acte of Iustice, a Martyr∣dome•• vpon which ground Petilian, against whom Saint Augustine writes, canonized Iudas for ax 1.18 Mar∣tyre. The rage and fury of the Circumcelliones, in extorting this imagined Martyrdome; brought them first to solicite and importune others to kill

them; and if they fail'd in that suite, they did it themselues. And another Sect prospered so farre in heaping vp numbers of Martyres,* 1.19 that their whole sect was called Martyriani.

2 And a zealous scorne to be ouertaken, and ••qual'd in this honor, prouoked sometimes those who write the Actes of the Orthodoxe Martyrs, to insert into their Histories some particulars which were not true, and some which were not iustifiable:* 1.20 for of the first sort of these insertions, which proceeded (as he saith) out of too much loue to the Martyrs, Baronius in his Martyrologe com¦plaines;* 1.21 and by the Canon which forbids these Histories to be reade publiquely in the Romane Church, it seems they were careful that the people should not thereby be taught and encouraged, to bring such actions into consequence and imitati∣on, as, (if the immediate instinct of Gods spirit, did not iustifie them) would seeme indiscreete and intemperate. Nor were they onely, which cor∣rupted the stories in fault, but out of Binius, the last compiler of the Councels, we may perceiue, that euen they which were Orthodoxe pro••essors, had some tincture of this ouer-vehement affecta∣tion of Martyredome: for he saies, that the sixe∣teth Canon of the Eliberitane councell (by which it is enacted,* 1.22 That those Christians which attempted to breake the Idols of the Gentiles, and were slaine by them, should not be numbred amongst the Martyrs) was made

to deterre men from following such examples, as Eulalia, who being a maide of twelue years, came from her fathers house,* 1.23 declared her selfe to be a Christian, spit in the Iudges face, and prouoked him to execute her. To which they were then so inclin••ble,* 1.24 that as a Catholique Author hath ob∣serued, that state which inflicted those persecuti∣ons; sometimes made Edicts, that no more Christians should be executed, because they per∣ceiued how much contentment and satisfaction, and complacency some of them had in such dy∣ing.

3 And although these irregular and exorbi∣tant actes be capable of a good interpretation; that is, that the spirit of God did by secret insinu∣ations e••cite and inflame them, and such as they were, to pu•• feruor into others at that time; yet certainly God hath already made his vse of them, and their examples belong no more to vs, in this part and circumstance of such excesses.

4 And though this secret and inward instinct and mouing of the holy Ghost, which the Church presumes, to haue guided not onely these mar∣tyres, in whose forwardnesse these authors haue obserued some incongruity with the rules of Di∣uinity, but also Sampson, and those Virgines which drowned themselues ••or preseruation of their chastity,* 1.25 which are also acounted by that Church as martyres; although (I say) this instinct lie not

in proofe, nor can be made euident; yet there are many other reasons, which authorize and iustifie those zealous transgressions of theirs (if any such were): or make them much more excuseable, then any man can be in these times, and in these places wherein we liue.

5 For the persecutions in the Primitiue Church were raised either by the Gentiles or the Arrians; either the vnity of the God-head, or the Trinity of the persons was euer in question: which were the Elements of the Christian Religion, of which it was fram'd and complexioned; and so to shake that, was to ruine and demolish all. And they were also the Alphabet of our Religion, of which no infant or Neophyte might be ignorant. But now the integrity of the beliefe of the Roman Church, is the onely forme of Martyrdome; for it is not al∣lowed for a Martyrdome to witnes by our blood,* 1.26 the vnity of God against the Gentiles, nor the Tri∣nity of persons against the Turke or Iew, except we be ready to seale with our blood contradictorie things, and incompatible for the time past: (since euidently the Popes haue taught contradictorie things) and for the time present, obscure and irre∣uealed thinges, and entangling perplexities of Schoolemen; for in these, yea in future contin∣gencies, we must seale with our blood, that part which that Church shall hereafter declare to be true.

6 This constant defence of the foundation, and this vndisputable euidence of the truth, was their warrant: And they had another double reason, of making them extremely tender, and fearefull of slipping from their profession; which was first the subtilties and Artifices of their aduer∣saries, to get them to doe some acte, which might imply a transgressing and dereliction of their Re∣ligion, though it were not directly so; and so draw a scandall vpon their cause, and make their simplicity seeme infirmity, and impiety: and se∣condly, the seuerity which the Church vsed to∣wards them, who had done any such acte, and her bitternesse and a••ersenes, from re assuming them, euen after long penances, into her bosome. For by the third Canon of the Eliberitane Counc••l, which I ment••oned before, it appeares, that euen they whom they called Libellaticos, because they had for money bargained and contracted with the State, to spare them from sacrificing to Idolles (though this were done but to redeeme their vexation and trouble) were seperated from the holy Communion. But none of these reasons can aduantage or relieue those of the Romane perswasion in these times, because no point of Catholique faith, either primary and radicall, or issuing from thence by necessary deduction and consequence, is impugned by vs; nor their faith in those points, wherin it abounds aboue ours,

explicated to them by any euidence, which is not subiect to iust quarrell and exception; nor are our Magistrates laborious or actiue to withdrawe them by any snares from their profession, but on∣ly by the open and direct way of the word of God, if they would heare it nor is the Church so sowre and tetricall, but that she admits with ease and ioy, those, which after long straying, not on∣ly into that Religion, but into such treasons and disobediences, as that Religion produces, returne to her againe.

CHAP. III. That the Romane Religion doth by many erroneous doctrines mis∣encourage and excite men to this vicious affectation of dan∣ger: first by inciting secular Magistracy: secondly by extol∣ling the value of merites, and of this worke in special, by which the treasure of the Church is so much aduanced: and lastly, by the doctrine of Purgatory, which by this acte is said certainely to be escaped.

The first part of Principallity and Priest-hood.

[ 1] HAuing laide this foundation, that the greatest Dignitie, wherewith God hath enriched mans nature, (next to his owne assuming thereof) may suf∣fer some infirmitie: yea, putrefaction, by admix∣ture

of humane and passionate respects, if when we are admitted to bee witnesses of Gods ho∣nour, we loue our owne glory too much, or the Authoritie by which this benefit is deriu'd vpon vs, too little, which is the function of secular Ma∣gistracie: We are next to consider, by what in∣ducements, and prouocations, the Doctrine and practise of the Romane Church doth put forward, and precipitate our slipperie disposition into this vicious and inordinate affection, and dangerous selfe-flatterie.

2 In three things especially they seeme to me, to aduance and ••oment this corrupt inclination. First, by abasing, and auiling the Dignitie and persons of secular Magistrates, by extolling Ec∣clesiasticke immunities and priuiledges: Secondly, by dignifying and ouer-valewing our merits and satisfactions, and teaching that the treasure of the Church, is by this expence of our blood in∣creased. And thirdly, by the Doctrine of Purga∣torie, the torments whereof are by this suffering said to be escaped and auoided.

3 And in the first point, which is a dis-estima∣tion of Magistracie, they offend two wayes. Com∣paratiuely, when they compare together that and Priest-hood, and Positiuely, when not bringing the Priestly function into the ballance, or disputa¦tion, they giue the Pope authority as Supreame spi∣rituall Princesse, ouer all Princes.

4 When the first is in question of Priesthood and Magistracy, then enters the Sea, yea Deluge of Canonists, and ouerflowes all, and carries vp their Arke (that is the Romane Church, that is the Pope) fifteene cubites aboue the highest hils, whe∣ther Kings or Emperours.* 1.27 And this makes the Glosser vpon that Canon, where Priesthood is said to exceede the Layetie, as much as the Sunne, the Moone, so diligent to calculate those proportions, and to repent his first account as too low, and re∣forme i•• by later calculations, and after much per∣plexity to say, That since he cannot attaine to it, he will leaue it to the Astronomers; so that they must tell vs, how much the Pope exceedes a Prince: which were a fit work for their Iesuite Clauius,* 1.28 who hath expressed in one summe, how many granes of Sand would fill all the place within the con∣caue of the firmament, if that number will seeme to them enough for ••his comparison. But to all these Rhapsoders, and fragmentar•• compilers of Canons, which haue onely am••ss'd and shoueld together, whatsoeuer the Popes themselues or their creatures haue testified in their owne cause; Amandus Polanus applies a round,* 1.29 and pregnant, and proportionall answere, by presenting against them the Edicts and Rescripts of Emperours to the contrary, as an equiualent proo••e at least.

5 And for the matter it selfe, wherein the Ecclesiastique and Ciuill estate are vnder and a∣boue

one another, with vs it is euident and li∣quid enough, since no Prince was euer more in∣dulgent to the Clergie, by encouragements and reall adu••ncing, nor more frequent in accepting the foode of the worde and Sacrament at their hands, in which he acknowledges their superiori∣ty, nor the Clergy of any Church more inclinable to preserue their iust limits; which are, to attribute to the king so much, as the good kings of Israel, and the Emperours in the Primitiue Church had.

6 It is intire man that God hath care of, and not the soule alone; therefore his first worke was the body, and the last worke shall bee the glorification thereof. He hath not deliuered vs ouer to a Prince onely, as to a Physitian, and to a Lawyer, to looke to our bodies and estates; and to the Priest onely, as to a Confessor, to looke to, and examine our ••oules, but the Priest must aswel endeuour, that we liue ver••uously and innocent∣ly in this life for society here, as the Prince, by his lawes keepes vs in the way to heauen: for thus they accomplish a Regale Sacerdotium; when both doe both; ••or we are sheepe to them both, and they in diuers relations sheepe to one another.

7 Accordingly they say, that the subiect of the Canon law is Homo dirigibilis in Deum, & Bo∣uū Commune;* 1.30 so that that Court which is, forum spi∣rituale, considers the publique tranquility. And

on the other side Charles the great, to establish a meane course between those two extreame Coun∣cels, of which a 1.31 one had vtterly destroyed the vse of Images in b 1.32 Churches•• the other had induced their adoration, takes it to belong to his care and function, not onely to call a c 1.33 Synode to determine herein, but to write the booke of that important and intricate point, to Adrian then Pope; which d 1.34Steuchius saith, remaines yet to be seene in Biblio∣theca Palatina, and vrges and presses that booke for the Popes aduantage. And in the preface of that booke, the Emperour hath these wordes: e 1.35In sinu Regni Ecclesiae gubernacula suscepimus; and to proceede, that not only he, to whom the Church is committed, ad regendum, in those stormy times, but they also which are Enutriti ab vberibus must ioine with him in that care: and therefore he addes, That he vndertooke this worke, Cum Conhibentia Sacerdotum in regno suo; neither would this Emperour (of so pious affections towards that Sea, expressed in pro fuse liberalities) haue v∣surped any part of Iurisdiction, which had not orderly deuolued to him, and which he had not knowne to haue beene duely executed by his pre∣decessors.

8 Whose authoritie, in disposing of Church matters, and direct••on in matters of Doctrine, together with the Bishops, appeares abundantly and euidently out of their owne Lawes, and out

of their Rescripts to Popes, and the Epistles of the Popes to them. For we see, by the Imperial Law, the Authoritie of the Prince and the Priest made equall, when it is decreed, a 1.36 That no man may re∣moue a body out of a Monument in the Church, without a Decree of the Priest, or Commandement of the Prince. And yet there appeares much difference, in de∣grees of absolutenesse of power, betweene these limitations of a Decree and a Commandement. And Leo the first, writing to the Emperour Martianus, reioyses, that he found b 1.37 In Christianiss mo Principe Sacerdot alem affectum. And in his * 1.38 Epistle to Leo the Emperour, vsing this preface for feare least hee should seeme to diminish him in that compari∣son (Christiana vtor libertate) he saith, I exhort you to a fellowshippe with the Prophets and Apostles, because you are to be numbred inter Christi praedicatores: Hee addes, that kings are instituted, not onely ad mun∣di regimen, but chiefly ad Ecclesiae presidium: and ••herefore he praies God to keepe in him still, Ani∣mum eius Apostolicum & Sacerdotalem.

9 So for his diligence in the Church go∣uernement, Simplicius,* 1.39 the Pope salutes the Empe∣rour Zeno. E••ultamus vo••i•• in esse animum Sacerdo∣tis & principis: For which respect his successor a 1.40 Fe∣lix the third, writing to thesame Emperour, sa∣lutes him wi••h his stile: Dilectissimo fratri Zenoni, which is a stile so peculiar to those, which are constituted in the highest Ecclesiastique dignities

as Bishoppes and Patriarches, b 1.41 that if the Pope should write to any of them by the name of Sons, which is his ordinary stile to secular princes, it vi∣tiates the whole Diplome, and makes it false.

10 And a c 1.42 Synodicall letter from a whole Councell to a King of France, acknowledges this Priestly care in the king, thus, Quia Sacerdotalimen∣tis affectu, you haue commaunded your Priests to gather together, &c. which right of general superintenden∣cie ouer the whole Church, d 1.43 Anastasius the Em∣perour dissembled not, when writing to the Se∣nate of Rome to compose dissentions there, hee called Hormisda the pope, Papam Almae vrbis Romae, but in the Inscription of the Letter, amongst his owne Titles, he writes Pontifex inclitus.

11 e 1.44 Gregory himselfe (though his times to some tastes, seeme a little brackish, and deflected from vpright obedience to princes) saith of the Empe∣rours•• That no man can rightly gouerne earthly matters, except he know also how to handle Diuine. And in the weakest estate, and most dangerous fitt that euer secular Magistrate suffered and endured,* 1.45 Gregory the seuenth denied not, that these two dignities were as the two eyes of the body, which gouernd the bodie of the Church in spirituall light; which is more, then the Comparisons of Soule and Body, and of Golde and Leade, as they are now vsurped and de∣torted, can affoord. And the euidence of this truth hath extorted from Binius* 1.46 (a seuere and hea∣uie

depresser of kings,) thus much (though but in a marginall note) Imperatores Sacra & secularia ex aequo curant.* 1.47 And so much did pope Iohn the eight willingly acknowledge to Lodouic the sonne of Charles, That he was Cooperator sui certaminis. And as Balsamo saith upon the fourth generall Councell of Chalcedon,* 1.48 that it belongs to the Emperour to designe the limits of Diocesses, and to erect a Bishopricke into a Metrapolitane seate, and to appoint who shall possesse them.* 1.49 So to that Canon in the Councell of Trullo which forbidding all Lay persons to come with∣in a certaine distance of the Altar, doth not extend to the Emperours, Si quidem voluerit Creatori dona offerre ex antiquissima consuetudine: And to Balsa∣moes Notes thereupon, that Orthodoxe Emperours, because they are Christi Domini, haue also Pontificall Graces from God, and by Inuocation of the holy Trinity, they create Patriarchs, they come vnto the Altar, Et suf∣ficiunt sicut & Antistites:* 1.50 Binius opposes no more, but that the Canon was made in flatterie of the Emperour, which is not enough to defeate the Canon, nor eneruate the credite thereof, since that Canon was not introductory then, but Declaratorie of an auncient custome, as the words thereof doe fully euict and proue.

12 And not onely Councels submitted their Decrees to the Emperours for Authoritie, and supplemen•• of defects, but the Popes themselues con••ul••ed the Emperours be••ore hand, by their

Letters, in matters of greatest difficultie and im∣portance: So Leo the fi••st writes to Martianus the Emperour,* 1.51 about the establishing of Easter, in which point the Church suffered more stormes & schismes, then almost in any other, that did not concerne the Trinitie, and at this time nothing was certainely determined and decreed therein. Thus then he writes to him, Cupio vestrae Clemen∣tiae studijs adiuuari, That so no error may be committed in the obseruation thereof. And Leo the eight,* 1.52 ex∣horts the Sonnes of Charles, as partners in his Pa∣storall care to imploy Baculos redargutionis. And concerning some spiritual matters, then to be de∣termined, he ends his Epistle thus, The penne must first be dipped in the fountaine of your heart, and then my Hand shall frame the Characters. And so when a Bishop of Constantinople stood out in some things against the Emperor,* 1.53 the Bishop of Rome, who at that time had iustly acquir'd a great repu∣tation in the Catholicke Church, writes to the Emperour, That if that Bishop perseuer in such cour∣ses, as displease God, and the Emperour, Salua Mansue∣tudinis vestrae Reuerentia, vtar in e••m liberiori Constan∣tia. So that hauing first asked the Emperour leaue, he offers him his assistance.

* 1.5413 And though Gregorie the first (whom wee may iustly call a border-pope, because though hee made no deepe roades into the iurisdiction of Princes, yet he extended his owne to the vtte••most

inch, and sometimes transgressed a little beyond) though he, I say, suspended one, to whome Or∣ders were giuen by the Emperours commande∣ment, yet hee doeth not this absolutely, but be∣cause he knew (as he said) the Emperours minde therein, and that particular parties vnworthi∣nesse; he suspended him, vntill he might vnder∣stand from his Responsall with the Emperor, whe∣ther that pretended Commandement from the Emperour were not subreptitious.

14 And when this correspondence was in∣termitted, as it appeares often to haue beene, to the preiudice of the whole Church, the Empe∣rours were euer forwardest to labour a re-union and concurrence of their powers, to the benefit and peace thereof;* 1.55 as Anastatius testifies thorough∣ly in a Letter to Hormisda, in these words; Before this time, the hardnesse of them, to whom the care of this Bishopricke, which you now gouerne, was committed, made vs abstaine from sending any Letters; but now, since their runnes a sweete opinion of you, it hath brought backe to our memorie, the goodnesse of a fatherly affecti∣on, that we should require those things, and so foorth. By which, all these circumstances appeare, That the Emperours did vse to write, and that the fault which induced a discontinuance thereof, proceeded From the Pope; and that the Empe∣rour pretermitted no opportunitie of resuming that custome; and that where he writ, he did it

out of a fatherly care, and by the way of ••equiring. And how mu••h ioy Hormisda conceiued by this Letter,* 1.56 ap••••ares by his phrase of expressing it, Sa∣cros affatus congrua veneratione acc••pimus.

* 1.5715 With like care Iustinus the Emperour ex∣horts the same Pope, to a Peace and Vnion with the Easterne Church, by his Letters which hee cals Diuinos Apices. And scarse by any one thing doth this care of Princes, and obsequiousnesse of Popes appeare more, then by the Letter of Pela∣gius the first (who was littl•• aboue 550. yeares ••rom Christ) to Childebert King of France, in these words.* 1.58 We must endeuour, for the taking away of all scandall of suspition, to present the obsequiousnesse of our Confession, vnto Kings, to whom the holy Scriptures command euen vs to bee subiect. For Ruffi••••s, your Excellencies Ambassadour, asked from vs confidently, as became him, that either we should signifie to you, that we did obserue in all points the Faith, which Leo had de∣scribed, or send a Confession of our Faith in our owne words. And ••o accordingly he perfor••es both, as well binding himselfe to the Faith of his pre∣decessours, as exhibiting to the King another forme of the same Faith, compos'd and digested by himselfe; which, if the Bishops of that Se•• would accept now, I doe not perceiue wherein there could be any Schisme.

16 And as the Emperours were carefull assi∣stants of the Popes, that that mother Church at

whose breast most o•• the Westerne Churches suc∣ked their spiri••u••ll no••rishment, should be infe∣cted with no poison, because it might easily be de∣riued from thence to the other members; so did they not attend the leisure of that Churches reso∣lution, nor the incommodity of Generall Coun∣cels but vsed their owne power to gouerne their Churches, by constitutions of their owne; for so a 1.59 Iustinian the Emperour sayes of his owne lawe, by which he priu••ledges certain religious houses; We offer vp this Diuine law as a faire and conuenient sa∣crifice to Christ. So that eyther that attribute Diui∣num was then affoorded to ciuill Constitutions, or the ••mperour made Ecclesiastique lawes, if that word belong on••ly to such. b 1.60 The Empe∣rours tooke it into their care, to dispose of their e∣states which entred into Monasteries; c 1.61 And of thei••s also which dyed in Monasteries; so that neither the pu••pose of entring, nor the acte, nor the habite, and pe••seuerance deuested the Empe∣rour of his right, or hindred the working of the Law. a 1.62 The Emperours also by their lawes ap∣pointed which of their subiects might not take Orders, b 1.63 and at what age Orders might be con∣fer'd; and that no woman after a second marriage might be Diaconissa;c 1.64 which was, to make a law of Bigamy.

17 Yea they commanded and instructed in matter of Faith; for so d 1.65 Iustinian saies of himselfe,

we are forward to teach, what is the right ••aith of Christians, and we Anathematize Apollinarius e 1.66. So also Honorius and Theodosius inflict the punish∣ment of death vpon any Catholique Minister (for then neither that name was abhorred by Priests, nor they exempt from criminall lawes) which shold re-baptize any man; and yet this was a meere spirituall offence. And so f 1.67 Valentinian, and his Co-emperours pronounce marriage be∣tweene Iewes and Christians to be adultery. And g 1.68 Iustinian interprets how a Testator shall bee vn∣derstood, when he appoints Christ, or an Angell, or a Saint to be his heyre.

18 Nor deale they onely with temporall pu∣nishments vpon Ecclesiast••que persons, which is farder then is affoorded them now, but they in∣flict also spirituall censures: for Gratian and his Co-emperours pronounce against Heretiques, (that is,* 1.69 Impugners of the Nicene councell) That they shall be vtterly secluded from the threshold of the Church: And in the next law, which is against Nestorians, they say, If the offenders be Laymen, Ana∣thematizentur, if Clergie men, Eijciantur ab Ecclesijs. a 1.70 And another of their lawes doth not only inflict temporal & ignominious punishmēt vpon Cler∣gy men, but Ecclesiastique censures also in these words: If a Clergy man be guilty of fals witnes in a pe∣cuniary cause•• let him be suspended three yeares, and in a criminall, let him be depriued. b 1.71 And another sus∣spends

for three yeares, euen Sanctissimos & vene∣rabiles Episcopos; if they doe but looke vpon players at Tables: and that law authorizes him, vnder whose power that offender is, if he appeare peni∣tent, to abbreuiate his punishment; c 1.72 and of Bi∣shoppes which will not forsake women, it pro∣nounces thus; Abiiciantur Episcopatibus. And in the matter of establishing and ordering Sanctua∣ries, d 1.73 one of the writers of the Romane parte hath presented ciuill constitutions enow, to teach vs that, that was within the care and Iurisdiction of secular Princes.

19 e 1.74 And when an Emperour had created a Bishop of Antioch, contrary to the forme prescrib'd in the Nicene Councell, of an intire obseruation, whereof the christian Church was extremly zea∣lous, the Pope proceedes not by anullings and vociferations, but writes thus to the Emperour: We may not dissallow that which you haue done holily and religiously out of a loue to peace and quietnes: by which we see that Canons of Councels, though they were Directions, yet they were not Obligations vpon Princes for their gouernement. By all which it appeares, that those Christian and Orthodoxe Emperors, iustifying their inherent right, by these frequent and vn-interrupted matters of fact, ap∣prehended not this vast and incomprehensible distance betweene secular and ecclesiastique po∣wer, but that they were compatible enough, and

conduced, and concurred to one perfection, and harmony of the whole state.

20 And it is related by a 1.75 an Author of great e∣stimation in the Romane profession, that Gregory the seuenth was author of a new scisme, diuiding and tearing priesthood and principality. b 1.76 And it is euident that Bertram a priest vnder Carolus Cal∣uus, almost eight hundred yeares since, writing of that Diuine and abstruse mysterie, De corpore Do∣mini, submits his opinion to the iudgement of the King and his Counsaile, as competent Iudges of that question: and c 1.77 Cochlaeus saith, that Luthers doctrine was condemned for hereticall by an e∣dict of the Emperours, with the common assent of the Princes and the States. And the holy Ghost had well intimated the concurrence of their two powers in d 1.78 Deuter. if those wordes which are in the Text, Nolens obedire sacerdotis Imperio, & De∣creto Iudici, moriatur; were not chaunged by the vulgate edition, into Ex Decreto; and thereby on∣ly the priest made Iudge of the controuersies, and the Magistrate onely executioner of his Senten∣ces.

21 For certainely these two functions are not in their nature so distinct, and Diametrically op∣po••ed, but that they may meete in one matter, yea sometimes in one man, and one man may doe both: for amongst the Gentiles, it was so for the most part: and sometimes amongst the Israelites.

And in late times a 1.79 Maximilian the first, a Catho∣lique Emperour, thought it belonged to the Em∣pire, to haue also the Papacy vnited to it: and ther∣fore when Iulius the second lay desperately sicke, he endeuoured to bring to execution, that which he had often meditated, and consul••ed, and recei∣ued as approued from some great persons of dig∣nity in that Church, which was to bee elected Pope in the next Conclaue, and to restore the Pa∣pacy (as he thought or pretended) to the Empe∣riall Crowne.

22 b 1.80 And if a Lay-man be elected Pope, he need not presently be made Priest, but he may, if hee will, stay in Subdiaconatu. And to that degree they seeme to admit the Emperour, when he comes to be crowned at Rome; c 1.81 for at the Communion he administers to the Pope in the place of Subdea∣con. And this in the Primitiue Church was not (as d 1.82 themselues confesse) Ordo Sacer: though of late it be growne to be such a perplexed case, whe∣ther it were or no, that of those commissioners, which two Popes made to suruay the Decretals, one company expunged, the other re-assumed e 1.83one place in that book, which denies this to haue beene amongst holy Orders.

23 The Emperour also puts on a Surplis, and is admitted as a Canonick not only of Saint Peters Church, but of Saint Iohn Laterane; to which particular Churches (of which the Pope is Par∣son,

as he is Bishoppe of Rome, Metropolitane of Italy, patriarch of the West, and pope of the world, all those blessings and priuiledges which are or∣dinarily spoken of the Catholique Church are said by a 1.84 some to bee irremoueably annexed and appropriate: hereupon some of their owne law∣yers say, b 1.85 That all kings are clergie men; and that therefore it is sacriledge ••o dispute of the authori∣ty of a King.

24 But howsoeuer these two functions, since the establing of Christianity, haue for the most part beene preserued distinct, and ought so to be; yet they are at most, but so distinct as our Bo∣dy and Soule: and though our Soule can contem∣plate God of herself, yet she can produce no exte∣rior act without the body. Nothing in the world is more spirituall and delicate, and tender then the conscience of a man; yet by good consent of Diuines, otherwise diuersly perswaded in Religi∣on, the ciuill lawes of Princes doe binde our con∣sciences: and shall the persons of any men, or their temporal goods, be thought to be of so sub∣limed, and spirituall a nature, that the ciuill con∣stitutions of Princes cannot worke vpon them? Nor doe we therfore decline the comparison, so much vrged by the Romanes,* 1.86 that the Clergie ex∣ceede the Laiety as much as the body the soule, when it is so conditioned and qualified, as the au∣thors thereof intended it; That is, that the seales and

instruments of Gods grace, the Sacraments, are in the dispensing of the Clergy, as temporall bles∣sings are in the Prince and his lawes, strictly and properly, though concurrently both in both, (for the execution of the most spirituall function of the priest, as it is circumstanced with time and place; and such, is ordinarily from the Prince)•• But we are a litle affraid, that by a literall and punctu∣all acceptation of this comparison, we may giue way to that Supremacy, which they affect ouer Princes; because their Sepulueda saith,* 1.87 That the soule doth exercise ouer the body, Herile Imperium, vt Dominus in seruum•• and so by this insinuation should the pope doe ouer the prince.

25 Howsoeuer in their first institution Popes were meere Soules, and purely spirituall, yet as the purest Soule becomes stain'd and corrupt with sinne, assoone as it touches the body: so haue they by entring into secular businesse, con∣tracted all the corruptions and deformities there∣of, and now transferre this originall disease into their successours.* 1.88 And as in the second Nicene Councell•• when the Bishop of Thessalonica a∣••err'd it to be the opinion of Basil, Athanasius, and Methodius, and the Vniuersall Church, that Angels, and Soules were not meerely incorporeall, but had bodies•• The Councell in a prudent con∣••i••enc••e, fo••bore to oppose any thing against that asseueration, because it facilitated their pur∣pose

then, of making Pictures and representati∣ons of Spirits (though Binius now vpon that place,* 1.89 say, his Assertion was false and iniurious to the Church:) So though in true Diuinitie the Pope is meerely spiritual, yet to enable him to de∣pose Princes, they will inuest and organize him with bodily and secular Iurisdiction, and auerre that all the Fathers, and all the Catholicke Church were euer of that opinion. For the Pope will not now be a meere Soule and Spirit, but Spiritualis homo,* 1.90 qui iudicat omnia, & a nemine iudicatur.* 1.91 For so a late writer stiles him, and by that place of Scripture enables him to depose Princes. No•• will this serue, but he must be also spirit••alis Princeps; of which we shall hereaf••er haue occasion to speake.

26 And as a cunning Artificer can produce greater effects, vpon matter conueniently dispos'd thereunto, then nature could haue done, (as a Statuarie can make an Image, which the Timber and the Axe could neuer haue ef••ected without him: And as the Magicians in Egypt could make liuing Creatures, by applying and suggesting Pas∣siue things to Actiue, which would neuer haue met, but by their mediation:) So, after this Soule is entred into this Body, this spirituall Iuris∣diction into this temporall, it produces such ef∣fects, as neither pow••r alone could worke, nor they naturally would vnite and combine them∣selues

to that end, if they were not thus compres∣sed, and throng'd together like wind in a Caue. Such are the thunders of vniust Excommunicati∣ons, and the great Earthquakes of trans••er••ing Kingdomes.

27 And these vsurpations of your Priests haue deseru'd, that that stygmaticall note should still l••e vpon them, which your Canons retaine, a 1.92 That all euill proceedes from Priests. For though b 1.93 Manriqe whom Sixtus the fift employ'd, had re∣mooued that glosse, yet Faber to whom Gregorie the thirteenth committed the suruey of the Ca∣nons, re••aines it still.* 1.94 And (if the Text be of bet∣ter credit then the glosse) the Text hath auerred Saint Hieromes words, That searching ancient Hi∣stories, he cannot find, that any did rent the Church•• and seduce the people from the house of God, but those which were placed by God, as Priests, and Prophets, that is, Ouersee••s; for these are turnd into winding Snares, and lay scandals in euery place.

28 Euen the Name of King, presents vs an ar∣gument of pure, and absolute, and independant Authori••ie•• for it e••presses immediatly, and radi∣cally his Office of gouerning, wher••s the name of Bishop hath a metaphorica••l, and similitudinarie deriuation, and being before Christianitie appli∣ed to Officers, which had the ouerseeing of o∣thers, but yet with relation to Superiours, to whom they were to giue an account, deuolu'd

conueniently vpon such Prelates, as had the ouer∣seeing of the inferiour Clergie, but yet gaue them no acquitance and discharge of their dueties to the Prince.

29 And God hath dignified many races of Kings, with many markes and impressions of his power. For by such an influence, and infusion, our kings cure a di••ease by touch, and so doe the French Kings worke vpon the same infirmitie. And it is said that the kings of Spaine cure all Dae∣moniaque and possessed persons.* 1.95 And if it bee thought greater, that the Pope cures spirituall Le∣prosies, and lamenesses of sinne, his Office there∣in is but accessorie and subsequent; and after an Angel hath troubled our waters, and put vs into the Poole, that is, after we are troubled and an∣guished for our sinnes, and after we haue washed our selues often in the riuer Iordan, in our tea••es, and in our Sauiours blood vpon the Crosse, and in the Sacrament, then is his Office to distinguish betweene Leaper and Leaper, and pronounce who is clensed: which all his Priests could doe as well as he, if he did not Monopolize our sinnes by reseruations.

30 And this is as much as seemes to me need∣full to bee said of their auiling Magistracy, in re∣spect of Priesthood: for, for vs priuate men it must content vs,* 1.96 to be set one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 higher then dogges; for so they say in their Missall cases, that

if any of the consecrated wine fall downe, the Priest or his assistant ought to licke it vp; but if they be not prepar'd, any Lay-man may be admitted to licke it, least the dogge should. And of the comparison of these two great functions•• Principality and Priesthood, I will say no more, least the malignity of any mis-interpre∣ter might throw these aspersions, which I lay vp∣pon persons, vpon the Order. And therefore since we haue sufficiently obserued, how neare approaches to Priest hood the Christian Empe∣rours haue iustly made, and thereby seene the in∣iustice of the Romane Church, in deiecting Prin∣ces so farre vnder it: we will now descend to the second way, by which they debase Princes, and derogate from their authority.

31 For it is not onely in comparisons with Priesthood, that the Romane writers diminish secular dignity, but simply and absolutely, when they make the Title and Iurisdiction of a king so smoakie a thing, that it must euaporate and va∣nish away by any lightning of the popes Breues or censures, except they will all yeeld to build vp his Monarchy, and make him heyre to euery kingdome, as he pretends to be to the Empire: for a 1.97 of that (saith a Iesuite) now there is no more con∣trouersie. b 1.98 And if the electors dissagree in their election, then the election belongs to him. And whether they agree or no,c 1.99 this forme of Election is to continue but so long, as the Church shall thinke it expedient. And if

he had such title to all the rest, that Monarchie might in a vaster proportion extend it selfe, as farre as one limme thereof, the Iacobins, do in Pa∣ris: d 1.100 to whom Philip le longe, gaue a Charter for their dwelling in that Citie, in these wordes: A porta eorum, ad portam Inferni, inclusiue.

32 And how easily and slipperily Princes in∣curre these censures, may be collected by Nauar∣rus, who saies,* 1.101 It is the Catholique faith, without firm beleefe whereof, no man can be saued; that no Prince can erect or extinguish a benefice without the Pope; and to thinke the contrary (saith he) doth taste of the English Heresie.

33 Scarce any amongst themselues can e∣scape that excommunication Dormant, which they call Bullam Caenoe; in which Nauarrus rec∣kons vp so many hooks, with which it takes hold, that euery honest man, and good subiect with vs now, ought to be affraide, least he haue not incur∣red it, since all they are within the danger thereof, that adhere to any, who hath bu•• offended a Car∣dinall: of whose safety the popes are growne so carefull, that in the later Decretals it is made trea∣son, euen in a stranger and no sub••ect;* 1.102 If he haue any kind of knowledge, or coniectu••e of any harme, intended to any of them.* 1.103 And the Emperour himselfe if he abett, or receiue, or fauour, or countenance any that doth, or in∣tends personall harme to a Cardinall,* 1.104 becomes a traytor. For they are the eldest sonnes of the Church,* 1.105 and par∣take

of the Maiesty of their father. Nor are they brethren to any of lesse ranke, but to such, their stile is but vester vti frater,* 1.106 as Baronius writes to Schultingius his abbreuiator. And though Bi∣shops and the Emperour swear fidelity to the pope; yet,* 1.107 saies Gigas, the Cardinals doe not take that oa••h, because they are parts of his body, and his owne Bowels.

34 And n••t onely all princes are bound to a reuerend respect of them, but a 1.108 in solemne pro∣cessions, the Image of Christ must looke backward, if a Cardinall follow; and God himselfe in the Host, must giue them place: for at the Coronation of the pope, b 1.109 when they prouide twelue horses for the Pope, and one gentle one for the Host, the dignity of the place being measured by the neare∣nesse to the Popes person; the Cardinals place is, to ride betweene the Host and the Pope. And in their mysterious passages vpon Ash-wednesday, c 1.110 when the Pope laies the ashes vpon a Cardinall, he saies not to him, as to all others, Memen••o homo, quia Cinis es, but quia puluis es: Intimating per∣chance, that they are neuer so burnt to ashes, but that the fires of lust or ambition are still aliue in them. To which, I thin••e there was some regard had, when it was so wisely prouided, d 1.111 that when a Cardinall did celebrate masse, there might enter no woman, nor man without a beard.

35 Nor doth the Pope improuidently, in ad∣uancing them with these dignities and priui∣ledges,

nor in multiplying their number, so di∣rectly against the Councell of Basil, e 1.112 which limits them to twentie foure (except, vpon vniting the Greek Church, it might be thought fit to add two more) and forbids expresly any Nephues of the Popes to be admitted. For no excesse in number, f 1.113 (though they were returned to two hundred and thirty at once, as they are said to haue beene in Pontianus his time; and though he should pile them vp, and throw them downe, as fast as those Popes which created sixe and twenty in one day,* 1.114 and executed sixe in another) could disaduantage that Sea of Rome, if they might be prouided out of the states of other Princes (as in a great measure they are) since the Church is their heyre, and they are all but stewards for her. Of which the Pope gaue a dangerous instance, when he put in his claime for the kingdome of Portugall,* 1.115 because the last king was a Cardinall. These p••inces, no secu∣lar prince may dare to offend, nor subiect adhere to him, if he doe, vpon danger of that Bull: and yet they are made Iudges of the actions of all Princes,* 1.116 as Baronius saies; and so oppressed with infinit suits against Princes, that it may be fitly sa••d of them, which Iob saies,* 1.117 Ecce genuit gigantes sub aquis, & qui habitant cum eis: which wordes the Cardinals will not thanke Baronius for apply∣ing to them, if they consider that Lyra interprets this place of Gyants drowned in the flood, and

now damn'd and lamenting in hell. But now, a Cardinall cannot chuse but bee a person of great holinesse and integritie,* 1.118 since there is a De∣cretall in a gen••rall Councell, and a Bull of Leo the tenth, which doe not only Hortari, and Moue∣re, but Statuere, and Ordinare, that euery Cardinal shall be of good life.

36 And as these censures and Excommunica∣tions of the Pope, inuolue all causes, so doe they all persons, except the Pope himselfe, and such companie, as the Canons haue appointed him in this e••emption, which are,* 1.119 Locusts, ••nfid••ls, and the Diuell. For these, and the Pope, sayes Nauar∣rus, cannot be Excommunicated: Yet as in their exorcismes of persons possessed, it is familiar to them, when the Diuell is stubborne, to call him a 1.120 Heretique, and b 1.121 Excommunicate, so some Popes haue kept him companie in both those titles. And as they cal their Hermits Locusts (because as it is in Salomon,* 1.122 They haue no Kings, yet they goe forth by bands) and accordingly the Hermits are subiect to no Superiour, and in that sense Locusts, as their owne Glosser stiles them:* 1.123 so may they prodigally extend the name and priuiledge of Ine••commu∣nicable Locusts, to many in the other Orders, since as the Hermits haue no kings, so many of the o∣thers wish, that none else had any King, and doe their best end••uour by au••ling them, to bring them into contempt, and to an nihilate their dig∣nitie and them.

* 1.12437 He that should compare the stile of Tho∣mas Becket to his King (Olim seruus, nunc in Christo Dominus) with that of Dauid, after he knew Saule to be reproued by God, and himselfe anoynted, (After whom is the King of Israel come out? After a dead Dogge, and after a Flea?) Would suspect that this difference of st••le, was not from one Author. Saint Chrisostome notes, that euen to Nabuchonozor,* 1.125 who persecuted them for their faith, they which were condemned, said: Notum sit tibi Rex; and would not offer to the Tyrant, that contumelious name. And to prophane and irreligious Princes, God himselfe in his Bookes, affoords one of his owne names, Christ.

38 What high stiles did many Christian and Orthodoxe Emperours assume to themselues? The Law stiles the Emperour, a 1.126 Sanctissimum Im∣peratorem. And his priuiledges, b 1.127 Diuinas Indulgen∣tias. So Gratian and his Colleagues in the Empire, in the first Law of the Code, call their c 1.128 Motus ani∣mi, Caeleste arbitrium. And Theodosius and Valenti∣nian making a Law with a non obstante, preclude all dispensations, which the Emperours them∣selues might graunt, in these words, d 1.129 Si Caeleste proferatur Oraculum, aut Diuina pragmatica Sanctio. So also Theodosius and Arcadius, when they make a Law for dispatch of Suites, begin thus,e 1.130 Nemo deinceps tardiores affatus nostrae Perennitatis expectet. And Iustinian in the inscription of one of his

owne Lawes, ins••rts amongst his owne Ti••les, f 1.131 S••mper Adorandus Augustus. And in a Lawe of Monasteriall, and Matrimoniall causes, (which are now onely of spirituall Iurisdiction) he threatens, that if any Bishop infringe that Law, g 1.132 Quam nostra sanxit Aeternitas Capitis supplicio ferietur. In which stile also Theodosius and Arcadius ioyne, h 1.133 Adoratu∣rus aeternitat••m vestr••m di••igatur. And an other pro∣ceedes somewhat further, i 1.134 Beneficio numinis nostri. And Theodosius, and Valentinian deliuer it more plainely, k 1.135 Vt sciant omnes, quantum nostra Diuinitas auersatur Nestorium; and so in fauour of the puritie and integritie of Christian Religion, in contem∣plation whereof, it seemes they were Religiously exercised, euen at that time, when hee assum'd these high st••les, they proceede in the same Law, We anathematize all Nestorius followers, according to those things which are already constituted A Diuini∣tate nostra. And Constantius, and Irene write them∣selues Di••os; and the••r owne Acts, Diualia•• And this, Pope Adrian, to whom they writ, r••prehen∣ded not;* 1.136 but the Emperour Charles did, and ano∣ther phrase of as much exorbitance, which was, Deus qui nobis conregnat.

39 The highest that I haue obser••ed any of our Kings to haue vsed,* 1.137 is in Edward the fourth, who in his creation of Marques Dor••e••, speakes thus of himselfe, Cum n••stra Maiestas, ad Regium Culmen subl••••ata existat; and after, Tantum sp••endo∣ris

nostri nomen.* 1.138 But a little before his time Baldus gaue as much to the king of France, as euer any had;* 1.139 for he said he was in his kingdome, Quidam Corporalis Deus. And in our present age, a Roman Author in a Dedication of his booke, thus salutes our Queene Mary: because your Highnesse is the strongest bul-warke of the Faith, Tua N••mina supplex posco;* 1.140 which is also at••ributed to the Emperour in a late Oration to him, and to other Princes. And in some Funerall Monuments of Queene Maries time, I haue read this inscription; Di••is Philippo & Maria Regibus,* 1.141 which word Di••us, Bellarmine va∣lues at so high a rate, that he repents to haue be∣stowed it vpon any of the Saints; and therefo••e in his la••e Recognition blots it out: which ten∣dernesse in him, another Ies••ite since disallowes, and iustifies the vse of the worde against Bellar∣mines squeamish abstinence;* 1.142 because the worde, saies Se••arius, may be vsed aswel as temple or as for∣tune, which are also Ethnique wordes. But by his leaue he is too hasty with the Cardinall, who do••h not refuse the word, because the Ethniques vsed it, but because they appointed it onely to their Gods; Bellarmine insimulates al them, which allow that worde to Saints, of making Saints Gods.

40 And though in some of these Ti••les of great excesse, which these Emp••rous ass••••••'d to themselues; we may easily discerne some impres∣sions

of Gentilisme, which they retain'd some∣times, after Christian Religion had receiued roote amongst them; as they did also their Gladiatorie spectacles, and other wastefull prodigalities of mens liues; and Bondage and seruility, and some other such: yet neither in them, nor in other Prin∣ces, is the danger so great, if they should continue in them, as it is in the Bishoppes of Rome. For Princes, by assuming these Titles, do but draw men to a iust reuerence, and estimation of that power, which subiects naturally know to be in them: but the other, by these Titles seeke to build vp, and establish a power, which was euer litigi∣ous and controuerted, either by other Patriarchs, or by the Emperours: for Bellarmine hauing vn∣dertaken to proue the Pope,* 1.143 to be Peters successor in the Ecclesiastique Monarchy (which Monar∣chy it selfe is denyed, and not onely the popes right to it) labors to proue this assumption, by the fifteene great names,* 1.144 which are attributed to the Popes.

41 And the farthest mischiefe, which by this excesse Princes could stray into, or subiects suffer, is a deuiation into Tyranny, and an ordinary vse of an extraordinary power and prerogatiue, and so making subiects slaues, and (as the Lawyers say) Personas Res. But by the magni••ying of the Bishoppe of Rome with these Titles, our religion degenerates into superstition; which is a worse

danger: and besides our temporall fortunes suf∣fer as much danger and detriment, as in the other; for P••inces by their lawes worke onely vpon the faculties and powers of the soule, and by reward and punishment, they encline or auert our dispo∣sitions to a loue or feare. But those Bishopps pre∣tend a power vpon the substance of our soules, which must be in their disposition, for her condi∣tion and state in the next life. And therefore to such as claime such a power, it is more dangerous to allow and countenance any such Titles, as participate in any significa••ion of Diuinity.

42 For since they make their Tribunall and Consistory the same with Christ, since they say a 1.145 It is Heresie and Treason to decline the Popes iudge∣ment, per ludibria friuolarum Appellationum, ad futu∣rum Concilium, as one Pope saies; since they teach, b 1.146 that one may not appeale from the Pope to God him∣selfe; c 1.147 since they direct vs to bow at the name of Iesus, and at the name of the Pope, but not at the name of Christ; for that being the name of Annointed, it might induce a reuerence to Princes (who partake that name) if they should bow to that name; since they esteeme their lawes Diuine, not as Princes doe, by reason of the power of God inherent in all iust lawes, and by reason of the common mat∣ter and subiect of all such lawes (which is pub∣lique vtility and generall good) but because their lawes are in particular dictated by the holy Ghost,

and therefore it is Blaspemy and sinne against the holy Ghost to violate any of them;* 1.148 since themselues make this difference betweene the name of God, as it is giuen to Princes, and as it is giuen to them: that Princes are called Dij laicorum, and they Dij principum; since to proue this,* 1.149 they assume a power aboue God, to put a new sense into his word, which they doe, when they proue this assertion out of these words in Exodus; Dijs non detra••es, & princi∣pi populi non maledices,* 1.150 for by the first, they say, the popes are vnderstood, and by the second princes; when as Saint Paul himselfe applies the latter part to the high priest, and their expositor Lyra,* 1.151 and the Iesuite Sâ, interpret the first part of this Scrip∣ture of Iudges: Since, I say, they entend worse ends then Princes doe, in accepting or assuming like Titles; and since they worke vpon a more dange∣rous and corruptible subiect, which is the Con∣science and Religion; since they require a stronger assurance in vs by faith; since they threaten grea∣ter penalties in any which doubt thereof, which is damnation; the popes cannot be so excuseable in this excesse as princes may be. And yet princes neuer went so farre as the popes haue done, as we shall see, when we come to consider the title and power of spirituall princes.

All this I say, not to encourage princes to re∣turne to those stiles, which Christian humilitie hath made them dis-accustome, and leaue off,

and which could not be reassum'd without much scandall, but to shew the iniquitie and peruers∣nesse of those men, who thinke great Titles be∣long to Kings, not as Kings, but as Papisticall Kings.

43 For so at a Consultation of Iesuites in the Tower, in the late Queenes time, I saw it resolued, that in a Petition to bee exhibited to her, shee might not be stiled Sacred.* 1.152 Though one of their owne Order haue obserued that attribute to bee so cheape, that it was vsuall to say, Sancti Patres conscripti, and Sacratissimi Quirites, and Sanctissimi Milites. And our English Iesuites vse to aggrauate her defection much, by that circumstance, that shee had beene Consecrated, and pontifically An∣oynted, and inuested at her Coronation, and therefore was Sacred.

44 How great a detestation they had of her Honour, and of all Princes which professe the same Religion that shee did, appeares in no one such thing more, then in Quirogaes expurgatorie Index, where admitting all the reprochfull calum∣nies of Eunapius against Martyrs,* 1.153 whose reliques he cals Salita Capita, with other opprobrious con∣tumelies, they haue onely expunged an Epistle of Iunius to her, in which there was no words con∣cerning Religion, but onely a gratulation of her Peace, and of her Learning; which also they haue done in Serranus his Edition of Plato.* 1.154 And

as God hath continued his fauours showen to her, vpon her successour, so haue they their ma∣lice: For in the second Tome of that worke,* 1.155 they haue taken away an Epistle Dedicatorie to his Maiestie, that now is.

45 And as in many of their Rules, for that Dissection and Anatomising of Authours, they haue prouided that all Religion, and all pro∣phane knowledge shall depend vpon their will: So haue they made a good offer, that all cariage of State businesse shall bee open to them,* 1.156 by ex∣punging all such sentences, as instructor remem∣ber Princes, in that learning, which those Rules cals Rationem status, and which (because Italians haue beene most conuersant therein) is vulgarly called Ragion di stato. For this Ragion di stato, is, as the Lawyers call it, Ius Dominationis; And as o∣thers call it, Arcana Imperij. And it pretends no farther but to teach, by what meanes a Prince, or any Soueraigne state, may best exercise that pow∣er which is in them, and giue least offence to the Subiects, and yet preserue the right and dignitie of that power.

46 For it is impossible, that any Prince should proceede in all causes & occurrences, by a down∣right Execution of his Lawes: And he shall cer∣tainely be frustrated of many iust and lawfull ends, if he discouer the way by which he goes to them. And therefore these disguisings, and auer∣ting

of others from discerning them, are so neces∣sarie, that though, In Genere rei, they seeme to be within the compasse of deceite and falshood, yet the end, which is, maintenance of lawfull Au∣thoritie, for the publike good, iustifies them so well, that the Lawyers abhorre not ••o giue them the same definition (with that Addition of pub∣like good) which they doe to deceit it selfe. For they define Ragion di stato to be, Cumaliud agitur, aliud simulatur, bono publico.

* 1.15747 And the Romane Authors doe not onely teach, that deceit is not Intrinsecè malum, but vpon that ground and foundation, they build Equiuo∣cation, which is like a Tower of Babel, both be∣cause thereby they get aboue all earthly Magi∣stracie, and because therein no men can vnder∣stand one another. Nor can there be a better ex∣ample giuen of the vse of this Ragion di stato, then their forbidding it•• Because nothing conduces more to the aduancing of their strength, then that Princes should not know, or not vse their owne, or proceede by any wayes remou'd from their discernings. Indeed those bookes of Expur∣gation, are nothing else but Ragion di stato: That is, a disguised and dissembled way, of preferring their double Monarchie. And they that fordid Princes the lawfull vse of these Arcana Imperij, practise for their owne ends, euen Flagitia Imperij, which are the same things, when they exceede

their true endes (which are iust authority, and the publique good) or their lawfull waies to those ends, which should euer be within the compasse of vertue, and religion.

48 Of which sort are all those enormous dis∣pensations from Rome, which no interpretati∣on nor pretence can iustifie•• as (to omit some sacrilegious and too immodest licenses) that of Gregory the third is one, who writ to Boniface his Legate in Germany,* 1.158 that they, whose wiues being o∣uertaken with any infirmity, would not reddere Debitum, might marry other wiues: which Binius hath wisely left out.

49 But they are in these expurgations iniurious also to the memorie of dead princes: for a 1.159 they will not admit our k. Edward the sixt, to be said to be Admirandae indolis, nor the Duke of b 1.160 Wittenberg prae∣clarus. They will not allow c 1.161 Vlrichus Huttenus to be called A learned Knight: no, d 1.162 neither him, nor Oebanus Hessus to be so much as good poets. But with the same circumspection, that the e 1.163 Bel∣gique Index could add to Borrhaeus writing vppon Aristotles politiques, in this sentence, Religionis cu∣ra semper pertinuit ad principes, this clause, & Sacer∣dotem; the f 1.164 Spanish Index dooth mutilate Velcurio vpon Liuy, and from this sentence (the fift age was decrepite vnder the Popes and Emperours) takes out the Popes, and leaues the Emperours obnoxi∣ous to the whole imputation. And as with ex∣treame

curious malignity, they haue watched that none of our side be celebrated, so haue they spied some inuisible dangers, which the Popes honor might incurre: and therfore as the g 1.165 Spanish Copie, hath before Luthers name expunged the let∣ter D, least it might intimate Doctor, or Diuus; so the h 1.166Duch Copie, hauing found nothing to quarrel at in Schonerus the Mathematician, expunges in many places a great D. at beginning of Diuisi∣ons, because in it (as ordinarily those great initi∣all letters, haue some figure) there is imprinted the popes head, and by it the diuell, presenting him a Bull.

50 But this inhumanity of theirs hath not deterr'd Thuanus from his ingenuity, in giuing to all those learned men, whom he hath occasion to mention, the attributes an•• epithetes due to their vertues, though they be of a diuers perswasion in Religion from himselfe: But those other men, who in a proude humility will say brother Thiefe, and brother Wolfe,* 1.167 and brother Asse, (as Saint Fran∣cis (perchance not vn-prophetically) is said to haue done) will admit no fraternity nor fellowshippe with Princes.

51 And though the Iesuites by the aduantage of their fourth Supernumerary vow, of sustaining the Papacy, by obeying the Popes will; seeme to haue gone further herein then the rest, yet the last Order erected by Philip Nerius,* 1.168 which was saide

to haue beene purposed to eneruate the Iesuites; and by a continual preaching the liues of Saints, and the Ecclesiastique story, to counterpoise with deuotion, the Iesuites secular and actiue learning, though they set out late, haue aemulously ende∣uoured to ouertake the Iesuites themselues in this doct••ine of auiling Princes:* 1.169 For Bozius hath made all Princes Tributary or Feudatary to the Pope, if not of worse condition.* 1.170 And Gallonius seemes to haue vndertaken the History of the persecuti∣ons in the Primitiue Church, onely to haue occa∣sion by comparison thereof, to defame and re∣proach the lawes, and Gouernement of our late Queene.

52 But Baronius more then any other exceeds in this point, for obeying his owne scope and first purpose to aduance the Sea of Rome, he spares not the most obedient childe of that mother, the Catholique King of Spaine: for, speaking of the Title which that King hath to the Kingdome of Sicily,* 1.171 he imputes thus much to Charles the fift, that being possessed with employments of the fielde, hee gaue way to an Edict, by which, Grande piaculum per∣petratur against the Apostolique authority and al Eccle∣siastqiue lawes were vtterly dissipated: And that hee ioyned together temporall and spirituall iurisdiction•• and pretended a power to excommunicate and to absolue euen Cardinals,* 1.172 and the Pop••s Nuncioes, and so, saies he, hath raised another Head of the Church, pro monstro, & o∣stento.

He addes with extreame intemperance, that this claime to that Kingdome was buried a while,* 1.173 but reuiued againe by Tyrannicall force, by vio∣lent grassation, and by the robbery of Princes, who com∣maunded that to be obeyed as reasonable, which they had extorted by Tyranny. And least hee should not seeme to extend his bitternes to the present time, he saies,* 1.174 those Princes which hold Sicily by the same rea∣sons, doe imitate those tyrants. And so he imputes vp∣pon all the later kings of Spaine, as much vsupati∣on of Ecclesiastique Iurisdiction, and as mon∣strous a Title of head of the Church, as euer their malice degorged vppon our king Henrie the eight.

53 And though in some passages of that hi∣story, he hath left some wayes to escape,* 1.175 by laying those imputations rather vpon the kings officers then vpon ••he king, yet that Cardinall who hath censured that part of his worke, espies his worke∣manshippe and arte of deceiuing, and therefore tels him, that he hath inuayd against Monarchy it selfe, and all defenders thereof; and that as many, and as great things might be spoken against him•• Nor doth Baronius repent that, which hee hath spoken of those kings, but in his answere to this Cardinall; he saies, that if the King were impeccable, if he were an Angell, if he were God himselfe, yet he is subiect to iust reproofe.* 1.176 And in his Epistle to Phil. 3. in excuse of himselfe, though hee seeme to spare the present

king, yet it is (as he professes) because he hopes that he will relinguish that Iurisdiction in Sicily; els he is subiect to all those reproofs & reproches, which Baro. hath laid vpon his father and Grandfather.

54 And though this were a great excesse in Ba∣ronius, to lay such aspersions vpon those Princes, yet his malice appeares to bee more generall; for the reason why he makes this pretence so intolle∣rable,* 1.177 is, because thereby (saies he) that King becomes a Monarch; and there can be no other Monarch in the world,* 1.178 then the Pope; and therefore that name must be cutte off, least by this example it should propagate, and a whole wood of monarchs should grow vp, to the perpetuall infamy of the Primacy of the Church. And so this care of his, that no Monarches be admitted, implies his confession, that they which are Monarches haue right in their Dominions, to all that which those kings claime in Sicily, which is as much as our kings exercise in England, (if Baronius do not exceede in his imputation.)

55 But because there is nothing more ten∣der then honour, which as God will giue to none from himselfe, being a iealous God, so neither ought his Vic••gerents to doe; it shall not be an vn∣seasonable and impertinent, at most, an excuse∣able and pardonable diuersion, to obserue onely by such impressions, as remaine in the letters be∣tweene the Emperours and Popes, at what times, and vpon what occasions the Clergie of that Sea

insulted vpon secular Magistacy; and by what ei∣ther dilatory circumuentions, or violent irrupti∣ons, they are arriued to this enormous contempt of Principality, as of a subordinate instrument of theirs.

56 Before they had much to doe with Em∣perours, (for they were a long time religiously, and victoriously exercised with suffering) we may obse••ue in Cyprians time,* 1.179 that he durst speake bro∣therly and fellowly to that Sea, and intimate the resolu••ions of his Church to that, without ask∣ing approbation and strength from thence: for to Pope Stephen, he writes, Stephano fratri; and then Nos qui gubernandae Ecclesiae libram tenemus:* 1.180 and af∣ter, Hoc facere te oportet: with many like impres∣sions of equality: But in Fir••ilianus his Epistle to Cyprian,* 1.181 written in opposition to Stephanus his Epistle; who was growne into some bitternesse against Cyprian, there appeares more liberty: for thus he saies; Though by the inhumanity of Stephen, we haue the better tryall of Cyprians wisedome, we are no more beholden to him for that, then we are to Iudas for our saluation. He addes after, That that Church doth in vaine pretend the authority of the Apostles; since in many sacraments Diuinae rei, it differs from the be∣ginning, and from the Church of Hierusalem, and de∣fames Peter and Paul as Authors thereof. And there∣fore (••aies he) I doe iust••y disdaine the open and manifest ••oolishnesse of Stephen, by whom the truth of the Christi∣an

Rocke is abolished. So roundly and constantly were their first attempts and intrusions resisted, and this not onely by this Aduocate of Cyprian, but euen by himselfe also, in as sharpe words as these, in his Epistle to Pompeius.

57 And for their behauiour to the Emper∣o••s, as long as Zeale and Pouertie restrain'd them, it cannot be doubted, but that they were respe∣ctiue enough. The preambulatorie Letters be∣fore the Councell of Chalcedon,* 1.182 testifie it well: Where the Letters of the Emperours,* 1.183 yea, of their Wiues, are accepted by the name of Diuales, and Sacrae literae, and Diuinae syllabae. And about the same time, Leo the Pope writing to Leo the Em∣perour, he sayes;* 1.184 Hanc Paginam necessariae supplica∣tionis adieci; And in the next Epistle but one, Lite∣ras Clementiae tuae veneranter accepi, quibus cuperem obedire. So also Felix the third, to Zeno the Em∣perour, cals himselfe Famulum vestrum,* 1.185 and such demissions as these; Liceat, venerabilis Imperator, ex∣ponere; And, Per mei Ordinis paruitatem audias, are frequent in him.* 1.186 And in Iustinians time, which was presently after, that Church sensible of the vse and neede, which it had of his fauour, so hee would be content to extend to their benefit, pre∣scription, which before was limited in thir••ie yeares, to a hundred, neuer grudged at t••e phrase and language of his Law,* 1.187 by which he affoorded the Church that priuiledge, though it were very

high; Being willing to illustrate Rome, Lege specialj nostri Numinis, That that Church may eternally by this, remember the prouidence of our Gouernement, we graunt, &c.

58 And Gregorie the first was, out of his wise∣dome at least,* 1.188 if not Deuotion, as temperate as the rest, when he w••it to the Emperour Maurice, to sweeten and modifie that Law, which forba•• some persons to enter into Monasteries; For there he cals himselfe Famulum, and Seruum: And addes this, Whiles I speake thus with my Lords, What am I, but dust and wormes?* 1.189 And though Binius is loth to pardon him this duetifulnesse, and respect to his Princes, and there••ore sayes, That he protested in the begining of that Letter, that hee spoke not as a Bishop, but Iure priuato,* 1.190 And so out of Baronius, he sayes, That he plaide another part, as vpon a stage: Yet, if he wore this maske and disguise cleane through the Epistle, then he spoke personately, and dissem∣blingly, as well with Christ, as with the Em∣perour, when he sayes: I, the meanest of Christs s••r∣uants and yours. Nor do I thinke that Binius or Ba∣ronius would say, that he spoke personately of the Execution of the Emperours Law, but that hee had truely done as he said: I haue done all which I ought to doe•• for I haue both performed my obedience to the Emperor, and I haue vttered that which I thought fit concerning God. And he was wisely careful that his Letter to the Emperour, concerning his opnion

of the iniquitie of that Law, should not come to the Emperours inopportunely, nor as from a per∣son of equall ranke to him; and therefore he for∣bids his own Responsall (for the dignitie of a Nun∣cio, was not yet in vse) to deliuer it, but sends it to the Emperours Phisitian, because saith he,* 1.191 Ve∣stra Gloria, may secretly, at some conueniet time, offer him this suggestion; And that this Phisitian might be confident in this employment, he assures him of his affection and Allegeance to his Prince, by this Confession, God hath appointed the Emperour to rule, not onely Souldiours (which were the persons forbid in that Law) but also Priests (whose priuile∣ges seem'd to be impayr'd thereby.)

59 With like respect doth one of his successors Vitalian,* 1.192 write to Vaanus, who was Cubi••ularius, et Chartularius Imperialis, to mediate & prouide, that a Bishoppe vniustly deposed, might be restored. And to him the Pope affoords this stile, Celsitudo vestra, and addresses the depos'd Bishop, Ad vestra ambulaturum vestigia, and promises that they both shall all the daies of their liues, pray to God for the prosperity, and long liuing Suae excellentissimae Charitatis.

60 And in all this course of time, the Popes, some out of a iust contemplation of their duety, some out of the neede, which they had of the Em∣perours, from whom they receiued daily some additions to their immunities and exemptions,

were agreeable and appliable enough to them. And when Italy suffered a dereliction, by the ab∣sence of the Emperours in the East, and thereby was prostituted and exposed to barbarous Inua∣ders, the Bishoppes of this Citie, which was the fairest marke to inuite the Lumbards and the rest, solicited those Easterne Emperours to their suc∣cour, with all sweetnesse and humility; but at last, desperate of such reliefe, casting their eyes vp∣pon the mightiest kingdome of the West, they in∣uited the French to their succour.

* 1.19361 And at this time came from them those lamentable supplications, which Stephen the third sent to Pipin and Carloman: In the first whereof, he vrges them with their promise of certaine lands, by them vowed to the Church: And hauing cal∣led them, Dominos excellentissimos, and spiritualem Compatrem, and prepared them with wordes of much sweetenesse, Mellifluam bonitatem, Mellifluos obtutus, and such, hee comes to the point: That which you haue offered to Peter by promise, you ought to deliuer him in profession, least when the Porter of hea∣uen, the Prince of the Apostles, at the daie of iudgement shall shew your hand-writing you be put to make a more strict account with him. So therefore he felt and la∣mented their slackenes in endowing the Church; yet at that time he would not vndertake to be the Iudge, nor make the Camera Apostolica the Court; but he referres it to Saint Peter, and to the last

day, and onely remembers them, That Dominus per meam humilitatem, mediante B. Petro, vos vnxit in reges.

62 The next letter written in the person of the Pope, and all the Romane people, and Romane armie, et omnium in afflictione positorum, is an earnest and violent coniuration; per Deum viuum vos con∣iuro, Saue vs, most Christian Princes before we perish; the soules of all the Romans hang vpon you, and so forth. And when all this did not effectually stirre them to come, as the letter solicited, Cum nimia festinatio∣ne; then came a third letter in the name and per∣son of Saint Peter himselfe,* 1.194 in this stile: I Peter the Apostle, and by me all the Catholique Romane Church, Head of all the Churches of God, vobis viris excellentis∣simis. I Peter, exhort you, my adopted Sonnes, to defend that house, where I rest in my flesh: and with me Marie, with great Obligations, Aduises, and Protests, and so forth. And whatsoeuer you shall aske of me, I will giue you. If you doe not performe this, know ye, that by the authoritie of the Apostleshippe giuen me by Christ, you are alienated from the Kingdome of God, and from life euerlasting.

63 And when Stephen the fourth came to that Sea, and tha•• the sonnes of these Princes beganne to incline to ally themselues by marriage with the Lombards; the Pope seeing then his whole temporal ••ortune at the stake, neglects no way of withdrawing them, from that inclination: hee

saies therefore, Saint Peter, by our vnhappines, besee∣cheth your Excellence:* 1.195 and then, vouchsafe to bend your eares, inspired by God, to our Petition, and to him whom we haue sent, ad Regale vestrum Culmen. And then, in an inconstant distemper, he threatens, and he promises in S^t. Peters name, as bitterly, and as liberally, as his predecessor had bid S. Peter him∣selfe to doe, in the former Epistle.

64 And when these Princes after much entrea∣ty, had deliuered Italy from the infestation of the Lombards, and deuided the profite and spoile with the Church, and that that Sea had reco••ered some breath and heart, then their Bishopps began to reprehend with some bitternesse, the Easterne Emperours: And then came that notorious let∣ter of Nicholas to Michael the Emperour;* 1.196 In which though he stile him, Superatorem Gentium, pr••ssimum filium, Dulcissimum, Tranquillissimum (for as yet hee doubted that he might be necessary to him) yet he cals him also Golias, and himselfe Hymnidicum Dauidem. And part of the quarrell was, because the Emperour had written Insolentia quae••am, cer∣t••ine vnusuall phrases: which were, ••ussimus, vt quosdam ad nos mitteretis: for, saies Nicholas, Hono∣rius said to Boniface, Petimus; and other Emp••rours, Inuitamus, and Rogamus, and Constantine and Irene, Rogamus, magis quidem Dominus Deus rogat: which phrase, though Charles the great, at that time,* 1.197 when it was written, rep••ehended, and al∣lowed

a whole Chapter in his booke for the reproofe thereof, yet not onely that Pope dissem∣bled it, but this drawes it into example and prece∣dent.

65 And in this letter the Pope giues the Em∣perour some light, that hee is not long to enioy the stile of Romane Emperour; for he hauing despised the Romane tongue as Barbarous, (as e∣uery Prince loues to be saluted in his owne, or in an equall language) the Pope replies: That if hee call the Romane tongue barbarous, because ••ee vnder∣stands it not, it is a ridiculous thing, to call himselfe Ro∣mane Emperour.

66 And thus hauing at once receiued and re∣compensed a benefite, by concurring in the ad∣uancement of the French to the Empire, they kept good hold vpon that Kingdome, by conti∣nuall correspondencies, and by interceding with those Kings, for p••rdons and fauours, when any delinquents fled ouer to them, and by aduising them in all emergent causes, and by doing them many seruices in Italy, and so establishing the Empire in that family, vpon good conditions to them both. For so Iohn the eight writes to Charles, as well to refresh his benefit in his memorie, as the reasons that moued him to conferre it. Well knowes your Kingly Highnesse,* 1.198 that I was desirous a long time, for the profit and exaltation of the Aposto∣licke Sea, to bring you Ad Culmen Imperij. And as

we with all our endeuour, haue desired to giue perfecti∣on to your Honour and glorie, you also must performe those things, which are profitable to the vtiliti•• and ex∣alt••tion of that Seate. And there he addes, That for Conference about that, he came to meete him at Ra∣uenna, leauing his owne Church in the cruell hands of enemies. And in the next Epistle, he sends to the same purpose his Nephew Faru••fus,* 1.199 Deliciosum consiliarium nostrum; Becau••e, sa••es he in anoth••r place, We desire greedily to accomplish this. And yet at this very time,* 1.200 for his better indemnitie, hee practis'd with the Esterne Emperour, and kept faire quarter with him also, as appeares by his Letter to him.

* 1.20167 Hauing thus establish'd a stronger reputa∣tion, and laide earnest Oblig••tions vpon France, and by example and authoritie thereof, in other places also, they beganne to feele their st••ength, and to draw their swords as farre as they would goe, which was to excommunication, euen in France it selfe.

68 But because in the excommunications is∣suing in ••hese times, and in the ti••es betweene this, and Gregory the seuenth, and perchance in some b••fore this time, there is found often men∣tion of p••nishment after e••communication•• whi••h hath occasioned some to erre in an opini∣on, that besides spi••ituall c••nsures, temporall pe∣nalties were al••o inflicted vpon p••iuate persons,

and consequently eradication vpon Princes, we w••••l arrest, and stay a little vppon the stile and phrase of some of those excommunications, by which it wil appeare, that they intended nothing but spirituall punishment.

69 The first which I haue obserued, is a letter of Innocent the first,* 1.202 to Arcadius the Emperour, whom he thought guilty of the eiecting & of the death of Chrysostome: His words are; Ego minimus & peccator, segrego te a perceptione mysteriorum Chri∣sti. This then went no farther then to depriue him of spirituall foode, and the Pope (if tha•• Epi∣stle be genuine) was very hasty in it; for the Em∣p••rour discharged himselfe presently, by plead∣ing ignorance of the fact; which that Bishoppe ought to haue tried, before hee had proc••eded to excommunic••tion. Chrysostome himselfe, whose quarrell it was,* 1.203 had taught s••fficiently the limits of that iurisdict••••n; for he said, When the Pri••st had reprehended Ozias, De spreto Sacerdotio, he could doe no more; for it is his part onely to reprooue, and to perswade, not to stirre warre: and he addes, that God himselfe (to whom onely it belongs to punish so) inflicted a leprosie vpon the King, in which (saies he) we see Humanitatem Diuinae ultionis, who sent not lightning, nor shaked the earth, nor moued the Hea∣uens: So farre was Chrysostome from counsayling any such punishment, as should be accompanied with tumult.

70 And so a iust estimation, and true vnder∣standing of their liberties, in Ecclesiastique cau∣ses, were the Fathers in the Councell at Ephesus arriued,* 1.204 when in that Synodicall Letter to the Emperour, which they call, Libellum supplicem, they make this protestation, The scope of our pro∣fession prouides, that we be obedient to all Princes and Potentates, as long as that obedience brings no detri∣ment to our Soul•••• health; but if it come to that, we must dare to vse our libertie, Aduersus Regium fastigium. And how farre, may this courage and libertie ca∣rie vs, if the Prince command any thing in detri∣ment of our soule? As farre, as tho••e Fathers durst aduenture vpon that ground, which they expres∣sed thus to the Emperour, If you approue the banish∣ment of C••rill and Memnon, which were banished by persons Excommunicate, then know you, that we are ready, with that alacritie which becomes Christians, to vndergoe any danger with them, that is, to suffer as they goe.

71 But about this time of Iohn 8. it was very fre∣quent, that Excommunications had a farther comminatorie clause.* 1.205 For so, against a Bastard of Lotharius, who had broke an Oath made to a French King, he sayes, VVe depriue him of all Chri∣stian Comunion,* 1.206 and if he perseuer, let him know, that Anathematis vinculis innodabitur. So to an Earle and h••s Lady, which had seduced a Nunne from her profession, ••e sayes, We seperate them from the

body and blood, and all fellowship with Christians, and if they neglect to restore her, Anathemate innodamus. So in the next Epistle he threatens a Bishop,* 1.207 that refus'd to come to him, Know that you are to be Ex∣communicate, and if you perseuer, A Communione alie∣nandus. And against another Bishop, and his whole charge he pronounces Priuation from the Communion, seperation from the Church, and except they conuert, Maioris damnationis sententiam, and with such as these, his time abounds.

72 And his predecessour Adrian the second,* 1.208 had gone thus farre towards the King of France, when hee attempted to inuade his Brothers Do∣minion, VVe admonish you, by our Apostolique Autho∣ritie, and by all spirituall meanes, which we may vse, we perswade you, and in a Fatherly effection command you to forbeare; els••, we will performe t••at which belongs to out Ministerie.* 1.209 But in another letter to his Nobles, he threatens them, That if they aide the Father to warre against the Sonne, who was then in his dis∣pleasure, They shall not onely be enwrapp'd in the bands of Excōmunication, but cast into hell, Vinculis Anathe∣ma••is. And this Iohn the eight,* 1.210 at the same time when he alowes him all due attributes, & desires him to incline his sacredeares to him,* 1.211 threatens Charles himself, that if he restore not certain things, taken from a Nunnerie, by a certaine day, He should bee Excommunicate till restitution, and if, being thus light∣ly touch••d, he repented not, Durioribus verberibus e∣rudie••dus erat.

73 So that whether this farther punishment were no other, then that which is now called ex∣communicatio Maior, or that which is called in the Canons Anathema maranatha, the denouncing of which, and the absoluing from it, was acted with many ••ormalities,* 1.212 and solemnities, and had ma∣ny ingredients, of burning tapers, and diuers o∣thers, to which none could be subiected without the knowledge of the Arch-Bishoppe,* 1.213 it appeares that it now here extends to temporall punish∣ment, or forfaitures and confiscations.

* 1.21474 Of which there appeares to me no eui∣dence, no discernable impression, no iust suspiti∣on, till Gregory the seuenths time: And then, as it may well be said of Phalaris his letters, that they were al writ for execution, and of Brutus his letters, that they were all Priuy Seales for money: so may wee ••ay of Gregories iudging, by the frequency thereo••, that they were all cholerique excommu∣nications; and that with Postscripts worse then the body of the letter; which were Confiscations, neuer found in his predecessors, which should haue beene his precedents.

75 And for this large and new addition of Eradication,* 1.215 hee first threatned it to the Fench King, and then practised it effectually vpon the Emperour. To the Bishoppes of France he writes, That their King Philip is not to be called King, but a Tyrant, which by perswasion of the Diuel is become the

cause and the head of all mischiefe: Therefore (saies he) all you must endeauour to bow him. (And thus farre his Pastorall care might binde him) And to shew him, that he cannot escape the sword of Apostolique animad∣u••rsion (and thus farre his iealousie of his spiritual Primacy might excuse him.) But when he adds, Depart from communion with him, and obedience to him, forbid Diuine Seruice throughout all France, and if he repent not, we will attempt to take the Kingdome from his possession they are wordes of Babel,* 1.216 which no man at that time vnderstood: yet he writes in the same tenour to the Earle of Poicton, That if the king perseuere, both he and all which giue any obedience to him, shall be sequestred from the communion of the Church, by a Councell to be held at Rome. So assured∣ly, and confidently could hee pronounce before hand of a future determination in a Councell there.

76 And of his owne seuerity, vsed towards the Emperour, whom vpon seuere penances hee had resumed ••nto the Church, he blushes not to m••ke an Historical Narration, to the Bishops and Princes of Germany, thus: He stood three daies before the gate, despoiled of all Kingly ornaments, mise∣rable and barefoo••e; till all men wondred at the vnaccu∣stomed hardnesse of our minds. And some cryed out that this was not the grauity of Apostolique seuerity, but almost the cruelty of Tyrannique sauagenesse.

77 And when Rodulphus whom he had set* 1.217

vp against the Emperour,* 1.218 was dead, seeing now, as himselfe confesses, almost all the Italians enclin'd to admit the Emperour Henry, euen they whom he trusted most (for so he saies, ••ene omnes nostri fideles) he protesteth that Rodolphus was made without his consent,* 1.219 Ab vltramont••nis, and that he went to depose him, and to call those Bishops to account which adhered to him•• And then he writes to certaine Prelates,* 1.220 to slacken the Election of a new Emperour, and giues instruction what kind of person hee would haue to bee elected; One which should be obedient, humbly deuout, and profita∣ble to the Church: and that would take an oath to doe a∣ny thing which the Pope would commaund him, in these wordes: Per veram obedientiam; and that hee would be made a Knight of Saint Peter, and of the Pope.

78 But although many watchfull and curi∣ous men of our Church, and many ingenious of the Romane, haue obse••ued many enormous v∣surpations, and odious intemperances in this tempestuous Pope Gregory the seuenth, and a∣mongst them, almost anatomiz'd euery limme of his Story; yet it may bee lawfull for mee, to draw into obseruation, and short discourse, two points thereof, perchance not altogether for their vnworthines, pretermitted by others: Of which the first shall be the forme of the excommunica∣tion against Henry, because by that it will appeare what authority hee claimed ouer Princes: And

the other ••ha•••• be ••is lette•• ••o a Bishop, w••o desi∣red to draw from him, some rea••ons by which he might defend that which the Pope h••d done; be∣cause by that it will appeare, vpon what founda∣tions he grounded th••s prete••ce and author••ty.

79 The excōmunica••ion is thus deliuered; Con••tradico ei,* 1.221 I denie him the gouernment of al the kingdom of Germany, & of Italy: and I absolue all Christians, frō the band of the oth, which they haue made to him, or shall make: and I forbid any man to serue him as his king: for it is fit, that he which endeuors to diminish the honor of the Church•• should loose his owne honour. And because he hath contemned to obey as a Christian, participating with excommunicated persons, and despising my admo∣nitions, and seperating himselfe from the Church, I tie him, in vinculo Anathematis.

By which we see, that he beginnes with Con∣fiscation: And because it had neuer beene heard, that the Popes authority extended beyond Ex∣communication, therefore hee makes Deposition a lesse punishment then that, and naturally to pre∣cede it: for he makes this to bee reason enough, why he should forfait his dignity, because he at∣tempted to dim••nish the Dignity of the Church: But for his Disobedience to the Chu••ch and him, he inflicts Excommunication as the greater, and g••eatest pu∣nishment which he could lay vpon him. And it is of dangerous c••nsequence, if Excommunication b•• of so high a nature, and of so vast an ex••ent,

that wheresoeuer it is iustly inflicted, that pre∣supposes Confiscation and Deposition.

80 And another dangerous preiudice to the sa∣fet••e of all Princes, ariseth out of this p••ecedent, which is, that hee absolues the Subiects of all Oathes of Alleageance, which they shall make af∣ter that Denunciation: For if his successor that now gouernes, shall be pleased to doe the same in England at this time, and so giue his partie here such leaue to take the Oath of Alleageance; doth he not thereby vtte••ly frustrate and annihilate all that, which the indulgence of a mercifull Prince, and the watchfulnesse of a diligent Parliament, haue done for the Princes safety, and for distincti∣on betweene trayterous and obedient subiects? Yet both this Deposition, and this Absolution of subiects and this Interdiction were all heaped, and amass'd vpon a Catholique Prince, before the ex∣communication it selfe, or any other fault intimated the d••minishing of the honour of that Church,* 1.222 and par∣ticipating with excommunicated persons.

81 And now we may discend to the suruay of that letter, which he writes to a Bishoppe, who desired to haue something written by him, wher∣by he might be help'd and arm'd against such as de••yed that by the authority of that Sea, he could excommunicate that Prince, or absolue his sub∣iects. First therefore he saies, That there are ma∣nie, and most certaine Documents in the Scrip∣tures

to that purpose, of which hee cites, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which are ordinarily offered, as Tu es Petrus, and Tibi dabo Claues, and Quodcunqe ligaue••is: and then he askes, Whether Kings be excepted? But, Kings are not excepted; but this proceeding against Kings is excepted: That is, it is not included in that Commission, as hath beene enough and e∣nough proued by many.

82 Then followes that t••stimony of Gelasius a Pope, That Priest-hood is aboue Principality, and that the Bishoppe of Rome is the chiefe Priest, If wee allow both Testem, & Testimonium, yet the c••use is safe; he may be ••boue all, in some functions, yet not in temporall.

83 His next authority, is Iulius, another Pope, who expounding the wordes, Tibi dabo Claues, to certaine Easterne Bisho••pes, saies, Shall not ••e that opens heauen, iudge of the earth? But this dooth as much destroy all Iudicature and all Magistracy, as iustifie the deposing of ••ings.

84 After this, he cites (though not as Gregories words are) a priuiledge graunted by Gregory the fi••st, to a Monasterie and depriuation from secular dignity, and excommunications to any that in ••ringe that priuiledge. And this priuiledge Bellarmine also produces, to proue the Popes soueraignty in tempo••all mat••ers. It is the pr••uiledge of the Monastery of S. Medard,* 1.223 which is in Gregories Epi∣stle: and it is cyted by this other Gregory,* 1.224 it makes

deposition the lesser punishment, and to precede ex∣communication, for he sayes; That Gregory though a milde Doctor, did not onely depose, but excommunicate the transgressors: But both this Pope that cytes it, deceiues vs, by putting in the word Decreuit, as though this had the solemnities of a Popes De∣cree, which presumes an infallibility, and Bellarmine deceiues vs, by mutilating the sentence, and end∣ing at that word Honore priuetur: for he that reads the whole sentence, shall see, that all this Decree of Deposition and Excommunication, was no more then a comminatory imprecation, to testifie earnestly the Founders affection to haue those priuiledges obserued, and deterre men from violating there∣of; as the vehemence and insolent phrase of the Instrument do intimate, by a bitternes vnvsuall in medicinall excommunications: For all the curses due to Heretiques; and all the torments which Iudas en∣dures are imprecated vpon him; & it is subscribed not only by Gregory, with 30. Bishops, but by a King and a Queene, no competent Iudges (in this Grego∣ries opiniō) of faults punishable by excōmunication.

* 1.22585 And the same Pope in erecting of an Hospi∣tall, and endowing it with some immunities, vses the same language, that the infringers thereof, should loose all their power, and honour, and dignity, and after be excōmunicate; and yet this is neuer produced, nor vnderstood to confirme his temporall soueraignty.

* 1.22686 The Donation of Constantine, which was not

much lesse then 300. yeare be••ore this, end in like words: If any man violate this Donation, let him be e∣ternally condemned, let him finde Peter and Paul in this life, and in the next his enemies, and le•• him perish with the Diuell and al the reprobate, burning in Inferno infe∣riore. And wil they from this argue in Constantine a power, to open and shut hel gates? And will they endanger al those Catholique authors to this eter∣nall damnation, which haue violated this Donati∣on of Constantine by publique bookes?

87 And ••uch a Commination as this of Greg••ry appeares in a Canon of the first Councell at Paris,* 1.227 not long before his, where it is threatned, that who∣so••uer shall ••eceiue a person suspended from the Commu∣nion, himself shal be seperated A concordia fratrum, and (as we hope, or trust) shall sustaine the wrath of the eter∣nall iudge for ••uer. And (not to insist long vpon ex∣amples of such imprecations) about 160 yeare af∣ter Gregory, Paulus 1. erecting a Monastery in his owne house, ma••es this Constitution;* 1.228 If any of the Popes, our successors, or any mighty or Inferiour per∣son, of what dignity soeuer, alien any of these things, let him know, that he is anathematiz'd by Christ and Peter, and estr••nged from the Kingdome of God: and that he shall giue an account thereof to the Saints, in the day of iudgement: For (sayeth hee) I desire the Iudge him∣selfe, that hee will cast vppon them the wrath of his power, that their life may bee laborious and mournefull, and they may die consuming, and may bee

burnt eternally with Iudas, in hell fire, in voragine chao•• And that they that obserue this Constitution, may enioy all blessednes at the right hand of God.

88 And when in the behalfe of the Kings of Spaine, the same argument is made for them, that because there are many Diplomes extant in Si∣cily, by which the Kings Anathematise in••ring••rs of their Constitutions, that therefore they exe••ci∣sed Spirituall Iurisdiction:* 1.229 Baronius saies, that this ar∣gument is ridiculous, because i•• is hard to finde any in∣strument of Donations from Princes, or from priuate men, or from women; in which these bitter formes of excommunication are not: Which (saies he) do not con∣taine any sentence of excommunication, but Imprecations to deterre other, as euery man was at libertie ••o doe, when he made any such graunts. So that Baronius hath laughed out of countenance this argument vpon Medardus priuiledge, which hath beene so o••••en, and so solemnly offered and iterated. And it ap∣peares hereby that the punishments mentioned in these Constitu••ions, were not such as the makers thereo•• could inflict, but onely such as ••hey wish∣ed to fall vpon them that offended: and such I doubt not, was Gregories Imprecation, in his suc∣cessors interpretations, that is, that hee wished all Kings to be depriued.

* 1.23089 His next reason why Princes may be depo∣sed by Priests, is the diuersity of their Beginning and first Institution•• for, as before he had said to ano∣ther

Bishop of the same place, Regall Dignity was found out and inuented by humane pride, but Priests were intituled by the Diuine pietie, So here he repeates it with more contumely; Who knowes not that Kings had their beginnings from those men•• who being igno∣rant of God, and prouoked by the prince of the world the Diuell, through Pride, Rapine, Perfidiousnesse, Murder, and all wickednesse, affected a gouernment o∣uer their equalls, by a blind Ambition, and intolerable presumption.

90 Then he proceeds to the examples, of Inno∣cent who excomunicated Arcadius, and of Zacha∣ry who deposed Childerique. The first of which is not to the purpose, Except Excommunication presume Deposing which Innocent intended not. And the second hath beene abundantly, and satis∣factorily spoken to, by very many of ours, and of their owne authors, who determine it roundly,* 1.231 Deposuit, id est, Deponentibus consensit.

91 And therefore insisting little vpon these, hee makes hast to that wherein he excels, which is, to reproach and debase the State and Order of Kings. For he says, That euen Exorcists (which is no sa∣cred order) are superiour to Princes. Nor is his in∣temperance therefore excessiue, because hee sub∣iects men to such as are in the way going to∣wards Priesthood, for that will bee still vpon the old ground, that priesthood is in an incomprehen∣sible distance and proportion aboue principali∣tie,

but his reasons why Exorcists are aboue Prin∣ces, discouers more malignitie to Princes abso∣lutely; which is, That since they are aboue the Diuell himselfe, much more are they Superiour to those which are subiect to the deuill, and members of the de∣uill. Nor could his argument haue any life or force here, except he presum'd Kings to be poyso∣ned & corrupted by the very place, & by the order it selfe; for otherwise, if he meant it onely of vici∣ous Kings, why should he institute this compa∣rison of Exorcists and Kings, since it ought to bee of Exorcists and vicious men? And therefore (as he sayes after in this Ep••stle,) That he finds in his owne experience, that the Papacie either finds good men, or makes them good, and that if they want good∣nesse of their owne, they are supplied by their predeces∣sours, and so, Aut Clari eriguntur, aut Erecti illustran∣tur: So he thinkes either, that onely members of the deuill come to be Kings, or that kings grow to be such, when they are kings. For so much he intimates euen in this place, when hee sayes, In Regall dignitie very few are saued, and from the be∣ginning of the world til now, we find not one King equal in sanctitie to innumerable Religious men. What King hath done any miracles? To what King haue Churches or Altars beene erected? How man•• Kings are Saints? Whereas, onely in our Sea there are almost a hundred.

92 And thus I thought it fit to runne ouer this Letter, becau••e here s••emes the first fire to

haue beene giuen, and the first drop of poyson to haue beene instil'd of all those virulenc••es and combustions, with which the later Authours in that Church, are inflam'd and swollen vp, in this point of auiling Princes. Of which ranke, this Pope had respect to none, but those who were really profitable to him: Nor haue I obserued a∣ny words of sweetenesse in him towards any of them, but onely to our King the Conquerour, and to one King of Spaine. To ours he sayes,* 1.232 VVe account you the onely man amongst Kings, that per∣formes his duetie, and this he ••ayes, because ••e should graunt more to God, and Saint Peter, and Saint Ste∣phen, and be vigilant vpon Saint Peters estate in Eng∣land, that he m••ght find him a propitious debter.* 1.233 And to the king of Spaine he sayes, The present which you sent me, is so ample, and so magnificent, as became a King to giue, and Saint Peter to receiue; and you show by your present, how much you esteeme him.

93 And such Princes as these he was loath to loose: For he accounted that a losse, which now they call the onely perfection, that is, to enter in∣to a Religious and regular Order.* 1.234 For this Gre∣gorie chides an Abbot bitterly, for admitting a Prince, who might haue beene profitable to his state, into the Cloyster. For he sayes: To doe so, is but to seeke their owne ease; and now, not onely the Shepheards depart from the care of the Church, but the Dogges also; which he speakes of Princes. He tels

him, That he hath done against the Canons, in admitting him: and that he is therein an occasion, that a hundred thousand persons doe lacke their guide. And therefore sayes he, Since there are scarce any good Princes to bee found, I am grieu'd that so good a Prince, is taken away from his mother; That is from the Churc••, as it must necessarily be intended in this Epistle. So pliant and seruiceable to his vses, would Gregorie make Regall dignitie, or else breake it in peeces.

* 1.23594 And where could our later men find bet∣ter light in this mischeiuous and darke way, then in this Gregories Dictates, of which, these are some, That onely the Pope may vse Imperiall Ornaments; That all Princes must kisse his feete: That onely his Name must be rehearsed in the Church; That there is no other Name in the world, with many such trans∣cendencies. And accordingly he is wel second••d by others,* 1.236 which say, that he is Superillustris; and may not be cald so neither, because he is so much aboue all Dignitie, that our thought cannot extend to his Maie∣stie: And to preuent all opposition against it, Bal∣dus in a choler sayes, That he that sayes the contra∣rie, Lyes.

95 And vpon what place of Scripture may ••hey not build this supremacy, and this obedience to it, after a Pope, who is heire to an Actiue and Passiue infallibility, and can neither deceiue nor be deceiued,* 1.237 hath extorted from Samuel, so long be∣fore the Apostolique Sea was established, a testimo∣ny,

That not to obey the Apostolique Sea,* 1.238 was the sinne of Idolatrie, teste Samuele: which he iterates againe, and againe in diuers other Epistles.

96 From this example, and from this libertie proceedes that malignity, wherewith the later writers wrest euery thing to ••he disgrace of Prin∣cipality. By this authority Symancha drawes in∣to consequence,* 1.239 and vrges as a precedent to be i∣mitated, the example of the Scythians, who killed their king for admitting some new rytes in diuine worshippe; Which (sayes Simancha) was iustly done; for the Subiects of hereticall Princes are deliuered from their Iurisdiction. And in like maner, Schultingius an Epitomizer of Baronius,* 1.240 finding in him out of Strabo, that in Egypt the Priests had so much authority ouer the Kings, that sometimes by a bare message they would put one King to death, and erect another: and repeating the same gloriously and triumphantly a second time; at last in a Marginall note hee claimes the same authority for the Pope, when he notes, and sayes thereupon, The supreame authority of the Clergy, is proued against the Caluinists: So that we may easily discerne, by these examples which they propose for imitation, what authority they ayme at. But Schultingius might also haue obser∣ued, as a prophecy of the ruine of their vsurpation,* 1.241 that as soone as a learned and vnderstanding king Ergamenes, came amongst them, he tooke away that custome.

* 1.24297 From this libertie, Bellarmine also, to the danger of any Prince, differing in any point from the integrity of the Romane profession, hath pro∣nounced, That Heretiques are depriued of all ••urisdi∣ction, euen before excommunication.* 1.243 And that therefore an Emperour cannot call a Councell, because that must be done in Nomine Christi: and that Princes haue not their precedencies, as they are members of the Church, for so Ecclesiastique Ministers are aboue them.* 1.244

98 And this hath made a Contry-man of ours deliuer as mischeuous doctrine,* 1.245 that the power of excommunication, is got by prescription; And so saies another great Patron of that greatnesse, the Priests obeyed the Kings of Israel, but contrarily our Priests doe prescribe ouer the temporall power.* 1.246 And Sayr proceedes further, and saies, that though Pa∣normitane be of opinion, That one can prescribe in no more then that which he hath put in practise, yet if hee haue so exercised any one act of Iurisdiction (as excōmu¦nication is) as that he had a will to doe all, he prescribes in all. And there is no doubt, but that when Pius the fift excommunicated, he had a good will to De∣pose also.

99 From this also haue proceeded all those enormous deiections of Princes, which they cast and deriue vpon al Kings when they speake them of the Emperour: for though the later writers, are broder with the Emperour, and chose rather to exemply in him, then in any other Soueraigne

Prince; vpon this aduantage, that they can more easily proue a Supremacy ouer him, by reason of the pretended translation of the Empire, yet it is a slippery way and conueyance of that power ouer all other Princes; since in common intendment and ordinary acceptation, no man can be exempt from that, to which the Emperour is subiect. And of the Emperour they say,a 1.247 That not onely he may be guilty of ••reason to the Pope, b 1.248 but if a subiect of the Pope offend the Emperour, the treason is done to the Pope. Yea, c 1.249 if it be the Emperours subiect, and the in∣iury done to the Emperour, yet this is treason to the Pope: So that the Emperour doth but beare his person; for in his presence hee must descend: and in d 1.250 a Councell his ••eate must be no higher, then the Popes foot∣stoole, nor any State he hunge ouer his head.

100 And from hence also hath growne that Distinction, Superstitious on one part, & Sediti∣ous on the other, of Mediate and Immediate institu∣tion of the two powers: for Eccl••siastique autho∣rity is not so immediate from God, that he hath ap∣pointed any such certaine Hierarchy, which may vpon no occasion suffer any alteration or interup∣tion: Nor is secular authority so mediate, or depen∣dant vpon men, as that it may at any time be ex∣tinguished, but must euer reside in some forme or other. And Bellarmine himselfe confesses, That as Aaron was made Priest ouer the Iewes,* 1.251 and Peter ouer the Christian Church, immediately from God, so also

some Kings haue beene made so immediately without humane election, or any such concurrence: So that Regal Digni••y hath had as great a dignification in this point from God, as Sacerdotall; and to neither hath God giuen any necessary obligation of per∣petuall enduring in that certaine forme. So that, that which Bellarmine in another place sayes to be a speciall obseruation,* 1.252 wee acknowledge to bee so: which is, That in the Pope are three things; His place, his person, and the vnion of them: the first is onely from Christ, the second, from those that elect him, and the third from Christ, by mediation of a humane act.

And as wee confesse all this in the Pope, so hath he no reason to denie it to be also in kings: he addes further, That the Cardinals are truly said, To create the Pope, and to be the cause why such a man is Pope, and why he hath that power; but yet they doe not giue him that power: as in generation, a father is a cause of the vnion of the body and soule, which yet is in∣fused onely from God. And in all this we agree with Bellarmine; and we adde, that all this is common to all supreame, secular, or Ecclesiastique Magi∣strates.

101 And yet in Hereditary kings, there is lesse concurrence, or assistance of humane meanes, then either in elected kings, or in the Pope him∣selfe: for in such secular states, as are prouided by election, without all controuersie the supreame power, in euery vacancy, resides in some subiect,

and inheres in some body, which as a Bridge, v∣nites the defunct, and the succeeding Prince. And how can this be denied to be in the Colledge of Cardinals,a 1.253 If (as one saies) the dominion temporall be then in them, and b 1.254 that they in such a vacancy, may ab∣solue any, whom the Pope might absolue. If therefore in all the cases reserued to himselfe, as namely in deposing Princes, and absoluing subiects, he pro∣ceed not as he is Pope, but as he is spiritual Prince, as Bellarmine saies,* 1.255 and wee shall haue occasion hereafter to examine; If that Colledge may ab∣solue subiects as he might, this supreamacy and spirituall Principality resides in them, and is trans∣fer'd from them to the Successor.

102 Certainely all power is from God; And as if a companie of Sauages, should consent and concurre to a ciuill maner of liuing, Magistracie, & Superioritie, would necessarily, and naturally, and Diuinely grow out of this consent (for Ma∣gistracie and Superioritie is so naturall and so im∣mediate from God, that Adam was created a Ma∣gistrate, and he deriu'd Magistracie by generation vpon the eldest Children, and (as the Schoolemen say) if the world had continued in the first Inno∣cency, yet there should haue beene Magistracie.) And into what maner and forme soeuer they had digested and concocted this Magistracie, yet the power it-selfe was Immediately from God: So al∣so, if this Companie, thus growen to a Common∣wealth,

should receiue further light, and passe, through vnderstanding the Law written in all hearts, and in the Booke of creatures, and by relation of some instructers, arriue to a sauing knowledge, and Faith in our blessed Sauiours Passion, they should also bee a Church, and a∣mongst themselues would arise vp, lawfull Mini∣sters for Ecclesiastique function, though not de∣riued from any other mother Church, & though different from all the diuers Hierarchies establi∣shed in other Churches: and in this State, both Authorities might bee truely said to bee from God.* 1.256 To which purpose Aquinas sayes express••ly and truely, That Priesthood (that is all Church function) before the Law giuen by Moses, was, as it pleasd men, and that by such determination of men, it was euer deriued vpon the eldest Sonne;* 1.257 And we haue also in the same point Bellarmines voice and con∣fession, That in that place of S. Paul to the Ephe∣sians,* 1.258 which is thought by many to be so preg∣nant for the proofe of a certaine Hierarchie, The Apostle did not so delineate a certaine and constant Hierarchie, but onely reckoned vp those gifts, which Christ gaue diuersly, for the building vp of the body of the Church.

103 To conclude therefore this point of the distinction of Mediate and Immediate Authoritie, a Councell of Paris vnder Gregorie the fourth,* 1.259 and Lodouicke and Lotharius Emperours, which were

times and persons obnoxious enough to that Sea, hath one expresse Chapter, Quod Regnum non ab hominibus, sed a Deo detur. There it is said, Let no King thinke that the Kingdome was preseru'd for him, by his Progenitors, but he must beleeue that it was gi∣uen him by God. For he which is King of men, had not this Kingdome from men, but from God: And so hee proceedes to apply many places of Scripture to this purpose, to the shame and confusion of them, who to ouerthrow, or subiect secular prin∣cipalitie, detort Scriptures for the aduancement of Ecclesiastique immunit••es: As in the Septimes, that new limme of the body of the Canon Law, those priuiledges are proued to be Iure Diuino,* 1.260 out of the word of the Psalme, Nolite tangere Christos meos, which was spoken of all the Children of Israel, as they were protected in their passage to the land of Canaan, and cannot be appropriated to Priests onely.

104 And from this libertie which men of this Religion, haue taken to speake slightly, and malignantly of the Person and dignitie of Kings, a long and inue••erate custome hath so wrought vpon them, that it hath caried them farther, and made them as bold with the word of God him∣selfe. Out of which they can deduce principall and direct Prophecies for euery passage in Saint Francis his storie. For a 1.261 the Dreame of Pharoes officer (A vine was before me, and in the Vine were

three branches) signifies Saint Francis,* 1.262 and the ••hree Orders deriued from him, sayes the Booke of Con∣formities, and Sedulius the fresh Apologer thereof. So he sayes, b 1.263 Christ prophecied of this Order; and it is fulfilled in this Order which hee said, Feare not little flocke, for it is your Fathers pleasure, to giue you the Kingdome. And c 1.264 of these it is spoken, sayes hee, The sound of them is gone into all Nations. Of these prophanations the examples are too frequent; for as they haue fitted all other things spoken of Christ, to Saint Francis in the Booke of Conformities, so doth d 1.265 Sedulius maintaine the giuing to him, the title of Iesus of Nazareth, King of the Iewes.

105 So also must the Scriptures affoord prophe∣sies for euery ragge and inch of the Sindon, which wrapped our Sauiour in the Sepulchre. For in e 1.266 that Liturgie or Office, (as they call it) which is appointed by the Pope to be said in the Chappell where this Sindon is preserued, all those places of Scripture, which speake of Christs body sprinkled with blood, are referred and saide to bee intended of this Sindon. And therefore saies the Author thereof, Since the Pope hath so applyed them, this ex∣position thereof cannot be reprehended.

106 By this license they giue all the names of Christ to the Pope; f 1.267 yea the name of God himselfe; And of a 1.268 Goddesse to our Lady. And by this license did b 1.269 Crusius the Iesuit, call Ignatius Constitutions the Decalogue: because saies Gretzer, his fellow

Iesuite, Metaphorically and instruction of our life, is call'd the Decalogue.

107 Nor can these blasphemous detorsions, & bold mis-applications, besalued, by Sedulius his guiltie excuse, that they c 1.270 are somewhat too freely written, according to the simplicitie of the age, And d 1.271 such as some men would rather wish vnwritten, and e 1.272 Circumspect men wish'd vnsaid; And some things too f 1.273 rawly, somethings too couragiously vttered. And these which he so tenderly, and calmely passes ouer, with light animaduersion, are such sayings as these, That S. Franc••s was g 1.274 deified; That h 1.275 hee was made one spirit with God: That i 1.276 hee saw the secrets of hearts: And k 1.277 that he was more then Iohn Baptist, and better then the Apostles: And l 1.278 that God did obay him at a beck in euery thing.

108 Nor will Serarius his elegant euasion serue them in this, m 1.279 That some men too indulgent and carefull of their verse, or the delicacie of the Latine lan∣guage, may haue gone into these excesses. For the fi••st place, where the Pope is called the Lord our God, is in a place barbarous and loose inough, which is the glosse vpon an Extrauagant. And though Bembus, in whose letters written for Leo the 10 our Lady is called Goddesse, doe often stray in••o pro∣phane elegancies (as n 1.280 in another place, when he would expr••sse an inspiration of the Holy ghost in one, he saies, he was afflatus Zephiri caelestis a••rà, And o 1.281 calls Excommunication, Interdictionem a∣quae

& ignis) yet this will neither excuse that Pope which sign'd those Letters, nor those to whose c••re the expurgation of bookes, hath beene com∣mitted. So that none of their piae fraudes, with wh••ch they emplaster this venemous & contagi∣ous wounding the scriptures of God, & the phrase of his spirit, will acquit or excuse them.

109 And if their mis••applying of Scriptures carried them no further, then to simple and chil∣dish actions (as Saint Francis commanded Mas∣saeus to tumble round like a childe; because, saies Sedulius,* 1.282 it is written, Nisi Conuersi fueritis, & effi∣ciamini sicut paruuli, non intrabitis): Or if it carried them but to stupid actions (as the penitent which confessed to S. Anthony,* 1.283 that he had kicked his mo¦ther, receiuing this answere: If thy foote offend thee, cut it off, went, and cut off his foote, (but S. Antho∣ny honestly set it on againe,) Or if it carried them but to bolde and confident actions (as Saint An∣thony, when his Host set him a Toade vpon the Table, and tolde him that it was written in the Gospell,* 1.284 De omni quod tibi apponitur, comedes, he with the signe of the Crosse, made it a Capon ready rosted) sillinesse or some such disease might lessen the fault.

110 But then is there extreame horrour and abominations therein, when God and his Lieuetenants are at once iniur'd, which is, when places of Scripture are malitiously or rid••culous∣ly

detorted to the auiling of Princes: With what soule then could Pope Alexander say, treading vp∣pon Fredericke,* 1.285 Super aspidem & Basiliscum ambula∣bis: of which Acte,* 1.286 a Bishoppe in that Church saies, that it ought to be commended, and that it was law∣fully and worthily done.

And with what conscience could the same seruile Bishopp of Sixtus the fift, proue the kissing of the popes feete,* 1.287 out of those wordes of Esay, Kings and Queenes shall worshippe thee, with their faces towards the Earth,* 1.288 and licke vp the dust of thy feete? how durst hee say, that this kissing of the popes feete, was established in saint Luke,* 1.289 when the sinner kissed Christs feete?* 1.290 Because (saies he) if it were affoorded Christ•• belongs it not to his Church, which is bone of his bone?* 1.291 And out of Deuteronomy hee thinkes this reuerence is euidenly enough de∣monstrated, because it is saide of God, the saints of God,* 1.292 are said to be humbled at his feete.

So that whatsoeuer is applyed to the Church, or to God, by this detorsion is giuen to the pope: But this Bishoppe is so transported with this rage of detorting scriptures, that rather then not mis-applie them, hee will apply them to his owne Condemnation: For thus hee concludes his Epistle with the wordes of the A∣postle:* 1.293 Gaudeo siue per veritatem, siue per occasionem, Romanae Ecclesiae dignitatem extolli: so that it is all one to him, whether scriptures bee faithfully

applyed or no, so it be to the profit and aduantage of that Church.

* 1.294111 And though Bellarmine seeme to deplore and lament that vnworthy manner of handling serious Controuersies, of which hee accus'd that Authour, which called his booke Auiso Piaceuole, because he cytes some of the Italian Poets against the Church of Rome, yet is this fashion still in so much vse amongst them, that in their last busines with the state of Venice,* 1.295 one authour, though in a disguised name, that vndertooke the defence of Baronius his furious instigation of the Pope, doth not onely wound and staine the memory of our late Queene, with impious calumniations, and wrest the Scriptures, to defame our present King; but he protests that hee chuses this way of doing it, to imitate Socrates, who was (saies he) De∣risor hominum, maxime potentum, and exhibites his booke as a sacrifice, Risui, & Lubentiae.

112 Where then shall we hope, that these men will stoppe or limit their blasphemies? when in the licentious fury thereof, hauing made it habi∣tuall to them, and an Idio••isme of that Religion, they set (in their account) God against God; that is the word of God against the Pope, and defame him in their owne Pasquils by the phrase of Scripture. In which kind of prophane libelling, I had thought their malignity, and irreligion had beene at the highest, when they called Lucretiaes

bastard, by Pope Alexander, and his sonne, the ho∣ly Ghost•• till of late we see one of our owne nation hath drunke so deepe of that cuppe, that he hath swallowed the dregges also; and in a childish and trayterous itch of witte, at once wounded the Maiestie, both of his God, and of his King, by imputing false faults to the one, that hee might misuse the word of the other.

And by this meanes, as when they determined to kill the Emperor Henry the seuenth, that they might poison him, they forbore not to poison their owne God in the Sacrament first: so when they purposed to teare and deface the name and honour, and lawes of the King, they first offer the same violence to the word of God himselfe.

113 Thus the scriptures serue them for Pane∣gyriques, to aduance the Pope; a 1.296 Omnia Subiecisti sub pedibus eius: which being spoken of beasts subiection to men, b 1.297 they make it of men to the Pope. Thus the scriptures serue them to deuest and disarme Princes; c 1.298 Ecceduo gladij, which being (if we d 1.299 beleeue the Iesuite Sd) no other then those knifes, with which they had cutte vp the paschal Lambe, e 1.300 a pope applies to the spirituall and tem∣porall Iurisdiction.

And thus the scripture serues them for prouo∣cation, and incitements to warre, and deuastati∣on: f 1.301 Macta & Manduca: which being spoken of baptizing the Gentiles, g 1.302 Baronius detorts to the

excommunication of Christians. Onely they are content to spare scriptures, when they come to defend their late-borne Heresies; for, for the neces∣sity of beleeuing Purgatory, Inuocation, Transubstan∣tiation, and some others of the same age, they offer no scripture; but they thinke it victory enough that Galatine can proue all these out of the Tal∣mud, and Cusanus out of the Alcoran: For, for the olde and new Testaments, they finde other em∣ployment. They must serue them against the of∣fice and dignity of Princes, to exhibite them as a prey to their neighbours, and a scorne to their owne Subiects.

* 1.303114 As Christ asked of the Iewes, for which of his good workes they would stone him: Princes may aske of the Romane Church, for which of their bene∣fites they are so iniurious to them? Is it for hauing established a Primacy vpon that Bishoppe, aboue his fellow Patriarches, which was so long liti∣gious? Or for withdrawing him from the iawes of the Barbarous deuourers of Italy? Or for enrich∣ing him with a Patrimony, and Priuiledges almost equall to their owne? Is it for any of these, that you say,* 1.304 A Clergy man cannot be a traytor, though he rebell•• because he is no subiect? By which you cut off so great and so good a part, as in your opinion the st••te without it, is but a meere Carcasse, for the Clergie is the soule.

And you extend those immunities, not onely

to your boyes which light your Candles,* 1.305 and locke the Church doores, but to euery sullen fel∣low, that will retire himselfe into a wood, with∣out either assuming Orders,* 1.306 or subiecting him∣self to any Religious Rule, or despoiling himselfe of his temporall possessions, as you say of your Ermits:* 1.307 Yea to Nunnes, who though they be not of the Clergie, yet are Ecclesiastique persons, and yet they are so prophane, as they may not be admitted to touch any thing which belongs to the Altar.* 1.308 And not onely the Nunnes within profession, haue these priuiledges, but also their Nouices, who are vnder no vow: yea they enioy them, whom you call Canonicas Saeculares, which may trauell, traffique, marry, and do any ciuill, or vnciuil function: (for of the continency of Regular Nunnes •• am of a better perswasion, for this reason especi••lly; that the Iesuites by a Constitution, are forbid to haue the care of them:* 1.309 and those secular women, which I mentioned, are Ecclesiastici fori (by a late Decision in the Rota) because though they be not Ecclesia∣sticae,* 1.310 yet they are Personae Miserabiles, and weare an vniforme habite: and to raise the number, you say, If an iniury be done to any kinsman of an Ecclesiastique person, it is done to him.* 1.311 And that if any of∣fence bee committed by diuers persons, amongst whome there is one Clergie man, none of the of∣fenders can bee subiect to Temporall Iurisdicti∣on.

115 And not onely all these persons, but all which appertaines to them, becomes spirituall: and by a new Alchimy, they doe not onely extract spirit out of euery thing, but transmute it all into spirit, and by their possessing them, Houses, Hor∣ses, and Concubines are spirituall. But as euery thing returnes to his first state and being; and so Rome which was at first built, and gouerned by Shephe∣ards, i•• returned to the same forme after the decay of the Empire:* 1.312 and as the name of Bishopp, which was at first giuen to Clerkes of the Market, and O∣uerseers of things to be bought and solde, agrees still with these Symoniaque Bishoppes of Rome: so many of these pretious Iewels, which are em∣ployed about the Images and Reliques, which were at first temporall, and then by this tincture growne to be spirituall, returne againe to their temporall nature, when any of the Popes ••ake oc∣sion to serue their pleasure,* 1.313 or foment dissensions amongst other Princes, and schisme amongst themselues, by coyning the Images, as Vrbanus did, in such a case.

116 But the greatest iniury that is done to Prin∣ces in this matter of Exemption, is, that they will not be beholden to Princes for it: but plead their Ius Diuinum, not onely the positiue Diuine Law, by which, they say, that the Popes if they had not found these men naturally exempted, and if Princes had not granted these exemptions, might

by their Constitutions, haue exempted them, without asking leaue of Princes, but they pre∣tend text of Scriture, though detorted and mis∣vs'd, to proue this Exemption. And for the Per¦sons they pretend many; but with no more di∣rectnes, then that by which they proue exempti∣on of their goods,* 1.314 from secular charges and bur∣dens, which is, Domini est terra, & plenitudo eius, and since it is the Lords, it is theirs.

117 But all Princes grow weary and iealous of that claime;* 1.315 and a Catholique Writer hath ob∣serued, that many of the Writers of the Spanish Nation in these later times, haue resisted that opi∣nion, of which he names Medina, Victoria, Soto, Le∣desma, and Bannes.

And if that Nation grow into iealousies, and feele her right, as France hath done before, all the Italian Writers, will be but weake euidence, to proue this exemption to bee Iure Diuino. But as though all this were not enough, and that the states of Princes were not enough infirm'd by withdrawing of all these, they teach,* 1.316 That a Sub∣iect by remouing into another Prouince hath deuested his allegeance and subiection: And that euery man is free concerning his owne person: And that the band is stronger between a Creditor and a Debtor, then between a Prince and subiect. Vpon all which, what mischie∣uous conclusions will follow, is euident and ob∣uious enough.

118 To conclude therefore this point this Ec∣clesiastique immunity which they clayme, is the debasing of Princes; And the defence of this im∣munity, and consequently of this deb••sing of Princes, is so iust a cause of Martyredome, that Baronius saies;* 1.317 The Students in the English Colledge; haue good title to two Crownes of Martyrdome, because they return into England, both to defend the Catholique faith, and the immunity of the Church. Where we will content our selues, till wee come to a ••urther exa∣gitation of that point, with this confession from Baronius, that they are by your doctrin receiued in that Colledge, incited to Martyredome, for the Immunities of the Churche, which himselfe in the same place distinguishes from the Catholique faith. And thus farre I was willing to extend this point, That the Romane Doctrine by extolling Church Priuiledges aboue Princes, and by an ab∣solute and direct auiling them, doth mis-prouoke her disciples to a vicious affectation of imagina∣rie Martyrdome. In the two other points of Me∣rite and Purgatory, which produce the same effect, I may haue leaue to contract my selfe, into a shor∣ter roome, because of those, many others haue spoken more abundantly, then of this last point which I vndertooke.

THE SECOND PART OF MERIT.

THe next Doctrine which I noted to mis-incite [ 1] men to an imagined Martyrdome, is the Do∣ctrine of Merites. a 1.318 In euery good worke, you say, there is somewhat of merite, and somewhat of satisfaction. The first is said to belong to our selues, and that by it we establish our saluation: So that the passion of our Sauiour is but as Baptisme to vs, and our owne workes, as Confirmation: b 1.319 Which Sacrament you say, confers more grace then baptisme dooth, for strengthning vs against the Diuell: c 1.320 And that the ho∣ly Ghost is giuen more fully therein.

And accordingly you teach, that iustice of workes doth giue the forme and life to faith. And the second, which is Satisfaction, is reserued in the common stocke, the treasury of the Church, and husbanded and dispensed by the generall ste∣ward thereof the Bishoppe of Rome.

2 But for that Merite, which you teach, to say That our workes of their owne nature,* 1.321 without con∣sidering any Couenant or Contract with GOD, deserue Heauen, dooth not onely diminish CHRISTS Passion, by associating an As∣sistant to it, and determine his Priest∣hood, which is euerlasting, by vsurping that

office our selues, but it preferres our worke before his, because if wee could consider the passion of Christ, without the eternall Decree, and Couenant, and Contract with his father, his worke (sauing the dignity which it had by Acceptation, by which the least step of his humiliation might worthily haue redeemed tenne thousand worlds) had not naturally merited our saluation.

3 Now betwixt God and vs there is no such Couenant; our best plea is, The sinner must re∣pent, and God will blotte out his sinnes. If a Prince should so farre prostitute his mercie, as to proclaime a veniall Pardon, by which for certaine money, any Malefactor might be pardoned, no such Malefactor as by the nature of his fault, had at that instant forfaited and confiscated all his estate, should haue benefite by that pardon, be∣cause he had nothing to giue. All these dis-ad∣uantages and infirmities oppresse vs; no good worke is naturally large enough to reach heauen; no promise nor acceptation of God hath chan∣ged the nature of a good worke: And lastly, we can do no perfit good work; for originall sin hath poisoned the fountaines, our hearts: and those de∣grees and approaches, which we seeme to make towards good workes, are as if a condemned man would make a large will, to charitable vses. For, as that which hee giues is not his owne, so that goodnesse of good workes is not ours; and as it is

in the Princes pleasure and allowance, whether his will shall take any effect, or no; so is it in the pleasure of God, whether any workes of ours shal be accepted.

4 Yet there is more Deuotion in our Do∣ctrine of good works, then in that of the Romane Church, because wee teach as much necessity of them as they doe, and yet tye no reward to them. And we acknowledge, that God doth not onely make our faith, to fructifie and produce good workes as fruits thereof, but sometimes beginnes at our workes: and in a mans hart morally encli∣ned to doe good, dooth build vp faith: for if an Angell could transport Abacuc, for Gods seruice, by onely taking hold of his haire, God can take such holde of our workes, and carrie vs further by them. And fu••ther then this I see not that mo∣derate men may goe: and they startle too easilie that dare not come so farre. And if it had beene expedient for Bellarmine, to haue spoken plaine, I thinke he would haue come to that, when hee was so neere towards it, as to say, That it is the sa∣fest way to place all our confidence in the onely mercy of God,* 1.322 by reason of the incertainety of our owne righteous∣nesse, and the danger of vaine-glory: for he seemes else where to be so farre from doubting, that a man may not be sure of his owne righteousnesse, that himselfe had such an assurance of righteousnesse in another man, that vpon his Oath before a

publique Notarie he affirmes,* 1.323 That hee verily be∣leeues that Gonzaga, (who left the dignitie and in∣heritance of a Marquisate) neuer cōmitted mortall sin, and that from his age of seuen yeares, he is certaine of it.

5 The Doctrine of good workes in the Re∣formed Churches, is vniforme and consonant. For though Luther, to relieue and succour the do∣ctrine of faith, which then languish'd desperately in the Romane Church, for iust dignification thereof, sometimes omitted, sometimes spoke re∣missely of good workes, yet betweene those, who seuerely adhere to him, & other Churches, which in some other things depart a little from them, in this point, I haue obserued no dissention.

6 But the Romane Church at this present is tempested with a violent storme in this ma••ter: that is, by what way and meanes, man can be enabled to doe any meritorious worke. In which Controuersies, after the Dominicans and the Iesuites, had with much earnestnesse prouoked,* 1.324 and with much bit∣ternes replied vpon one another, Benius in a booke as moderate and elegant, as any these later ages haue affoorded, proiecting a way, in his Epistle to Clement the eight, how these dissentions might be re-vnited, and reconciled, obserues that all the Controuersies betweene them, ariseth out of pre∣suming a false ground and foundation to be true, which is the famous Distinction of Sufficient and Efficient Grace. And so he dooth not onely demo∣lish

all that they had diuersly built thereupon,* 1.325 but defeats and destroies that foundation, which Bellarmine himselfe was most confident in, and euicts that that distinction, which that Church hath vsed of late yeares against all opposition, is neither containd,* 1.326 nor conueniently deriued, either from Scriptures, Councels or Fathers, but is refeld & resisted by the Councell of Trent it ••elfe.* 1.327 No•• can they extenu∣ate this matter, as though it were o•• ••ma••l conse∣quence; since neither small matters should pro∣duce amongst Religious men, so much and so bitter Argumen••ation: nor can it bee in it selfe esteemed a small matter: vpon which Benius saies,* 1.328 the questions of Predestination, Iustifica∣tion, Merite, Perseuerance, Glorification, and many more depend, and that all Diuinitie is shaken therein.

7 And if they thinke, howsoeuer they suffer an intestine war, to make vs beleeue that all is peace, and that this variety is onely De modo, they must remember, that that for which they burne and damne men, which is Transubstantiation, is but a question De modo, which may be somet••mes so essentiall, That if the Arrians had agreed with the Orthodox, of the maner of the generatiō of the So••, or the Greeke Church would agree yet with the western•• of t••e maner of the proceeding of the Ho∣ly Ghost, there could be no diffrence in t••ese points and therfore these d••ffrēces & controuersi••s, & ir∣resolutiōs in the Roman Church ca••not be ••xcu••'d

or diminished by this, that they are De modo, since they are not De modo prob••tionis, which is when a certaine truth is illustrated by diuers waies of proofe, but they are so De modo essendi, or existendi; So, as if you remoue these wayes, by which they are said to be, they are not at all.

8 And howsoeuer those Doctors, whome they stile Seraphicos,* 1.329 and Illustratos, and Irrefragabi∣les, & Fontes vitae, with which transcendent Titles, they enamell so many of the writers in the Fran∣ciscan Families, so are in so high a pi••ch as dazles vs, or diue so low, as we cannot discerne what they ••old in this matter of Merit; yet what the vulgar doct••ine is in this point, the Expurgatory In••ices shall suffic••ently informe vs: for no opinion of any Fa••her, or Doctor, or of any vniuersity, can be of so m••ch credi••e, and authority, as those books; since they are compiled by a commission issuing from the Pope himselfe, who was either autho∣rized or entreated to that office, by a generall Councell.* 1.330 So that in these bookes there are all these approaches to an infallibility, that they were determined and prouided by a Councel, executed by a Popes Buls, and iustified by him, when they were perfited ••nd accomplished.

9 And those bookes haue not bestowed so much diligence, vpon any point, as this, that no∣thing remaine in any Authour, which may pre∣f••rre Christs passion before our merits. And ther∣fore,

to omit innumerable instances to this pur∣pose)a 1.331 in that Catholique booke, b 1.332 imprin••ed in a Catholique state, w••ich is stiled, Ordo Baptizandi, & Modus Visitandi, they haue expunged these wordes: Doost thou beleeue to come to glory, not by thine owne merites, but by the vertue and passion of our Lord Iesus Christ? And a little after they ha••e cut off this question; Dost thou beleeue that our Lord Iesus Christ died for our saluation, and that no man can be saued by his owne merits, or any other way, but in the merite of the passion of Christ? And though they might haue excuse to extoll our merites, yet they might haue spared the first part of the sentence, and giuen vs leaue to beleeue, That our Lord Iesus Christ died for our saluation.

10 Amongst these great works, pregnant both of Merite for our selues, and satisfaction for o¦thers, Martyrdome is in the••r Doctrin••, that Opus priuilegiatum, which takes away al sinne; by occa∣sion of which wordes, To take away, I cannot for••beare to warne you in this place, of one ordinarie indirect dealing in Bellarmine; which is, tha•• in his Indices, and Tables, he presents wordes•• ve••ie f••r••e from the sense of the place to which they relate. As in this point of merite, where his Index saies, Martyrium tollit peccata, S. Hierome, out of whom the Text, ••o which he relates, is drawn••; s••ies only per martyrium peccata non imputantur;* 1.333 which is no∣thing to the naturall condignit••e of the wo••••e it

sel••e. And I should haue neglected to haue noted Bellarmines Index, but that I obserue that they are so seuere vpon the Indices, made by some of their owne Church, that pretending st••ll to haue ra∣sed nothing in the body of the fathers, they ex∣punge in the Indices many sentences, though the very wordes be in the Text it selfe: as in t••is point of Merite,* 1.334 Iunius hath no••ed, that these wordes, Meritum nullum, nisi quod a Christo confer∣tur, are cut out of the Index to Chrysostome, though the same wordes be in the text.

11 To proceede then, for the dignity of this wo••ke, Bellarmine against So••o, and Ledesmo main∣taines, that martyrdome doth saue a man,* 1.335 ex opere ope∣rato. And that there is required in the martyre, no further disposition, nor other preparation, then in one who is to be baptized. For (saies he) though Charity be required, it is not precedent Charity, but it is, because a Martyr cannot depart without Charity, because by a co∣uenant from God, Grace is inf••s'd, and so Charity: and therefore it abolishes originall sinne, and actuall sinne, and both eternall and temporall punishment belonging thereunto.* 1.336 And in another place Bellarmine saies, That it is euident that martyredome is so full a satisfa∣ction, that it expiates all guiltinesse, contracted by all sinnes, how huge soeuer the number, or haynousnes ther∣of be: and if any milder man of that Church would say otherwise (as Ferus doth directly, the Passions in this life,* 1.337 are not worthy of future glorie) hee must be

detorted to the other sense,* 1.338 (as Senensis saies of this place, I am of opinion, that Ferus his wordes might bee deflected to the other sense:) Or if the wordes will not confesse vppon ••hat racke, they must bee vtterly expunged, as wee noted of others before.

12 And vpon this superabundant value of the merite of Martyredome,* 1.339 Bellarmine builds that conclusion, which wee now condemne; which is, That because many martyres haue but fewe sinnes of their owne, and their passion is of a large and rich satisfaction, a mightie heape of Satisfaction supera∣bounds fr••m martyrs. And so they being sent hi∣ther, as Factors to encrease that banke and Trea∣surie, it appears, •• thinke, sufficiently, that this do∣ctrine of merit••s, dooth mis-prouoke and inordi∣na••ly p••••forward inconside••ate men, to this viti∣ous ••ffec••ation of Martyrdome. To which also the Doc••••ine of Purgatory contributes as much perswasion.

THE THIRD PART OF PVRGATORY.

AS Morbizan the Turke, being mooued by a [ 1] Bul of Pius 2. by which he granted Indulgen∣ces to all thē,* 1.340 that would take Armes against him, by a Letter to the Pope; required him to call in his

Epigrammes againe:* 1.341 And as a great learned man of this time calls Panlus the fifts Excommunication against the Venetians,* 1.342 Dirum Carmen: And as Bellarmine saies of Prudentius, when he appoints certain Holydaies in Hect, Paenarum celebres sub styge feriae, That he did but play More poetico: So all dis∣course of Purgatorie seemes to me to bee but the Mythologie of the Romane Church, and a morall application of pious and vseful f••bles.

2 To which opinion Canus expresses him∣selfe to haue an inclination, when he saies,* 1.343 That men otherwise very graue, have gathered vp rumours, and transmitted them to posterity, either too indulgent to themselues, or to the people: and that Noble Authors haue beene content to thinke, that that was the true law of History, to write those things which the common peo∣ple thought to be true: And this censure he forbears not to lay vpon Gregory, and Bede, by which two, so many fabulous things were conuaied to poste∣rity. To which ingenuity in Canus, Lypsius his Champion saies,* 1.344 That he preferres Gregory and Bede before Canus, for opinion and iudgement•• But in this, onely their discretion, and an abstinence from a slippery and inconsiderate creduli••ie is in q••esti∣on: and euen in matter of iudgement, in as good iudgement as this Authour hat••, Canus w••l•• iustly enough in that Church haue a good ••oo me. And if this Authour, as hee pre••ends ••n that pl••ce, ac∣c••pt none of these fables, but such as the authoritie

and iudgement of the Church hath approued, either ma∣ny of the Stories must loose their credit, or els the Popes that approued them.

3 Who haue beene wisely and prouidently most liberall, and carefull to affoord most of that sustentation of Approuing, to ••hose things that were of themselues most weake and indeffensible•• so: so S. Brigids Reuelations are not onely appro∣ued by Boniface the ninth,* 1.345 but confirmed by Mar∣tin the fift: Both which hauing concurred to her canonization, one reason why it was done, on her part,* 1.346 is, because at her marriage, being at thirteene yeares of age, and her husband eighteene, she vowed one yeares continency; and the reason on the Popes part was: That there might some goodnesse proceede out of the North for she was o•• Swethland.* 1.347 According to which superstition, in their Mysterious ceremo∣nies, when the Gospell is song, all other parts being done towards the East, hee must turne to the North, from whence all euill is deriued, and where the Diuels dwell.

But for all their barbarous and prophane de∣spite and contumelies, which they impute (not to the Diuell) but to Princes, and all sorte of people beyond their Hilles, their Stories are full of the memorie of Benefites which Sea hath receiued from Northern Princes,* 1.348 and Binius confesses, that the remote and Northerne people, did so much ho∣nour the Romane Church, that whomsoeuer they hea∣••ed

to sit in that Chaire, and to be Pope, though but in name, without any discussion of his entrance, they reue∣renced him as S. Peter himselfe, which (saies he) is a won∣derfull thing to be spoken. Which imputation since Binius laies vpon Northerne Catholiques, they are fairely warned to bee more circumspect in their obsequiousnesse to that Church, with∣out discussing the persons, and the matter which is commaunded them.

4 But to returne to this Comique-Tragicall do∣ctrine of Purgatory, if Canus weigh nothing with them:* 1.349 Sir Thomas Moore, of whose firmenesse to the integrity of the Romane fa••th, that C••urch neede not be ashamed, intimates as much, when he saies, That hee therefore vn••ertooke to transl••te Lucianus Dialogue Philopseudes, to deliuer the world from superstition: which was crept in vnder Religion: For (saies he) superstitious lies haue beene tolde with so much authority, that a Cosoner was able to perswade S. Augustine, thog•• a graue man, & a vehement enemy of lies, that a tale which Lucian had before derided in this Dialogue, was thē newly done in his daies. Some therfore think•• (saies he) that they haue made Christ beholden to them for euer, if they inuent a fable of some Saint, or some Tragedie of hell, to make an olde woman weepe or tremble So that scarce the life of any Martyr or virgine ••ath escaped their lies, which makes me suspect, that a great part of those fables, hath beene ins••rted by Here∣tiques, by mingling therof to withdraw the credite due to Christian Histories.

5 And in our daies, Philip Nerius the Institu∣tor of the last Order amongst them, who was so familiar in heauen, whilst hee liued vpon earth, that a 1.350 he was faine to intreat God to depart further from him, And b 1.351 to draw back his minde from heauenly mat∣ters, and turne them vpon earthly, before he was able to say Masse, And c 1.352 could heare the Musique and Sympho∣nie of the Angels, And could distinguish any vertue, or any vice, by his smelling, This man I say was euer an enemie to these Apparitions: and vsed to say, That God would not take it ill,* 1.353 not to be beleeued, though he should truly appeare to vs in any shape. And to a Scholler that tolde him that our Lady appeared to him in the night,* 1.354 he said, next time she comes, spit in her face, which he did, and found it to be the diuell. Nor did hee easily beleeue possessions,* 1.355 but referred it commonly to the indispositions of the body: and suspecting iustly the same diffidence in others, which he found in himselfe,* 1.356 hee prayed to God, that he would worke no miracles by him.

6 So that not onely for feare of illusions, and mistaking bad spirits for good, (for for that, their greatest Authors which haue writ of that subiect, euen in these cleare & curious times, are still con∣fident, that An euill spirit, what shape so euer hee ap∣peare in,* 1.357 may be knowne by his feete or hands, And that he is euer notoriously deformed either by a Tayle, or by Hornes, And that hee will van••sh, if one vse him, as Friar Ruffin did,* 1.358 who when the diuell appeared to him

ordinarily in the forme of Christ crucified, by S. Francis his counsaile, said to him: Open thy mouth, & implebo stercore, and thereupon was deliuered from that appa∣rition. And some of their saddest Diuines, haue ea∣sed them thus much in any such perplexitie,* 1.359 that to worship the diuell himselfe in such a forme, with opi∣nion that it were God, is not Idolatry,) not onely for these inconueniences, but euen for a generall in∣famy and suspition, that these apparitions which begot Purgatorie haue in them, the more mode∣rate sort of Catholiques haue declined from any great approuing of them.

7 Yea Serarius, though of that order that hath lost all ingenuity, confesses from Baronius and Vil∣la Vincentius,* 1.360 that in these legends, in their Histo∣ries there are vaine and vitious relations, and that the pictures of those Saints, are but Symbolicall.* 1.361 And Sedulius acknowledges, that, that storie in the booke of Conformities, that S. Francis was seene to goe out of the wound in Christs side with a banner, and a great Armie, is but figuratiue. Of which, sayes he, there are many so highly mysterious, that it is not fit to discouer and explicate them to the wicked. So that these Mirabilarij & Mythologistes of that Church, wil solemnly reserue these their Arcana Ecclesiae to themselues, and shall without any enuie from vs.

8 And yet I denie not, but that in sober anti∣quitie, and in the grauest Fathers, there are some impressions, which occasioned this error, of pu∣rifying

soules after this life, As Bellarmine sayes truly,* 1.362 that for the most part, lies haue their foundation vpon some truth; For it was very long in the Church of God, before the state of the soule after our death, was cleare, and constant and vniforme: the Fa∣thers being diuided in their opinions, whether our soules enioyed perfect happinesse presently, or expected and attended it till the generall iudge∣ment. And the phrase and language, in which sometimes they spoke of the last consummation of our happinesse, in the re-vnion of the body and soule, being obscure, and various, gaue occasion of doubting, that they reserued and adiourn'd all our happinesse till that time. And that which they meant of that perfect and consummate hap∣pinesse, not to bee enioyed till then, hath beene mis-vnderstood, or detorted to the soule alone. And by such irresolution in some, and perplexity in collating their opinions, and misapplying their words, haue been imprinted indelible characters of Purgatorie, and of prayer for the dead, of whose condition in the next worlde, they were not t••roughly assured.

9 If any of the Fathers haue strayed farther then so, to speak doubtfully of some such thing as Purgatorie: Wee will not say, as you doe, a 1.363 Let vs excuse it, or extenuate it, or denie it by some deuise, or faine some other conuenient sense, when it is opposed in Disputation.* 1.364 Nor dare we obtrude a contrarie ex∣position,

as you doe, when you make Pope Te∣lesphorus instituting the Quinquag••sima for the Clergy, by his worde Statuimus, to meane Abrogamus;* 1.365 Or when Pope Innocent writes to Decentius a Bishop, that it is not reade, that in all Italie, France, Spaine, Affrique, and the Ilands, there was Alius Apostolus prae••er Petrum, to make him meane by Alius Con∣trarius; which the glosse vpon the glosse in the Margine mis-likes, because no Apostle was con∣trarie to Peter, and therefore makes the Pope to meane; that there was no other Apostle in those pla∣ces, then Peter, or such as he sent.* 1.366 We dare not cor∣rect so boldly as to make Bertram, who for 800. yeares together had said Visibiliter, now to say In∣uisibiliter. Wee dare not hope to scape with such a small insertion,* 1.367 as Non, which you haue in∣truded to the destruction of Didacus Stellaes sense, in his Commentarie vppon Saint Luke, and in Eucherius his Commentarie vppon Ge∣nesis.* 1.368

Wee dare not steale out that little particle, to alter the whole intention of him that hath it; as Bellarmine hath done,* 1.369 out of a sentence cited by Gratian, out of Leo, by which Mariage is no Sa∣crament, if, Non, be admitted. Wee will not be so vnnaturall to the Fathers, as Bellarmine makes the Pope to be,* 1.370 when being pressed by Nilus, to followe in the question of the Primacie, the opi∣nion of the Fathers, sayes, that the Pope hath no

Fathers in the Church, but that they are all his Sonnes. Nor can wee exceede Bellarmine in dis-esteeming the Fathers, who hath called in question some bookes of almost euerie one of them, as Cle∣ment, Anicetus, Cyprian, Tertullian, Ambrose, Au∣gustine, Hierome, Damasus, Damascen, Basil, Iu∣stine, Nyssene, Honorius, Eusebius, Chrysostome and others.

And when Damascene cites out of Palladi∣us, That a dead scull beeing asked, whether our Prayers did them any good in hell, aunswered, that it brought them some ease and relaxation, Bellar∣mine sayes, This is false, and Apocryphall, and that there is no such thing in Paladius:* 1.371 So ill a Patrone is hee, of Damascenes credite heerein. Nor doth hee onely indefinitely say of the Fathers, That it is euident that some of the chiefest of them haue grie∣uously erred, but as of Tertullian, who imputes Montanisme to Pope Zephirine, hee sayes,* 1.372 There is no faith at all to be giuen to him, And in another place somewhat more sharply; Wee doe not rec∣kon Tertullian amongst the Catholiques, So doth he to very many of the other Fathers, boldly im∣pute such errours, as would vitiate any Author not to haue but obserued them, and for tou∣ching whereof the Centuriators are by him accoun∣ted prophane and blasphemous. So also doth Medina say,* 1.373 That Hierome, Ambrose, Augu∣stine, Sedulius, Primasius, Chrysostome, Theodoret,

Oecumenius, Theophilact, and others, were of the same opinion as Aerius was, and the Waldenses, and Wickliffe.

* 1.37410 But as Gratian preferred Hierome before a Councell, because hee had Scripture on his side, And as your Expurgatorie Index (which I cite so often,* 1.375 because no booke of equall authoritie, doth shew so well your corrupt doctrine, that is, what you cannot endure to heare, and your indirect practise, to make Authors speake your words) addes to one Author in the Margine, Wee must giue no credit to these words of Eusebius,* 1.376 and after; This opinion of Iustin, and of Epiphanius, is not true: So, if for the de∣fence of Purgatorie, in the full sense of the Trent Councell, you obtrude any Father (which yet I professe that I haue neuer seene) if that Father be destitute of the support of Scripture, you must allow vs, some of that libertie which you take, since we are more modest in the vse thereof then you are.

11 For we need not (euen by your frequent ex∣amples,) binde our selues to that seruility, which your Azorius subiects himselfe vnto:* 1.377 who dispu∣ting of the immolation of Iepthes daughter, con∣fessing, That it is not euident, that she was killed, nor likely; nor that she could be comprehended in that vow, any more then any vncleane thing which might haue met him, and That the contrarie is more Analogall to the other places of Scripture, and that the Rabbines,

Lyra, and some other Catholiques, denie her death, yet, saies he, because we are bound (that is, by the oath of the Trent Councell) to expound Scriptures accor∣ding to the sense of the Fathers, I thinke we ought to ad∣here to the opinion that she was slaine. But if the sense of the Fathers did not stand in my way, to confesse the truth, I should approue the other opinion, because that deliuers so great a person as Iephthe was, both from rash∣nesse and foolishnesse in making the vow, and from im∣pietie and cruelty in keeping it.

12 This bondage and yoake we need not cast vpon our selues, but may lawfully take Chriso∣stomes libertie,* 1.378 (since our cause is better then his, for hee dis-approued all Oathes) Neuer produce to me, saies that Father, this Saint or this chaste man, or this milde man, or this Priest; for if you tell mee of Pe∣ter, and Paul, or of an Angell from Heauen, you shall not thereby terrifie me with the dignitie of the persons.

13 The Fathers which must gouerne in these points, must not be the Fathers of the Societie; but they must be Patres Patrati; Fathers which haue Fathers; that is, whose words are propagated from the Apostles. Of which sort of Fathers, in my poore reading, I neuer found any that consented with the Doctrine of Purgatorie now established.

14 In which, that which we principally com∣plaine of at this time, is, that it incites to this false martyrdome. Not but that they confesse, that there are also some other wayes besides martyr∣dome

to escape Purgatorie; else how got Lypsius so soone to heauen?* 1.379 for as soone as his Champian Cochelet calls him, Lypsius aunswers, Wee that are receaued into heauen, doe not despise our fellowes: And that powerfull Indulgence (which, though Saint Francis obtained immediately from Christ,* 1.380 yet Christ sent him to aske it againe, at the Popes hands, because, sayes Sedulius, hee would not dero∣gate from the power, which he had deliuered to his Vi∣car) deliuers as many as doe but come to a certaine place, from all sinne, and danger of Purgatorie. All which die in that Order,* 1.381 are saued;* 1.382 yea, All which loue that Order hartily, how great a sinner soeuer he be, shall haue mercie.* 1.383 And yearely on his birthday, all which are in purgatory, especially of his Order, flie vp to heauen. And hee himselfe carried aboue 1000. away with him from thence,* 1.384 when he went. At one Masse, at the Commemoration of the Dead, a Friar saw soules flie from Purgatorie as thicke as sparks from a furnace.* 1.385 and this Masse he celebrated euery day, and so did infinite others.* 1.386 If then that Friar made a true re∣lation of the state of Purgatorie in his time, That of 5000 which died in the world since his comming thether, there came but three to that place, there is no great vse of heaping so much treasure, for that imploy∣ment, since by these computations, neither the Number can bee great, nor the st••y long.

15 And if the authoritie of this Sedulius seeme light,* 1.387 yet his booke is dignified with this Appro∣bation,

That the impudency of Heretiques, may bee beat backe, with most firme arguments, and with most cleare reasons) Soto might weigh more;* 1.388 who consi∣dering the intensnes of the fire of Purgatory, thinkes none shall remaine there aboue tenne yeares. But for all this Bellarmine saies, That by most certaine apparitions it is euident,* 1.389 that some soules already there,* 1.390 shall remaine there till the day of iudge∣ment: And though hee make an impertinent doubt,* 1.391 Whether euer any Popes haue graunted Indul∣gences for many thousand yeares, yet in another place he assignes certain reasons, why conueniently the Popes may do so; because the penitentiall Canons in∣flict many yeares punishment, for diuers sinnes which many men cōmit often euery day. But of this the Popes are so lib••ral (though it is impossible they should keepe any iust Audit, or account since they neither know what they receiue, nor what they lay out) that they will put in 1000. yeares more rather thē remit that six pence, which you must paie, not for the pardon, but for the paper.* 1.392 And therefore Martin 5. had a iust and proportionall respect to the nature of this ware, when he appointed a year∣ly Faire, and yearely Indulgence, both of three mo∣neths continuance, to be kept together at Loretta; and that the Priests and Merchants should open and shut vp shoppes together.

17 But Martyrdome is of much more value, then these Indulgences, because it is infallible

for, some incapacity, and indisposition in the par∣tie, may hinder the working of an Indulgence, but Martyredome cannot faile of the effect, to worke our deliuerance, as appeared by that which we cyted out of Bellarmine in the end of the last part of Merite. And therfore that doctrine, which teaches such a Purgatory as you speak of, incytes to such a Martyrdome, as we speake of, & disapproue.

18 Hauing therefore proceeded thus farre, That the purest and acceptablest Sacrifice which we can offer to God, which is our liues, may be corrupted and enuenomed with di••tastefull mixtures, and that euen in the deuotedst and sa∣fest times, it fell out, not seldome to be so; And that our corruption now is more obnoxious and apter to admitte and inuite such poys••nous in∣gredients, and temporall respects, then in those purer times, especially in the Romane Church, which misinflames the minde to false Martyre∣dome, both by depressing and trampling vppon the dignity of Princes, and maintayning euery li∣tigious clause of Ecclesiastique immunity with our blood; And also by extolling our owne Merites, and encouraging vs thereby, to trafique, though with losse of our life, for the benefit and aduance∣ment of the treasury of that Church; And lastly by the certaine••y, seuerenesse, and length of Purga∣tory, which are infallibly hereby auoided: the next thing which I present to your discourse, and con∣sideration,

is, That the Iesuites more then any o∣ther Order, claim to themselues a greater forward∣nesse, and alacrity to this, and are therefore busier and apter to prouoke seuere lawes, against them∣selues, and to incurre the dangers thereof.

CHAP. IIII. That in the Romane Church the Iesuites exceed all others, in their Constitutions and practise, in all those points, which beget or cherish this corrupt desire of false-Martyrdome.

TIll the Iesuites haue a Pope of their owne, it will be (I hope) no Heresie, to doubt, or call in question their sancti∣ty: they may be content yet to affoord vs (since our cause is safer) the same excuse which is allowed for Origen,* 1.393 Chrysostome, Hierome, and Cassianus, euen for maintaining a lawfulnesse in lying, That the Church had not then determined the contrary. They may fauour our weakenesse with the same helpe, which they apply to a Pope him∣selfe,* 1.394 That it was then lawfull, without danger of He∣resie, for him to beleeue in earnest, that our soules should not see God, till the resurrection, because there was no Definition o•• the Church in that point.

Their Charity may relieue vs with the same Indulgence, which they affoord to Senensis, who

reiects some part of the Canonicall Scripture, af∣ter the determination of the Trent Councel, Because he did not reach and attaine to the force of that Canon, saies Gretzer,* 1.395 who allowes him all these escapes, That he did it either by negligence, inconsideration, a fore conceiu'd perswasion, or some other cause, which is large enough.

2 But if euer a Iesuite come to be the Church, that is, the Pope, we shall soo••e be precluded by the Churches Definitions. And as now to doubt whether the Pope without a Councell,* 1.396 may teach an Heresie, is Haeresi proximum, and so is Semi-haereticum, when a Iesuite is Pope, it will be Hyper-haereticum, and Sesqui-haereticum: for we haue beene already taught, that something may be more then∣heresie, when by a new Decretall of Paul the fourth, they say,* 1.397 That any great person falling into Heresie or Schisme, shall for the first offence be esteemed relapsed, and be in the same desperate state, as if he had formerly iuridically abiurd the same heresie. At least, when a Ie∣suite comes to that Throne, as in this last volume of the Canon law,* 1.398 we haue a new title presented, De Cardinalibus, which was in none of the rest, where they are call'd,* 1.399 The principall members of the Church, constituted by the holy Ghost, And the most noble part of the Popes body, And the clearest lights, and most speciall children of the Church;* 1.400 where, to take any thing from them is called Sacrilege, and to fauour any which hath dis-fauoured them,* 1.401 or hurt them,

is made Trea••on, so without doubt the Iesuites will be as indulgent to their owne Order, and we shall haue at the next croppe, when there is a new Haruest of ripe Decretals, a title, De patribus Socie∣tatis Iesu.

3 As at their first institution they were thus neere the Papacy,* 1.402 that the Order of the Thea∣tines, of which Paulus fourth (who was at that time Pope) was either the authour, or a principall man, desired to be vnited to them, by which meanes they might haue compassed the Papacy in th••ir Cradle, so haue they of late made suspicious approaches thereunto, by admitting Cardinal shippes, and other Dignities.

4 Those of thei•• Order, who heretofore refused offers of that Dignity (as you say Lay∣nez did ••rom Paulus the fourth,* 1.403 and Borgia from Iulius the third) did it Constantissime: and, I beleeeue with such constancy in resistance, Tolet and Bellarmine might haue preuailed. Hee which giues rules for the institution of Monkes, forbiddes not onely Bishopp••ickes, but all acquaintance with Bishoppes: By all meanes (saith hee) let a Monke auoide women and Bishops,* 1.404 because both hinder Diuine Contemplation; which Rule when Iesui••es broke, and came to liue in secular and Ecclesiasticall Courts, they shewed that they were not stubborne and inexorable a∣gainst these preferments.

5 And if euer they attaine the Papacy, they haue already laide good foundations for the en∣tailing thereof vpon their owne Family,* 1.405 by Azori∣us his disputation, what the authority of the Pope is in designing a Successor: for he deliuers it, as the common opinion, that the forme of electing the Pope being founded vpon the Canons, it may at his pleasure be changed. So that the Pope may establish the Pro∣uincials of the Iesuites to be the Electors.

And then descending to another question, whe∣ther the Pope himselfe may designe his Successor,* 1.406 hee saies, that the Canons against it cannot preiudice him, because he is aboue them, and that it is not forbid Iure Diuino; and that for matter of fact, he beleeues S. Peter did chuse Clement: but least the Popes should haue nothing to auert them from this course, before any Iesuite were Pope, and so worke an exclusion, he saies, It is not lawf••ll, Iure Naturae: that is, saies he, because natural reason informes,* 1.407 that it were inconueni∣ent for the Church: And, but for that inconuenience, he saies, they might cast lots for the papacy: But this in∣conuenience depends vpon such reasons, and cir∣cumstances, as are alterable, and when they cease, this law of nature ceases too.

* 1.4086 And though Laynez in the vacancy after Paulus the fourth, is said by you to haue had twelue of the best voyces for the Papacy, though he were out of the Colledge of Cardinals; And in one Conclaue, Bellarmine also is said, to haue had

some, yet if any Iesuite had voices enow, would his Supe••iour allow him the Religion of his vow, by which he ought to refuse it,* 1.409 or his naturall li∣berty, by which, any man that is chosen Pope, may, if he will refuse it?

7 If it were once come to that, as you are con∣tent yet, ••o seeme as modest as the Carthusian, who saies,* 1.410 that he beleeues it to be a singular blessing of God, that no Carthusian hath beene Pope: you would make good hast, to reckon with the forwardest Orders, how many Popes you had had: And quickly in these accounts ouergoe the Francis∣cans themselues,* 1.411 who reckon of their Order, not onely Popes and Martyres, and such po••sible things, but are so precipitate and transported with this fury, that they reckon, how many of the A∣postles, Prophets, and Patriarches they haue had of their Order; So, as I thought, whilst I reade it, they would neuer haue stopped, till they had tolde vs, how many Adams and Eues had beene of their Or∣der, and how many Iesus Christs besides S. Francis: For I vnderstand not by what other figure they vse this anticipation, and call these auncients Franciscans then that by which Serarius the Iesuit saies Herod was a great Machiauellian:* 1.412 and Gre∣gorie de Valentia, that Plato might learne the do∣ctrine of Purgatory out of the booke of the Ma∣chabees, which was written after his de••th.

8 But besides that the Iesuites decay in the

hearts of Princes (which Philip the second of Spaine testified well,* 1.413 because though he had great vse of their seruice, hee neuer did any thing for them) this also makes me doubt that they will neuer haue Pope, because it is already reueil'd by Christ to S. Francis:* 1.414 that Antichrist shall come out of the family of the Franciscans.

9 This also encreases my suspicion, that they could neuer compasse, that which is much lesse then a Pope,* 1.415 which is a Saint, in their family. For the Authority of the Pope is greater, then of a Saint, sayes Cassanaeus: And in his Indulgences he doth as fa∣miliarly command Angels, as the yonger Pren∣tizes, the Exorcists, do deuils: To whom they vse this language, when any spirit possesses a body, I command Lucifer,* 1.416 and all the Furies in hell, to preci∣pitate you into hell fire presently, indispensably and ••∣ternally, till the day of iudgement:* 1.417 And I forbid the Ayre to haue any power to receiue you.

* 1.41810 And though Tortus say, That the time of the Canonizing of the founder of that Order is not yet pass'd, and therefore hee may bee Canonized in good time (which is a poore comfort, since I ne∣uer found any such limitation, nor that a Saint apparant, as Ignatius is, may be superannated, and grow too old to bee Canoniz'd) yet since those two great Princes, Philip the second of Spaine, and Henry the fourth of France, either out of deuoti∣on to the Order, or for their owne ends, haue

both pretended the solicitation of Ignatius his ca∣nonizing to belong to them, and both affected the honour of procuring it, the pursuite and effe∣cting thereof hath beene intermitted and retar∣ded. And howsoeuer for Ignatius and for Xaueri∣us, who was also a Nauarrois as well as Ignatius, it might please those Princes, for respect to one another to forbeare any solicitation in their be∣halfes, yet the King of Spaine had very many sub∣iects in ••hat Order, to whom no o••her Prince pretended any such precontract or interest: and yet he procur'd the canonization of D'Alcala a Franciscane,* 1.419 and Pennafort a Iacobin, and neglected the Iesuites. And though the present Pope Paulus the fift, haue beene much solicited for the Cano∣nizing of Gonzaga the Iesuite by the Princes of that Family (the memory of his exempler life be∣ing yet fresh,* 1.420 and his worthinesse certified (as the custome is in preparing Canonization) by Car∣dinals which had commission to search therinto) yet he hath allowed him no other title then Bea∣tus: which might haue beene giuen him with∣out that Rescript of the Pope, as Ignatius and ma∣ny other haue it: since, as Serarius saies,* 1.421 Custome giues that Title to those, of whose saluation there is a strong opinion, and yet are not adorned with the pub∣lique testimony of the Church.

11 Nor doe I perceiue that they are in any great forwardnesse, to get a Saint, since in canoni∣zings

after the consideration of the truth of the miracles, they fall in the Consistory to another consideration, of the sufficiency of them. And besides that,* 1.422 your own Acosta makes vs doubt of the truth of those miracles, which are related, be∣cause he spends a Chapter in giuing reasons, why in our age, in preaching the Gospell in the Indies, there is not that strength of miracles, which was in the primitiue Church, since, as he saies there, It would preuaile very much, if it might be, those which are said to be done by you, are for the most part so poore and beggerly, and silly things in respect of the Franciscans, as betweene yours and theirs there is as much difference, as betweene Iugling and Coniuring.

12 Me thinks you should offer no more to plaie at that game, after you haue beleeued (as I hope you doe, since so fresh, and so well approo∣ued an author as Sedulius giues new life to these miracles) That S Anthony when the heretiques refu∣sed to heare him preach,* 1.423 went to the Sea side, called the fish, which came of all sorts, staide in peace, put their heads aboue water to hearken, and at the end of the Ser∣mon, some spoke,* 1.424 and some did but bow their heads, and so the Heretiques were conuerted: or that Frier An∣drew to correct his appetite of eating birds, at the Table, by the signe of the Crosse, commanded them to flie away, though they were rosted.

13 And how much more luxuriant of Mira∣cles

would their Historie be,* 1.425 if they had not com∣manded Friar Conrade to doe no more Miracles after his death, because he was buried out of their Colledge: And if Saint Francis had not enioyn'd Friar Peter, vpon his Graue, Per sanctam obedien∣tiam, that he should doe no more Miracles, because they were thereby disquieted with concurse of people. Of which kinds there are many Commaunde∣ments, which lessons their number of Miracles.

14 And this Philip Nerius, founder of the last Order,* 1.426 fear'd in himselfe, and therefore hee told Baronius, that he had intreated God that he might doe no Miracles.

15 You can therefore in nothing equall that order of Franciscanes; for if you thinke to ouertake them in number, you will be farre short. Saint Francis saw at the first Chapter or meeting,* 1.427 sixe thousand Friers, and eighteene thousand Deuils, which Ignatius could neuer get neere,* 1.428 except hee made it out in Deuils. For the whole number of his societie, doeth not much exceede ten thou∣sand yet.

16 But that which is truly proper and peculiar to you, you doe earnestly and intensly, and you ex∣cell in it; which is, in kindling and blowing, be∣getting and nourishing ielowsies in Princes, and contempt in Subiects, dissention in families, wrangling in Schooles, and mutinies in Armies; ruines of Noble houses, corruption of blood,

confiscation of States, torturing of bodies, and anxious entangling and perplexing of conscien∣ces. And to facilitate your way to these effects, you are in your institution mixt and complexio∣ned of all Elements, and you hange betweene Heauen and Earth, like Meteors of an ominous and incendiarie presaging. You pretend to for∣sake the world, and to looke all vpward; But, saith Cassianus, Such renunciation is threefold; Of all temporall fortunes, and of our maners and conditions, and of our minds from all present things. But all your labour is to vnderstand the present state of King∣domes, and where any ouerture is giuen for the Popes aduantage, and where any interposition or hinderance is interiected against his purposes. And therefore that saying of Saint Basil to a Sena∣tour,* 1.429 that seem'd to renounce the world, and yet retain'd part of his state, Thou hast spoyled a Sena∣tour, and hast not made a Monke, belongs almost to all of this Order. For you are but as Eunuches; you haue lost your apprehension and capacitie of worldly Estates, yet the lust, and itche, and concupiscence, to be conuersant therein, remaines with you still.

* 1.43017 For this purpose you haue care in admissi∣ons, That none be receiued whose Parents bee poore, (which your Examiner hath in charge) least that should diuert them from the integritie of this seruice. For this purpose it is, That the Superiour

himselfe cannot dispence to admit any deformed person,* 1.431 because you will haue men sociable, acceptable, and agreeable to companie. For this purpose your Superiours and Rectors must write euery weeke to the Prouinciall,* 1.432 not onely of their owne state, but of all things done amongst strangers, by the seruice of this societie. For this purpose you must haue a Proctor ge∣nerall at Rome,* 1.433 who must buy and studie all the Rules of that Chancerie, and all t••e Breues, and Buls, which the Popes send forth.* 1.434 And to this purpose was that attempt of the Iesuite, who (if a Catholicke Hi∣storiographer relate truely) published at Rome, That Confession by letters was Sacramentall and effe∣ctuall. Into which opinion though a 1.435some before had straied, yet it had receiued no such strength and authority as at that time, when it was so hotly pursued, that Clement 8. was forced to op∣pose a direct Decree against it, and to condemne it as false, rash, and scandalous at least. For if this opinion had beene beleeued and authorized, the secrets of all states, and passages of all Courts, had had no other Register then the breasts of Iesuites; who are so wise Apothecaries of penances, and haue so plentifull shops of those druggs of Indulgencies, that all those Princes, to whom any of them had beene Confessor, would neither open their di∣sease, nor seeke their physicke at any other place: when they might be deliuered of the painefullest part of Confession, which is the personall shame of accusing ones selfe.

18 And that they may attend this seruice of Intelligencers: Fi••st, they haue one Rule of State, which is,* 1.436 That they let no stranger vnderstand their Rules and Priuiledges, And their Superiours haue the prerogatiue to interpret and extend, and limit the constitutions;* 1.437 whereas, for the Rule of the Franciscans, Christ himselfe was heard in the aire, saying to S. Francis, This Rule is mine, not thine, and I will haue it obserued, Ad literam, ad literam, sine glossa, sine glossa.

* 1.43819 And then by one Bull they are enabled (for at their first institution they were not so) to heare Confessions, and to change vowes; And by ano∣ther Bull,* 1.439 they haue priuiledge to absolue from all censures, except those of Bulla Caenae. And by a 1.440 ano∣ther, they are licenced to practise Physique, which doth not onely giue them accesse to Death-beds, which is one of their chiefest Scenes, but excludes all others, because they are competent for all offi∣ces. And I wonder that they haue not procured a Bull, that they might be Midwifes.

20 To this purpose also of spying,b 1.441 their con∣stitu••ion bindes them to no ordinary penances, nor disciplinary m••cera••ions of the bodie: yea, that which they are content to call Indiscretam castigati∣onem•• which o••hers magnifie so much, is so much forbid amongst them, c 1.442 that they are bound to deli∣uer it in confession, if euer they transgresse into it. And the Rector is to prouide, not onely against these

Mortifications, but d 1.443 against too much Deuotion, as Impedimen••s which call them from their studies And the charge which is giuen to him who is president o∣uer their spirituall matters, is to see, e 1.444 That whilst they haue too much desire of Deuotion, they doe not im∣paire their strength: and therefore that Gonzaga of whom it is often f 1.445 said in his life, that hee shortned his life with such discipline, g 1.446 laying sharpe chips be∣tweene his sheetes, h 1.447 whipping himselfe with Iron chaines, and i 1.448 putting spurres betweene his Dublet and his flesh, before he came into the Rules of the Ie∣suites; wonne, and ouercame his Father and Mo∣ther, to encline to his purpose of entring this Or∣der, because they sawe, k 1.449 That this Order would be wholsome for his body, and not allow him such seuerity.

21 For priuiledges of Addition, they ha••e by l 1.450 one Bull all the immunities of the Mendicants, which are very many and aduantageous, because thereby they must be receiued, as they trauell into any re∣ligious house: And by a 1.451 another Bull, at one libe∣ralitie, the priuiledges of all Orders, are extended to them.

22 And for Exemptions, they are deliuered by b 1.452 one Bull from keeping their howres in the Chappell; and by c 1.453 another from attending at Procession: and by d 1.454 another dispenced from fastes, and forbidden meates: and by theire 1.455 Rule bound to no habite•• and by f 1.456 another Bull, licensed to read all bookes; which is so great a libertie in that Church, that in the

Septims, there is g 1.457 a Decree of Gregory the thirteenth forbidding euen Arch-Bishops, and Kings, and all per∣sons, but the Inquisitors, to read Hereticall bookes, vp∣pon paine of Heresie.

23 If therefore, as in their h 1.458 Constitutions they call themselues, they be but Cadauera, they are ei∣ther such corrupt and putrified carcasses•• as in••ect and enuenome all places where they reside, or such Carcasses, as euill spirits haue assumed to walk about in: and if they be (as they say there) but Bacula senis, This old man is the pope, whon they cannot put off, and they are such staues, as haue swords sheathed in them, and such as wound and bruise, euen the inwardest marow of Kingdomes.

24 For this purpose is that obedience to their Superiours, wherein Ignatius wils his Disciples to exceed (Let i 1.459 vs, saies he, suffer our selues to be exceeded by others, in fastings, and in watchings, and such; but let our marke be, an abdication of the will, and iudgement.) And so he giues them good blinde Counsaile, for their beleefe, and for their actions: As to beleeue what the Catholique faith teacheth, so be you carried with a blinde violence of obeying, whatsoeuer your Supe∣riour commands. And though their Superiour com∣mand nothing expresly, yet they are bound once in a weeke, to say one Masse, to the Intention of the Generall,* 1.460 though they know not what it is. And of this generall intention the Center, and Basis is, the aduancement of that Sea, about which these

plane••a••y Mon••es, haue their course and reuolu∣tions.

25 Olde Monkes were vsed heretofore to be but Coasters, houering about their owne Cloyster; fur••h••r then the Contemplation of Heauen, which was the Bible, and of t••e starres, which were the deuout interpreters therof, guided them, they did not easily venter: except some storme of dispu••ation or passion transported them: But the Iesuites in this laterage haue found the vse of the Compasse; which is the Popes will, and ••ow they haue not the patience to be Fishers of men•• but they are Merchants of Kingdomes, and Pyrates both of spirituall and temporall tre••sure. But the eies of a foole,* 1.461 are in the corners of the world, saith Salomon. And euen the desire of going ••o the Indies (which is their best pretence) if we beleeue the life of Ne∣rius, was corrected in him,* 1.462 by an apparition of S. Iohn the Euang. who tolde him,* 1.463 That Rome was his Indies, for there was matter enough for his instruction, and his example to worke vpon.

26 And of foure sorts into which they vse to diuide Monks, which are Caenobites, who keepe their Cloyster, Eremites who aduenture into a Solitude, Sara∣baits, who by their workes keepi••g still their contract with the world, haue dissembled with God, per tonsuram, and lastly, Gyrouagi, who all their liues wander through diuers Prouinces, the Iesuites seeme guilty of trans∣g••essing in both the last waies. For, besides the

Pallaces, and abundant possessions, which they haue as they are Corporations, Onely they of all sorts, are not in their particular incapable of inheritan∣ces which deuolue vpon them, by their triple vow made before the Gouernour of that Conuent, till they confirme it againe in a generall Chapter.* 1.464 Quod ita iudicatum, (sayes a French Lawyer) Mirabundus accepi.

27 The Franciscane Friar Giles, did so much abhorre all temporall prouisions,* 1.465 that hee told Saint Francis, hee did not like the Antes, because they tooke such paines to prouide victuals for Winter. And when a Friar told Saint Francis,* 1.466 that hee came, A Cella Tuâ, when he heard the word Tu••, he would lie no more there. But the Iesuites haue not so much deuested themselues of Proprietie, but that they may haue proprietie in tempor••ll possession: Yea, they will haue Proprietie in Treas••n; and will haue proper and singular Plots of their owne, and not ioyne with your Priests, Watson and Clarke, in their Plot, nor bee Traytors in common with them.

28 This is their arrand; and for this, like him, who imployes them,* 1.467 They compasse the Earth, too and fro. Nor are they more like the Circulatores, and Circumcelliones,* 1.468 a limme of the Donatists, in this their vncertaine running about, then in that other qualitie of theirs, to vrge and importune, and force men to kill them, and if they could not ex∣tort this from others, then to kill themselues, and

call all this Martyrdome. For onely of this vici∣ous inclination of Iesuits to an imaginarie Mar∣tyrdome, I purpos'd to speake in this Chapter; but that being occasioned by the way, to deale with men of a various vncertaine Constitution and Nature, I haue taken part of their fault, and as a Phisitian comming to cure, sometimes receiues some of the Patients infection, so spe••king of their running and wandring, I haue strayed some∣what from the directnesse, and strictnesse of my purpose.

29 Therefore to pursue it now, they are so much more intemperate and importunate vpon this Pseudo-Martyrdome, then any others; by how much they are more seuere maintainers and en∣creasers of those Doctrins of the Roman Church, which we noted to beget this inclination. For when the spirit of God awaked certaine Refor∣mers of his Catholicke Church, of which the Ro∣mane Church had long time beene the head, that is, the Principall and most eminent, and exemplar member (for I am euer loth, to seeme to abhorre, or abstaine from giuing to that Church, any such St••les and Titles, as shee is pleas'd and delighted in, as long as by a pious interpretation thereof, her desire may thereby be satisfied in some mea∣sure, our Churches not iniur'd nor preiudiced, and the free spirit of God, which blowes where it pleaseth, not tied nor imprison'd to any place, or

person) at that time, I say, these seruants of God, and of his Church, had no pu••pose ••o runne away from her, and leaue her di••eases to putrifie and ••e∣ster within her bowels. Nor did they vncouer her nakednesse•• out of any petulancie of the••r owne, nor proclaime her filthinesse to defame or diminish her dignitie. But with the li••ertie of a Midwife, or Phisician, or Confessor, they sur∣uey'd her secre••est infirmities, they drew to the outward and visible parts, that is into considera∣tion, her inwardest corruptions, and so out of that duetie, were enfo••ced to looke into and bee conuersant about her Ordures, and other foule∣nesses, and could not dissemble nor forbeare, earnest, and bitter informing her of her owne di∣stemper and danger, which was a worke of more zeale and humilitie, then those childish obedien∣ces, which you so much extoll in your Disciples, of sweeping Cobwebs and washing dishes.

30 And they proceeded so wis••ly, and tem∣perately, and blessedly herein, that in a short time many of her swellings were allay'd, and her in∣durations somewhat mollified, as appeares by the Colloquies, and consultations in many places, ••or a moderate and manerly way of purging her corruptions. For certainely her diseases were not then so much in question or doubt, as whether it were for her honour, to be beholden to so meane Pe••sons for health, as these beginners were: Or

for her ••afetie to trust her selfe in such Phisicians hands; for now diuers secular ••r••nces were come to giue their ass••stance. And as some diseases pro¦duce so violent and desperate Symptomes, as the Physician must sometime neglect the maine ori∣ginall Dise••se, and attend onely to cure the Acci∣dents: So, though the Doctrine of Purgatorie, were at that time no member of the body: That is, no part of the Catholicke faith•• but seru'd that body onely for Nayles to scrape and scratche toge∣ther, Those spirituall Physicians busied them∣sel••es much, to paire those Nayles which defa∣ced the beautie and integritie of the whole body, and so to slacken that griping hold, which they had taken vpon mens estates and Consciences, by ••he terrour of Purgatorie, and ver••ue of their in∣dulgences.

31 And as to both sides, there appear'd eui∣dently in the Doctrine of Merits, as the Schoole∣men (which then Gouern'd ••n the Church, by rea∣son of the discontinuance of Councels) had saw∣ced and di••guis'd it, many abominations, dero∣gatorie to the Passion of our Blessed Sauiour: So did they all confesse, in ••he Doctrine of Purgatory so many mixtures of coniecturall, incredible, im∣possible fables, as might haue scandaliz'd and discredited any certaine trueth by ••heir Addition. But when on the one side, the Reformers encou∣raged by this entrance, thought they might pro∣ceede

fu••ther, and so offered to dissect and anato∣mize the whole Church, and thought to fill euery veine, and restore and rectifie euery Sprane and dislocation, and to take off euery Mole, and paire away euery Wemme, and to alter euen the fashi∣on of her clothes, so that all, both substance and ceremony came in question: And the Romane Church on the other side, foresaw her precipitati∣on, that if they stop'd not at the toppe, they could not at the middle of the hill, thought it better not to beginne, then not to know where to end, and so mistaking the medicine to be worse then the disease, departed from further consultation, iusti∣fied their corruptions, and by excommunicati∣ons put away those seruants, which had done them these offices, and whom now they call Schis∣matiques and Heretiques, for departing from that Church, which would affoord them, not onely no wages, but no other roome, then a fire.

32 And then, as all recidiuations and relapses, are worse then the disease, vpon this relapse, came the Councell of Trent, which did couer and pal∣liate some of these vlcers, and promised the cure of the rest, though they neuer went about it yet; And then the Iesuites, who crie that all there is health and soundnesse, and that there is none any where else yea that the Church was borne thus, and that she is as well, as she was in her Cradle, and that whatsoeuer she thinkes, or saies, or does

is by a diuine power, inherent in her; as though there had beene sowed in her at first certaine seedes of Iure Diuino, which now in our age, by the cultiuating, and watering, and industry of the Ie∣suites must fructifie and produce in her, all these effects. For they will abate nothing; their con∣sciences are as tender and delicate,* 1.469 as the ground at Coleyne, where some of S. Vrsulaes eleuen thou∣sand Virgines are buried, which will cast vp againe in the night, any that is enterred there, except shee were of that company, though it be a childe newly baptized: So the Iesuites stomaches cannot indure this, that the Popes should be great by Priuiledges of Prin∣ces, or Canons of Councels: but all must be Iure Diuino. So that that note, which the law casts vpon some Aduocates, will lie heauie vpon the Iesuites,* 1.470 They are too carefull of their cause, and therfore they are presum'd to inuent falshood.

33 For though it be hard for any man to goe further on the left hand, then the Councell of Trent hath done, in these two doctrines of Merite and Purgatrry, and euery Catholique be bound to that Councell, yet as in most other Doctrines, so in these also, Pelargus hath noted the Iesuites to haue gone beyond others,* 1.471 and therefore more then others, they incite, in these points, to a false Martyrdome.

34 But as the late inuention of Artillery and Gunpowder, though it haue much horrour and

aff••ightment in it, yet ha••h not done so much harme, as it threatned, because the fury and vio∣lence thereof, hath occasioned men to study more waies of defence and auoidance, so th••t wee see the warres deuoure fewer men now, then before this inuention came: so hath the impetuous rage and pertinacy of the Iesuits, in oppugning euerie thing which they find not to be at Rome encou∣raged other Churches to oppose strong defences against them, and superstition swallowes fewer men now, then before these new Enginers la∣boured to promote and aduance her: And as those instruments of battery which the auncients vsed in the warres, were more able to ruine and demolish, then any which are made out of this new inuention, but were left off, and dis accu••to∣med only because they were not so maniable and tractable, and apt for transportation, as these are; So certainely the Arguments and bookes of the Friars, and Schoolemen of the Romane Church, which is the Arsenall from whence the Iesuites pro∣uide and ••urnish themselues, haue as much force against the truth, as the subtilties of the Iesuites, but that these men a••e by their Rule and Consti∣tutions, apter for conueyance and insinuation, then the dull cloysterall Monkes can be.

35 For there are diuers poysons which cannot work, except they be eiaculated from the creature it selfe that possesseth it, and that his personall and

present liuely malignity concurre to it, and giue it vigour; for which these vbiquitary Monks haue the aduantage of all others.

36 Nimietates sunt aequalitates, saies Cassianus. And so, two extreamities, haue made the Schoolemen and the Iesuites equally valiant: for the Schoolemen out of an ignorance of danger, hauing neuer come to hand-blowes, would venter vpon any peece of seruice, and any employment, and pierce through and spie, euen into Gods secret Ca∣binet of his Essence, and of his Counsails, as a fresh Souldier will goe with alacrity to any breach. And then because these sublime and ayrie medi∣tations must haue some body to inhere in, they vsed to incorporate their speculations of God, in the Pope; as it were to arrest and conserue them the better, being else too spirituall and transitorie. And so they haue so much exemplified them, one in the other, that they haue made them so like, and equall in their writings, as though they were but one.

37 And the Iesuites out of a desperate necessity must maintain their station, because if they yeeld one steppe, they will be the lesse able to stand in the next; but after they haue confessed that the Church hath erred in one thing, thinking that will subiect her in all, no place of Scripture is so abundantly and euidently pregnant, no reason or consequence so directly and necessarily deduced,

and concluded, no History nor matter of fact so faithfully presented, and so certainly and religi∣ously testified, but they will stand stubbornly, and desperately to oppugne and infirme it.

38 What wound so euer they receiue in this battaile, they disguise and hide from their Disci∣ples, by ••orbidding our bookes. And as Ri∣badeneyra sayes of their Father Ignatius,* 1.472 That he hal∣ted of the wound which he receaued at Pampelune, but so little, that the most curious could scarse discerne that he halted, So by some euasions, or supplements, or concealings, they euer dissemble their maimes and deformities.

39 To which purpose they haue one round and dispatching way, which is, not onely to neglect, but to bragge of all which we impute to them•• for so one of them sayes,* 1.473 That it is the grea∣test Argument of Innocence, to be accused by vs: And that he cannot be guilty of error in Religion, whom an Heretique condemnes. For, as it was pa••t of the Oath of the Grecians, against Xerxes, that those Temples which the barbarous Armie had demolished,* 1.474 they would not reedifie, that thereby there might bee a continuall testimonie remaining of the impiety, So I thinke the Iesuites flatter themselues with some such resolution, by leauing vnanswered the books and arguments of so many reuerent persons, which haue spoken plentifully and prosperously, of these points of Merit and Purgatorie.

40 But of their other Doctrine, by which more then others, they prouoke to this lauish, and contemptuous expence of life, which is, The auiling of the dignitie of Princes, there can neuer en∣ough be said. For all other Orders may consist, and execute and performe all their vowes, with∣out any iniu••ie to Princes: They may be as poore as they will, till they come to that state, if they desire it,* 1.475 which Nerius begd of God, That he might lacke a pennie, and no body might giue it him, They may be as chaste,* 1.476 as that Iesuite which Gretzer sayes hee knew, who being not able to scape from a woman which tempted him, and held him, anointed his owne face, re∣trimentis suis, that thereby she might abhor him, They may be as obedient as Cassianus sayes the Taben∣nentiotes we••e,* 1.477 who durst not presume, without leaue of their Superiour, Naturali necessitati satisfacere; Or as that Friar Iohn,* 1.478 who at his Abbats commaund, planted a dry withered sticke, and twice a day, for a whole yeare, fetched water two miles of, to water it, sparing no festiuall day, nor apprehending any impos∣sibility in it;* 1.479 Or as Saint Francis his Nouice, who at his bidding set plants, with the head downward. These things they may doe, and yet be good subiects. But the Supernumer••ry Vow of the Iesuites, by which they doe especially oblige themselues to the Popes will, do••h in the nature, and Essence, and scope thereof, make them enemies to the dig∣ni••ie of all Princes, because their Soueraigntie can∣not

consist, with that temporall Supremacie which the Iesuites must maintaine, by the obligation of that vow, by which they are bound, with ex∣pence of their lifes, to penetrate any Kingdome, and instill Sedition into their Disciples, and fol∣lowers.

41 How fast this infection works in them, as by many other Demonstrations, so by this also it appeares euidently, that there are extant more Authors of that one Order, that haue written of Secular businesses, and of Iurisdiction of Princes, then of all the rest, since their beginning. For, their Casuists, which handle Morall Diuinitie, and waigh and measure sinne (which for all that per∣plexitie and entangling, we may not condemne too hastily, since in purest Antiquitie there are liuely impressions of such a custome in the Church, to examine with some curiositie the cir∣cumstances, by which sinnes were aggrauated or diminished) doe not onely, abound in Number, especially of the Spanish Nation, but haue filled their bookes with such questions as these, How Princes haue their iurisdiction, How they may become Tyrants, What is lawfull to a priuate man in such a case, and of, like seditious nature. So that they haue abandoned the stale, and obsolete names, of positiue Diuinity, or Controuerted, or Schoole Di∣uinitie; and haue reduced all to Crowne Diuinity.

42 And yet they account the handling of

these points, to bee but a dull and obuious lear∣ning in their Colledges, as though any man were able to resolue questions against Princes••* 1.480 for they haue a Rule, that they which are vnapt for greater stu∣dies, shall study cases of conscience.

43 So also of the Immunitie of the Church, out of which, if it be denied to be by the Indulgence of the Prince, issues and results presently the di∣munition of the Prince, they haue written abun∣dantly, and desperately. So haue they of the In∣stitution of a Prince;* 1.481 of which, one of them wri∣ting and presuming and taking it as vulgarlie knowne, that it is lawfull in some cases to kill a King, is carefull to prouide, least when you goe about to kill him, by putting poyson in his meat or drink, you make him, though ignorantly, kill himselfe. So haue they also of Militarie institu∣tion many Authors; and of as many sciences as concurre to publique affaires.

44 And with such bookes as these they al∣lure and catch ambitious wits; which hauing had a lower and darker breeding in schooles and vni∣uersities, haue some hunger of reading state lear∣ning, in any forme, much more, where they shall finde it more freely debated vpon, then if they had had place at twentie Councell Tables, or Conspiracies. And as Auerroes is saide to haue killed Auicen,* 1.482 by anointing the booke which hee knew the other would read, with certaine poi∣son:

and as it is said, that what••oeuer flew ouer the Iewes Targum,* 1.483 whilst the authour thereof was compiling it, was scorched with the beames ther∣of, so doe these bookes of theirs enuenome and catch hold of all such, as bring in themselues anie desire to come within too neere a distance of them.

45 And of all these kindes of bookes, with∣out doubt we should haue had many more, but that, as the gatherer of all the writers of the Car∣th••sian Order, not daring to slippe and leaue out the present Generall Bruno,* 1.484 and finding no books of his making, saies, That since he hath an excellent wit, and singular learning, ••e could write many bookes if he had leisure, and in the meane time, hee tooke care that the missall should be printed in a faire character and delicate paper: So the Iesuites, since ••hey haue a vow to binde them to it, and a na••urall dispositi∣on to incline them, could wri••e more booke•• to this purpose, but that they are continually exerci∣sed in disposing actuall plots: And yet in the meane time they take care, that the Popes Breues be procur'd, promulged, conceal'd interpreted, or burnt, as the cause may be most benefited and ad∣uanced.

46 And I do not remember, that I haue found in the Approbation of any Iesuits booke, this clause which is so ordinary, in most of the workes of other men, Nihil fidei contrarium, aut bonis Mori∣bus,

aut Principibus:* 1.485 And yet they say, that in prin∣ting their bookes, there is great caution and diligence vsed, and that they passe the hands of men most intelli∣gent, and of mature iudgement: but, as it seems by this remarqueable omission, no good subiects nor fa∣uourers of Princes.

47 If they doe thus much when they are Ser∣ui papae, what will they doe when they are famuli? which diffrence I learned out of the Missal,* 1.486 where a Bishoppe must pray, vnd cum me indigno Seruo tuo; but the Pope, Famulo: For he may well be said to be in Ordinary with God, since he is one Ordinary with him;* 1.487 for so saies Aluares, God and the Pope haue one Consistorie: and in another place, All cases reser∣ued to God, are reserued to his Vicar: so that by that Rule, what euer God can do, in disposing the mat∣ters of this world, the Pope also can do: for there he saies, out of Hostiensis, that that direction, Dic Ecclesiae, if the Pope sinne, who cannot be com∣plain'd of, is ment, Dic Deo, vt conuertateum, aut Dic Ecclesiae Triumphanti, vt oret pro eo.

48 So when Bellarmine who had done suffi∣ciently for the Pope, whilst he was but a Seruant, that is an Ordinarie Iesuite, came to his familiari∣ty, and housholde seruice, by being a Cardinall in the Consistorie, and so grew more sensible of the Papacy, being now himselfe, as they speake, Pa∣pabilis, he takes al new occasions, to extoll his Ma∣ster, and his Throne and Sea: And hauing manie

yeares neglected his owne defence, and answered such great men as opposed him, onely with such Proctors as Gretzer, and Eudaemo-Ioannes, vnpro∣uoked he rises vp in the Venetian, and in the English cause, to establish by new bookes, the new Arti∣cle of Temporall authority in the Pope. And since that,* 1.488 as Aeneas Syluius, retracted all which he had written before for the Basil Councell, when he came to be Pope: so Bellarmine when perchance hee would be Pope, hath made a new ••uruay and Re∣cognition of all his workes; in which, as though he had beene too moderate before, in al those pla∣ces, which concerne this question, he hath expres∣sed a supple and variable conscience, a deiect sla∣uerie to that Sea, and a venemous malignity a∣gainst Princes; of which it seemes to me expedi∣ent to present a few examples.

49 I allow not now, saies Bellarmine, that which I said before,* 1.489 That Infidell Princes may not be depriued by the Church, of that Iurisdiction which they haue ouer Christians: for though Durandus doe pro∣bably teach so, against Saint Thomas, and I then follo∣wed his opinion, yet now the authority of S. Thomas pre∣uailes more with me. Yet he had seene and conside∣red both their reasons before.

50 In another place he saies, Now I allow not that which I said before, that Paul appealed to Caesar, as to his Iudge.* 1.490 And after, Whereas I said, that Popes vsed to be chosen by Emperours, the word Emperour,

potest & forte debet deleri: For (saies he) I followed Gra∣tians Canons, which, as I learned since, are not approued•• And againe, when I said That the Pope was subiect to the Emperour,* 1.491 as to his temporall Lord, I meant De facto, not De iure: and this course he holdes in that booke of Recognitions.

51 And here we may conuen••ently conclud•• this Chapter, of the Iesuites speciall aduancing all those doctrines, which incite to this Martyrdome, after we haue produced some of their owne testi∣monies of their inordinate hunger thereunto, and of the causes for which they affect it.

52 One of their spirituall Constitutions is, That euery one of that Order must thinke that Christ spoke to him when he said,* 1.492 he that doth not hate his owne life, &c. And so they make an obligatorie precept, to binde at all times, of that which vvas but a direction for our preparation and readinesse to suffer for his sa••e.

53 Ribadeneyra names two Iesuites in the ••n••dies, which being sicke in bedde, when they might haue escaped,* 1.493 came forth halfe naked, and voluntarily offring their throates, were slaine. And hee saies that Simon Acosta (one of the fiue brothers, who were all of this Order) declared himselfe to bee a Iesuite, when ••e was not knowne, that he might be put to death. And so Aquauiua, being pursued, refused a horse, by which hee might haue scaped,* 1.494 and chose rather to die, then ride. And yet this was amongst Infidels, where the Haruest

was great, and the worke-men few: which kind of intemperance hath beene formerly condem∣ned out of their owne authors.

54 But of this point it is enough to relate the wordes of him, who speakes in the person of all the Iesuites; who cals himselfe Clarus Bonarsci∣us, but is vnmask'd and disanagrammatiz'd by his fellow, who calls him, Carolus Scribanius,* 1.495 he saies, That the Scaeuolaes, the Catoes, the Porciaes, and the Cleopatraes, are nothing to the Iesuites: For they (saies he) lacked courage,* 1.496 Ad multas mortes, And in a fewe yeares, he saies, they haue had three hundred Martyres: Therefore he saies, that they of that Order doe violent∣ly teare out Martyrdome, rapiunt spontanea irruptione;* 1.497 and, Crederes Morbo adesos: and for what causes do they this? Least the rest of their life should be barren of merites, and passe away emptie of glorie: and then hee passes to them who haue died in England; and as in these men, this hunger of false-Martyrdome, goes euer together with blasphemy against Prin∣ces, there he heapes Eulogies vpon Campian, and reproaches vpon that sacred Prince, for treason to whom he perished, whom this wretch dares call Anglicanam Lupam, and after, Saeuientem Caluinianam lupam:* 1.498 and after this he saies, That when they come to this Order, they bargain vpon this condition, vt liceat prodigere animas, hostili ferro. In which, I thinke, he relates to that Oath, which they take in the Col∣ledge at Rome, by a Constitution of the Pope;

that they shall returne into England,* 1.499 to preach the Ca∣tholique faith publiquely there: which Oath Nauar∣rus saies bindes them so strictly, that they are disabled to enter into any rule of stricter religion, though that were a further degree of perfection,* 1.500 but must necessarily re∣turne into England: Of which oath we will say no more, but onely repeat Baronius his Panegyrique, and incitatorie encouragement, speaking thereof: The holy societie in her safe sheep-folds hath fatted you, as innocent lambes for this Martyrdome, and she sends you forth to triumphes, and aduances you to Crownes. Be therefore couragious and valiant, you who haue vowed and betrothed your blood by an Oath: for my part, I en∣uie you, that are design'd and apparant martyres, and wish that my end may be like yours. And what he as∣signes for one cause of this Martyrdome, to which he prouokes them, and congratulates their inte∣rest therein, we declared out of his words before in the shutting vp of the last Chapter, which was Defence of Ecclesiastique immunity; that is debasing, and diminishing of Princes.

And thus we haue gone one steppe further: and to the former, which were, That the desire of Mar∣tyrdome might be vicious, & that, as the Roman authors obserue in the first times, it had beeene so; and, That by the Romane doctrine it must of ne∣cessity be so, vve haue added now, that the Iesuites more then any, inflame thereunto.

CHAP. V. That the Missions of the Pope, vnder Obedience whereof they pretend that they come into this Kingdome, can be no warrant, since there are lawes established to the contrarie, to giue them, or those which harbour them, the comfort of Martyrdome.

IN the end of the second Chapter, I mentioned a Canon of the Eliberi∣tane Councell; And as in that place it had this vse and office, to shew that the intemperate and inopportune affectation of Martyrdome, needed a restraint in some, too aemulous thereof, by Eulalines Example, So may it very properly and needfully haue a place here, because it showes the reasons, why certaine men were not receiu'd for Martyrs, by the Church.

2 And the Authoritie of this Councell is of great force, as well by reason of the puritie of the time, in which it was celebrated, which was a∣bout three hundred and fiue yeeres after Christ, and twentie yeere before the Nicene Councell, as especially, in this point of Martyrdome, because it was held in continuing Persecution, and when the danger was imminent in those parts, in which the people needed direction and instruction•• And also, because now there is no doubt of the genu∣ine integritie of this Councell.* 1.501 For, though Bel∣larmine imputed some errou••s to it, as being too

seuere against such as had slipp'd in time of Perse∣cution, and Baronius spoke sometime of it,* 1.502 Some∣what freely au•• sh••rpely, saye•• Binius, yet after that,* 1.503 he changed his opinion, and hee, and Bini∣u••, haue now redeem'd all the Canons of that Councell from any imputation.

3 Of which Canons, this is the sixtieth: That they which breake the Idols of the Gentiles, and are sl••ine by them, shall not be receiued in••o the number of Martyrs. Because, this is not written in the Gospell, nor found that it was euer done by the Apostles. So that by the opinion of that Councell, that onely is a sufficient cause to intitle and interest a man in the Crowne of Martyrdome, VVhich was found written in the Gospell, or practised by the Apostles. And is there any thing found in either of them, which may be a precedent to this mission?* 1.504 Christ appoin∣ted twelue, whom hee might send to Preach; but what?* 1.505 The Kingdome of God. And assoone as Saule had an inward mission, the Text sayes•• Straightwayes he Preached euen in the Synagogue.* 1.506 But what? Hee Preached Christ; And what did hee Preach of him? That he was the Sonne of God; And that it was hee that was ordain'd of God,* 1.507 a iudge of quicke and dead: And•• as himselfe sayes, of his pra∣ctise after, We preach Christ crucified. But this mis∣sion from Rome,* 1.508 is not to Preach Christ, but his Vicar: Not his kingdome of Grace, or Glorie, but his title to Temporall kingdomes: Not how hee

shall iudge quicke and dead at his second com∣ming, but how his Vicar shall inquire, Examine, Syndicate, Sentence, Depose: yea, Murder Prin∣ces on earth: Not Christ crucified, languishing for vs vnder Thorns, Nayles, Whippes & Speares, but his Vicar enthron'd, and wantonly groning vnder the waight of his Keyes, and Swords, and Crownes.

4 Christ said to those whom he sent, VVhat I tell you in darkenesse,* 1.509 that speake you in light, and what you heare in the eare, that Preach you on houses, and feare not them that kill the body. And if no other thing were told you in darknesse, and whisper'd into your ears, at your missions hither, then those which our Sauiour deliuer'd to them, you might be as confident in your publicke Preachings, and haue as much comfort of Martyrdome, if you died for executing such a Commission. But what your instructions deliuered in darkenesse, and told in your eares, are, appeares now enough, by In∣spection, by Confession,* 1.510 by Testimonie, by Practise, by Analogie of your doctrine, and by Baronius words, That you are sent hither to defend the immunities of the Church, which deliuers you from all subiecti∣on to the King, and from being Traytors what∣soeuer you attempt: as also to defend the Catho∣licke Faith, which first makes it heresie to depart from the subiection to Rome, and then makes it a forfeiture of all Iurisdiction to incurre that

heresie. Except this be written in the Gospell, or pra∣ctised by the Apostles, you cannot be Martyres for this.

5 But to descend to reasons of a lower nature, of the law of Nations,* 1.511 and conueniency and de∣cency; since all those which maintaine the Spa∣nish Expeditions, and proceedings in the Indies, by the strength of the Popes Donation, concurre in this, That into what place soeuer the Pope, or any Princes may send Priests, they may also send Armies for the se∣curity of those Priests, and them whom they haue redu∣ced: and since it is euident by all your Writers, that the Pope hath more Iurisdiction ouer Christian Princes relapsed from Rome, then ouer Infidels, might hee not for safe-guard of his Apostles, sende Fleetes and ar∣mies hither? and is it not the common and recei∣ued opinion, which Maynardus deliuers, that in all cases where the Pope may enioyne,* 1.512 or commaund any thing, he may lawfully proceede by way of warre, against any that hinder the execution thereof. If then such armies and Fleets were sent to conduct you, and were resisted in their landing, or defeated in bat∣tell; had not they as good title to Martyrdome as you? and may not the Pope as well Canonize the whole Spanish Fleete, which perished in 88. for your Catholique faith, and Ecclesiastique immu∣nitie? since in many cases,* 1.513 as in the Innocent chil∣dren (of whom Hilary saies, that they were exalted to eternity, by Martyrdome) one may bee an impli∣cite

Martyre, though he know not why he died, so he haue no actuall reluctation against it.

6 And it is very probable, that their title was b••tter then yours, for this point of sending, because they were vnder the obedience of them which sent th••m: but for you, (not to dispute now whether the cause be enough for Martyrdome, or whether your obedience can giue it that forme, and life, and vigour) you are so farre from being sent, or from exercising any obedience in this act, that your first step, which is going out of the king∣dome, is absolutely and euidently disobedience to your Prince, before you haue any colour of hauing submitted your selfe to any other superi∣our; and then you enter into the Colledge, vppon condition that you may returne, and you ta••e an Oath before hand that you will returne: So that you returne not hither in obedience of your Su∣periour, but in performance of your owne vniust, and indiscreete Vowes: both which, in all Vowes, are Annulling or vitiating circumstances. Neither dooth this Oath so farre binde you to returne, (though Nauarrus say so) but that one of the learnedst of the Iesuites, thinkes, If that be forborne, and some Order of Religion embraced in stead thereof,* 1.514 the oath is better performde.

7 And, if these lawes which take holde of you, when you returne hither, had been made be∣tweene the time of your vowe, and your return∣ing:

and if they had beene made directly to that end, to interrupt and preclude the performance of this Vow, yet naturally they would worke the same effect vpon this Vow of yours, and make it voide, because something was now interpos'd, which may iustly, yea ought to change your pur∣pose: For if that law had beene made before, your Vowe had beene vniust from the beginning; which is the case of as many of you, as haue gone since the making of those prohibitory lawes. For a law which forbidds vpon paine of losse of goods,* 1.515 death, banishment, or such, bindes a man vpon paine of mortall sinne; and therfore no Vow can iustifie the breach thereof.

8 All this, if the lawes be iust, is euident and without question, and how could it be euident to all those yong Schollers which went ouer, and made this vowe, that these lawes were vniust? What infallible assurance could they haue of this, to excuse them of disobedience in going, or indiscre∣tion in swearing?

9 Their owne men teach, that the lawes of Princes are not therefore necessarily vniust and voide,* 1.516 because the Prince had an ill intention in making them. As if the Prince propose and purpose particular gaine, by exacting the penalty of the law, or re∣uenge vpon certaine persons, by executing there∣of; this makes not your law voide, so that it be profitable to the bodie of the Common-wealth:

much lesse were our l••wes in this case, subiect to that ••railty, and de••eseablenesse, because they were made (to omit in this place the principall induce∣ment, for the glorie of God, and preseruing his Gospell i••purity and integrity) in such necessities, as without such defence, the person of the Prince, and the ciuill and Ecclesiast••que state, must haue ••uffered daily, and dangerous fluctuations, and perils of shipwracke; which dangers continue vpon vs yet; and therefore the same physick must be continued.

10 For Lawyers teach vs, that the word Potest, doth often signifie Actum:* 1.517 And what the Pope may do, their bookes threaten in euery leafe: and then against such a man a•• vseth to doe as much as hee threa∣tens:* 1.518 the Lawyers tell vs, any defence is lawfull, euen to the taking away of the threatners life: For hee which hath iniured one, hath threa••ned many•• And against such all waies of defence are iust,* 1.519 when any dan∣ger (to vse the extent of Lawyers) are Meditated, Prepared, Likely, or Possible, for it is a beggerly thing, rather to be beholden to others modestie and abstinence, then to our owne Counsaile and strength for our securitie. So that, as when the three Emperours,* 1.520 Valentinian, Valens and Gra∣tian, had made a lawe, that no Ecclesiastique person should haue any capacity to receiue from noble women, who were then obserued to bee profu••e in these liberalities, to the detriment o•• their own estates,

and of the publique, Saint Hierome 〈◊〉〈◊〉,* 1.521 Hee did not grieue that such a law was made, but that the coue∣tousnesse of the Clergy had occasioned these most religi∣ous Princes to make that law: So you ought rather to lament, that the Doctrine and practise of some of your principall men, hath raised these iealousies and suspitions in a Prince, out of the conscience of his owne equalitie naturally confident, then murmure at the law, or dis-councell the obedi∣ence to it.

11 For in these cases of naturall preseruation, it is not onely lawfull to make new lawes, but to breake any other, which are not directly Diuine. And if you impute the worst condition of these lawes, which malignitie can obiect to them, which is, that those Catholiques, which are inno∣cent, which meerely out of conscience, abstaine from communicating with vs, in the Word and Sacraments, shall be vtterly starued and depriued of all spirituall sustentation, if the lawes which forbid all Priests to enter, should be still executed; yet that inconuenience will not annull and make voide a law, so farre, as that to doe against it shall be a iust cause of Martyrdome: for in making of lawes, those euils which doe occasionally or consequently a••ise from the execution thereof,* 1.522 must not be considered, but what the principall intention of the law-maker was: Which, in our case was, the preseruation of the publique.

12 And yet the Catholiques in England shall for all this be in as good condition here, as they should be in any Catholique Countrie, which were by the Popes displeasure vnder a locall Inter∣dict; which the Popes doe often impose, with small respect to the Innocents•• for in the late bu∣sinesse betweene the Church and the State of Venice by the Popes Breues, the whole Dominion was Inter∣dicted, because the Senate, which onely was excom∣municated, did not within three daies do all those acts, which were so derogatory to the Soueraign∣ty of that State. And so, that punishment, which is so seuere, by the Canons, that as Boniface the eight obserued,* 1.523 It occasions many Heresies and indeuotion, and many dangers to the soule: And, as the Glosse saies there, by experience it appeared, that when a place had lien long vnder an Interdict, the people laughed at the Priests, when they came to say Masse againe; was inflicted vpon many Millions of innocent per∣sons: all which, if that State had not prouided for their spirituall food by staying the priests, had bin in as ill case by that Interdict, and euocation of the Clergie, as the Catholiques in England were by those lawes of interdicting their entrance, consi∣dering with how much lenitie in respect of their extreame prouocations, they were executed. And if that reliefe which Vgolini giues to comfort the Venetians consciences, be of any strength, which is; that that which they loose in spirituall sustenance,* 1.524 they

gaine in the Merite of obedience, it may as effectu∣ally worke vpon English Consciences, as it could vpon theirs.

13 No•• is it so harsh and strange, as you vse to make it, that Princes should make it Treason, to aduance some Doctrines, though they be ob∣truded as points of Religion, if they inuolue Se∣dition, and ruine or danger to the State; for the Law sayes,* 1.525 That is Maiestatis crimen, which is com∣mitted against the securitie of the State; and in that place, it cals Securitie, Tranquilitie: And whether our Securitie and Tranquilitie haue not beene in∣terrupted by your doctrine, your selues can iudge, and must confesse.

14 These Lawes against which you com∣plaine, drewe not in your Priests which were made in Queene Maries time, though they were Catholicke Priests, and exercis'd their Priestly fun∣ction; and though they had better meanes to raise a partie in England, because they were ac∣quainted with the state, and knew where the seedes of that Religion remain'd: But in that Catholicke Religion of which they were Priests, they found not this Article of Tumult and Sediti∣on, and withdrawing Subiects from their obe∣dience.

15 Is there not a Decretall amongst you,* 1.526 by which it Is made Treason to offend a Cardinall? which is a Spirituall offence; For it is also Sacriledge. And

is ••here not another b•• which A•••• practisers by Si∣money in a conclaue,* 1.527 though they be Ambassadours of other Princes, are punished as Traytors? And if their Masters seise not their goods, confiscate by this Treason, within a certaine time, the Church may. Doeth not one of your owne Sect v••ge a Statute in Poland, against a Gentleman of that Nation,* 1.528 That whosoe∣uer shall be infected or suspected of heresie, shall be ap∣prehended as a Traytor, by any man though he bee no Officer? And we Dispute not now whether your Doctrine be Heresie, but whether such points of Religion, as are no Articles o•• Faith, nor deriued from them, if they be Seditious, may not be puni∣shed as Treason, and properly enough call'd Treason.* 1.529 In which Pius the second ha••h clear'd vs and giuen vs satisfaction, who sayes, That to appeale to a future Councell, is not onely Heresie, but Treason. And Simancha concurres to that pur∣pose, w••en hee sayes,* 1.530 That they which haue beene teachers of Heresie, cannot be receiued though they re∣cant in Iudgement, because it is enough to forgiue one fault, but such are guiltie of two deaths, and must bee punished, as enemies to the State; And that therefore he whi••h attempts to corrupt the King or his Queene, or his Children with Heresie, is guiltie of Treason.

16 And that there is a Ciuill trespasse in Here∣sie, as well as a Spirituall, appeares by confiscation of their goods in your Courts; which goods and temporall detriments, though the offenders bee

pardoned, and receiu'd into the bosome of the Church, and so the Spirituall•• offence be remitted, are neuer to be restored•• no•• repai••d. If therefore the Canon Lawe can extend to create Treason in a Spirituall cause•• If amongst you, as it is Heresie to beleeue, ••o it is Treason to teach, that there is no Purgatorie, shall it not be lawfull to a Soueraigne and independent State, to say by a Law; That he which shall teach, That a Priest cannot be a Traytor though he kill the King: and except a King professe intirely the Romane Faith, he hath lost all title and Iu∣risdiction, and shall corrupt the Subiects with such seditious instillations as these, shall be guil∣tie of Treason?

17 The Parliament of Paris in that Arrest and sentence, by which it condemn'd ••he Iesuites Scholler Cha••tel, who attempted to murder the K••ng, makes it Treason to vtter those scandalous and seditious words•• which hee had spoken, and which he had receiu'd from False and damnable in∣structions (where••n it intim••tes the ••esuites, whom the ••entence in other pl••ces, name, directly) which words are expressed or impl••ed almost in all the Iesuits Boo••es of State matters: That sen∣tence also pronounces all the Iesuites Cor••upters of youth, ••roublers of the Peace, enemies of the King and State, And if they depart not within certaine daies, Guiltie of Treason. And this sentence pronounces, That if any of the Kings Subiects, should send his

Sonne out of the Realme, to a Iesuites Colledge, hee should incurre treason.

18 And though your Expurgatorie Index can reach into all Libra••ies, and eate and corrupt there more then all the Moathes and Wormes, though you haue beene able to expunge, yea euert, and demolish the Pyramis erected in dete∣station of you by this Arrest, yet your Deleatur will neuer stretch to the scarre in the Kings face, nor your Inseratur restore his Toothe, nor your expunctions arriue to the Recordes which preserue this sentence.

19 And came it (thinke you) euer into the opinion of the Catholickes of France, that if a man by vertue or example and precedent of this Arrest, had beene Executed as a Traitor, for speaking those forbidden words, or for sending his Sonne to the Iesuits, he should haue beene by the Catho∣licke Church reputed a Martyr?

20 When the Iesuits were lately expell'd from Venice, and when other Priests which stai'd there, were commanded by Lawes to doe their functi∣ons, did either the Iesuites apprehend this oppor∣tunitie of Martyrdome, and come backe, or did the Priests find such spirituall comfort in trans∣gressing this Law, that they offred to goe out?

21 And in all our differences, which fell out in this Kingdome betweene our Kings, and the Popes, when so many capitall Lawes were made

against Prouisions and Appeales, (not to dispute yet whe••her de Iure or de facto only, or whether by way o•• Introduction, or Declaration) doe you finde that the Catholiques then vsed the benefite of those lawes, to the procurement of Martyrdome? or hath the blood of any men executed by those lawes, di∣ed your Martyrologes with any Rubriques? And yet those times were apt enough to countenance any defender of Ecclesiastique immunity, though with diminution of Ciuill and Secular Magistracie, as appeares by their celebrating of Becket: ye•• I find not that they affoorded the title of Martyre to any against whom the State proceeded by the Ordi∣nary way and course of law.

22 Why therefore shall not the French, and Italian, and olde English lawes giue occasion of Martyrdome in the same cases, as these new lawes shall? At least why should Campian, and those which were executed before these new statutes, be any better Martyres then they? since they were as good Catholiques as these, and offended the common law of England in the same point, as these. But if the Breach and violating of the la∣ter statutes, be the onely or liueliest cause of Mar∣tyrdome, then, of Parsons, who euery day of his life doth some act to the breaking thereo••, it is verie properly said by one of his owne sect,* 1.531 That hee is per totam vitam martyr.

23 And this may suffice to remember you, that

you intrude into this emploiment, and are not sent, and that our Lawes ought to worke vpon your Oath, of returning to the annihilation thereof, because both the necessit••e of the making and continuing ••hereof and the precedents of our owne, and other Catholicke Kingdomes, giue vs warrant to make seditious Doctrine Treason, and your owne Canons and I••dica••••re giue vs ex∣ample, and (if we needed it) Authoritie to pro∣ceede in that maner.

CHAP. VI. A comparison of the Obed••••nce due to Princes, with the seuerall obediences requir'd and exhibited in the Romane Church; First, of that blind Obedience, and stupiditie, which Regular men vow•• to their Superiours: Secondly, of th••t vsurpe•• Obe∣dience to which they pretend by reason of our Baptisme, where∣in we ar said to haue made an implicite surrender of our selues and all that we haue, to the Church; And thirdly of that Obe∣dience, which the Iesuits by a fourth Supernumera••ie vowe, make to be dispos'd at the Popes absolute will.

THere hath not beene a busier disquisi∣tion, nor subiect to more perplexitie, then to finde out the first originall roote, and Source, which they call Primogenium subiectum, that may be so capable of Power and Iurisdiction, and so inuested with it im∣mediately

from God, that it can transferre and propagate it, or let it passe and naturally deri••e it-selfe into those formes of Gouernement, by which mankind is continued and preserued; For at the resolution of this, all Qu••stions of Subie∣ction attend their dispatch. And because the Cler∣gie of the Roman Church, hath with so much fierce earnestnesse and apparance of probablenesse, pur∣sued this Assertion, That that Monarchall forme, and that Hierarchie, which they haue, was instituted immediately from God; Many wise and iealous Aduo∣cates of Secular Authoritie, fearing least otherwise they should diminish that Dignitie, and so pre∣uaricate and betray the cause, haue said the same of Regall power and Iurisdiction.* 1.532 And euen in the Romane Church a great Doctor of eminent reputation there, agrees (as he sayes) Cum omnibus sapientibus, That this Regall Iurisdiction and Monar∣chie (which word is so odious and detestable to Baronius) proceedes from God, and by Diuine and na∣turall Law, and not from the State or altogether from man. And as we haue it in Euidence, ••o we haue it in Confession from them, that God ••ath as immedi∣ately created some Kings, as any Priests. And Cassa∣naeus thinkes this is the highest Secular Authoritie that euer God induced:* 1.533 For he denies That old or new Testament haue any mention of Emperour.

2 But to mine vnderstanding we iniure and endanger this cause more, if wee confesse that

that Hierarchie is so Immediately from God as they obtrude it, then we get by offering to drawe Re∣gall power within the same Priuiledge. I had ra∣ther thus farre abstaine from saying so of either, that I would pronounce no farther therein, then this, That God hath Immediately imprinted in mans Nature and Reason, to be subiect to a po∣wer immediately infus'd from him; and that hee hath enlightned our Nature and Reason, to di∣gest and prepare such a forme, as may bee aptest to doe those things, for which that Power is in∣fus'd; which are, to conserue vs in Peace and in Religion: And that since the establishing of the Christian Church, he hath testified abundantly, that Regall Authoritie, by subordination of Bishops is that best and fittest way to those ends.

* 1.5343 So that, that which a Iesuite said of the Pope, That the Election doth onely present him to God, wee say also of a King; That whatsoeuer it be, that prepares him, and makes his Person capable of Regall Iurisdiction, that onely presents him to God, who then inanimates him with this Supre∣macy immediately from himselfe, according to a secret and tacite couenant, which he hath made with mankinde, That when they out of rectified Reason, which is the Law of Nature, haue be∣got such a forme of Gouernement, he will infuse this Soule of power into it.

4 The way therefore to finde, what Obe∣dience

is due to a King, is not to seeke out, how they which are presum'd to haue transferr'd this power into him, had their Authoritie, and how much they gaue, and how much they retain'd; For in this Discouerie none of them euer went farther, then to Families; In which, they say, Parents and Masters had Iurisdiction ouer Children, and Ser∣uants; and these Families concurr'd to the making of Townes, and trans••err'd their power into some Gouernour ouer them all.

5 But, besides that this will not hold, because such Sauadges as neuer rais'd Families, or such men as an ouerburdned kingdom should by lot throw out, which were peeces of diuers families, must haue also a power to frame a forme of Gouerne∣ment, wheresoeuer they shall reside, which could not bee if the onely roote of Iurisdiction were in parents & masters; This also will infirme and ouer∣throw that Assertion, that if parents and masters had not this supreme Soueraignty, which is requisite in Kings, they could not transferre it into Kings, and so Kings haue it not from them: And if they were Soueraignes they cold not transfer it, ••or no Soueraigne can deuest himselfe of his Supremacie.

6 Regall authority is not therefore deriued from men, so, as at that certaine men haue lighted a King at their Candle, or transferr'd certaine De∣grees of Iurisdiction into him: and therefore it is a cloudie and muddie search, to offer to trace to the

first roote of Iurisdiction, since it growes not in man. For, though wee may goe a steppe higher then they haue done which rest and determine in Families, which is, that in euery particular man considered alone, there is found a double Iurisdi∣ction of the soule ouer the body, and of the reason o∣uer the appetite, yet those will be but examples and illustrations, not Rootes and Fountaines, from which Regall power doth essentially proceede. Se∣pulueda, whom I cited before, saies well to this purpose;* 1.535 That the soule doth exercise, Herile Imperi∣um vpon the body: and this can be no example to Kings, who cannot animate and informe their Subiects as the soule doth the body. But the pow∣er of our reason vpon our appetite, is, as he saies per∣tinently, Regale Imperium; and Kings rule subiects so as reason rules that.

7 To that forme of Gouernement therof for which rectified reason, which is Nature, common to all wise men, dooth iustly chuse, as aptest ••o worke their end, God instils such a power as we wish to be in that person, and which wee beleeue to be infused by him, and therefore obey it as a beame deriued from him, without hauing depar∣ted with any thing from our selues.

8 And as to the end of this power, is alwaies one and the same, To liue peaceably and religiously, so is the power it self though it be diuersly complexio∣ned, and of different stature; for that naturall light

and reason, which acknowledges a necessity of a Superiour, that we may enioy peace, and worshippe God, did consent in the common wish and tacite praier to God, and doth rest in the common faith and beliefe, that God hath powred into that per∣son all such authority as is needefull for that vse; Therefore of what complexion soeuer the forme of gouernement be, or of what stature soeuer it seeme, yet the same authority is in euery Soueraigne State: thus farre, That there are no Ciuill men, which out of rectified Reason haue prouided for their Peaceable and religious Tranquility, but are subiect to this regall authority, which is, a p••••er to vse all those meanes, which conduce to those endes.

9 For those diffrences which appeare to vs in the diuers ••ormes, are no•• in the essence of the Soueraignty, which hath no degrees, nor additions, nor diminutions, but they are onely in those in∣struments, by which this Soueraignty is exercised, which are ordinarily called Arcan••, and Ragion di st••to, as I noted before•• and as the soule it selfe, hath as good vnderstanding in an Idiote, and as good a memory in a L••thargique person as in the wi∣ses•• and liueliest man; So hath this Soueraignty in ••••••ry state equall vigour, though the Organes by which it workes be not in all alike dis••osed. And therefore the gouerne••e••t amongst the Iewes be∣fore Sa••le, was fully a Kingdo••e in this accep••ati∣on: nor did they attend any new addition to

this power,* 1.536 in their solicitation for a King: but, because they were a people accustomed to warre, they wished such a Soueraigne as might lead their Armies; which office their Priestes did not; and they grudged that their enemies should be con∣duced by better persons then they were.

10 And so, though some ancient Greeke states, which are called Regna Laconica, because they were shortned and limited to certaine lawes, and some States in our time seeme, to haue Conditionall and Prouisionall Princes, betweene whom and Subiects, there are mutuall and reciprocall obli∣gations; which if one side breake, they fall on the other, yet that soueraignty, which is a power to doe all things auaileable to the maine end••s, re∣sides somewhere•• which•• if it be in the hands of one man, erects and perfects that Pambasilia of which we speake.

11 For God inanimates euery State with one power, as euery man with one soule: when therefore people concurre in the desire of such a King, they cannot contract, nor limitte his pow∣er: no more then parents can condition with God, or preclude or withdraw any facultie from that Soule, which God hath infused into the bo••dy, which they prepared, and presented to him. For, if such a company of Sauadges, or men vvhom an ouerloaded kingdome ••ad auoided, as vve spake off before, should create a King, and

reserue to themselues a libertie to reuenge their owne wrongs, vpon one another, or to doe any act necessary to that end, for which a King hath his authority, this liberty were swallowed in their first acte, and onely the creation of the King were the worke of rectified reason, to which God had concurr'd, and that reseruation a uoide and im∣potent act of their appetite.

12 If then this giue vs light, what and whence the Kings Iurisdiction is; we may also discerne by this, what our obedience must be: for power and subiection are so Relatiue, as since the King com∣maunds in all things conducing to our Peaceable and Religious being, wee must obey in all those. This therefore is our first Originary, naturall, and Congenite obedience, to obey the Prince: This be∣longs to vs as we are men; and is no more changed in vs, by being Christians, then our Humanity is changed: yet hath the Romane Church extolled and magnified three sorts of Obedience, to the pre∣iudice of this.

13 The first is, that which they call Caecam obedi∣entiam: which is an inconsiderate & vndiscoursed, and (to vse their owne word) an Indiscreete surren∣dring of themselues, which professe any of the rules of Religion, to the command of their Prelate and Superior; by which, like the vncleane beasts, They swallow,* 1.537 and neuer chaw the cudde: But this o∣bedience proceeding out of the will and electio••

of them, who applie themselues to that course of life, cannot be of so great authority and obligati∣ons, as the other which is naturall, and borne in vs; and therefore, farther then it agrees with that; it is not out of rectified reason.

14 And though it seeme scarce worthy of any further discourse, yet I cannot deny my selfe the recreation of suruaying some examples of this blinde and stupid obedience, and false humility, nor forbeare to shew, that by their magnifying thereof, and their illations thereupon, not only the offices of mutuall society are vncharitably pre∣termitted, but the obedience to Princes preiudic'd and maimed, and the liuely and actiue, and vigo∣rous contemplation of God clouded and retar∣ded.

* 1.53815 For when a distressed Passenger intreated a Monke to come forth, and helpe his Oxe out of the Ditch, was it a charitable answere to tell him, That he had bin twentie years dead, & in his graue, and could not now come forth? Yet it may seeme excusable in them to neglect others, if this obedience make them forget themselues; as certaine youthes whom their Abbot sent with Figges to an Ermit,* 1.539 loosing their way, sterued in the Desart, rather then they would eate the Figges, which they were commanded to deliuer.* 1.540 Is it likely that when Mucius a Monke, at the commaund of his Abbot, who bid him cast his crying sonne into the riuer and

drowne him, did in the feruor of obedience obey it, God should reueale,* 1.541 That in that acte, he accomplish∣ed Abrahams worke?

16 Are these wholsome instructions, That it is a greater pride to doe a good worke against the Superi∣ours commaund, then a bad, because they are vices vnder pretence of vertue?* 1.542 or this, That it is better to sinne a∣gainst God, then our spirituall Father, because he can re∣concile vs to God, but no body to him? Which doctrine it seemes Heli had not accepted, when he said, If one man sinne against another, the Iudge shall iudge it, bu if a man sinne against the Lord,* 1.543 who will pleade for him? How many grea••er matters must they of ne∣cessity leaue vndiscussed, that professe such ten∣dern••sse and scrupu••osity of conscience,* 1.544 as the late Iesuit Gonzaga, w••o doubted that when hee had said he would goe, Ad Domum professorum, he had sinned in an idle word, since he might haue beene vnderstood well enough though he h••d left out the last wordes?* 1.545 or that he had sinned in answering affirmatiuely to his S••periours question, whether he would go to a certaine place, because he ought to haue left it all to his Superiours will, without any affir∣mation? Was it due and necessa••y obedience, when desirous to be instructed in that point of Predestination,* 1.546 and his Superiour turning to a place in S. Augustine, and bidding him read there, being come to the end of the page, but not of the sen∣tence, he durst not turne ouer the leafe, because he was bid to read there?

* 1.54717 Sedulius seemes glad that he had examples enough to furnish a Chapter, De simplicita••e Mino∣ritarum; and hee seemes to haue much comfort that he is of the same order, as Friar Ruffin was, who out of simplicity cut off a liuing Ho••ges foote, to dresse for a sicke bodie, and ••odde his Birds in the fea∣thers: who also out of his humility, desired that he might stinke when he was d••ad, and that he might be ea∣ten with dogges.* 1.548 And he saies that Friar Iuniper was so simple,* 1.549 that a Doemoniaque possessed man, ranne seuen miles from him, because the diuell could not abide Patientiam Iuniperi.

* 1.55018 Was it not Prodigium Obedientiae, as Sedu∣lius iustly calles it, in Fryar Ruffin to go preach na∣ked? And were there not some degrees of spiri∣tuall pride in Gonzaga,* 1.551 who is praised because he had a paire of patched hose in Delicijs? and that he refused to put on a paire of old bootes,* 1.552 because a worshipfull man had worne them?* 1.553 and that when his handes did cleaue with colde, he would put on no gloues? Was there not some measure of stupid insensiblenesse in him, when he durst not spit in any necessity at his praiers;* 1.554 and that he knew not how many brothers he had?* 1.555 And of desperate prouocation, when he heard of a plague likely to be in those parts, to make a vow to visit those which were infected?* 1.556 And of murmuring, when he grudged and grieued,* 1.557 That he could find out no veniall sinne in himselfe? And of Inhumanity, when he was sorry,* 1.558 if any body loued him? And of a

sear'd and shamelesse Stubornenesse,* 1.559 when he there∣fore desi••'d to speake in publicke, because hee had an vng••acious and ridiculous imperfection in pronouncing the letter R. And ask'd leaue,* 1.560 E suggestu dicere, (which, I thinke, is to Preach) in Spanish, because he was sure to be laugh'd at by that meanes, being im∣perfect in that language?* 1.561 And doeth it not taste of an vnnaturall Indolencie in him, to say no more at the newes of his Fathers death, but that nowe nothing hindered him from say∣ing, OVR FATHER WHICH ART IN HEAVEN; As if it had troubled his con∣science, to say so before?

19 Who would not haue beene glad,* 1.562 that such a Preacher should giue ouer, as when Friar Giles a Lay man, call'd to him, Hold your peace Master, for now I will Preach, gaue him his place? Who would wish S. Henrie the Dane any health,* 1.563 that had seene him, When wormes crawled out of a corrupted Vlcer in his Knee,* 1.564 put them in againe? Or who would haue consented to the Christian buri∣all of that Monke, which Dorotheus speakes off, if he had died of that Poyson, which hee saw his Seruant mistake for Honie, and put it into his Brothe, and neuer reprehended him, before nor after he had eaten the Soppes: But when his Ser∣uant apprehended it, and was much mooued the master pacified him with this, If God would haue had me eate Honie, either thou shouldest haue taken

the Honie, or hee would haue changed the Poyson into Honie.* 1.565 Who would euer haue kept companie with the Iesuite Barcena, after he ha•• told him, as ••e told another Iesuite,* 1.566 That when the diuell appeard to him one night, out of his profound humilitie, hee rose to meete him, and prayd him to sit in his Chaire, because he was more worthy to sit there then he? Who would wish Father Peter aliue againe,* 1.567 since being dead, he is so afraid of disquieting his fellowes, that he will giue ouer doing of Miracles, for their ease? Or who would not wish them all dead, who possessing and filling all good places in their life, will bee content to giue some roome after their death;* 1.568 as Friar Raynold, who hauing beene three yeres dead, when another Holy man was brought to be buried in the same Vault, rose vp and went to the Wall, and stood vpright there, that the o∣ther might haue roome enough.

* 1.56920 This is that Obedience by which they say, If a man were dignified so much as to talke with An∣gels, if his Superiour call'd him, he must come away; Yea, one of them Being in discourse with our Lady, when an inferiour Friar call'd him, vnmannerly quitted her. And of this Obedience is Ignatius himselfe espe∣cially caref••ll,* 1.570 Least (sayes he) that famous simplici∣tie of blind Obedience should decay. But this Obedi∣ence, and all other, are subordinate to that natu∣rall Obedience to your Prince,* 1.571 as Soueraigne con∣troller of all: For in all Obligations the Authori∣tie

of the Superiour is euer excepted.

21 And this Obedience must not be so blind, but that it may both looke vpward, what God, in his Lieuetenant appoints to bee done, and also round about to see, wherein they may relieue o∣thers, and receiue from them. They may be cir∣cumspect, though they must not be curious. For Abbayes, at first institution, were not all Chappels but Schooles of Sciences, and Shops of manufact∣ures. Now they are come to that, that they cannot worke,* 1.572 Quia Officia longa. They haue indeede so many Offices, and so many Officers, that they neede not worke. But this strict obedience was impos'd vpon them then, because they were great confluences of men of diuers Nations, Dispo∣sitions, Breedings, Ages, and Employments, and they could be tied together in no kno•• so strongly, nor meete in any one Center so concurrently, and v∣niformely, as in the Obedience to one Superi∣our; And what this Obedience was, and how farre it extended: Aquinas, who vnderstood it well,* 1.573 hath well express'd, That they are bound to Obey only in those things which may belong to their Re∣gular conuersation. And this vse and office, that o∣bedience which is exhibited in our Colledges, ful∣fils and ••atisfies, without any of these vnnatural, childish, stupid, mimique, often scandalous, and sometimes rebell••ous singul••rities.

22 Any resolution which is but new borne

in vs, must bee abandon'd and forsaken, when that obedience which is borne with vs, is requir'd at our hands. In expressing of which trueth, Saint Bernard goes so exceeding farre,* 1.574 as to say, That Christ gaue ouer his purpose of Preaching, at the increpation, Mulieris vnius, & fabri pauperis: And because his Mother chid him, when shee found him in the Temple, from twelue yeeres to thirtie, we find not, sayes hee, That hee taught or wrought any thing, though this abstinence were contrarie to his determina∣tion. So earnest is that deuoute father, to illu∣strate our Blessed Sauiours obedience, to a iuris∣dicton which was Naturally Superiour to him. And therefore this submission, by our owne Election, to another Superiour, cannot derogate from the Prince, nor infirme his Title to our Alleageance or obedience.

23 Another obedience derogatorie to Princes, they haue imagined, connaturall, and congenite with our Christianitie, as this is with our Humani∣tie, and conducing to our Wel-being, and ou•• euer∣lastingnesse, as this doeth to our Being and tem∣porall tranquilitie; which is, An obedience to the Romane Church, and to him, who must bee esteem'd certainely the Head thereof, a 1.575 though sometimes he be no member thereof.

24 Certainely the inestimable benefits which wee receiue from the Church, who feedes vs with the Word and Sacraments, deserues from vs an

humble acknowledgement, and obedient confi∣dence in her: yea, it is spirituall Treason, not to o∣bey her. And as in temporall Monarchies, the light of nature instructs euery man generally, what is Treason, that is, what violates or wounds or impeaches the Maiestie of the State, and yet he submits himselfe willingly to the Declaration and Constitutions, by which somethings are made to his vnderstanding Treason, which by the generall light he apprehended not to be so dangerous be∣fore; So in this case of spirituall Treason, which is Heresie, or Schisme, though originarily, and funda∣mentally, the Scriptures of God informe vs, what our subiection to the Church ought to be, yet we are also willing to submit our selues to the lawes and decrees of the Catholique Church her selfe, what obedience is due to her. He therefore that can produce out of eyther of these Authentique sorts of Records, Scripture, or Church, that is, Text or Glosse, any law, by which it is made either High Treason, Heresie, not to beleeue, that in my baptis∣me I haue implied a confession, That the Bishop of Rome is so monarch of the Church, that he may depose Princes; or petit Treason, that is Schisme, to adhere to my naturall Soueraigne against a Bull of that Bishop, shall drawe me into his mercy, and I will aske Pardon, where none is graunted, at the Inqui∣sition.

25 Else it is most reasonable (and that is euer

most religious) to relie vpon this, That obedience to Princes is taught by Nature, and affirm'd and illustrated by Scriptures. If the question be, how much this obedience must be, I must say, all, till it be proued, either that Peaceable and religious being be not all the ends, for which we are placed in this world, or that the authority of Kings, exercised by the Kings of Israell and the Christian Emperours, is not enough to performe these endes. For, to say that a King cannot prouide for meanes of saluati∣on of soules, because he cannot preach, nor admi∣nister the Sacraments, hath as much weakenesse, as to say, hee cannot prouide for the health of a City, because he cannot giue physicke.

26 Till then, I shal be deterr'd from declining to this second obedience, by the contemplation of many inconueniencies, and impieties resulting from thence; first, by the vastnes of that Iurisdicti∣on: For since they haue taught vs to say so,* 1.576 we may say, Dominus non esset discretus, vt cum reuerentia eius loquar, if he had laid the cure of the whole Church and the iudgement of all matters emergent,* 1.577 of fact and faith, vpon one man; which he hath done, if Pesantius say true, That the Pope is, Iure Diuino, di∣rectly Lord of all the World: which booke is dedi∣cated to the present Pope,* 1.578 who by allowing it may iustly be thought to fauour that opinion.

27 How much it is, that they would entitle him to,* 1.579 appeares by their expunction of a Sen∣tence

in Roselli a Catholique, though a Lawyer, That it is hereticall to say, that the vniuersall tempo∣rall administration is, or may be in the Pope: vpon which booke mine eye fals often, because you haue beene so lauish and prodigall in those ex∣punctions, that a man might well make a good Ca∣techisme, and an Orthodox Institution of Religion, out of those places, which you haue cast away. And by this one place we see what you would haue, For if the vniuersall administration of temporall matters be in the Pope, what neede is there of Kings?* 1.580 You would soone forget kings, or remem∣ber them to their ruine; and looke that kings should do to you, as condemned men are said to haue done to the kings of Persia, to thanke them that they were pleased to remember them.* 1.581 And Azorius will not pardon their modesty, that say, that the Pope in dealing with temporall matter•• vses but a spirituall po∣wer (though this in effect worke as dangerously) but he vseth (saies he) Absolutely and simply a temporall Iurisdiction.

28 And what can impeach this Vniuersall Iuris∣diction, since al matter and subiect of Iurisdiction, that is, all men, may by their Rules be vnder him, by another way, that is, by entring into Religion: for first,* 1.582 Tannerus the Iesuit saies, If Princes had their authority immediately from God, yet the Pope might re∣straine that authority of theirs,* 1.583 that it should fall onely vpon Lay-men: For, saies another, He may take from

the Emperour, all his Iurisdiction, therefore any part thereof. And as many as will (saies Bellarmine) may without the consent of their Prince,* 1.584 yea though he resist it, thus deuest their Allegeance, as they might resist their parents if they should hynder them.

29 And in contemplation of this Vniuersall Iurisdiction, which might be, if it be not, in the Pope;* 1.585 the Iesuite whom we first named, breakes out into this, congratulation: If at this instant all the Princes and all their subiects, would enter into Religion, and transferre all that they had into the Church, would it not bee a most acceptable spectacle to God, and Angels, and Men? Or (as he saies before) if their estates were so transferr'd to the Church, though not their persons, could not Ecclesiastique Princes rule and gouerne all these lay men, as well as they doe some others already? But because, as hee doubts in that place, Hoc in aeternum nunquam fiet, that all Laymen will come vnder them, they haue prouided that all Clergie men which be vnder them, shall be safe enough,* 1.586 as welll by way of Counsell (for so Mariana modefies his Doctrine, that the Prince should not execute any Clergy man,* 1.587 though hee deserue it) as by positiue way of Aphorismes, as E∣manuel Sâ doth, That they are not subiects, nor can doe treason: and by way of Fact, and publique troub∣ling the peace of al Christendome, as appeared by their late attempt vppon Venice for this Exemp∣tion.

30 And as the immensnesse of this power a∣uerts me from beleeuing it to bee iust, so doeth this also decline me, that they will not bee brought to tell vs, How he hath it, nor How hee got it. For as yet they doe but stammer, and the Word stickes in their iawes, and wee know not whether, when it comes, it wil be Directly, or Indi∣rectly. And they are as yet but surueying their Euidence; they haue ioyn'd no issue; nor know we whether they will pleade Diuine Law, that is, pla∣ces of Scripture, or Sub diuine Law, which is inter∣pretation of Fathers, or super diuine law, which is Decretals of Popes. But Kings insist confidently, and openly, and constantly vpon the law of Na∣ture, and of nations, & of God, by all which they are appointed what to do, and enabled to do it,

31 Lastly, this infames and makes this Iuris∣diction suspicious to me, to obserue what vse in their Doctrine and Practise they make of this pow∣er. For when they haue proceeded to the executi∣on of this Temporall power, it hath beene either for their owne reall and direct profit and aduan∣tage, as in their proceeding with the Easterne Em∣perours: And drawing the French Armies into Ita∣ly, and promouing and strengthning the change of the family and race of the Kings in France, or else the benefit hath come to them by whose ad∣uancement that Church growes and encreases, as in the disposing of the Kingdome of Nauarre; Or

at least, the example and terrour thereof magni∣fies the dignitie, and reputation of that Church, and facilitates her other enterprises, for a good time after, as a Shippe that hath made good way before a strong winde, and vnder a full Sayle, will runne a great while of her selfe, after shee hath stricken saile.

32 VVhen any of these reasons inuite them, how small causes are sufficient to awake and call vp this temporall Authoritie? The cause why Chil∣derique was deposed,* 1.588 was not, sayes the Canon, for his Iniquities; but because he was Inutilis. And this was not, sayes the Glosse, because hee was In∣sufficient, for then hee should haue an assistant, and co∣adiutor; but because hee was Effeminate. So that the Pope may depose vpon lesse cause, then hee can giue an assistant. For to bee Insuficient for the Gouernement, is more directly against the office of a King, then to bee subiect to an infirmitie, which concernes his humanitie, not his office.

33 And when the officers and Commissio∣ners of the Romane Court, come to Syndicate Kings, they haue already declar'd, what they will call Enormities and Excesses,* 1.589 by inuoluing almost all faults, whether by Committing or Omitting in generall words; As, When he doeth not that for which he is instituted; when he vseth his prerogatiue without iust cause, when he vexes his Subiects; when he permits Priests to kisse his hands; when he proceeds indiscreetly,

and without iust reason; And lastly, For any such hun∣ting as they will call intemperate. To which purpose they cite against Kings generally those Canons which limit certaine men, and times, and ma∣ners: And which, as the Glosse sayes of some of them,* 1.590 are meant De venatione arenaria, When men out of vaine-glorie, or for gaine, fought in the Theaters with wild beasts. And least any small errour in a King might escape them, they make account that they haue enwrapp'd and pack'd vp all in this, That it is all one,* 1.591 whether a King bee a Tyrant, or a Foole, or Sacrilegious, or Excommunicate, or an Hereticke.

34 This obedience therfore which we neither find written in the tables of our Hearts, nor in the Scriptures, nor in any other such Record, as either our aduersary wilbe tried by, or can bind vs, must not destroy nor shake that obedience which is Naturall and Certaine.* 1.592 Cyril hath made this sen∣tence his owne, by saying it with such allowance, It is wisely said, That hee is an impious man, which sayes to the King, thou dost vniustly. Much more may wee say it of any, that affirmes a King to bee na∣turally impotent, to doe those things for which he is instituted; as he is, if he cannot preserue his Subiects in Peace and Religion, which the Hea∣then kings could doe; whose Subiects had a Reli∣gion, and Ministers thereof, who wrought vpon men to incline them to Morall goodnesse here,

and to the expectation of future blessednesse after death, though not by so cleare nor so direct waies as Christian Religion doth.

35 The king therefore defends the Liberties of the Church, as the nature of his office, which he hath acknowledged, and Declar'd, and seal'd to his Subiects by an Oath, binds him to do, if he defend the Church of England from foraine v∣surpation. And a most learned and equall man hath obserued well,* 1.593 That in the differences betweene Gregorie the seuenth, and the Emperours, the defence of the liberties of the Church, was the title and pretence on both sides••* 1.594 And since a Iesuite hath affoorded vs this confession, That the Prince hath this Authori∣tie ouer Bishops, that hee may call them as Peeres of ••is Realme, And since their Clementines, or the Glosser,* 1.595 yeeldes to vs, That a Church Prelate may bee a Traytor, because hee holdes some temporalities: how can they escape from being ••ubiect in all o∣ther cases; since their naturall and n••tiue obedience is of a stronger obligation, then the accepting or possessing of these Temporalities: for, if ••ure Diui∣no, the Character of Order, did obliterate and wash out the Character of ciuill Obedience, and sub∣iection, the conferring of any temporall dignity or possession, could not restore it; for vnder color of a benefit, it should endammage and diminish them, when a little Temporall honour or profit shall draw their spirituall estate and person to se∣cular

••u••i••d••ction: ••or, as Azorius will proue to vs, the king may call a Bishoppe as a Baron to the Par∣liament, and as the Canonist will prooue to vs, he may call him to the Barre as a Traytor.

36 To recollect therefore now, and to deter∣mine & end this point, the title which the Prince hath to vs by Generation, and which the Church hath by Regeneration, is all one now. For we a••e not onely Subiects to a Prin••e, but Christian Sub∣iects to a Christian Prince, and members as well of the Church as of the Common-wealth, in which the Church is. And as by being borne in his Dominions, and of parents in his alleage∣ance, we haue by birth-right interest in his lawes and protection: So by the Couenant of Almighty God to the faithful and their Seede, by being born of Christian Parents, we haue title to the Sacra∣ments; which the king (to whom, as all the king∣dome is his house, so al the Clergy are chaplaines) ta••es care, that they duly administer to vs which are his sonnes, and ••eruants.

37 Nor dooth the king and the Church di∣rect vs to diuers ends, one to Tranquility, the other to Saluation, but both concurre in both: For wee cannot ordinarily be saued (which seemes to be the function of the Clergy) without the exercise of morall vertue here in this life, nor can Christians do those morall vertues (which seeme to bee the Princes businesse) without faith, and keeping the

right way to saluation, because a Christian must doe them Christianly.

38 For though Theologall vertues, Faith, Hope, and Charity, are infus'd from God, yet all religious worshippe of God is morall vertue. As therefore the office of all Heathen Princes, was to conserue their subiects in the practise of morall vertue, so farre as it was reuealed to their vnderstanding; So is it now the office of Christian Princes to doe the same. For God hath now so farre enlightned vs to the vnderstanding of morall vertue, that we see thereby, that after God hath infused Faith, wee make sure our saluation, by a morall obedience to the kings Gouernement, and to their Ministery whō his prouidence appoints ouer vs for our in∣struction. So that Christiā subiects need no high∣er power then kings are naturally indued and qualified withall, to direct them to Saluation; but•• because morall vertue is now extended, not in it selfe, but ••o our vnderstanding•• or pe••chance per∣fited (for the Fathers denie often, that the Philoso∣phers had any true morall vertues) Christian kings must now prouide lawes, which may reach as far in their d••rection, as morall vertue reaches now; and Ministers, that may teach vs how farr that is, and to conserue vs in the obseruation therof: For as, when all things are in such sort wel composed and establ••shed, and euery subordinate Wheele set in good order, we are guilty of our owne dam∣nation,

if wee obey not the Minister, and the Minister is guilty of it, if hee neglect to instruct vs, so is the Prince guilty of our spirituall ruine, and eternall perishing, if hee doe not both pro∣uide able men to giue vs spirituall foode, and punish both their negligence and our transgres∣sions: So that hee is to account to GOD for our soules, and therefo••e must haue naturall meanes to discharge that duety well, or else could not be subiect to such a reckoning for his transgressions therein.

39 The last Obedience which I intimated, as preiudiciall to this of kings, is that which the Ie∣suites vowe to the Pope; which is not the same blind Obedience, which I spoke of before for the Iesuits sweare that also to their Superiours, before they come to the perfection of this: But, as that is blinde out of darkenesse, so this is blinde out of dazeling. For they must be instruments in matters of State, and disposing kingdomes.

40 When some Priests in England were exa∣mined, what they would thinke of the Oath of Al∣leageance, if the pope should pronounce that it were to be held De fide, that hee might depose Princes, they desired to be spared, because they could not pronounce De futuris Contingentibus. But these votaries, the Iesuites are not so scrupulous; They can resolue to execute whatsoeuer he shall com∣maund: perchance they thinke the Pope so much

God, (for Iesuites must exceede in euerything) that in him, as in GOD, there can bee no Con∣tingency. And therefore vowing their trauell and labour, to the corrupting and aliening of subiects, to the combustion or translation of Kingdomes, to the auiling and eradication of Princes, they do not vow De futuris Contingentibus, but of things e∣uer constantly resolued in the Decree, and Coun∣sell, and purpose of the Bishop of Rome.

41 Though therefore Mat. Tortus: be no Iesuite himselfe,* 1.596 yet in respect of his Master, who was one, I wonder he durst say, That the Iesuites made no o∣ther vow of obedience to the Pope, then other religious Orders did; which is such an excuse in their behalf, as no accusation could offend them so much; since their ambition is to serue the Pope by a nee∣rer Obligation then the rest: which appeares eui∣dently enough, in the Bul of Paul the third, where this fourth vow is repeated.

42 And is it not a stange precipitation to vow their helpe to all his errours? of which they con∣fesse he may commit many in matter of Fact, by mis-information. So that they sweare to exe∣cute that, which they are not bound to beleeue to be well commaunded: yea they are not bound to beleeue, that he which commaunds them, is that person whose commaundements by their vow they a••e bound to doe, and yet they must do them.* 1.597 For though they bee bound to obey the

Pope, Yet they are bound to beleeue that Paul the fift is Pope: because those Elections haue many vitia∣ting circum••tances, which annuls them. For if they could be certaine, that the Election were free from all other corruptions, yet that Decretall in the Septimes,* 1.598 of Simoniacall Election, must of neces∣sitie keepe all indifferent men in continuall anx∣ietie and perplexitie. For, if any thing by any Car∣dinall, were giuen, or promis'd before, though the Ele∣ction be by way of Assumtion and Adoration, when all concurre in it, which they call, Viam spiritus Sancti, and therefore not subiect to errour, Yet there is a Nullitie in this Election, and the holy Ghosts confir∣mation workes nothing vpon it, And the Person elected, hath neither spirituall nor temporall Iurisdicti∣on, but looses all the dignities which he had before, and becomes incapable euer after; And no subsequent Act•• of Inthroning, Oathes of Obedience by the Cardinalls, nor possession, though of long time, can make it good: And euen those Cardinals, which were parties to the Simony, may at any time after, depart frō his obedience, & all the rest of the Cardinals, which do not, forfeit their dignities.

43 It is scarce possible to bee hoped, that in Elections there should be no degrees of that cor∣ruption, which this Decree labors to preclude, & which, it takes knowledg, to be so clandestine, and secretly caried, that comming to the point of annulling all those promises which were so made•• your Law expresses it thus, Cum quauis Inex∣cogitabili

solennitate & formà iurata. And if euer it should breake forth, that any such thing were committed at Paul the fift his Election, then hee was neuer Pope: Which, though perc••ance it will not make voide all his Acts, for some ciuill and conuenient reasons, doth yet show the iniu∣stice, and indiscretion of such a vowe, as binds the Votarie to doe some acts, which were not law∣full for him to doe, except an assured Authoritie of the commander did warrant it.

44 And if that measure which Aquinas gaue before of Blind obedience,* 1.599 must also serue in this, which is; That they must obey in all things, which be∣long to their Regular conuersations, that is, In all things to which their Rule, and Vowe obliges them, then as no Sea can wall any kingdome against their entrance: So no watchfulnesse can arme any brest against their violence, since the in∣creasing of that Monarchie which they must ad∣uance, growes from the decay of others.

45 But I forbeare Exasperation; and will here ende this Chapter; by which, I hope, it appeares, that no latter band of Obedience, can slacken this first, which was borne with vs. For, though amongst Lawyers, To commit my selfe or my cause,* 1.600 a 1.601 Liberae voluntati hominis, or to bee vsed by him, b. 1.602 Prout voluerit, amount ve••y farre, and create a large power in him, yet th••y conclude, That, c 1.603 In nullo arbitrio, How large so euer, any thing is included

which was formerly prohibited. And of these three Obediences which we haue handled, though all the three essentiall proper••ies o•• all Oathes and Vowes be wanting in them all, yet the blinde obe∣dience to your spirituall Superiour, doth especially want discretion, and the implicite Obedience, ima∣gin'd to bee vowed to the Church in Baptisme, doeth lacke Trueth, and that seditious and seruile Obedience vowed by the Iesuites to your Popes wil, doeth want Iustice.

CHAP. VII. That if the meere execution of the function of Priests in this Kingdome, and of giuing to the Catholickes in this Land, spi∣rituall sustentation, did assure their consciences, that to die for that, were Martyrdome; yet the refusall of the Oath of Alleageance doeth corrupt and vitiate the integritie of the whole Act, and dispoyle them of their former Interest and Ti∣tle to Martyrdome.

WE speake of Martyrdome now, in the proper and restrain'd sense and accep∣tation, that is, of Consummate Martyr∣dome, and so, as Aquinas takes it, when he sayes,* 1.604 Mors est de ratione Martyrij. I know the Primitiue Church denied it not to them, whom the lat••er Church hath call'd Confessors; So a 1.605 Igna∣tius writes himselfe Martyr; and so doeth b 1.606 Saint

Paul say, that hee dies daily. And sometimes, when the Church enioyed her ease, and was pam∣per'd with securitie and rest, to excite men to a publicke confession of their Faith, if there arose any case wherein it was needfull, the Ministers of that Church, which was euer apter and forwar∣de•• to suffer Martyrdome, when any long persecu∣tion had accustom'd her to the expectation and patience and glorie thereof, then in the times of dull abundance and tranquilitie, would affoord the Title of Martyrs, to any persons who suffred any persecution for the testimonie of Christ, though they died not:* 1.607 As the Church celebrates the Martyrdome of Pope Marcellus, vvho died in Prison. So also sometimes their indulgence a∣lovved that Name, for some abstinencies and for∣bearings, if they conduced to the depressing of I∣dolatrie. For so Saint Chrisostome sayes,* 1.608 If thou re∣fuse to be cured by Magique, and die of that sickenes, thou art a Martyr

* 1.6092 Deuotion is apt to ouerualew other mens actions; And Bellarmine confesses out of Sulpitius, That the people did long time deuoutely celebrate one for a Martyr, who after appear'd, and told them that he was damn'd.* 1.610 So also were those men inclin'd, whom Alexander the third reprehendes, For gi∣uing the honour of a Martyr to one that died drunke. So doeth another Iesuite prooue Hyrcanus to bee an Hereticke,* 1.611 whom Albertus Magnus hath put in∣to

his Litany, and so drawne into continuall In∣uocation euer since. And when Gregory the thir∣teenth made Commissioners to suruay the Mar∣tyrologe,* 1.612 they found the Histories of Pope Felix the second, so various and repugnant, that they were determined to expunge his name, but that oppor∣tunely there was a Marble Coffin found, with such an Inscription as alterd them, and relieued the Popes fame.* 1.613 And one principall inducement to the Pope, to come to these solemne Canonizati∣ons, is, because before the people did often mistake.

3 And this medicine,* 1.614 as it was very late ap∣plied (for Bellarmine cannot finde, that the Popes canonizd any in eight hundred yeares after Christ:) So neither hath it, nor can it naturally extinguish the disease. The most that it can worke, is an Assurance, that they which are publiquely cano∣nized are true Saints: for Bellarmine saies, That it is the opinion of Heretiques, that the Pope can erre in such Canonizations:* 1.615 and yet, to proue it, he argues but thus: If we beleeue that there was such a man as Caesar, why should we not beleeue that which God testi∣fies by miracles? But how shall wee beleeue that these miracles are from God, or that he doth them in testimony of that mans sanctity? For that mi∣racles are done, is not enough to constitute a Saint,* 1.616 for wicked men may doe them, say your Authors: And in this case they can proceede no farther, then to an Historicall beleefe, that Mira∣cles

are done. And I had thought that Bellarmine had required a better faith at our h••nds, then Hi∣storicall, and such as assures vs, that Caesar was, to ground Inuocation of Saints, and to constitute an Heresie.

4 And though not in Bellarmine, yet in the Pope himselfe, there appeare some scruples of dif∣fidence, and frailty, and fallibility in this acte of Canonizing,* 1.617 because, after all his seuerall Inquisitions and searches which depend vpon matter of Fact, and after his diuers iteration of prayers, That hee may not erre, and That hee may not be permitted to erre, hee makes at last a publique protestation, That he intends not by that act, to do any thing against Faith.

5 But if this can be certaine, That those, and none but those, which are so Canonized, may be publiquely Honoured as Saints, yet that disease, of which we spoke before, is not cured hereby. For it is still lawfull priuately to worshippe any, of whose sanctity I haue an opinion. Nor is this priuate worship,* 1.618 so priuate in Bellarmines account, that it may not bee exhibited before others; but onely so priuate as it may not be done, In the name of the Church, and as though it were instituted by the Church. So that whole Multitudes, and Congre∣gations may erre still: and this, by the authority of the Canon it selfe. For thus Bellarmine reasons, with more detortion and weakenesse then be∣comes

the cause or his grauity:* 1.619 In the two Canons, saies he, Audiuimus, and Cum ex eo, the Pope forbiddes publique worshippe; and therefore, a Contrario, permits priuate. If then, that worshippe which in those two Canons he forbiddes to be publiquely exhibi∣ted, may priuately be giuen, and this priuatenesse ex∣clude not whole Congregations, then whole Congregations may lawfully worshippe as a Saint, a man slaine in drunkennesse, which is the case of the first Canon, and lawfully worshippe ve∣nall and vncertaine Reliques, which is in the se∣cond Canon; since the forbidding of this in pub∣lique, hath permitted it in this large and open pri∣uate, by Bellarmines ••ashion of arguing; who saies also ••or this, That the Doctors doe commonly af∣firme it.

6 And whatsoeuer is said heere of Saints, holdes as well in Martyres, for with the same faith, that I beleeue a man to be a martyre, I beleeue him to be a Saint: And so, it seemes, doth that Ca∣tholique Priest, who hath lately published a Hi∣story of English Martyres: For that which in the Title he calls Martyrologe, in his Aduertisement he calles Sanctiloge. And therefore it becomes both our Religion and Discretion, to consider tho∣roughly the circumstances of their History, whom we admit to the honour of Martyrdome.

7 All Titles to martyrdome seeme to me to be grounded vpon one of these three pretences, and

claymes. The first is, to seale with our bloode the profession of some morall Truth, which though it be not directly of the body of the Christian faith, nor expressed in the Articles thereof, yet it is some of those workes, which a Christian man is bound to doe. The second is, to haue maintained with losse of life, the Integrity of the Christian faith, and not to suffer any part thereof to perish or corrupt. The third is, to endeuour by the same meanes to preserue the liberties and immunities of the Church.

8 By the first way they entitle S. Iohn Baptist because he died for reprehending a fault against a morall Truth: and that truth being resisted, the Authour of truth is despised: And therefore all truth is not matter conuenient for the exercise of this vertue, as the conclusions of Artes and Scien∣ces, though perfectly and demonstratiuely true, are not; but it must be such a truth, as is conuer∣sant about Christian piety, and by which God may be glorified: which cannot be, except he might be iniured by the denying thereof. So, the Euangelist when our Sauiour spake of S. Peters Martyrdome saies,* 1.620 He signified by what death hee should glorifie God: For all Martyredome workes to that end. And this first occasion of martyrdome seldome fals out in Christian Countries, because in Christ, the great Mirrour of all these truthes, we see them di∣stinctly and euidently. But sometimes with Hea∣then Princes, before they arriue to this rich and

pregnant knowledge, men which labour their conuersion, begin, or touch by the way, some of these Morall dueties; and if they grow odious, and suffer for that, they are perfect Martyrs, dying for a morall Trueth, and in the way to Christ.

9 By the second claime, which is the Inte∣gritie of Catholicke Religion, the professors of a∣ny Christian Church, will make a specious, and ap∣parant Title, if they suffer persecution in any o∣ther Christian Church. For the Church of Rome will call the whole totall body and bulke of the points of their profession, Integritie of Religion, and the Reformed Churches call, soundnesse, pu∣ritie, and incorruptnesse, integritie. The Roman thinkes Integritie hurt by nothing but Maimes, and we, by Diseases. And one will prooue by his death, that too little is professed, and the other, that too much. But this aduantage we haue, that by confession of our aduersaries, all that wee af∣firme, is True, and Necessarie: and vpon good ground we assure our selues, that nothing else is so, and we thinke that, a propensenesse to die, for profession of those points, which are not neces∣sarie, will not constitute a Martyrdome, in such a person especially as is of necessarie vse.

10 Amongst other things which our Bles∣sed Sauiour warnes his followers, this is one, That none of them suffer as a busie body in other mens mat∣ters,* 1.621 but if he suffer as a Christian, let him not be asha∣med,

but glorifie God. And in another place, hee cals them blessed: If others say all maner of euill of them, falsely, and for his sake.* 1.622 So that the prohibition forbids vs, to suffer for those things which doe not certainely appertaine to vs; And the instruction ties the reward to these conditions, That the im∣putations be false, That they be imputed for Christs sake, that is, to dishonour him, and that we suf∣fer because we are Christians.

11 Since therefore some of you, at your Exe∣cutions, and in other conferences, haue added this to your comfo••t, and glory of Martyrdome, That because the Kings mercie hath beene offred you, if you would take the Oath, therefore you died for refusing the same, (Though your Assertion cannot lay that vpon the State, who hath two discharges; One, that you were condemn'd for other Treasons, be∣fore that off••r; The other, that the Oath hath no such Capitall clause in it) yet since, as I said, you take it vpon your Consciences to bee so; Let vs Examine, whether your refusall of the Oath, bee a iust cause to Die, vpon this point of Integritie of Faith, by that measure which our Sauiour gaue in his Prohibition, and in his Instruction.

12 Is it then any of your matters, or doeth it be∣long to you, by your Doctrine, and by your Exam∣ple, in refusing the Oath, to determine against Princes Titles, or Subiects Alleageance? If this be any of your matters, then you are not sent onely to

doe Priestly functions; And if it be not, then you suffer as busie bodies in other mens matters, if you suf∣fer for the Oath.

13 And then, what is imputed to you, which is false (which is another condition required by Christ) if you be called traytors then, when after apparant transgressing of such lawes as make you Traytors, you confirme to vs a perseuerance in that Trayterous disposition, by refusing to sweare Temporall Alleageance? Wherein are you lesse subiect to that name, then those Priestes which were in Actuall plots, since mentall Treason deno∣minates a man as well as mentall heresie? You nei∣ther can nor will condemne any thing in them, but that they did their treason, before any Resolu∣tion of the Church: and haue you any resolution of the Church, for this, That the King may be deposed, when he is excommunicated? If you haue, you are in a better forwardnesse then they, and you may vn∣dertake any thing, as soone as you will, that is, as soone as you can. For you haue as good opinions already, and as strong authorities, That a King of another Religion then Romane, is in the state of an excommunicate person, before Sentence, as you haue for this, That an Excommunicate King may be depo∣sed; And would you thinke it a iust cause of Mar∣tyrdome, to auerre, that the King is already vnder ex∣communication?

14 And (to proceede farther in Christs Instru∣ction)

are these things said of you for Christs sake? Are you (if you be called Traytors for refusing the Oath) reproued for anie part of his Comman∣dements? If it were for exercising your Priestlie functions, you might haue some colour, since all your Catholique Religion, must bee the onely Christian Religion. But can that state which labours watchfullie and zealouslie for the pro∣mouing of Christs glorie in all other things, bee saide to oppose Christ, or persecute him in his Members, for imputing trayterous inclinations to them, who abhorre to confirme their Allea∣geance by a iust Oath?

15 Lastly, can you say, you suffer as Christians, that is (as Christ there intended) for Christian faith, which is principally the matter of Martyrdome? Aquinas cites this,* 1.623 out of Maximus, The Catholique faith is the mother of martyrdome. And he explicates it thus, That though martyrdome be an act of fortitude, and not of faith, yet as a ciuill man will be valiant to defend Iustice, as the Obiect of his valour, so doth a Martyr, faith. If then to refuse this Oath, be an obiect for a Martyrs fortitude, it must be because it opposes some point of faith, and faith is that, which hath beene beleeued euer, and euery where; And how can that be so matter of faith, which is vn∣der disputation, and perplexitie with them, and the contrarie whereof we make account, that we see by the light of Nature and Scriptures, and all

meanes conducing to a diuine and morall cer∣titude?

16 Leo the first,* 1.624 in an Epistle to the Empe∣rour, by telling what hath beene, informes ••um∣marilie and soundly, what should be a iust cause of Martyrdome. None of the Martyrs, saies he, had any other cause of their suffering, but the confession of the true Diuinitie, and true humanitie in Christ. And this was then the Integritie of faith, in both ac∣ceptations; All, and sound. Which is neither im∣paired in the extent, nor co••rupted in the puritie, by any thing proposed in the Oath.

17 But as Chrysostome expounding that place of Ieremie,* 1.625 Domus Dei facta est spelunca Hyaenae, ap∣plies it to the Priests of the Iewes, as hardest of all, to be conuerted, so may we apply it to the Priests of the Romanes, who abhor the Oath, and deter their Schollers. For, the Hyena, saies Chrysostome, hath but one backe bone, and cannot turne except it turne all at once. So haue these men, one back bone, the Church; (for so saies Bellarmine, if we were a greed of that, we should soone be at an end:) and this Church is the Pope; And they cannot turne, but all at once, when he turnes; and this is the Integri∣tie of the faith they talke of. And, as that Father, addes of the Hyena, Delectantur cadaueribus; they are delighted with impious prouocations to the effusion of bloud, by suggesting a false and ima∣ginarie martyrdome.

18 The third and last iust ground of martyr∣dome, of those which we mentioned, is Ecclesia∣stique Immunitie, which is of two sorts; one inhae∣rent, and Natiue, and connaturall to the Church, and the other, Accessory, and such, as for t••e fur∣therance and aduancement of the worship of God, Christian Princes, in performing a religious dutie, haue afforded and established. Of the first sort are, preaching the word, administring the Sacra∣ments, and applying the Medicinall censures. And if any, to whose charge God hath committed these, by an ordinarie calling, loose his life in the exe∣cution thereof, with Relation to the cause, we may iustly esteeme him a martyr. And so in the second kinde, if onely for a pious and dutifull ad∣monition to the Prince, to continue those Liber∣ties to the Church, without which she cannot wel doe her offices, hee should incurre a deadly dis∣pleasu••e, he were also a Martyr.

19 And if the Romane Priests could transferre vpon themselues this title to Martyrdome, due to defenders of either of these Immunities, yet by re∣fusall of this Oath, which is an implied affirming of some doct••ine contrarie to it, they forfait that interest by ob••ruding, as matter of Ch••istian faith, that which is not so: For Baronius himselfe (as once before wee had occasion to say) distin∣guishes the defence of the liberties of the Church, from the Catholique faith; and yet he and many

others, makes the defence of these immunities the obiect of Martyrdome: so various and vncertaine is the doctrine of defending those priuiledges, whose ground and foundation they cannot agree vpon.

20 And as all right to the crowne of Martyre∣dome, growing from any of these three titles, perishes by their refusal, for the reasons before ex∣pressed: so doth it also vpon this ground, that hee which refuses to defend his life by a lawfull acte, and entertaines not those ouertures of escape, which God presents him, destroies himselfe, espe∣cially if his life might be of vse and aduantage to others. For when the Prison was opened to Paul and Silas,* 1.626 the learned Expositors excuse his stay there, by no other way, then that it appeares, that he had a reuelation of Gods purpose, that he should conuert the Keeper; for otherwise not to haue hastened his escape, had beene to abuse Gods mercie by not vsing it.

21 Those lawes from which these conclusi∣ons are deduced,* 1.627 that if a man receiue a Corporall iniu∣rie, and remit the offence, yet the state may pursue it a∣gainst the trespasser, because no man is Lord of himselfe: and that a couenant from a man, that if you finde him in your ground you may beate him, is voide vpon the same reason, Intimate thus much to this purpose, That no man by lawe of nature may deliuer himselfe into a danger which he might auoide.

22 How many actes of good and meritori∣ous nature, if they had all due circumstances, haue beene vitiated by Indiscretion, and changed from nourishment to poison?* 1.628 of which Cassianus hath am••ss'd many vsefull examples, and made all his second collation of them. Of which I will remem∣ber one h••pning about his own time. Herō which had liued fiftie yeares austerely in a Desart, trust∣ing indiscreetely an illusion of an euill spirit, threw himselfe downe into a Well; and when he was taken out, and in such torment with those bruses, as killed him within three daies, yet he be∣leeued that he had done well, though the rest be∣leeued him to be as Cassianus saies, Biothanatum, a sel••e-murderer.

23 How deeply, and how irremediably doth this indiscretion possesse many others, whom themselues only, and a few illuders of their weak∣nesses, esteeme to be Martyres, for prouoking the execution of iust lawes against them? For what greater Indiscretion can there be, or what more trea∣cherous betraying of hims••lfe, then to die in de∣spite of such a Princes mercie, as at once directs him to vnderstand his duety to himselfe, and to his Prince: and shewes him, that his owne preser∣uation is a naturall duety; and that hee may not neglect it in any cause, but where it appeares eui∣dently, Catholiquely, and indisputably (amongst them to whose instruct••on he ought to submitte

himselfe) that God may bee glorified in it; And that his obedience to the King was borne in him, and therfore was once, without all question, due, & could not be taken away, without his consent, who is damnified by the losse of a Subiect; at least by such a li••igious Authoritie, as is yet in Disputation, What it is, whence it comes, and how it resides in him, and how it is executed.

24 For as a man may be felo de se, by destroy∣ing himselfe by our Law; And fur de se, by depar∣ting, and stealing himselfe away, from him to whō his seruice is due, by Imperial law: so he may be proditor de se, by the law of Nature, if hee des∣cend from the Dignitie of humanitie, & submit himselfe to an vsurpation, which he ought to re∣sist, which is; All violence and danger which hee might auoide.

25 And since, if the King would pardon him, vpon doing of any act, which depended vpon his owne will, he were guiltie of his death, if hee re∣fused it, he is so also in this case, since he can pro∣pose to himselfe no such restraint as binds his wil; For scruples, and things in Opinion and Disputation, do not binde in this c••se; Of which we shall haue proper occasion to speake in the next Chapter.

26 Let vs then proceede further, to that which giues the forme, and measure, and merit, euen to Martyrdome it-selfe, which is Charitie. And this is not meant onely of Charitie, as it is a Theolo∣gall

vertue, and vnites vs in an earnest loue to God, which is, Charitas patriae, but also as from that fountaine is deriued vpon all his creatures, which is Charitas viae: For so Saint Iohn sayes, of this charitable act of which wee speake, Greater loue then this no man hath,* 1.629 when hee bestoweth his life for his friend: Which also appeares out of that Hi∣story recorded of Nicephorus: a 1.630 who being brought to the place where he was to receiue the Crowne of Martyrdome, and seeing Sapri••ius, betweene whome and him, there had before some bitter∣nesses and enmitie broke foorth, fall downe be∣fore him, and begge a Pardon and reconcilement, was so much elated with this glory of Martyrdom, that vncharitably he disdain'd to admit any re∣conciliation. In punishment of which vnchari∣tablenesse, he lost his whole hope and victorie: For the spirit of God forsooke him, and he Apo∣stated from his Faith: So that Charitie is iustly e∣steem'd the forme of Martyrdome.

27 And is there any Charitie in this Doctrine, or in this act of Refusall? Is there any to your self? (For, at least in spiritualibus, Charitie begins at home) when at once you diuorce that body which your Parents prepar'd, from that Soule which God in∣fused and married to it: and so lea••e, not onely to be men, and to be Subiects, but to be Priests, and benefactors to that cause, which you hinder by this pretence of louing it. How much opportu∣nitie

of Merit, euen in aduancing the Catholique cause, which to you is so certaine, doe you loose, by exposing your selfe to certaine ruine, vpon vn∣certaine foundations? Is there any charitie to the Church, or partie, or faction, which you haue in this Kingdom? towards whom the King brought with him so much tendernesse, that hee cast in a dead sleepe all bloudy lawes, and in a slumber all pecuniarie lawes which might offend, & aggrieue them. Is it charitably done towards them, that by your vnnecessarie act, their peace be interrup∣ted, his Maiesties sweetnesse distasted, his soft∣nesse indured, and those faire impressions which hee had admitted, That ciuill obed••ence might consist with your Religion, defaced and oblitera∣ted? And that to all these should succeede, iea∣lousies in him, imputations vpon them, and du∣tifull solicitations from his Parliament, & Co••n∣saile, and Subiects of all rankes, to awaken his lawes against these suspitious men?

28 Was it charitably done of that Priest,* 1.631 who apprehending a generall inclination of taking the Oath, aduanced it so farre, as to make a Declara∣tion that it was lawfull, and neuer re••ract••ng that opinion, yet would die in the ••efusall the••eof, be∣cause it seemed not expedient to him, to take it then; and so to cast snares and tortures vpon thei•• con∣sciences, who were before in possessiō of a peace∣able, & (by his own testimony) a iust ••esolu••ion?

* 1.63229 When S. Paul vses that phrase, he expounds the word Expedient, by Profitable and by Edifying: And hath the example of his death profited and edified that Church as much, as the perplexities certainely growne in Catholique consciences thereby, and those exasperations, and bitternesses occasioned, by all probabilitie in the state, by that peruerse and peeuish behauiour, may shake and tempest it?

30 I doe not thinke that they would haue de∣nied him to haue beene a Martyr, if he had beene executed vpon the Statute against Priests, though he had before taken the oath. If therefore the ta∣king of the oath cannot vitiate and annull mar∣tyrdome, the ••efusing it cannot const••tute martyr∣dome.

31 And if you will make the difference on••∣ly by reason of the Popes Breue, which perchance came betweene his first resolution, and his last, then you reduce your Martyrdome to a more slip∣perie and more dangerous ••istresse then before: For as before you quitted all your benefite and interest to martyrdome, for hauing exercised Priestly functions, and procla••med and solaced your selfe wi••h this, that you dyed for refusing the oath; so now you wa••ne ••hat, and sticke to a worse title, which is, obedience to an ••ncertaine and suspicious Breue; For, for your first ti••le, which is preaching of the Catholique faith, you

haue the intire and vnamine consent and concur∣rence of the whole Christian Church; which al∣waies confesses, that the profession of the Catho∣lique faith, is, a true and iust cause of Martyrdome; though she doe not confesse, that that which you teach, is that Cathol••que Faith, but for that Title you had also the consonance and agreement of all the Romane Church. And for your second claim, which is, the defence of the Popes temporall Iurisdi∣ction, by refusing this oath, you had some voices of great authority in that Church, to encourage you, though farr too weak, either to blot out a naturall truth, or to make an indifferent, or perplex'd point so necessary to you, as to dy for it. But for this third title to martyrdome, which arises frō obedience to the Breues, which are matters of fact, & subiect to a thousand infi••mities & nullities, who euer iustly grounded a necessity of dying, vpon thē, or added the comfort of martyrdome to such a precipitatiō?

32 Thus dooth Aquinas argue against a farre better Title to martyrdome, then this is: Though virginity be more pretious then life,* 1.633 yet if a virgine shold be condemned to be deflowred, Occasione fidei Christi∣anae, because she was a Christian, though all those condi∣tions, which we noted in our Sauiors prohibition, and in∣struction, concurred in her case, That she were no busie body in prouoking, That she were persecuted, and that vniustly, And with relation and despite to Ch••ist, and so she suffered a•• a Christian, yet, saies he, this were no Mar∣tyrdome.

Yet he assignes not the reason to be, be∣cause she died not, but because Martyrdome is a te∣stimony, by which it is made euident to all, that the Mar∣tyres loue Christian faith aboue all things, and it cannot appeare by this act of hers, whether she suffer this for the loue of Christian faith, or for contempt of chastitie. But in this acte of dying for obedience to the Breues, there is by many degrees lesse manifestati∣on, that they die for Christian Faith, which is not in question; and there appeare euident impressi∣ons of humane respects, which would vitiate a better title to martyrdome, and of such vnnatural dereliction of themselues, as I doe not see how they could escape being selfe-murderers, but that their other ••reasons, and condemnations for them, make their executions iust.

* 1.63433 And besides that, Bellarmine makes this hard shift, and earnest propensenesse to die, no good signe of a good cause, or of a true martyrdome (for thus he makes his gradations, That the Anabaptists are forwardest, and the Caluinists next, and the Luthe∣rans very slacke: So that he makes the vehemency of the p••ofessors, in this kind, some testimony of the ilnesse of the Religion) we may also obserue, that all circumstances (except the maine point, with which we intercharge one another, which is Here••ie) by which they labour to deface and in∣firme the zeale of our side in this point•• and to take from them, all comfort of martyrdome, doe ap¦peare

in them directly or implicitely, in this deny∣ing of ciuill obedience.

34 And because we may boldly trust his ma∣lice in gathering them, that he will omit none we will take them as they are obiected against vs in Feuardentius the Minorite: A man of such dexte∣rity and happines in conuer••ing to the Romane Faith, that all Turquy and the Indies would not bee matter enough for him to worke vpon one yeare, if he should proceed with them in the same pace, as he doth with the Minister of Geneua: For meeting him once vpon a time by chaunce, and falling into talke with him, in the person of a Ca∣tholique Doctor, he dispatches a Dialogue of some eight hundred great leaues, and reduces the poore Minister, who scarce euer stands him two blows, from one thousand foure hundred Heresies: And as though he had but drawne a Curtaine, or opened a boxe, and shewed him catholique Religion, he leaues him as ••ound, as the Councell of Trent.

35 First therefore in this matter of Martyrdome,* 1.635 he takes a promise of the Minister, That he will be dilig••nt hereafter, from being amazed at the outward behauiour of men which suffer death. By which d••re∣ction & good counsell, the confident fashion and manner of any Iesuite at his execution, shall make no such impression in vs, as to produce argu••ments of his innocency. After this, he saies, that our men are not martyres,* 1.636 Because they haue depar∣ted

from the C••urch, in which they were baptized, and haue not kept their promise made in Baptisme••, but are therefore Apostats and Antichrists.* 1.637 Another reason he assignes against them, because they haue beene put to death for conspiracies, rebellions, tumults, and ciuill Warres against lawfull Princes, and that therefore they haue beene proceeded against in Ordinary forme of Iustice,* 1.638 as Traytors. And againe, hee saies, They haue beene iustly executed for making, and di∣uulging libells against Princes. And for Acts against a Canon of the Eliberitane Councell,* 1.639 of which I spoke before. And lastly, this despoiles vs of the benefite of Martyrdome in his account, Because we offer our selues to dangers, and punish••ents, seeking for honour out of misery, and blowen vp with ambition and greedinesse of vaine glorie. Thus farre Feuarden∣tius charges vs.

36 And is it not your case also, to for••ait your Martyrdome vpon the same circumstances? Are not many of youd parted ••ro•• your promise in baptisme to our Chu••ch? or did those which vn∣dertooke for you, euer intend this forsaking? and this act of depar••ing is by Feuardentius, made an Essentiall circumstance, abstract, and indepen∣den•• and incohaerent with that of the Catholique Church, for that is another alone by it selfe.

37 And haue not you beene proceeded with, in Ordinarie course of Iustice, as Traytors, for Rebel∣lions, and Conspiracies, and Tumults? And after so

many protestations so religiously deliue••ed, so vehemently i••erated, so prodigally sealed with bloud, and engaging your Martyrdome vpon that iss••e, that you neuer intermedled with mat∣ters of state, nor had any other scope or marke of all your desires and ende••ours, but the replan••a∣tion of Catholique Religion, hath not the Recor∣der and mouth of all the English Iesuites, confes∣sed•• (vpon a mistaking, that the euennesse of his Maiesties disposition might be shaked by this in∣sinuation,) a 1.640 That in the Sentence of Excommunica∣tion against Queene Elizabeth, the Popes relating to a statute in England, respected the Actuall right of his Maiesties mother, and of him, and proceeded for the re∣mouall of that Queene, whom they held an vsurper, in fauour of the true inheritours oppressed by her, not only by spirituall, but temporall armes, also, as against a pub∣lique Malefactor, and ••ntruder. And hauing thus like an indiscreete Aduocate, preuaricated for the Pope, doth hee not as much betray all his owne complices, when he addes, This doth greatly iustifie the endeuours and desires of all good Catholique people, both at home, and abroad, against her, their principall meaning being euer knowne to haue beene, the deliue∣rance and preferment of the true heire, most wrongfully kept out, and vniustly persecuted for righteousnes sake. Did you intend nothing else, but Catholique Re∣ligion, and yet was the desire, and endeuour of all good Catholiq••es at home, and abroade, to re∣moue

her, and plant ano••her, and that by vertue of a statute in England? Did the Popes in their Bulls, intimate any illegitimation, or vsurpation, or touch vpon any such statute? Or d••d they goe about to aduance the right Heire in the Spanish ••nuasion? or was the way of the right Heire Catholiquely pre∣pared by Dolemans booke?

38 Or was the Author thereof no good Ca∣tholicke? For these Conspiracies, and for the same Authors monethly Libels, which cast foule aspersions vpon the whole cause in defence wher∣of they are vndertaken, and published, are your pre••ences to Martyrdome vniust and inualid, if your Feuardentius giues vs good rules. So are they also because you seeke it against the Eliberitane Councell; That is, By wayes not found in Scriptures, nor practised by the Apostles: And last of all, b••cause you see••e it with such intemperate hunger, and vaine-glorie, Cultum ex Miseria quaerentes (as your Friar accuses our Churches) and hunting and pursuing your owne death; First, ouer the tops of mountaines, the Popes Spirituall power, then through thicke and entangling woods, without wayes in or out, that is his Temporall power, and then through darke caues and dens of his Cham∣ber Epistles, his Breues, ready, rather then not die, to de••end his personall defects, and humane in∣firmities. And all these circumstances•• are virtu∣ally and radically enwrapt in this one refusall of

the Oath, which therefore alone doeth defeate all your pretence•• to Martyrdome.

39 And though it may perchance truely bee said by you, that all those persons which the Re∣formed Churches haue Enregistred in their Marty∣rologies, are not certainely and truely Martyrs, by those Rules to which we binde the signification of the word in this Chapter, and in which you account, all which die by way of Iustice, for ad∣uancing the Romane Doctrine or Dignitie, by what seditious way so euer, to be true Martyrs, yet none of them hath euer transgressed so fa••re, as your Example would warrant them. For, not to speake of Baronius his Martyrologe, where verie many are enrolled, which liued their Naturall time, and without any externall persecu••ion for their faith, and where verie many of the olde Te∣stament are recorded, besides those which a••e ca∣nonized in the Epistle to the Hebrewes,* 1.641 and ma∣nie which are mentioned in that Epistle are left out by him, not onely Enoch, Noe, and s••ch other as suffered not death in their bod••es, as Martyrs, but euen Abel whom he might haue beene bolde to call a Martyr•• to omit him, I say, why doth our Countryman amongst you, which hath lately cō∣piled an English Martyrologe, present a Calender•• in which of almost 500 whom he names, scarse 6•• are Martyrs; and of the rest, some were not of our Nation, as Constantine the Emperour, whose fe••stiuall

hee appoints ••1 of May; And some neuer saw this Country, as Pope Gregory, whom hee celebrates 25 December. And of those which did suffer death the credit and estimation of as many as died, within 200 yeares of Gregory the I. is much impaired by one to whom I thinke,* 1.642 hee will subscribe, who sayes, That in that 200 yeares, our Nation had no Martyrs, that cōmonly are knowne. And those whom hee reckons, must of necessitie be knowne to them, whom that knowledge concernes, as it did Parsons, when hee writ that booke, since the knowledge thereof was so obui∣ous & easie, that this Author professes, that all their Histories are in Authors approued or permitted by the S••a Apostolique, & that he cites no Apocryphall legend, nor fabulous Historie, that may be suspected of the least Note of falsitie, or errour whatsoeuer. But he which shall suruay his Catalogue of Authors, will finde it safer not to beleeue him, then to bee bound by him, to beleeue all them to be free from the least note of falsitie of error. For we shall be somwhat hard to beleeue this extreme innocence, and inte••gritie in Surius, and in Saunders, or in Cornelius Ta∣citus. And many of his owne profession will hardly beleeue that Gregory, and Bede were free from all falsitie or error, And himselfe, I beleeue, would not stand to this, if we should presse him with some places, out of Parsiensis, and Westmona∣steriensis, and Walsingham, and Polidore Virgil: all

which haue beene tried in the furnace o•• this Di∣uine Critique, & are pronounced by him free from the least note of falsitie, or errour whatsoeuer. But if these Authors were knowne to Parsons, and that hee pronounced truely, that that 200 yeares was without Martyrs, then, not onely the Abbesse of E¦lies hear••sman, S. Alno••h, sla••ne abou•• 670 in ha∣tred of Christian Religion, and celeb••ated 27 Febru. but the first Christian King of the Northumbers, S. Edwyn, slaine al••o in hatred of our Religion Anno 634. and obserued 4. Octob. with diuers other after that time, must be expunged out of this new Martyrologe. So also must that Author confesse himselfe to haue been too forward, in canonizing S. Hugh for a Martyr,* 1.643 whom at 10 yeares of age, the Iewes crucified at Lincolne, Anno 1255. since Parsons had told him before, that after Becket, which was An. 1171. our Church had no more Martyrs in 400 yeares.* 1.644

39 But for all this, it is not your errour, and vicious example which shall excuse vs, if at any time wee haue inserted such, as Martyrs, which were not precisely so. For if we haue committed any such slip in storie and matter of fact, there is not that danger in our transgression, which is in you, because you, by giuing them that title, assure the wo••ld of a certaine and infallible present sal∣uation, by vertue of that suffering, and that they haue title thereby to our Adoration, and are in pre∣sent possession of the office of Aduocation for vs.

Out of which confidence, I haue seene at some Executions of Trayterous Priests, some bystan∣ders, le••uing all old Saints, pray to him whose bo∣dy lay there dead; as if hee had more respect, and better accesse in heauen, because he was a stran∣ger, then those which were familiar, had.

CHAP. VIII. That there hath beene as yet no fundamentall and safe ground giuen, vpon which, those which haue the faculties to heare Confessions, should informe their owne Consciences, or instruct their penitents; That they are bound to aduenture the heauie and Capitall penalties of this Lawe, for refusall of this Oath. And that if any Man haue receiued a scruple against this Oath, which he cannot depose and cast off, the Rules of their own Casuists, as this case stands, incline, and warrant them, to the ta∣king thereof.

SInce by refusall of this Oath, which his Maiest••e hath rather made an Indulgence then a Vexation, by withdrawing some clauses of bitternesse, and of strict inquisition into the whole Catholicke partie, which the ••resh contemplation of the Powder-Treason, had iust∣ly vrged the Lower-house of Parliament to insert therein: And studying to find a way by which he might discharge both dueties to God and his Kingdome, would in his Princely and Pastorall••

care, prouide a triall, by which those which were corrupted with the poyson which broke out in those Treasons, might be distinguish'd from Ca∣tholickes of better temper and more due••ifull af∣fections towardes him, and our Peace, from which sort of Catholickes, after so many prouo∣cations, by persons of the same perswasion in Re∣ligion, he seem'd loth to withdraw those fauours and graces, which he had euer since his comming expressed towards them. Since, I say, by refusall thereof, both the Catholickes lay a heauie scan∣dal, and dangerous aspersions vpon the cause, and declare themselues more slauish to the Pope, and consequently apter to defection from the Prince, then the Subiects of forraine States now are, or the Subiects of this Kingdome were heretofore, And also his Maiestie, and all those which affect his safetie, which not only inuolues but procures and causes theirs, may iustly encline at last to thinke, that the very ground, and principles of that Religion nourish these rebellious humours, and so finde it necessarie for preseruation of the whole bodie, to apply Medicines more corrosiue and sharpe to that member which appeares so corrupt and dangerous, And euerie Catholique in particular, to whom this Oath is offered, by re••usall ••orfaits his libertie, & by per••inacie there∣in, incurres other mulcts and penalties, It is there∣fore the dutie of euerie Catholique, out of his re∣ligious

zeale to the cause, drawne into suspition thereby, and out of his Naturall obligation for preseruing his life, fame, and fortune, all which are endangered by this refusall, not to aduenture the losse of th••se, but vpon Euidence of much clearenesse, and grounds of strong assuredn••sse, and constancie.

2 And as it is certaine, that at the first promul∣ging of this oath, they had no such ground, nor Euidence (for then, that light must haue beene vpon them all, and so many good and earnest maintain••rs of that Religion, would not haue enclined to the Oath, if they had had such Eui∣dence against it) so also after some scruples were iniected, and the tendernesse of some consciences vitiated and distracted with some doubts, and that it had beene submitted to Disputation, and consulting amongst themselues, and so passed all those furnaces of Examination, it was held law∣full, and accordingly many tooke it. So that nei∣ther by the Euident and vndeniable authoritie of Nature, or Scripture, nor by Deductions and conclusions necessarily deriued and issuing from thence, any Conscience had su••ficient assurance, to incurre these dangers.

3 If since, by some arguments of probabili∣tie, and of Conueniencie, or by some propositi∣ons propagated & deduced from those first prin∣ciples o•• Nature, and Scripture, by so many des∣cents

and Generations, that it is hard to trie whe∣ther they doe truly come from that roote, or no, any Conscience haue slackned it selfe, and so be straied, and dissolued, and scattered, by this re∣mi••nesse, and vacillation, it ought rather to re∣collect it selfe, and returne to those first ingraf••ed principles, then in this dissolute and loose distra∣ction, to suffer an anxious perplexitie, or despe∣rately to arrest it selfe vpon that part, which their owne Rules giuen to reduce men in such deuiati∣ons, and settle them in su••h wauerings, cannot assure him to be well chosen, nor deliuer and ex∣tricate him, in those laborinths.

4 For, let the first roote and parent of all propositions in this matter of Obedience, be, that which we know by nature, That we must obay such a power, as can preserue vs in Peace and Religion, and that which wee find in Scr••ptures, Let euery Soule be subiect vnto your higher powers;* 1.645 And let vs drawe downe a Pedigree, and Genealogie of reasons and conclusions deriued from this. The eldest, and that to which most reuerence will belong, will be the Interpr••tation of the Fathers vpon this place,* 1.646 which is (as your owne men confesse,) That the Apostle speakes rather of Regall and Secular power, then of that which you call Ecclesiasticke.

5 Let vs then pursue the line, of which the first end is; Kings must be obeyed. It followes, Ther∣fore they must be able to commaund iustly; ther∣fore

they must haue some to enable and instruct them; therefore they must doe according to their instruction; therefore if they doe not, they are subiect to their corrections; therefore if they be incorrigible, they are no longer Kings; and there∣fore no subiect can sweare perpetuall Obedience, to his person, who by his owne fault, and his su∣periours Declaration, may growe to be no King.

6 Now, as no man can beleeue the last of these propositions, as roundly and constantly, as the first, because though it seeme to be the childe of the first, yet in it self, or in some of the meane parents by the way, there may be fallacies which may corrupt and abastard it; so is there no other certaine rule to trie it, but to returne to the first principles, and see if it consist with them. For if it destroy the first, it degenerates and rebels, and we may not adhere to it. And if the first may still consist without it, though this may seeme orderly and naturally deduced from thence, yet it imposes not so much necessity vpon vs, as the first doth; for that bindes vs peremptorily; this, as it is cir∣cumstanced and conditioned.

7 And though these circumstances giue it all the life it hath, so that to make it obligatory, or not so, depends vpon them, yet it is impossible to discerne those circumstances, or vnentangle our consciences by any of those Rules, which their Casuists vse to giue, who to stengthen the possessi∣on

of the Romane Church, haue bestowed more paines, to reach how strongly a conscience is bound to doe according to a Scruple, or a Doubt, or an Opinion, or an Errour, which it hath concei∣ued, then how it might depose that Scruple, or cleare that Doubt, or better that Opinion, or rectifie that Errour.

8 For, That we may at once lay open the in∣firmity, and insufficiency of their Rules, and apply the same to our present purpose; What vse and profite, can those Catholiques, which doubt whe∣ther they may take that Oath, make of that Rule, that they must follow in doubtfull points, that opinion which is most common and generall? For, though this be vnderstood of the opinion of such men as are intelligent and vnderstanding, and conuersant in the matter in question, yet oftentimes, amongst them, both sides say, This is the common opinion; and who can iudge it? Yea many circumstances change the common opinion:* 1.647 For (saies Azorius) it fals out often, that that which was not the common opinion a few yeares since now is; And that that which is the com∣mon opinion of Diuines in one Countrie, is not so in ano∣ther; As in Spaine and Italy, it is the common opi∣nion, That Latreia is due to the Crosse, which in France and Germany is not so. And Nauarrus s••ies, That at Rome,* 1.648 no man may say, that the Councell is a∣boue the Pope, nor at Paris, that the Pope is aboue the Councell. Which deuision also there is amongst

them, in a maine point which shakes their Do∣ctrine,* 1.649 of the Popes being immediately from God, since they cannot agree, Whether at the Popes death, his power remaine vpon the earth, or flie vp to heauen. He is a Catholique,* 1.650 and a temperate discreete Au∣thour, which notes, That the writings of Catholique men, haue something in them which must be allowed to the times when they writ, which being more diligently examined by them which follow, are found exorbitant from the soundnesse of faith: which hee speakes of those that denie, that the lawes of ciuill Magistrates doe bind the conscience.* 1.651 And after, ••peaking against them which thinke, That if we vndergoe the penaltie of ••he law, we do not sinne in the breach therof (he saies) it was the opinion of some Schoolemen, who thought it a glorious matter, and fit to raise them a name, to leaue the common and beaten wayes; hauing perchance a delight sawcily to prouoke, tognaw, to calumniate, & to draw in∣to hatred those powers and authorities which made those lawes.

8 And if of late daies, The opinion of refusing the Oath, become the more common opinion, it is vpon some of these circumst••nees, that at these times, when Catholiques are called to professe ciuill obedience, in this place, where Iesuites are in pos∣session of most hearts, to get reputation, or to a∣uile secular Magistracy, they haue suddenly made it the more common: for they can raise the Exchange in an howre, and aduance and crie downe an o∣pinion at their pleasure.

But to determine of mortall sinne (as the taking of this Oath must be, if it be matter enough to aduenture these dangers for it) the same Authour saies well,* 1.652 doth not so much appertaine, Ad pulpita Canonistarum, as it doth ad Cathedras Theologorum: and therefore it ought to be tried by the principles of Diuinity, not by the circumstanciall ragges of Casuists.

But, to goe forward with them, if this Common Opinion were certaine, and if it were possible to di∣scerne it, yet it doth not so binde vs, but that we may depart from it, when another opinion is sa∣fer: And from that opinion which is safer, wee may also in many cases depart. For which•• those examples, which Carbo a good Summist alleages, may giue vs satisfaction, which are,* 1.653 If I doubt of my title to land, I am not bound to restore it (though that were the safest way) because in doubtfull matters, Meli∣or est Conditio possidentis. And, but for this helpe, I wonder with what conscience, the Catholiques keepe the possession of such landes as belong to the Church; for they cannot be without some scru∣ples of an vniust title, and it were safest to restore thē. Another example in Carbo is, If my superior com∣mand a difficult thing, and I doubt whether he command lawfully or no, though it were safer to obey, yet I am not bound to doe so. And he giues a Rule, which will in∣clude a thousand examples, That that Rule, That the safest part is to be embraced, is then onely true, when

by following this safer part, there ensues no notorious de∣triment. And Soto extends this Doctrine farther, for he saies,* 1.654 Though yo•• beleeue the precept of your Superior to be iust (which creates Conscientiam Opinantem) yet you may doe against it: Because (saies he) it is then onely sinne to doe against your conscience, when to do ac∣cording to your conscience, is safe, and that no danger to the state, or to a third person, appeares therein. So that Tutius in a spirituall sense, that is, in a doubtfull mat∣ter rather to beleeue a thing to be sinne, then not, must yeelde to T••tius in a temporall sense, that is, when it may be done without notorious detriment; For when it comes to that, we shall finde it to be the common opinion of Casuists, which the same Summist de∣liuers, That there is no matter so waighty, wherein it is not lawfull for me, to follow an opinion that is probable, though I leaue the opinion which is more probable; yea though it concerne the right of another person: as in our case of obedience to the King or the Pope. And then, wheresoeuer I may lawfully follow an opinion to mine aduantage, if I will leaue that opinion with danger of my life or notorious losse, I am guilty of all the damage I suffer. For these circumstances make that Necessary to me then, which was indifferent before: the reasons vp∣pon which Carbo builds this Doctrine of follow∣ing a probable opinion, and leauing a more proba∣ble, which are, That no man is bound, Ad m••lius & per∣fectius, by necessity, but as by Counsell: And that this

Doctrine hath this commoditie, that it deliuers godly men, from the care and solicitude, of searching out, which is the more probable opinion•• shew euident∣ly, that these Rules giue no infallible direction to the conscience, and yet in this matter of Obedi∣ence, considering the first natiue certa••ntie of sub∣iection to the King, and then the damages by the refusall to sweare it, they encline much more to strengthen that ciuill obedience, then that other obedience which is plainly enough claimed, by this forbidding of the Oath.

So that in these perplexities, the Casuists are indeede,* 1.655 Nubes Testium: but not in that sense as the holy Ghost vsed the Metaphore. For they are such clouds of wi••nesses, as their testimonie obscures the whole matter. And they vse to de∣liuer no more, then may beget farther doubts, that so euery man may from the Oracle of his Con••fessors resolution, receiue such direction, as shall be fit at that time, when hee giues the aunswe••e•• Which Nauarrus expresses fully,* 1.656 when he confes∣ses, That hauing beene consulted fiftie yeares before, whether they who defrauded Princes in their customes, were bound to restitution, he once gaue an aunswere in writing: but haui••g recouered that writing backe a∣againe, he studied twentie yeares for his owne satisfacti∣on, and found no ground whereupon he might rest: And all that while he counsailed Confessors, to absolue th••ir penitents, vpon this condition: That they should retaine

a purpose to doe so, as they should vnderstand hereafter to be iust.

These spirituall Physitians are therefore like those Physitians, which vse to erect a figure, by that Minute in which the pat••ents Messenger comes to them, and ther••by giue their iudgment. For the Confessours in England, in such resolutions as these, consider first the Aspects, and Relations, and diuerse predominancies of Superiours at that time; and so make their determinations seasona∣ble•• and appropriate.

* 1.657But to insist more closely vpon this point in hand, your Simancha speaking out of the law, saies; That that witnesse which deposes any thing vpon his knowledge, must also declare and make it appeare, how he comes to that knowledge. And if it bee of a thing be∣longing to the vnderstanding, hee must make it appeare by what means, and instrument his vnderstanding was instructed. And that which he assignes for the reason, must be of that nature, that it must certainely, and nece∣ssarily conclude and prooue it. If then you will sub∣scribe with your blood, or testifie by incur••ing equiualent dangers, this Doctrine vpon your Knowledge, you must bee able to tell the Christian world, how you arri••'d to this Knowledge. If you will say,* 1.658 you haue it Ex Iure Diuino, and meane by that, out of the Scriptures, you must remember that you are bound by Oath neuer to accept nor in∣ter••rete Scriptures, but according to the vnanime con∣sent

of the Fathers. And can you produce such a consent, for the establishing this Doctrine, in in∣terpreting those places of Scripture, which are off••ed for this matter?* 1.659 If you extend this Ius Diui∣num, as Bellarmine doeth, not onely to Scriptures, but to Naturall light and reason, and the Law of Na∣ture, (in which he is no longer a Diuine, as he vses to professe himselfe, but a Canonist, who gaue this large interpretation of Ius Diuinum, whereas Di∣uines carie it no further,* 1.660 then to that which God hath commanded or forbidden, as Azorius tels vs) this can∣not bee so strong and constant, and inflexible a Rule, but that the diuers obiects of sense, and ima∣ges of the fancie, and wayes of discourse, will alter and vary it. For though the fi••st notions which wee haue by the light of nature are certaine, yet late conclusions deduced from thence are not so.

If you pretend common consent for your ground, and Criterium, by which you know this truth, and so giue it the name of Catholicke Doctrine, and say that Faith is to be bound to that, and Martyrdome to be indur'd for Faith, you must also remember, that that which is so call'd Catholicke, is not onely a common consent of all persons at one time, but of the Catholicke Church euer. For, Quod vbique, quod semper, is the measure of Catholicke Doctrine. And can you produce Authors of any elder times, then within sixe hundred yeares, to haue con∣curr'd in this?

And in these later times, is not that Squadron in which Nauarrus is, of persons and voyces e∣now, to infringe all reasons which are grounded vpon this vniuersall consent? He proclaimes confi∣dently, That the Pope,* 1.661 take him despoiled and naked, from all that which Princes haue bestowed vpon him, hath no tempo••all power, Neque supremam, neque me∣diam, neque infimam.* 1.662 Doe no•• some Catholiques con∣fesse, that they are readie to sweare to the integrity of the Romane faith, according to the Oath of the Councell of Trent, and yet pro••est against this temporall i••∣risdiction? And doth not another Catholique say, That when a lay man sweares Obedience to the Pope,* 1.663 according to that Oath of Pius the fourth, it must be re∣strained, in his vnderstanding, onely to his spiriuall po∣wer? Herein therefore is no vniuersall consent.

And are not they which seeme to maintaine this temporall power, so diuided amongst them∣selues, that in a mutinie, and ciuill dissention, they rather wound one another, then any third enemie, when they labour more, to o••erthrow the way, by which this temporall iurisdiction is claimed, then to establish the certaintie of the matter it selfe? And though such things as appeare to vs, euidently, and presently out of the Scriptures, binde our assent, and beleefe, though wee may dispute about the way and manner, (as no man denies the conception of our blessed Lady, though it be di∣sputed, whether shee were conceiued with origi∣nal

sinne, or without it) And though those things which appeare to vs out of the first intrinsique light of Nature and reason, claime the same authoritie in vs (as no man doubts whether he haue a soule or no, though many dispute whether ••e haue it by infusion from God, or by propagation from our parents) yet in things further remoued, and which are directed by more wheeles, and suggestion••, and deducements, we cannot know certainely e∣nough (for so great a vse, as to testifie them in this fashion, as we speake of) that they are, except we know first how, and in what manner they are. As if a man be conuented before a Iudge, ••especially when he is bound in conscience not to answere, except he be his competent Iudge, as you teach when Ec∣clesiastique persons are called to Secular tribunals) he cannot be sure that man is his competent Iudge except he know first, whether he haue that autho∣rity, as Ordinary, or by speciall Commission. Though therefore in this point in question, for a pious cre∣dulity, and generall intention to aduance the dig∣nity of the Church of Rome, a Catholique may haue an indigested and raw opinion, that this power is in the Pope, yet when he examines himselfe, and calls himselfe to account, he must first know how it is, before he can resolue, that it is. And though he may erre in the manner, by which he beleeeues it to be in him, yet certainely he must arest him∣selfe vpon some one of those waies, by which the

Pope is said to haue that Iurisdiction, or else hee doth not answere his conscience, that askes him how he knowes it? and if his conscience doe not aske him, he is in too drowsie and stupid a fit to be a Martyr.

Since therefore all his authority must be Direct or Indirect: Ordinary or Extraordinary: as he is Pope or not as he is Pope, whosoeuer will seale with his blood the auerment of this Iurisdiction, auerres one of these waies, how it comes to him: Which being so, he cannot iustly be called a Martyr; since he only is a Martyr, whom all the Churc•• estee••es to be so. And he which should die, for mainte∣nance of Direct power, should neuer be admitted into such a Martyrologe, as the fauourers of Indirect power should compile; nor these, into the other. And if two should come to execution together, vpon occasion of denying this Oath, of which one refused it, because hee thought the Pope Direct Lorde, the other Indirect, if they forbore hard words to one another at that time, doubtlesse in their consciences they would impute to one ano∣ther, the same errours, and the same falshoods, of which they inter-accuse one another in their bookes, and neither would beleeue the other to be a true Martyr. And might not a dispassioned and equal spectator apply to them both seuerally, that Rule of the law, That to that, which is forbidden to be had by one way, one may not be admitted by another?

Especially since a Lawyer which hath written on that side,* 1.664 takes the aduantage of this Rule, against Princes, when he saies, That they haue no Iurisdicti∣on vpon Clergie mens goods, because this were indirect∣ly, to haue iurisdiction vpon their persons, which being, saies he, forbidden to be had one way, may not be per∣mitted another. It was saide to Pompey, when hee wore such a scarfe about his legge, as Princes wore about their head, That it was all one in which place he wore the Diademe, and that his Ambition appeared equally in either. And so ought this indirect po∣wer, though it pretend more tamenesse, and mo∣destie, aue••t men, as much as the other: for Bel∣larmine can finde as good an Argument for Peters Supremacie,* 1.665 out of Christs washing his feete, as his ap∣pointing him to kill and eate, which is, saies hee, the office of the Head. So that from head to foote, all ar∣guments serue his turne.

But to turne a little back to this point of know∣ledge, since the conscience is by Aquinas his definiti∣on, Ordo scientiae ad aliquid,* 1.666 and an Act by which wee apply our knowledge to some particular thing, the Con∣science euer presumes Knowledge: and we may no••, (especially in so great dangers as these) doe any thing vpon Conscience, if we doe it not vpon ••now∣ledge. For it is not the Conscience it selfe that bindes vs,* 1.667 but that law which the Conscience takes knowledg•• of, and presents to our vnderstanding. And as no ••gno∣rance excuses vs i•• it be of a thing which wee ought

to know, and may attaine to: ••o no misconceiued knowledge bindes our conscience in these dan∣gers, if it be of a matter not pertinent to vs, or to which wee haue no such certaine way of attai∣ning, that we can iustly presume our Knowledge to be certaine.

For though in the questions raised by Schoole∣men of the Essence and Counsailes of God, and of the Creation, and fall, and Ministerie of Angels, and such other remoued matters, to the knowledge whereof, God hath affoorded vs no way of attai∣ning, a man may haue some such knowledge, or opinion, as may sway him in an indifferent acti∣on, by reasons of conueniencie, and with an ap∣parant Analogie, with other points of more eui∣dent certainty: yet no man may suffer any thing for these points, as for his Conscience, because, though he haue lighted vpon the truth, yet it was not by any certaine way, which God appointed for a constant and Ordinarie meanes to finde out that truth.

And if this refusall of the Oath, and implication of a power to depose the King, be a matter perti∣nent to vs, that we are bound to know it,* 1.668 (As all men in generall are bound to know the principles and e∣lements of the Christian faith, and the generall precepts of the law, And euery particular man is bound to know, those things which pertaine to his state and office) Then euery Subiect which doth not know this, is in an

inexcu••able and damnable ignorance; which was the case of as many, as did at first, or do yet, allow the taking of the oath•• Or if it be not so immediat to vs, as those principles of faith, or as the duties of euery particular man (for though we know natu∣rally that Princes must be obeyed, yet, you wil say, som cases may occur, in which we may not obay) then there must be some certaine way for vs to a••∣taine to the knowledge therof by discourse & in∣dustrie, if we may aduenture these dangers for it, and we may not aduenture them, till we haue by that industrie sought it out. For, if we shall say, that some things are to be held by a man,* 1.669 De fide, of which he shall still be vnder an inuincible ig∣norance, though he bestow and employ all pos∣sible diligence, (as it is said of Cyprian, that bee did erre in matter of faith, after he had vsed all possible in∣dustrie) then contrarie opinions in matter of faith may be iust ca••ses of Martyrdome, and yet one of these opinions must of necessitie bee Hereticall. For if Cyprian were vnder an inuincible ignorance, he was bound to doe according to his erroneous con∣science•• since he had no way to rectifie it. So that he must haue died for his Conscience in that case, that is, for such an opinion, as all his Aduersaries were bound to die for the con••rarie.

But since this seemes incongruous and absurd, the other opinion will stand safe and vncontrou∣led, that our Conscience, whose office is to apply

our knowledge to something, and to present to vs some law that bindes vs in that case, cannot binde vs to these heauy incommodities, for any matter, but that, which wee therefore beleeue that wee know, because there are certainely some meanes naturally and ordinarily prouided for the know∣ledge thereof; and that wee haue vsed those meanes.

Now, in a man, in whom there are all these iust preiudices and prescriptions, That Nature teaches him to bey him that can preserue him, That the Scriptures prouoke him to this obedience, That the Fathers inte••prete these Scriptures of Regall po∣wer, That subsequent acts, and Experience teaches, Regall power to be sufficient for that end; what can arise, strong enough to defeate all these, or plant a knowledge contrary to this, by any euidence so neere the first Principles, as this is grounded vpon?

If it were possible that any thing could be pro∣duced at last, by which all these rea••ons should be destroyed, yet, till that were done (which is not yet done) both the priority and birthright of the ••easons and rules of nature, which are on that side (for Rules are elder then the excep••ion) and the dangers which would ouertake, and entrap•• and depresse such as refused the Oath, must preuaile against any thing yet appearing on this part: for thus farr the Casuists agree, as in the better opinion,

That although th••t which they cal Metum iustum, which is, such a feare as may fall vpon a constant man, and yet not remoue his habite of Constancy, doth not ex∣cuse a man from doing any Euil, yet that is meant of such an Euill, as is Euill naturally, and accompa∣nied with all his circumstances: for, though no such feare can excuse me in an absolute deniall to restore any thing, w••ich w••s committed to my trust, yet I maybe excused f••om deliuering a sword committed to me, if I haue s••ch a iust feare, that the owner will therewith offend me or another. And th••y account not onely the feare of death, to be this iust feare, which may excuse in transgressi∣ons, in any thing which is not naturally euill, but the feare of Torture, Imprisonment, Exile, Bondage, Losse of temporall goods, or the greater part thereof, or infamy, and dishonour. And not onely when these are imminent vppon our selues, but vppon our wiues and children: And not onely when a law hath directly pronounced them, but when the State threatens them, that is, is exasperated and likely to p••oceed to t••ese inflictions. And though Canonists are more seuere and rigid in the obserua∣tion of thei•• lawe, yet the common opinion of Diuines is, That this iust feare excuses a man from the breaking of any humane lawe, whether Civill or Eccle∣siastique: an•• that none of those lawes binde vs to the obseruation therof, in danger of death, or these distresses, except in this case, that these punishments

are threatned to vs, because we will not breake the law in contempt and despite of that authority, which made the law: for then no feare can excuse vs, because the obedience to Superiour authority in general; is morall and naturall; and therefore the power it selfe may not be contemned; though in case of this iust feare, I may lawfully thinke, that that po∣wer which made the law, meant not to binde me in particular, in these heauy inconueniences.

To apply this to our present purpose, since this Oath is not Naturally Euill, so as no circumstance can make it good (for then, it would haue appear∣ed so at first, and the Pope himselfe could by no Iudult or Dispensation tolerate it, which, I thinke, they will not say) nor offered in contempt of the Church of Rome, or in such sort as it should be a signe of returning to our Religion, or abandoning the Romane profe••sion, but onely for the Princes se∣curity, certainely though the refusall thereof were commanded by any law of humane constituti∣on, and so it became Euill because it was Forbid∣den, yet in these afflictions certainely to be endu∣red by the letter of an expresse law, by euery Refu∣ser, and in this bitternesse and exasperation of the whole State, against that whole Partie, and the cause of Catholiques, the taking of the Oath were so excusable, as the refusing thereof could not be excused. For in such a iust Feare, euen Diuine Posi∣tiue Law looses her hold and obligation, of which

sort ••n••egrity of Confession is by all helde to be;* 1.670 and yet such sinnes may be omitted in confession, as would either Scandalize the Confessor, Endanger the penitent, or Defame a third person. In which the Casuists are so generally concurrent, that wee neede no particular authorities.

And in the matter of the greatest importance, which can be in that Church, which is the Electi∣on of the Pope, and an assurance, that he whom they acknowledge for Pope, is true Pope, which Comitolius (a Iesuite as much more peremptorie then the rest of the Iesuites, as they are aboue all other Friars) sayes, a 1.671 To be an Article of Faith, and that we are bound to beleeue the present Pope to bee Christs Vicar, with a Diuine and with a Catholicke Faith, and that all Decrees of Popes, which annull all Elections, if they appeare after, to haue beene made by Simonie, intend no more, but to declare that GOD will neuer suffer that to bee done, or discouer it pre∣sently (in which opinion, that matter of fact, should so binde our Faith, hee is (for any thing which I remember to haue read) singular, and I had occasion before to name b 1.672 one grea•• Do∣ctor of his owne Religion, directly contrarie to him in the very point.) In these Elections, I say, which induce (by his Doctrine) a Diuine ••aith, and necessarily, such a probable, and morall certitude, that it were sinne in them, who are vnder the obedience of that Church, not to obey

the iust Decrees of the present Pope, or quarrell at his Election•• The Councell of Constance, (as c 1.673 ano∣ther Iesuite vrges it) hath decreed that this iust feare of which we speake, Doth make voide any such Election of the Pope. And that, If after the Cardinals are deliuered of that feare, which possessed them at the Election, they then ratifie and confirme that Pope, yet he is no Pope, but the Election voide: So farre doeth this iust feare (which cannot be denied to bee in your case) extend, and vpon so solemne, and solid Acts, and Decrees is it able to worke, and pro∣uide vs a iust excuse for transgressing thereof.

And in a matter little different from our case, Azorius giues the resolution; That if an hereticall Prince commaunds his Catholicke Subiectes to goe to Church, vpon paine of death or losse of goods, if hee doe this onely because he will haue his Lawes obeyed, and not to make it Symbolum Hereticae prauitatis, nor haue a purpose to discerne therby Catholickes from Hereticks, they may obey it. And the case in question fals di∣rectly and fully within the rule: For this Oath is not offred as a Symbole or ••oken of our Religion, nor to distinguish Papists from Protestants, but onely for a Declaration and Preseruation of such as are well affected in Ciuill Obedience, from others which either haue a rebellious and treacherous disposition already, or may decline and sinke in∣to i••, if they bee not vphelde and arrested with such a helpe, as an Oath to the contrary. And ther∣fore

by all the former Rules of iust feare & this last of Azorius, though there were an euident prohi∣bitory act, against the taking of the Oath, yet it might, yea it ought to be taken•• For, agreeable to this, Tolet cyte•• Caietans opinion, with allowance and commendations,* 1.674 That the Declaration of the Church, that subiects may not adhere to their King, if he be excommunicated, extends not to them, if thereby they be brought into feare of their liues,* 1.675 or losse of their goods. For in Capitall matters, saies your great Syn∣dicator, it is lawfull to redeeme the life, per fas & nefas. which must not haue a wicked interpretation; and therefore must be meant, whether with, or a∣gainst any humane lawes; which he speakes out of the strength and resultance of many lawes and Canons there alleadged. And therfore it can neuer come to be matter of Faith, that subiects may de∣part from their Prince, if this iust feare may excuse vs from obeying, as these Authors teach; for that neuer deliuers vs in matters of so strong obligati∣on as matter of Faith, from which no feare can excuse our departing.

To conclude therefore this Chapter, since later propositions, either Adulterine, or Suspicious, cannot haue equall authority, and credite, with the first, and radicall trueth, much lesse blot out those certaine and euident Anticipations imprin∣ted by nature, and illustrated by Scriptures, for ci∣uill obedience, since the Rules of the Casuists ••or

electing opinions in cases of Doubt, and perplexity are vncertaine and flexible, to both sides, since that Conscience, which we must defend with our liues, must be grounded vpon such things, as wee may, and doe not onely know, but know how we know them, since these iust feares of drawing scan∣dall vpon the whole cause, and afflictions vpon euery particular Refuser, might excuse the trans∣gression of a direct law, which had all her forma∣lities, much more any opinions of Doctors or Ca∣nonists, I hope we may now pronounce, That it is the safest, in both acceptations, both of spirituall sa∣fety, and Temporall, and in both Tribunals, as well of conscience, as of ciuill Iustice, to take the Oath.

CHAP. IX. That the authority which is imagined to be in the Pope, as he is spirituall Prince, of the Monarchy of the Church, cannot lay this Obligation vpon their Consciences: first because the Do∣ctrine it selfe is not certaine, nor presented as matter of faith: Secondly because the way by which it is conueyed to them, is su∣spitious and dangerous, being but by Cardinall Bellarmine, who is various in himselfe, and reproued by other Catholiques of e∣quall dignity, and estimation.

WEe may bee bold to say, that there is much iniquity, and many degrees of Tyranny, in establishing so absolute and transcendent a spiritual Monarchy,

by them, who abhorre Monarchy so much, that though one of their greatest Doctors, to the dan∣ger of all Kings, say, a 1.676 That the Pope might, if hee thought it expedient, constraine all Christians to create one temporall Monarch ouer all the world: yet they al∣low no other Christian Monarchy vpon Earth, so pure and absolute, but that it must confesse some subiection and dependencie. The contrarie to which b 1.677 Bellarmine saies, is Hereticall; And yet there is no Definition of the Church, which should make it so. And hereby they make Baptisme in respect of Soueraintie, to bee no better then the bodie in re∣spect of the soule. For, as the bodie by inhaerent corruption vitiates the pure and innocent soule, so they accuse Baptisme to cast an Originall serui∣tude and frailtie vpon Soueraintie: which, hauing beene strong and able to doe all Kingly offices be∣fore, contracts by this Baptisme a debilitie and im∣perfection, and makes Kings, which before had their Lieutenancie and Vicariate from God, but Magistrates and Vicars to his Vicar, and so makes their Patents the worse by renewing & confirming.

2 Nor doe they only denie Monarchie to Kings of the Earth, but they change the state and forme of gouernment in heauen it selfe; and ioyne in Commission with God, some such persons, as they are so farre from beeing sure that they are there, that they are not sure, that euer they were heere. For their excuse, that none of those inuocations

which are vsed in that Church, are so directly in∣tended vpon the Saints, but that they may haue a lawfull interpretation, is not sufficient. For words appointed for such vses, must not only be so conditioned, that they may haue a good sense, but so, that they may haue no ill. So that to say, That God hath reserued to himselfe the Court of Iustice, but giuen to his Mother, the Court of Mercie, And that a a 1.678 desperate sicke person was cured by our Lady, when he had no hope in Physitians, nor much in God, howso∣euer subtill men may distill out of them a whole∣some sense, yet vulgarly and ordinarily they beget a beliefe, or at least a blinde practise derogatorie to the Maiestie, and Monarchie of God.

3 But for this spirituall Monarchie which they haue fansied, I thinke, that as some men haue imagined, and produced into writing, diuers Idae∣as, and so sought what a King, a Generall, an Ora∣tour, a Courtier should be, So these men haue only Idaeated what a Pope would be. For if he could come to a true and reall exercise of all that power which they attribute to him, I doubt not, but that Angell,* 1.679 which hath so long serued in the place of being the particular Assistant in the Conclaue, (for, since they affoord a particular Tutelar Angell to euerie Colledge and Corporation, And a 1.680 to the race of Flyes and of Fleas, and of Ants, since they allowe such an Angell b 1.681 to euery Infidell Kingdome, c 1.682 yea to Antichrist, d 1.683 yea to Hell it selfe, it were verie vne∣quall

to denie one to this place,) This Angell, I say, would be glad of the roome, and become a Suiter to the holy Ghost, to name him in the next Conclaue. For he should not onely enlarge his Di∣ocesse, and haue all the lower world vnder him, but hee shall haue those two principall Seraphins which euer attend the Pope,* 1.684 Michael, and Gabriel; (for, that Gabriel is the second, Victorellus produ∣ces two very equall witnesses,* 1.685 The Romane Lita∣nie, and Tassoes Hierusalem.) And all the particu∣lar Angels of all spirituall Societies;* 1.686 And (because also (as he saies) he is Temporall Lord) all the Arch∣angels, and Principalities, which gouerne particular estates, ••hall concur to his Guard and assistance.

4 As Nero had an officer A voluptatibus, So, it seemes, haue the Popes, A titulis. And flatterers haue alwaies a Complacencie and Delight in themselues, if they can bestow a stile and Title vp∣on a great Prince, because therein they think they contribute somthing to his greatnesse; since Ce∣remonie is a maine part of Greatnesse, and Title, a great part of that. And now they had obserued, that all the chiefe Titles of the Pope had been at∣tributed to others, and were in their Na••ure and vse communicable;* 1.687 For all the Apostles, and all the Disciples of Christ, are called Vicarij Christi; And this name will not serue his turne, if it were peculiar to himselfe. For, as his Victoria teaches vs, a 1.688 This Vicariate doth not enable him to doe all thinges which

are not expresly forbidden him (as some doe thinke) but onely such things as are expresly graunted vnto him, and therefore his claime by that Title will be too strict. And the name of Vniuersall Bishop, was gi∣uen to Cyprian,* 1.689 when hee was stiled, Totius orbis Praeses. And in that sense it may iustly bee giuen; For as a Physician or Chyrurgion, which hath taken into his Cure any one part of a mans body, either corrupted, or in danger of being so, may iustly be said to looke to, and preserue the body of such a man; So that Bishop which gouernes well one Church, is therein a Bishop of the whole Church, & benefits the whole mystical body therof, by rea∣son of the strong relation, & indissoluble cōnexion of all the parts, with one another, and to the head.

5 And for that stile of Pontifex Maximus, which either is not due to the Pope, or else is so sublime and transcendant a name,* 1.690 as Bellarmine could bring it within no Rule nor Predicament, when hee makes vp the Canon of the Popes fif∣teene Titles, by all and euery one of which, hee sayes, his Primacie is euidently collected;* 1.691 They saw it giuen to At••ana••ius, in Ruffinus. And the name of Pope was so communicated, that not onely euery Bi∣shop was called a Pope,* 1.692 but Cyprian, The Pope. Quem Christiani suum Papam vocant. In the estimation of which name, they haue often fluctuated and wa••uered. For,* 1.693 almost for nine hundred yeeres, they affoorded it to all: Then they restrain'd it to the

Bishops of Rome, to which purpose a 1.694 Biel vpon the Canon of the Masse, cites diuers Canons, though farre from the matter.

6 And euer since the Reformation of the Church was couragiously begun, and prosperously and blessedly prosecuted, they hauing beene call'd Pa∣pists for their implicite relying vpon the Pope, lest their owne Argument against vs,* 1.695 That to bee deno∣minate from any person, is a marke of Heresie, should be retorted vpon themselues, they haue in all De∣dications and publike Acts, as much as they can, forborne, and declin'd that name Pope, and still vsurped, Summus Pontifex, and Pontifex Maximus. And yet being stil vrged and followed, and hauing no escape, but that the name of ••apists, stickes to them, and by their Rules imprints some markes of Heresie;* 1.696 though Bellarmine, a little ashamed of the name Papist, say; That onely the Lutherans, and a few neighbour Countreyes call them so: Yet that late Carmelite that hath defended Lypsius, sayes confi∣dently. a 1.697 We are Papists; we confesse it; and b 1.698 we glory in that Name.

7 And this name of Pope, they are the rather content to take to him againe•• because they thinke that we grudge him that name.* 1.699 For so that Coun∣cellour of the Parliament of Burdeaux, which in his Historie of the progresse and decay of Heresie, hath ta∣ken occasion to speake of the affaires of England, in which, because no man should doubt of the

trueth therof, he pro••esses to follow Sanders, and Ribadene••ra, (by whome a Morall man may as well be instructed for matter of Fact, as a Christi∣an might be by Arrius or Mahomet, for his Faith) sayes, That Henrie the ••ight, made it Felonie to call the holy Father Pope, or to reade that name in any Booke, and not to blot it out.

8 Hauing therefore found such easinesse, and flexibility in all olde Names, they haue pro∣uided him now of this name spirituall Prince; in a larger sense, then that great Prince, whom they call Praeste-gian assumes it (for that name signifies Apostolique,* 1.700 and Christs Vicegerent, in his owne king∣domes) or then Christ himself euer assumed, or the Holy Ghost, by the Prophet Esay,* 1.701 reckoning vp his most glorious titles, euer attributed to him; and yet in that place of Esay, both his eternall King∣dome by his filiation, and his euerlasting King∣dome of glory, inchoated in his resurrection, and his Kingdome of grace in our consciences, are e∣uidently to bee discerned: For, though there be mention o•• Principality, yet it is said, Principatus su∣per humerum eius,* 1.702 which your Doctor expounds of carying the Crosse; and that he shall be Princeps pa∣cis, which is Intrinsicall, ••aies the same Expositor & belonges to the Conscience. But this Doctrine which must so settle and affirme a Catholique conscience, that it must binde him to die, and en∣title him to Martyrdome, hath no touch, nor tin∣cture

of either of these Principalities, of Patience, or of Peace; bu•• all therein is Anger and Warre, not onely with that sword of two edges, of the Word and Censures, which is his, but with two swords; which now we shall see how he claimes.

9 The Pope represents Christ to vs (saies Bellar∣mine) as he was,* 1.703 whilst he liued amongst men: nor can we attribute to the Pope any other office, then Christ had•• as he was a mortall man. And in t••is Capacitie, saies he,* 1.704 Christ neither had the execution, nor the power of any temporall Kingdome.* 1.705 And that therefore, if the Pope, as a King, can take from any King the execution of his place,* 1.706 he is greater then Christ; and if he cannot, then he hath no Regall power. Thus hee disputes a∣gainst those which entitle the Pope to a Direct, and Ordinary Iurisdiction ouer Prin••es.

10 And the same reasons and groundes, by which he destroies that opinion, will destroy his; which is,* 1.707 That as Christ was, so the Pope is, spirituall prince, ouer all men, and that by vertue of that power, he may dispose of all temporall things, as hee shall iudge it expedient to his spirituall ends.

11 For first, against that opinion of Ordinarie Iurisdiction hee argues thus;* 1.708 If it were so, it would appeare out of the Scriptures, or from the Tradition of the Apostles: but in the Scriptures, there is mention of the keyes of Heauen, but none of the Kingdomes of the earth; nor doe our Aduersaries offer any Apostolique Tradition. Will not you then, before you receiue

too deepe impression of Bellarmines doctrine, as to pay your liues for maintenance thereof, tell him, That if his opinion were true, it would ap∣peare in Scripture, or Apostolique tr••dition? And shal poore and lame, and ••lacke arguments coniectu∣rally and vnnecessarily deduced from similitudes and comparisons, and decency, and conueniency binde your iudgements, and your liues, for reue∣rence of him, who by his example counsels you, to cal for better proof? wil you so, in obeying him, disobey him, & swallow his conclusions, & yet ac∣cuse his fashiō of prouing them? which you do, if when he cals for scriptures against others, you a••∣cept his positions for his sake, without scriptures.

12 Another of Bellarmines reasons against Or∣dinary Iurisdiction, is, That Regall authority was no•• necessary nor of vse in Christ to worke his end,* 1.709 but s••∣perfluous and vnprofitable. And what greater vse, or necessity can the Pope haue of this Extraordina∣rie authority (which is a power to work the same effects, though not by the same way) then Christ had, if his ends be the same which Christs were? and it appeares that Christ neither had, nor forsaw vse of either, because he neither exercised nor insti∣stuted either. For, that is not to the purpo••e, which Bellarmine saies, that Christ might haue exerci∣sed that power if he would,* 1.710 since the Popes authority is grounded vpon Christs example; and limited to that: For Christ might haue done many thinges

which the Pope cannot do; as conuerting all the world at once, instituting more sacraments, and many such:* 1.711 and therefore Bellarmine argued well before, that it is enough for him to proue, that Christ did not exercise Regall power, nor declare himselfe to haue it which Declarion onely, and practise, must be dra∣wen into Consequence, and be the precedent for the Pope to follow.

16 The light of which Argument, that the Pope hath no power, but such as Christ exercised, hath brought so many of them to thinke it necessarie to proue That both Christ did exercise Regall aut••ori∣ty in accepting Regall reuerence vpon Palme-Sunday, and in his corrections in the temple, And his iudgement in the womans case which was taken in Adulterie.* 1.712 And that S. Peter vsed also the like power, in condemning Ananias and Saphira, and Simon Magus.

14 In another place Bellarmine saies, That S. Paul appealed to Caesar,* 1.713 as to his Superiour Iudge, not onely de facto, but de Iure; and that the Apostles were subiects to the Ethnique Emperours, in all temporall causes, and that the law of Christ, depriues no man of his right, which he had before. And lately in his Recog∣nitions he departs from this opinion, and denies that he was his Iudge, de Iure. If his first opinion be true, can these consist together, that he which is subiect in temporal causes, can at the same time and in the same causes be superiour? Or that he ouer whom the Emperour had supreame tempo∣rall

authority, should haue authority ouer the Emperour in temporall causes? and what is there in the second opinion, that should induce so strong an Obligation vpon a conscience, as to die for it; Since the first was better grounded (for, for that he produ••ed Scriptures) and the second is de••titute of that helpe, and without further sear••h into it, tels vs, that neither the Doctrine, nor the Doctor are constant enough to build a Mar••yre∣dome vpon.

15 Thus also Bellarmine argues, to our aduan∣tage (though he doe it to proue a necessity of this power in the Church) that euery Common-wealth is sufficiently prouided in it selfe,* 1.714 to attaine the end, for which it is instituted. And, as we said before, the end of a Christian Common-wealth, is not onely Tranquility (for that sometimes may be main∣••ained by vnchristianly meanes) but it is the pra∣ctise of all morall vertue, now explicated to vs, and obserued by vs, in the exercise of Christian Religion; and therfore such a Common-wealth hath of it selfe, all meanes necessary to those ends, without new additions: as a man consisting of bodie and soule, if he come from Infidelity to the Christian Religion, hath no new third essen••iall p••rt added to him, to gouerne that body, and soule, but onely hath the same soule enlightned with a more explici••e knowledge of her duety.

* 1.71516 B••llar••ine also tels vs, That in the Apostles

time, these two powers were seperated, and ••o all the Temporall was in the Emperour, as all the Ecclesi∣asticke in the Apostles and that Hierarchie. By what way then, and at what time came this Au∣thoritie into them, if it were once out? For, to say, that it sprong out of Spirituall Authoritie, when there was any vse of it, were to say, that that Au∣thoritie at Christs institution had not all her perfe∣ctions and maturity, and to say, that it is no o∣ther but the highest act, and a kinde of prerogatiue of the spirituall power, will not reach home•• For you must beleeue and die in this, that the Pope as spirituall Prince, may not onely dispose of tempo∣rall matters, but that herein hee vses the temporall sword, and temporall iurisdiction.

17 But when Bellarmine saies,* 1.716 That this supreme authority resides in the Pope, yet not as he is Pope, And that the Pope, and none but he, can ••epose Kings, and transfer Kingdomes, and yet, not as Pope, I pro••esse that I know not, how to speake thereof with so much earnestnesse, as becomes a matter of so great waight. For other Princes, when they ex∣ercise their extraordinarie and Absolute power, and prerogatiue, and for the publique good put in practise sometimes some of those parts of their power,* 1.717 which are spoken of in Samuel, (which to many men seeme to exceede Regall p••we••) yet they professe to doe these things as they are Kings, and not by any other authoritie then that.

18 And if there be some things which the Pope cannot doe as Pope, but as chiefe spirituall Prince, this implies that there are other inferiour spirituall Princes, which are Bishops: (for so Bellarmine saies, That Bishops in their Diocesses are Ecclesiastique Princes.* 1.718) And haue Bishops any such measure of this spirituall principality, that they may do somthings by that, which they cannot doe, as they are Bi∣shops••

19 All Principalities maintaine their being by these two, reward, & punishment. How lame then and vnperfect is this spirituall principality, which can affoord but one halfe? For it is onely then of vse, when the Pope will punish, and correct a King, by Deposing him: for all Rewards & Indul∣gences in this life, and in the next, hee conferres and bestowes, as hee is Pope, and needes not this Title, to doe any good which is in his power. And for corrections and punishments, all which we are sure he can lawfully doe, which is, to in∣flict Church censures, vpon those who are vnder his spirituall obedience, he doth as he is Pope, and needes not this principalitie for that vse neither.

20 But for irregular actions, and such as oc∣casion tumult and sedition,* 1.719 he must be a spirituall Prince. For, sayes Bellarmine, Though the Pope as he is president of a generall Councell, (and he is that, as he is Pope) ought to follow the greatest number of voy∣ces in making Decrees•• yet as he is chiefe Prince, hee is

not bound to doe so, but may follow the lesser number. And yet scarse constant to himselfe, he sayes, That this libertie belongs to the Pope, because he hath the assi∣stance of the holy Ghost: Now the Pope, as Pope, hath the assistance of the holy Ghost, (for else his Determination in Ca••hedra, in matters of faith, were not by his Ordinarie, and Direct power,) and therefore as Pope hee may follow the fewer voyces in a Councell, and as Pope (or no way) he may depose Princes.

21 For as, though they seeme to place more power,* 1.720 or dignitie, in Pontificatu, then in Aposto∣latu, because the Popes date their Rescripts, from the time of their Election to their Coronation, thus, Anno Apostolatus primo, &c. and seale but with halfe the seale, but after their Coronation, they begin to call their gouernment Pontificatum: yet all the authority which they haue, is certainly in them from their•• Election, because saies the glosse, that conferres praesulatum: so they haue fancied & ima∣gined a Principatum aboue all these, yet certainly all the authoritie they haue, is as they are Popes. Which serued them to doe mischiefe enough, be∣fore this title was inuented. And to say, that they haue authoritie, as they are Popes, to doe some acts, as they are not Popes, is such a darke, and mi∣stie, and drowsie Doctrine, as it is the fittest and most proportionall Martyrdome in this businesse, for a man to dreame that he died for it.

22 For it is strange that the••e men can dis∣cerne and distinguish in the same office, betweene the Pope, and a spirituall Prince, when as Philip the last King of Spaine, could not distinguish be∣tweene the Person and the Office of the Pope•• for being in so much forwardnesse, that he had giuen the D. of Alua Order to besiege Rome, because Paul the fourth had brought into Italy an Armie of French, to infest the Kingdome of Naples, and be∣ing solicited by the Venetians, to desist from offen∣ding the Pope, though hee aunswered, That his preparations were not against the Pope, but against Pe∣ter Caraffa his subiect, and a Rebell, yet when the Ve∣netians replied,* 1.721 that if he could seperate Caraffa from the Pope, they would intercede no farther, else they would giue the Pope their assistance, the King, saies a Catholique writer, gaue ouer, because he saw it im∣possible to distinguish them.

23 And as the Doctrine it sel••e is too inexpli∣cable, for any man to aduenture thereupon his li••e, or such dangers as the lawe esteemes equiua∣lent to this purpose, which are, all such damages as induce a iust feare: So is the Channell and way by which it is deriued to vs, so various, and muddy, as that also should retard any man, from such a Preiudice, and such an Anticipation of the reso∣lution of the Church herein as it is, to seale with life, that which no man yet knowes, how the Church will determine. For, in Bellarmine, who

hath got the reputa••ion to be the principall of t••is faction (though I confesse he found the foundati∣on of it, and his best Arguments for it, in our Countriman Sanders, out of whom and Stapleton and a few more, that Church hath receiued more strength, then from the late writers of all other Nations,) his authority and credit is not onely infirmed and impaired, in that, Baronius, a man of as much merit of the Church, and rewarded by her, with the same Dignitie, is of a contrarie o∣pinion, but also, because auerring, that his opinion is the opinion of the Diuines, and the other onely of Ca∣nonists, Diuines themselues, (for such Baronius and Bozius are) haue more then others oppugned it.

24 And so that new Order of the Congregati∣on, of which both they are, beeing (as I said be∣fore) laid for a stumbling block, that the world, which in such a rage of Deuotion ranne towards the Iesuites, might be arrested a lit••le vpon the con∣templation of an Order which professed Church-knowledge, as the other did state-knowledge, hath ex∣ceeded the Iesuites in their owne Art, of flattering and magnifying the Pope. For they haue main∣tained his Direct and Ordinarie power, whereas the other haue but prouided him a new and spe∣cio••s Title.* 1.722 And so not only such as Carerius layes the imputation of Impious Politician vpon Bellar∣mine and all his followers in this point, And bit∣terly Anathmatises Bellarmine by name, and main∣taines

this power to be in the Pope,* 1.723 either as Pope, or not as Christs Vicar,* 1.724 But Bozius also calls these men nouos Theologos, and sayes,* 1.725 They teach doctrine eui∣dently false, and such as fights against all Truth. And another Catholique writer,* 1.726 though hee impugne both these opinions, of Bellarmine, and Baronius, yet he protests, that the opinion which Bellarmine calls the Canonists opinion, is the more probable, and defensible: because, saies hee, that opinion is not against the order of Nature, that the Pope should ex∣ercise such a power, which they maintaine to be directly granted to him: but that opinion, which they call the Diuines opinion, is against Nature, since it admits the exercise of such an Authority, as is neither by name granted, nor necessarie to the ends of the Church: And therefore, saies this Catholique, though the Diuines ouerthrow the Canonists, yet they proue not their owne opinion.* 1.727 And in another place he saies, That though Bellarmine haue giuen as much to the Pope, as honestly he could, and more then he should haue done, yet he was so farre from satisfying the Pope herein, that for this opinion the Pope was very neere condemning all his workes, as, saies he, the Iesuites themselues, haue tolde mee.

25 VVhich disposition of enclining to the Canonists opinion, appeares still in the Popes, who accept so well the bookes of that purpose, that the greatest part of those Authors, which I haue cited in this booke, of that matter, are dedicated

to the late Popes. So that, that Doctrine, which is so much denied in the substance and Essence ther∣of, that all wayes of the existence thereof are pe∣remptorily denied, hath not yet receaued conco∣xions enow from the Church, to nourish a con∣science to such a strength, as Martyrdome requires. For that, which their great Doctor Franciscus a Vi∣ctoria pronounces against his direct Authoritie,* 1.728 we may as safely say against that & the indirect, This is the strongest proo••e that can be against him, This Authority is not proued to be in the Pope,* 1.729 by any meanes, and therefore he hath it not. To which pur∣pose he had directly said before, of the direct Au∣thoritie, It is manifestly false, although they say that it is manifestly true; And I beleeue it to be a meere deuise, on∣ly to flatter the Popes. And it is altogether fained, with∣out probability, Reason, Witnesse, Scripture, Father, or Diuine. Onely some Glossers of the law, poore in for∣tune and learning, haue bestowed this authority vpon them. And therefore, as that Ermit which was fed in the Desert by an Angell,* 1.730 receaued from the An∣gell withered grapes, when hee said his prayers, after the due time, and ripe grapes when he obser∣ued the iust time, but wilde sower grapes when he preuented the time, so must that hasty and vn∣seasonable obedience to the Church, to die for her Doctrine, before she her selfe knowes what it is, haue but a sower and vnpleasant reward.

CHAP. X. That the Canons can giue them no warrant, to aduenture these dangers, for this refusall: And that the reuerend name of Ca∣nons, is falsly, and cautelously insinuated, and stolne vpon the whole body of the Canon law, with a briefe Consideration vpon all the bookes thereof; and a particular suruay, of all those Ca∣nons, which are ordinarily cyted by those Authours, which maintaine this temporall Iurisdiction in the Pope.

TO this spirituall Prince, of whom we spoke in the former Chapter, the huge and vast bookes of the Canon law, serue for his Guarde. For they are great bo∣dies loaded with diuers weapons of Excommunica∣tions, Anathems, and Interdicts, but are seldome dra∣wen to any presse or close fight. And as with tem∣porall Princes, the danger is come very neere his per∣son, if the remedie lie in his guard, so is also this spi∣rituall Prince brought to a neere exigent, if his title to depose Princes must be defended by the Canons. For, in this spirituall warre which the Reformed Churches vnder the conduct of the Holy Ghost, haue vndertaken against Rome, not to destroy her, but to reduce her to that obedience, from which at first she vnaduisedly strayed, but now stubborn∣ly rebels against it, the Canon law serues rather to stoppe a breach, into which men vse to cast as wel straw and Feathers, as Timber and Stone, then to

maintaine a fight and battell.

2 This I speake not to diminish the Reue∣rence or slacken the obligation which belongs to the ancient Canons and Decrees of the Church; but that the name may not deceiue vs;* 1.731 For, as the heretiques Vrsalius, and Valens, got together a com∣pany at Nice, because they would establish their Heresies, vnder the name of a Nicene Councell, (which had euer so much reputation, that all was readily receiued, which was truely offered vnder that name) so is most pestilent and infectious do∣ctrine, conuayed to vs, vnder the reuerend name of Ecclesiastique Canons.

3 The body of the Canon law, which was called Codex Canonum, which contained the De∣crees of certaine auncient Councels, was vsually produced in after-Councels for their direction, and by the intreaty of popes, admitted and incorpora∣ted into the body of the Romane and Imperiall law; and euer in all causes, wherein they had gi∣uen any Decision, it was iudg'd according to them, after the Emperours had by such admittance gi∣uen them that strength.

4 And if the body of that law, were but gro∣wen and swelled, if this were a Grauidnes, & Preg∣nancy which she had conceiued of General Councels lawfully called, and lawfully proceeded in, and so she had brought forth children louing and profi∣table to the publique, and not onely to the Mother,

(for how many Canons are made onely in fauour of the Canons?) all Christian Princes would be as inclinable to g••ue her strength, and dignity, by incorporating her into their lawes, and authori∣sing her thereby, as some of the Emperours were. And had the Bishops of Rome maintained that pu∣rity, and integrity of Doctrine,* 1.732 and that compa∣tiblenesse with Princes, which gaue them autho∣rity at first, when the Emperours conceiued so well of that Church, as they bound their faith to the faith thereof (which they might boldly doe at that time) perchance Princes would not haue re∣fused, that the adiections of those later Popes should haue beene admitted as parts of the Canon law: nor should the Church haue beene pestred, and poisoned with these tumors, & excrescenges, with which it abounds at this time, and swelles daily with new additions.

5 In which, if there bee any thinge which bindes our faith, and deriues vppon vs a Title to Martyrdome, if we die in defence thereof (as there are many things deriued from Scriptures and Ob∣ligatory Councels) the strength of that band rises so much from the nature of the thing, or from the goodnesse of the soile, from which it was trans∣planted to that place, that though we might be Martyrs, if we defended it in that respect, yet wee should loose that benefit, though it be an euident and Christian truth, if we defend it vpon that rea∣son,

That it is by approbation of the ••ope inserted into the body of the Canon law; which is a Satyr, and Mis∣cellany of diuers and ill digested Ingredients.

6 The first part whereof, which is the Decre∣tum compiled by Gratian, which hath beene in vse aboue foure hundred yeares, is so diseased and cor∣rupt a member thereof, that all the Medicines, which the learned Archbishop Augustinus, applied to it, and all that the seuerall Commissioners, first by Pius the fift, then by Gregory the thirteenth, haue pra∣ctised vpon it, haue not brought it to any state of perfect health, nor any degree of conualescence.

7 But though that Bishop say,* 1.733 That Gratian is not worthy of many words, though in his dispraise, yet because he tels vs,* 1.734 That the ignorant admire him, though the Learned laugh at him; And because hee is accounted so great a part of the Canon Law, as euen the Decretall Epistles of the Popes are call'd, Extra, in respect of him, as being out of the Canon Law, it shall not be amisse to make some deeper impres∣sions of him.

8 Thus farre therefore the Catholicke Archbishop charges him,* 1.735 To haue beene so indiscreete and precipi∣tate, that he neuer stood vpon Authoritie of Bookes, but tooke all, as if they had beene written with the finger of God, as certainely as Moses Tables; And hee is so well confirm'd in the opinion of his negligence, that he sayes,* 1.736 He did not onely neuer Iudge and waigh, but neuer see the Councels nor the Registers of Popes, nor

the workes of the Fathers: And therefore sayes hee, There is onely one remedy left, which is, Vna litura.* 1.737 And in another place,* 1.738 That there can bee no vse at all made of this Collection, but that a better must be atten∣ded, out of the Originals.

9 But if his errour were onely in Chronologies, as to giue Pope Nicholas a place in the Councell of Carthage,* 1.739 who was dead before; Or in Arith∣meticke,* 1.740 as when purposely he enumerates all the Councels, to make the number lesse by foure. If this weaknesse had onely beene, that he was not able to spell, and so in a place of much impor∣tance, to Read Ephesus for Erphesfurd,* 1.741 Hierome, for Ieremie,* 1.742 and Hereticke for Henrie, and a hundred such; If he had stopp'd, either at mistaking of true Authors,* 1.743 as to cite out of Saint Peter, that which Saint Paul sayes (which libertie his Glosser extends farther,* 1.744 and therefore cites a whole sentence, for Scripture, which is no where) Or if he had stai'd at imagining words out of false Authors, as to cite the Councell of Geneua,* 1.745 and Macharius the Pope, which neuer were, (as he and the Palea doe) there were an open way for him, as it is said in that Dia∣logue, to say with the Apostle,* 1.746 Quia ignorans ••eci.

10 But we also finde malignitie and danger to our cause, in his Falsifications. For, to dignifie the Sea of Rome,* 1.747 hee cites Ambroses wordes thus, Non habent Petri haereditatem, qui non habent Petri sedem; which in Ambrose is obseru'd to be, Petri fi∣dem.

And to establish the exemption of Clergie men from secular Iustice,* 1.748 hee cites this out of a Councell now a thousand yeeres past, Clericum nul∣lus presumat pulsare apud Iudicem Saecularem; Where∣as the words of the Councel are Clericus nullus pre∣sumat. And so the Councell layes a Commande∣ment vpon the Clergie, but Gratian layes it vpon the Layetie.

11 Which falsitie,* 1.749 Binius, citing the Councell aright, and Gratians words also right in the Mar∣gine, forbeares to obserue or reprehend, and dis∣sembles the iniurie done to the world therein. But Bellarmine hath delt herein with more ob∣noxiousnesse, and lesse excuse,* 1.750 then Binius, be∣cause hauing no reference at all to Gratian, hee cites the words out of the Councell it-selfe; and hauing said, That Counsell pronounces in this point more clearely, in these words; He cites the words, false∣ly, and corruptly as Gratian did before.

12 And as for such iniquities as these, we haue rea∣son to decline Gratian, as iniurious to vs: So al••o in Charitie towards them, which are caried with an implicite Faith in Canons, in which name Gratian is enwrapped, we are bound to tell you how vn∣worthy he is, to bee relied vpon by you. For in the point of the Emperours Electing the Pope, hee hath spoken so dangerously,* 1.751 that Baronius is for∣ced to giue this censure vpon him, Gratian, out of too much credulitie, improuidently writ out a most ma∣nifest

imposture, and inserted that, as a most strong De∣cree, all which, with the Author thereof, should rather haue beene hissed away, and pursued with execrations, which also he saies of another place in Gratian, to the same purpose;* 1.752 and accuses him of mutilating the famous lawes of Charles the Great, called Capitu∣laria.

13 With like danger to the Romane Sea, hee cites a Canon of a Greeke Councell,* 1.753 whose sense he apprehended not, in the matter of mariage of Priests; for he saies, that that Canon was grounded vpon the Apostles Canons; and yet it is contrarie to the Canons of the Romane Church. So that of this place, that Archbishop of whom I spoke be∣fore, exclaimes,* 1.754 who can endure this? and that by no meanes it may be receaued.

14 And not onely in matters of fact (though that be the right legge vpon which the Romane Religion, (especially in Crowne Diuinitie) doth stand) doth Gratian deceaue you, but euen in such things as are matters of faith: both naturally, and so, common to all men, As when he allowes that there may be perplexities in euill,* 1.755 and so in some cases a necessitie of sinning, and then, sayes he, the re∣medie is to choose the lesse euill; as also of that which is matter of faith, especially to the professors of your Religion, which is the necessitie of Orall Confession:* 1.756 for, hauing produced authorities on both sides, whether it be necessarie or no, he leaues

it as indifferent to the Reader, to allow & choose which opinion he likes best.

15 And because the Glosse is now by some thought, to be of equal authoritie with the Text, it is not an inconuenient way to eneruate both, by presenting some of the vanities and illusions of that. And though I will not in so serious a bu∣sinesse, insist vpon such thinges, as might make sport and moue laughter, yet these few I may be excusable to let fall in this place. When Gratian speakes of that Parable of the lost sheepe,* 1.757 and saies, out of the Gospell, that the 99 were left in Deser∣to, id est,* 1.758 sayes the Glosse, In Coelo, quod Diabolus per peccatum deseruit. Which, besides the detortion, de∣stroyes vtterly the purpose of our Sauiour, in that Parable. And so when Gratian, out of a Councell cites an Act to be done,* 1.759 in Ecclesia Romanorum, id est, saies the Glosse, Constantinopolitanorum.

16 In many places Gratian saies, that a 1.760 Dios∣corus had not erred, in fide; which being euident∣ly false, for b 1.761 he followed and defended Eutyches his Heresie, the glosse remedies it thus, Non in fi∣de, id est, non in fide tantum. And out of his fauour to Priests,* 1.762 where Gratian sayes out of Bede, That Priests must alwaies abstain from their wifes, the glosse saies, Semper, id est, Horis debitis. And when out of the Nicene Councell it was produced,* 1.763 That a Prelate might haue in his house no women, except his mother, or sister, or such fit persons, as might auoid su∣spition,

that is, sayes the glosse, His mens wiues. And when Lanfred a young lusty Bishop,* 1.764 and a great huntsman, was defamed also for immoderate fa∣miliarity with his owne daughter, the glosse sayes, It was not for any euill, for they were too neere in blood, but because he kissed her so much openly, and put his hand in her bosome.

17 And lastly, to stay you no longer, in this ill aire,* 1.765 where the text saies, Meretrix est, quae multo∣rum libidini patet, the glosse brings this indefinite number to a certaine, and saies, that that name belongs to her, when shee hath lyen with 23000. men.

18 And as these Authors in whom there are these aspersions, and such weedes as these, are therefore vnworthy, that either the Popes appro∣bation should ••all vpon them, or that any obliga∣tion should be throwne vpon our consciences, from their authoritie: so is it impossible, that any such approbation should include them both; for the glosse doth somet••mes (when no reconciliati∣on can serue him) depart from Gratian with some disdaine;* 1.766 as when he sayes, Superficialis est Argu∣mentatio Magistri: and sometimes in c••oler•• as one notes him to say,* 1.767 Fateor plane te mentitum, Gra∣tiane: And sometimes hee doth positiuely teach the iust contrarie to Gratian, in matter of faith; as in the Doctrine of perplexities,* 1.768 which wee noted before.

19 How dangerous therfore it is to confide in

Gratian, we see already, & may haue further light, by obseruing,* 1.769 That Ballarmine saies, that in a main point of Canonicall Scriptures, Gratian was decei∣ued, by trusting a false copie of Saint Augustines workes:* 1.770 And as Bellarmine saies here•• that Gratian was de∣ceiued, so Gratian deceiued him; for in that Canon which we cyted before, of the exemption of Cler∣gy men, either Bellarmine was a direct falsifier of the Councel, or an indiscreet & credulous swallow∣er of Gratians errours; which in his Recognition he refuseth not to confesse in another matter, whē he retracts some things which he spoke vpon the credit of Gratian, & there repents & recāts thē.

20 But you and Bellarmine may easily be mis∣led by him, since euen a Pope himselfe was brought into a false perswasion by his errour. For, till of late, all the copies of the Decretum, in that famous Canon,* 1.771 Sancta Romana, which distinguish∣es Canonicall f••om Apocryphall writings, in stead of the wordes, Sedulij opus, Heroicis versibus descrip∣tum, had these wordes,* 1.772 Hereticis versibus. Which saies a Catholique authour, induced not onely many wise men, but euen pope Adrian 6. to a perswasion, that al Poetry was Hereticall; since Gelasius a Pope, and Author of that Canon, though he praised Sedulius his worke, in that place, yet because it was writ in verse, he c••ls them Hereticos versus.

21 Of them therfore which will binde their faith to the Canons, and aduentu••e these dangers

for that faith (as the Canonists say,* 1.773 that Saterday and Sunday is all one, fictione Canonica so wee may say, tha•• they are but Martyres fictione Canonica; and that not onely a Martyr, and a Selfe-murderer, but a Martyr and a Traytor, may be all one, Fictione Ca∣nonica. And by such fiction, that English Priest Bridgewater, which cals himselfe Aquipontanus, o∣uerturning and re••enuersing his name with h•••• conscience,* 1.774 may be beleeued, when he saies, That those Priests which were executed vnder Queene Eli∣zabeth, died pro inficiatione pontificatus faeminei: But their malice was not because she would haue bin a Priest, but because she would not be a Sacrifice to their Idolatry, nor Ambition; nor open her heart to their inchantments, nor her throate and sides to their poisons and swords.

22 The next limme in this great body of the Canon law, after the Decretum, is the Decretall; set out by Grego••y the ninth, who was Pope about the yeare one thousand two hundred thirty. And as the Decretum pretends to bring to all purposes, sentences of Fathers, an•• Canons of Counsells, So this pretends principally the Rescripts and De∣••retall letters of Popes. So also, doe all t••e other bookes, which were set out after, in supplement of this: as that, which is called Sextus, set forth by Boniface the eight, who was Pope, An. one thou∣sand three hundred: and the Clementines, which Clement the fift set out, who was Pope within sixe

yeares after•• and those Extrauagants, which bea••e the name of Iohn the two and twenty, within ten yeares of Clement: and those which are called common Extrauagants because they come from di∣uers Popes: and to these is added not long since the booke called Septimus Decretalium.

23 And thus this fat law (for so Ciuilians say of that, that it is Crassa aequitas; which is a praise beyond desert, though rhey speake it in diminuti∣on & scorn) grows daily so fast, that as any corrup∣tion can get entertainment in a grosse body, so I doubt not but this, or the next age, shall see in their Octaues and future Volumes, not onely many of their letters, yet for shame cōcealed, but at Hen∣ry the thirds death, canonized in the body of this law. For though they haue denied it with some-earnestnesse, yet they haue also confest, that if it were such as it is said to be, it admits a good inter∣pretation.

24 But for these bookes, though they haue more credit with them then the Decretum hath, I will ease my selfe of that labour, which I tooke in that booke, in presenting particular defects and infirmities, both because we haue Bellarmines con∣fession, That there are many things in the Decretall E∣pistles, which doe not make a matter to be De fide,* 1.775 but onely doe declare, what the opinions of the Popes were in those causes, and because a Catholique authour of whom we spake before, hath obserued, that the

compiler of the Dec••etals,* 1.776 by leauing out a word, in a Canon of a Councell of Car••hage, hath occa∣sion'd the Church euer since, to doe directly a∣ganst the purpose of that Councell, in shauing the heads of Priests.* 1.777 For whereas the Councell is cited by him, Clerici nec Comam Nutriant nec bar∣bam, by occasion whereof, many subsequent or∣ders were brought in, for Shauing, and transgres∣sors seuerely punish'd, it appeares that he left out in the end, the word Radant, which vtterly chan∣ged the precept into the contrary. These Canons therefore, of so sickely and weake a constitution, that any thing deiects them, cannot preuaile so much vpon our consciences, as to imprint and worke such a confidence in them, and irremoue∣ablenesse from them, as to maintaine them with the same maner of testimonie, as we would doe the words of God himselfe.

25 For, howsoeuer they depart from them, and seeme somewhat negligent of the Canons, when we make vse of them to our aduantage a∣gainst them, yet they affright and enthrall the tender consciences of their owne Disciples, with nothing more, then the name of Canons, to which promiscuously they ascribe all reuerence and as∣sent, without distinguishing to them, which are Gratians, and which are opinionate, and which De∣cretall, for all together are approoued and confir∣med. And therefore the Canons themselues not

only inflict an Anatheme vp••on any ••ay-ma••,* 1.778 which shall so much as dispute vpon, the text, or any one Iod o•• the Epistle of Pope Leo,* 1.779 which is in the Canons, but also pr••nounce it blasphemy against the holy Ghost, to viola••e a Canon willingly, becau••e ••hey are made by the hyol Ghost And Bellarmine al∣so, writing against a Doctor which had defended the Venetian ca••se, against the Popes Censures, saies,* 1.780 That it is a g••ieuous rashnesse, not to be lef•• vnpu¦nished, that he should say, ••he Canons, as being but Humane lawes, cannot haue equall authority with Di∣uine. For this (saies Bellarmine) is a contempt of the Canons, as though they were not made by the direction of the holy Ghost.* 1.781 And yet these Canons which that Doctor intimated, were but two, and cy••ed but by Gratian, and concerned onely Exemp••ion of Clergie men from secul••r ••udges.

26 And so ••arsons when he is to ma••e h••s ad∣uantage of any Sentence in Gratian, vses to digni∣fie it thus, That it is translated by the Popes into the Corps of the Canon law,* 1.782 and so not onely allowed and admitted, and approued, but commended, and comman∣ded; and as he addes after,* 1.783 Canonized and determined for Canonicall law, and authorized and set forth for Sa∣cred and Authenticall,* 1.784 by all Popes whatsoeuer•• For they continue st••ll that practise which Frederic the Emperour obserued in his time,* 1.785 when they inter∣dict••d his K••ngdome of Sicily, Offundunt bibulis au∣ribus Canon••s.

27 And when they list to vrge a Canon, any litle rag torn or fallen off from ••hence,* 1.786 must bind the Church de fide, as a cathedrall, and Decretall re∣sol••••ion: for so saies he, that made the Notes vp∣pon Cassianus, excusing Origen, Chrysostome, & some other Fathers, for inclining to Platoes opinion of allowing some vse of lies, in wise men, That it was law∣full till the Church had defined the contrary: But now, saies he, the Pope hath decreed it. And how hath he decreed it? In a letter vpon a question of Vsurie, the Pope saies, a 1.787 Since the Scriptures forbid lies, euen for defense of any mans life, much lesse may vsury be permit∣ted. But, if in this question of lying, the band did not a••ise out of the euidence and truth of the mat∣ter it selfe, but relied vppon the authority of the Popes declaration, and decision, can such a ragge ca∣sually and incidentally fall into a letter of another purpose, by way of comparison, binde the whole Church, De fide? when as, though Sixtus 4. had so much declared himselfe to fauour the opinion of our Ladies conception without originall sinne, that he had by b 1.788 one Canon instituted a particular Festiuall thereof, and appointed a particular Office for ••hat day, with many Indulgences to the obser∣uers thereof; yet the fauourers of the contrary o∣pinion, forbore not for reuerence of that Canon, to preach publiquely against that Doctrine, till some yeares after, he forbad it vnder paine of Ex∣communication, by another Canon,c 1.789 that any

should affirme that she was conceaued in originall sinne; and yet, d 1.790 this is not esteemed as yet for all this, to be decreed as a matter of faith in that Church: yea, it is so farre from it, that after all these solemnities and preiudices of that Pope, yet the Commissioners of Sixtus the fift, and Gregory the thirteenth (ap∣pointed to expunge all dangerous passages in the Canons) in the Glosse vpon that e 1.791 Canon, which rec∣kons all the festiuall daies which are to be obser∣ued, haue left these words vntouched, The Con∣ception of our Lady is not named, because it ought not to be kept, though in England, and some other places it be; And the reason is, because she was conceaued in ori∣ginall sinne, as all but Christ, were. And after, the Iesuite, of whom I spoke before, had refreshed that Doctrine, That a Confession of a person absent, made by letters, was Sacramentall, and Clement the eight, was so vehement against it, that by a so∣lemne decree he condemned it, for false, rash, and scandalous at least, and commaunded, that no man should speake of it but by way of condemning it, and ex∣cluded euen dumbe men from this benefi••, yet ano∣ther Iesuite since, a great Doctor perplexorum, findes escapes to defend that Doctrine from beeing He∣reticall.* 1.792

28 So that, though in trueth there goe verie many Essentiall formalities to such a Decree as bindes the conscience, De fide, yet these men when they need the Maiestie of a Canon, will euer haue

fe••ters in all corne••s, to holde all consciences which off••r to slip or breake from them, and still oppresse them with waights, and with Moun∣taine of Canons. Which way, the Canonists doe no•• only approue as the most conuenient to hold men in that Religion, because the Canons are more easily v••ried, and flex••ble, and appliable to occa∣sion••, then the Scriptures are, but also (because or∣din••rily the Canonists haue no other learning) they think the way by Canons, to be the fittest means, to reduce them whom they call Heretiques.* 1.793 For so sayes one of them, in his booke to the present Pope, (with m••ch a••u••enesse, certainty, and sub∣tilty,) The Canons may well be alleadged against He∣retiques; because they alleadge Scriptures, and they can∣not know Scriptures, by any other way then Canons.

29 But besides, that I haue giuen you suffici∣ent light, to look into the deformity and co••rup∣tion of the Canons, (which, GOD forbid any should vnde••stand me to me••ne of Canons, in that sense and acceptation, that the Ancients receaued it, which is, of the Constitutions of Orthodox Councels, for I take it here, as your Doctors do, & as your Confessors doe, for the whole body of the Canon law, extant) before I ente•• into the suruay of those pa••ticular Canons, which vsually are obtru∣ded in this point of the Popes temporall Suprema∣cie, I will remember you briefly, of some of those re••sons and occasions, (such as may be fittest to

vn-entangle your consciences, and deliuer them from perplexi••ies) in which the Canons doe not binde vs to the••r obseruation.

30 O•• which, one of the most principall and important is, That Canons doe neuer binde, though they be published and knowledge taken of them, ex∣cept they bee rec••aued, and practised in that Country. So saies Gratian,* 1.794 Lawes are instituted, when they are published, but confi••med, when they are put in practise. And therefore, saies he, none are guilty of transgres∣sing Telesphorus Decree, that the Clergie should fast fiftie dayes, because it was neuer approued by practise. No more doth the Decree of A••exander the third,* 1.795 though vnder excommunication, That in Armies there should bee abstinence, for reuerence of certaine dayes, binde any man•• because it was not practi∣sed: which op••nion Nauarre also followes;* 1.796 and a late Canonist writing to this Pope, calls it, Singu∣larem, et Magistralem,* 1.797 et a toto mundo allegatum. And vpon this reason the Councell of Trent bindes not yet in some Countries, in neither Tribunall of conscience, or the outward censures of the Church, because it is not receaued.

31 And can you finde ••hat any such Canons, as enable the Pope to depose a Prince, haue beene admitted by our Princes, and practis••d as ordina∣rie and currant law? Or can you finde any Canon to this purpose, with the face and countenance o•• a law, made by the Popes in reposed & peace∣able

times, deliuered quietly as a matter of Doctrine and conscience, and so accepted by the Church and state? For if in temporall Scismes, and differences, for temporall matters, betweene the Popes and other Princes, the Popes to raise or maintaine a party against their enemies, haue suf∣fered seditio••s Bulls, and Rescripts to passe from them, to facilitate and effect their enterprises then in hand, this is farre from the nature of a law, and from being accepted and practised, and so iustifi∣ed, as it may be drawne into consequence, and haue power and strength to binde the consci∣ence.

* 1.79832 And as acceptation giues life to law, so doth disuse, or custome to the contrarie abrogate it. And howsoeuer a superstition toward the Canons, may still be preserued in some of you, yet the generall state, that is, the same authority, by which those Canons were receaued before, which euer had a∣nie strength here, hath disused them, & pronoun∣ced against so many of them, as can fall within this question, that is, Such as bee derogatorie to the Crowne. For, if these lawes bee not borne aliue, but haue their quickning by others acceptation, the same power that giues them life, may by de∣sertion withdraw their strength, and leaue them inualid.

33 And thus much seemed needfull to be said in the first part of this chapter, that you might see

how putrid and corrupt a thing it is, which is offe∣red to you vnder the reuerend name of Canons; And that though this Cannon law be declined, and extenuated when we vrge it, yet euery Sentence thereof is equall'd to Diuine Scripture; and pro∣duced as a definition of the Church, when it may worke their ends vpon your consciences, which, for diuers reasons issuing out of their owne rules, should now be deliuered from that yoake.

THE SECOND PART.

FOr the second place in this Chapter, I reserued the consideration and suruay of those Canons which are Ordinarily vsurped for defence of this temporall Iurisdiction: In which my purpose is not, to amasse all those Canons which incline toward that point, of which condition those which ex∣exempt the Clergy from secular Iurisdiction, and very many other, are, but onely such as belong more directly to this point, to which the Oath stretches, That is, whether the Pope may depose a Soueraine Prince, and so we shall discern whe∣ther your consciences may so safely relie vpon any resolution to be had out of the Canons, that you may incurre the dangers of the law, for refusall thereof.

2 Of which Canons, though I will pre••er∣mit none, which I haue found to haue beene vr∣ged, in any of their Authours, I will first present those Fower, which are alwaies produced with much confidence and triumph:* 1.799 Though one Ca∣tholique Author, which might be aliue at the ma∣king of the Clementines (for he liued and flourish∣ed about 1350, and Clement the fift died not much before 1320.) haue drawen these foure Canons into iust suspition: for thus he saies of them, The Pa∣stors of the Church putting their Hooke into another mans Haruest, haue made foure Decretals, which, God knowes, whether they be iust or no: But I doe not beleeue (yet I recall it if it be erroneous) that any of them is a∣greeable to Law, but I rather beleeue that they were put forth against the libertie of the empire.

3 The fi••st is a letter of Innocent the third, who was Pope about 1199. to the Duke of Caringia the occasion of which Letter,* 1.800 was this; Henry the son of Frederic the first, of the house of Sueuia, succeeding his Father in the Empire, had obtained of the Princes of Germany, to whom the Election belonged, to chuse as Successo•• to him, his sonne Henry: but hee being too young to gouerne•• when his father died, they tooke thereby occasi∣on, though against their Oath, to leaue him; be∣ing also d••sirous ••o change the stocke, and chuse an Emperour of some other race; By this meanes was Duke Ber••holdus, by some of the Pr••nces ele∣cted;

but resign'd againe to Philip brother to the dead Emperour, in whom the greatest number consented. But some of the other Princes had called home out of England, Otho of the house of Saxony, and elected him. Here upon arose such a schisme, as rent that country into very many parts: And then Innocent the third, an actiue and busie Pope (for it was he which so much infested our King Iohn) sent his Legate into those parts, vpon pretence of composing those differences. And being in displeasure with the house of Sueuia for the Kingdome of Sicily, which was in their pos∣session, but pretended to by the Church, his Legate disallowed the election of Philip, and confirmed Otho. But some of the Princes ill satisfied with the Legates proceeding herein, complained there∣of to the Pope; in aunswere whereof the Pope writes to one of them, this Letter. In which, handling his Right of confirming the elected Em∣peror, though he speake diuers things derogatorie to the dignity of Princes, discoursiuely, and occa∣sionally, yet is not this letter such a Decree, as be∣ing pronounced Cathedrally in a matter of faith, af∣ter due consultation, should binde posteritie, but onely a direction to that person, how he ought to behaue himselfe in that businesse.

4 The Letter may be thus abridged; VVe ac∣knowledge the right of the Election to be in the Princes, especially because they haue it from the Apostolicke Sea,

which transferred the Empire vnto them: But, because we must consecrate the Person elected, we must also ex∣amine his fitnesse. Our Legate therefore did no Acte concerning the Election, but the person elected. Wee therefore repute OTHO Emperour; For, if the Elec∣tors would neuer agree, should the Apostolicke Sea al∣wayes be without a defender? We haue therfore thought it fit, to war••e the Princes, to adhere to him. For there are notorious impediments against the other: as publicke Excommunication, persecuting the Church, and mani∣fest periurie. Therefore wee commaund you to depart from him, notwithstanding any Oath made to him, as Emperour.

5 And is there any matter of Faith in this Decretall? Or any part thereof? Is it not all groun∣ded vpon matter of fact, which is, the Translati∣on o•• the Empire which is yet vnder disputation•• Doe not many Catholicke writers denie the ve∣rie act of Transferring by the Pope; And saye, That the people being now abandoned and for∣saken by the Easterne Emperours, had by the law of Na••ure and Nations, a power in themselues to choose a King? And doe not those which are more liberall in confessing the Translation, denie that the Popes Consecration, or Coronation, or Vncti∣on in••uses any power into the Emperor, or works any fart••er, then w••en a Bishop doeth the same ceremonies to a King? Is it not iustly said, that i•• the Emperour must stay for his Authoritie, till the

Pope doe these acts, he is in worse condi••ion, by this increase of his Dominions then he was be∣fore. For, before he was Emperour, and had a lit∣tle of Italy added to him, there was no doub•• but that he had full iurisdiction, in his owne Domini∣ons before these Ceremonies, and now hee must stay for them.

6 And may not the Popes question in this le••∣ter, be well retorted thus, If the Pope will not crowne the Emperour at all, shall the Empire euer lacke a head? For the Pope may well be presumed to be slacke in that office, because he pretends to be Emperour during the vacancie. But besides that an ouer ear∣nest maintaining of this that the Emperour had no iurisdiction in Italy, before these Ceremonies, would diminish and mutilate the patrimonie of the Church, of which a great part was confe••red and giuen by Pipin, be••ore any of these ceremonies were giuen b•• the pope,* 1.801 the glosser vpon the Cle∣mentines, is liquid & round in this point, when he sayes, That these ceremonies, and the taking of an Oath, are nothing; and that now, Resipiscente mundo, the world being growne wiser, there must be no longer striuing for both swords.

7 For those notorious impediments, which the Pope obiects in this letter, against Philip, if they were such as made him incapable of Election, then there was a Nullity in the choise, and the Pope did nothing but declare that; which may of••en

fall out in states, which elect their Princes, because there are many limitations, but in Successorie princes, it cannot hold: but if these were not such impediments, by the lawes which gouerned the Electors, they became not such, by this Declara∣tion. For one of them, which is manifest periurie, the pope himselfe was some cause of his continu∣ing therein. For the oath was made to his bro∣ther, in the behalfe of his young Nephew, who should haue beene Emperour. And now the Pope had not onely disabled him, but all the other Princes, from keeping that oath, by electing or confirming another Emperour.

8 But if all which the Pope sayes in that let∣ter, shall not onely bee strong enough to binde the Election, but to binde the consciences of po∣sterity, as matter of faith, his last reason against Philips election, must haue equall strength with the rest, which would bee of dangerous conse∣quence; for it is, That if after his Father had beene Emperour, and his Brother, he also should succeede, the Empire would passe from Election to succession, and none should be assumed but of one house; Either then it is matter of faith, that three of one family may not succeed in an Electiue state, or, as this is, so all the rest are but arguments of inconueniencie & vnfitnes.

9 And this absoluing this Duke, to whom he writes, of his Oath, is but of an Oath made Rati∣one Regni, to him who neuer had the Kingdome:

and therefore that power of absoluing, cannot by this Decretall be extended to such Oathes, which are acknowledged to haue beene iust, when they were made, as being made to lawfull and indu∣bitable Princes. And certainly (for though you dare not heare, yet wee dare speake trueth,) the whole purpose in that act, of the Pope, was cor∣rupt, and farre from intention of making peace. Of whose profit by reason of that dissention one of your owne Abbats,* 1.802 sayes, That there was scarse any Bishoprick, or Parish Church, which was not liti∣gious, and the Suite brought to Rome, Sed non vacua Manu, And so he proceedes, Gaude, Mater nostra Roma, because all flowes to thee, aperiuntur Cataractae the saurorum. Reioyce for the iniquitie of the Sonnes of men; Iocundare de Adiutrice tua Discordia. Thou hast now that which thou didst alwaies thirst. Sing thy song, because thou hast ouercome the world, not by thy Religion, but the wickednesse of men, for men are not drawne to thee by their owne Deuotion, or by a pure Conscience, but by the doing of manifolde wickednes∣ses, and by buying the Decision of their Suites and Causes.

10 The second Canon vsually produced,* 1.803 and noted by Albericus (as I said) to be against Iustice, issued vpon this occasion. When Otho whom the former Pope had established against Philip, be∣came vnthankfull to the Pope, hee also was ex∣communicate: and Frederick, the Sonne of the

first Frederick, to whom the Princes had sworne in his Cradle, was elected and crowned; with whom also, b••c••use hee would not goe into the holy land, and expose the Kingdome of Sicily to their Ambition, the Popes fell out, and excom∣municated him thrice. And when a generall Councell was gathered by Innocent the fourth, for the reliefe of the holy land, the Pope himselfe proposed Articles against the Emperour. Whose Aduocate Thaddaeus promised all, which might conduce to peace and Reformation on his Mai∣sters behalfe. This satisfied not the Pope, but he asked for Sureties: and when the Kings of Eng∣land and France, were offered, the pope refused them, vpon pretence, that if the Emperor should remaine incorrigible, the Church should by this means raise more heauy enemies to it selfe. Then Thaddaeus proceeded to excuse his Maister, in all the particular obiections, and desired that hee m••ght be personally heard, but to that the pope replied, If he come I will depart, for I doe not yet finde my selfe fit and ready for martyrdome.* 1.804 Yet the English which were there, extorted a fortnights leasure for the Emperours comming: but he not daring or dis∣daining to come, the pope proceeded to this sen∣tence of Depriuation; which, sayes the Relater the••eof, He thundred out terribly, not without the a∣mazement and horrour of all the hearers and by-stan∣ders. And Thaddaeus protested vppon it, This

day is a day of wrath, and of calamity and miserie.

11 So this Bull proceeded from a distempered Pope, and at a time when hee was not assisted with the Holy Ghost, for he was not in a readines to suffer Martyrdome for him. And where the In∣scription saies, it was Presenti Concilio; the Margin notes, that it is not said approbante Concilio, though it assigne this for the reason, least the Pope should seeme to neede the Councell.

12 So that, though it reach full as farre as Pius the fift his Bull against our late Queene (for it de∣priues, it absolues Subiects, and it excommunicates all adherents) yet it hath nothing by which it should be called a Canon, or lawe to direct and gouerne posterity; for there might be as much infirmity in this act of Depriuing, as in the former of Ex∣communicating; yea it was subiect to much more errour then that acte of spirituall iurisdiction, which hath beene lesse questioned: yet in the pre∣amble of this sentence, the pope saies of those for∣mer sentences, If the Church haue iniured him in any thing, she is ready to correct her selfe, to reuoke, and to make satisfaction. So that it may be, the pope erred in both these acts.

13 Nor doe those wordes which are in the In∣scription, Ad perpetuam rei Memoriam, giue it the strength of a precedent, and obligatorie Canon, but rather declare out of what shoppe it came, since that is the ordinary stile of the Romane Court, and

not of the Canons of Councels. Nor can it euer be deduced by any consequence, out of this Sentence, That the Pope hath the same power ouer other Soueraigne Princes, as he exercised there against the Emperour; because hee proceeded against him (though vitiously and iniuriously, and tyranni∣cally) by colour of a Superiority claimed by him, and then not denied by the Emperour, but testifi∣ed by diuers Oathes of Fidelity to him, which can∣not be extended against those princes, which ad∣mit no dependency vpon him, by any reason conteined in this Sentence.

14 By the third of these foure principall Re∣scripts, Clement the fift annuls a Iudgement made by the Emperour Henry the seuenth,* 1.805 against Robert king of Sicily, whom as a subiect of the Empire, the Emperour had declared a Rebell, and depriued him of his Kingdome and absolued his subiects of their obedience. And the reasons why the Pope interposes himselfe herein, are not grounded vpon his power, as he is Pope, or as he is spirituall Prince, but meerely as he is a temporall Prince. For first he saies, The King of Sicily held that Kingdome of the Church; and the Pope, who was thereby his ordinary iudge, ought to haue beene called to the iudgement; And that the Emperour could not take knowledge of faults committed at Rome, as those, with which that King was charged, were laid to be: Nor his Iurisdiction and power of citation extend into the territory of the

Church where that King was then residing: nor he bee bound vpon any Citation, to come to a place of so certaine danger.

15 It is not therefore for this part of the De∣cretall, that either they alleadge it so frequently, or that Albericus laid that marke vpon it, that it be∣trayed the authority of the Emperours; for in this particular case, I should not bee difficult to con∣fesse, some degrees of Iustice, in prouiding that the Sentence of the Empe••or should not preuaile, where na••urally and iustly it could not worke; especial∣ly the pope proceeding so manne••ly, as to reuoke it after the Emperors death; and as the Glosse saies, Ad tollendum murmur Populi, who grudged that the Emperour should dispose of them, who were the subiects of the Church.

16 But the danger is in the last clause, which is, We out of the Superiority, which without doubt we haue ouer the Empire, and out of that power, by which we suc∣ceed therein, in a vacancy, and by that power which Christ gaue vs in Peter, declare that iudgement to bee voide, and reu••ke all which hath beene done thereupon. For the first part of which Clause, touching his Superiority ouer the Emperor, if he had any (which, as many good authors denie, as affirme it••) he had it by contract betweene the Emperour and the Church; and he neither can, nor doth claime that, at least not all that which hee pretended in the Empire, in other princes dominions; for where

doth he p••etend to succeede ••n a Vacancy, but in the Empire? And if he had that right, Iure Diuino, it woul•• st••etch to all other places: And ••f it be by Con••ract, that cannot be but conditionall and va∣riable in it selfe, and not to be drawen into e••am∣ple to the preiudice of any other prince. And ••or his last title, which is the power deriued by S. Pe∣ter to him, because in this place he extends it no further but to a defence of S. Peters patrimony, and onely by declaring a Sentence to be void, which o∣therwise might scandalize some of his subiects, we haue no reason to exagitate it in this pl••ce, nor haue you any reason to assure your consciences, by the instruction or light of this Canon, that that power extends to any ••uch case, as should make you, in these substantiall circumstances, of great de••riment refuse this Oa••h.

* 1.80617 The four••h Canon, which is, the Clementine of the diuers Oathes sworne by the Emperours to the Popes, though it be euer cited, and be by Albe∣ricus i••stly accused of iniustice: yet it can by no extension worke vpon your conscience. For the purpose thereof is but this; That diffe••ences con∣tinuing betweene the Emperour and the King of Sicily, and ••he Pope writing to reconcile them, he vseth this as one induction, That they had both sworne Fidelity and Alleageance to him. The Emperor answered, That he vnderstood not that Oath, which he had taken, to be an Oath of Alleageance: And therfore

the Pope, afte•• the Emperou••s death, in this Decre∣tall pronounces, That they are Oathes of fidelities and Alleageance, and that whosoeuer shall be created Em∣perour, shall take those Oathes, as such. But, to leaue it to the Lawyers, (whose tongues, and pennes are not silenc••d by this Decretall,) to argue whe∣ther they be oathes of Alleageance, or no, and im∣posed by the pope essentially, so as the Emperour had no iurisdiction without them (the first being a Constitution of the Emperour Otho, and not of the pope,* 1.807 (if it be rightly cited by Gratian) The second but an oath of Protection of the Church, and the pope, And the third, only o•• a pure and intire ob∣seruing of the Catholique faith) who can presse an argument out o•• this Canon, though it we••e who∣ly confessed and accepted as it lies, that the pope may depose a king of England?* 1.808 For Bellarmine in∣formes your consciences ••ee••er then any of those Con••ellors, who auert you from the oath, by this, and such Canons•• That the Empire not depending ab∣solutely vpon the Pope, but since Charlemains time, this Oath of Alleageance is taken of the Emperour, because the Pope translated the Empire vpon him. And whe∣ther ••his be true or false, in the la••ter part of tran∣slation, yet his reason and argument discharges all other supreme princes, ouer whom the pope hath no such pretence.

18 Hauing passed through these foure, wee will consider those Canons, which are in Gratian,

to this purpose. The first whereof may iustly be the Donation of Constantine.* 1.809 Which though it be not Gratians, but inserted, by the name of Palea (of whom, whether hee were a man of that name, a Scho••ler of Gratian, or whether he called his Ad••dition to Gratian, Paleas in humility, the Canonists are like to wrangle, as long as any body will read them) yet it is in the body and credit of Canon law.

19 Towards the credit of this Donation, there lackes but thus much, to make it possible, That the Emperour had not power, to giue away ha••••e his Empire, and that that Bishop had not capaci∣tie to receiue it, And but thus much of making it likely, That the Church had no possession there∣of, but that it remained still with the Successors of the Emperours: for if it had these degrees of pos∣sibility or credibility, & did not speake in barbarous language discording from that time, nor in false Latine vnworthy of an Emperours Secre••arie, nor gaue the pope leaue to confer orders vpon whom he would, nor spoke of the Patriarchate of Con∣stantinople, before it had either that Dignity, or that Name, I should be content, as I would in other fa∣bles, to study what the Allegory thereof should be. But since the Pope can liue without it, And Az••rius tells vs,* 1.810 that though the Donation bee fal••e, yet the Pope hath other iust titles to his e∣states, (though, by his leaue, he hath no such title,

as will authorize him to depose Princes, as Soue∣raigne Lord ouer all the Westerne Kings, as they pretend by this, if it were iustifiable) I will leaue it as they doe, as a thing too suspicious and doubt∣full, to possesse any roome, but that which it doth in Gratian. Onely, this I will adde, that if the po∣wer of the Emperour were in the Pope, by vertue of this Donation, yet wee might safely take this Oath, because this Kingdome hath no depen∣dance vpon the Empire.

20 The next that I finde alleadged, (to keepe this Order,* 1.811 as they lie in Gratian) is a sentence ta∣ken out of S. Augustine, by which you may see how infinite a power, they place in the Pope: His words are: If the King must bee obeyed, though hee commaund contra Societatem, yea, it is contra Societa∣tem, if he be not obeyed, because there is a generall con∣tract in humane Societies, that Kings must be obeyed; how much more must we obey God, the Gouernour of all Creatures?

And do they which alleadge for the Popes Su∣premacy ouer Princes, intend the Pope to be Go∣uernour of all Creatures? Doth he gouerne Sea, and Elements? or doe they thinke that the will and commandements of God are deriued to vs onely by the way of the Pope? or why should not wee thanke them, for producing this Canon, since it is direct, and very strong for Kings, and for the Popes, it is but common with all other Ma∣gistrates,

who must be obeyed, when God speaks in them, or when they sp••ake not against God?

* 1.81221 In the tenth Distinction, one Pope by the testimony of two other popes, saies, That the Ec∣clesiastique Constitutions must be preferred before the Emperours lawes: And the cases mentioned there, are the constituting of a Met••apolitane, & the dis∣soluing of a Mariage, vpon entring into Religion; to which, I say, that these cases, by consent of the Emperours, were vnder their iurisdiction. And if you gather a generall rule by this, of the force of Canons aboue Ciuill lawes, you proceede indirect∣ly accepting the same persons, for Parties, Iudges, and Witnesses: and besides it is not safe arguing from the Emperour to another absolute Prince, nor from the authority, which Canons haue in his Dominions, to what they should haue in all.

22 In the 21. Distinction, A Pope writing to a Bishoppe of Milan,* 1.813 telles him, That the dignities and preheminences of Churches, must be as the Bishoppe of Rome shall ordaine, because Christ committed to Peter, which hath the keyes of eter∣nall life, Iura terreni simul & Caelestis imperij But if he meane by his Terrenum Imperium, the disposing of the dignities and preheminencies of Churches one aboue another in this world: Or if he meane by it, That he hath this Terrenum Imperium, as he hath the keyes of heauen, that is to binde and

loose sinnes by spirituall censures and Indulgen∣ces of absol••tion, in which capaci••y he may haue authority ouer the highest secular Princes; for any thing conteined in this Oath, this Canon wil do vs no harme. But if hee meane that Christ gaue him both these authorities together, and that thereby he hath them as Ordinary Iudge, then Bellarmine and all which follow the Diuines opinion of in∣direct power, will forsake him; and so may you by their example.

73 After,* 1.814 another Pope, Gelasius writes to Ana∣stasius the Emperour, comparing Secular and Ec∣clesiastique d••gnity. And he sa••es, You know that you depend vpon their iudgement: but this is, saies the Glosse, in spirituall matters. And because this Canon comes no neerer our question, then to iustifie in the Pope a power of excommunicating Princes, (for it assumes no more ••hen Ambrose exercised vpon Theodosius) I will stand no longer vpon it.

24 And these be the Canons, which out of the Distinctions, I haue obserued to be scattered a∣mongst their Authours, when they teach this do∣ctrine: for any that preferres Priest-hood befo••e Principality, seemes to them ••o conduce to that point. Now I will follow Gratian in his other parts where the first is,* 1.815 the Canon Nos si incompe∣tenter, which is ve••y of••en vr••ed, but it is so farre ••rom in••luding this power of Deposing, that it excludes it; ••or, allowing the Priest powe•• to Re∣prehend,

and remembring former examples of Ex∣communication, hee addes, Nathan in reproouing the King, executed that office, in which he was Superiour to him, but he vsurped not the Kings office, in which he was inferiour; nor gaue iudgement of death vpon him as A∣dulterer, or murderer.

* 1.81625 In the seuenth Question of the ninth Cause, from the Canon Episcopo, to the end of that Que∣stion, there are many sayings, which aduance the digni••y of the Romane Seate, and forbidde al men to hinder Appeals thither, or to iudge of the popes Decrees: But all these were in spirituall causes, and directed to spirituall persons, and vnder spirituall pu∣nishments. Onely, in the Canon Fratres the king of Spaine seemes to be threatned, but it is with Ex∣communication onely. And all these Canons together, are deliuered by one Pope of another, In whome, sa••es the Glosse, It is a familiar kinde of proofe, for one one Pope to produce another for witnesse, as God did proue the sinnes of Sodome,* 1.817 by Angels.

And as there is much iniustice in this manner of the Popes proceeding, so is there some tincture of blaspemy, in the maner of iustifying it, by this Comparison.

26 The Canon Alius, which droppes out of euery penne,* 1.818 which hath written of this Subiect, is the first wherein I marked any Pope to speake of Deposing; In this, Gelasius writes to Anastasius; a Pope to an Emperour, that Pope Zachary his

predecessor, had deposed the King of France, because he was vnfit for so great a power. But the Glosser doth the Pope good seruice, and keepes him within such a conuenient sense, as may make him say true; For, saies ••e, He deposed, that is, Hee gaue consent to them which did depose, which were the States of that Kingdome; which he saies, out of the Euidence of the history; for he is so farre f••om coarcting the Popes power, that wee may easily deprehend in the Glosse, more ••raud and iniquity, then arrogance and tyrannie in the Pope. For, saies he, the vnfitnesse of the French King, was licenti∣ousnesse, not infufficiency to gouerne, for then the Pope ought to haue giuen him an assistant.* 1.819 To proue w••ich, he cites two other Canons; In which places it appeares, That to Bishoppes vnable by reason o•• age, to discharge their functions, the Pope assigns Coadiutores, and by this the Glosser might euict, that he hath the same Ordinary authority to dis∣pose of Kingdomes, as of Bishoprickes. This Canon therefore doth onely vnfaithfully relate the act of another Pope, and not determine nor decree any thing, nor binde the conscience.

27 In the same Question, there is a Canon or two, in which our case is thus farre concern'd;* 1.820 that they handle the Popes authority in Absoluing and Dis∣pensing from Oathes: And the first is c••ted often and with great courage; because besides the word Ab omnibus Iuramentis, & cuiuscunquemodi obligati∣onibus

absoluimus, there followes, parsue thē with the spirituall and materiall sword. But when we consider the case and the History, this power will not ex∣tend to our cause. For the Pope thereby doth giue liberty to some Bishops, to recouer by iust vi∣olence, such parts of the Church Patrimonie, as were taken away from them, and doth dispence with such oathes as they had beene forced to take, by those which iniuriously infested the Church. Yet I denie not but that the glosser vpon this Canon is liberall enough to the Pope, for he sayes, hee hath power to dispence against the law of Nature, & against the Apostle.

* 1.82128 After this, followes that solemne and fa∣mous Canon of Gregory the seuenth, Nos sancto∣rum. Of whom, since he had made a new rent in the body of the Church, (as Authors of his own Religion (if he had any) professe,) it is no mar∣uaile that he patched it, with a new ragge in the body of the Canon law. Thus therefore he saies, Insisting vpon the statutes of our predecessors, by our Apostolique authority, wee absolue from their Oath of Alleageance, all which are bound to persons excommu∣nicate; And we vtterly forbid them, to beare any Al∣leageance to such, till they come to satisfaction. But to whom shall these men be subiect in the meane time? To such a one as will be content to resigne, when so euer the other will aske forgiuenesse? Ambition is not an ague; it hath no fits, nor ac∣cesses,

and remittings; nor can any power extin••guish it vpon a sodaine warning. And if the pur∣pose of Popes in these deposings, were but to pu∣nish with temporarie punishment, why are the Kingdomes, which haue been transferred by that colou••, from Hereticall Princes, still with-held from their Catholique Heires?

29 But who these predecessors, of whom the Pope speaks in this letter, were, I could neuer find. And it appeares by this, that this was an Innoua∣tion, and that he vsed Excommunication to serue his own ends, because in another Canon he sayes,* 1.822 That many perished by reason of Excommunications; and that therefore he being now ouercome with compassion, did temper that sentence for a time, and withdraw from that band, all such as communicated with the excom∣municate person, except those by whose Counsaile, the fault was perpetrated, which induced the Excommu∣nication. And this, sayes the glosse, he did,* 1.823 because he saw them contemne excommunication, and neuer seek Absolution; for all those whom he exempts by this Canon, were exempt before his time by the law it selfe. So that where he sayes Temperamus,* 1.824 it is but Temperatum esse ostendimus; and hee did but make them afraid, who were in no danger, and make them beholden to him, whom the law it selfe deliuered. And of this Canon in speciall words a 1.825 one of their great men sayes, That it binds not, where it may not be done, without great damage of the subiect.

* 1.82630 Of his Successor, almost immediate, (for Victor the third lasted but a little) I finde another Canon, almost to the same purpose; for he wr••tes to a Bishop, to forbid the Souldiers of an Earle, who was excommunicate, to serue him, though they were sworne to him. For, saye•• he•• They are not tied by any authority to keepe that alleageance, which they haue sworne to a Christian Prince, which resists God and his Saints, and treads their precepts vnder his feete. But in this man, as Gregories spirit wrought in him,* 1.827 wh••lst he liued, for he was his Messenger to publish the Excommunication against the Emperour in Germany, so Gregories ghost speakes now; for all this was done to reuenge Gregories quarrell; though in his owne particular hee had some interest, and reason of bitternesse, for he had beene taken and ill vsed by Henry in Germany.

* 1.82831 In the 25 Cause there is a Canon which tasts of much boldnesse; What King so euer, or Bishop, or great person, shall suffer the Decrees of Popes to be violated, Execrandum Anathema sit. But these (for in this Cause there are diuers Canons, for the obser∣uing of the Canons) are for the most part such im∣precations, as I noted before, Gregory the first ••o haue made for preseruation of the priuiledges of Medardus Monastery, and some other of the same name (of which kinde also Villagut,* 1.829 hath gathered some other examples;) And at farthest, they ex∣tend but ••o excommunication; and are pronounced

by the Popes themselues, and are intended of such Canons, as are of matters of faith, that is, such as euen the Popes themselues are bound to obserue; as appeares here, by Leo ••he fourths Canon, Ideo per∣mittente. And here I will receiue you from Gra∣tian, and leade you into the Decretals, whom they iustly esteeme a little better company.

32 To proue the Popes generall right,* 1.830 to in∣terpose in all causes (which seemes to conduce to the Question in hand) they cite often this case fal∣ling out in England; which is, vpon seuerall occa∣sions three or foure times intimated in the Decre∣tals. It was thus: Alexander the third, writes to certaine Bishoppes in England, to iudge, as his De∣legates, in a Matrimoniall cause. And because the person whose legitimation was thereby in que∣stion, was an ••eire, and the Mother dead, and the Pope thought it not fit, that after her death, her marriage should bee so narrowly looked into, since it was not in her life, therefore he appoints, That possession of the land should bee giuen first, and then the principall point of the marriage proceeded in. And by this they euict for him a title in temporall matters Accessorily, and Consequently. But if they consider the times, they may iustly suspect vniust proceeding; For it was when Alexander the third did so much infest our King Henry the second. And it seemes he did but trie by this, how much the King would endure at his hands; for when

he vnderstood that the king tooke it ill, then came another Letter, related also in the Canons, wherein hee confesseth, that that matter appertaines to the King, and not to the Church, And therefore com∣maundes them to proceede in the matter of the marriage, without dealing with the possession of the land.

* 1.83133 Another Canon, not much vrged by the de∣fenders of direct Authoritie, but by the other fa∣ction, is a Letter of Innocent the third. In which Letter, I beleeue the Pope meant to lay downe, purposely and determinately, how farre his pow∣er in Temporall matters extended. For it is not like∣ly, that vpon a Petition of a priuate Gentleman, for Legitimation of his Children, who doubted not of his power to doe it, the Pope would des∣cend to a long discourse and proofe out of both testaments, and reasons of conueniencie, that he might doe it, and then in the end, tell him, hee would not, except hee meant, that this Letter should remaine as euidence to posteritie, what the Popes power in Temporall causes was. Let vs see therefore what that is which he claimes.

34 A Subiect of the King of France, who had put away his Wife, desires the Pope to legitimate certaine Children which he had by a second wife. And, it seemes, he was encouraged thereunto, be∣cause the Pope had done that fauour to the King of France before: The Pope answers thus, By this,

it seemes, that I may graunt your request, because I may certainely Legitimate to all spirituall capacities, and therefore it is Verisimilius, & probabilius, that I may doe it in Temporall. And, sayes he, It seemes that this may be prooued by a similitude, because hee which is as∣sumed to bee a Bishop, is exempted thereby from his fa∣thers iurisdiction; and a slaue deliuered from bondage, by being made a Priest: And, hee addes, In the patri∣monie I may freely doe it, where I am supreme Prince: But your case, is not the same as the Kings was, not o••∣ly for spirituall considerations, which are, That he was lawfully seperated, and pretended neerenesse of blood, and was not forbid to marrie againe, and your procee∣ding hath beene without colour, and in contempt of the Church. But the King, who had no Superiour in Tem∣porall matters, might without doing wrong to any other, submit himselfe to our iurisdiction; But you are knowen to be subiect to another. Thus farre hee proceeded, waueringly, and comparatiuely, and with condi∣tions and limitations.

35 And least this should not stretch farre en∣ough, he addes; Out of the Patrimonie in certaine cau∣ses, wee doe exercise Temporall iurisdiction casually,* 1.832 which the Glosse interprets thus, That is when wee are requested•• And the Pope hath said before, That he which makes this request, must be one that hath no Su∣periour: And in this place he sayes, That this may not be done, to preiudice anothers right. But after this, vp∣on a false foundation, that is, an errour in their

Translation (where in Deuteronomie,* 1.833 Death being threatned to the transgressour of the sentence, Of the Priest and Iudge, they haue left out the Iudge) he makes that state of the Iewes, so falsely vnder∣stood, to be a Type o•• Rome, and so Rome at this time to be Iudge of all difficulties, because it is the seate of the high Priest. But he must be thought more constant, then to depart from his first groūd and therefore must meane, When superiour Princes, which haue no other Iudges, are in such doubtes, as none else can determine, Recurrendum est, ad sed••m Apostoli∣cam; that is, they ought to do it, rather then to go to the onely ordinary Arbitrator betweene Soueraigne Princes, the sword.

36 And when such Princes doe submit their causes to him, in such cases hee de••lares himselfe by this Canon, to be a competent Iudge, though the matter be a ciuill businesse, and he an Ecclesiasti∣call person: and though he seeme to goe ••ome∣what farther, and stre••ch that typicall place in Deuteron. to ••gree with Rome so farre, that as there, so here, he which disobeyes, must die, yet hee ex∣planes this death thus, L••t him as a dead man, be sepe∣rated from the Communion, by Excommunication. So that this Canon p••rposely enacted to declare tempo∣rall authority, by a Pope, whom none exceeded in a st••ffe and earnest promo••ing the dignity of that Sea, procedes onely by probabilities, and veri∣similitudes, and equiualencies, and endes at last with

Excommunication; and therefore can imprint in you no reason to refuse this Oath. For out of this Ca∣non, doth Victoria frame a strong argument, That this most learned Pope doeth openly confesse, by this Ca∣non, that he hath no power ouer the King of France in Temporall matters.

37 Another Canon of the same Pope is often cited,* 1.834 by which, when the King of England com∣plain'd, that the King of France had broken the Peace, which was confirm'd by Oath, the Pope writes to the Bishops of France, That though he in∣tende not to iudge of that Title, in question, which ap∣pertaines not to him, yet the periurie belongs to his cog∣nisance: and so, he may reprooue, and in cases of Contu∣macie, constraine, Per districtionem Ecclesiasticam, without exception of the persons of Kings: And there∣fore, sayes he, If the King refuse to performe the Ar∣ticles, and to suffer my Delegates to heare the cause, I haue appointed my Legate, to proceede as I haue directed him. What his Instructions were, I know not by this; but beyond Excommunication, you see by the Text, he pretends not: Whatsoeuer they were, this is certaine, That the Princes of those times, to aduantage themselues against their enemies, with the Popes helpe, did often admit him, to doe some acts against other Princes, which after, when the Pope became their enemie, themselues felt with much bitternesse. But in this Canon, hee dis∣claimes any Iurisdiction to iudge of Titles; which

those Popes tooke to themselues, who Excom∣mun••cated our late Queene (if Parsons say true, That they had respect to the iniustice of her Title, by reason of a Statute) and all those Popes must doe, which shall doe any act, which might make this Oath vnlawfull to you.

* 1.83538 In the title De Sent. Excom. there are two Canons, which concernes onely Excommunication of Heretickes, and in••ringers o•• Ecclesiasticke Immuni∣tie, and are directed but to one par••icular place. VVhich, though they can impose no••hing vpon your conscience against this Oath, may yet teach you not to grudge, that a State which prouides for her securitie by Lawes and Oathes, expresse it in such words, as may certainely reach to the prin∣cipall purpose thereof, and admit no euasions. For so these Canons doe, when they Excommu∣nicate, All of all Sexe,, of any Name, Fauourers, Receiuers, Defenders, Lawmakers, Writers, Gouer∣nours, Consuls, Rulers, Councellours, Iudges, and Re∣gisters of any statutes, made in that place against Church liberties.

* 1.83639 That the Canons haue power to abrogate Ciuill lawes of Princes, they vse to cite the Canon Quoniam omne, made by Innocent the third, who hath made more Canons then halfe of the Popes before him. And if this doe not batter downe, yet it vndermines all secular power. For they may easily pretend, that any Lawe, may in some case

occasion sinne. This Canon hath also more then Ordinary authority, because it is made in a gene∣rall Councell: thus it ••aies, Absque bona fide, nulla va∣leat praescriptio,* 1.837 tam Canonica, quam ciuilis: And this, saies Bellarmine, doth abrogate an Imperiall lawe, by which prescription would serue, so that it begann Bona fide, though at some time after, he which was in possession, came to know, that his title was ill; but the Canon l••w requires that he esteeme in h••s conscience, his title to be good, all the time, by which he p••escribes. But by this Canon, that parti∣cular Imperiall lawe is no more abrogated, then such other lawes as cannot be obserued without danger of sinne, which includes not onely some Ciuill Constitutions, but also some other Canons; For your Glosser saies,* 1.838 That the Canon derogates from all Constitutions, Ciuill and Ecclesiastique, which cannot be obserued without deadly sin: that is, it makes them guilty in foro interiori.* 1.839 He addes, That he doth not beleeue, that the Pope did purpose by this Canon, to preiudice the ciuill lawes, nor that the wordes are inten∣ded of ciuill and secular law, but that by those wordes, Tam ciuilis, quam Canonica, the Pope meanes, that a prescriber Malae fidei, is guilty in conscience, whether it be of a matter Secular or Ecclesiastique. For (saies bee) though some say, the Pope meant to correct the law here∣in, yet this correction is not obserued in Iudicio Seculari. And therefore (saies hee) I doe not beleeue, that the Pope himselfe is bound to iudge according to this Canon,

where he hath temporall iurisdiction, because hee hath that Iurisdiction from the Emperour: therefore the Imperiall law standes still, and is not abrogated by this Canon, though of a generall Councell.

* 1.84040 This Pope also by a Canon in the title de Voto, hath gone the farthest of any, which haue fallen within my obseruation: for a King of Hun∣gary, which had made a vowe to vndertake a warre for Hierusalem, preuented by death, impo∣sed the execution thereof vpon his yonger sonne, who binding himselfe to performe it, with the armie which he leuied for that purpose, in pre∣tence, troubled his brother in his Kingdome: To him therefore Innocentius writes, That except he doe forthwith performe the vow, he shall be excommunicate and depriued of all right to that Kingdome; and that the kingdome, if his elder brother die without issue, shall deuolue to his younger brother. But all these threat∣nings, except that one of Excommunication, were not thundered by the Pope, as though hee could inflict them, out of his authority, but he re∣members this ill-aduised Prince, that except he per∣forme the will of his father, he looses his inheritance by the law:* 1.841 Which the Glosse in this place, endeuours to proue, and to that purpose cytes, and disputes some of the lawes in that point.

* 1.84241 The Canon Solitae, though it be euery where alleadged, and therefore it importunes me to mention it, reaches not to our question, for it

is onely a Reprehension made by a Pope, to a Greeke Emperour, because hee did not affoord his Patriarch of Constantinople dignity enough in his place. And he tels him, that he mistakes S. Peters meaning, in his E∣pistle, where he teaches obedience to Emperours; For, saies he, he writ but to those which were vnder him, and not to al;* 1.843 and he did prouoke them to a meritorious humility, not informe them of a necessary Duety; For, saies he, if that place shall be vnderstood of Priests, and literally, then Priests must bee subiect to Slaues, because it is Omni Creaturae, neyther (saies he) is it said, To the King, absolutely Precellenti, but tanquam precellenti, which was not added without cause. For (saies the Glosse) this word, Tanquam, is Similitu∣dinarium,* 1.844 non expressiuum veritatis; So that S. Peter doth not call the king Superiour in truth, but as it were Superiour; as I noted the Cardinals to sub∣scribe Letters to persons of lower ranke, Vester vti frater. And that which followes, of the punishment of euill doers, and praise of God, is not (saies he) that the King hath power of the sword ouer good and euill, but onely ouer them, which because they vse the sword, are vnder his iurisdiction. Then proceedes he to magni∣fie Priesthood, because Ieremie, to whom Commission was giuen ouer Nations, was descended of Priests: and because the Sunne which designes Priesthod, is so much bigger then the Moone: with so many more imper∣tinencies, and barbarismes, and inconsequences, that I wonder why he, who summ'd it, should so

specially say of this Canon, that it is Multum Al••e∣gabile.

42 In the Canon Grauem, Honorius the third writes to certaine Prelates, whose Church had receiued much detriment by a Noble-man, That since he hath continued contemptuously vnder Excom∣munication two yeares, if vpon this last monition he re∣fuse to conforme himselfe, they should discharge those Churches from their obedience to him, and denounce those which ought him alleageance, to be discharged ther∣of, as long as be remained Excommunicate. But it ap∣peares not here, whether hee were a Subiect of the Romane Church or no; And yet appeares plaine∣ly that he was no Soueraigne, and therefore no pre∣cedent in our case, in which there could not easily be restitution giuen to any, after another were in possession.

43 In the next volume of the law, which they call Sex••us,* 1.845 I haue noted in their Authours but one Canon, which comes within any conuenient distance of this point, which is a Letter of Inno∣cent the fourth to the Nobility of Portugall, by which, vnder paine of Excommunication hee com∣maunds them, to receiue the kings brother, as co∣adiutor to that king, Notwithstanding any Oath of Al∣leageance, or resistance of the King; So that they pre∣serued the right in the King, and in his children, if he shall ••aue any: Which, being but matter of fact, doth not constitute a rule, nor binde consciences,

especially when for the fact it selfe, the note saies in that place,* 1.846 That the Pope ought not to haue interpo∣sed himselfe in that businesse.

44 In the Extrauagants ••f Pope Iohn the two and twenteth,* 1.847 there is one Canon which would take great hold of consciences obliged to that Sea, but that it proceedes from a Pope infam'd for he∣resie, and claimes that Iurisdiction, which it there inculcates, in the right of being Emperour, at that time, when the throne, by the death of Henrie the seuenth, was vacant. Thus it sa••es, Since it is cleare in law, and constantly obserued of olde, that in a vacancy of the Empire, because then there can be no re∣course to any Secular Iudge, the Iurisdiction, Gouer••∣ment, and Disposition of the Empire deuolues to the Pope, who is knowne to haue exercised all these therein by himselfe, or others: whereas diuers continue the offi∣ces of the Empire, without our Confirmation, we admo∣nish all vnder Excommunication, euen Kings, to leaue off those titles; and if they doe not so, within two mo∣neths (how could hee prophesie so long a vacan∣cie?) Wee will Excommunicate the persons, and inter∣dict the Dominions of them all, Etiam superiores et in∣feriores Reges, and proceede with them, spi••itually and temporally, as we shall farther see to be expedient. And wee absolue all men, of all Oathes, by which they were bound to them. But, as I said before, this right of inflicting temporall punishment hee claim••s as Emperour; and the spirituall punishments are

threatned to no other, nor in any other Capacity, then as they are officers of the Empire, of which then hee imagines himselfe supreme Prince, and so he is enabled to doe all those acts, vpon any Prince which depends vpon the Empire, which he might doe Ordinarily in the Patrimony; and all, which the Pope and the Emperour together might doe vp∣on any Prince, which vsurped the titles and digni∣ties of the Empire, without the Emperours appro∣bation.

45 In the Common Extrauagants, that which they call vnam Sanctam, made by Boniface the eight, Anno 1302. hath the greatest force of all: both because it intends to proue and to Decree a certaine proposition, That it is of the necessitie of Saluation to be subiect to the Pope, and also because it determines it with Essentiall and formall words, belonging to a Decree, Declaramus, Definimus, Pronunciamus. And though in the body and passage of the De∣cree, there are sometimes arrogations of Secular Iurisdiction, by way of argument, and conueniencie, and Probable consequence; yet is there nothing drawne into the definition, and Decree, and there∣by obligatorily cast vpon our Consciences, but onely this, That a Subiection to the Pope is, of the ne∣cessitie of Saluation.* 1.848 For, sayes the glosse, it was the intention of the Pope in this Decretall, to bring reasons, examples, and authorities, to proue that Conclusion. So that, as if it pleased him to haue said so defi∣nitiuely,

without arguing the case, the Decretall had beene as perfit and binding, as it is after all his rea∣sons, and argumentation: so doe not his Reasons bind our reason, or our faith, being no part of the Definition, but leaue to vs our liberty, for all but the Definition it selfe.

46 And a Catholique which beleeues by force of this Decretall, That he cannot be saued except he obay the Pope, is not bound to beleeue there••fore, that these words of S. Iohn,* 1.849 There shall be one sheepe-folde, and one sheepheard, are meant of a Sub∣iection of all Christian Princes to the Pope, as this Decretall, by way of Argument, sayes; but he may be bold, for all this, to beleeue an elder Pope, that this is spoken of ioyning Iewes and Gentiles in one faith;* 1.850 or Theophilact, That this proues one God to be the sheep∣heard of the olde and new Testament, against the Ma∣niches.* 1.851 Nor is he bound, because this Decretall saies it by the way, to beleeue that the words in Saint Luke,* 1.852 Behold here are two swords, to which Christ did not answere, It is too much, but it is enough, doe proue the spirituall and temporall swords to bee in the di∣sposition of the Church; but he is at liberty for all this,* 1.853 to b••leeue Chrysostome, That Christ by mentio∣ning two swords in that place, did not meane, that they should possesse swords, (for what good (sayes he) could two swords doe?) but he forwarned them of such perse∣cutions, as in humane iudgement would neede the de∣fence of swords. Or he may beleeue Ambrose, That

these two swords,* 1.854 are the sword of the Worde, and the sword of Martyrdome: of which there is mention in S. Luke,* 1.855 A sword shall passe thorow my soule. So that these swords arme them to seeke the truth, and to defend it with their liues: or hee may beleeue S. Basil, who saies, That Christ spoke Prophetically, that they would encline to vse swordes, though indeede they should not doe so. Both which expositions of Chry∣sostome and Basil,* 1.856 a Iesuite remembers, and addes for his owne opinion; That Christ did not confirme two Swords to the Church, by Saying, It is enough, but onely, because they could not vnderstand him, he broke off further talke with them, as we vse when we are trou∣bled with one, who vnderstands vs not, to say, Tis well, Tis enough.

47 For Bellarmine is our warrant in this case, who saies,* 1.857 That those wordes intimate no more, but that the Apostles, when persecution came, would be in as much feare, as they who would sell all to buy swords: and that Pope Boniface did but mystically interprete this place.

48 And as the exposition of other places there cited by Boniface, and his diuers reasons scattered in the Decretall, ••al not within the Definition ther∣of, no•• binde our faith; so doth it not, that those wordes spoken by God to Ieremy, I haue set thee o∣uer the nations,* 1.858 and ouer the Kingdomes, and to plucke vp, and roote out, to destroy and to throw downe, to build and to plant, are ve••ifi••d of the Ecclesiastique pow∣er,

though he say it. But any Catholique may bold∣ly beleeue that they were spokē only to Ieremy, who had no further Commission by them, but to de∣nounce, and not to inflict those punishments. For it were hard, if this Popes Mysticall expositions should binde any man (contrary to his oath ap∣pointed by the Trent Councell) to leaue the vna∣nime consent of the Fathers in expounding these Scrip∣tures: and so an obedience to one Pope should make him periured to another. The last D••finiti∣on therefore of this Decretall, which was first and principally in the purpose and intention of this Pope, which is, Subiection to him, is ma••ter of faith to all them, in whom the Popes Decre••s beget fai••h, but temporall Iurisdiction is not hereby impo∣sed vpon the conscience, as matter of faith.

49 But because this Canon was suspiciously penn'd, and perchance misinterpretable, and bent against the kingdome of France, betweene which state and the Pope there was then much conten∣tion, so that therefore it kept a iealous watch vp∣pon the proceeding of that Church, Clement the fif••, who came to be pope within foure yeares af∣ter the making of this Canon,* 1.859 made another De∣cree, That by this Definition or Declaration of Boni∣face, that Kingdome was not preiudiced, nor any more subiect to Rome, then it was before the making of that Decree. And though it was not Clements pleasure to deale cleerely, but to leaue the Canon of Boni∣face,

as a stumbling blocke still to others, yet out of the whole History this will result, to vs, that if this temporall Iurisdiction, which some gather out of this Canon, were in the Pope, Iure Diuino, hee could not exempt the kingdome of Fraunce; and if it were not so, no Canons can create it But euen this exemption of Clement proues Bonifaces acte to be Introductory, and new, for what benefite hath a∣ny man by being exempted from a Declaratorie law, when for all that exemption, ••ee remaines still vnder the former law, which that declares: So that nothing concerning temporall Iurisdiction is defined in that Canon; but it is newly thereby made an Article of faith, that all men must vpon paine of damnation be subiect to the Church in spirituall cau∣ses; from which Article it was necessary to exempt France, because that kingdome was neuer brought to be of that opinion.

* 1.86050 And in the last Volume of the Canon law, lately set out in the Title, De Rescrip. & Mand. A∣post. there is one Canon of Leo the tenth, and ano∣ther of Clement the seuenth, which annull all Sta∣tutes and ciuill constitutions, which stoppe Appeales to Rome, or hinder the execution of the Popes bulles; and inflicts Excommunication, and Interdicts the Domini∣ons of any, which shall make or fauor such Statutes. But because these Canons doe not define this••, as matter of faith, I doubt not but the Catholiques of Eng∣land would bee loath to aduenture the daungers

which our Lawes inflict, vpon such as seeke Iu∣stice at Rome, which may be had here: And they doe, though contrarie to these Canons, in continu∣all practise, bring all their causes into the Courtes of Iustice here, which, if the Canons might pre∣uaile, belong'd to Rome.

51 And these be all the Canons, which I haue mark'd either in mine owne reading of them, or from other Authors which write of these questi¦ons; to bee cited to this purpose. Those which concerne Ecclesiasticke immunitie, or the Popes spiri∣tuall power I omitted purposely•• And of this kind which I haue dealt withall, I doubt not but some haue escaped me. But I may rather be ashamed of hauing read so much of this learning, then not to haue read all.

52 Heere therefore I will conclude, that though to the whole body of the Canon Law, there belong'd as much faith and reuerence, as to the Canons of the old Councels, yet out of them, you can finde nothing to assure your consciences, that you may incurre these dangers for refusall of the Oath. Nor may the Pope bee presum'd to ima∣g••ne, that he shal re-establish himself in any place, which hath escaped, and deliuered it selfe from his vsurpations, by any Canon Law, except he be a∣ble to vse that Droict du Canon, which Montmoren∣cie the French Constable, perswaded his King to vse against a Towne which held out against him.

CHAP. XI. That the two Breues of Paulus the fift, cannot giue this assurance to this Conscience; First, for the generall infirmities, to which all Rescripts of Popes are obnoxious: And th••n for certaine insufficiencies in these.

THough that which hath beene said in the former Chapter of the Decretall Letters of Popes, extend also to these Breues, since they are all of the same e∣lements and complexion, and subiect to the same diseases and infirmities: Yet because these two Breues, may bee said to haue beene addressed di∣rectly and purposely to giue satisfaction in this particular businesse, they may challendge more obedience, and lay a more Obligation then those other Decretals, which issuing vpon other occasi∣ons, doe not otherwise concerne the question in hand, then by a certaine relation, and conse∣quence, and comparison of the circumstances which produced them, with the circumstances which begot these Breues.

2 It seemes that the Pope when hee would restraine the subiects of Princes, and keepe them short, when he would cut off there naturall and profitable libertie of obeying Ciuill Lawes, when he would fetter and manacle them in perplexities, and make them doe lesse then they should, to the

losse of life, and liberties, he is content to send his Breues; But when he will swell and blow vp Sub∣iects with Rebellion, when he will fill them with opinions, that they may resist the entrances, or interrupt the possessions of Princes, when hee will haue them doe mo••e then they should doe, then come forth his Buls.* 1.861 For they say their Buls are so called out of the tumor, and swelling of the Seale;* 1.862 And the other, because they are dispatch'd vnder a lesse Seale, Sub Annulo piscatoris, are there∣fore called Breues; For, in temporall businesses of forraigne Princes, his Letters are euer defectiue, or abundant; they command too much, or too little.

3 And as the Popes haue euer beene absti∣nent in declaring and expressing in certaine and euident tearmes, how they haue this temporall Iurisdi∣ction, least hauing once ioynde issue vpon some one way, all men should bende their proofes a∣gainst that, and being once defea••ed, they could be admitted to no other plea, then themselues had chosen to adhere to, and relie vpon: So haue they abstained as much from giuing any binding re∣solution, in the question, how farre the ciuill lawes of Princes doe binde the subiects conscience.* 1.863 For Na∣uar••us testifies of himselfe, and of Caietane, and o∣thers, that it was much desired of the Councell of Trent; that it would haue defined something certainely in that point: for the want of this definition brought

him to contradict himselfe, and to hang in a perplexed suspence, and various change of opinions, fiftie yeares; and at last to resolue, That Ciuill lawes do•• not binde the consciences, ad Mortale, in some such cases,* 1.864 as Carninus, his Catholique Aduer∣sarie, saies, It is Haeresi proximum, and Temerari∣um, and sometimes Haereticum to say so.

4 If therefore we shall follow in this point Carninus his opinion,* 1.865 who deliuers as the most common and most probable, yea, necessarie Do∣ctrine, That because Ciuill lawes are no more to be cal∣led Humane lawes,* 1.866 then Ecclesiastique are, (for so also Nauarrus confounds the names) and that in power of binding,* 1.867 Humane lawes, that is, Ciuill, and Ecclesi∣astique, are equall to Diuine law, because in euery iust law the power of God is in••used, And therfore, Diuini∣tas ista (as he calls it) inheres in all lawes, & to trans∣gresse them is sin, And not only because the Maie∣stie of God, who quickens and inanimates this law, by a power deriued vpon his Lieutenant, is violated thereby, but euen in respect of the matter and Subiect, which is in euery law, that is, The common good, and tranquility, and to offend against that, is to offend against rectified Reason, and therefore since, This opinion, I say, being receiued as true, and so this law which commaunds this oath, made by a lawfull power, and for the publique Good, and generall tranquility, being in possession of the Subiects Consciences, and binding them vnder

danger of Mortall sinne, whatsoeuer can warrant any man to transgresse this law, must haue both Authority, and Euidence enough, to assure the Conscience, which till then is bound thereby, that either for some Substantiall, or for some for∣mall Defect, this was neuer any law, or that it is Abrogated, or that the persons of Catholiques are exempted from it.

5 And haue these Breues of the Popes gone a∣bout to giue your Consciences, as good reasons against the oath, as you were possessed withall before, for it? Are you as sure that these Breues, or that any Breues can binde your Conscience in this Case, as you were before, that the law could? And are you as sure that there are Breues, as that there is a law?

6 If the statute which enacts a Subsidie, which by the Kings accep••ation becomes a law, and so bindes the Conscience, should so esteeme the re∣fusall of the payment of his taxation in any per∣son, to bee an argument of disloyalty, as to make it capitall to refuse it, would you thinke that it such a Breue as these are, should tell you, that you might not pay it, with out detriment of Christian faith, you might die as Martyrs for re∣fusall thereof?

7 If such a Breue should forbid you to suffer your children to bee wards, to deliuer land es∣cheated, or confiscate, to disobey the Kings

emprest when hee leuies an Armie, or any such act due by conscience to his lawes, should this worke so vpon you, as to make you incurre the penalties of lawes, or suspicion of ill affected subiects? Nor can you say, that these are meere temporall matters, and therefore remoued from his Iurisdiction; for all sinne is spirituall, and hee is Iudge what is sinne.

8 How weake a ground for Martyredome, and how vnsufficient to deuest a conscience of an o∣bedience, imposed in generall by nature, and fastned with a new knot by an expresse law, are such sickly and fraile Breues, as the smallest and most vndiscernable errour, euen in matter of forme doth annihilate? for first, in the Ti••le of Constitutions and Rescripts of Popes (which is al∣waies the next Title to that of the Trinity and Ca¦thol••que Faith, in all the bookes of the Canon law, ex∣cept those bookes which haue no Title of the Trinity & Catholique faith) there appeares very ma∣ny Reasons by which a Breue may bee of no force.

* 1.8689 Alexander the third, w••iting to an Arch∣bishop of Canturbury, giues a rule of large extent; That in these kinde of letters (that is, such as pro∣ceede vpon information, as our case is) this conditi∣on; If the request be vpon true grounds, is euer vnder∣stood, though it be not expressed. And writing to the Archbishoppe of Rauenna,* 1.869 he saies, If at any time we

write such things to you, as exasperate your minde, you must not bee troubled; but diligently considering the quality of the businesse, whereof we write, either reue∣rently fulfill our command, or pretend by your Letters a reasonable cause why you cannot: for we will endure pa∣tiently, if you forbear to performe that, which was sugge∣sted to vs by euill information. And so doth that title abound with Interpretations, Limitations, and Re∣uocations of such Breues.

10 And not onely Delegate Iudges, and such persons as ha••e an inward knowledge, of errour in the cause which mooued the Pope to write, haue power to iudge these Breues, to bee inualid, and of no force,* 1.870 but euery Schoole-master. For Luci∣us the third, by a Rescript of his forbids any credit to be giuen to any Rescript, in which there is false Latin•• to which also the Glosser adds, That it vitiates a Breue, if the Pope speake to any one man in the plurall number;* 1.871 or call a Patriarch or a Bishop sonne.

11 And, as many Omissions, and many Adiecti∣ons in the body of the Breue, eyther in matter, or in forme do••h annull it, So would it make any con∣siderate conscience to doubt, whether such a Breue can warrant the expence of blood, or incur∣ring other Capitall dangers, that obserues, how often the Breues which haue issued vpon best con∣sideration and assistance of Counsell, haue beene reuoked; not vpon new emergent matter, but vpon better knowledge of the former. Of which

it seemes to me to be of good vse, to present one illustrous and remarqueable example.

12 Eugenius the fourth, hauing first by one Bull dissolued the Councell held at Basil, and transfered it to another place, the Councell for all that proceeding, the Pope by a second Bull, annuls all which that Councell had yet, or should after Decree; and this, by the Councell, and Assent of the Cardinals. After this the Councell cytes him, and all his Cardinals, vpon whom it inflicts confiscati∣on, and other penalties, if they forbeare to come. And then the Pope by a third Bull annuls that de∣cree of Citation, and excommunicates al persons, euen Kings and the Emperour, if they execute vpon any, that Decree of the Councell. And then he publishes a fourth Bull, by which he answeres all obiections made against him by the Councel, and hauing so established his owne innocence, he an∣nuls all acts made in preiudice thereof, and this also with assent and subscription of the Cardinals. And at last he sends out a fift Bull, in which hee takes knowledge, that his first Bull of dissoluing the Councell, had occasioned many grieuos dissenti∣ons, and was like to occasion more, and therefore now, he Decrees and Declares (by the Councell and Assent of his Cardinals still) not only that the Coun∣cell of Basil should from thenceforth be good and law∣full, but that it was so, when that Bull came, and that it had beene so from the time of the beginning thereof.

And so in expresse wordes, hee annuls his annul∣ling of it: and he reuokes two former Buls, and pronounces them Irritas, Annullatas, Cassatas; by the first whereof he had disabled the Councell, and by the second had excommunicated Princes, which should execute that, which he pronoun∣ces now to be iust: and of the other Bull he saies, It proceeded not from him, nor by his knowledge, though it were testified by the Cardinals, and endorsed for∣mally by his Secretary. And euen this last Bull of so many Reuocations, Annihilations, and Tergiuersati∣ons was not thought strong, nor out of the dan∣ger of being reuoked againe, till the Councell ac∣cepted it, and ratified it by applying the BVLL and Seale of the Councell to it.

13 So is it familiar in the Popes, not for the variety of iust occasion, but for pe••sonall hate to their predecessors, to annull the acts of one ano∣ther. So Stephen the sixth or seuenth,* 1.872 abrogated Om∣nes ordinationes, of Pope Formosus, and digged him vp, and cut of some of his fingers,* 1.873 and cast him into Tyber, and made all to whom he had giuen Orders, take new Orders againe.* 1.874 And next yeare Pope Romanus abro∣gated all Stephens Acts; and within seuen yeare af∣ter, came Sergius, who refreshed the hate against Formosus,* 1.875 and beheaded his body; which I wonder how he found, since Pope Stephen had so long be∣fore cast it into Tyber.

14 And in a matter so mainly concerning

faith, as amongst them, an Autentique translati∣on of the Bible, is, betweene the Edition of Six∣tus the fift, and the Edition of Clement the eight, there is so much difference, euen in absolute and direct Contradictions, as he which reades the seue∣rall Breues, by which those two Editions are au∣thorised; both hauing equall iustifications of the present Editions, equal absolutions from oathes for admitting any other, equall imprecations and curses, for omitting these, may well thinke that that is a weake and litigious title to Ma••tyrdome, which is grounded vpon the Popes Breues, which he himselfe, when he sends them, knowes not whether they be iust or no.

15 For, as they haue forbidden many lawfull things, and offered to destroy the lawes them∣selues, so haue they allowed and authorized ma∣nie things, which our owne Reason, and dis∣course, and Experience, can conuince of fal∣shood.

16 It is the common opinion that Eugenius the third, confirmed Gratian•• Of whom, we may be bolde, out of that learned Bishop which hath made animaduersions vpon him, ••o say, That he knew neither things nor words, mistooke matters and names, erred in places, and times, and had nei∣ther seene Fathers, Councels, nor Rolls. And though this B••shop seeme not to beleeue that Eu∣genius did confirme him,* 1.876 yet hee confesses, That

hee which doth beleeue such a confirmation, is bound thereby to beleeue as many errours, as are in Gratian. For, it seemes we haue no longer liberty to doubt, after such a confirmation: as it will follow eui∣dently out of Bellarmines fashion of arguing,* 1.877 when he sayes, We are bound to obay the Pope, when hee institutes a festiuall of a Saint; yet wee are neuer bound to doe against our conscience; and therefore we may no longer doubt it; but wee must make his Decree our conscience. So that if either Eugenius confirmed it before, or Gregory the thirteenth since, our liberty is precluded, and we must cre∣dulously, and faithfully swallow, not onely all the vnwholsome, and insipid negligences, igno∣rances, and barbarismes of Gratian, but all the bitter and venomous mixtures to Christs merit, and all the blasphemies and diminutions of his Maiest••e, which Boniface the ninth, and Martin the fift, haue obtruded to vs, by approuing and confirming by their Bulls,* 1.878 the Reuelations of Saint Brigid; for so sayes Paleotus they haue done.

17 These heauie inconueniencies, and dan∣gerous precipitations into errours, being fore∣seene by some of the ancient Schoolemen, out of their Christian libertie, and prudent estimation of the Popes Authoritie, they haue pronounced this infallibilitie of iudgement, to bee onely then in the Pope, When he doeth applie all Morall meanes to come to the knowledge of the trueth; As, hearing both

parties, aud waighing the pressures and afflicti∣ons, which he shal induce vpon them whom he inflames against their P••ince, and proceeding mildly and dispassionately, and not like an inte∣ressed person, and to the edification, not destru∣ction of them, whom onely he esteemes to be his Catholicke Church.

18 And this seemes so reasonable, that though the Iesuite Tannerus at first cast it away,* 1.879 as the opi∣nion onely, Quorundam ex Antiquioribus Scholasticis, yet afterwards hee affoords an interpretation to it; but such a one, as I think any Catholique would be loth to venter his Martyrdome thereupon, if he were to die for obedience to a Breue. For thus he saies, In euery matter, when a Hypotheticall proposition is made, of the condition whereof we are certaine, then the whole proposition must not be said to be Hypotheti∣cally and Conditionally true, but absolutely. And this he exemplifies by this Proposition: If Christ doe come to iudgement, there shall be a resurrection, which propo∣sition is absolutely and not conditionally true, because we are certaine that Christ will come to Iudgement: And so he saies, That it is the meaning of all them who affirme that the Pope may er••e, except he vse ordinarie meanes, onely to inferre, that hee dooth euer vse those meanes, without all doubt and question. But with what conscience can this Iesuite say, That this was the meaning of these Schoolemen, when in the same place it appeares, that the purpose of those Schoolemen,

was ••o bring the Pope to a custome of calling Councels, in determining waighty causes; for when they say, He may erre except hee vse Ordinarie meanes, and they intended generall Councels for this o••dinary meanes, can they bee intended in s••yin•• so•• to meane that the Pope did euer in such cases vse Genera••l Councels, when they reprehended his neglecting that ordinary meanes, and labou∣red to ••educe him ••o the practise thereof?

19 And though most of these infirmities inci∣dent to Breues in generall, doe so reflect vppon these two Breues in question, that any man may apply them, ye it may doe some good to come to a neerer exagitation and tri••l•• of the necessary ob∣liga••ion which they are ima••ined to imposed. It is good Doctrine which one of your men teaches; That euen in lawes,* 1.880 euery particular man hath power to interprete the same to his aduantage, and to dispence with himselfe therein, if there occurre a sudden case of necessity, and there be no open way and recourse to the Superiour. The first part of which Rule would haue iustified them, who tooke the oath before the Breues (though they had had some scruples in their conscience) by reason of the great scandall to the cause, and personall detriment, which the refusall was li••ely to draw on.

20 Nor can the Catholiques be said, to haue had as yet recourse to their Superiour, when neither their reasons haue beene aunswered or heard, which

thinke the oath naturally and morally law••ull, nor theirs who thinke, that in these times of immi∣nent pressures and afflictions, all inhibitions ought to haue beene forborne, and that any thing which is not ill in it selfe, ought to haue been per∣mit••ed for the sweetning and mollifying of the state towards them.

21 Their immediate Superiours here in England haue beene in different opinions, and therefore a recourse to them cannot determine of the mat∣ter: And for recourse to the Pope, the partie of Se∣cular Priests haue long since complained, that all waies haue beene precluded ag••inst them. And if they had iust, or excusable reasons to doubt, that the first Breue issued by Subreption, they had more reasons to suspect as many infirmities in ••he se∣cond, because one of the reasons of suspecting the first, being, That their Reasons were not heard, but that the Pope was mis-informed, and so mis∣ledde by hearking to one partie onely, the second Breue came, before any remedy or redresse was gi∣uen, or any knowledge taken of the complaint aga••nst ••he first.

22 Certainely I thinke that if he had had true in••ormation, and a sensible apprehension, that the s••ffe••ing of his party in this Kingdome, was like to b•• so heauie, as the lawes threatned, and a pertinacy in this re••usall, was likely to extort, hee had beene a lauish and prodigall steward of their

liues, and husbanded their bloods vnthriftily, if he had not reserued them to better seruices heere∣after, by forbearing all inhibitions for the present, and confiding and relying vpon his power of ab∣soluing them againe; when any occasion should present it selfe to his aduantage, rather then thus to declare his ambitions, and expose his seruants and instruments to such dangers, when by this violence of his, the state shall be awakened to a iealous watchfulnes ouer them.

23 It is not therefore such a disobedience as contracts, crinduces sinne (which it must be, i•• it be matter enough for Martyrdome) not to obey these Breues, though thus iterated; for it is not the adding of mo••e Cyphars after, when there is no figure before, that giues any valew, or encrease to a number.* 1.881 Nauarrus vpon good grounds, giues this as the Resultance of many Canons there by him alleadge, That it is not sinne in a man not to o∣bey his Superiour, when hee hath probable reasons to thinke, that his Superiour was deceiued in so commaun∣ding, or that he would not haue giuen such a command, if he had knowne the truth. And can any Catholique beleeue so profanely of the Pope, as to thinke, that if hee had seene the effects of the powder trea∣son, euery Church filled with deuout and thank∣full commemorations of the escape, euery Pulpit iustly drawing into suspition, the Maisters which procured it, and the Doctrine wherewith they

were imbued, euery vulgar mouth extended with execrations of the fact, and imprecations vppon such as had like intentions, euery member of the Parliament studying, what clau••es might be inser∣ted for the Kings security, into new lawes, and the King himselfe to haue so much moderated this common iust distemper, by taking out all the bitternesse and sting of the law, and conten∣ting himselfe, with an oath or such obedience as they were borne vnder, which i•• they should re∣fuse, there could be no hope of farther easinesse, or of such as his Maiestie had euer shewed to them before, Might any Catholique, I say•• beleeue, that the Pope if he had seene this, would haue ac∣celerated these afflictions vpon them, by forbid∣ding an Act, which was no more but an attesta∣tion of a morall truth, that is, ciuill obedience, and a profession, that no man had power to ab∣solue them,* 1.882 against that which they iustly auer∣red to be such a Morall & indelible truth? Might he not reasonably and iustly haue applied to the Pope, ••hat which Anselmus is said to haue pronoū∣ced of God himselfe, Minimum inconueniens est Deo impossible, and concluded thereupon, that it was impossible for the Pope to be Author of so great inconueniences?

24 And if the Popes Breues were not natural∣ly conditioned so, that in cases of enormou•• de••ri••ment and inconuenience, to the cause and per••ons,

the rigour thereof might be remitted, since in such occurrences, the reason of those Breues doth eui∣den••ly cease, which is euer, vnderstood to be the aduancement of the Romane Church; And if in all cases, all Breues must haue their full executi∣on vnder the paines and penalties inflicted there∣in, the Catholiques of England are in worse conditi∣on by some former Breues of the Popes, then the offending and violating these two later, can draw them into. For (to omit many of like, and worse danger) That generall Rescript of Clement the seuenth, which I mentioned before, pronounces, That not onely by the Bulla Caenae, all such are excom∣municated though they be Princes, as hinder the execu∣tion of the Apostolique letters, or such as giue such hin∣derers any Counsaile, helpe, or fauours directly, or in∣directly, publiquely, or secretly, or by any colour or pre∣tence, (which words will reach to all those, who haue refused, or doubted and disputed these Breues) but also that the Kingdomes and places, where those offende••s are remaining, are interdicted; And then in the rigour of this Breue, how can the Priests exercise their functions heere in England, if the Bulla Caenae, and a locall interdict oppresse it.

25 And by such seruile obedience to Breues, as this is all suc•• Catholickes as haue relieu'd & suc∣cor'd themselues, with that weake distinction of the ••ourt of Rome, and the Church of Rome, shall

loose and forfeit all the aduantage which that affoorded them; For, when they shall bee pressed with numbers of Veniall Indulgences, and of am∣bitious Buls, and vsurpations vpon the right of o∣ther Princes, they shall not bee able to finde this ea••e, to dischardge all vpon the Court of Rome, if the Church of Rome make it matter of Faith to obey the Rescripts of the Court of Rome, which produce these enormities. For since the Pope is the Church, how can you diuide the Church from the Court? Since, either as the Court is Aula or Curia, the Pope is the Prince, and as it is Forum, he is the Iudge, and the Ordinarie. And since all those Buls, which are loaded with censures, or with Indulgences proceede from him as he is the Church, (for those powers are onely in the Church) how can you im∣pute to his act any errour of the Court?

26 It was whilst Nero continued within the limits of a good and a iust Prince, that Tacitus said of him,* 1.883 Discreta fuit domus a Repub. but when hee stray'd into Tyrannie, it was not so. Nor is the Court of Rome, any longer distinguished from the Church of Rome, if the Church iustifie the errours of the Court, and pronounce, that hee which obeyes not that Court, is not in that Church, as it doeth in Excommunicating all them, which obey not the Rescripts and Breues of Popes.

* 1.88427 So that when Bellarmine vndertooke to aunswere all, which had beene obiected out

of Dante, and Bocace, and Petrarche, against Rome, it was but a lasie escape, and around and Summarie dispatch vpon wearinesse, to say, that all that was meant of the Court of Rome, not of the Church; and therefore it was a wise ab∣stinence in him, not to repeate Petrarchs words, but to recompense them by citing other places of Petrarch in fauour of the Romane Church. For though Petrarch might meane the Court, by the name of Babilon, and by imputing to it Couetous∣nesse and Licentiousnesse, yet when he charges Rome with Idolatrie, and cals it the Temple of Heresie, can this be intended of the Court of Rome?

28 The disobedience to Popes (in whome no moderate men euer denied some degrees of the leauen and corruption, of such passions and respects as vitiate all mens actions) was not al∣wayes esteem'd thus hainous, though in matters neerer to the foundations of Faith, then these which are now in question. The famous dissen∣tion betweene Pope Stephen and Cyprian, is good euidence thereof. For though now they say,* 1.885 That the Pope did not pronounce, De fide, against rebapti∣zation, but onely say, that it might not bee vsed: And that he did not Excommunicate Cyprian, but onely say, that he ought to be excommunicate; yet this is as farre as the Pope hath proceeded with you: and after he had done thus much, Bellarmine saies, it was lawfull for Cyprian to differ from him:* 1.886 because hee

thought that the Pope was in a pernitious errour. And though Cyprian is neuer found to haue retracted either his Doctrine of rebaptization, or his behaui∣our to the Pope, yet the seuerest Idolaters of that Sea, haue neuer denied him a roome amongst the blessed Saints of the purest times.

29 And tho••gh they are for their aduantage content to say now,* 1.887 that Cyprian was neuer excom∣municated, yet it is not denied by Baronius, but that Ignatius the Patriarch of Constantinople was, and that he died excommunicate; and resisted to the end of his life, the Popes Rescripts, by which hee was commaunded to leaue all the Countrie of Bulgaria to the iurisdiction of the Church of Rome. But this (saies Baronius) he did not out of any displeasure to the Pope, but to defend the iurisdiction of his Church, as he was bound by oath, vnder the da••∣ger of damnation: for his purpose was not to take away anothers right but to keepe his owne.

30 And was not this your case, before the Breues came? Is not ciuill obedience either really or by intention and implication sworne by euery subiect to the King in his birth, and after? and do you not by this last oath defend, not onely the Kings right, as you are bound, vnder danger of damnation, but your owne libertie who other∣wise must bee vnder the obedience of two Ma∣ste••s? and haue these two Breues made your case to differ so much from his, that that which was

lawfull to him, may not be so to you? when as to you the Breues haue onely brought a naked and bare commandement, without taking knowledg of your allegations: but the Pope gaue Ignatius three seuerall warnings; and disputed the case with him: and tolde him that by the records at Rome, it was euident, and that no man was ignorant, that that region belong'd to the Romane Church, and that Igna∣tius his pretences to it, because the enemy had interrup∣ted the Romane possession were of no force; which he proues by a Decree of Pope Leo, and diuers other waies: Yet for all this, Ignatius held out, endured the ex∣communication, and died vnder that burden, and yet God hath testified by many miracles, the holinesse and sanctitie of this reuerent man.

31 Dioscorus the Bishop of Alexandria,* 1.888 excee∣ded al these passiue disobediences and contempts of the Popes, and proceeded to an Actiue excom∣munication of the Pope himselfe: and yet for all this, it is said of him,* 1.889 Non errauit in fide. And what opinion was held of our Bishoppe Grosthead, that his disobedience to the Pope despoiled him not of the name of Catholique, a late Neophite of your Church hath obserued.

32 For the Pope is subiect to humane errors, and impotencies; and when a great sword is put into a weake hand, it cannot alwaies be well go∣uerned; And therefore when Bartholinus an ad∣uocate in the Court of Rome,* 1.890 a bolde and wittie

man, had aduentured to co••uay secre••ly cer••aine questions, in which he decl••red his owne opini∣on affirmatiuely; amongst which, one was, That if the Pope were negligent, or insufficient, or head-strong to the danger of the Church, the Cardinals might appoint him a Curator and Guardian, by whom hee should dis∣patch the affaires of the Church, his reasons are said to haue preuailed with excellent Masters in Theology, and Doctors in both lawes, and that many Cardinals adbe∣red thereunto, till the Pope comming to the knowledge thereof, imprisoned six of the Cardinals, and confiscated their estates.

33 But if, as it is forbidden vnder Excommu∣nication, to make any Comment vpon one Canon which concernes the priuileges of the Franciscans,* 1.891 (which were the best labourers in the Popes Vineyard, til the Iesuits came) so it were forbidden vpō like pe∣naltie, to interpret the Popes Breues, yet no such law can take away our natural libertie, nor silence in vs these dictats which nature inculcates, That against the end for which it was instituted, no power can be admitted to worke.* 1.892 For from your Syluester wee learne, That the Popes precepts binde not, where there is vehement likelyhood of trouble or scandall. And so he puts the iustifying and making valid the Popes Breues, to the iudgement of considerate men, though parties.

34 So also is it said there, That it is not the pur∣pose nor intention of the Church to bee obeyed in such

dangers; For auoydance of scandall, is Diuine law, and to be preferred before any commaund of a Pope, which is but Humane law: for Diuine positiue law yeeldes to this precept of auoyding scandall, as I noted before, in the integrity of confession, where some sinnes may be omitted, rather then any scandall admitted. And therfore their great Victo∣ria complaines iustly of great inconueniences, a 1.893 If all matters should be left to the will of one man, who is not confirmed in grace, but subiect to error: or which, saies he, I would it were lawfull for vs to doubt, meaning that daily experience made it euident; for so hee addes in the point of Dispensations, We see daily so large and dissolute dispensations, as the world cannot beare it. And not long after, in the same Lecture he ••aies, b 1.894 We may philosophy, and we may imagine, that the Popes might be most wise men, and most holymen, and that they would neuer dispense without lawfull cause, but experience cries out to the contrary, and we see that no man which seekes a Dispensation misses it. And therefore we must dispaire if it be left, Arbitrio huma∣no: For (saies he) the Pope must trust others, and they may deceiue him, if hee were Saint Gregory himselfe. And he addes further, c 1.895We talke as though wee needed great Engines to extort a Dispensation, as though there were not me expecting at Rome, when any man wil come and ask a dispensation of all those things, which are pro∣uided against by the lawes: and though hee confesse, that former Popes were not so limited, as he de∣siers

the Popes in these times, might be, it was, saies hee, because they did not presume, so easily to dis∣pence against Councels. Da mihi Clementes, prouide me, sayes he, such Popes as Clement, Linus and Sylue∣ster were,* 1.896 and I will allow all things to be done, as they list.

35 And then since de facto, it may bee, and often is so, whether a Precept of the Popes, doe worke to that end for which the Church go∣uernment was committed to him, or no, Natu∣rall Reason, sayes a e 1.897 learned Iesuite, will instruct vs. Who thereupon makes a free and ingenu∣ous conclusion, in a question of the Popes po∣wer in making a Law, of Electing a Successour, That the Pope might make such a Law, if hee would, but the Church would neuer receiue it. Which how could Azorius pronounce, or know, but by the insinuation of naturall reason, and conueniencie; which Counsailer and Instructer, euery other temperate and intelligent, and dispassioned man, hath as well as he?

* 1.89836 And so also saies Fran. a Victor. and as ma∣nie as speake ingenuously, That where the Man∣dates of the Pope, are in Destru••tione Ecclesiae, they may be hindred and resisted. For in the greatest effect which can be attributed to the Popes Bulls, in these temporall affaires, which is, discharging of Subiects from their obedience, that peremp∣torie Canon, Nos Sanctorum, bindes not, except it

may bee done without grieuous damage to the Subiect,* 1.899 and though by the vertue of that Canon, they may forbeare their obedience if they will, yet they are not bound thereby to doe it. Yea, it were vn∣lawfull, to denie that obedience, in cases of scan∣dall or tumult.* 1.900 For so also, sayes another of your great men, It is often expedient to obey euen an vniust law, to auoid scandall. a 1.901 And the late vn-entangler of perplexities, Comitolus the Iesuite, who vnder∣takes to cleare so many cases, which Nauarrus and many others left in suspence, when he comes to handle the question, whether a Professor of the Ro∣mane faith, being sent into those parts where the Greeke Church obserues other rites, may goe to their seruice; in such cases as he allowes it, he builds vpon this Reason, That by the law of God, and of Nature, it is lawfull, and the Precepts of the Church, (which for∣bid this) doe not binde Christians, in cases of great detriment to the life, or soule, or honor, or fame, or out∣ward things.

37 Since therefore a ciuill constitution, which in power of binding, and all validities, except im∣mura••lenesse, is by your owne Authors equall to Diuine, had possessed your conscience, and so re∣freshed by a new solicitation your naturall & na∣tiue Alleageances, so that no Breue could create in you a new conscience, in this case, no more then if it had forbidden Obedience to the common law, or any other statute, because it belongs not

to you to iudge what is sinne, and what condu∣ces to spirituall ends, since by the testimonie of the Popes owne Breues, his Breues are subiect to many infirmities, and open to the interpretation of meane men, since they are often reuoked, and pronounced to haue beene voide from the begin∣ning, vppon such reasons as it is impossible for you to suspect or spie in them, when you admit them, since these Breues haue contributed their strength, and giuen authority, to vaine, and to su∣spitious, and to false, and to blasphemous legends, since the Pope is allowed, to neglect all waies of informing himselfe of the ••ruth, in the most ge∣nerall & most important matters, since recourse to your Superiours is not affoorded, which you know both by the practises of one partie and fa∣ction at Rome, and also by effects thereof, be∣cause by the second Breue, the complaints against the first were not remedied, And since in such ca∣ses, the interpretation and dispensation of Breues, when necessitie oppresses you, belongs to your selfe, who cannot bee esteemed disobedient, for abstaining from doing such a commaund, as you doe iustly thinke to be erroneous, and that your Superiour would not importune it, if hee knew perfitly your condition, and estate: since their ri∣gorous obseruation of Breues, might cast you vn∣der a locall interdict, and sterue you for spirituall food, And makes you iustifie all the errou••s of the

Court of Rome, by making the Court, & the Church, all one: since Cyprian, Ignatius and others, haue beene iustly reputed holy men, & Saints, though they disobeyed the precepts of Popes, made vpon more reasons, and stronger comminations, and broken with lesse excuse, then these Breues may be by you: since lastly the Pope cannot by pretence of aduauncing the Church serue his owne ambi∣tions to your destruction, you may as well flatter your selfe, with specious Titles, for not swim∣ming if you were cast into a Riuer, or for not run∣ning out of a house, if it were ready to fall vppon you, as you may thinke your selues Confessors (in your sense) for suffering t••e penalties of this law, or they may thinke themselues Martyrs, whose execution ••or other treasons, this Refusall may hasten.

CHAP. XII. That nothing requir'd in this Oath, violates the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction; And that the clauses of swearing that Doctrine to bee Hereticall, is no vsurping vpon his spirituall right, ei∣ther by preiudicating his future definition, or offending any former Decree.

THe same office which our s••erties per∣forme for vs, at our Baptisme and Re∣generation, the Lawe vnder••akes at our Ciuill birth; For the Law is Commu∣nis

sponsio Reip.* 1.902 And as they which were our stipu∣lators at the Font, take care when we come to a∣bilitie of Discretion, that we doe by some open declaration, as frequenting Diuine Seruice, and so communicating with the Church in the worde and Sacraments, testifye that wee acknowledge our selues incorporated and matriculated into that Christian warfare, wherin they entred our Names, So hath Law prouided, that when we grow to be capable of Good and Euill, wee should make some publicke protestations of that Obedience to the Prince, which by our birth in his Dominions, and of his Subiects, wee had at first contracted. Thereupon hath it proceeded that by our Lawes at sixteene yeares of age, an Oath hath beene re∣quir'd of euery Subiect. And besides this generall Oath, it hath in all well gouern'd Estates, beene thought necessary, that they which were assum'd to any publicke function in the State, should also by another Oath, appropriated to that calling, be bound to a iust execution of that place; And ther∣fore it seemes reasonable which a Lawyer sayes, That he which vndertakes to exercise any Office,* 1.903 before he haue taken the Oath, belonging thereunto, Tenetur Maiestatis, because he seemes to doe it by his owne Authoritie. Nor might a Souldier,* 1.904 though hee were in the Tents at the time of Battell, be admit∣ted to fight against the enemie, if he had not taken the Oath. And the Notaries in the Courts of Rome,

if they delay to dispatch them, who would by Appeale,* 1.905 or otherwise bring causes into those Courts, are by a l••te Decretall guilty of periury, be∣cause being sworne to aduance the profit of that place, and the Apostolique Authority, this is accounted an interpretatiue periury.

2 So also hath it beene a wise and religious custome, in matters newly emergent, and fresh occurrences, if either forraigne pretences, or in∣ward discontentments, threatned any commoti∣ons in the State, to minister new Oathes, to all whom it might concerne; not as newe o••lig••ti∣ons, but as volun••ary and publique confessions, that all the former oathes sworne in Nature and in Law, doe re••ch and ex••end to that case then in question, and that they were bound by them, to the maintenance of the peace and tranquility of the present State.

3 And at no time, and to no persons, can such Oathes be more necessary, then to vs now, who haue beene awakened with such drummes as these,* 1.906 There is no warre in the world so iust and ho∣nourable, be it ciuill or forraigne, as that which is waged for the Romane Religion. And especially in this con∣sideration are Oathes a fit and proper wall and Rampart, to oppose against these men, because they say,* 1.907 That to the obedience of this Romane Religi∣on, all Princes and people haue yeelded themselues, ey∣ther by Oath, vow, or Sacraments, or euery one of them.

For against this their imaginary oath, it is best, that a true, reall, and lawfull oath be administred by vs.

4 The Iesuites which in their Vowe to the Popes will, haue sworne out all their obedience at once, in a Hyperbolicall detestation of oathes, doe almost say true,* 1.908 when they professe, That they auoide an Oath worse then periury: But though they haue borrowed this protestation of the Esseni,* 1.909 who were in so much estimation amongst the Ie∣wes, yet this declining of Oathes wrought not vp∣pon them, as it doth vpon the Iesuites; for the Es∣seni did willingly take Oathes,* 1.910 that they would attempt nothing against the Magistrate; out of this reason, that they beleeued it hapned to no man, to be a gouernour without the pleasure of God•• Since therefore the Ie∣suites abhorre such oaths,* 1.911 & it is a good presump∣tion, that Schollers are guilty if their Masters were, and sonnes are punished, because they are iustly suspected to inherit their fathers malignity, and ill disposition; It was necessary to present such an oath, as might discouer how much of their Masters poison, and of their Fathers ill affections to this State, the Ie∣suites disciples, and spirituall sonnes had swallow∣ed and digested.

5 And when an Oath is to bee conceiued and framed, which hath some certaine scope and purpose; it were a great impo••encie or slackenes in the State, if it should not be able, or not dare to

expresse it in such tearmes, as might reach home to that purpose, and accomplish fully all that which was intended therein; especially in these times of subtile euasions and licentious equiuo∣cations.

6 When Paulus 4. had a purpose to take in, and binde more sorts of men, by that oath which was framed according to the Trent Coun∣cell, for them onely who were admitted to spiritu∣all dignities, and some few others, and so to swear all those men fast to the Doctrine of that Coun∣cel, and to the obedience of the Church of Rome, it is expressed in so exquisite and so safe wordes, as can admit no escape. For, how ignorant soe∣uer he be in controuerted Diuinity, euery one which takes that oath, must sweare, That there are seuen Sacraments instituted by Christ; which any of their Doctors might haue doubted and impugn'd an houre before; as it appeares by Azorius,* 1.912 that Alensis and Bonauenture did of Confirmation, Hugo Victor and Lombard of extreame vnction, Hostiensis and D••randus of Matrimony, and others of others: and he must sweare, That he beleeues Purgatory, In∣dulgences, and veneration of Reliques: and hee must sweare, That all things contrary to that Co••ncell are he∣reticall. And this oath is not onely Canonized (as their phrase is) by being inserted into the body of the Canon law,* 1.913 but it is allowed a roome in the Title, De Summa Trinitate, & fide Catholica, and so

made of equall credite with that. And that a 1.914 oath by which the Cardinals are bound to the mainte∣nance of the Church priuileges is conceiued in so strong and forcible wordes, that Baronius calls it Terribile Iuramentum, & saies, that the only remem∣bring of it inflicts a horror vpon his minde, and a trem∣bling vpon his body.

7 And with equall diligence are those oathes framed which are giuen to the Emperours,* 1.915 when they come to be Crowned by the Pope. For be∣fore he enters the land of the Church, he takes one oath, Domino Papae iuro, that I will exalt him with all my power. And before he enters Rome, he sweares, that he will alter nothing in that Gouernement, And be∣fore he receiues the Crowne, he sweares, that he will protect the Popes person and the Church. And in the creation of a Duke,* 1.916 because hee might haue some dependance vpon another Prince, the Pope exhi∣bites to him this oath; I vow my reuerence and obedi∣ence to you, though I be bound to any other.

8 So did Gregory the seuenth exact a curious oath of the Prince of Capua,* 1.917 that he would sweare Al∣leageance to the Emperour, when the Pope or his Suc∣cessors should admonish him thereto, and that when hee did it, he would doe it, with reseruation of his Alleage∣ance to the Pope. And so when the Emperour Hen¦rie the seuenth, though he confessed that he had swo••ne to the Pope, yet denied that hee vnderstood that Oath to be an Oath of Alleageance or Fidelity, the

Popes haue tooken order, not onely to insert the oath into the body of the Canon Lawe,* 1.918 but to enact thereby, That whosoeuer tooke that Oath af∣ter, should account and esteeme it to bee an Oath of Al∣leageance.

9 With how much curiositie and vnescapa∣blenesse their formes of Abiuration vnder oath are exhibited? They thought they had not giuen words enow to Berengarius,* 1.919 till they made h••m sweare, That the body in the Sacrament, was sensibly handled, broken, and ground with the teeth; which he was bound to sweare, Per Homousion trinitatem. And they dressed and prepard Hierome of Prage,* 1.920 an oath, in the Councell of Constance, by which he must sweare, freely, voluntarily, (or else bee bur∣ned) and simplie, and without condition, To assent to that Church, in all things, but especially in the Doctrines of the Keyes, and Ecclesiastick immunities and reliques, and all the ceremonies, which were the most obnoxi∣ous matters.

10 But yet this seem'd not enough;* 1.921 And there∣fore, though Castrensis say, That there is no Law, by which he which abiures, should bee bound to abiure any other Heresie, then that of which he was infamed, yet hee sayes that it stands with reason, that he should ab∣iure all. And accordingly the Inquisition giue an oath, in which, sayes hee, Nulla manet rimula ela∣bendi; For he must sweare, That he abiures all Here∣sies, and will alwayes keepe the faith of Rome; And that

he hath told all, of others, and of himselfe, and euer will doe so; And that if he doe not, he renounces the benefit of this Absolution, and will trouble the Court with no more dayes of hearing; but sayes he, Ego me iudico.

11 And if wee doe but consider the exacte formes, and the aduantagious words and clauses, which are in their Exorcismes, to cast out, and to keepe out Diuels, they may be good inducements, and precedents to vs, how diligent we should be, in the phrase of our Lawe••, to expell and keepe out Iesuites, and their Legion, which are as craftie, and as dangerous.

12 When therefore it was obserued, that not onely most of the Iesuites Bookes which tooke oc∣casion to speake either of matter of State, or Morall Diuinitie, abounded with trayterous and seditious Aphorismes, and derogatorie from the dignitie of Princes in generall; but that their Rules were also exemplified, and their speculations drawne into practise in this Kingdome, by more then one Treason; and by one, which included and excee∣ded all degrees of irreligion and inhumanity, then was it thought fit to conceiue an oath, whose end, and purpose, and scope was, to try & finde out, who maintained the integrity of their natu∣rall and ciuill obedience so perfectly, as to sweare, that nothing should alter it, but that he would e∣uer do his best endeuour to the preseruation of the Prince, what enemie so euer should rise against him.

13 And if any of the materiall words, or any clause of the Oath, had beene pretermitted, then had not the purpose and intent of the Oath beene fulfilled; That is, no man had auerr'd by that oath, that he thought himselfe bound to preserue the King against All enemies, which to doe, is meere Ciuill obedience. For though the generall word of Enemie, or Vsurper, would haue encluded and enwrapped as wel the Pope, as the Turke, when ei∣ther of them should attempt any thing vpon this Kingdome•• yet, as it hath euer beene the wisdome of all States, in all Associations and leagues, to or∣daine Oathes proper to the busines then in hand, and to the imminent dangers: So now it was most necess••rie to doe so, because the malignitie of men of that perswasion in Religion, had so violently broke foorth, and declar'd it-selfe; Which happie diligence, the effect praises and iustifies enough, since it appeares, that if these particular clauses had not beene inserted, they would haue swallowed any Oath, which had beene presented in generall termes and haue kept their Consciences at large to haue done any thing, which this Oath pur∣pos'd to preuent.

14 He therefore that should desire to bee ad∣mitted to Sweare, that hee would preserue the King against all his enemies, Except the Pope, or those whom he should encourage or imploy; Or that he would euer beare true Allegeance, Vntill

the Pope had discharged him, or that he•• would discouer any conspiracie which did happen before the Pope did authorize it; Or that he would keepe this Oath, Vntill the Pope gaue him leaue to breake it: this man should be farre from perfor∣ming the intent and scope of an Oath, which should be made for a new attestation, that hee would according to his naturall duetie, and in∣borne obedience, absolutely desend the King from All his enemies.

15 I make no doubt but the Iesuites would haue giuen way to the Oath, if it had beene con∣ceiu'd in generall words, of All obedience, against all Persons; for it were stupiditie to denie that ••o be the dutie of all Subiects. Nor would they haue exclaim'd, that spirituall Iurisdiction had beene infringed, if in such times as their Religion go∣uern'd here, this clause had beene added to defend the King,* 1.922 Though the Metropolitane of England should Excommunicate him. And yet by there Do∣ctors it is auerr'd, that Iure Diuino, and Iure Com••muni Antiquo, A Bishop may Excommunicate a King, as Ambrose did Theodosius, and that excepting onely infallibilitie of iudgement,* 1.923 in matter of Faith, a Bi∣shop might, Iure Diuino, doe all those things in his Dio∣cesse, which the Pope might doe in the whole Church. For, so Bellarmine himselfe concludes, arguing from the Popes Authoritie in all the world, to a Bishop in his Diocesse.* 1.924 If there••ore an Oath had

beene lawfull, for defending the King against All enemies, though a Bishop Excommunicate him, And the Pope haue onely by positiue lawes, with∣drawne from the Bishops some of the exercise of their iurisdiction, and reserued to himselfe the power of excommunicating Princes, it is as law∣full to defend him a••ter a Popes excommunicati∣on now, as it was after a Bishops, when a Bishop might excommunicate: and no man euer said, that a Bishop might haue deposed a King.

16 All which they quarrell at in the oath, is, that any thing should be pronounced, or any li∣mits set, to which the Popes power might not ex∣tend: but they might as well say that his spirituall power were limited or shortned, and so the Ca∣tholique faith impugned, if one should denie him to haue power ouer the winde and sea; since to tame and commaund these, in ordine ad spiritu∣alia, would aduance the conuersion of the Indies, and impaire the Turks greatnesse, and haue fur∣thered his fatherly & spirituall care of this King∣dome in 88.

17 All the substance of the oath is virtually comprehended in the first proposition, That king Iames is lawfull King of all these Dominions; The rest are but declarations, and branches naturally and necessarily proceeding from that roo••e. And as that Catholique which hath sworne, or assented, that Paul the fift, is Pope canonically elected, hath

implicitely confessed, that no man can deuest or despoile him of that spirituall iu••isdiction, which God hath deposed in him, nor of those temporall estates, which by iust title his predecessours pos∣sessed or pretended too: so that Subiect which sweares king Iames to bee his true and lawfull King, obliges himselfe therein to all obedience, by which hee may still preserue him in t••at state; which is to resist all which sh••ll vpon any occasi∣on be his enemies.

18 For if a king be a king vpon this conditi∣on, that the Pope may vpon such cause as seemes iust to him, depose him, the king is no more a So∣ueraigne, then if his people might depose him, or if a Neighbour king might depose him: For though it may seeme more reasonable and con∣uenient, that the Pope, who may bee presumed more equall, and dispassioned then the people, and more disinteressed then the neighbour Prin∣ces, should be the Iudge and Magistrate to depose a Prince enormously transgressing the wayes, in which his du••y bound to him to walke, though, I say, the king might hope for better Iustice at his hand, then anothers, yet he is no Soueraigne, if any person whatsoeuer may make him none. For it is as much against the nature of Soueraignty, that it may at any time be iustly taken away, as that it shall cer••ainly bee taken away. And therefore a King whom the Pope may depose, is but a De∣positarie••

and Guardian of the Souerainty; ••o whose trust it is committed vpon condition: as the Di∣ctators were Depositaries of it, for a certaine time. And Princes in this case shall bee so much worse then Dictators, as Tenants at will are worse then they which haue certaine leases.

19 And there••ore that suspition and doubt, which a learned Lawyer conceiued, that the Kings of France and Spaine lacked somewhat of Souerainty,* 1.925 be∣cause they had a dependance, and relation to the Pope, would haue had much reason and probability in it, (though he meant this onely of spirituall mat∣ters concerning religion) if that authority which those Kings seeme to be subiect to, were any o∣ther, then such, as by assenting to the Ecclesia∣stique Canons, or confirming the immunities of the Ecclesiastique state, they had voluntarily brought upon themselues, and the better to dis∣charge their duetyes to their Church; and to their ciuill state, had chosen this way as fittest to gouerne their Church, as other waies, by Iud∣ges and other Magistrates to administer ciuill Iu••stice.

20 So there••ore his Maiesties predecessors in this Kingdome were not the lesse Soueraigne and absolute•• by those acts of Iurisdiction which the Popes exercised here. For though some kings in a mis-deuout zeale, and contemplation of the next life, neglected the office of gouernement to

which God had called them, by attending which function duely, they might more haue aduanced their saluation, then by Monastique retirings (of which publique care, and preseruing those which were committed to their charge, and preferring them before their owne happinesse•• Moses, and S^t. Paul were couragious examples) Though,* 1.926 I say,* 1.927 they spent all their time vpon their owne future happinesse, and so making themselues almost Clergy men, and doing their duties, gaue the Cler∣gie men way and opportunity, to enter vpon their office, and deale with matter of State; And though some o••her of our kings oppressed with temporall and personall necessities, haue seemed to diminish themselues, by accepting conditions at the Popes hands, or of his Legates, And some o∣thers, out of their wisedome auoiding dangers of raw and immature innou••tions, haue digested some indignities and vsurpations, and by the ex∣amples of some kingdomes about them, haue continued that forme of Church Gouernment, which they could not resist without tumult at home, and scandall abroad•• yet all this extinguish∣ed no part of their Souerainty; which Souerainty without all question they had, before the other entred into the kingdome, intirely: and Souerain∣ty can neither be deuested nor deuided.

21 As therefore Saint Paul suffered Circumcision as long as toleration thereof, aduanced the propa∣gation

and growth of the Church, when a seuere and rigid inhibition thereof would haue auerted many tender and scrupulous consciences, which could not so instantly passe from a commande∣ment of a necessity in taking Circumcision, to a necessity in leauing it; But when as certaine men came downe and taught,* 1.928 that circumcision was necessa∣ry to saluation, and so ouerthrewe the whole Gos∣pell, because the necessity of both could not con∣sist together, then Circumcision was vtterly abo∣lished: So, as long as the Romane Religion, though it were corrupted with many sicknesses, was not in this point become so infectious and contagi∣ous, as that it would vtterly destroy and abolish the Souerain••y of Princes, the kings of England suc∣courd, relieued, and cherished it, and attended an opportunity, when God would enable them to medecine and recouer her; but to be so indulgent to her now, is impossible to them, because as eue∣ry thing is iealous of his owne being, so are kings most o•• any: and kings can haue no assurance of being so, if they admit professors of that Reli∣gion, which teache, that the Pope may at any time Depose them.

22 We doe not therefore by this oath exempt the King from any spirituall Iurisdiction; Neither from o••ten incitations to continue in all his due∣ties, by Preac••ing the word; nor from confir∣ming him in grace, by the blessed Sacrament;

Nor from discreet reprehension if hee should transgresse. We doe neither, by this oath, priui∣ledge him from the Censures of the Church, nor denie, by this oath, that the Pope hath iustly in∣grossed and reserued to himselfe the power to in∣flict those censures vpon Princes. We pronounce therein against no power which pretendes to make Kings better Kings, but onely against that, which threatens to make them no kings.

23 For if such a power as this, of deposing and annihilating Kings, bee necessarie, and cer∣taine in the Church, and the Hierarchie thereof be not well established, nor our saluation well prouided for, without this power, as they teach, why was the Primitiue Church destitute there∣of? For if you allow the answere of Bellarmine, That the Church did not depose Kings then because it lacked strength,* 1.929 you returne to the beginning a∣gaine, and goe round in a circle. For the wise∣dome of our Sauiour is as much impeached, and the frame of the Church is as lame, and impotent, and our saluation as ill prouided for, if Christ doe not alwayes giue strength and abilitie to extirpate wicked kings, if that be necessarie to saluation, as he were if he did not giue them Title and Autho∣ritie to doe it. Yea, all tese defect; would still remaine in the Church, though Christ had giuen Authoritie enough, and Strength enough, if he did not alwayes infuse in the Pope, a Will to doe it.

24 And where this power of deposing Prin∣ces may be lawfully exercised, as in States where Princes are Conditionall, and not absolute and So∣ueraigne, as if at Venice the State should depose the Duke, for attempting to alter that Religion, and induce Greeke errours, or Turcisme, or if other States, which might lawfully doe so, should depart from the obedience, and resist the force of their Princes, which should offer to bring into that State, the Inquisition, or any other violence to their Conscience, if the people in these States should depose the Prince, did they doe this by a∣ny Spirituall Authoritie, or Iurisdiction? Or were this done by such a Temporall Authoritie, as were indirect, or casuall, or incident, or springing out of the spirituall authoritie, as the Popes ridler makes his authoritie to bee? Or must they stay, to aske and obtaine leaue of their Clergie, to depose such a transgressor? If therefore such a particular state, in whom the Soueraignty resides, haue a direct tem∣porall power, which enables it sufficiently to maintaine, and conserue it selfe, such a supreme spirituall power, as they talk of in the Pope, is not necessarie for our saluation, nor for the perfection of the Church gouernment.

25 Nor is there any thing more monstrous, and vnnaturall and disproportioned, that that spi∣rituall power should conceiue or beget temporall: or to rise downwards, as the more degrees of

heigth, and Supremacie, and per••••ct••o•• it hath, the more it should decline and stoope to the con∣sideration of secular and temporall matters. It may well haue some congruity with your Rules, that the Popes of Rome, in whom the fulnesse of spirituall power is said to be, should haue more iuri••dictiō in spirituall matters, then other Prelates. They may be better trusted with the spirituall food and physicke of the Church, and so prepare and present, the word, and the Sacraments, to vs, in such outward sort and manner, as wee may best digest, and conuert them to nouriture. They may be better trusted with the spirituall Iustice of the Church, and make the censures thereof profitable to the delinquent, and others by his example. They may be better trusted with the spirituall trea∣sure of the Church, and apply and dispence the graces, of which they haue the stewardship, at their discretion. They may be better credited with ca∣nonizing of Saints, and such acts of spirituall power, then others: and these are many, and great offi∣ces, to be put into one bodies hands. But tha•• out of this power, and then onely when this po∣wer is at her fulnesse and perfection in the Pope, there should arise and growe a temporall power, which in their estimation, is so poore and wret∣ched a thing, that a boy which doth but shaue his head, and light a candle in the Church, is aboue it, (for so they say, euen of the lesser Orders) is ei∣ther

impossible, or to prodigious, as if (to insist vpon their owne comparisons of spirituall and temporall power) the Sunne at his highest glory, should be said to produce a Moone-light, or golde, after all trials and purifyings, should bring ••orth Lead.

26 Nor doe they for this Timpany, or false conception, by which spirituall power is blowne vp, and swelled with temporall, pretend any place of Scripture, or make it so much as the putatiue fa∣ther thereof. For they doe not say, that any place of Scripture doth by the literall sense thereof, im∣mediatly beget in vs, this knowledge, That the Pope may depose a Prince; but all their arguments are drawne, from naturall reason, and discourse, and conuenience. So that, if either the springe which moues the first wheele, or any wheele by the way be disordered, the whole Engine is defeated, and made of no vse.

27 And in this wee will ioyne and concurre with Azorius the Iesuite,* 1.930 That though there be some••things which neither the Scriptures doe in expresse words forbid the Pope to doe, nor the Canons can dis∣able him•• because hee is aboue them, yet the very law of Nature inhibites them, and prouides that by no meanes they may be done; and that if the Pope should doe such a thing, there were a Nullity in the action, and the Church would neuer permit it, but doe some act in oppo∣sition against it, And all this out of this respect, That

naturall Reason would teach them, that the generall peace and tranquility of the Christian Common-wealth would be disturbed thereby.

28 If therefore in the point in question, wee must be directed by naturall reason, and dispute which is most profitable and conuenient for the peace of Christian states, though it may bee long vncertaine on both sides, where the victorie will fall, yet, during the suite, Melior est conditio possi∣dentis. And since it is confessed, that Princes before they accepted Christianitie, had no Superi∣our, and nothing appeares why Princes should not be as well able to gouerne Subiects in Chri∣stian Religion, as in Morall vertue, or wherein they neede an equall Assistant, or Superiour, now, more then before, or by what au••horitie the Pope is that Officer, it is a precipitate and hastie preiudice for any man, before iudgement, to set to the seale of his bloud, and a licentious and desperate ex∣tending of the Catholique faith, to intrude into the body thereof, and charge vpon our consciences, vnder paine of damnation, such an article, as none but the thirteenth Apostle Iudas would haue made, and in which their owne greatest Doctors, are yet but Ca••echumeni, and haue no explicite be∣liefe thereof: for they neither bring to that pur∣pose, Scripture, Tradition, consent of Fathers, generall Counsaile, no nor Decree of any Pope.

29 And, I thinke, I may safely auerre, that it

will not constitute a Martyrdome, to seale with your bloud any such point heere, as the affirming of the contrary, would not draw you into the fire at Rome. Except you should be burned for an O∣pinion there, you cannot be reputed Martyrs, for holding the contrarie here. As therefore it were no Heresie at Rome, to denie the Popes direct po∣wer, nor his indirect, (for if it were, Bellarmine and Baronius had made vp an Heresie betweene them, as Sergius and Mahomet did) so is the affirmation thereof no article of faith in England.

30 This then being so farre from being an Article of faith, by what power the Pope may de∣pose a Prince, as that it is euen amongst them which affect an Ignorance, but Dubium speculatiuū, a man may safely, and ought to take the Oath: For so a man of much authority amongst them∣selues doth say,* 1.931 That in a doubt which consists in specu∣lation, we doe not sinne, if we doe against it•• and him∣selfe chuses this example, If a Souldier doubt whether the warre which his Prince vndertakes be iust or no, yet in the practique parte, hee may resolue to fight at his Princes command, though he be not able to explicate the speculatiue doubt. And he ads this in confirmation; That where one part is certaine, and the other doubtful, we may not leaue the sure side, and adhere to the other. In his example that which hee presumes for cer∣taine, is this, That euery man ought to defend his Prince, and the speculatiue doubt is, Whether the

warre be iust or no. If this be applied ••o our case, eue∣ry man will finde this certaine impression in himsel••e, that hee ought to sweare ciuill obedi∣ence to his Prince, and this will be so euident to him, that no doubt can arise, so strong, or so well commended to him, by any pretence of Reason, and deducements, as may make him abstaine from a pract que duety, for a speculatiue doubt. For so, Fran. a Victoria, maintaining the same opi∣nion, giues the••e reasons or it,* 1.932 That not onely in de∣fensiue warre, but in offensiue (which i•• further then our case, in any probability, is like to extend to) the Prince is not bound to giue an account to the subiect of the iustice of the cause: And therefore (saies hee) in doubtfull cases, the safer part is to be followed: And if he should not fight for his Prince, he should expose the State to the enemy, which is a much more grieuous of∣fence, then to fight against the enemy, though he doubt of the cause. ••or if their opinion were an euident Truth, both their Doctors would be able to expli∣ca••e it, and their Disciples would neede no expli∣cation.

31 This Oath therefore containing nothing, but a profession of a morall Truth, and a protestation that nothing can make that false, impugnes no part of that spirituall power, which the Pope iustly hath, no•• of that which he is charged to vsu••pe. That which hath seemed to m••ny of them, to come neerest to his spirituall power is, that the Depo∣nent

dot•• sweare, That the Pope hath no power to ab∣solue him of this Oath. But besides, that it hath beene strongly and vncontroulably prooued al∣ready by diuers, that no absolution of the Popes can wor••e vpon the matter of this Oath, because it is a morall Truth, I doe not perceiue, that to ab∣solue a man from an Oath, belongs to spirituall Iurisdi∣ction.

32 For Dispensations against a law, and ab∣solutions from Oathes and Vowes worke onely as Declaration••, not as Introductions. And that po∣wer which giues me a priu••ledge, with a Non ob∣stante vpon a law, or an absolu••ion from an oath, doth not enable mee to breake that lawe, or that Oath, but onely declares, That that law and Oath, shall not extend to me in that case, and that if this par∣ticular case could haue beene foreseene, at the ma∣king of the law, or the Oath, neither the Oath, nor the law ought to haue beene so generall.

33 So therefore these Absolutions, are but in∣terpre••ations, and it belongs to him who made the law, to interpret it. For without any vse of spiritu••all Iurisdiction, the Emperour Henry ••he seuenth, absolued all the Subiects of Robert king of Sicily of their oathes of Alleageance, w••en he rebelled against ••he Emp••••e, of which hee was a feudatarie Prince.* 1.933 And though the Pope annulled this sen∣tence, it was not because the Emperour might not doe this, but because the king of Sicily held also of

the Church, and this absoluing of Subiects made by the Emperour, extended to the Subiects of the Church.

34 So also the Emperours Antoninus and Ve∣rus, when one had made an oath,* 1.934 that he would ne∣uer come into the Senate, creating him such an Offi∣cer, as his personall attendance was necessary in the Senate house, by an expresse Rescript, absolued him of his oath. Of which kinde there are diuers other examples.

35 And your Canons doe not require this spiri∣tuall Iurisdiction, alwaies in this Act of absoluing an oath.* 1.935 For if I haue bound my selfe to another by an vniust oath, in many cases I may pronounce my selfe absolued; and in others I may complaine to the Iudge, that hee may force him, to whom I swore, to absolue me of this oath. And in such ca∣ses as we are directed to goe to the Church, and the gouernour thereof, it is not for absolution of the oath, but it is for iudgement, whether there were any sinne in making that oath, or no. For when that appeares, out of the Nature of the matter, arises and results a Declaration sufficient, whether wee are bound or absolued. If therefore the matter of this oath be so euident, as being Morall, & there∣fore constant and euer the same, that it can ne∣uer neede his iudgement, because it can in no case be sinne, the scruple which some haue had, that by denying this power of absoluing, his spi∣rituall

power is endamaged, is vaine and friuo∣lous.

THE SECOND PART.

FRom this imputation, of impairing his spiri∣tuall [ 36] power, euery limme and part of the oath, hath beene fully acquited, by great, and reue∣rend persons, so, as it were boldnesse in me, to add to that which they haue perfited; since additions doe as much deforme, as defects. Onely, because perchance they did not suspect, that any would stumble at that clause, which in the oath hath these words, I abiure as impious, and Hereticall, that position, &c. I haue not obserued that any of them, haue thought it worthy of their defence; But be∣cause I haue found in some Catholiqus, when I haue importuned them to instance, in what part of the oath sp••rituall Iurisdiction was oppugned, or what deterr'd them from taking the same, that they insisted vpon this, That it belonged onely to the Pope to pronounce a Doctrine to be Hereticall, and that, since there was a Canon of a generall Coun∣cell pretended for the con••rary opinion, and that it was followed by many learned men, it were too much boldnesse for a priuate man, to a••erre it to

be Hereticall, I am willing to deliuer them of that scruple.

37 It is no strange nor insolent thing with their Authors, to lay the Note of Heresie vpon Ar∣ticles, which can neither be condemned out of the word of God, nor are repugnant to any Article of faith; for Castrensis, that he might thereby make roome for traditions,* 1.936 liberally confesses, That there are many Doctrines of the Heretiques, which cannot be refelled by the testimonie of the Scriptures.* 1.937 And the Ie∣suite Tannerus is not squeamish in this, when hee allowes thus much, That in the communion vnder one kinde, and in fasts, and in feasts, and in other De∣crees of Popes, there is nothing established properly con∣cerning faith. So that with you, a man may be sub∣iect to the penalties, & so to the infamie, & so to the damnation belonging to an Heretique, though hee hold nothing against the Christian faith.

38 But wee lay not the Name of Heresie (in that bitter sense which the Canons accept it) vp∣pon any opinion which is not aga••nst the Ca∣tholique faith.* 1.938 Which faith wee beleeue Leo to haue described well, when hee saies, That it is sin∣gular, and true, to which nothing can be added, nor de∣tracted: and we accept S. Augustines signific••tion of the word Catholique;* 1.939 wee interpret the name Catho∣lique, by the Communion with the whole world; which is so Essentiall & so truly deduced out of the Scriptures, that a man which will speake of another Church, then

the Communion of all Nations, which is the name Ca∣tholique, is as much Anathematized, as if he denie, the Dea••h and Resurrection of Christ. And what is this Essentiall truth so euident out of Scripture, which designes the Catholique Church? Because, sayes Au∣gustine, the same Euangelicall truth which tells vs the Death and Resurrection, tells vs also, That Repen∣tance, and R••mission of sinnes shall be preached in his Name, through all Nations. That therefore is Ca∣tholique [ 39] faith, which hath beene alwaies and euery where t••ught; ••nd Repentance, and Remission of sinnes by the Death and Resurrection o•• Christ, and such truthes as the Gospell teaches, are that Do∣ctrine, which coagulates and gathers the Church into a body, and makes it Catholique; of which opinion Bellarmine himselfe is sometime, as when he argues thus,* 1.940 whatsoeuer is Heresie, the contrarie thereof is veritas fidei; for then it must be ma••ter of faith, And an errour with pertinacie in those points onely, should bee called Heresie, in that heauie sense, which it hath in a Papists mouth.

40 Castrensis foresaw this Danger of Recri∣mination, and retorting vpon themselues, t••is op∣probrious name of Heretique, if they were so for¦ward to impute it, in matters which belonged not to f••ith,* 1.941 for accordingly he saies, They amongst vs, which doe so easily pronounce a thing to be Heresie•• are often striken with their own arrow, & fall into the pit which they digged for others. And certainly as t••e

Greeke Church by vsing the same st••••nesse and r••∣gour towards the Romane, as the Romane vses to∣wards the other Westerne Churches, which is, not onely to iustifie their opinions, but to pronounce the contrarie to be Heresie, hath tamed the Ro∣mane writers so farre,* 1.942 as to con••esse that t••ey con∣demne nothing else in t••eir opinion and practise of consecrating in a different bread, but that they impose it, as a necessitie vpon all other Churches, and hath extorted a Decretall from Pope Eugenius,* 1.943 That Priests in Consecrating (not onely may) but ought to follow the custome of that Church where they are, whe∣ther in leauened,* 1.944 or vnleauened bread, and ••nno∣cent the thi••d, required no more of them, in this point, but that they would not shewe so much dete∣station of the Romane vse therein, as to wash and expi∣ate their Altars, after a Romane Priest had consecra∣ted, So if it should stand with the wisedome and charity of the Reformed Church, Iurid••cally to call, all the Addi••ions which the Romanes haue made to the Catholique faith, and for which, wee are departed from them, absolute and formall Heresie, though perchance it would not make them ab••n∣don their opinions, yet I thinke it would reduce them to a mo••e humane and ciuill indifferencie, & to let vs, without imposing t••eir traditions, enioy our own Religion, which is, of ••t self, in their cō∣fession, so free frō Heresie, that they are forced to ma••e this all our Heresie, that we will not ad••it theirs.

41 Ye•• somethings haue so necessary a con∣sequence, and so immediate a dependance vpon the Articles of faith, that a man may be bolde to call the contrary Hereticall, though no Defi••ition of any Councell haue pronounced it so•• yea som•• Notions doe so precede the Articles of our faith, that the Articles may be said to depend vpon them so far••e, as they were frustrate, if those prenotions were not certaine. Of that sort is the immortal••ty of the soule, without which the worke of redemp∣tion we••e vaine. And therefore it had beene a viti••ous tendernesse, and irreligious modesty, if a man du••st not haue called it Hereticall, to say, that the soule was mortall, till Leo the tenth, in the Laterane Councell Decreed it to bee Heresie.* 1.945 For though Bellarmine in one place req••ire it as Essentiall in an Heresie, I hat•• haue beene condemned in a Councell of Bishoppes,* 1.946 yet he saies in another place, That the Popes alone without Councels, haue condemned man•• Heresies.

42 And this liberty hath beene vsed as well by Epiphanius,* 1.947 and S. Augustine in the purer times, as by Castrensis and Prateolus, in the later Romane Church, and of late yeares (of those which adhere to Caluins Doctrine, by Danaeus, and of Luthers fol∣lowers, by Schlusselbergius; all which in compo∣sing Catalogues of Heretiques, haue mentioned di∣uers, which as yet no generall Councel hath con∣demned. So did the Emperours in their const••tuti∣ons

pronoun••e against some Heresies of which no Councell had determined. So did the Parlia∣ment of Paris in their sentence against Chastell for the assassinate vppon the person of this King of France, pronounce certaine words, which he had sucked from the Iesuits, and vttered in derogation of Kings, to bee Seditious, Scandalous, and Here∣ticall.

42 And if the Oath framed by order of the Councell of Trent, and ra••ified and enioyned by the Popes Bull, be to be giuen to all persons, then must many men sweare somethings to be of the Catholique faith, and some other things to be Here∣ticall, in which he is so farre remooued from the knowledge of the things, that he doth not onely not vnderstand the signification of the wordes, but is not able to sound, nor vtter, nor spell them.

43 And hee must sweare many things deter∣minately, and precisely, which euen after that Councell some learned men still doubt,* 1.948 As, that a license to heare confessions, in euery Priest not beneficed, is so necessarie, necessitate Sacramenti, that except hee haue such a license, the penitent, though neuer so contrite and particular in enumeration of his sinnes, and exact in satisfactions, and performing all penances, is vtterly frustrate of any benefite by vertue of this Sacrament. So therefore a certaine and naturall euidence of a morall truth, such as arises to euery man, That to a

King is due perpetuall obedience, is better authority to induce an assurance, and to produce an oath, that the contrary is Hereticall, then an implicite credite rashly giuen to a litigious Councell, not beleeued by all Catholiques, and not vnderstood by al that sweare to beleeue it.

44 For the other obstacle and hinderance which re••ards them, from pronouncing that this position is hereticall,* 1.949 which is, the Canon of the La∣terane Councell, enough hath beene said of the in∣firmity and inualidity of that Councell by o∣thers. Thus much I may be bolde to adde, that the Emperour vnder whome that Councell was held, neuer accepted it for a Canon, nei••her in those wordes,* 1.950 not in that sense, as it is presented in the Canon law; from whence it is transplanted into the body of the Councels. And the Church was so farre from imp••gning the Emperours sense and acceptation thereof,* 1.951 that Innocent the fourth, and diuers other Popes being to make vse thereof, cyte the Constitution of the Emperour, not any Canon of a Councell in their Directions to the Inquisitors, how to proceede against Heretiques. They therefore either knew no s••ch Canon, or suspected and discredited it.

45 Thus therefore that pretended Canon saies, If a temporall Lord warned by the Church, do not purge his land of Heretiques, let him be excommunicate by the Metropolitane and Conprouinciall bishopps; if he satis∣fie

not within a yeere, let it be signified to the Pope, that he may denounce his subiects to be absolued from their Alleageance, and expose his Land to Catholickes, which may without contradiction possesse it, the right of the principall Lord (which we call Lord Paramount) being reserued, if hee giue no furtherance thereunto. And thus farre without doubt the Canon did not include Principall and Soueraigne Lords, because it speakes of such, as had Lords aboue them. And where it concludes with this clause, The same Law being to be obseru'd toward them,* 1.952 Qui non ••abent Do∣minos principales, The Imperiall Constitution hath it thus, Qui non habent Domos principales.

46 And certainely the most naturall and pro∣per accep••ation of Domos Principales in this place, in the Emperours Lawe, is the same as the word, Domicilium Principale, hath in the Canons, which is a Mans chiefe abiding and Residence, though vpon occasion he may be in another place, or haue some relation and dependance vpon a Prince out of that Territorie. And it may giue as much clearenesse to the vnderstanding of this Lawe, if wee com∣pare with it,* 1.953 the great and solemne Clementine Pa∣storalis.

47 For then Robert being King of Sicily, that is, such a Principall Lord, as this pretended Canon speakes of, but yet no Soueraigne (for he depended both vpon the Empire and vpon the Church) was condemned as a Rebell by the Emperour Henrie the

••euen••h. And Clement the fi••t, ann••l••'d and abro∣gated that Sentence, of the Emperours, vpon this reason; That though the King of Sicily held some Lands of the Empire, yet Domicilium suum fouebat in Sicilia, which belong'd to the Churc••, and therefore the Emperors Iurisdiction could not extend to him, b••cause h•• had not Domicilium in Imperio•• Hereup••on the Glosse enters i••to Disputation, how farre a man which hath goods in one Dominion, sh••ll be subiect to the Lawes of that place, though his Principale Domicilium (as he still c••ls it) be in ano∣ther. So that it seemes the Emperour had this pur∣pose in this Constitution, that t••ose Domini Princi∣pales, which were vnder the Iurisdiction and Depen∣dance of the Empire•• should indure the penaltie of this Law, if the•• transgressed it, though they ••ad not there Domos Prin••ipales within the limi••s of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••mpire. For at the time, when this Consti∣tution was made, the Emperours thought i•• law••full for them to doe so, though a hundred ye••re a••∣••er, Clement t••e fift, denied by this Canon, tha•• they had so large a power. But this Constitution in∣••er••es nothing against Soueraigne Lords, whom the Empe••our could not binde by any Constitution of his, bec••use they had no depend••nce vpon him.

48 And as t••e Constitution d••ffers from t••e Canon in such ma••er••all words as ouerthrowes that ••ense which they would exto••t out of it, which is, That Soueraignes are included therein, so doeth it in

the sense, and in the appointing of the Officer, who shall expel these fauourers of heretiques. For where the Canon saies, Let it be tolde to the Pope, who may absolue the Subiects, and expose the land the Emperour speakes of himselfe, we do expose the land. So that he takes the authority out of the Popes hand; which he would not haue done, nor the Pope haue cyted as to his aduantage, that lawe by which it was done, if either Iure Diuino such a power had resi∣ded in him, or a Canon of a generall Councell had so freshly inuested him therewith.

49 And as it is neither likely that the Empe∣rour would include himselfe in this Law, nor pos∣sible that he should include others as Soueraine as himselfe, at least: so doth it appeare, by the Ordina∣ry Glosse vpon that const••••ution (which hath more authority, then all other Expositors) that that law is made against such Lords and Subiects, as haue relation to one another by feudall law; for so it in••erpre••es Dominum temporalem, and Dominum prin••cipalem, to be, when some Earle holdes something of a King; which King also must haue a dependency vpon the Empire, because otherwise the Imperiall law could not extend to him. And yet euen against those principal Lords, the law seeme so seuere, that the Glosse saies, Non legitur in Scholis. So that so many proofes hauing beene formerly produced, That this Councell made no Canons•• but that those which are vsually offered now, are but ragges torne out

of one booke, and put into another, out of the Extra••agants into the Councels, and this Imperiall constitution, which to the Pope himselfe seemed of more force, then his Predecessors Decretall, nei∣ther concerning Soueraine Lords, nor acknowledg∣ing this power of absoluing Subiects, to be in the Pope, but in himselfe, no sufficient reason arises out of this imaginary Canon, which should make a man affraid to call that Hereticall, which is a∣gainst his naturall reason, and against that maine part of Religion, which is, ciuill obedience.

50 For the Romans dealing more seuer••ly,* 1.954 and more iniuriously with vs, then the Greeke Church did with them, when they presented to the Empe∣rour, vpon a commission to make an Inquisition to that purpose, 99•• errours and deuiations in matter of faith, in the Romane Church: of which some were Orthodoxall truths, some, no matter of faith, but circumstantiall indifferencies•• though they called them all errours in faith; the Romane Church, I say, traducing our doctrine, with as much intem∣perance and sower language giues vs example to call all their errours Hereticall. And so, when Drusius in his owne defence against a Iesuite who had called him Heretique,* 1.955 saies, That Heresie must be in fundamentis fidei; the Iesuite replies, that euen that assertion of Drusius is Heresie.

51 And this doctrine and position, which this Oath condemnes, will lacke nothing of formall

and absolute Heresie, if those notes bee true, by which Bellarmine designes Heresie,* 1.956 and saies, that if that be not Heresie to which those Notes agree, there is no heresie in the world. For, (as he requires to con∣stitute an heresie) we can note the Author, to haue beene Gregory the seuenth; the place to haue been Rome, the time betweene fiue and 600 yeares past, And that it began with a few followers, for a 1.957 sometimes but fifteene•• sometimes but thirteene Bishops adherd to Gregory,) when euen the Bishops of Italy fauoured the other part: And that it appeared with the admiration of the faithfull; for so it is noted to haue beene, No∣uum scisma: And that contradiction and opposition was made by all the Imperiall Clergy, and much of Italy it selfe•• And, for that which is the last note proposed by Bellarmine, that it bee condemned by a Councell of Bishops, and all faithfull people, though that haue not yet beene done, because God for our sinnes, hath punished vs with a Dearth of Councels, and suffered vs in a hunger, and rage of glory, and false constancie, to eate and gnaw vpon one another, with malignant disputations, and reprochfull virulencies, yet when his graci∣ous pleasure shall affoord the Church, that reliefe, wee doe iustly hope it will haue that condemna∣tion, and so be a ••onsummate heresie, because no Pseudo-Councels as yet haue beene able to establish the con••ra••ie.

52 And though these markes and certaine

notes of Heresie be tyrannically, and cau••elously put by Bellarmine (because it is easie to name ma∣nie Heresies, in which many of these markes are wanting, of which wee know neither Parents, Country, nor age, and which in••inuated them∣selues, and got deepe roote in the Church, before they made any noise or trouble in the state there∣of, an•• at the first breaking out, were counte∣nanced with many and mighty fauourers, and which no generall Councell hath yet condem∣ned) yet, as I said, we refuse not these marks, but submit this opinion, to that triall, whether it be properly Hereticall, or no. For it will as well abide this triall, as an other, proposed long before by S. Augustine, That hee is an Heretique, which for any Temporall aduantage,* 1.958 and aduancement of his Supre∣macie, doth either beget, or fo••low false and new opini∣ons, Which seemes directly spoken of this Tem∣porall Supremacie: to which also, S. Paul may iustly bee thought to haue had some relation,* 1.959 when he reckons Heresie, amongst the workes of the flesh and worldly matters.

53 But leauing this exact and subtill appella∣tion of Heresie, let him whom that scruple deterrs from the oath, That hee must sweare the doctrine to be Hereticall, consider in what sense our law vnder∣stands the word in that place.

54 The Imperiall Law layes an imputation vpon that man,* 1.960 Qui Saeua verborum praerogatiua frau∣dulenter

contra ••uris sententiam abutitur; that he is as guilty as he, which breakes the law. For hee which picks a quarrell with a law, by pretence of an am∣biguous word, declares that hee would saine e∣scape the obligation thereof. But, saith the same law,* 1.961 A Law••maker hath done enough, when he hath for∣bidden that which he would not haue to be done; the rest must bee gathered out of the purpose of the law, as if it had beene exprest. And no man can doubt, but that the law-maker in this law, hath forbidden Defection from the Prince; and the purpose of the law, was to prouide onely against that. Out of which purpose no man can iustly collect, that the Deponent should pronounce the contrarie Do∣ctrine, so Hereticall, as that he which held it, or relapsed into it, might be burnt; but that it was apparantly erroneus, and impious, and fit to bee abiu∣red; And how little erroneous lackes of Hereticall,* 1.962 and wherein they differ, Diuines are not agreed, saies your Simancha, and it is yet vndetermined.

55 Nor is there required in this Deponent, such an assurance in Faith, as belongs to the making of an Article, Formall Heresie, but such an assurance in Morall reason, and Humane discourse, as Bar∣tholus requires in him which takes and Oath,* 1.963 when he sayes, He which sweares the trueth of any thing, vn∣derstands not his Oath to be of such a trueth•• as is subiect to sense, Sed iurat de vehementi opinione.

56 And the word Hereticall in this Oath, hath

so much force, as the word to Anathematize, hath in many Councels. As, for example, in that place of the Councell of Constantinople,* 1.964 where it is said, Let him be Anathematiz'd, which doeth not Anathe∣matize Origen. Which is meant of a detestation and abhorring som of his opinions, not of pronoun∣cing him, a formall and consummate Hereticke. For you may well allow a Ciuill and conuenient sense to this word, in this Oath, that it meanes onely Impious,* 1.965 and inducing of Heresie, since you haue bound all the world vpon paine of Damna∣tion to beleeue, That S. Paul call'd Concupiscence sinne, not because it was sinne, but because it proceeded from sinne, and induced to sinne.

57 A great Casuist, and our Countreyman, deli∣uers safe Rules which may vndeceiue them in these suspicions, if they will not be extremely neg∣ligent; and Negligentia dissoluta Dolus est. For thus hee saies,* 1.966 Though a law should prouide expresly, that the words of the law should bee vnderstood as they lie, yet they must receiue their interpretation from the com∣mon vse of speach; which is, that which the most part in that Country doe vse. And if both significations may be found in common vse, that must be followed, which out of likelihood and reason, seemes to haue beene the meaning of the lawmaker, though it be improper•• And his meaning appeares, when the word taken in the other sense, would create some absurd, or vniust matter. And as amongst vs, those with whom this word

Hereticall is in most vse, which are Diuines, vse the word promiscuously, and indifferently, against all impious opinions: so especially did the Lawmaker at this time vse it, because otherwise, it had beene both absurd, to decree a point to be properly hereti∣call, which was not brought into debatement, as matter of faith, and it had beene vniust, vnder co∣lour of requiring ciuill obedience, to haue drawn the deponent, to such a confession, as if he had relapsed and fallen from it after, hee might haue beene burned.

58 And the words of the oath agree precisely to Sayrs rule; for the deponent must sweare, accor∣ding to the exp••esse wordes, and the plaine and common sense, and vnderstanding of the same. And Sayr saies, That if we must sweare to a Law, according to the pro∣per signification of the words, then there is no place for such discretion, and for admitting a diuers sense: but the wordes of our Oath, which are, According to the plaine, and common sense, fall directly within his first Rule.

59 And the law hath good warrant and prece∣dent to assume the word, hereticall, in such a mo∣derate signification; for so the Scriptures vse the word,* 1.967 when S. Paul saies, oportet hereses esse, which Gretzer confesses, when to excuse the vulgate Editi∣on, which hath in that place,* 1.968 left out the wordes, In Vobis•• he saies, It would do no harme to their cause to admit those wordes, because it is not spoken, De haeresi propriè dicta.

60 And so the generall Councell of Constanti∣nople within the first ••oure hundred yeares,* 1.969 calles some Heretiques, though they be not Anathemati∣zed by the Church, because they make Conuenticles a∣gainst bishopps, and accuse them vnorderly, and against the forme of Canons. So also doth another Councell say of Simony,* 1.970 that it is not onely Sacrilegious, but hereticall.

And accordingly to these, a late Pope, Leo 10. in a formall Decree and Bull, vses the worde in a like sense.* 1.971 For he condemnes the Articles imputed to Luther, Tanquam respectiue haereticos, because out of some of them it would follow, that the Church had erred. But that proposition, out of which the next de∣ducted Conclusion, might bee Heresie, is not it sel••e necessarily Heresie, properly vnderstood.

61 And as these do, so also doe the Canons in the law,* 1.972 speake in a moderate phrase: For in one place, wher the text saies, that a thing is done, Con∣tra fidem Catholicam, the Glosse expl••cat••s it, Contra bonos Mores: and in another pl••ce, it interpretes the same wordes so,* 1.973 because it dooth Sapere heresim; and yet it is not heresie: and so we finde a late De∣cretall, to call Simony, True and vndoubted heresy; where Gregory is produced,* 1.974 to giue this reason why Simony is called heresy, because whosoeuer is or∣dained by Simony, is therfore ordained that he may be an heretique. So th••t we see, such acts as beget or ac∣company heresy, are called heresy in this milde ac∣ceptation,

which our law giues it.

* 1.97562 From which sense the Fathers did not ab∣staine in vsing that worde; for Tertullian saies, That no man will doubt to call Adams transgression he∣resie, since by his owne election, he adhered rather to his owne will, then to Gods. And in another booke he saies,* 1.976 Not so much newnes, as truth doth conuict things to be heresies, for whatsoeuer tastes against truth, is an heresie, though it be an ancient custome. And so saies S. August. (if their owne men cite him truely) That Schisme is called Heresie, not that it is heresie, but that it disposes to heresie.* 1.977

63 And the Iesuits themselues, who are the pre∣cisest and seuerest accepters of this word, come thus neere, That some things tolerated by the Church, though they be not propriè haeretica, ••et th••y are haeresi proxima.* 1.978 For so saies Bellarmine; and hee might iustly make this position which wee speake of, his example. And his defender Gretzer saies, that some opinions are so framed, that though no Decree of the Church haue y••t condemned them,* 1.979 yet they are enor∣mous, Scandalous, and haeresi proximae.

64 And thus also do the Schoolemen somtimes take it; For so, saies Aquinas out of S. Ierome, that he which expounds the Scriptures against the sense of the holy Ghost may be called an heretique,* 1.980 though he de∣part not from the Church. And so haue diuers com∣pilers of the Ecclesiastique history done;* 1.981 for Epi∣phanius r••ckons diuers sects of the Iewes and Gen∣tile

Philosophers, amongst Heretiqu••s. And Bernar∣dus de Lucemburgo inserts into his Catalogue of heretiques,* 1.982 Auerros and Auicen, though they were not Christians. And lastly that the word was vul∣garly so vsed, as by many other obseruations, so is it euident by a Story in Math. Paris, where one vp∣on his death-bed cals the Friers heretiques for not re∣prehending the Prelates,* 1.983 & the Prelates heretiques, for conferring Benefices vpon vnworthy persons: yea in this very case, which we haue in hand b 1.984 an authour, of your owne Religion, pronounces thus of those fifteene Bishops, which adhered to Gregory the se∣uenths party, against the Emperor, It is great heresie to resist the Ordinance of God, who onely hath power to giue Empire, which heresie it appears that those fifteene false Bishops haue committed.

65 As therefore all sorts of men, into whose mouthes vpon any occasion this word was like to come haue vsed the word for Erroneous: and Impious, and Corrupting good manners, and dispo∣sing & preparing absolute and proper Heresie, so doth the law accept it in this oath, where it makes it equiualent, and Synonimous, to the wordes which are ioyned with it, which are Impious and Damnable: and therefore it is but a Calumny cast vpon the law, and a tergiuersation picked out for their escape, if any pretend for that word, to decline the Oath.

66 But if this word in this place, were to be

vnderstood in the strictest and seuerest sense, that a Iesuite could vse it against vs, yet hee that shall take the Oath, doth not thereby pronounce, that any Position, which attributes any power to the Pope, is hereticall. Not, that hee may excommunicate a King; no, nor that he may depriue him: but it is thus conceiued, That this position is hereticall, That Princes which be excommunicate, or depriued by the Pope, may be deposed or murdred by their subiects or a∣ny other. So that it casts no Manicles vpon the Popes hands; if he will excommunicate, let him; if he will depriue, let him. Onely them, who by his act, (of the goodnes or badnes whereof this Pro∣position pronounces nothing) may be mis-led to an vnchristian & vndutifull desperatenes, it fore∣warnes, and aduises, to a due and iust considera∣tion of such proceedings. For, as when men were content to heare heresies,* 1.985 Leo said wisely, in repre∣hension of that easinesse, They which can hearken to such things, can beleeue them, So since it is too late to forbid hearing of this heresie, of deposing Princes, since out of Iesuites bookes, which speak of state-learning, scarce any thing is to be sucked, but it, or such preparatiues, as worke and con∣duce to it, it was necessary to begin a step higher then Leo did, and pronounce it hereticall, that so none might beleeue it, since hee that can beleeue it, can be content to affoord his helpe to the do∣ing thereof.

67 And hauing thus gone as far as I purposed in both parts of this Chapter, in the first whereof I shewed, that in speciall cases new oathes were ne∣cessary, and that the forme of them ought to bee such, as might reach home to the intent thereof, and not be eluded, which had beene, if any part of this oath had been omitted, and that their wri∣ters, which neuer teach, that vpon a Bishops ex∣communication a Prince may be deposed, denie implicitely this power in the Pope, because onely that power which was in the Bishops, in this mat∣ter, is transferd by Reseruation into the Pope, and that where such Depositions are needefull, the state is prouided naturally with a temporall po∣wer to effect it, and therefore it is not necessarie to place it in the spirituall, which were mon∣strous and vnperfect, if it should produce, as the most excelent issue therof, a power so base in their estimation, And that this possibility of being Deposed, is as contrary to Souerainety, as a certaine limitation, when he shall be remoued, And that those writers, which limit the Popes power by Na∣turall Reason, and which teach, that in doubts of speculation, we may for all that proceede to pra∣ctise, as farre, as wee doe in this Oath, And ha∣uing in the second part declared, That though the Papists make proper, and absolute Heresie, to be without matter of faith, yet we doe not so, and yet in points necessarily and immediately

issuing out of these principles, a generall Coun∣cell needs not be attended to informe a mans vn∣derstanding what is Hereticall, because the Em∣perors and other Princes, and diuers Authors, and registers of heresies, haue pronounced therin before any Decision of Councells, and that the Canon which is obtruded, in the name of the Laterane Councell, for diuers reasons, cannot impeach this proposition, That this Doctrine is hereticall, which proposition, though if it were tryed by Bellarmine, and by Saint Augustines description of heresie, it would appeare absolutely hereticall, yet this law giues it that name in a vulgar and common sense, as Scriptures, Councels, Buls of Popes, Fathers, Schoole∣men, Historians, Iesuits, and the Common sort hath vsed and accepted it, and that if it be taken in the sharpest sense, the Oath may neuerthelesse be taken without preiudice, or limitation of any power which the Pope himselfe claimes, I make account that I haue discharged my promise and vndertaking in this Chapter, and deliuered as much, as without inculcating that which hath beene formerly said by others, (which I purposely auoided) in this point of the oath neede to be said to any, of indifferency or equall in∣clination.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Gellius l. 15. c. 10
• * 1.2

  Aristot. Eth. l. 3. cap. 7
• * 1.3

  Idem l. 3 ••. 6. Maetalius Metel∣lus, prefat. in Hi∣stor. Os••ij.
• * 1.4

  Dig. l. 48. Tit. ••9. le 38. & Dig. l. 49. tit. 10. l••. 6
• * 1.5

  Concil. Antisi. ca. 17.
• * 1.6

  Conc. Braca••. 23. q. 5. placuit.
• * 1.7

  Tholos. Sy••t. l. 36. c. 22. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 13.
• * 1.8

  De leg. 9.
• * 1.9

  V••op. l. 2. ca. de Serius.
• * 1.10

  Io. 1.7
• * 1.11

  Io. 5.31.
• * 1.12

  De Martyri Serm. 7.
• * 1.13

  Exod. 4, 25
• * 1.14

  Paul. Diaco. ad Eutrop Ad∣dit. 18.
• * 1.15

  Homil. in psal. 95.
• * 1.16

  1. Cor. 15.
• * 1.17

  Alfons. Castr. ver. Martyrium
• x 1.18

  Prateolus l. 3 cap. 19.
• * 1.19

  Ep••pha. Haeres. 80
• * 1.20

  Cap. 2
• * 1.21

  Dist. 15. Sancta Romana
• * 1.22

  To. 1. fo. 248
• * 1.23

  Prud••nt••us
• * 1.24

  Bodin Daemonom l. 4. c. 3. ex Ter∣tull.
• * 1.25

  Eus••b. l. 8 Hist. Eccl••s. ca. 24
• * 1.26

  Feuardent••us Theom. Caluin l. 8. c. 13. n. 13.
• * 1.27

  Extra. de maior. & Obed. Solit••. Quinquagesies septies & Centies quadragesies septies & medi∣um, & septies mesies & septin∣gesies, quadrage∣sies, quater & medium.
• * 1.28

  Comment. in Sa∣cro. Bosc. fol. 219.
• * 1.29

  Simphons. 24. T••es. 9.
• * 1.30

  Reg Iu Possore, in 6. Glos.
• a 1.31

  Constantin. Ann 754.
• b 1.32

  Nicenum 2. Anno 787.
• c 1.33

  Francofur. Anno 794.
• d 1.34

  Donat. Constant l. 2. nu. 60.
• e 1.35

  Haimius Fel∣dius Decretu. Impp. de Imagi∣nibus. fo. 91.
• a 1.36

  Dig. li. 11. Tit. 7. l. 8. Osa.
• b 1.37

  Leo 1. Martia.
• * 1.38

  Epist. 70. Epist. 75.
• * 1.39

  Simplicius Papa An. 471. Epist. 14.
• a 1.40

  Ann 486. Epist 14.
• b 1.41

  Extra. de Re∣script. Ad audi∣c••••iam••g os. verb manifestum.
• c 1.42

  Conc. Aurelian. 1. Clodu. regi. c. 2
• d 1.43

  Habetur in Binio To. 2. f. 320. Anno. 516.
• e 1.44

  Li. 4. Epist. 32.
• * 1.45

  Greg. 7. Duci Sue uiae l. 1. Epist. 19.
• * 1.46

  Binius To. 1. fol. 831. A.
• * 1.47

  Ioan. 8. Pap•• Ann. 873. Epist. 87.
• * 1.48

  Balsamo. in Conc Chalced. can. 17
• * 1.49

  Concil. Quinosen in Trullo. ca. 69. Anno 692.
• * 1.50

  Notes in hunc can. To. 3. par. 1. fo. 156. A.
• * 1.51

  Leo, Martiano Epist. 64.
• * 1.52

  Leo 8. Epist. 87.
• * 1.53

  Leo 1. ad Mar∣tia••. Epist. 70.
• * 1.54

  Grego. 1. li. 3. Epist. 20.
• * 1.55

  Anastas. Imp. Hormisdae Papae. Binius. To. 2. fo. 315. A.
• * 1.56

  Hormisda Epist. 2.
• * 1.57

  Bi••ius To. 2. so. 335. B.
• * 1.58

  Pelagius 1. Epist. 16. & 25. q. 1, Satagendum.
• a 1.59

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. l. vltim. in fine.
• b 1.60

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 2. le. ••3.
• c 1.61

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. l. 20.
• a 1.62

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. l. 4. & 27.
• b 1.63

  Ibid. le. 9.
• c 1.64

  Ibid. §. Dia∣conissa.
• d 1.65

  Cod, li. 1. Tit. 1 l. 6.
• e 1.66

  Cod. lib. 1. Tit. ••. l. 2.
• f 1.67

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 9. lib. 6.
• g 1.68

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 2. l. vlt.
• * 1.69

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 1. ••. 2
• a 1.70

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. •• 7. § Presbiter••.
• b 1.71

  Ibid. ••e. 17. §. Interdi••imus.
• c 1.72

  Ibid. l. 19.
• d 1.73

  Simancha. de R••pub. l. 8. c. 40.
• e 1.74

  Simplicius Ze∣noni. Ep. 14.
• a 1.75

  Espen••aeus. Com••n Tim. l. 2. pag. 275.
• b 1.76

  Index Expur. Belg. fo. 15.
• c 1.77

  Pref••tio in Hi∣stor. de act. & Script. Lutheri.
• d 1.78

  Deut. 17.11.
• a 1.79

  Epist. Maxi∣mil••. ad B••ro. Leichtensteni Habetur. in Monit. polit. edit Franct. Ann. 1609. so. 33.
• b 1.80

  Ceremoniae Sacrae. Cap. de Ordinatione.
• c 1.81

  Idem. ca. de Coronat.
• d 1.82

  Alfon. Alua∣res specul. vtri∣usque Dig. c. 10. nu. 3.
• e 1.83

  Extra de bi∣gam. non Ordin. Super eis. glos. verbo Sacros.
• a 1.84

  Aluares specu. vtri. Digni. ca. 1. nu. 40.
• b 1.85

  Cassanaeus•• par. 5. consid. 24. art. 59. & 181.
• * 1.86

  Be••lar. de P••••t. Ro l. 5, c. 6. §. Est igit••r. E•• Nazi∣••••z.
• * 1.87

  Sepulueda de regn. & reg. Hu. l. 1.
• * 1.88

  Concil. Nice. 2. Actio 5.
• * 1.89

  To. 3. Par. 1. fol. 399.
• * 1.90

  1. Cor. 2.15.
• * 1.91

  Maynardus de Priuileg. Eccles. Art. 9. n. 1.
• a 1.92

  Dist. 50. Et Purgabit. glos. verb. Domo.
• b 1.93

  Index. Expur. Belg. fol. 306.
• * 1.94

  24. q. 3. Trans∣ferunt.
• * 1.95

  Valdesius de Digni••••te re∣gum Hispa c. 16.
• * 1.96

  Ioan. de Lapide•• Casus missa••. cap. 6. Ar. 5 §. Quo∣••un{que}.
• a 1.97

  Azor. par. 2 l. 10. c. 9. §. Caete∣rum.
• b 1.98

  Aluares spec∣utr. Dign. ca. 56. nu. 12.
• c 1.99

  Idem. ca. 16•• nu 15.
• d 1.100

  Ren. Choppinus de Iure Monast. l. 1. Tit 1. nu. 15.
• * 1.101

  Nauar. Manual. c. 27 nu. 13.
• * 1.102

  In septimo. Tit 4. c. 3.
• * 1.103

  Hiero. Gigas de laesa ma. l. 1.
• * 1.104

  Rubr. 4. q. 5. nu. 10.
• * 1.105

  Ibid. nu. 2.
• * 1.106

  Ante. librum Schultingij•• To. 1
• * 1.107

  Vbi supra. n. 6.
• a 1.108

  Paris crassus De ceremo. E∣piscop. li. 2. ca. 42
• b 1.109

  Cerem. Sacrae. cap. de conse∣crat. fo 36.
• c 1.110

  Par. crass l. 2. c. 43.
• d 1.111

  Idem. l. 5. c. 27
• e 1.112

  Conc. Basil. Sess 23. cap. de num••. et qualit. Card.
• f 1.113

  Aluares sp••cutr Dig. c. 1.24. n. 15
• * 1.114

  Theod. a Niem. de sc••sm. l. 1, cap 12. & 57.
• * 1.115

  Conestaggio del∣la vnione di port. Et custig. l. 3. in princip.
• * 1.116

  R••sp. ad Card. Colum. nu. 31.
• * 1.117

  Iob. 26, 5.
• * 1.118

  Inseptimo. Tit. 4. ca. 4.
• * 1.119

  Nauar. Manu. ca. 27. n. 13.
• a 1.120

  Menghi. Fla∣gel. Daemo. fo. 42.
• b 1.121

  fo. 79.
• * 1.122

  Prou. 30.27.
• * 1.123

  16. q. 1. qui uere. gl••s. verbo. ••ere.
• * 1.124

  In Epist. cius ms
• * 1.125

  Chrisost. ad Pop. Antioch. Ho. 23.
• a 1.126

  Dlg. li. 31. Ti. 1. l 87. §. Imperator.
• b 1.127

  Dig. l. 1. Tit. 4. Le. 3.
• c 1.128

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 1. L. 1.
• d 1.129

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 2. Lc. 10.
• e 1.130

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 4 L. 3.
• f 1.131

  Cod l. 1. Tit. 15 Le. 3.
• g 1.132

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 3. L. 55 §. His ita.
• h 1.133

  Cod. l. 11. Tit. 9. l. 2.
• i 1.134

  Cod l. 1. Tit. 2. Leg. 8.
• k 1.135

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 1. L. 3.
• * 1.136

  Carol Mag. l. 1. c 1. & 3.
• * 1.137

  Glouer de Nobi∣lit. fol. 75.
• * 1.138

  Cassanaeus catal Glor. par. 5. consid. 30.
• * 1.139

  Alu••res specul. vtri Dign. E∣pist. ad Mariam
• * 1.140

  Oratio Coesarij a Branhed••ro in subscriptione.
• * 1.141

  Bell. R••cogn. fo. 2.
• * 1.142

  S••rarius lita∣neuticus. l. 2. q. 6
• * 1.143

  De Pont. Ro. li. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.144

  Ibid. ca. 3••.
• a 1.145

  Epist. ••ij 2. ad Norinbergenses
• b 1.146

  Maynardus De priuileg. Ec∣cles. art. 27. n 15
• c 1.147

  Par. Crassus de Ceremo. Episcop. & Card. l. 1 c. 5 & cap. 22.
• * 1.148

  25. q. 1. violato∣res.
• * 1.149

  Maynard•• de priuileg. Eccles. ar. 14. nu. 1
• * 1.150

  Exo. 22
• * 1.151

  Act. 23.5. Lyra in ••unc lo∣cum & Eman. Sâ.
• * 1.152

  Serarius Lita∣neutic. l. 2. q. 4. n. 4.
• * 1.153

  Index Expurg. Hispan. fo. 92.
• * 1.154

  Ibid. fol. 150.
• * 1.155

  Ibid. fol. 151.
• * 1.156

  Instruct. circa. lib. corrig. §. 10.
• * 1.157

  Soto de teg. se∣cret. memb. 3. q. 3 Ad tertium.
• * 1.158

  Carranza Sum. Concil. fo. 353.
• a 1.159

  Hispanic. Ind. fo. 148.
• b 1.160

  Ibid••m.
• c 1.161

  Idem. fo. 93.
• d 1.162

  Id. fo. 148.
• e 1.163

  Ind. Belg. ••o. 146
• f 1.164

  Ind. Hisp. fo. 158.
• g 1.165

  Fol. 93.
• h 1.166

  Fo. 154.
• * 1.167

  Sedulius Apol. pro. lib. Conform l. 1. c. 12. & l. 3. c. 28
• * 1.168

  Congregatio O∣ratorij.
• * 1.169

  Bozius
• * 1.170

  Gallonius de Cruciat. Mar∣tyrum.
• * 1.171

  Baron. Annal. To. 11. Ann. 1097. n. 18
• * 1.172

  Nu 28
• * 1.173

  Nu 87.
• * 1.174

  Nu. 88.
• * 1.175

  Card. Colum. fo. 158. paris.
• * 1.176

  Nu. 19.
• * 1.177

  Nu. 28.
• * 1.178

  Nu. 31.
• * 1.179

  Circa. 240.
• * 1.180

  Cypr. Epist. 1. ad Steph.
• * 1.181

  Binius To. 1. fo 191.
• * 1.182

  Anno 451.
• * 1.183

  Binius To. •• i•• Princip.
• * 1.184

  Epist 73. Anno 457.
• * 1.185

  Epist. 2. Circa 527.
• * 1.186

  Anno 530.
• * 1.187

  Autent. Coll. 2. prefa••••o 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.188

  ••. 2. Epist. 62.
• * 1.189

  To. 2. fo. 770.••.
• * 1.190

  An. 593. n. 17.
• * 1.191

  ••. 2. Epist. 65. Theodo. Medico.
• * 1.192

  Epist. 2. An••o. 655.
• * 1.193

  Epist. 2.
• * 1.194

  Epist. 4.
• * 1.195

  Epist. Steph. 4. ad C••rol. et Ca••lom. An. 831
• * 1.196

  Nichol. Epist. circa. 874.
• * 1.197

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. •• 4.
• * 1.198

  Epist. 216.
• * 1.199

  Epist. 217.
• * 1.200

  Epist. 230.
• * 1.201

  Epist. 251.
• * 1.202

  Epist. 30.
• * 1.203

  De verb. Esaiae. Hom. 4 To. 1. ••o. 207.
• * 1.204

  Binius To. 1. ••ol. 803.
• * 1.205

  Ep••st. 123.
• * 1.206

  Ep••st. 165. L••i••••es••ido.
• * 1.207

  Epist. 166. V••iberto.
• * 1.208

  Epist. 18.
• * 1.209

  Epist. 24.
• * 1.210

  Ep••st 28.
• * 1.211

  Epist. 42.
• * 1.212

  21. q. 3. cum a∣liquis.
• * 1.213

  11. q. 3. Nemo.
• * 1.214

  Anno 1063.
• * 1.215

  I. 2. Ep. 5.
• * 1.216

  Li. 2. Ep. 18.
• * 1.217

  Li. 4. Ep. 12.
• * 1.218

  Lib. 9. ••p. 3.
• * 1.219

  Li. 9. Ep. 28.
• * 1.220

  L. 9. Ep. 3.
• * 1.221

  Binius. To. 3. fo. 1282. A.
• * 1.222

  ••••. S. Sp. 21. Episco. Met••nti
• * 1.223

  De Ponti•• l. 1. c. 7. §. Quar••••m
• * 1.224

  L. 2. post. Ep 38.
• * 1.225

  Li. 11. Ep. 10.
• * 1.226

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 96. Con∣stantinus.
• * 1.227

  An. 553. ca. 5 Sumna Carran∣ze.
• * 1.228

  Baron.•• Annal. To. 9 fo. 319. Anno 761.
• * 1.229

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.230

  L. 4. Ep. 2.
• * 1.231

  15.9. b. Alius. glo••••er. Deposu∣it.
• * 1.232

  L. 1. Epist 70.
• * 1.233

  ••. 9. Epist. ••.
• * 1.234

  L. 6. Epist. 17. Abbati Clunia••.
• * 1.235

  Binius To. 3. pa. 2 fol. 1196.
• * 1.236

  Cassanae. Catal. G••or. pa. 4. Con∣sid. 7.
• * 1.237

  L. 4. Epist. 2.
• * 1.238

  1. Reg. 15.
• * 1.239

  E••chird. Ind. Tit. 21. n. 9.
• * 1.240

  Schultingius. Thesaur. Antiq. Eccles. To. 1. c. 8. & 243.
• * 1.241

  Diod. Sicul. Bib∣liot. l. 4. ca. 1.
• * 1.242

  Bell. de Pont. l. 2. c. 2. §. Nec ualet.
• * 1.243

  Ide. d•• Concil. ••t Eccles. l. 1. ••. 2. § Esse autem.
• * 1.244

  Id••. de••aicis. l. 3 c. 17. § In quem
• * 1.245

  Say•• Thesaur. C••s. Consc. par. 1. l. 1. c. 6. nu. ••0
• * 1.246

  Stephan{us} De 〈◊〉〈◊〉. p••d. pont c••. 16. § quare
• a 1.247

  Hiero. Gigas de laesa mai. l 1. Rubr. 4. q 2. n. 5.
• b 1.248

  Ibid. q. 4. n. 2.
• c 1.249

  Ib. q. 1. n. 8.
• d 1.250

  Ceremo. Sacr. Ca. de Concil.
• * 1.251

  D•• tr••nsl••t. In p. l. 1. ••. 8. in p••••••cip.
• * 1.252

  De Pont. l. 2. c. 17. §. Obseruan∣dum.
• a 1.253

  Theod. a Ni∣••m de sc••••sm. l. 3. c. 1.
• b 1.254

  Sayr Thes. Cas consci. par. 1. l. 2 c. 20. nu. 20.
• * 1.255

  De Pont. l. 5. ca. 6
• * 1.256

  1.2 ae. q. 103. ad 3
• * 1.257

  De Pont. l. 1. c. 9. § Potest etiam.
• * 1.258

  Ephe. 4.11.
• * 1.259

  An. 829. Binnius To. 3. ••ar 1. fo. 562. ca. 5.
• * 1.260

  In 7. l 2. Tit. 1. De for. comp. Ca. 1. glos. verbo, cu ipso.
• a 1.261

  Sedulius. Apol. cont. Alcora. Francisca. l. 2. C. 1.
• * 1.262

  Gen. 40.10.
• b 1.263

  Sedul. l. 2. c. 1. Luc. 12.32.
• c 1.264

  Sedul. l. 3. c. 13 Psal. 118.
• d 1.265

  l. 1. Ca. 18.
• e 1.266

  Mallonij Notae in Paleotum de Syndone. l. 1. C. 1. Nu. 18.
• f 1.267

  Extraua. Io. 2••. Cum inter. glos. in fine.
• a 1.268

  Liter Leo. 10. p••r B••nchum. l. 8. Ep. l. 17.
• b 1.269

  Gretzer. Cont. Hassenmiller. ••o. 141.
• c 1.270

  Sedul. Apol. pref••t.
• d 1.271

  l. 1. C. 9.
• e 1.272

  l. 1. C. 18.
• f 1.273

  Ibid. & C. 20.
• g 1.274

  l. 1. C. 20.
• h 1.275

  l. 1. C. 13.
• i 1.276

  Ib. C. 15.
• k 1.277

  Ib. c. 18.
• l 1.278

  l. 2. C. 6.
• m 1.279

  Serar. litaneu∣ti. l. C. 13.
• n 1.280

  Epist. Leo. 10. l. 2. Ep. 21.
• o 1.281

  l. 4. Ep. 15.
• * 1.282

  Apolog. l. 3. c. 1. nu. 3.
• * 1.283

  Idem. l. 3. c. 13 nu. 3.
• * 1.284

  Idem. l. 3. c. 28•• nu. 31.
• * 1.285

  Psal. 90.13.
• * 1.286

  Ios Stepha. de Osculat. ped. Po••t. cap. 11. §. Ex quo.
• * 1.287

  Esa 49.23.
• * 1.288

  Ios. Steph. ••. 5.
• * 1.289

  Luc. 7.
• * 1.290

  Idem. ca. 7.
• * 1.291

  Deut. c. 1.3.
• * 1.292

  Idem. c. 10.
• * 1.293

  Epist. lecto.
• * 1.294

  Append. ad lib. de P••••t. respons. ••d lib. Auiso Pi∣a••••uole ca. 2
• * 1.295

  Nicod. Ma••er de paren: Baro: ad lecto.
• a 1.296

  Psal. 8.6
• b 1.297

  Maynard••s de p••iuil. Ecc••. Art. 2 ••. 21
• c 1.298

  Luc 22.38
• d 1.299

  Eman. S••. Scholia in 4. Euang.
• e 1.300

  Ext••au. Com de Maior. & obed. Vnam sanctam,
• f 1.301

  Act. 10.13.
• g 1.302

  In Voto ad Paul. 5.
• * 1.303

  Io. 10.30.
• * 1.304

  Eman•• Sâ Apho•• Confes. verb. Clericus.
• * 1.305

  Dist. 21. Cl••ros,
• * 1.306

  Ren. Choppinus de iu•••• Monast. l. ••. Tit. 2. ••u. 25
• * 1.307

  D^r Aluin de po∣test. Episcoporum c. 3 n. 11.
• * 1.308

  Dist. 23. Sa••ctimonialis.
• * 1.309

  Regula. 47.
• * 1.310

  D Aluinde pot. Ep••sco. ca. 3. n••. 13.
• * 1.311

  Paris de ••ut ••o de Synd. ca. de exces. reg. n••. 29 Maynardus d•• pri••ileg. Eccles. Art. 17. nu. 10.
• * 1.312

  Tholosa. synt. l. 15. c. 2. nu. 4.
• * 1.313

  Theod. a Niem. de schism. l. 1. ca. 22.
• * 1.314

  Laelio Medico. contra. Venet. fo. 196. Nella Raccolta.
• * 1.315

  Risposta di Ant. Bouio al. Paulo. Nella Raccolta fo. 50.
• * 1.316

  Bell. de Clericis l. 1. c. vlt.
• * 1.317

  Martyrolog. Ro. 29. Decemb.
• a 1.318

  Bell. de Indul. l. 1. c. 2. propos. 1.
• b 1.319

  Idem de Con∣firmatione c. 11 § Duplex.
• c 1.320

  Ibid ca. 2. §. Sed r••spond.
• * 1.321

  Bell. de Iustif. l. 5. c. 17. §. No∣bis.
• * 1.322

  De Iustific••t. l. 5. c. 7. Proposit. 3.
• * 1.323

  Ceparius. de vit. Go••zag. l. 3. c. 2.
• * 1.324

  ••enius de Con∣trouersia, de lib. A••b. & Dei aux••l. in••er Ca∣tholicos. Epist. ad Cle. 8.
• * 1.325

  Li. 1. de grat. & lib. arb. ca. 11.
• * 1.326

  Fo. 4.
• * 1.327

  Fo. 91.
• * 1.328

  Fo. 2.
• * 1.329

  VVilloti A••be∣nae, Orthodox.
• * 1.330

  Ex Con••. Trid. Bull. Pij 4. de Ind libro.
• a 1.331

  Index Hispan. fo. 149.
• b 1.332

  Venet. 1575.
• * 1.333

  B••ll de Iusti••i. l. 2 c. 9. §. Sanct••s Hieron••mus.
• * 1.334

  Epist. ante Ind. Belg.
• * 1.335

  De baptism. l. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.336

  De Indulg. l. 1. c. 2. §. Qu••nto.
• * 1.337

  L. 3. Com. in Mat. 20.8
• * 1.338

  Sext Sen. Bibliot Sanct. l. 6. An∣no••. 89.
• * 1.339

  De Indulg. l. 1. ••. 2. §. Quinto.
• * 1.340

  Historiae & ali•• impressa. ante Alcoran. fo. 99.
• * 1.341

  Casabonus pre∣••atio de libe••. Eccl.
• * 1.342

  De purg. L. 2. c. 18 §. Ad quint. Hymno de nouo lumine pasch. Sabba.
• * 1.343

  L. 11. c. 6.
• * 1.344

  Pal. estrita Hono∣ris. Anastas Co∣chelet. fo. 285.
• * 1.345

  Paleotus de Syn∣done, par. 1. Ep. lectori.
• * 1.346

  Reuel. Brigid. Bull Canone. Bonif. 9.
• * 1.347

  Par. Crassus de cerem. Epis. & Cardin. l. 1. c. 39••
• * 1.348

  To. 3. par. 2. fo. 1052. B.
• * 1.349

  Epist. Rutbalo. Reg. Secret. ante Dial. Luciani.
• a 1.350

  Vita eius. fo. 17. & 24. & 57.
• b 1.351

  fo. 33.
• c 1.352

  fo., 83.
• * 1.353

  fo. 107.
• * 1.354

  fo. 108.
• * 1.355

  fo 229.
• * 1.356

  fo. 488.
• * 1.357

  Binsfeldius. de confel. Sa••ar. fo. 67. & 68 Menghi. fust. Daemo. c. 8.
• * 1.358

  Ibidem.
• * 1.359

  Vasques de Ado∣rati.
• * 1.360

  Litan. l. 2. ca. 2. N. 3.

  Ibid. N. 4.
• * 1.361

  Sedul. Apol. pro libro. Con••or. l. 1.••.20. N. 7.
• * 1.362

  De Pont. l. 4. c. 8. § Q••ia.
• a 1.363

  In••. Expurg. belg. fo. 12.
• * 1.364

  Dist. 4 statuimus. gloss.
• * 1.365

  Dist. 12. quis nes∣ciat glos.
• * 1.366

  Ind. expur. belg. fo. 18.
• * 1.367

  Index. Hisp. ••o.. 66.
• * 1.368

  Idem. fo. 92.
• * 1.369

  De Matrimo. l. 1. C. 5. §. vbi ta∣men.

  27. q. 2. Cum so∣cietas.
• * 1.370

  De pont. l. 2. c. 27. §. ••espond••o i••••as.
• * 1.371

  De Purgat. l. 2. C. 18 §. preterea. & §. Ad quar∣tum.

  De verbo Dei. l. 3. C. 10. §. dic••ns.
• * 1.372

  De Pont. l. 4. c. 8. §. respondeo.

  De penitent. l. 1. c. 1. §. igitur.
• * 1.373

  De Sacro. ho∣min. Orig. & contin. l. 1. ••a. 5.
• * 1.374

  36. q. 2. placuit.
• * 1.375

  Ind. Hispa fo. 146.
• * 1.376

  Fo. 147.
• * 1.377

  Moral. In••tit. Par. 1. l. 11. C. 14. §. Secundo quae∣ritur.
• * 1.378

  D•• militia spiri∣tuali Ho. 4. To. 5. fo. 209.
• * 1.379

  Pa••••••tri••a Ho∣no••is fo. 1.
• * 1.380

  Sedulius Apo∣lo. contr. Alcura. l. 1. C. 16. N. 4. & 6.
• * 1.381

  l. 2. c. 9. N. 1.
• * 1.382

  l. 2. C. 11. N. 4.
• * 1.383

  l. 1. C. 19. N. 3.
• * 1.384

  Ibidem.
• * 1.385

  l. 3. C. 21. N. 4.
• * 1.386

  Ibid. N. 7.
• * 1.387

  In fi••e libri.
• * 1.388

  4. Sent. dist. 19. q. 3. ar. 2.
• * 1.389

  De purgat. l 2. c. 9. §. Preter••a.
• * 1.390

  De Indulg. l. 2. c. 2. §. Sed primū
• * 1.391

  De Indulg. l. 1. c. 9. §. Respontio.
• * 1.392

  Turselinus Iesuit Histor. laurel. l 1. C••. 22.
• * 1.393

  Obseruationes in Cassian••m. ••o. 739. Ex Col∣lat. 19.
• * 1.394

  Bell. de pont. l. 4. C. 14. §. Res∣po••deo. De Ioan. 22.
• * 1.395

  Gretzer def••n•• Bellar. To. 1. ••o. 362. §. Namquod
• * 1.396

  Bell. de Po••t. l. 1. c. 2 §. Ex h••s.
• * 1.397

  In septimo. l. 5. tit 3. c. 9.
• * 1.398

  In septimo tit. 4.
• * 1.399

  Ibid. ca 3.
• * 1.400

  Ibid. c. 2.
• * 1.401

  Ibid. c. 3.
• * 1.402

  Histor. Ordi. Ie∣suit resut. a Gr••tz••ro. ••o. 45.
• * 1.403

  R••badencyra de Scrip••••. Iesuit. fo. 100. & fo. 60.
• * 1.404

  Cassia••us l. 11. c. 17.
• * 1.405

  Instit. Moral. to. 2. l. 4. C. 5. § S••cundo.
• * 1.406

  Ibid. §. Tertio.
• * 1.407

  Ibid. §. Ex plo∣ratum.
• * 1.408

  Ribadeney. vbi supra.
• * 1.409

  Cerem: Sacr. Cap. De elect pont.
• * 1.410

  Petr••i Biolioth. Carthusia. ••o 304
• * 1.411

  Sedulius Apolog cont. Al••ora. l. 2 c. 11. § Inno∣centius.
• * 1.412

  Serarius. Tri••ae∣res. l. 2. Cap. 24 Grego. de Va∣lent. De purgat. C. 8.
• * 1.413

  P••erre Ma∣thieu His••••ire de Franc••. l 2. Nirrat. 4.
• * 1.414

  S••du••ius. Apol. l. 2. c. ••2. a. 8.
• * 1.415

  Catalog Glor. Par. 4. Consid. 7.
• * 1.416

  Menghi. Flagell. Daemon. fo. 9.
• * 1.417

  Ide. fol. 105.
• * 1.418

  Mat. Tortus su∣pra la I ettera di Palmieri Ro∣mito. Raccolta. fol. 126.
• * 1.419

  Pierre Mathieu. Histoire de fran. l. 1. Nar. 4.
• * 1.420

  Ceparius de vita Gonzag. Epist. Dedic.
• * 1.421

  Litan eut. l. 2. q. 7
• * 1.422

  De procurand. Indo. Salut. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.423

  Sedul. Apol. l. 3. c. 13. Nu. 8.
• * 1.424

  Idem. l. 3. C. 28. N••. 30.
• * 1.425

  Id. l. 3 c. 24 n. 25 26.27.
• * 1.426

  Vita. Nerij. fol. 488.
• * 1.427

  Sedul. Apol. l. 2. c. 2. n. 3.
• * 1.428

  An. 1608. they were 10581. Ribad. scrip. Ie∣suit. in fin.
• * 1.429

  Cassian. l. 7. c. 19.
• * 1.430

  Iesuitar. regula Commu. Cap. Examinator.
• * 1.431

  Regulae P••ouin∣cial. 56.
• * 1.432

  Cap. de formula scribendi.
• * 1.433

  Cap. pro curator Gener.
• * 1.434

  Pier. Mathieus. histoire de Fran. To. 2. l. 7. Nar. 4.
• a 1.435

  Vide Soto de teg. Secr••t. memb. 3. q. 4. Dub. 4. & Zambran. Cas. Cons••i. cap. 4. de poenit. Dub. 2. Sect. 5. vbi etiam est hoc Decretum ••lem. 8. Nu. 31.
• * 1.436

  Reg. Commu. 38.
• * 1.437

  Sedul. Apolo. l. 2. C. 3. N. 2.
• * 1.438

  Bulla tertia Gretzer in Ha∣teum. fo. 168.
• * 1.439

  D'Auila de Cen∣sur. par. 2. Ca. 7. Disp 3. Dub. 8.
• a 1.440

  Bulla 18. Gret∣zer in Hatteum. l. fo. 211.
• b 1.441

  Iesuit Consti∣tut spi••it. 4.
• c 1.442

  Reg. 48.
• d 1.443

  Reg. Com. ca. Rector reg. 8.
• e 1.444

  Cap prefect. Rer. spirit.
• f 1.445

  C••pari{us} Iesuit. de vita Gonz••g. fo. 58. & saepe.
• g 1.446

  Fo. 84.
• h 1.447

  Fo. 83.
• i 1.448

  Fo. 84.
• k 1.449

  Fo. 154.
• l 1.450

  Bulla. 13. Gretz fo. 195.
• a 1.451

  Bull. 17. Gretz fo. 207.
• b 1.452

  Bull. 15. fo. 197.
• c 1.453

  Bull. 19 f. 217.
• d 1.454

  Bull. 7. fo. 186.
• e 1.455

  Re••u•••• •• ••••o¦uincial. 84.
• f 1.456

  Bull. 16. fo. 198
• g 1.457

  In s••ptimo. l. 5. Tit. 4. c. 6.
• h 1.458

  Constitut. spirit. 36.
• i 1.459

  Epist. Ignatij ad fratr in Lusi∣ta.
• * 1.460

  Reg. Commu. ca. Missa.
• * 1.461

  Pro. 17.24.
• * 1.462

  Vita Phil. Nerij fo 110.
• * 1.463

  Rog••la B••ne∣dict. c. 1.
• * 1.464

  Ren. Choppinus de iu••e Coe••obi. .2. tit. 3. n. 9.
• * 1.465

  Seduli. Apolo. l. 2. c. 6. n. 7.
• * 1.466

  Ibid. n. 14.
• * 1.467

  Iob 2.2.
• * 1.468

  Danaeus in Aug. de Haeresib. c. 69 Prateolus verbo Circu••tares Alf. Castro. verbo Ec∣clesia, & Marty∣rium.
• * 1.469

  Baron. Martyro∣lo. 21 Oct. ex Lind••no.
• * 1.470

  Par. de puteo. De Syndic. c. de excess. Aduocator nu. 15.
• * 1.471

  Pelargus de Nouo Iesu••tismo
• * 1.472

  l. 4. C. 18.
• * 1.473

  Spongia pro Ie∣suitis. cont. E∣quit. Polon. fo. 20
• * 1.474

  Muretu••. Va∣riar. L••ct••on. l. 3. C. 10.
• * 1.475

  Vita eius. ••o. 591.
• * 1.476

  Gretz. in Ha∣senmill. fo. 118.
• * 1.477

  De Institut. Re∣nuntiant. l. 4. C. 10.
• * 1.478

  Idem. l. 4. c. 24.
• * 1.479

  Sedul. Apolo. l. 2. c. 5. N. 5.
• * 1.480

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.481

  Mariana de R••ge. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.482

  Bin••feld. de Con∣fess S••g••••um. fo 216.
• * 1.483

  Pet. Galatin. de verit. Christ. l. 1. ••. 3.
• * 1.484

  Petrei Bibliothe. Carthus fo. 35.
• * 1.485

  Spongia contr. Equit. po••on. f. 78
• * 1.486

  Missal. Roma. ex Decret. Con. Trid. restitut.
• * 1.487

  Specul. vtrius{que} Dignit. c. I. n. 34 Idem. c. 18. n. 7.
• * 1.488

  Binius To. 4. fo. 512.
• * 1.489

  De pont. l. 4. c. 8. §. probatur.
• * 1.490

  De pont. l. 2. c. 29 §. secundo. De Clericis l. 1. c. 16. § postea.
• * 1.491

  De Concil. l. 1 c. 13. § Quarta.
• * 1.492

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4.
• * 1.493

  Catalog. Sc••••p. Ies••it. ••o 100.
• * 1.494

  F••. 196.
• * 1.495

  Ribadeneyr. Ca∣tal. Script. Iesuit
• * 1.496

  Amphitheatrum Honoris l. 1. c. 4. § Primo.
• * 1.497

  Fo. 41.
• * 1.498

  Fo. 44.
• * 1.499

  Baron. Martyro∣log. Decemb. 29.
• * 1.500

  Nauar. De Re∣gular. Consil. 1.
• * 1.501

  De Imagin. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.502

  Ann. 55. n••. 119.
• * 1.503

  Ann. 305 nu. 42.
• * 1.504

  Mat. 3.14.
• * 1.505

  Luke 9.2.
• * 1.506

  Act 9.12.
• * 1.507

  Act. 10.42.
• * 1.508

  1. Cor. 1.23.
• * 1.509

  Matth. 10.27.
• * 1.510

  Martyrolog. Decemb. 29.
• * 1.511

  Alf. Aluares spec. vtri. Dig. c. 31. N. 1, 2, 3, & 12.16, 17. & ca. 41.12. Azor. Mor. Iust. par. 2. l. 4. c. 18. & par. 1. l. 8. ca. 24.
• * 1.512

  De priuileg. Ec∣cles. Ar. 10. n. 25
• * 1.513

  Commen. in Mat 1. in fine.
• * 1.514

  Azor. par. 1. l. 11. c. 5. §. Ani∣maduertendum.
• * 1.515

  Sayr. Thesau. Cas. Consc. l. 3. c. 7 nu. 25.
• * 1.516

  Alf. Castro de po∣test. l••gis. l. 1. c. 5. Docuna. 1.
• * 1.517

  Bartol. Dig. Indi. Sol. le. 4. §. Sire∣us.
• * 1.518

  Aluares spec. v••r Dignit. c. 41. n. 10 ex multis alijs.
• * 1.519

  Gent. de Iure belli. l. 1. c. 14.
• * 1.520

  Cod. Theodos. de Ep. & cler. ••••. 20.
• * 1.521

  Epist. ad Nepotia
• * 1.522

  Aluares spec. vtr. d••g••i. c. 41. n. 7.
• * 1.523

  De sent. Excom. Alma mater in sexto.

  Verbo, In••urgunt
• * 1.524

  De Int••••d. Ver. §. 1. nu. 11.
• * 1.525

  Dig. ad Ley. int. Maiest. tit. 4. l•• ••
• * 1.526

  I•• 70. tit. 4. c. 3.
• * 1.527

  Ibid. tit. 3. c. 3.
• * 1.528

  Spongia Contra. Eq. Polon. fo. 29.
• * 1.529

  Epist. ad No∣rimbergens.
• * 1.530

  Ench••rid. Ind. tit. 56. nu. 5.
• * 1.531

  R••baden. Catal. scrip. Ies••it. ••o. 109.
• * 1.532

  〈…〉〈…〉 Ciu••. nu. 3.
• * 1.533

  Catal. Glor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Consid. 23.
• * 1.534

  Tannerus de ••••∣bert. Eccles. l. 2. cap. 5.
• * 1.535

  De regn. & reg. offi. l. 1.
• * 1.536

  Sepul••ed. de regn. & reg. offi. l. 2. ••o. 91.
• * 1.537

  Deu. 14.
• * 1.538

  Cassian. Collat. 24. c. 9.
• * 1.539

  Id••m de Instit. Ren••n••. c. 40. l 4.
• * 1.540

  Ibid. l. 4. c 27. & 28.
• * 1.541

  Idem. Collat. 4. c. 20.
• * 1.542

  Climachus Sca∣la. parad. Grad. 4.
• * 1.543

  1. Sam•• 2.25.
• * 1.544

  Cepaci{us} de eius vita. fo. 196.
• * 1.545

  Fo. 242.
• * 1.546

  Fo. 244.
• * 1.547

  Apol. l. 3. c. 1.
• * 1.548

  Idem. l. 2. c. 2. n. 2.
• * 1.549

  Ide. l. 3. c. 14. n. 2
• * 1.550

  L. 2, c 5, n. 7.
• * 1.551

  Vita eius fo. 100
• * 1.552

  Fo. 306.
• * 1.553

  Fo. 326
• * 1.554

  Fo. 225.
• * 1.555

  Fo. 191.
• * 1.556

  Fo. 360.
• * 1.557

  Fo. 220.
• * 1.558

  Fo. 346.
• * 1.559

  Fol. 335.
• * 1.560

  Fol. 288.
• * 1.561

  Fol. 187.
• * 1.562

  Sedul. Apolo. l. 3. c. 6. n. 1.
• * 1.563

  Engl. Martyro. Ianua. 16.
• * 1.564

  B. Dorotheus. Doctrina. 7^a.
• * 1.565

  Relatione di Diego Torrez. Edit. Venet. 1604 fo. 5.
• * 1.566

  This Iesuite died in Cusco An. 1598
• * 1.567

  Sedul. Apolo. l. 3. c. 24. n. 26.
• * 1.568

  Id. l. 3. c. 25. n. 1••
• * 1.569

  Id. l. 2. c. 5. n. 8.
• * 1.570

  Epist, ad fratres in Lusitan.
• * 1.571

  Extra. de Iu••, Iur. su••ficiat. Glo.
• * 1.572

  Regul. Benedict. c. 48. Declarat.
• * 1.573

  22. ae. q. 104. Ar. 5. ad 3^m.
• * 1.574

  Ser. 3. de R••surr. Domini.
• a 1.575

  Azor. Mor. In∣stit. To. 2. l 4. c. 7. § Deinde.
• * 1.576

  Extrau. Com. de Maior: & Obed. vnam sanctam Addit.
• * 1.577

  Bertr•••• Respon∣deo & dico.
• * 1.578

  Alex. Pesant. de immunit. Eccles. & potest. pont. pag. 44
• * 1.579

  Ind. Belg•• fo: 86
• * 1.580

  Simancha de Rep. l. 3. c. 7. ex Stobao.
• * 1.581

  Azor. To 2. l. 4 c, 19. § Mihi
• * 1.582

  De libert. Eccles. l, 2: c: 1
• * 1.583

  Maynardus de priuileg. Eccles. Ar. 16. Nu 2.
• * 1.584

  Bell. de Cler. l 1 c. vlt
• * 1.585

  Tannerus l. 2. c. 12, in fine:
• * 1.586

  De Institut. l. 1: c: 10
• * 1.587

  Aphor. confes. verb. clericus
• * 1.588

  15. q. 6. Alius.
• * 1.589

  Paris de puteo de syndi••. Ca. de Excess•• Regum.
• * 1.590

  Dist. 86. qui ve∣natoribus.
• * 1.591

  Par. de Put. ca. Rex autem.
• * 1.592

  In Io. l. 12. c. 56.
• * 1.593

  Casub. de lib. Eccles. fol. 46.
• * 1.594

  Azor. Instit. Moral. To. 1 l. 5. c. 14. in fine.
• * 1.595

  De sent. & re indic. Pastoralis Glossa.
• * 1.596

  S••pr••. la. le••tera de palmieri Ro∣milo.

  Nella Roccolta fo. 183.
• * 1.597

  Simancha. En∣ch••r. Iud. Tit. 5. nu. 3.
• * 1.598

  Li. 1. To. 3. c. 1.
• * 1.599

  22. e. q. 104. Art. 5. ad 3^m.
• * 1.600

  Par. de put. de Synd. fo
• a 1.601

  179.
• b. 1.602

  192.
• c 1.603

  193.
• * 1.604

  22 ••. q. 124. Ar. 4
• a 1.605

  Epist. 8. ad Po∣lycarpum.
• b 1.606

  1. Cor. 15.31.
• * 1.607

  Aquin. ibid.
• * 1.608

  Aduers. Iudaeos. Ora••. 5.
• * 1.609

  De Pu••gat. l. 1. c. 7. § Q••into.
• * 1.610

  Extrau. d•• Reli∣quij. Audiuimus.
• * 1.611

  Ser••rius Tri∣haeres. l. 2. c. 28.
• * 1.612

  Bini{us} To. 1. f. 490
• * 1.613

  Bellar. vbi supra
• * 1.614

  Ibid. c. 8. §. Dices
• * 1.615

  Ibid. c. 9. §. 1. §. T••rtio.
• * 1.616

  Extra. de Reliq. gloss. verb. mira∣culis.
• * 1.617

  Ceremon. Sacrae. Cap. de Canoniz.
• * 1.618

  De Purgat. c. 10. §. 1.
• * 1.619

  Extra. de Relig. C. 1. & ••.
• * 1.620

  Ioh. 21.19.
• * 1.621

  1. Pet. 4.15.
• * 1.622

  Matth. 5.11.
• * 1.623

  22 c. q. 124. Art. 2. ad 1^m.
• * 1.624

  Epist. 24.
• * 1.625

  In Marc. Hom. 13. To. 2. fo. 270
• * 1.626

  Acts 16.
• * 1.627

  Par. Put. Syn∣dic. fol. 484.
• * 1.628

  Collat. 2. ca. 5.
• * 1.629

  Io. 13.••15
• a 1.630

  Metaphra••t. in Nicepho. Mar.
• * 1.631

  Ieruase.
• * 1.632

  1. Co••. 6.12. & 10.23.
• * 1.633

  22 ae. q. 124. ar. 4. ad 2.
• * 1.634

  De Not. Eccles. l. 4. c. 2. § Item.
• * 1.635

  Theomachia Calumist. l. 8. c. 18. nu. 1.
• * 1.636

  Ibid. nu. 3.
• * 1.637

  Nu. 1.
• * 1.638

  Nu. 6.
• * 1.639

  Nu. 10.
• a 1.640

  Iudgement of a Cathol••que of the Apol••g••e of the O••th. Pag. 91.
• * 1.641

  Ca. 11.
• * 1.642

  3. Conue••sions. Par. 3. Chap. 1. N••. 19.
• * 1.643

  Iuly. 27.
• * 1.644

  Ibid. Nu. 21.
• * 1.645

  Ro. 13.1.
• * 1.646

  Carninus de po∣test. l••g. H••m. Par. 1. C. 6.
• * 1.647

  Instit. Mora. To. ••. lib. 2. c. 12. § si quando.
• * 1.648

  De Iudicijs Ca. Nouit.
• * 1.649

  Ibid.
• * 1.650

  Carni••us de po∣t••st. l••g. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. par. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.651

  Idem. par. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.652

  Par. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.653

  Summa Sum∣marum. To. 1. par. 1. c. 14. §. Tertium.
• * 1.654

  De ratio. ••eg. Secret. memb. 3. q. 2. § Sed contra
• * 1.655

  Heb. 12.1.
• * 1.656

  Ca•• Confrater∣ni••as. 12. q. 2.
• * 1.657

  Euchirid. Iudi. Tit. 35. n. 41.
• * 1.658

  Bull. Pij. 4. de ••erm. Iur.
• * 1.659

  Responsio ad Docto. Venet. proposit. 5^a. § ad rationes.
• * 1.660

  To. 2. l. 4. c. 18. § Deinde.
• * 1.661

  Nouit. de Indic. Nu. 41.
• * 1.662

  Marsilius contr. respons. Bellarm. Ad Gener. In∣quisitor. venet.
• * 1.663

  Barclaius de po∣test. pont. ca. 2. in princip.
• * 1.664

  Vgoti••i de Va∣lidit. censura. Ca. 3.
• * 1.665

  De pont. l. 1. C. 2. §. Decima et cap. 22. §. Deci∣masepti.
• * 1.666

  1. q. 79. Ar. 13. Concl••s.
• * 1.667

  Carbo. summa sum•• r. ••o 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••2. S••∣c••••t••um.
• * 1.668

  Carbo. summa summar. To. 2. par. 1. c. 2. §. T••r∣t••••m.
• * 1.669

  Ibid. C. 3: §. Tertium.
• * 1.670

  Tractat. 7. Theol. de Interd. Pauli 5. prop••s. 5^a.
• a 1.671

  Comitol. respo••s. Mo••••l. l. 1. q. 99.
• b 1.672

  Simancha En∣ch••rd. Iudic. Tit. 5. nu. 3.
• c 1.673

  Azor. ••ns••it. Moral. ••ar. 2. l. 4. c. 2. §. Sexto.
• * 1.674

  De••ence of Eng∣l••sh Cathol. ca. 4.
• * 1.675

  ••ar. de Pute•••• so 327. & so. 773.
• a 1.676

  Fran. a Victor. Relect. de potest. Ciuili. Nu. 14.
• b 1.677

  Respons. ad Doct. Venet. pro∣pos. 1. §. Prima haec.
• a 1.678

  Swertius in E∣pitaph. Pataui. Nulla erat in Medico spes, ne∣que multa Deo.
• * 1.679

  Victorellus de custod••a Ang••∣lorum.
• a 1.680

  Fol. 16.
• b 1.681

  Fol. 133.
• c 1.682

  Fol. 121.
• d 1.683

  Fol. 17.
• * 1.684

  Fo. 104.
• * 1.685

  Fo. 105.
• * 1.686

  Fo. 106.
• * 1.687

  Aquin. contr. Gent. cap. 20.
• a 1.688

  Fraenc. a Vi∣ctor. de potest. Papae et Co••∣cil. •• Ad Quin∣tum.
• * 1.689

  Hiero. de locis Hebr••.
• * 1.690

  De Pont. l. 2. c. 31. § Argumen∣tum.
• * 1.691

  L. 2. c. 26.
• * 1.692

  Hiero. Epist. ad Chromat. Par. 2. l. 4.
• * 1.693

  Azor. Mor. Ins••it. c. 4. § Porro.
• a 1.694

  Lect. 23. Dist. 96 In Scriptu∣ris, &c. 6. q. 1. Sacerdotes, &c.
• * 1.695

  Bellar. de Eccles. milit. l. 4. c. 4.
• * 1.696

  Ibidem § At in∣quiunt.
• a 1.697

  Anastas. Co∣chelet. Pale••••rit. hono. f. 9.
• b 1.698

  Fo. 6.
• * 1.699

  Florimond. de Remond. l. 6.
• * 1.700

  Brancheda Ora∣rati. ad Imp. de mutat. Imper. fo. 18.
• * 1.701

  Esay. 9.6.
• * 1.702

  Lyra.
• * 1.703

  De pont. l. 5. c. 4. §. Superest.
• * 1.704

  Ibid. § Sediam.
• * 1.705

  §. Caeterum.
• * 1.706

  Ca. 3. parag. Gre¦gorius.
• * 1.707

  Ca. 3. ••arag. vt igitur.
• * 1.708

  Ca. 3 parag. Eadē
• * 1.709

  Ca. 4. § Confir∣matur.
• * 1.710

  Ca. 4. § Vt igitur
• * 1.711

  Ca. 3. § Grego∣rius.
• * 1.712

  Maynardus de priuil. Eccles. Ar. 7. N. 5.6.9. Idem. Ar. 8. n. 3.5
• * 1.713

  De pont. l. 2. c. 29. §. Respond. primo
• * 1.714

  C••. 7. § Secunda ra••••.
• * 1.715

  Ca. 6. § Ita pr••r••u••.
• * 1.716

  l. 5•• C. 6.
• * 1.717

  1. Sam. 8.11.
• * 1.718

  De Pont. l. 4. C. 15. §. At in.
• * 1.719

  De Concil. l. 1. C. 18. §. Dico.
• * 1.720

  Reg. Iuris in 6. C. ••in. glos. verb. P••ntif••catus.
• * 1.721

  Lelio medici contr. Venetia. Sopra il sunda 2. fo. 194.
• * 1.722

  Titulo libri.
• * 1.723

  De Pont. l•• 2. C. 8.
• * 1.724

  l. 2. C. 11.
• * 1.725

  l. 5. C. Vlti.
• * 1.726

  Barclaius de pot. Pap. C. 1. §. mihi.
• * 1.727

  Cap. 3. in Princ. et ca. 40.
• * 1.728

  De potest. Eccles. Sect. 6. Nu. 4.
• * 1.729

  Ibid. Nu. 2. et 3.
• * 1.730

  Aluarez specul. vtri. Dignit. ca. 33. Nu. 4.
• * 1.731

  Carranza. sum. Concil. fo. 92.
• * 1.732

  Cod. de Sum. Trinit. le. 1. Cunctos
• * 1.733

  De Emendat. Grat. l. 1. Dial. 1.
• * 1.734

  Ibid.
• * 1.735

  L. 2. Dial. 8.
• * 1.736

  L. 1. Dial. 4.
• * 1.737

  L. 1. Dial. 19.
• * 1.738

  L. 1. Dial. 16.
• * 1.739

  L. 1. Dial. 3.
• * 1.740

  Ibid.
• * 1.741

  Ibid.
• * 1.742

  L. Dial. 4.
• * 1.743

  Ibid.
• * 1.744

  Dist. 43. si quis. verb. postulat.
• * 1.745

  L. 1. Dial. 4.
• * 1.746

  L. 2. Dial 8. 1. Tim. 1.13.
• * 1.747

  De paenit. Doct. 1 potest fi••ri.
• * 1.748

  11. q. 1. Cl••ricum Ex Conc. Agath. Can. 32.
• * 1.749

  Tom. 2. ••o. 306.
• * 1.750

  De Clericis l. 1. c. 28 § Tertia.
• * 1.751

  Baron To. 9. Ann. 774. n. 13. D••st. 65 Hadri∣anus. St Dist. 63 In Synodo.
• * 1.752

  To 9. Anno 801. ••o. 622.11. q. 1. Volumus.
• * 1.753

  Dist. 31. quoni∣am.
• * 1.754

  li. 1. Dial. 8.
• * 1.755

  Dist. 13. Duo Mala. And Nerui.
• * 1.756

  De p••niten••. Dist. 1. Quam∣uis in fine.
• * 1.757

  L••c. 15.4.
• * 1.758

  Dist. 5. Quia sanctitas. verb. In Deserto.
• * 1.759

  24. q. 2. Sane pro∣••e••tur. Verb. Item.
• a 1.760

  Dist. 22. in tan∣tum. in fine. 24. q. 2. Sane pro∣fertur.
• b 1.761

  Dist. 15. Cano∣nes. et glos. ver. Defe••sorem.
• * 1.762

  Dist 31. Sacer∣dotibus. ver. semper.
• * 1.763

  Dist. 33. Inter∣d••xit. v••rb. Ido∣neas.
• * 1.764

  Dist. 34. Quo∣rundam. v••••sa∣ma.
• * 1.765

  Ibid. Vidua. ver. multorum.
• * 1.766

  Dist. 68. sicut. ver. sicut.
• * 1.767

  Alb. Gent. de lib. Iur. C. 2.
• * 1.768

  Dist. 13. Duo mal••.
• * 1.769

  De Concil. autor•• l. 2. c. 13. § Sea obijciunt.
• * 1.770

  Dist. 19. In Ca∣nonicis.
• * 1.771

  Dist. 15.
• * 1.772

  Pierius de Barb. sace••do. §. At videte.
• * 1.773

  Dist. 75. quod a patrib. gloss. ver. sabbati.
• * 1.774

  Respo. ad Georg. Sohn. de Anti∣christ. Thes. 15.
• * 1.775

  De Pont. l. 4. c. 14. § Respond. nec.
• * 1.776

  Picrius de Bar∣ba sacerd. § Hoc in genere.
• * 1.777

  De vit. & hon. Cleri. Clericus.
• * 1.778

  D••st. 1••. s••ncta Romana.
• * 1.779

  25. q. 1. Viola••o∣res.
• * 1.780

  Respons. ad Docto T••••••lo. propo••it. t••r••a § Te••tia haec.
• * 1.781

  Marsilij desens. Docto. Ca. 5, § E••rat. XI.
• * 1.782

  Treat. of mitig. Ca. 7. n. 42.
• * 1.783

  Nu. 43.
• * 1.784

  Nu 43
• * 1.785

  Petr. de vineis. Epist. 4. l. 1.
• * 1.786

  Ca••si••nus lug∣d••ni. Ann. 1606 f•• 740.
• a 1.787

  De V••••ris super eo.
• b 1.788

  Extra••. Com. De reliqui cum perexcelsa.
• c 1.789

  Ibid Graue.
• d 1.790

  Victorell de Custod. Ang••lo. fo. 99.
• e 1.791

  De Consecra. D••st. 3. Pro∣nunciand••m•• Glos. ver. Nati∣uitas.
• * 1.792

  Comitolus R••sp. Mor. lib. 1. q. 16.
• * 1.793

  Maynardus de Priuil. Eccl. Ar. 11. ••. 8.9.
• * 1.794

  Dist. 4. In istis.
• * 1.795

  De tregua et pace C. 1. Tre∣gu••s. glos. ver. s••ongere.
• * 1.796

  Manual. C. 23. Nu. 41.
• * 1.797

  Vgolini. resp. ad 7. Theolo. §. 1. Nu 9.
• * 1.798

  Azor. To. 2. l. 7. C. 3. §. Quaer••s. Vgotini. vbi su∣pra.
• * 1.799

  Albericus in Dictionar. ver. Elect••o.
• * 1.800

  De Electio & Elect. potest. Venera••••lem.
• * 1.801

  De Iure iuren∣do.
• * 1.802

  Vspergens. so•• 1198.
• * 1.803

  De Sent. et re iudic. in 6. Ad Apostolicae.
• * 1.804

  Binius To. 3. par. 2. fo. 1482.
• * 1.805

  Clement. de Sen∣tent. & re iudic. pastoralis. Anno 1306.
• * 1.806

  Clement. de Iure iurando vnica.
• * 1.807

  Dist. 63. Tibi Domino.
• * 1.808

  De Pontif. l. 5. C. 8. §. septimum.
• * 1.809

  Dist. 96. Con∣stantinus.
• * 1.810

  To. 2. l. 4. C. 19. e•• 20.
• * 1.811

  Dist. 9. Quae contrae.
• * 1.812

  Dist. 10. lege.
• * 1.813

  Dist. 21. Omnes.
• * 1.814

  Dist. 96. Du•• sunt.
• * 1.815

  2. ••. 7. Nos si.
• * 1.816

  9. q. 7. Episcopo.
• * 1.817

  Ca. patet. ver. Innocentius.
• * 1.818

  15. q. 6. Alius.
• * 1.819

  7. q. 1. quamuis. petijsti.
• * 1.820

  15. q 6. Autho∣ritat••m &c.
• * 1.821

  Ibid.
• * 1.822

  11. q. 3. Quoni∣am.
• * 1.823

  Ver. Quoniam.
• * 1.824

  Ver. Tempera∣mus.
• a 1.825

  D'Auila Par. 2. Ca. 6. Disp. 11. Dub. 90
• * 1.826

  15. q. 6. Iuratis.
• * 1.827

  Binius. To. 3. ••ar 2. fo. 1293.
• * 1.828

  q. 1. G••n••rali.
• * 1.829

  De re••us Eccle••. 〈…〉〈…〉 2. l. 3. C. 5. N. 17.
• * 1.830

  Qui filij sunt legit. Causam quae. C. 4. &c. 7. & De offic. De∣leg. ca. 17.
• * 1.831

  Tit. ••od. per v••∣nerabilem.
• * 1.832

  Ver. Certis.
• * 1.833

  1••.12.
• * 1.834

  De iudicijs nouit
• * 1.835

  No••erit. Gra••em
• * 1.836

  De prescriptio∣nibus.
• * 1.837

  De Pont. l. 5. c. 6. § Itaque. Ex Cod. De prescriptionibus.
• * 1.838

  Ver. Nota quod
• * 1.839

  ver. Tam Cano¦nica.
• * 1.840

  Cap licet••
• * 1.841

  Verb. priuan∣d••••.
• * 1.842

  De Ma••••r. & Obedient.
• * 1.843

  1. Tet. 2.13.
• * 1.844

  Ver. Tanquam
• * 1.845

  De Supplend. neglig. praelat. Grandi••n sexto.
• * 1.846

  Literâ, b. in Margine.
• * 1.847

  Si fratrum.
• * 1.848

  Ver ponatur.
• * 1.849

  10.16.
• * 1.850

  Grego Homil. 14.
• * 1.851

  Citat. Ema•• Sa.
• * 1.852

  22 38.
• * 1.853

  Sâ.
• * 1.854

  l. 10. Com. in lacam.
• * 1.855

  Luc 2.35.
• * 1.856

  Ema. S. ••.
• * 1.857

  De Pont l. 5. c. 5. Secundo.
• * 1.858

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.859

  Extra••. Com. de priuileg. M••ruit.
• * 1.860

  Licet ••aelici. Rescriptorum.
• * 1.861

  Anto. August. de Emend. Grat. l. 2 Dial. 2.
• * 1.862

  Tholoza. Syntag. l. 15. c. 4. n. 10.
• * 1.863

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 23. N••. 48.
• * 1.864

  De vi et Pot. leg. human.
• * 1.865

  Ca. 8.
• * 1.866

  P••r. 1. C. 1.
• * 1.867

  C. 3.
• * 1.868

  Extra. de Re∣script. ex par••••.
• * 1.869

  Ibid. Si quando.
• * 1.870

  Ibid. ad Audi∣entiam.
• * 1.871

  Ver. Manifestū.
• * 1.872

  Caranza. fo. 414.
• * 1.873

  Binius. To. 3. par. 2. fo. 1047.
• * 1.874

  Carran. Ibid.
• * 1.875

  Id. fo. 415.
• * 1.876

  Dialo. 3.
• * 1.877

  De purg. l. 1. C. 9. Altera.
• * 1.878

  Histor. de Sacr. Sindone. Par. 1. Epist. ••ector.
• * 1.879

  De libert. Eccles. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.880

  Carnin{us} de vi ••t pot. leg Huma. C. 10.
• * 1.881

  Man. C. 23. N. 38.
• * 1.882

  Citat. Theod. Niem. Nem. vitio. Tract. 4. Ca. 9.
• * 1.883

  Annal. 13.
• * 1.884

  Ap••end. ad lib. de Pont.
• * 1.885

  Bell. de Pont. l. 4. c. 7. § tertia ratio
• * 1.886

  I••••d § & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.887

  To. 10 Anno 878. N. 41.
• * 1.888

  Dist. 22. In tan∣tum. & 24. q. 2. ••••ane profertur.
• * 1.889

  Higgons. fo. 32.
• * 1.890

  Theodor.a Niem de Scrip. l. 1. c. 42
• * 1.891

  Na••ar. Manual. c. 27. n. 147. Clem. Exiui. Tit. de verb. si••ni••.
• * 1.892

  Ver. Obedientia.
• a 1.893

  De p••t. pa••. & Conc. § Sed quia
• b 1.894

  Ibid. § preterea.
• c 1.895

  Ibid. § & preterea.
• * 1.896

  Ibid. 87. si quis
• e 1.897

  Azor. To. 2. l. 4. C. 5. §. Tertio.
• * 1.898

  Ibid. §. Decima∣septima.
• * 1.899

  D'Auila de cen∣suris. par. 2. C. 6. disp. 11. Dub. 9.
• * 1.900

  Alf. Castr. de po∣test. leg. l. 1. C. 5. Docum.
• a 1.901

  Comitolus. Resp. Moral. li. 1. Q. 47.
• * 1.902

  Dig. Tit. 5. L••. 1.
• * 1.903

  Par. de Put. de Syndic. fo. 481.
• * 1.904

  Mar Donatus in Sueto. c. 16.
• * 1.905

  In septimo Tit. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.906

  Apolog. of Iesuit, c. 5.
• * 1.907

  Ibid.
• * 1.908

  Spongia pro I••∣suit. fo. 79.
• * 1.909

  Serarius Trihae∣res. l. 3. c. 4. Ar. 34
• * 1.910

  Ar. 37.
• * 1.911

  Par. de Put. de syn. ••c. fo. 990. Hier. Gigas de laes. Ma. l. 3. rubr. 1. q. 5. Nu. 2.
• * 1.912

  Azori{us} Insti••. Mor. To. 1. l. 2. ca 9 praecep. prima § quoti••s∣cu••que.
• * 1.913

  In septimo Tit. 1. ca 4.
• a 1.914

  Baro••res••. ad Card. Colum. Nu. 31.
• * 1.915

  Cerem sacr. Ca. de Coron Imp.
• * 1.916

  Ibid. ca. de creat. Duc.
• * 1.917

  Binius To. 3. Par 2. ••o. 1161.
• * 1.918

  Clem. de Iure iurand.
• * 1.919

  De Consecrat. Dist. 2. Ego.
• * 1.920

  Sess. 19.
• * 1.921

  De i••sta Haereti. Punitio. l. 1. c. 111
• * 1.922

  D' Auila de Cen∣s••. Par. 2. c. 4. disp. 1. Dub. 4.
• * 1.923

  Ibidem.
• * 1.924

  D•• Pont. l. 5. c. 3 § Hem.
• * 1.925

  Alb. G••nt. de l••gatio. l. 4.
• * 1.926

  Exod. 32.32.
• * 1.927

  Ro. 9.3.
• * 1.928

  Act. 15.
• * 1.929

  De Pont. l. 5.c. 7. § Quod si.
• * 1.930

  To. 2. l. 4. C. 5. §. Tertio.
• * 1.931

  Carbo. summa summarum. To. 1. Par. 1. C. 14. §. prima.
• * 1.932

  Franc. a Victor. Rele••t 6. De Iu∣re bell••. §. Terti∣um Dubium.
• * 1.933

  Clem. de Sen. ••t re. ••ud. I••a••••o∣ralis.
• * 1.934

  Dig. li. 50. Tit. 1. Ad munic. le. fin.
• * 1.935

  15. q. 6. Authori∣tatem. gloss.
• * 1.936

  Aduer. Haere. l. 1. C 5. in princ.
• * 1.937

  De libe•• Eccles. l. 2. C 9. §. Se∣cundus.
• * 1.938

  Ad Leo. A••g. Epist. 97. in princi.
• * 1.939

  Epist. 48. Cont. Rogat. et Donat.
• * 1.940

  De Eu••har. l. 3. C. 8. §. Ac pri∣mum.
• * 1.941

  Aduer. Heres. l. 1. C 7
• * 1.942

  Bo••osius.
• * 1.943

  In 70. tit. 1. C. 2.
• * 1.944

  Azor. To. 2. l. 4. C. 15. §. Item eo.
• * 1.945

  In septimo l. 5. Tit. 3. c. 8.
• * 1.946

  De Euchar. l. 3. c. 8. § Ac primū
• * 1.947

  De Pont. l. 4. c. 3. § Alterum.
• * 1.948

  D'A••••in. de pot. 〈…〉〈…〉 23. n. 5. ••x 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.949

  Ann. 1215. ca. 3.
• * 1.950

  Extra. de Here∣si. c. 13.
• * 1.951

  Direct Inqui. l••t. Apostol. pag. 13, 27, 51.
• * 1.952

  Cod. l. 1. Tit. 5. l. 4 § Si vero.
• * 1.953

  De Sent. & r••iud
• * 1.954

  Azor par. 2. l. 4 c. 15. § Item eo.
• * 1.955

  Serar. Tri••••. l. 3. c. 20.
• * 1.956

  De Euchar. l. 3. C. 8. §. Ac pri∣mum.
• a 1.957

  Vercelleus. De vnitat Eccles. c••••seru.
• * 1.958

  24. q. 3. Hoeretic. ex. lib. de vtil. credendi.
• * 1.959

  Gal. 5.20.
• * 1.960

  Cod. l. 1. tit. 1. ••e. 5
• * 1.961

  Ibid.
• * 1.962

  En••hird. I••d. Tit. 24. n. 20.
• * 1.963

  In Dig. l. 39. de Dam••nfe. le. 13. Nu•• 18.
• * 1.964

  Ca. 11.
• * 1.965

  Conc. Trid. Sess. 4 de Peccat. Orig.
• * 1.966

  Sayr. Thes. Cas. con••c. l. 3. c. 8. n. 6. & 7.
• * 1.967

  1. Cor. 11.19.
• * 1.968

  Desensio. B••ll. l. 2. c. 14.
• * 1.969

  ca••. 6.
• * 1.970

  Turon. 2. ca. ••••t.
• * 1.971

  Binius To. 4. fo. 654.
• * 1.972

  Dist. 11. consue∣t••d••••em. ver. fid••m.
• * 1.973

  De Consecrat. Dist. 4. Si non. ••••r. catholicum.
• * 1.974

  I••septimo Ti••. 3. c. 1.
• * 1.975

  l. 2•• ••••uer. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 2.
• * 1.976

  De veland. v••••g. c. 1.
• * 1.977

  Alf. castr. adu. Ha••. l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.978

  De pont. l. 4. c. 5. § Ex his.
• * 1.979

  Append. ad lib. 1. Bell. § Interin.
• * 1.980

  22 ae. q. 11. Ar. 2. ad 2.
• * 1.981

  D•• Haer••sib.
• * 1.982

  Alf. castr adu. Heres. l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.983

  catalog. test. ex Mat. Paris. Anno 1253.
• b 1.984

  Vercell. de vnitat. Eccles.
• * 1.985

  Epist. 39. Tu∣ribio. in fine.