Cardanus comforte translated into Englishe. And published by commaundement of the right honourable the Earle of Oxenford

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Title
Cardanus comforte translated into Englishe. And published by commaundement of the right honourable the Earle of Oxenford
Author
Cardano, Girolamo, 1501-1576.
Publication
[London] :: Anno Domini. 1573. Imprinted at London in Fleetestreate, neare to S. Dunstones Churche by Thomas Marshe. Cum priuilegio,
[1573]
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Subject terms
Consolation -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/a17947.0001.001
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"Cardanus comforte translated into Englishe. And published by commaundement of the right honourable the Earle of Oxenford." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/a17947.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 17, 2024.

Pages

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Of Comforte the thirde Booke. (Book 3)

MVche longer then was determi∣ned, & more at large haue I dis∣coursed that kynde of comforte which to sorrowe & death doth appertayne: not onlye because I thincke y occasion of griefe whi∣che groweth eyther of pryuae death or losse of frendes is little, or lightlye borne: but also that in these dayes men do so much desyre riches & auctoritye, as till death doth euen at hand drawe on, they take no care at all. Eche man in i∣magination alloweth himselfe longe tyme of life, disdayning death as a thing not knowen in this, but an other worlde. But ryches, and present au∣thoritye, are on euerye syde soughte for, as ioyes which hee euerlastynge▪ Yet not contented with▪ this, they also reproue, condemne, and despyse the quyet lyfe of such as are not with like madnes de∣lighted. For the chiefest care suche men do take, is that of al other most wyse and happye: neyther of which (in iudgement of those that disdayne them) can be allowed. Then when these wealthy men perceiue that the others are not greatly greeued, forthwith they fal to hate and persecution. So as although men could willinglye suffer theyr bace e∣state: yet beinge driuen into any kinde of necessity or calamity, straight wayes they lament and com∣plaine: so as by confession of them, for great desyre

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of riches, the rich men are allowed of and praysed for the wysest sort of men. But seinge the estate of tyme and worldly procedinges are not euer alike, wee meane not to speake muche of that calamitye which these ambicious men do thincke y greatest, but of that miserye whych may so trulye be called: for suche kinde of men do labour to continue after death, and glorye in theyr owne happines. As the Poet wryting vpon the tombe of a certayne hap∣pye man sayde.

Vpon my corps poure forth thy vvyne, O frend that comes this vvay, And on my tombe vvith pleasant hand, thy precious spices laye. No gulfe of griefe my graue shalbe, but springe of lasting blis, I am not dead but changd my life, lo such my fortune is, My former ioyes are not decayd, but as they vvere before, If ought or nought I beare in minde, yet blest for euermore.

O merye man, howe aptlye hath hee nothinge sayde, for this presumption to continue felicitye af∣ter death, is a thinge altogether vaine, and forsa∣ken of the very authors thereof. For well we see that after death, the glorye of ryches doth in short space decay. Not onely because great nombers do daylye aspyre to this prayse: but also riches it selfe deserueth no glorye at all. And amonge so manye thousād thousands as in theyr time was famous∣lye rich, yet few of them haue come to our know∣ledge. Gilias, Cressus, Mydas, Pythius, Meander, Ericto∣nius, Sysiphus Tantalus. Of the Romaynes that had beene bonde men, Amphion, Menecrates, Heron, De∣metrius, Pallas, Calistus, Narcisus. Of Frenchmen, Drusus, Caecilius, Sylla, Lucullus, Liuius, M, Crassus. Of Kinges, Salamon and Ptolomeus, were all reported

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for notable ryche. But Gylias became famous for liberalitye, Cresus and Crassus, for theyr misfortune, Sylla & Lucullus for theyr victoryes, Mydas through Silenus. The Romaynes that had bene bonde men by the abuse and riot of Rome: Salamon for wyse∣dome, Tantalus for wicked lyfe, Meander and Pythi∣us for theyr bountye to the Persian kinges. C. Caelius for his Testament: Ptolomeus for princely maiesty, Erictonius and Sysiphus throughe Poets libertye L. Drusus for hys magnificence. So as none almost for onely riches gayned glory: although they were such mē as might easylier attaine to fame for ver∣tue, then so greate riches. To what vse that after death riches should serue no manne knoweth, nor can imagine. And although that after death they did yelde glorye to thee, and vse to others, yet the same is to thee nothing at all. Rather ought thou remember to passe in to those partyes, whether thou can carrye nothinge besydes thy vertue and vyces of mynde, When soeuer therefore thou shal dye, wyll come to memory not thy ryches, but thy sinnefull offences, not thine honour or auctoritye, but thy hope and fayth of Saluation. For at that instant (I omit thy former myseryes) all thinges shalbe subuerted, and to thy sighte the hole worlde shalbe turned to the first Chaos. And as ye land doth seeme to moue in y sight of such as sayle in the ship (& yet in deede doth not) but it is the shippe yt remo∣ueth and not ye land: so in the houre of death shal the whole world seeme to be subuerted, whē thou shalte for euer take leaue of earthlye life, neuer a∣gaine to see thy worldlye frendes, nor thy riches

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wherein thou so much delighted. Therefore if af∣ter death thou hopest of anye lyfe, why doest thou not cōsume thy tyme in vertue? or if none? yet why seekest thou not thyne owne quyet? syth for other lyfe thou lokest not, nor hopest to returne againe to this. But happilye it maye be sayde that this sorrow is sweete (as it is to rubbe a soore) A plea∣sure it is to be riche, to gouerne, to be praysed and to oppresse others, & this is ye vttermost marke of mans felicitye. O foolishe imagination: but let that passe, so thou disproue not others of sounder opynion. Yet (if wythout offence I maye so do) let me aske why men lyke vnto children do builde houses that wil by and by fall downe? whye doe they vainlye trauayle, not onely in bodye, but also in minde? Yet let vs a whyle conuert our speach to other matter (for I am enforced many wayes to degresse from our purpose) and let vs fyrst de∣clare why my former booke became so longe: and therewythall shewe that for all calamityes (if any seeme intollerable) there is one remedye. It was therefore wyth greate diligence approued y death is not to be nombred amonge the euils: for seynge the meane to come therevnto is open to all men, none (but such as willinglye are) can iustlye be cal∣led vnhappye. Tiberius suruayinge his prysoers, was asked by one of them howe sone hee shoulde dye? aunswered▪ I am not as yet reconsyled vnto thee. A true aunswere surely in respect of the mat∣ter, but tyrānous if y consyder the meaning. And this was one other cause why my last booke was ye lōger. For against al sortes of myseryes thre spe∣cial

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remedyes we haue, Death, Wysedome, and Fortune. They are cōmonly constrayned to vse y helpe of death, that cannot take commoditye of ye other too, being fallen into those calamities which seeme the greatest. Wherefore Damidas the Lacede∣monian seemed discretelye to aunsweare one saying vnto hym, that vnlesse the Lacedemonians were re∣consyled to Philippus, they shoulde be in greate ha∣zarde (for at that tyme the Lacedemonians were the kinges ennemyes, who had wonne Peloponesus:) O cowardly man quoth Damidas what can be in∣tollerable to vs if we feare not to die? In lyke ma∣ner a boye of Lacedemon being taken by Antigonus, and solde in seruices meeete for free men, did wil∣linglye yelde himselfe to take paines, but when he was employed to vile works (and amonge y rest, to emptye vrinals) he refused to do it. For which, whē his master did sore threatē him, he forthwt cli∣med vppon the toppe of the house, and sayde, now shalte thou knowe whom thou hast boughte, and therewithall cast himselfe downe headlonge. So Crassus beynge taken prysoner and fearinge disho∣nour, with his ryding rod he strake oute the eye of a barbarous souldiour, who moued wt ire forth∣wyth did slea hym. A common experience it was in ye old time, by willing death to eschewe long or shamefull kinds of dyinge. And if I should write the names onelye of such as in the raignes of Ne∣ro, Caligula, and Tberius, did willingly kill themsel∣ues, the historye would be to longe, or if I rehersed the nomber, no manne woulde beleue mee. Nowe whilst wee speake of these voluntarye deathes, it

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commeth to memorye, that not longe since in the Cittye of Venis there lyued a certayne Apoticarye, he for some great offence being cōdempned to dye, desyred to speake wyth his brother, who in kissing hym deliuered certaine poyson which he broughte in his mouth closed wtin a nut shel, by force where∣of, after a fewe houres he dyed: whereby he saued himselfe from longer sorrow, and eschewed the re∣proche of dishonourable death. We reade y some men to auoyde extreame sickenes, haue volunta∣rily ended their liues: of which nomber was Pom∣ponius Atticus, a famous man extremelye tormēted wyth a greuous disease, & at length fynding some rest, pyned himselfe for not falling into his former paynes. In lyke maner dyed Corellius Rufus to a∣uoyde the paynes of the goute. But oure Lawes do not permit any mā to procure his owne death: and for good reason: For that nothing shoulde be intollerable to a Christian man (onelye extreame tormente) which the Lawe doth not allowe, yet by law is permitted. Now let vs proue y besydes this intollerable sorrow (and y not altogether ex∣cept) there is nothing that can make a mā discou∣raged, and that all men beinge wyse, are equallye happie and vnhappy. So as I may thincke with Socrates, yt if all mens cares and euilles were by one assente layde togethers on one heape, and equallye deuided to euerye man alike, after wee had seene the greatnes of others greeues, we would choose to take vppon vs our owne, rather then to abyde the chaunce in deuision: because eche man know∣eth his owne euils, and is ignorant how great the

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greeues of others be, which is the reason why ech mā thinketh himselfe most vnhappy. In discourse whereof two thinges may be obiected: the one, y this booke can onely profite those that be learned: and also withoute this, the learned by readinge of Cicero, chiefelye his bookes, De Finibus bonorum, his Tusculane questions, his Paradox, and De Senectute, Plutarchus, Petrarchus & Boetius, with diuers others, shal finde no small remedye in all calamities. And how shal the simple and vnlearned sorte (as is the most part of the people and many gentlemen also) take profite of this booke? So as in comfortinge the learned I shal seeme presumptuous, and for y vnlearned superfluous. But I neede not feare to be herein accused, because (as at the beginninge. I 〈…〉〈…〉 other bookes were made for others se, but this onelye for my selfe, which thoughe it can∣not compare with the eloquente of Cicero, the gra∣uitye of Plutark, the subtiltye of Petrark, or Philoso∣phye of Boetius, yet is wel lyked of my selfe, for that reason I alledged at the beginninge in children, y euerye one loueth his owne worke. Yet haue we erred? who knoweth it not? but those errors are tollerable which harme not others, and procedeth of nature. The other whereof I must accuse my selfe, is, that some will happilye saye, that when a man enioyeth health, he maye easelye counsell the sicke: which is as muche as to perswade wyth vaine words, that in works we do not performe, and therefore in speache onelye doe make a showe of vertue. Of which blame Cicero, Plutarchus, Petrar∣cha & Aristotle himselfe do excuse mee, because they

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extolled magnanimity & yet in aduersitye did not shewe it, and chiefelye Cicero, who of all others de∣clared himselfe most bace and abiect of minde. The others endured no great aduersitye, for besydes a little tyme in banishmente they liued riche and fa∣uoured wyth Princes, and that worthilye. Also it is not requisite that all good men, though they be aliaūt of minde, with peril of their persons shold put theyr valure in proofe, the one is a tryal of for∣tune, the other of vertue. Neyther is it euer neces∣sarye that such as saye well, shoulde also 〈…〉〈…〉 for truth somtimes is maintayned by wicked 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But although by dissembling I might escape these reprehensions: yet where I saye that for allaye of myne owne griefe this laboure is taken in hande, hardlye it is allowed in reason that they that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 alwayes liued in prosperity, can 〈…〉〈…〉 ∣thers comfort in aduersitye. For if a man woulde so do, yet were there small good liekly to followe. This booke shal therefore gayne the more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wyth others, that I my selfe haue bene in my 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And although (as erst I said) euery mā may praise vertue, yet is it not the parte of those y bee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to directe a life contrarye to theyr owne wordes. How can we leade the like life, eyther in fortitude or pacience, or declare y same to others, if we haue alwayes liued in prosperity? Therfore should I o∣mit y greatest & most necessary part of this booke, If I leaue vntold, y (as I thincke by deuine de••••∣nye) I was begotten, borne, & brought vp, in great misery, & so haue almost til this day liued. For such as do perswade others to sustayne greate payne, if

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they themselues haue done the like, thereby they procure their words both credit & auctoritye to be the rather beleued of others. So did 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Pho∣ion, Socrates, Plato, Cato, all the Prophetes and holy men, yea y author of al good IESVS CHRIST. Yet haue I not mdured these worthye men be∣cause I would seeme to contende wyth them is vertue, but rather followe theyr order of lyfe. And the more barely I was borne, y more maye others (if they wil) hope to excell my 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in aduersi∣tye. You shal therefore first vnderstand, that in y time of pestilence I was conceyued, my mother as (I thinke) vndeliuered became partaker of my misery & was forced to flye. The 8. daye of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of October, in the yeare of Gra••••. 1501. halfe deade came▪ I into this world, when all men dispayrīg of lyfe by vertue of a bath made of vyne I was recey••••d: within thre monthes next after I lost two of my brethren & one sister, the plague continuing in our Cittye. The sicknes spreadinge more abrode in Pa••••a, sodeinly of y same death died my foster father. Afterwards I was bouldly and charitably rcyued into y hands of Isiodo•••••• Resta 〈…〉〈…〉 man & frende to my father, where 〈…〉〈…〉 few dayes I fel sicke diseased with the drop∣••••e 〈…〉〈…〉 of the lyuer, yet neuerthelesse preser∣ued eyther through the ire or merryed of GOD, I know not on kinde of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was afterwardes vnapproued, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I attayned eyghte yeares of age. At whiche tyme I became seruaunte to my father till I 〈…〉〈…〉 the age of ninetene. O Lord euen thus I passed the flower of my youth both wyth∣out

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delight and studye. At length perceuinge that by force I might not compell my father, entreate him I could not, and to deceyue him I thought it dishonestye: for loue of learninge I intended to haue entred into Religion. My mother then se∣inge her want of children, entreated my father to put me to schole, where I remēbringe my time al∣readye lost, and the shortnes of mans life, earnestly applyed my selfe to studye, euer in feare lest my fa∣ther hearinge some euil reporte shoulde take me a∣waye. And there as one neuer in schole before, I was not a little troubled wyth hardnes of the la∣tine tongue. Yet amonge all these labours my fa∣ther did graunt me leaue to studye the Science of Geometrie & Logick, wherin although hee helped me onlye with a few good lessons, bookes & liber∣tye, yet through study at spare times I did attaine vnto them. Then absence encreasing my fathers good opinion, the plague beinge great he dyed, ha∣uing newlye begonne to loue mee. At that time y cruel warres began in oure countrey, being poore and voyde of all other helpe, throughe great care & dilligence of my mother I was sustayned, when my small patrimonye suffised not. For suche as it was, I did consume it in the office of 〈…〉〈…〉 Vniuersitye. Neyther had I anye other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then Chesse playe to procure my selfe a lyuinge. So being from one misfortune to another trans∣ported, I settled my selfe in ye towne of PAVIA▪ where by practise of Phisicke (thoughe poore lye) I sustayned my selfe and my familye, as one (that besydes I had nothinge) was indebted by reason

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of my vaine office. Then by my mothers letters was I called home to my coūtrey, wher I found nothinge well ordered, nor no frende, my cos••••s sued in lawe against mee, and in oure Colledge of Phisitians I was repulsed, being suspected a ba∣starde because my father did so euill entreate mee. Neyther can I boast of any fauour founde in the Phisitions of Padoa, where hauing twise deserued to haue beene made Doctoure, I was notwith∣standinge iniustlye denyed my grace, and at laste through the earnest suite of the Podestate, scantly graunted. A shamefull acte, if mine owne euil for∣tune, and not theyr leudenes did offer me so great iniurye. Then dispayring of all good, I fel into y sicknes which we call Consumption, a sickenesse (as the Phisitions saye) incurable. And yet (whe∣ther through good prayer or for other purpose pre∣serued) after seuen monethes, wtout helpe of Phi∣sicke and beyonde al expectation I escaped Consi∣der now what cares, what sorrow & vexation my minde endured: when on the one syde mine owne great pouerty, & on y other my mothers vnwildy age was considered. Besides this, y frowardnes of my frendes, the wronge as I thought of Phy∣sitions, the threatning of a great man, the dispayre of health, lacke of frendes, and wante of abydinge place, did altogether molest me. I wanted wherwt to liue: labour I could not, & to begge I thoughte it shameful, Amids so many calamityes wherein∣to vnfrendlye fortune, the hardnes of my father, y mislyking of kinsefolke, and the mysery of the time had cast me, through good counsel I eschewed (at

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least wise) y presence of my myseries by returning to the Citty, where many frends did comfort and helpe mee, and throughe Gods grace sodeinlye I escaped my sickenes. Afterwardes to meete with mysorder of sickenes I vsed abstinēce, against the affliction of fortune, pacience, against pouerty, spa∣ring, against suite, dilligence, against repulses, y stu¦die of learning. And alwayes from the beginning till this time, this booke (though not then wryttē yet conceyued did greatly comfort mee. Thus re∣turned to my countrye I founde my mother in health. Before which time, euē til this day hauing suffered many myseryes (perhappes to others in∣tollerable) by disdayne I ouercame them al. First I was releued and defended by my good Patron the reuerend bishoppe Phillippus Archintus both for vertue and learninge, a wyse and worthye man. After, throughe commendacion of that excellente Prince Alphonsus Auolus, (to whom I dedicated my booke De eternitatis Archanis) I was by pro∣curemente and singuler fauoure of Franciscus So∣dratus the noble Senator, chosen into the order wt the good lyking of euerye honest man, beinge then almost fortye yeares of age. Such hath beene y course of my lyfe, crased wyth continuall & greate calamityes. Wherevnto what my studye hath helped you may coniecture. As for greater giftes of fortune I did contemne them, wyth like minde that I suffered all offered iniuryes. Wherefore to the continuance of my lyfe and recouery of quiet, I haue not obtayned of God any thing more pro∣fitable,

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then pacience: for by vertue therof amids my greatest myseries, I founde fauour and helpe in theym of whom I neuer had anye good deser∣ued. For Franciscus Bonafidus a good and faythful Phisition, so stoutlye defended my cause agaynst the wronge of the Phisitions of PADOA, as no brother for a brother woulde haue done more.

Greate assistaunce did I also finde in Franciscus Cruceius a most vprighte Lawyer, my suite depen∣dinge in the Cittye of Mylan: Who was also the occasion whye in diuers sayinges, teachinge, wry∣tinge, and inuentinge, I bestowed much trauaile. And albeit a minde vnmolest maye beste doe all o∣ther thinges: yet haue I found that inuention re∣quyreth a quiet mynde, which may appeare by di∣uers and sondrye my Bookes. &c.

But of my selfe perhappes I haue to muche spoken, not in myne owne commendation, but for examples sake. For what prayse canne base pa∣rentage bee, the displease of my father, frendes, and Countreye, my healthe hindered, my fortune vnfrendlye, myne estate poore, and nexte to beg∣gerye: who so therefore doth thincke mee to haue spoken all this for glorye, whiche tendeth rather to shame, must needes condempne mee of greate fol∣lye. And hee wyll thincke mee vtterlye vnwyse, who so euer iudgeth me to haue spoken these thin∣ges for ostentation, which are rather matters to be ashamed of it (leauing oure purpose) wee yelde to the common opynion of others. But it was myne intente by one example to teache these three thinges.

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First y without a conscience gilty of euil, no mā is miserable. Secondly, y the valiency of minde doth greatlye helpe, not onlye to contentacion, but also to procure the mutacion of fortune. Lastlye y the reading of this booke was profitable both to per∣swade vnhappye men wyth pacient minde to suf∣fer aduersity, & those that be happye in their owne opynion, to be modest and continent. Besydes yt (as is already said) though mē do wāt this or such like bookes to read, yet shall they in theyr myserye be depriued of all comfort? surely no. For so should we take vpon vs a thing almost deuine. Because this onelye is necessarye to saue thee from myse∣ry, y thou perswade thy selfe thou art not mysera∣ble. Which rule in one worde may be taughte and learned of euery man. And whosoeuer shal not cō∣ceiue this reason which is auaylable to perswade ye wise, then let them read this or some such booke as necessary. But the simple sort, & cōmon people, be∣leuing this rule, neede not these reasons which our law of life doth also approue. But such as woulde instruct others, maye receiue of this Booke some profit, though I vntaught haue writtē it onely to my selfe, & being vsed to demonstrations, haue be∣leued what followeth death: yet yt here on earth should be neither felicitye nor misery, onlye by rea∣son of aunciente writers I coulde not proue. I thought therfore expediēt not only to reduce their sayings together, but also to adde thervnto what soeuer I could. Wherfore to begin at the discom∣modityes of pouertye, seing the burden of them se∣meth to some intollerable, and as Menander affyr∣meth.

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No burden is more heauye then pouertye, And on the contrarye part Riches haue alwayes bene had in price. The saying of the Poet is yet vnchaunged.

Novv vvealth doth vvield the vvorld, and vvealth doth vvorship gayn Yea vvealth doth vvyn the frends at vvyl, the pore ech vvher cōplayn

But nowe let vs not at all aduentures, but or∣derly as we can (because it conteineth many poin∣tes) enter into our matter. First we must proue that the pore man is no lesse happy then the rich. Secondly that pouertie is no impediment to glo¦rye. Thirdly that there is nothinge more hurtfull to a pore man then to desyre to become riche. Fourthly that after death ryches doth neither pro¦fyte the dead man nor his posterity. And to y fyrst part this I say, that in a poore common weale the felicity is more then in the rich, there is euer foūd lesse hate, lesse ambicion. and lesse disorder. Titus Liuius telleth that albeit the cōmon weale of Rome, was at the begynning afflicted with sundry sedi∣cions, yet among so furious a people besydes wor¦des nothing was done, so as without iudgemente was executed. Tiberius Gracchus was the fyrst mā that without lawe was put to death, syxe hūdred twenty and one yeare, after the buildinge of that Citty, euen then newly attayned to some ryches. Plinius witnesseth how great commendacions the ambassadors of the Carthaginences (being enemies to the people of Rome) did geue vnto the Romains for their mutual loue. But after that riches grew to estimacion in Rome, nothing continued in assu∣rance,

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nothing vndisquieted the people withoute concorde, the Senate without aucthority, slaugh∣ter without respect, gouernement without lawe, wicked lyfe without controlment, cōmon persons without reuerence, youth without bashfulnes, old men without grauity. Al things were prophaned and mixte, with the dregs of slaues and strangers From hence sprong vp y fruit of al mischief, wher¦by it appeareth playne, that miserye followeth the footsteps of rich common weales, and quietnesse procedeth from pouerty. The Lacedemonians lyke∣wise while they lyued almost in beggery were glo¦rious and happye.

In witnes whereof we fynd that when the king of Persia did send certain ambassadors to Lacedemō, they were there through fury of the people robbed and slayne. There was in Lacedemon a temple of Talthibius, Agamemnons cryer, a sanctuary for am∣bassadors, which vpon a tyme not yelding to the sacrifycers any lucky prophesies (for that was ta∣ken for a religeon) it moued the penitente Lacede∣monians that in stede of the ambassadors slayne, as many (that is to say too) should offer themselues, to death. Then Sparthius and Bulis offered theym∣selues departing thence to Lacedemon, before they should come to Xerses sonne of Darius, (who before had sent the ambassadors) they came to Hidernes y kinges Liutenant, who entertayning them cour∣teously, after he knew the cause of their comming, and the greatenesse of theyr myndes, perswaded theym rather to choose the Kinges fauoure, then deathe, for Xerses would make theym rulers ouer

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all Greece, and that he him selfe was one of hys Lordes, whose State he willed them to consider and if they would follow his counsell, they should not refuse the kinges frendshippe.

Then aunsweared they, Thou knoweste not Hi∣dernes howe ioyful a thinge the pleasure of liberty is, where of thou euer seruinge a kinge hadde ne∣uer proofe, but if once thou mightest taste thereof, thou wouldst preferre it before all the kingedomes of Percia. Such felicitye hadd these men in their Common weales, eyther of pouerty, or at the lest wise with pouerty. And yet was the lyfe of the Lacedemonians (as before I sayde) hard, by reason of theyr vse in warres, notwithstandinge, by the benefyte of pouertye (hauinge no monie at all) so deare to theym was liberty, as they esteemed it a∣boue a kingedome.

But omyttinge to speake of Common weales let vs inquyre of priuate Lyfe, where in is greater Pleasure, greater Quiet, then in kingdomes, nei∣ther can a Kinge bee assured of freendes, neyther can he feele the chiefest sweete of Venus ioyes, be∣inge in dout of desembled loue. For wel you know the chief and greatest delight of that pleasure is, to loue and be loued. And how can he know himself beloued, whē feare of power or hope of reward do make the willinge suspected. It is no meruayle thrfore that so many doe declare themselues vn∣thanckfull to princes, for they cannot be accomp∣ted as frendes, that eyther for hope, feare, or day¦lye rewarde, bee entertayned. Therefore Phi∣lippus reproued his sonne Alexander, because wyth

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geuing he thought to gayne the good will of peo∣ple. Albeit the lyfe of princes is most noble, yet wā¦ting loue and friendship, by no meanes can be ac∣compted happy, because they are to seke of such be∣nifyts as do nearest approch the happines of mor∣tall men. But let vs now consyder that although in these thinges they were equal to pore men, whe¦ther then the lyfe of Princes, or common persons, were more pleasant. The pore man rysing earlye, after his handes be washed, resorteth to his labor, where hauing a while exercised him selfe (besydes the helpe of his hongry supper the night before) wt his felow in labour, where, with hongrye Sauce they sauour all sortes of meate, what soeuer com∣meth to hand semeth pleasant, delicate, and preci∣ous. In dyning time, they common of pleasaunt matters, and tell what hope hee hathe of tyme to come. This company breedeth no discention, this dyet causeth no sacietye, no disdayn, no suspicion. The diner ended, after pawsinge a while, they re∣turne to accustomed labor, wherein they get good appetite to supper. There being met, they want no mirth, gentill ieastes, and pleasante tales accor∣ding to the quality of the guests, Then to bed thei goe, whereunto preparing themselues, the shining starres doe stirre them vp to looke to heauen, and remember that at length they shal come into that most blessed country, promising in mynde (if anye thinge were sinfully done) thamendment of theyr offences. Thus wearied with long labor by daye so sone as he commeth in bed, sodenly he falleth in to sound sleape. In such a sorte lyuinge, the simple

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man gayneth healthy and long lyfe, neither trou∣bled with repentaunce of passed time, nor feare of that wil after follow. When holy dayes do hap∣pen he resteth his weary bones. Then wandreth he at will, and if ought therebe in towne pleasant or worthy sight, he may without offence see it.

He veweth the suburbes, the greene fieldes & men dowes, he meeteth his companions & taketh each where his disport. He mindeth no displeasing im∣maginacions, he ioyeth in lyfe, and liueth prepared for death. And if happely he be learned, maye bee som what the more accompted happy.

But the Princes life is cleare contrary. He hauing shaken of his yesterdayes surfyte ryseth vppe, hys mouth not well in taste, but on the one syde offen∣ded with vnsweete sauour of his owne stomack, on the other distempered with euyll rellesse, Then assemble on euery hand his Garde, souldiers, ser∣uantes, parasytes flatterers, and suters, hys men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about him, they exclaime, crye out, & com∣playne, because all thinges are out of good order. The porters kepe backe the importunate people, & some perhaps they promise liberty to passe in.

And if the prince be of good disposicion secretly he examineth his affayres, which fynding to be infy∣nite in nomber, he lotheth his owne lyfe. For some thinges he dispayreth to bringe to passe: and some thinges he hath great care of. Now he blameth y infidelity of some persons. Now hee accuseth the slouth of others, now he fyndeth fault with some mens couetise.. Now he forecasteth some necessa∣rye matters. Now he heareth prayers. Now hee

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harkneth to suytes wherin y more attentiue he is, the moore is his trouble, and care of mynde, so at last he referreth all to his Counsayle. Thus you se that as to a prince nothing is displea¦saunt, so doth he nothinge with pleasure. When diner time commeth, then is he solemplye serued wythe Dishes, Platters, Cuppes, Carpets, Wyne Sallets, Sauce, meat, bread, Dainties of strange deuise and all sortes of princely prouision, But be∣inge thus setled at meate, either he hath no compa¦ny at all or hauinge, they be commonly inferiours, and forced therfore to be placed farre beneath him, who though outwardly merrelye disposed, yet in∣wardely loden with many cares. And as the Poet saythe.

VVythin vvhose fearefull face the palenes dyd appeare, of great and greuous loue.
But now to returne to a kinge who fed withe de∣licate daynties and clothed in rich 〈…〉〈…〉 glutted with yesterdayes cheare) doth neyther 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his meate, nor take pleasure in syght of any thing he can beholde. But clothed with all delicacye, he leaneth backe looking round about, and at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chooseth some one meate that leaste doth offende him. And admitte he could take delight in eating or drinkinge, should that much pleasure him? sure¦lye no: Because all hee doeth is ioyned wythe sus∣picion. He feareth his meate, his drynke, his stole his Chayre, his Trenchour, his napkin, and knife for in euery of theym may 〈◊〉〈◊〉 secret oyson What pleasure can eatinge be, beset with so many suspy∣cions?

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Were it not better to Suppe withe simple sallets, rootes, and fruite, then with all these rich dishes and daungerous delicates? what can bee worse then suspicion, where perill may also lurke and feare is neuer away? which Dionisius by good ensample proued, For when Damocles had longe flattered him (as parasites doe alwayes followes Tirantes) for proofe of such felicitye he caused Da∣mocles to put on his princely apparell placed him in his owne princely chayre, and set before him all the pompe, ioyes, and ryches of Sirausa: whiche done by a smal threde he hanged ouer his head a sharpe sworde naked, which Damocles seinge, he durst not stretch out his arme, nor make any mociō to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 himselfe of those delicates which were set befoo•••• him but finding himselfe on euery syde beset wyth feare, hee prayed Dionisius to deliuer him from thys royal feast, where he learned so much as neuer af∣ter hee desyred to become a kinge. Moreouer to speake of a princes life when he hath royally & sūp∣tuously died, and all his dishes with greate cere∣mony taken away, incommeth ieasters, iuglers & minstrels: some they craftely flatter, som thei back bite, & som they seke to disgrace: some fal to laugh¦inge, & some to mopping & mowing, while others do sound the instruments. In euery of which acti¦ons, y more kyndly a man plaieth the para••••te, the more he is alowed of. Duringe these doinges the prince wt fayned cheare, museth on other matters, more waightye: and happelye occasioned by some aduertisementes wrytten nto him, to counsell be goeth: where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 matters be called in 〈◊〉〈◊〉

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Neither pleasaunt to be hard nor good in the exe∣cution. Because some are vniust, some euill, & some perilous. Such displeasant imaginacions a kyng hath, now he fyndeth offence, now he discouerethe treasons, now feeleth ingratitude, nowe he reuea∣leth suspicion now he discouereth errour, and euill procedynge of ministers, and now hee fyndeth y in fydelity of princes. Hys mynd thus molested, hee sigheth and soroweth hoping to remoue the memo¦rye of such imaginations, perhaps he hunteth, ry∣deth, or beholdeth others ryding. Whither forth•••• the people run, and bring that to mynd which hee would willingly haue left vnthought of. Then af¦ter speach of sundrye matters, to supper hee goeth, wherof he fyndethe the lyke annoye that his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did offer him. At length to bed, where before sle∣ape he museth of many displeasant matters, howe many men are▪ or must be executed, though not al∣together iustly, yet necessarily, What practises are made, what feare, what enuy, what iniury, what warre, what spoyle, what subuersion of Citties, what suspicion of death, and last of all desyreth ey∣ther not to be, or els to enioy a more quiet life.

And thus from one fancy to an other, he turneth & tosseth his mynde, yet in the ende findeth all thin∣ges so confuse, as nothing is assured or parmanēt & thus he desyreth to sleape, whiche is not easlye had his stomacke beinge ouercharged wyth a sur¦fytinge supper. And admitte he doth sleape, in slea¦pynge he meeteth vnquiet ymaginacyons, fearfull dreames & visyons. Though hys bed be rych, soft & delycate, yet hys rest oft tymes hard & shorte.

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What life is this then sinfull of cares and anxitye of mynde. And as Antigonus answered his sonne Demetrius telling him, that more mildely hee beha∣ued him selfe towardes his subiectes then stoode with his honoure? O sonne (quod hee) thou kno∣weste not that a kingedome is nothinge ells then a glorious seruitude. So Tymoion the most hap∣pye of all the Grecian Dukes, sayde that princes were the ministers and seruauntes of many. Be∣sydes all these cares which kinges are combred wt∣all, such as are Tyrantes bee occupied with incest rape, murder of innocentes, poyson, threatninges, violence, tormentes, and sacrilege, yea feare and suspicion are on euery side at hand. As many there be whom a tirante feareth as are those that liue in fear of him, whiche the verse of Laberianus againste Caesar the Dictator doth well set foorth, sayinge.

Of force he must feare many: vvhom dayly many feare.
What gard is so vigilāt as can defend him: He sus∣pecteth his wife, his childrē, his paramour, his cup∣bearer, his barber. A misery sure to great to be wi∣shed to enemies, or y mooste wicked persons. But now I see much hath bene said of felicity thoughe confusely. Let vs therfore at length more inperti∣culer touch euery on. And first I say y life of a pore man is longer, more healthy, & strong, then y whi∣che rich mē haue, neither do I think y and do dout thereof. Only thre men I do remēber ye haue pas∣sed the age of a hundred yeares, & all they almoste beggers, one was a Carpenter, the other Apothi∣carye,

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and the thirde a ploweman. How can hys lyfe belong that lyueth in lust, ydlenesse, and surfy∣tyng, wherof richmen do scarcely eschewe any one How diffring therfore be the orders of mens lyues the one in abstinence and exercise, the other in ban∣quetting and euyll rule. Euer continuinge in ydle¦nes or preposterous labour, watching by night & slepinge the day? Hereof commeth dropsies, con∣sumptions, and goutes to richemen: But what poreman almoost doth complayne of theym? The complexion of their faces doothe often tymes also shew what lyfe they leade. A poore man other whyles hathe moore beautifull Chlydren then hath the rich man, & in hauing them as fortunate. They many times are barren or haue children ve∣rye weake and sicklye: but poremen neuer want, yea rather are ouerburdened. And the reason ther of apparāt. For children are made of their parents feede, whiche beinge plentifull geueth the childe a liuely spyryte and strong body, both which are en¦creased by labour. In noble personages it is far otherwise: if they mete seldome they make manye children, but weake ones: if they mete often none at all. But poore people haue manye children, or not, yet som, & those strong. For which cause Licur¦gus ordeined a good law, y when women were wt chylde, they should be enforced to labor. Besydes al this pore men haue liberty, wherof princes pos∣sesse little. Poremen do visit euery place, but prin∣ces may not, and wher they go, great preparacion is made. So nothing is done sodenlye, but longe thought vpō. A prince is enforced, to tary y leisure

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and flouth of his seruantes, to beare with their er∣rours. In sommer notwithstanding all prouision he is annoyed with duste. In winter he shonneth the colde, and yet do feele it. But the pore man in sommer exersiseth him selfe in the shadow: and in winter with laboure driueth the colde away, and that with pleasure. The richman carefully defen∣deth his own Lands, but the pore man beholdeth all, and the seldomer he hath liberty to se the grea∣ter pleasure he hath in seinge. Neyther do thou y∣magin I saye otherwise then I thincke: my selfe haue neuer wished any thing lesse then to haue gar¦dens in the suburbes, for the reason abouesayde, that other mens for their rarenes do more delight and to haue them myne owne were nothing pro∣fytable, All men do study to lyue, whiche lyuinge the pore man by labour doth gette, his Nature is stronge, hys bodye vncorrupt. But happelye thou wylt prefer arte before nature. I yelde to thine o∣pinion. We see that arte though not exquisyte, doth also helpe pore men, but to rychmen arte is an hyn¦deraunce. And some things whych pore men ac∣compt vyle and bace, are wyth rych men hadde in greate pryce. As lettyse, apples, grapes, and radish And contrary wyse rych men make none accompt of partrydge, hares, peacockes, and plouers, which pore men esteeme for excellente delycatees. What choyse is there in thinges, when it is only change, that breedeth the dyfference? Cicero telleth that Suppynge wythe Lentulus hee surfyted of sweete Beetes. The lyke reason there is to proue that a pore man

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sleapeth more soundly then the rich. And as men saye.

The grassy flag, the silke more soft doth yeld the sleapes vvith great delight: But stately beds in tovvers alofte, the richmans rest vvith feares, affright.

The rich man troubleth his minde with cares. The pore mā careth only by labor to get his liuing The richmans cares are earnest & manifold, howe to kepe his welth, how to bestow it, & which way to accompt with his receiuers. The pore mā careth only for himself, The rich man is enforced to kepe others, wherof groweth so great sorow as somty∣mes we reade y they haue not only lāguished, but also killed themselues. The pore man with losse of goods is neither so tormented as he killeth himself nor so desperate as to occasion others to lay hande vpon him. One only feare the poreman hath, why∣che is, lest he lack wherwith to lyue. And yet what a nomber of helpes hath hee? Freendes, aliaunce, kinsolke, good men, and hospitalles, Neither shalt thou almost fynde any (vnles they be dishonest) y can want any thinge. For whoso getteth by arte any thing, ought not from day to day spende all, but euer keepe somewhat in store, whiche rule ob∣serued, there is no daunger of beggery.

Thus wee see the wantes of pore men manye wayes supplied. And among the rest a pore man in time of famine maye liue by seruinge the riche, whoe are subiecte to suche inconuenients as can not bee eschewed as Imposicion of Princes, sub∣tilty of seruants, craft of heyres, deceite of enemies

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and men vnknowen. Whereof came the Satyre.

Som hourding vp great heapes of gold, not knovving hovv to vse thē, Lyke sacred stuffe doth store vp vvealth: so folly doth abuse them,

But who needeth to meruayle or thinke I haue alledged a fayned reason, whē I my selfe haue sene an hundred men by sundry meanes through their riches to perish wtout fault. Others haue ben poi∣soned by their familiers, others slayn wt the sword others hanged, some robbed by the waye, as was Curtius in our citty, and Aluisius Donatus in yt town of Saccensi. But of such as haue perrished throughe honger, in my lyfe I haue scarcely seene four, and they not with out fault. For ensample wherof yt were superfluous to resite any histories, the proofe therof being dayly sene. Therfore among so fewe richmen, seing so many for riches do miscary, and among so many poore men so fewe do perrishe for honger: is not in that respect the condicion of rich men much worse then y state of the pore? The rich man prouideth shift of apparel & houshold stuf, not only nedefull, but also burdenous, whiche asketh care, kepinge, and dayly reparacion. And yet god knoweth no gold is more holsome to drinck in thē glasse, neither is Siluer more cleanly then stone, nor brasse more mete to boyle in then the pitchers of earth. Garmentes the more symple they be, y more holsome & lesse burdenous. A man comethe into this world naked, hee needeth a garment but no burden. The Romaynes, and Lacedemonians, were at the beginning so basely appareled, as that kinges had them in admiracion.

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As touchinge nedeles garmentes what should I saye other then as Socrates said, beholdinge the wa∣res to be solde in the fayre: How many things are there I neede not? Hee accompted theim nexte to the Gods that wanted fewest thinges. The gods haue no want to be supplied, and all thinges super fluous is troublesome, chieflye in apparell. Duste doe decaye it, water dothe rot it, the thief dothe steale it, thy freend do weare it, the walles do rub it, wearinge doth make it threede bare, thy neigh∣bour doth borow it and seldome restore it so good as it was lent. What is this apparell, other thē a troublesome and burdenous brauerye: If thou regarde their beautye, paynted clothes be best, or if thou respect the ambicion. that shal hereafter be declared.

But let vs consider whether loue be more tow∣ardes the poore or the riche. A pore man is simple and truly loued, the richman is either feared or ho¦noured. And if happely he be loued none assurance he can haue thereof. But percase it may be sayde that a richman is more sure from iniury? surely no A pore man may best be reuenged, for nothing hee hath to lose, nor that he feareth to forgoe. The rich man carefull both of life and liuinge suffereth ma∣nye iniuries. It is magnanimity of minde and no worldly goods yt maketh a man to liue in security, yet perchaunce you saye: A rich man may mooste safely offend others. But how? A pore man per∣fourmeth his offence alone in person: but the rich man hauing cōmitted offence (though none other perill were) hath felowes in offendinge and euer

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feareth to be by them detected. He hath also cham¦pios & ministers to whome hee is indebted why∣che I thinck the Poet knewe speakynge of Domi∣tianus whome for his cruelty he called Nero sayinge in this wyse.

But vvould to God hee rather had, his time consumde in toyes. Then cast such care on cruell dedes, or sought such vvicked ioyes, VVhen noble states he pluct a dovvne, and men of vvorthy fame, His subiects loue forthvvith he lost, and gaynd eternall blame. But vvhen in bloud of simple soules, he bathde his bloudy hand, VVithout renenge he felt the smart, and could no longer stand. Such guerdon God doth geue, to men of cruel mynde that seeke the liues of harmelesse folke.
Then I pray you what hath a rich man better thē a poore? Lyfe, health, chyldren, meate, sleape, fren∣des, liberty, security, delight, quiet. garments, vtē∣siles, loue, rest, with all other thinges more desyred. It is therfore no meruayle that Horacius sayde.
Happy is he vvhome God hath prouided suffycientlye vvhervvith to lyue.
He lyueth in best estate that possesseth so muche as maye mainteyne him to lyue, whiche as Aristoteles sayth is so much as is needefull, for a mans owne person and his womans. The Prophet doth wit∣nesse the same sayinge: O Lord geeue me neither riches nor pouertye. And if nedely I must decline from the meane, Riches are moore peryllous then pouerty. For pouerty is relieued by industrye and arte, but there is no remedye againste the discom∣modityes of Riches.

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Also the fall from riches is greate and without re¦couery, but pouerty diffreth litle from sufficiency where of to lyue. In pouertye a man hazardeth only his body, but in vsyng riches both bodye and Soule is aduentured. Finally if pouertye be re∣moued all inconueniences that it dothe bringe bee also taken awaye. But suche as loue riches, they fallinge doe notwithstandinge keepe styll theyr imperfections both of body and mynde. Pouerty therfore vndoubtedly is more happye & more assu∣red then riches, yea and more fyt to attayn to glo∣rye. For who but pouertie dyd first finde oute the arts as saythe. Theocritus, O Diophante, Pouertye is the only mistris and inuenter of labor and arte. Surelie vnlesse I be deceiued riche men were neuer parta∣kers of this praise. And when these Artes were inuented, such as had bene in estimacion were also pore. And first to begyn with Philosophy ye flow∣er of all knowledge, the Princes therof were pore men. Socrates, Plato, Aristoteles, and Cleantes, who all night drew water, and al day studied Philosophy But this is the lesse to be meruayled at y Socrates (as Seneca sayth) beinge in the market and seing a cloake to be solde, taking leaue of his frendes said: fayne would I buye that cloake, if I had monye wherewith to do it. The prayse of his death and also all they that enuyed his glorye do witnes hee was almost a begger. Plato became riche by his second voiage into Sicilia, Aristoteles longe tyme liued pore, and almost an old man was enriched by Alexander.

I thincke it Needelesse to tell others as

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Homerus and Virgilius the Lanternes of Poetrye, the one a begger, the other a poore mā. The whole route of Gramarians and Oratours were suche kinde of men, Pompilius, Andromicus, Orbilaus, Vale∣rius, Cato, Laenius, Iulius Higinius. The Epistle of Pli∣nius Caecelius reporteth that Quintilian{us} was meane∣lye furnished wyth wealth. Iuuenalis mocking Sta∣tius the Poet sayth he begged.

Vnles perhappes some tragedye, he hath in store to tell for honger let him pyne.

But now a dayes that rich men can gayne glo∣rye in scholes I doubt not. Let vs therefore talke of armes wherin they are no more happye then in learninge: What saye you to Paulus Aemlius, who being dead had not left wherof to make his wyfe a dowrye. Also Marius and Sextorius were Romay∣nes of base condition, yet on the one depended the safetye of Rome, on the other some whiles greate perill. What riches had Camillus the terror of the warre? Or Scipio Affricanus that for debte had lyen in prison, if Gracchus had not helped. Arator Cincina∣tus, Calatinus Fabritius that fought wyth Pirus, Valeri∣us Publicola, Menenius Agrippa, Q. Aemilius, Aristides, Photion, Meltiades, Cimon, Spartacus, Viriatus, all y Du∣kes of Lacedemonia, and as chiefe of them Lisander were all called from base condition. And whom can you alledge against these? the desperat Alexan∣der or Caesar the subuerter of his countrey, or rather Sylla wyth his proscriptions. There is no doubte therefore but that in the iudgement of the discrete, poore men are to be preferred. But nowe a dayes

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throughe perswasion of parasites, princes doe not traine vp Captaynes, but rather bye them. Men are not aduaunced for vertue but ryches and pa∣rentage. Wherof it groweth that gouerners, ma∣iestrates and chiefetaynes, are not appointed for desert, but through fauor of nobility. And though therof they gette no good, yet this cōmoditye they gaine, y through custome and ye smalnes of y nom∣ber that is aduaunced, rich men onelye do possesse all dignities. But counsellers cannot erre? And would to God that Princes we no more decey∣ued. For trulye they do well in preferringe nobili∣tie, yet therwithal to consyder that those are wor∣thyest honour, whom vertue commendeth. The one is sufferable, but the other intollerable: when neyther vertue nor good parentage, but false flat∣terye is the onely waye to aduauncement. And suche kinde of men commonlye are voyde both of vertue, learninge and honestye. But nowe I con∣fesse wee haue a little to farre digressed from oure purpose. For more speedye ende of this Booke let vs consider what is the occasion of glorye, seinge poore menne in discipline of warre, learninge, and inuention of artes, do gaine reputation: whether rich men are admitted to glorye in the artes them selues? when in deede they neuer knewe theim. But admit that riches are more precious then po∣uertye? Alas what myserye can come from the gods greater then the desyre to haue them: which the more we gette, the more it increaseth. It is la∣bour wythout ende and not vnlike the turning of Sysiphus stone. Who (as Poets fayne) for reueling

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the secretes of heauen is forced to remayne in hell, and there continuallye to carrye a heauye stone to the toppe of a steepe hill, which forthwith falleth downe, but he without ceasinge doth follow, and on his shoulders doth bringe it vp againe: Euen so to get riches is nothing els then to toyle they bo∣dye in continuall trauayle, and exercise thy minde in innumerable cares. But admit thy lucke bee good: what happines can it be in thy lyfe if thou cannot vse the wealth thou doest possesse? as Ho∣ratius wryteth.

Excedinge care of coyne, doth mortall men begile, and loue of vvordly pelfe, all other ioyes exile.

And if liberallye and bountifullye thou wil vse them, what a madnes were that with so long la∣boure to become riche, and so sodenlye to consume all. The womē called Danaides being condempned to hell for their detestable murther, do suffer there none other tormente, then continuallye to drawe water. And admit goodes were wyth labour to be gottē? whether doest thou desyre them for thine owne vse, or thy posteritye? when in the meane tyme thou neglectest thy quiet, & pleasure of thine owne lyfe. Thou shortnest thy dayes, and hinder thy health. Some mē I haue seene liue a nigard∣lye life, onelye to the ende to make theymselues a¦sumptuous tombe, and honourable buriall. Which folly and superfluous care Socrates laughed to scorne, when lying at the pointe of death he re∣fused a riche cloake whiche Apollodorus did offer

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vnto him. For surely there is among mortal men no vayner care, then the pompe of funerals, which I thincke thou will confesse and flee to the cōmo∣dityes of inheritaunce. Thou seekest to leaue thy sonne riche, what heyre can bee better? yet in the meane space thou labourest, thou carest, thou wat∣chest, thou hazardest infamy, thou offerest wrong, & chargest thy conscience, to thende thy sonne may spende, consume, deuoute, & keepe hauock. Where∣by he becommeth proude, slouthful, madde, and in euery respect for his riches the worse. But besides these euilles (alas) how manye ennemyes are got∣ten by seekinge of riches? oftentimes also men do want a sonne, or hauing one, he proueth such and of such cōditions, as they repent that euer they be∣got him. And sometimes we see that great inhe∣ritaunce is cause of their destruction, whiche hap∣peneth most often to the children of Princes, who committed to the gouernmente of others are by theim berefte both of kingdome and life: as was Tryphon appoynted to the tuition of Antiochus, by whom it was by practise reported, that the childe was greatly diseased wyth the stone, and that hee must in any wyse for his onelye remedye be cutte: which done Tryphon not passinge the age of tenne yeares, through the onely griefe of his wounde, & not otherwyse greeued dyed, Cicero in his Orati∣on for Sextus & Roscius, doth shew what discōmodi∣tyes his great riches did bring wtal: & among the rest (thoughe the greatest) he was accused of mur∣ther. But seing among men of meane possessions, wee see these practises dailye put in vre: it is no

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maruaile to heare that fathers haue spoyled theyr sonnes, sonnes haue slaine theyr fathers, and bro∣thers haue sought the life of brothers, onlye to in∣herite worldlye kingdomes. So as the sayinge of the Poet is well verifyed.

That fayth did neuer long in Princes court abide.

But to what ende serueth the power of mens ri∣ches, yea though it be well gotten? what pleasure doest thou take to haue aboute the nomber of ser∣uauntes and companions? what secrete foes arte thou forced to keepe, chaunging libertye for ambi∣tion? For a rich man in deede is none other then a Peripatitian god, that is to say confyned by lawes: a seruaunt, yea an improfitable seruaunt. O foo∣lishe imagination of man, to yelde hymselfe to so manye labours, to muse on so manye cares, to at∣tempte so manye mischiefes, that looseth so manye pleasant dayes, onelye to make his son riche. Not vnlike the Moyles which fatte and fayre, are wt∣out vse of sence, constrayned to serue in yoakes, & obeye the bitte, yea sometimes do suffer iniurye of the poore flees. But the children of poore men be∣inge wyse, vertuous and stronge, haue libertye to walke at will, disbordened of all kindes of care. Being attayned to rype yeres they hunt, they fish, they hauke, they play & wander wher they thincke best. Is not this liberty to be preferred before K. Cresus riches? But among such as haue by inheri∣tance come to great riches, the most of them haue consumed all. Neyther can I thincke y couetise fathers on theyr death beddes, do feele greater tor∣tormente,

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then to remember y those riches: which wyth long labour they haue gottē, shalbe by theyr prodigall sonnes in short space cōsumed, on strom∣pets, dycinge, paracites, and flatterers of court. I my selfe haue seene a man whose father and grād∣father in fiftye yeares had gotten to the value of a thousande poundes, all whiche hee consumed in lesse then three yeares. The sonne of Ruinus ha∣uinge receyued from his father a rich inheritance, fel into such a fransye as he lost both lyfe and good∣des. Howe manye wayes are lawes offended? howe manye rebellions happen? how many trea∣sons? whereinto such as liue in meane fortune do seldome fall. Besydes this, who hath not a greedy heyre, a sonne, a brother, or a brothers sonne y wyll not wyth one farthinge redeeme thee? Yet suche is the madnes of men as wyth losse of theyr owne quiete they labour to make them riche. Therefore seinge riches doth procure neyther glorye nor feli∣citye to oure selues or oure posteritye: there is no∣thinge worse thenne not hauinge riches to desyre them, or go about to gette them. But seinge we meane not to perswade any thing Rethoricallye, but rather according to the Philosophers examine whatsoeuer maye on eyther syde be obiected: mee thinckes it may be sayde that euerye man seeketh riches, but no man wysheth for pouertye. Which reason albeit by diuers argumentes maye be refu∣ted, and happly truly, yet in this worke ther is no∣thing more allowed of, then y simplicity of minde, so as reason shoulde not proceede of will, but ra∣ther that Will should follow Reason. To returne

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therefore to oure purpose I say y whatsoeuer is by any creature required either for cōmodity or neces∣sity, y same creatures do naturally desyre them. In which desyres brute beastes directed onelye by na∣turall sence, do not transgresse the lawe of necessi∣tye: But man hauinge libertye of sence & reason to perswade with himselfe, doth eate, drinke, & sleepe, more then eyther commoditye or necessity doth re∣quyre. So as though eating, drinking & sleeping, be things natural, yet superfluously takē, do work effects cōtrary to nature. In like maner are riches to be desired, not in abundance, but so much as suf∣fyceth to liue: whatsoeuer is requyred more, is not onely not good, but also contrarye to nature. And how can yt be good which is contrary to nature? This exceding desyre of riches doth not therefore procede of imperfection of nature. Al men natural¦ly do desyre riches, as meate or drinke, not because excesse of them is naturall, but because in them som¦what is natural, yt is to saye, so muche as suffiseth wherewt to liue. Which sufficiently we get, either by industrie, as those yt are learned in artes: or by reuenue as gentlemē: or by consent as fryers: or by deuotion of others as Courtiers & beggers: As therfore wtout eating & drinking we cannot liue, so is it lawful to desyre riches. For to haue nothing, nor know which way to get, is cōtrary to nature. And yet as saciety & dronkennes be not onely euil, but also vnpleasant, so is also riches and auctority. But notwtstanding it may be obiected that those cōmodityes which poore men are partakers of, as labor, exercise, industry, pacience & abstinence, may

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be enioyed by them that be rich: and the choyse of both being in the riche man, he shoulld be the more happye. For if willinglye wee wante pleasures, in wanting them is eyther none euill, or iustly cannot so be called. Yet whosoeuer thus thincketh doth greatlye erre. Because a man being brought vppe in delicacye, his minde becommeth effeminate, his bodye tender, and vnfit to suffer trauaile. Nature accustomed to sondry meates, do make dilicate di∣gestion. And if any man so brought vp do chaunge his diet to poore mens fare, he shortly becommeth diseased, full of obstructions, and subiecte to con∣sumption. Or if they fall to trauaile, eyther by cō∣pulsion, or for ambitiō, they grow vnhealthy, sicke of agewes, and in short space die. If any of these fine eaters do applye themselues to earnest studye, they commonly dye in youth: as did Ioannes Picus Mirandola. A thinge impossible it is, that a man borne to great riches should become in learninge excellent: vnlesse at the first he liued a poore life, or in his youth fell into some frensye. But contrary∣wyse in the prayse of pouertye it may be sayde as Dionisius sayd to Aristippus, y poore men did begge of the riche, seeke theyr houses, and liue of theyr ly∣beralitye. Yet if thou respecte the necessity of thin∣ges, it shall appeare that the necessitye of poore mē is greater for the riche, then the necessity of y riche for the poore. The rich man needeth a Phisitian, a barbar, a mulyte•••• a plowman, a cooke: & which of them needeth a riche man? Notwythstanding the ambitious mindes of men doe make suche to seeme to gouerne ouer poore men. Also the emu∣lation

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in worldly glory, do make poore men seeme to haue more neede of the rich, thenne the riche of them. Yet if wee respected onelye necessitye, then shoulde the riche haue more occasion to seeke oute the poore, then they to seeke for theim. Neyther can anye man doubte, but that riche men do dailye for necessitye vse the industrye of the poore: And if the riche mans goodes be needeful for the poore mans vse, it is scarcelye once in they care. Also the riche onelye for riches do gaine reputacion, and in that respect onelye thought meete for honour and auctoritye. But farre otherwyse it is in the com∣mon weale of Venis, and was in Rome while it remayned in glorye: farre otherwyse it was in La∣cedemon, where pouertye was accompted a praise. Farre otherwyse in Athens, where Photion, Aristi∣des, Cimon and Miltiades: continued longe tyme in glorye and aucthoritye. But in Cittyes euill go∣uerned where mighte is holden for lawe, vertue for simplicitye, and ryches for decree: ryche mē are preferred before the wyse and vertuous. Neyther do I thincke meete y any poore man (be he neuer so good) shoulde desyre auctoritye. For as Socrates sayd, hast thou nothing wherof to repēt thee? But if I woulde reherse the discommodityes of aucto∣ritye, I mighte easilye proue that the felicitye of pouertye were a singuler vertue. Yet meane I not to perswade y ryches well vsed in a good cō∣mon weale were hurtful: for that were to absurd. Hitherto by true (though subtill reasons) we haue taughte the discommodityes whiche riches dothe bringe wythall. But remembringe that at the be∣ginning

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I determined not to proue any thynge by shorte and subtill argumentes, I wyll proceede in playner speache. And therefore I saye that nature lyke vnto fyer issuinge out of the ground, hath ad∣uaunced al thinges some more and some lesse, and some most of all, and being at the hyest, vanisheth and decayeth awaye: so the race and dignitye of man, being growen to the greatest honoure & glo∣rye, a whyle stayinge there, doth declyne, and at length is clearely quenched. For where is now a∣nye braunche of Alexander, of Darius, Antiochus, Pto∣lomeus, Dauid, Caesar, Antigonus, Maethridates: or anye other of these auncient kinges? who so attayneth to that highe estate of glorye, let hym not forget himselfe, but say: Lo now y ende of humaine glo∣ry is at hand. Then who forcasteth not what ca∣res and sorrow are likely to follow? what say you to Charles the fifte, though he gouerned mightely & happilye from Ethiopia Hispania and Italia, to the cō∣fynes of Dalmatia and other Nations vnknowen, (wherein he shewed more vertue then mighte be hoped for in any man) in consulting dailye how to gouerne so many nations, in trauaylinge to holde them in obedience, what man would say he was happye? when sometimes he remembred how So∣limanus did threaten the confynes of the Empyre, somtimes he museth how the Islands of Beleares & the kingdom of Spayne were perturbed. Some times he doubted the inconstancye of the Italian Princes. Sometimes he feared the weakenes of Cycillia and Pulia, against the Turkes. Somety∣mes he bethought hym of the Princes of Germa∣nye,

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and howe his Nauye sente to see was tossed wyth Neptuns ire: Some fledde to Hongaria, and some to Illerico: And wyll you call this man most happye? whom so great cares, and so manye fea∣res did dailye tormente? Surelye for my parte I wishe my selfe rather a Religious manne of Car∣thusia, thoughe theyr lybertye doth not farre differ from prisonners. If then Charles beinge so great and mighty a Prince was alwayes accompanied wyth cares, and so farre from felicitye: wilt thou saye that Fraunces the Frenche kynge mighte be called happye, or rather Solymanus? which of theim lyued not in feare? whiche of theim tasted not of euill fortune? And though perhappes tyll this day they neuer felte anye thinge greatelye euill, yet by ensample of others haue they feared the worst.

Polycrates that in hys whole lyfe neuer feeled a∣nye mysfortune, before hee dyed, by the Persian Kynge was brought to the gallowse and hanged. Darius the Kynge (whose Empyre was thoughte equall to Gods) before death was depryued, and lyued in myserye. Loke vppon Syphax, Perseus, Mi∣thridates, Pyrrhus and Cambyses. To greate a follye it were to nomber all Kynges whom Fortune hath laughed to scorne.

In oure age wee haue seene the subuertion of foure kingdomes, Pannonia, Egipte, Gallia Sicalpania, and Pulia. Suche is the alteration of tymes, that Princes are constrayned to become eyther infor∣tunate, or myserable, in keepynge theyr Kyngdo∣mes they liue in myserye, infortunate if they leaue them.

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O Lorde howe liuelye did Lucanus describe the lyfe of Kynges sayinge.

O safe estate of life, The pleasant dayes vvhich poore men passe, a blisse aboue the rest, to Gods almost vnknovven.

But thou not beholding what is wyth in Prin∣ces, lyke vnto men that gaze vppon the outward pictures and monuments of Tombes, doest iudge them onely happye, who in deede of all other mor∣tall creatures are most vnhappye. This must also be cōsydered when yu cōplainest onlye of pouertye, howe many there are so vnhappye, as in respect to them, thou mayest be accompted happye. Howe manye be sicke? howe many deafe? howe manye blinde? howe many in prison? how many in exile? how many condempned? how many enforced to aduenture theyr liues? then all which no doubte thou art more happye. Besydes all this, if thou cō∣playne onelye of pouertye (vnlesse thou would be∣come a kyng) there is no cause to complayne. Be∣hold how many do liue miserablie in Citties: how many beg in the Subberbes: how many in vylla∣ges do passe theyr liues almost wtout any thing, yet burdened wt children and familye. And neuerthe∣lesse constrayned to paye ribute of y little, which wyth extreame laboure they haue earned. But (a∣las poore Christian people) nowe am I fallen into that speache which neuer earst I thought. So as in seeking to acquite others of care, I am my selfe caste ther into. But doest thou desyre to vnder∣stande plainlye that in riches is no felicitye? then behoulde those people which inhabite the country,

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and glorye in theyr small riches, thinckinge them∣selues happie, because they see none of theyr neigh∣bours to possesse more then themselues, who are not riche. But if the selfe same men do resorte to the Cittye, where they see others that for ryches do excell them, then they lamente, complayne and accompte themselues poore. But is this pouerty? surelye no: naye rather maye be called enuye. Who is hee that possesseth a thousande. Crownes, that maye iustlye be called poore? and dwellinge in the countrye wyth that wealthe, wyll not accompte himselfe a Prince? yet if hee happeneth to come to the Courte, where no man almoste hath fyue hun∣dreth Crownes, forthwyth hee beleeueth and cal∣leth himselfe poore. But if it should come to passe (as it did in the time of Noie) that all moneye, pro∣uision, cattel, and other commodityes were drow∣ned wyth water, I thincke then that no manne woulde perswade himselfe to be iniured by pouer∣tye. Howe is it then, that now hauing somewhat thou complaynest? which declareth plainlye, that no pouertye but enuye doth moleste thee▪ And what can be worse then this? why doest thou not desyre the treasures of Kynges and the riches of India? vnlesse it bee in respecte they are farre from thee▪ But howe manye Countryes and people hath pouertye preserued and gouerned, as Sythia, Asia, the Assyrians, the Medians and Parthians. Also Alexander possessing nothing but bodies and wea∣pon, conquered all Asia. Likewyse the poore com∣mon weale of Rome, subdued the proude French∣men, the valiaunt Italians, the pitifull Gretians,

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the riche Asia, the crafty Carthaginenses, and the dis∣dainfull Iewes. All which was done by pouerty. The Persians, the Perthians and Germaynes, beinge lyke vnto the poore Romaynes, did in des∣pite of theyr power defende & keepe theyr libertye. But so sone as Sylla grewe to greatnes, & by him riches set in reputacion, lyke vnto yse against the Sunne, al libertye and glorye decayed away. Thē began sedition, ciuil warres, wt slaughter of fami∣liars and frendes. So as in shorte space throughe enuy of barbarous nations, yt whole empyre came to vtter destruction. Neyther do I thincke y pri∣uate riches be better or more profitable, for by thē oftentimes men become ambitious, slouthful and ful of cares, which the Poet pleasantly describeth in Mydas, when he had obtayned of Bacchus that all he touched should be goulde. Sayinge.

Amazed at this mischiefe nevve, novve riche and yet in vvo, His vvished vvealth lo novv he lothes, that erst he loued so, No store can honger stanch, drye thurst his throte tormentes, Thus vvorthilye amids his gould, his former vvishe repentes.

So great is the mysery of rich men, that amids the desyre of riches they perishe. There is nothing contenting to the rich man, but that which accor∣deth wyth hys couetyse mynd. For he to encrease hys ryches hazardeth hys soule, his reputacion & frendes. Who can thincke that either lyfe or fame is gotten by riches, and for the most parte riches do not longe remayne wyth anye man, and neuer descende to the thyrd degree? And seldome shalte thou see the grandchylde of a ryche man, dye in a∣bundance. I marueyle not therfore why so many

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worthy men disdained to become rich. And fyrst of al (omitting al Christians) let vs begin at Crates the Theban, who y more fitlye to study Phylosophye, sould his goods & cast the money into y sea. More discretely did Apollonius & Tyani{us}, who selling theyr goods which were in deede great, did giue y same to theyr Cittizēs, reseruing to themselues nothing at all. Zeno Citticus being rych, was impoueryshed by shypwrak, & afterwards studying Philosophy, sayd y when hys shippe peryshed his voyage was most fortunate. But Diogines deserued double glo∣ry because he dyd not only paciētly suffer pouerty, but also therein lyued a glorious lyfe. For beinge asked by Alexander what hee wanted, aunswered nothinge: though by bountye of that noble kinge, he myght haue receyued great ryches. Therefore Alexander was wont to say, if I were not Alexan∣der, thē would I be Diogenes. So wel did this no∣ble king know the felicitye that grewe vppon the disdayne of riches. Likewyse Photion after he had receyued one hundred talentes, would neuermore be releued by Alexander, thoughe in deede▪ he were so poore as for want of a seruaūt, was forced him∣selfe to drawe the water wherein he washed. So∣crates refused the great rewards of Alcibiades. And Artaxersis seeking the frendship of Hipocrates and E∣paminundas, y one for his excellencye in Phisicke, y other for his companye, did presente theym wyth great giftes: and yet by that meane could not win them. For the liberalitye of the kinge, did not syr∣mount the disdayne they had of riches. The trea∣sure of Pyrrhus coulde not corrupte the fidelitye of

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Fabritius, who preferred honest pouertye before the riches of kinges. Such was the nobilitye of these mens mindes (though for wante of Christianitye not to be nombred amonge others) yet in respecte of generositye, meete examples for oure consola∣tion. Do not therefore lament for thy pouerty, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 call to minde that saying of Plato. VVho so vvould become riche, must leaue the desyre of riches.

A man encreaseth his riches, by y decay of others, and so a riche man is either wicked or the heyre of one that was wicked, as S. Hierome wryteth.

The next calamitye to pouertye, is exile. Wher∣in assuredlye it is imagination onely that maketh a man myserable. For who so marketh the liues of manye, shall fynde that they haue spente some parte of theyr lyues in straung Countryes, as Pla∣to, Berosius, Galenus and Dioscorides. Some others their whole liues, as Zeno, Citticus & Crautor, who thoughte theyr forraine habitation pleasante, be∣cause it was volūtary. The like desyer had a Cit∣tizen of oures: hee in threscore yeares not further trauailed then the Subberbes of ye Towne, was for a myracle shewed to the Prince, who did com∣maund him that neuer after he should passe those bounds. The poore olde man misliking this com∣maundement, desyred leaue to trauaile in his age, which in youth he had forgottē to do: Which suite beinge denyed, the selye old fellow of very sorrow fel sicke & dyed. What can be greater follye then to neglect yt is good, or wishe that is euil. And surely trauaile cānot be euil which so many princes, kin∣ges & Emperors haue takē in hand. Who wil thē

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lamēt ther of, whē it is perforce. For what so euer is well done though by enforcemēt, yet is it not e∣uyll. But call to thy consideracion how many cō∣modities commethe of trauayle. As experience of forrayne customes knowledge to eschewe misad∣uentures, sight of Cities, Seas, Mountaines, Ry¦uers, woods, variety of ayres, and ye nature of sō∣dry living Creatures. Also the practise of artes, & sciences, the difference of mens wits with manye other miracles by trauayle are dayly learned. So as I nothinge meruaile at diuers excellent Philo∣sophers that consumed their Lyues in continuall trauayle. And amonge the rest I call to minde ye great Alexander that trauayled more to excell Trai∣anus who enuied his glorye, then for the desyre hee had to conquer the whole world or keepe the same in subiection. Antonius, as he was soft of sprite, so did he trauaile countries rather for experience, thē for desyre to conquere. But to returne to priuate persons. I say that all such as haue inuented anye excellent knowledge, were those that lyued in tra∣ualye Homer commended his frende Vlixes for no∣thing more, then for hauing trauayled sondry coū∣tries. And haue not al excellent men beene driuen to exile? Demosthenes, Cicero, Aristides, Thusidides, The mistocles, Alcibiades Codrus, Theseus, Eumolpus, Trax, Aristoteles, Camillus, Corialanus, Marius, Datanus, Trisi∣bulus, Dion, Anniball, Demetrius Phalerius. And some other that willingly banished themselues as Conō the Athenian into Cyprus. Iphicartes into Thracia, Chares into Bigeo, Timotheus into Lesbia, Zenephon in to Eleus. What nedes more wordes? Say then

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as Socrates saide that the whoole worlde, is a wise mans country, and a wise man while he is in the worlde is neuer from his country, and not to bee in the worlde cannot bee. It is the part of euery wise man to eschewe death, imprisonment, & exile and yet of these three, is not exile the least?

And yf death be not euyll, what euyl can it bee to lacke our country? When it was tolde Diogenes y the Synopenses had condempned him to exile, he an∣swered sayinge, euen so do I condempne them to dwel for euer in Pontus, & wtin the confines of Eux∣inus. Did not Camillus of such hard fortune receiue the occasyon of his noble victorye.

And where were ye bokes of wise men made more often then in banishmente? Ouidius Naso beinge in exile wrote his bookes De tristibus, De ponto, in Ibin Triumphus Caesaris and De piscibus. So as it see∣meth that in eight yeares exile, he performed more then in those fyftye and foure, which before he had liued in Rome. Plato wrote the greatest parte of his bookes, whyle he lyued from his owne coun∣trye: For when Socrates dyed, hee was aboute the age of twenty and seuen yeares. Truly whosoe∣uer lyueth in his owne naturall countrye an indu∣strious lyfe, doth gayne greate enuye, and y more if he be basely borne. Where was Chryste worse entreated then in Nazereth beinge there borne, yet hated, disdayned, afflicted, and at length in Ieru∣salem slayn. So it seemeth true and that no mā can be a Prophete in his owne countrye.

Thus we see that exile is not onely good, but al∣so glorious, chieflie to a wise and learned manne.

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Neyther ought any to mislyke of that which hath forthered many. Would God all men knew how profytable a thinge it is to trauayle, and chieflye for such as dwell in those countries where riches do rule as Lawe, power take place of Order, or Tyrannye in any sort is put in practyse.

Wherfore I saye that exile is neyther euyll nor to be nombred amonge those thinges which haue of euyll any resemblance. But exile doth not so much offend these, as iniuryes do torment others, affir∣mynge withe the Lacedemonians, that who so recei∣ueth one iniury doth occasion an other, But who euer thincketh iniuries ought to be reuenged doth greatlye erre. For in so doinge no ende of iniury∣inge can be taken, when one iniury reuengeth ano¦ther. Who so offereth the fyrst must he not reuēge the seconde? Hee therefore doth mooste well, that offereth the fyrste iniury, and nexte to hym, he that seketh reuenge, deserueth blame, because the third iniurye, of necessity must folowe.

And how can he paciently suffer wronge, that vn∣prouoked willingly offered the fyrst iniury. What can therfore be bette, then to refrayne from doing iniuries, and call to memorye the sayinges of Pla∣to, that a wise man, dyfferethe as far from a com∣mon person, as a common person from a chylde.

For children do reuenge euery iniury yea thoughe against the iniuryous wyll it be offered, most lyke vnto Beastes, vppon whose tayles yf (thoughe vnwares thou treade) sodenly they byte without consydering whether wyllingly thou did it or not. But farre otherwyse oughte Menne to reuenge

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those iniuries which willingly are offred. If then a wise mā do not reuenge those wrongs which by mishap do happen vnto him: is he not therin more worthy then the common person voyde of all wise∣dome? how muche were it better to obserue that deuine precept. Michi vindictam et ego retribuam.

That wise men haue so done, no man doubteth. Amongs whom we reade that Socrates beinge stric∣ken vppon the Shynnes and aduised by his fren∣des to seeke reuenge aunswered. If an asse haue stricken me shal I therfore be so foolishe as to call him in question? And when Xantippe hys wyfe in a rage toke his cloake from his shoulders, hys frē∣des perswadinge him to reuenge he sayde, thys is done only to occasyon you to looke vpon vs, & saye here is Xantippe and here is Socrates.

Diogenes receyuinge a blowe sayde. Nesciebam quā∣do michi cum galea è domo sit pro deundum. Crates also beinge striken on the face by Nicodromo Citaredo, made none other reuenge, but wrote Nicodromo his name vpon the place he was stricken, and in that sorte shewed to the hole cittye the iniury offred vn¦to him: because to offer iniury without cause is a greater reproche, then to receiue it. The one by of∣fringe wronge sheweth himselfe plainly wicked, & an euylle man, the other is giltye of nothinge mys∣done. When it was tolde to Antistines that Plato had spoken euyll of him he made this answere.

It is the parte of a prince to heare euyll when hee doth best. But Plato beinge tolde that Zenocrates, did slaunder him, said fyrst, he could not beleue it: and after better proofe aunswered sayinge. I can

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not thinke he would haue thus spoken withoute cause. What could haue beene sayde more wiselye or more safelye. A christian kinge stricken on the right cheke, ought to turn the left. And S. Paule sayth, that if thou do good, to those that speake e∣uyll of the: thou heapest burning coales vpon their heades. There is nothinge more wicked then in∣gratitude, nor more cruel then to oppresse innocen∣tes: either of which faults he committeth that of∣fereth iniury to his benefactors. Let vs now fol∣low the law of Nature, and consider when anye iniury is offered, whether safely, or withe perill the came may be doone.

For what can bee moore foolishe then to seeke re∣uenge, when safelye it can not bee perfourmed.

So did Pausanias reuenge himselfe vpon Philippus, but for his laboure was hanged. So did Andreas Lampugnanus wreake his ire vpon Galeazeus Sforsa: but thereby he wrought the distruction of himself his son, & his brother, besydes many discomodities of his country. But how many haue bene punish∣ed & put to death, before they, had performed their intent to reuenge? as were those that conspyred ye murder of Phaleris, & that wrought treason against Nero. The multitude of ensamples doe make mee leaue them vntouched. Who doth therfore beinge neuer so symple cōmend ye peryl that reuenge brin∣geth? which though performed doth more hynder thee. then him to whom it is offered, and somtime before performance doth vndoe both the and thine Is then reuenge good when safely it maye bee ex∣ecuted? Surely at no time.

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Because the pleasure of reuenge is when there in a man may declare courage and magnanimity of mynde. And as the Poet sayth.

Shevve not thy force on yeldinge foes, let proud men be opprest.
Me thinckes therfore that Aristides deserued praise For when Cleomines had sayd a man must do good to frendes, and euyll to Foes: Aristides turned the wordes, sayinge. A man must do good to his fren¦des and seeke the reconsiliacion of his foes. The glory gotten by forgeuing of foes, whō thou may oppresse is greater, then the pleasure of reuenge. The man y doth good for euyll is lyke vnto God. For he that defendeth and doth well to all menne doth most nearelye folowe God. And howe great a sygne of noble mynde it is to forbeare reuenge y auncient examples doe beare witnes, wherein Iu∣lius Caesar gayned so great prayse, as no man more. Hee hauing ouerthrowen Pompeius and his army Commaunded that none shoulde bee hurte that were not present in the fyelde agaynst him.

He spared M, Mercellus his mortall enemy. He sett at lyberty Petreius the chieftaine of his foes. Afra∣nius, Vero, Korfinius, L. Lentulus, L. Domitius. He tooke mercye vppon the Sonne of Cato a notable Ene∣mye. Hee touched not Sextus Pompeius. the youn∣ger Sonne of the great Pompeius, at whose death hee weeped

He pardoned Ligarius at the suite of hys Freendes and Bretheren, thoughe hee were an apparaunte offender, and many waies gyltie. He spared Cice∣ro

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and freely pardoned al other Princes that were in the battayle Pharsalica. He sette vppe the Pic∣tures of Pompeius and fynallye gaue so manye syg∣nes and Monumentes of mercy as Cicero both be∣fore the victorye, and after his deathe affirmed his Quarell the better: sayinge that Pompeius defen∣doure of his country might more iustlye be condēp¦ned for his crueltye to Enemies, then Caesar in re∣spect of the greate Mercie he vsed. In lyke ma∣ner didde Octauius his successor procede.

For when Liuius the Historiographer had percy∣ally written against him, hee vsed none other Re∣uenge but called him a Pompeian, Lykewise when Asinius Pollio, had in his Booke praysed Cas∣sius Brutus, Affranius and Scipio, he sought no reuēge againste him. Besydes all thys, he receiued in∣to hys House Tymagines whoe in wrytinge hadde defamed Octauius, Liuia and her daughter. For all whiche doinge hee vsed none other Reuenge then these wordes. Fruere mihi Pollio fruere.

But beholde howe nobly Andrianus Caesar did my∣tigate his ire? Hee beinge made Emperoure and meetinge his Enemy sayde. Thou hast escaped. Declaringe that as befoore hee wanted power to be Reuenged, so nowe in aucthoritye he woulde wante will, and therefore did acquite him of feare It is also to bee consydered that there is nothinge that encreaseth aucthoritye more then to forgeue.

And therefore PELECRVS the Lacedemoni∣an, Complayninge to hys Brother that hee was not so Beloued amonge the Cyttyzens as hee was: hee aunsweared Pelecrus, sayinge the cause

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thereof is that thou can not suffer iniuries. It is lykewise greatly to be noted that who so euer hath aspired to authority or greatnes, they haue born wt many iniuries, because they ye reuenge might be re¦sembled to the fable of Praxitelis. Who beinge (as men saye) of Nature angry, and beholdinge hym∣selfe in a glasse, espied there a visage euyl fauoured and deformed: and therewithall more moued, in∣creased his collerick & angry countenaunce which plainly appeared wtin the glasse, but in the end hee brake the glasse, in euery piece where of he found a face much deformed. Wherby Praxitelis had experi∣ence that in seeking to reuenge himselfe of one dis∣contentacion, he occasioned many: Euen so if thou murder one man, thou makest his frendes and fa∣milye all thine enemies. Thus in seeking to acquit thy selfe of one foe thou gettest manye, yea some∣tymes for so doinge thy name groweth odious, and thou condempned for an euyll man. Fynallye who so is accustomed to reuenge, mindeth none o∣ther thinge, which reason and experience doth wel declare. Alexander the greate (in whose chamber whyle he lyued, good fortune slepte) knowing the vnfriendly hartes of the Athenienses and other peo∣ple of Grecia, who vnder the ensigne of Darius made warre againste him, did notwithstandinge seeke any reuenge: which greatnes of mynde, Darius, & other vnderstanding, of enemies they became sub∣iectes and faythfull freendes. But if contrary∣wise hee had vsed reuenge, the whoole number of the Grecian youth yea all India and Peloponesso had reuolted and bene destroyed: so as of Alexander he

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had in shorte space become a poore obscure Prince. Farre vnlyke to hym dydde kinge Pirrus proceede, who beinge a famous Capitayne, yet folowinge Reuenge, lefte his doinges imperfyte and dyed in mysecye. IVLIVS CAESAR in priuate lyfe and towardes reconciliacion to hys Ennemyes, beinge greatlye slaundered by Caius Caluus and Ca∣tullus dyd, notwithstandinge wryte fyrst vnto Cal∣uus and pardonned Catullus.

What greater Ennemy hadde he then Clodius that defyled the honoure of wedlocke? Beinge appre∣hended he woulde not onely not condempne him, but also saue him from periury. But Marius dydde far otherwise, hee thyrstinge for the bloud of ene∣mies and followinge Reuenge hadde euyll ende, and was the distruction of himselfe and all hys.

What hath bene seene more worthely done then that acte of Fabius? who contrary to al right, was forced by the people to receiue Minutius mayster of his horse, as his companion in the empyre, whoe doinge dyuers thinges contrary to Fabius desygne, dyd (notwithstandinge forgetting the iniury) ioyn with Minutius agaynst Hanniball, and to saue hym from peril vsed al care & cunning, which afterwar¦des wrought such effect as the people cōfessed how vnworthelye they had abled Minutius to bee his e∣qual, which Minutius also vpō his knees confirmed prayinge Fabius to take into his handes y hole au∣thority and Empire. Such be the rewards of no∣ble myndes, that can forget al iniuryes. So dydd not Cicero when with staunderous speach he perse∣cuted Clodius, but for so doinge was himselfe ban∣nyshed.

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And in seekinge to banishe Antonius oute of the common wealth, he there by hindred himself his friendes, his countrye, and all good men.

But is it not a thing worthy to be noted, that we disdayne the iniuries of brute beastes, and reuēge the wronges offered by men? Also we pacientlye suffer the displeasure of tyme, and can not beate, the offences of men? But in the one Ambicion wanteth: in the other is meane to Reuenge whi∣che I graunte: and yet in the Iniuryes of men, it is to be consydered, that man is, wyll thou, Nyll thou, thy Companion in lyfe: And manye times (thoughe thou marcke it not) by the prouoked.

What doth it then moue thee to suffer iniurye? Is it Harme or Losse, by reuenge it cannot be re∣couered. If Harme, thou seemest to Sorrowe that thou arte honeste, or that thou would be so thought. Seing it is the propertie of an euyl man to do iniury: & the property of a good man to dys∣dayne it. Also when any man doth sclander thee, disdayne thee, stryke thee, or hurte thee, consyder whether the same be wyllinglie done or not? Be: cause an vnwyllinge offence may hurt, and yet be none Iniurie at all. Cresus was commended for pardoning Adrastus when he had killed his sonne▪ because Adrastus meaninge was to haue shotte at the Bore, and not to haue slaine the Chylde. But if wyllinglye the offence bee offered, examine thy selfe if thou haue geeuen cause, for then is it none iniurye, but deserued punishmente.

And if thyne ennemye hathe hurte thee, thincke withe thy selfe whether thou woulde haue doone

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the lyke to him if thou might, for then it was none Iniurye but contencion.

The ende of all stryfe is when ye one yeldeth. And therfore a boye of Lacedemon beinge deadly woun∣ded and Comforted by his Freendes, saying that or long they would reuenge the iniury done vnto him, aunswearede, that in no wyse they should so doe, because the hurte he receiued. he entended to his Enemye, if his entent hadde taken place.

But let thy mynde be voyde of euyll, free from hate and displeasure, then consyder the qualitye of the offence and the state of the offender, whether it be so small as is not to be regarded, or the man so mad or vyle as is to be disdayned: because to be reuenged vpon anye suche Iniurious occasyons, or men, is both dishonourable and wicked. But admitte the offence be not such, doest thou not re∣member that it is the propertye of a good man pa∣ciently to suffer iniuries, not for feare, but through Fortitude. So Phocion beinge by the Athenienses, condempned to death, his Friendes askinge what he woulde haue sayde to his sonne? aunswered, tell him that in any wise he forget this iniury here offered vnto me. Aristides also vniustly remayning in exile, prayd the Gods that the Athenienses might bee so happye as neuer after to thinke vppon him. Also calle to thy consyderacion that against all In∣iuries three Remedyes there are, that is to saye, Reuenge, Oblyuion, and disdayne.

Of whiche three who doubteth but Dysdayne, is bothe the beste, and mooste assured? Because disdayne through the courage of mynd wherwith

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it is accompanied, is not lyke vnto obliuiō ioyned with reproche, neither perilous in respect of new iniuries, as is a reuenge, which bringeth therwith boothe peryll and repentaunce, and in the meane tyme, the desyre of offending doth not molest thee but arte there in moste lyke vnto God. For suche as contempne iniuryes are mooste happye and ly∣keste to God, and suche men they are, or must bee that would become happye. For seeinge no man lyueth free from iniuries, and the greater in aucto¦ritye he be, the more followed with slaunder euyll report, & iniury, it is expedient that euery man doe determyne himselfe to beare them.

Neyther is it lawfull for anye mortall man to vse reuenge. Who hath bene more slaundred thē kin∣ges, and emperours, whose power is greatest?

Whoe, or what is of greater force then God and Nature? and yet they delighte not in Reuenge. Shall man then be lyke vnto Beares, pursuynge the Bees, seeke for reuenge? God forbydde. For although we might in lyfe reuenge all Iniuryes: what good were that after Deathe, or what care should wee then haue of iniuryes? It is all one whether with sufferance of Iniurye, or not after Death wee be remembred. Who so therfore liuing seemed to contempne iniuryes, by death he is free from the peryll whych Reuenge might cast hym in to. Wherfore there is nothynge better then an in∣uysyble mynde, whyche lyke vnto a man placed on the toppe of an highe Tower, in dysdayne castynge downe stones vpon the heades of hys Ennemyes, doth make lyght of all Iniuryes (and as yt were)

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dysdayne them. For as women, for lacke of mag∣nanimity can not beare offences: so men (as they are men) may take what Reuenge they thinke best Then make thy choyse whych of them thou wilte bee lyke, But happely thou wilt saye some worthy men haue bene reuenged. For Caesar commaunded Faustus Silla and Affranius, to be slaine.

Lykewise Antonius reuenged him selfe vpon Cicero and Alexander & vpō Calistines, carying him abrode when his Eyes were putte oute, and in the end shutte him vppe into a caue with a Dogge. But alas (good manne) thys was no Reuenge, though some saye that Antonius beinge of Mynde moore abiecte then a Woman didde lyke vnto his other doinges committe this acte, and therefore had an ende aunswerable to his deseruinge. But as for the other they mynded nothinge lesse then Re∣uenge, for the respecte of their doinges was secu∣ritye, whiche in lyke case by oure Lawes is suf∣ferable. For if Afframus had gotten libertye, hee woulde neyther haue kepte Promise nor lyued in quiet, Also Faustus Silla, was by Lawe giltie. Pompeius freende and for his fathers Tyrannye odious to the people of Rome.

So as beinge a necessary Friende for Pompeius, he could not haue lyued in quiet. But if he had, for the Mallice borne to his Father beene slayne, the same shoulde rather haue beene doone vppon Cato, who (as was well knowen) after that Caesar conquered the Germaines, did perswade y Senate to haue him deliuered into the Enemies Handes, because hee had foughte contrarye to the

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truce taken. But Sylla when easly he mighte haue slayne him, he woulde not.

So Alexander beinge setled in his Empyre a∣monge the barbarous People, did not condempne Calistines, for Mallyce, but Securitye because throughe hys woordes hee coulde hardelye keepe the Persians. And the Macedonians beganne to dis∣dayne hym.

Full well knewe Antonius that if Cicero hadde e∣scaped, hee woulde neuer haue lyued in quyet, be∣cause beinge all readye once Pardoned, hee not∣withstandinge didde followe hym wyth Hate vn∣reconsiliable, and if the Death of CICERO had beene soughte for Reuenge, eyther a lyue he might haue beene tormented and kepte, or elles executed wyth more crueltye. It commeth also to mynd, that Iniuries haue not a little proffyted Some menne and therfore Ouidius saythe.

A vvronge somvvhiles vve see: doth helpe the vvronged vvight.

It happeneth ofte tymes that wee take Com∣passion of theym wee loue not: eyther for the ma∣lice wee beare theym that offered the Iniurye, or throughe beliefe that the Iniured is condempned, rather by power of hys Enemye then his own of∣fence. And by suche meanes it is well knowen that many haue escaped great peryll.

Amonge whiche nomber Valerius Maximus tel∣lethe howe Gabinius throughe the Sclaunder of Sisenna, and Flauius, for the Iniurie of Valerius were delyuered, and Cotta onelye for suspicion of wronge founde the same fauoure. In which ca∣ses

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if none iniurye had beene, no hope had remay∣ned. It is also to be consydered, that the occasi∣ons of Sclaunders are so common, as nothynge more. The People doe backebyte the learned, the Learned dysdayne the vnlearned, the Iuste doe condempne the wicked, the Wycked do laugh to Scorne those that bee good, the Mightye doe Enuye the Mightye, agaynste whome they pro∣uoke Seruaunts and Subiects by sclaunderous Speache, Robberye, Practise, and vntrewe dea∣lynge. Were it not better with noble mynde to disdayne all Iniuries, then thus continuallye to liue tormented in minde. Lucius Murena was pray∣sed, because he tooke Cato vnder his Gowne and saued him from Deathe, that not longe before had accused him.

Publius Pulcher beinge by the three Lentuli accu∣sed of inceste did notwithstandinge afterwardes saue one of them from perrill. Marcellus being hay∣nously accused by the Siculi did not only forgeue them, but also receiued theim into his owne tuiti∣on. So Menedemus bestowed manye Bene∣fytes vppon Alexinus of whome he had bene great lye iniured. How wisely sayd S. Gregorius, that who so can not beare iniurye, dothe shewe by hys impacience that he is not good. The kinge Arche¦laus, when vpon a time one caste water vpon him, beinge perswaded by his frendes to reuenge: an∣swered, saying, I know he would not haue cast yt vpon me, but some other. By which answer he sa∣ued y offender frō hurt, & him self from the impor∣tunity of his friendes.

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A notable example remayneth in memorye of the seruaunte of Antius Restio, who beinge longe time kepte in prison, and by his maisters commaunde∣mente ofte times burned with hot yrons, yet after¦wards folowing him in ye triūphe triumuiral did notwithstanding all their iniuries saue himself frō peryl, when comodiously he might haue bene reuē¦ged & also rewarded. Such wisdome hath not on¦ly bene performed by priuate men, but also by hole Citties. For Dionisius the yonger bothe at the play∣es of Corinthus and also before hee was sente into exile might haue beene by them of Syracusa slayne, whome befoore tyme hee hadde mooste Tyran∣nouslye vsed. But they with disdayne didde lette him passe. Likewise didde the Romaines, when Silla hadde resigned the Offyce of Dictator, and liued in priuate state: notwithstandinge hee had greuously offended the people, yet did they suffer him to passe without hurt, thinking that reuenge is to be vsed vpon mighty men, & those that beare rule, & vpon those yt were by law or assent dismoū∣ted from authority courteously & cōpassionately to entreate thē, was a signe of a good man.

Therfore there is no greater argument of felicity, no redier waye to glorie, nor better meane to qui∣et, then to disdayne iniuries.

Beholde the dogs which be of many other beasts the most improfytable, yet are much more made of then eyther Oxen or Horse, onlie because they suf∣fer all iniuries their maysters do offer vnto them.

If thou Stryke theym, they fawne. If thou dryue theym awaye frome thee, they retourne

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vnto thee: if thou chide them they flatter. Finallye he is much worse then any beast, that cannot dis∣dayne iniuryes. No brutishe beast is mindefull of offence done vnto him. Therefore that man that seeketh reueng is not wyse, loued of God, nor lōge happye. If thou suffer a whyle thou shalt see thy wronges reuenged by nature, by chaunce, or by some other meane. And him whom wyth extreme care, trauayle, and hazard of thy selfe thou sought to offende, shalbe wythout thyne euill or myserye destroyed. The liues of all euill men that do per∣turbe the quiet of ye good, are short: or at least wise that happines of small continuance. If therefore forbearing iniurye no man is myserable, then is it better for all men whether they can or not, not to be reuenged: because it is manifest that before re∣uenge of iniurye no mā is in mysery. The offence that men in these dayes do thincke the greatest, is the infidelity of wyues. But in so dishonest a mat¦ter not to trouble the eares of good men I meane nothing to speake, notwithstandinge I call to re∣membrance yt Pompeius for adultry cast of his wife Metia, and for the like faulte did P. Caesar put awaye Pompeia, both excellente men, and amonge the Ro∣maynes inferiour to none for auctoritye, deserte & wysedome. All which notwithstanding eyther ye importunacy of adulterous, or the wantonnes of women, did make theyr beddes defiled. Septimi∣us Seuerus, and Antonius the Philosopher had disho∣nest wyues, yet canst thou not fynd any better, or more worthye men in that common weale When a frende of Antonius did wyshe hym to put away

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his dishonest wyfe, he aunsweared saying: euen so I may do and therewtall loose her dowrye: which dowyre was the Romaine Empyre, because Fau∣stina was daughter of Pius Antonius the Emperor. Therfore though Antonius wittīgly, or Seuerus vn∣wittingly kept theyr aduoulterous wiues, I can∣not thincke it was preiudiciall to theyr reputatiō, vertue or felicitye. Neyther do thou thincke that this blot doth blemish the reputation of common persons more thē these most noble personages: for seing the fault is in others, the dishonoure cannot appertayne vnto thee. Therefore a Cittizē of Spar∣ta finding an adulterer a bed wyth his euil fauou∣red wyfe sayd, alas vnhappy man what necessity hath driuen the to do this deede? To cruel it were to impute that to thine owne follye, whiche by no pollicye can be preuented, as though thy vertue & estimation were stayned by y default of another. Yet nowe a dayes this reproche is cast vppon the man. So did not Salethus Prynce of Crotona, who made an ordinaunce more harde then the Lawe Iulia, which was that cockould makers should be burned quicke. Supposyng that none offēce was more wicked. Yet when afterwards hee hymselfe had defyled hys brothers wyfe and was taken, he made so wyse an Oration, as he people were cō∣tent to punishe his offence wyth exile onelye. Not∣wythstanding, knowing the greatnes of the fault, willinglye he cast himselfe into the fyer, and was burned. Thus we fynde hee desyred not pardon (though his words were to such effect) but rather sought to shew yt none offence could be so greate

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but might deserue to be pardoned. Therfore this iniurye cōmeth not of the wyues defaulte, but the imperfection of tyme: wherin we being vxorious, the reproch is cast vppon men, & the periury vppō God: neither shal this plague cease till yt (as men say) Polipus haue eaten out himself, & the power of Mahumet hath stayed theyr slaunder.

But of iniuryes we haue now enoughe sayde, let vs therfore speake of other calamityes, among which imprisonment seemeth the chiefe.

In prison is darckenes, vncleanenesse, lacke of companye, fetters, and fynallye (as it seemeth) all sortes of myserye: which prouoked Boetius to crye out sayinge.

You mourning Muses reache, vvherof I should endight, And bathe▪ my face in bitter teares, vvhervvith my vvoes I vvright.

Alas (good frende) what is this lyfe other then an imprisonment of mynde, much worse then that of the body, & would God this quiet might chaūce to me, which so manye worthy men haue desyred. Amongest whom Demostenes yt excellent Oratour to the end he might be enforced to kepe the house, cut of the one syde of his bearde. Where is truer contemplacion then in solitary life? what place is more fit for studye, then wher is quietnes? neither did Boetius write any worke better, then y he inuen∣ted in prison, did not Aesopus long time lurke wtin a tub? & Democritus willingly inhabite the dennes of dead men? studying & wrytinge? And ye more their eyes were darckened the more theyr mindes were lightned, Plato telleth y Anaxagoras while he remay¦ned

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in prison wrote the booke De Circuli quadratura, To whom could imprisonment be more greuous, then to Socrates when the end was death, the time long and incertaine? yet neuerthelesse he slept swetely, studyed Philosophye, and wrote Verses. So as Socrates gaue more light to the pryson, then the pri∣son gaue darcknes to Socrates. PAVLVS the Doctoure of the worlde sent the greater parte of his epistles from pryson, as to the Ephesians, to Ti∣mothe and Philemon. For like reasō is seruitude pa∣cientlye to be borne, seynge nature hath not more liberally bestowed her gyftes on the mayster, then the seruaunte: They are equallye wyse, equallye beutifull, equallye healthfull, and finally in body & minde therin excelleth his seruaunt. And for quiet∣nes of mynde the seruaunt hath the aduauntage. For he seeketh onelye to content one, whych is his mayster, for whiche doinge hee is prouided for, of meate, drincke, apparell, and all other necessaryes. But a mayster must not onelye be careful of him∣selfe, but also of others. Euerye losse is hinderance to the mayster, but to the seruaunt not so. There∣fore if it were lawfull, more men woulde commit themselues to seruitude, thē desyre to become free. Who so doth consyder well, shal see, that when we thincke oure selues most free, wee serue maysters more seuere: as Princes, God, necessities, lawes, and pleasure, which bee also common to seruaun∣tes, yet there withall they haue foode, apparel, and houses, which ye maysters haue not. It is the lesse maruayle why some bondmen haue refused to be made free, as did Melissus a Gramarian of Spoleta.

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Surelye it is a goodlye pleasure to eate at other mens tables. Would God it were as honest. And doest thou thincke the fauorites of Princes are o∣ther then seruauntes whom ambition hath decei∣ued? besydes which, theyr estate is more perillous and more vnhappye. Neyther is seruitude anye hinderaunce to glorye, for Plato, Xenocrates, Calcedo∣nius, Diogenes, Phedrus, Epitetus, and Esopus the fabler, did al liue in seruitude. Besides them diuers Gra∣marians, Sibonius, Aphroditius, Taberius, Crotes, An∣tonius Gnipho, Phosius ye excellent player, and Manli∣us in Astronomye, a singuler Poet. What shoulde I saye of riches? and shall I agayne resight thoe monsters of the Romayne pleasure Drusilanus and Menecrates, yea the seates of Kinges haue beene by bondemen possessed. Tullius one of the aunciente kinges, was a bondman. And so was Oedipus and other. The kinges of Syria and Palestina in our age chosen out of this sorte of men. But let riches rule and beare the sway, yet let vs resight knowen ex∣amples of manye such as seruitude and the patro∣nage of a good maister haue aduaunsed, for ye ver∣tue of the maister dependeth much vppon ye wyse∣dome of the seruaunt. And some seruauntes haue not onlye gayned libertye, but also deserued to be∣come heyres to theyr masters. Neyther shalt thou finde vppon the aunciente monumentes, more re∣cordes of loue of wyues, children, and brethrene, then ensamples of seruauntes deuotion towards maysters, and maisters towardes them.

The lyke perswatiō may make for thy comfort, if thou liue wythout glorye: which kinde of life is

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the more tollerable if thou remayne in seruitude, whereinto Vlysses (as Plato sayth) being werye of hys former life did willingly cast himselfe. Ther is no happines y can happē to mā greater, thē eyther not to desyre glorye, or not to haue it. Who so doth ye one, liueth in great quietnes of mynd, ye other en∣ioyeth gret security. For is y glory of this world o∣ther thē a swete poysō for mē? wherof if thou taste, thou becomest blinde & senceles. Herevpon grow∣eth vain labour, peril & care, which way to kepe & get frends, authority & riches. Enuye also like vn∣to a shadow inseperable doth follow glory, which in a moment fadeth awaye, and the rest of thy life the more vnpleasant. How many worthy mē haue geuen the glorye of theyr owne deserts to others? Socrates being victorious in battaile, gaue al the ho∣nour prayse and rewarde to Alchibiades. But who can therein excell Plato? he commēded for his lear∣ning, did yelde all the prayse to those y had taught him: as Socrates, Tymeus, and Permenides. Surelye there is no greater glorye then the contempte of honour. Who so is not ambitious getteth no glo∣rye: why seekest thou that, y to haue thou ought not? if thou be ambitious, thou accusest thy selfe: and yet ambition were no vyce, if glorye myghte lawfully be desyred. I cannot resight the nomber of all suche as haue honoured vertue, and yet con∣tempned the prayse. And yet in deede euen at this daye also, who so lyuinge vertuouslye doth lurke, may be called good & happye. What doth the am∣bitious man gayne other then set to sale al▪ his im∣perfections. And whoso euer doth marke it well,

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shal finde that euery man hath more defects, then customes worthy commendation. To preuent the peril of this condēpnation there is no way so sure as to lurke and liue vnknowen.

The like cōmodity bringeth ignoraunce wher∣of notwythstanding many do complaine. Who so seeketh knowledge, findeth care and laboure, as the Prophete sayth. I tell not that Paule hath preached, that this worldly wysedom is ennemye to God. Let vs consider what is commonly gay∣ned by learning, profite is disdayned, the soule ha∣zarded, the body consumed, thy children & substāce neglected. The learned do get great enuy & short∣neth his lyfe, and all for knowledge, or rather to be thoughte to knowe. For arte thou more wyse then Socrates, Plato, or Aristoteles? Socrates did glorye that hee knewe nothinge. Plato doubted of manye thinges. Aristotiles speaketh so obscurelye, as one woulde thincke he knewe little. Alasse how many haue bene hindered wt being thought learned? A∣monge the rest, y small knowledge of myne, haue bene to my disaduantage, for thereby I haue bene oftentimes reiected, euill handled & oppressed, and would God that eyther I had bene such a one as they thought me, or yt they had thought me such a one as in deede I was. Hereof grew against me so many vndeserued euill reportes, al which I dis∣dayned, perswading my selfe that one mā excelled an other, in that he was better. Like vnto al other things doth yt opinion of learning brede slaūder & diuers other incōuenients: as we see by Alexāder, Achillino, Tiberio of Bononia, Petrus Leo, & Marcus An∣tonius

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of Verona. For Achillinus was poysoned, Pe∣trus Leo cast hedlonge into a ponde. Tiberius & An∣tonius occasioned to shortē theyr owne lyues. So we finde that this wysedome is accompanyed wt many discommodityes. Howe much better had it beene for these learned men to haue liued by some craft or industrye? what man haue thou knowen both learned and fortunate, yea whom hath not learninge hindered? Socrates was slayne, Anaxago∣ras kept in pryson. Plato soulde, and put in perill of hys heade, Aristotiles sente into exile, where eyther willingly or not greatlye against his wyl he dyed. Demetrius Phalerius banished and condempned. De∣mostenes poisoned himselfe, Easimes sent to exile, and so was Solon. Licurgus depryued of hys eyes, and after banished wyth manye perils of lyfe. Ioannes Scotus stabbed in wyth daggers by y handes of his companions, Cicero betrayed and slayne, Varro cō∣fyned, and who was not molested and disdained? Budeus a notable man of oure age, did also iustlye complaine, what and how many persecutions did Erasmus suffer? were the Prophetes and wyse mē in the lawe of Moyses more happye? surelye no. The cause is learning, which who so hath not, let him not desyre it: who already hath it, must thinke to haue boughte a iewell of great pryse, and kepte wyth more care and perill. But to much haue we spoken of these matters, for fewe or none shalte thou finde that complayne of ignoraunce, seinge willingly they deceyue themselues.

Now as touching sorrowe it selfe, which wor∣thely seemeth intollerable, Let vs consider it com¦meth

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chiefely of three causes, that is to say of sick∣nes, folly, or enforcemēt. How soeuer it be, or what¦soeuer griefe we feele, eyther it is not great, or not long, and seldome it happeneth to honest men: but if it doe, must of necessitye be endured. Whosoeuer falleth into sicknes either willingly or agaynst his will, would he not be ashamed that womē should excell hym in pacience and sufferaunce of griefe? for women in bearing of children do endure most extreeme paynes, yet notwithstanding do not re∣frayne the company of men, & suche as be barren, do not desyre any thinge so muche as to haue chil∣dren. The griefe which women suffer in childing, is of all other the greatest, and nearest to death: yea many of such griefe do dye in deede. No gout, no ache, no collicke or other tormente is compara∣ble to this paynes. Notwithstandinge how great soeuer they be, they leaue not to liue in delight, and (as wonte they were) approue the ioyes of Venus short wythout the desyre of well doinge. There is no griefe so great, that a resolute minde will yelde vnto. Possidonius the Philosopher extremely sicke, sayde vnto Pompeius beinge come to visite hym, y the greatnes of pains should neuer make him cō∣fesse that sickenes was euill. Neyther in deede can that be euyll which is wythoute vs, therefore the griefe of the body if it do not ouercomour minde, cannot be sayd to be ours. How wel did that ser∣uaunt whych ••••ue Asdruball declare it: For hee be∣inge greuouslye tormented for the murder of hys maister, did notwythstandinge in countenaunce shewe the ioye he felt for hauing reuenged the in∣iurye

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of his maister. I remember that when An∣tonius Cribellus was condempned by publike assent to be torne in peeces, in preparinge himselfe to bee executed, sayde, yt there was no torment so greate as coulde cause him cōfesse the companions of his offence, yet affyrminge there were suche, but hee would neuer bewray them. What marueile was it then though Pompeius so manfully helde hys fin∣ger to be burned in the candell before the kynge Genthius, seyng that thereby the kyng myghte per∣ceyue there was no hope to wreste out any intelli∣gence at the Embassadours hands. With like pa∣cience did Sceuola burne his hande before the kinge Porcenna. Neyther haue there wanted women, y haue deserued such glorye. The mother of Hircanus the Iewe beinge offended by Ptolomeus her sonne in lawe, wylled Hircanus not to leaue of his enter∣pryse: but rather reuenge the death of hys father whom Ptolomeus had slayne. Epicharis Liberta more noble then many men, for no torment could be cō∣strayned to confesse her offences or her companiōs in offendinge. Quintilia a little personage suspected for the conspiracye agaynst Caligula, being racked wyth great torment, confessed nothinge, whereby she was set at libertye as giltlesse, and receyued re∣ward as innocent. What shoulde I speake of Bar∣bara Agatha a Christian, wyth dyuers other vyr∣gins? ye nomber of whom is hardly to be beleued, and theyr constancye so marueylous, as they see∣med not onelye paciently to haue suffered tormen∣tes, but also to haue wyshed for theim. But this vertue procedeth of oure Christianitye. Let vs re∣turne

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to naturall reasons. Ther is no rest so wel∣come, as that which followeth great trauayle, nor death soe muche desyred, as where sickenes hath beene moste extreame. The ende therefore of all griefe, eyther by recouerye, or death is pleasaunte. It is also to be consydered, that all suche as suffer great tormentes, being perswaded of the immor∣talitye of soules, oughte thereby (thoughe none o∣ther reason were) to be comforted. And suche as beleeue of none other lyfe, are sure that death is y ende of all myseryes. Therefore if thy griefe gro∣weth vppon deserte, deseruinglye thou oughte to beare it, for thereby thou doest decrease thy griefe, and saue thy minde from due tormente, neyther oughtest thou to punish thy body and minde both at one time, seinge thy soule is afterwardes to re∣ceyue his chastisemente.

The same or more profytable reason maye bee made for sickenes, then sorrowe: for what can be intollerable in sickenes, if sorrowe be awaye? yea hardlye it can be thought howe manye commodi∣tyes it bringeth. In sicknes wee learne howe we bee, howe frayle the condition of life is: howe incertayne, and subiecte to the power of others. Thereby wee are taughte to be mindefull of an o∣ther lyfe, and that we oughte not to doe that to an other, which we wold not haue don to our selues. Therefore wee become more temperate and con∣tinente, yea to some sicknes haue beene cause of longe lyfe, amendemente of fame, and encrease of vertue. If sickenes were not, a man shoulde be∣come more harde harted then the Tiger, and more

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cruell then the Lionesse. Macrobius thincketh that sickenes doth more often happen to those whom God loueth, then those whom hee hateth. Seneca supposed that hee is most vnhappy that neuer fee∣leth aduersity, and that hee is most myserable that is most happye. Saint Paule sayth, whom God loueth him hee chasteneth. The nature of man is vnbridled, and were it not like wheate well sifted, woulde become as sauage as the wilde beastes. When the soule loueth the bodye then is it more noble and perfite, because then it commeth to hys owne nature beinge vnbourdened of the bodye, which hindered the sight and perfite knowledge. It is therfore the lesse maruaile that those that be most weake of body and of shortest lyfe, be of best indgemente, and moste apte to knowe. No man hath all giftes, if thou haue stoore of vertues of y mynde, thou arte of necessity the more sicke of bo∣dye. Then whether wouldest thou rather haue a stronge bodye and a witte lyke vnto beastes, or a weake bodye wyth an excellente sprighte? Some brutishe beastes there are also as muche or more subiecte to sickenes as menne, as the Lyon and Goate: for whiche cause those that doe vse to sell Goates, do not warrant them for sound, as they doe other cattell, but as Varro sayth, this daye hee is well and drincketh, and lyke enoughe hee maye so continue. And albeit these beastes be neuer but sicke, yet wantinge reason, doe playe and take dis∣porte: But man to hys owne sorrowe is parta∣ker of reason, whereby hee calleth to consyderati∣on his myseryes. Yet is it worthely to be noted,

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that seeldome times we see honest men troubled with outward greeues, and those that be tempe∣rate are not often offended with inward miseries But some men do thincke deafnes and blyndnes more intollerable then Sicknes, though the same seemeth lyttle to hinder the felicitye of man.

Homerus beinge blynde, excelled all the Poetes both Latyne and Greeke. Tymolion beinge blynd, gouerned the people of Syracusa. Appius Claudius brake the dishonorable peace, whiche the Romay∣nes had taken with Pirrus, and therin declared he sawe more then all others hauinge eyes. Hannibal hauinge one only eye, conquered almost all Italy, and excelled all captaynes both Carthaginences & Romaines (Scipio onlye reserued) Iohn kinge of Beemia was also blynde, yet a valiant and wise cap¦tayne. He knowinge him selfe ouermatched wyth the power of his enemies, manfully didde charge them, to the ende that if he could not get the vyc∣torye, yet he would not be accompted cowardlye. One blynde man not long before our age, was so cunninge in musicke as excelled all other in those dayes, and was therfore greatly esteemed, and by princes enriched. The blinde man hathe also hys delightes, as banquettinge, venery, musicke, and learning: and (if he were not so borne) he is blind but some part of his lyfe. He may also se dreaming and therfore Aristoteles sayth, that the vertue of se∣inge resteth not in the eyes, but in the brayne, be∣cause if the sight were in the eye, then the eyes be∣inge put out, the man in dreame should se nothing as doth he that was blinde borne. But if a manne

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from his birth did neuer see, then hath he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to complayne according to the common saying.

That the eye seeth not, the hart rueth not.
For in that we knowe not, we neyther delight nor fynd offence. Al be it we see many things we take pleasure in, yet of theym that doe discontent vs the nomber is greate.

One only perfyte eye we haue, whiche is the spy∣ryte and that more liuely is in the blynde, then in them that can see, by reason the outwarde eyes is there vnto a hynderaunce. For which reason wee fynde that the blinde men, both in wit and memo¦rye excell all others. And as they say of Tyresia.

For God ris face did hyde, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vvithin the breast he set.

Meaninge that the blynde man did in mynde see the moste. And therfore in olde tyme suche menne were honoured for prophecyinge thinges to come When Antonius the holye, comforted Didimus the Philosopher, he sayde vnto him, let it suffise, that styll thou enioyeste thy celestiall eyes, thoughe the other be lost. Diodorus the Stoike a compani∣on to Cicero was blynde, yet in Philosophye, Mu∣sicke, and Geomatrys, excellent.

Caius Drusus was so cunninge in the Lawes Ciuil althoughe he were hymselfe blynde yet helped hee many that could see. Some say Democrites for the enuy his Cittizens did bear him, put our his own eyes. Ascepiades the Philosopher in his blindenes, was wont to playe, sayinge the wante of syghte was nothinge els but as thoughe a chylde should

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doe some thynge to an other whereby hee mighte fynde a wante.

But amonge other commodities blyndenes doth make death the moore tollerable. Because deathe is feared for nothinge so muche as that wee loose the comforte of lighte and come into darckenes, when if thou be blinde before thou shalte feele the lesse alteracion, & that whiche tormenteth others moste in dyinge, thou shalt as it were dye vnwa∣res. Some perhappes there are so grosse as will discommonde olde age, forgettinge that who so is now olde, hath beene in tymes paste younge. But for tryall here of let Sephalus or Spurinna be called in question, of whome we may enquire, whether old age not abused be better then lustye youth. The vertue and strength of Iacobus Philipp{us} Sacchi whō Franciscus Sforza did those to be prince of the Se∣nate doth sufficiently shewe.

Wherfore syth in all these Calamities aforesaid nothinge is euyll, let vs consyder whether in com¦mon miseries we ought to lament? as in plagues famine, and destruction of countries, which be∣cause they are common, doe seeme the moore pa∣cientlye to bee suffered. But if they were euyll, woulde be of all other moste intollerable, because they are most hardlye amended. Wee see therfore that the discontentacion of men, growethe rather vppon opinion then cause. And seeinge it is vni∣uersall, let vs followe the golden age, in whyche tyme was more fidelitye, more frendly conuersaci∣on, more easy lyfe, y men better mynded, and their maners the lesse corrupte; that their fortune was

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so euyll. In that age they lyued only vpon frute, if they had gotten bread▪ they accompted themsel∣ues happy: but thou that wantest neither bread, wyne, bedde nor other prouision, doeste notwith∣standinge complayne. It is enuy therefore no plea¦sure, superfluity, no necessity that doth torment vs For if our desires were reasonable, wee should at all tymes haue lyke wishes. And knowinge with howe fewe bace thinges nature is contented, we shoulde not fynde so infortunate ende of our doin∣ges. But seinge in that miserable tyme men lyued so contented, this can not be sayde any myserye at all. For he is onely in misery, y is enforced to hate his own lyfe, yet in cōmon calamities no man ha∣teth his owne lyfe but moste paciently beareth all aduersityes. For nothinge seemeth dishonoura∣ble, that is common. Euerye euylle of mannes lyfe dothe consyste in reproche, death except: And euery thing that is good, in glorye. The reason thereof is, that (as at the beginninge I sayd) ve∣rye good or euyl was not to be found among mor∣tall men. But to return to the purpose, our coun∣trye perisheth, and there in our frendes, kinred, re∣putacion and substance. I graunt, but dost thou accompt those only thy neighboures that inhabite thy coūtry? Surely we are al discēded of one line, and if we loke backe to our grandfathers & great great grandfathers oure affinitye is muche. It is good maners y getteth frends, & vertue y wīneth reputacion, which if thou want, it is not reputati∣on but rather ambicion and crafte. In pouertye thou haste manye Companions, so as for thyne

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error thou nede not be ashamed, for want of com∣pany thou cannot bee weary. And in pouertye as erst I sayde, there are many wayes to reliefe: as hospitalles, kinsfolke, charitable persons, & all good men. Also the vniuersalitye of the misery taketh a∣way al reproch. And though many through slouth and lothenes to labour, do fall into beggery, yet a mynde industrious and armed with vertue, is sel∣dome subiecte thereunto. Albe it the hole cittye of Siracusa was taken, spoyled and sacked, yet Mar∣cellus preserued Archimedes. Also when Megara was taken by Ptolomeus, & after by Demetrius son of An∣tiochus, yet Stilpho the Philosopher was saued, and at the kinges handes receiued both honour, and re¦warde, for the one desyred his company, the other became his scholer. When Rhodus was besieged by Demetrius, Protogenes the painter, being found in ye suburbes, was by him honored, though the other cittezens remained scant in surety. Vertue is al∣wayes accompanied with Nemesis, who sufferethe none to beg, sauing men from cōmon calamities. Socrates remayned in Athens healthy, when y plage was there at the greatest. Crates escaped harme at the saccage of Thebes. A man of greate vertue ought not to hazarde himself in common calamy∣ties. Now remayneth it onely somwhat to say of manye miseries assembled togethers. And as Dio¦genes said, I am hee vpon whom all misfortune is cast: no house I haue, no towne, in exile, a vaga∣bond, and begger. Yet to counteruayle all these miseries, he thought the vertue of minde, of force e¦nough. If therfore being olde, thou art sicke, pore,

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and banished, whether doth ye encrease or, deuide thy miseries. Calamities are not according to this number, but the greatnes to be measured. It com¦meth to passe in these as it doth in greifes of y bo∣die, one Calamity driue than other awaye. Exile taketh awaye the dishonor of misery, when thou li¦uest amōg people vnknowen. And as erst I sayd ther is nothing (saue death) that a man desyreth more to eschewe. Whether had thou rather be Phi∣lota when he was persecuted of Alexander, hauinge youth, beauty, strength, grete, byrth, & ryches, then in seruitude, sicke, and in thine old estate? Truely the condicion of man is lyke vnto a garment whi∣che the more rich & beautifull it be, the more a sport doth disgrace it, and the lesse beauty it hath, y lesse hurt the garment ther by receiueth. It is also to be considered that no man is al his lyfe in miserye for sleape causeth forgetfulnes of sorow, and is as pleasant to men in sorow, as to those that be most happie. Also the delights of our sences be to al mē almost alyke comon, as tast, venery, sight, hearīg, and smellinge. So all things that be delectable to man, do not togethers decay. If therfore at one in¦stant all mortall men did sleape, then for that time none should be more happye then other. But wee are most assured not onely to sleape, but also dye: and as long to lyue we cannot, so how far we are from death is to vs vnknowen. Wherfore to bear euery thinge resolutely, is not onely the parte of a wise man, but also of a man wel aduised, seinge y there is nothing in this life, that may iustly be said to be against vs. Therefore Homerus fayned Aten

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the Goddes of Calamitye, to barefooted, as one that could not touch any thing sharpe or hard, but walked lightly vpon the heades of mortall men. Meaninge that Calamity durst not come nere a∣nye, but such as were of base minde, simple, & sub∣iecte to effeminacy. But among such as were va∣liant and armed with vertue, shee durst not come. Wherfore lift vp thy mynde to heauen where an e∣uerlastinge and most pleasaunt life is prepared for thee. Men in this worlde are lyke trees, some slen¦der, some great, some florishing, some bearing frute some witheringe, some growinge, some blowen downe, and some frutefull, which in one harueste time are brought togeathers and laide vppon one stacke. Neither is there afterwardes sene any dif∣ference among them, what they be or haue bene, al at one time be cut downe neuer more to growe a∣gayne. Euen so al pryde, ambicion, ryches, auctho∣ritye, children, frendes, and glory doe in shorte space grow olde, and perishe, neither dothe it make mat∣ter whether thou were Irus or vile Galba, Antaxerles or noble Hercules. Onelye honestye and vertue of mynde doth make a man happy, and onely a cow∣erdlie and corrupt conscience, do cause thine vnhap¦pines. Because the worste that the good man can feare, is the best that the euyll can wishe for: why∣che is the destruction of the Soule in death. But as he ought not to hope thereof, so should not the o∣ther feare it. For God the eternal father hath sent vs into this worlde as children and heyres of hys kingdome, and secretly beholdeth how wee fighte and defend our selues, against our sences, y world

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and the Deuyll. And who so in this battell, valy∣antly fighteth, shalbee called and placed, amonge the Princes of heauenlye kingedome. And who so slothfully or cowerdly behaueth himself, as a slaue in featnes, shall for euermore be bounde.

This worldly stage was purposely prepared, that God the father might secretly beholde vs. Such foolishe children then, as in his sighte wantonlye, slouthfully, and sediciouslye, lyue, shoulde they not thinke he doth beholde them? Whenso euer there¦fore thou haste taken that laste leaue of Life, thy soule like vnto a louer embracinge his death, shall enioye that swetenes and security, whiche we can neither wryte of, nor conceiue. For sith these world¦lye louers (amongest whom be many mislykings without assurāce or eternity) can scarcely expresse their ioyes in loue: Happy, yea thrise happy is this heauenly louer, who forgettinge all others, wythe his one loue is vnited. For within this kingdome he loueth and liueth in the sight of him, that can do all thinges, and therefore lyke a good sonne to his father is euer readye to do his pleasure.

FINIS.

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