Hexapla in Genesin & Exodum: that is, a sixfold commentary upon the two first bookes of Moses, being Genesis and Exodus Wherein these translations are compared together: 1. The Chalde. 2. The Septuagint. 3. The vulgar Latine. 4. Pagnine. 5. Montanus. 6. Iunius. 7. Vatablus. 8. The great English Bible. 9. The Geneva edition. And 10. The Hebrew originall. Together with a sixfold vse of every chapter, shewing 1. The method or argument: 2. The divers readings: 3. The explanation of difficult questions and doubtfull places: 4. The places of doctrine: 5. Places of confutation: 6. Morall observations. In which worke, about three thousand theologicall questions are discussed: above forty authors old and new abridged: and together comprised whatsoever worthy of note, either Mercerus out of the Rabbines, Pererius out of the fathers, or Marloran out of the new writers, have in their learned commentaries collected. By Andrew Willet, minister of the gospell of Iesus Christ.

CHAP. XXXII. (Book 32)

1. The Method and Argument.

IN this Chapter is set forth the sinne of Israel, in committing most grosse idolatries whereof there are foure parts: 1. The narration of their wicked fact, to Vers. 7▪ 2. The examining of their fact, and the knowledge thereof, to vers. 26. 3. The punishment inflicted, thence to vers. 30. 4. A preparation to their repentance, vers. 30. to the end.

1. Their sin is described: 1. Both by the counsell and advice, which they tookes first the people in propounding the matter to Aaron to make them gods, with the occasion moving them therto, the absence of Moses: then Aaron, in setting them a course what to doe, vers. 2. 2. By the fact it selfe, which is either of them apart: of the people in bringing their jewels, vers. 3. of Aaron in making thereof a Calfe, and setting up an Altar, vers. 4, 5. or of them both together, Aaron proclaimeth an holy day, vers. 5. The people offer sacrifices, eat, drinke, and play, vers. 6.

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2. The examination cognizance or taking knowledge of this sinne, was either while Moses was with God, to vers. 15. or when he was departed from God, and returned to the campe.

1. In the first, there is first the Lords complaint of the people in generall, that they had corrupted their waies, vers. 7. so also vers. 9. in particular, by the description of their sinne, vers. 8. Secondly, Moses in∣tercession, with the effect thereof. Moses intercession is grounded upon three reasons: The deliverance of the people, vers. 11. The blasphemie of the Egyptians, which is feared, vers. 12. The covenant made with their fathers, vers. 13. Then the effect is, God changed his minde, vers. 14.

2. In the second cognizance, there are two degrees: first, Moses, confused knowledge when they were yet a farre off, as he went and conferred with Ioshua, to vers. 19. Then his certaine knowledge: 1. By the sight of his eyes, vers. 19. whereupon followed two effects of his indignation, the breaking of the Tables, and the burning of the golden Calfe, vers. 20, 21. 2. By Aarons confession, whom Moses fifteth and examineth, to vers. 25.

3. The punishment is thus set forth: 1. The reason that moved Moses to take revenge, the nakednes of the people, vers. 26. 2. Moses charge to the Levites, vers. 26.27. 3. The execution, vers. 28, 29.

4. The preparation to their repentance and reconciliation consisteth 1. of Moses admonition to the people, vers. 30. Of Moses supplication unto God, his petition, which containeth the confession of their sinne, vers. 32. and the craving of pardon, with a disjunction, or else himselfe to bee blotted out, &c. 2. And of Gods answer, wherein the Lord refuseth Moses disjunctive request concerning himselfe, and yeeldeth to his request for the people, with a reservation of their punishment, vers. 34.

2. The divers readings.

* 1.1Vers. 1. Gathered themselves together against Aaron. B.G.L.P. upon Aaron. A.H. to Aaron. I.V.C.S. ghal. upon, or against.

* 1.2Vers. 12. For a mischiefe. B.V. rather than, maliciously. G.B. craftily. L. with a mischievous intent. I. with maliciousnes. S. C. in maliciousnes. A. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 beraghah, to a mischiefe.

* 1.3Vers. 15. So Moses turned him. B.G.I.L.V. Moses looked backe. P.C. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 phanah signifieth both to turne, and looke: but the first rather here, because of the word following, he went downe.

Vers. 18. It is not the noise which the strong make, nor the noise which the weake make: I. the voice of them which crie out strength, or, the voice of them which crie out weaknes. S.A.H. better than, the voice of them which answer strongly, or, of them which answer weakely. V. or, the noise of them which have the victorie, or, of them which are overcome. G.B. or, the crie of them which exhort to fight, or, of them which compell to flie. L.

Vers. 28. Three thousand men. B. G. cum caeter, three and twentie thousand. L. very corruptly. See 72. qu•• following.* 1.4

Vers. 29. When every one shall be upon his sonne. I.A.H. better than, every one upon his sonne. B.G. cum caeter. for here the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when, is omitted.

Vers. 32. And now, whether wilt thou forgive them their sinne. I. if thou wilt, &c. A.H. better than, and now forgive them their sinne:* 1.5 B.G. cum caeter. for here the conjunction 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 im, is omitted in the translation.

Vers. 35. Because they procured the calfe which Aaron made: or made the calfe which Aaron made. B.G. cum caeter. for that which they did to the calfe,* 1.6 which Aaron made. I. But the preposition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 eth is sel∣dome a signe of the Dative but of the Accusative case: because they worshipped the calfe which Aaron made. C. the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 gashah, to make.

3. The questions discussed.

QUEST. I. Whether Moses had signified unto the people, when hee would returne.

Vers. 1. WHen the people saw that Moses tarried long, &c. 1. R. Salomon here is of opinion that Moses, when he went away told the people, that he would returne after 40. daies: but they were deceived in the account, and reckoned that day wherein Moses ascended, so that in the end of 39. daies they then consulted to make them gods.

2. Contra. But this assertion can stand by no meanes. 1. It was not knowne unto Moses himselfe how long he should stay, when he went from them: for he himselfe staied six daies in the mount, before he was called up to the top, chap. 14.16. If he had set them a certaine time, he would not have spoken am∣biguously, but plainly, that they might have knowne certainly when to expect his returne. 3. At the least, though they had mistaken a day, they would have waited for him so long after the appointed time. 4. Neither could all this be done in the space of one day: the people to gather their earings, and Aaron thereof to make a golden Calfe; and beside, Aaron putteth off the solemnitie to the next day: all this could not be done upon the 40. day, therefore it is like that they began this wicked enterprise upon the 35. day, or thereabout: and that Moses had not given them any direction for his returne, Tostat. qu. 2. Liran.

QUEST. 2. Whether the Egyptians were the first beginners and motioners of this idolatrie.

Vers. 2. WHen the people saw. 1. R. Salomon againe, some what to excuse here this fact of the Israe∣lites, saith, that the Egyptians which went out with the Israelites did egge and intice them, and set them a worke to make this golden image: as they likewise provoked the people to fall a lusting for flesh by their example, Numb. 11.4.

2. Contra. 1. But howsoever at other times the strangers, that were mingled among them, might set them a murmuring, it is like here that the Israelites themselves were most forward in this wicked enter∣prise: for the name of people is given unto them: whereas the other are not simplie called the people, but with some other addition: as chap. 12.38. A great multitude of sundrie sorts of people; and Numb. 11.4. A number of people that was among them fell a lusting, &c. 2. They themselves speake of their bringing out of Egypt by Moses: but Moses brought the Israelites out; the rest were not so much brought ou••, as voluntarily came forth being mingled among the people. 3. The people also themselves were subject and prone to idolatrie: as S. Stephen sheweth out of the Prophet, Act. 7.43. yea he saith directly, vers. 39. that they were their fathers, that said unto Moses, Make us gods, &c. Tostat. qu. 1. 4. S. Paul also so ex∣poundeth it of the Israelites, 1 Cor. 10.7. Neither be ye Idolaters, as were some of them. So not all the people, but onely some of them were guiltie of this sinne of idolatrie: for it is like that they, whom Moses armed afterward to slay their brethren, were not consenting thereunto, Iun. 5. The Levits, vers. 29. did consecrate their hands every one upon his son and brother; they were then their owne brethren and consequently Israelites, who were ringleaders of this mischievous exploit.

QUEST. III. The occasions of idolatrie in generall, and particularly of the idolatrie of the Israelites here.

Vers. 1. THat Moses tarried long, &c. Here we are to consider of the occasions and causes of idolatrie, which are either generall, or particular in this place, which moved the Israelites to fall into this follie. 1. The generall are these: 1. Feare in extremitie and distresse maketh men run to wicked de∣vices, and to erect unto themselves gods: as the mariners in Ionas ship being in danger, called every one upon his god. 2. Another cause is ignorant imitation of things not rightly understood: as because Abra∣ham at Gods commandement would have offered his son Isaac unto God, the heathen idolaters likewise did sacrifice their owne children with bloudie hands unto their idols. 3. A third cause, is foolish doting love and affection: as Salomon doting upon his wives, was by them enticed, and seduced to idolatrie. It is written that Alexander so loved Ephestio, that he decreed divine honour to be given him. 4. A fourth cause is good hap and prosperitie: as the Atheniens having obtained a victorie against the Persians at Marethe, onely with the helpe of ten thousand men, seeing at that time in the aire, a spirit in the like∣nesse of Pan, which terrified their enemies, they afterward worshipped him, and built him a Temple, B. Babington.

2. The particular causes and occasions of this idolatrie, which deceived the Israelites, were these: 1. The first was, absentia ducis, the absence of their Captaine: 2. Curiositas, their curiositie, that not being contented with those things which Moses had taught them, must adde of their owne: 3. Timiditas Aaronis, the fearefulnesse of Aaron, that durst not resist the people: 4. A false opinion, in thinking that whatsoever they did with a good intention, to be pleasing unto God, Ferus. 5. Adde hereunto their im∣patiencie, in not induring to stay any longer for Moses: as Saul, because the Lord answered him not, when he would, went unto a witch, B. Babing.

QUEST. IV. Of the divers faults and infirmities at once here committed by the people.

THe people gathered themselves together against Aaron, &c. The people in this their outrage doe offend diversly: 1. In their violence: the word signifieth super Aaron, they came upon Aaron, tan∣quam superiores potentiae, as being mightier than he, and so pressing upon him. 2. They say, make us gods; Vide insaniam populi; See the madnesse of the people, as though God can be made with mens hands, Ferus. 3. There appeared in them, levitas & inconstantia, great levitie and inconstancie, that had not long before bound themselves by covenant to obey the Lords Commandements, and so soone fall away, Marbach. 4. Their great forgetfulnesse also bewrayeth it selfe, that had heard the Lord with his owne voice thundering out his Commandements, whereof one prohibited directly idolatrie, and yet they in despite of God, do set up an idoll. 5. Their ingratitude also is manifest, both against God the author of their de∣liverance, and Moses the Minister thereof, and of many great works, speaking of him contemptuously, We know not what is become of this Moses, Gallas. 6. Their stupiditie was wonderfull, that having the cloud before them, an evident signe of Gods presence, and the manna, which fell daily of his providence, they setting at nought such excellent signes, figuram appetunt, quae ipsorum vanitati respondeat, desire a figure answerable to their vanitie, Calvin. Oleaster thinketh, the cloud at this time was taken out of their sight: but that is not so; for it is said, chap. 13.22. That he tooke not away the pillar of the cloud by day, nor the pillar of fire by night, from before the people. 7. Thus the people at once sinned diversly: 1. They sinne manifestly against the first Commandement: 2. They offend in publicam ipsorum fidem, against their publike faith given: 3. They offend not onely in the outward worke, but also impiissima opinione, in their wicked opinion, thinking hereby to obtaine remission of their sins: 4. And they doe not onely transgresse against God, but against Moses their deliverer, and so they violate both the first and second table, Ferus.

QUEST. V. Why the people say unto Aaron, Rise.

Vers. 1. VP, or, rise. 1. Which is not so said, as though Aaron did then fit, when the people came unto him. 2. Neither is it necessarily hence collected, Quod matutin••s fuit hic concursus, &c. That this running together was in the morning, as Cajetan thinketh, and that they did as it were awaken and raise up Aaron. 3. But this manner of speaking sheweth their importunitie, that they would have him dispatch quickly, and with all speed doe, as they willed him. 4. And beside, they seeme to cast some good colour and pretence upon this their haste, because they had expected and waited Moses comming downe a great while: and therefore they would stay no longer, Tostat. qu. 3. 5. Beside, they seeme hereby to tax

Aarons negligent administration, that he was secure and remisse in the government, and therefore in this manner rouze him up, Osiander. 6. This their speech also sheweth, that they pressed upon him vio∣lently, and urged him, saying, Surge, Rise, that is, Age, Goe to, Iunius.

QUEST. VI. Of the divers kindes of idolatrie.

MAke us gods. 1. There are divers kindes of idolatrie, which may be brought to these foure heads: 1. When either that is worshipped for a god, which is nothing; such were the Idols of the Hea∣then, the imaginations of their owne blinde hearts. 2. When the divine honour is given unto any crea∣ture, as to Angels, or Saints. 3. When any divine power is ascribed to the images of God, or Saints. 4. When the true God is worshipped, but otherwise than he hath prescribed; as Ahaz caused an Altar of a strange fashion to be reared up unto God, and such were their traditions of the Pharisies, Simler.

2. Or idolatrie may be thus distinguished; it is committed two wayes: 1. When, res extra Deum co∣luntur, &c. when things beside God are worshipped; and that either externally, by bowing unto them, or inwardly, in putting trust and confidence in them. 2. Quando Deus aliter colitur, quam ipse instituit; When God is otherwise worshipped, than he appointeth; which is also done two wayes: either when men devise unto themselves a forme of worship not prescribed: such are the Processions, Pilgrimages, Vigils, and such like used in Poperie: or when the worship which God instituted, alio fine observatur, quam est institutus, &c. be observed upon another end than is appointed, as thereby to merit at Gods hand: as the hypocrites in Israel thought to please God, by the externall act of their sacrifices; and so doe now the Romanists by their idolatrous Masse, Marbach. The idolatrie of the Israelites was of all these sorts, communicating with part of each: for they outwardly set up an Idoll, and inwardly put their confidence in it; and did seeme yet in this Idoll to acknowledge God, so worshipping him after another mannner, than God himselfe had prescribed.

QUEST. VII. Why they say, Make us gods, not god.

MAke us gods, &c. The word is put in the plurall, Elohim, gods. 1. Whereupon some of the Fathers doe gather, that the Israelites here fell away into the idolatrie of the Gentiles, who brought in a multiplicitie of gods. But that is not so, for they did proclaime an holy day unto Iehovah, vers. 5. 2. Gloss. interlinear. giveth this exposition, that although there was but one idoll made: yet he that falleth to idolatrie, doth fall into all vices, & tot diis & daemonibus, quot vitiis, servit, and so serveth as many gods or devils, as vices. But it is not put in the plurall number in any such sense, because of that which followeth: which may goe before us; but their vices and corruptions could not be said to goe before them. 3. Some referre it to the idols, which they desired to have made; they would have many, but Aaron made but one: neither is this like to be the reason: for then Aaron should not have contented them. In that there∣fore Aaron satisfied their desire, it seemeth he knew their minde, that one idoll would serve their turne. 4. Some thinke, that because Elohim in the plurall, is taken for the true God, therefore it is so used here: Quia uni Deo hunc cultum instituerunt; Because they instituted this service to the true God, Simlerus. But by gods, here it is evident, they understand not God himselfe: for they were not so absurd to thinke, that God could be made with mens hands. 5. Therefore the plurall here is taken for the singular, according to the Hebrew phrase, Oleaster. As so the Lord saith, I have made thee Pharaohs god, chap. 7.1. where the word is Elohim, in the plurall: and sometime a word of the plurall number is joyned with an adjective of the singular, as Isai. 19.4. I will deliver the Egyptians into the hands, adonim kasheh, Dominorum duri, of Lords hard: where the adjective is put in the singular: sometime the adjective that is joyned with it, is put in the plurall also, but the relative in the singular, Iosh. 24.19. Elohim kadashim his, he is holy gods, that is, an holy God: so likewise sometime Elohim is put with a verbe singular, as Gen. 1.1. Bara Elohim, creavit Dii, God created: sometime with a verbe in the plurall, as in this place, asherjeeben, which may goe before us. So then, Elohim, gods in the plurall, is here put for the singular: Make us a god, Tostat. qu. 4.

QUEST. VIII. How the Israelites would have their god to be made to goe before them.

TO goe before us. 1. It is evident by this, wherefore they desired a visible god to be made; not to that end, that they might with greater libertie eat and drinke, feast, and play before the idoll, which they could not doe before the Lord: for the Lord did allow them to rejoyce before him in sober and seemely manner. Nor yet because they bee like unto other nations, to have some visible image to worship: but they shew the end thereof, that they might have some visible presence to goe before them, Tostat. qu. 6. 2. And whereas Moses being absent, they might have desired some other guide in his place to direct them: they doe not so, both because they know, none could be given them like unto Moses: and if such an one might be found, he was subject to the like danger, as they imagined Moses to be fallen into: they desire rather some visible god to be given unto them, Tostat. qu. 8. 3. Neither were they so senselesse to thinke, that an idoll made of silver or gold, which hath eyes, and seeth not, eares, and heareth not, could goe be∣fore them. 4, And Tostatus conceit is too curious: that because they had seene images in Egypt, which had, as they thought, a certaine divine power in them, speaking sometimes, and making answer unto demands. And among the rest, the Egyptian God Apis, which was like a pide bull, did appeare once in a yeare unto them, and used to goe before them unto Memphis, and all the Egyptians followed after, play∣ing upon their harp•• and other instruments: he thinketh, that the Israelites desired the like god to bee given them; that they might have an image made, endued with some divine power to goe before them. But they never had seene any image in Egypt made with mens hands, to stirre, and move, and walke be∣fore them. The Egyptian god, Apis, was either a very pide pull indeed, or the devill in that likenesse: therefore they having seene no such president in Egypt, it is not like they imagined any such thing. 5. Wherefore, these Elohim gods, which they desire to be made, were none other but images, as Laban

so calleth his little images, gods, Gen. 31. Gallas. This then is the meaning, that some image may be made them, quae admoneret eos praesentiae divina, which should admonish them of the divine presence, Osiander. And they say in effect but thus much, Institu•• nobis cultum, &c. Appoint us some kinde of worship, that God may be reconciled unto us, Vt pergat nos praecedere; That he may go forward still before us, as he hath begun, Ferus. So then their meaning is not, that the idoll to be made, should still goe before them; but that God represented, and reconciled thereby, might goe on still with them.

QUEST. IX. Why the people came to Aaron, rather than to Hur his fellow governour.

BUt it will bee here questioned, why the people demand this rather of Aaron, than of Hur, who was joyned with him in the government, chap. 24. 1. R. Salom. maketh this the reason, because that the people had killed Hur, because he resisted them; and this he saith, was the manner of his death: al the people came and spet into his mouth, and so choaked him. But it is not like, if Hur in so good a cause had given his life, that it should have beene omitted: Phinehes fact in slaying the adulterer, and adulte∣resse, is commended, and honourable mention is made thereof: but Hur had beene more worthie to have beene recorded, for not killing, but in suffering himselfe rather to bee killed in defence of Gods pure worship, Tostat. qu. 3. 2. Neither yet is it to be supposed, that Hur was dead: for some mention then is like to have beene made of his death, being a principall governour, and of the peoples lamentation for him. 3. Therefore, although Hur may bee thought to have yeelded and consented to their motion, as well as Aaron, as not being a more holy man, than hee; yet because Aaron was the chiefe, and more prin∣cipall, he onely is mentioned, Tostat. qu. 3.

QUEST. X. Whether at this time the Israelites wanted the presence of the cloud.

FUrther, whereas they desire gods to bee made to goe before them: it will be here objected, that they had the presence of the cloud, which went before them; and they therefore needed not to have had any other guide. 1. Oleaster therefore thinketh that the cloud might at this time be taken out of their fight: but this opinion is briefely confuted before, quest. 4. the cloud did not leave them till they came into the land of Canaan, when the manna also ceased, Iosh. 5. 2. Some make the blinde curiositie of the people, the cause why they regarded not that ordinarie signe of Gods presence, but requested some figure and representation of God, answerable to their vanitie, Calvin. So also Chrysostom, Adhuc i••spicis,* 1.7 quod miraris, & oblitus es largitoris, Thou seest daily that which thou wonderest at, (namely, the manna, which fell every morning) and thou forgettest the giver. 3. But this also may bee joyned to the former reason, they had staied 40. dayes in a plat, and the cloud stirred not; they had continued as long in this place about mount Sinai, even fortie dayes, as they had beene in all the mansion places, since their com∣ming out of Egypt: and so they might doubt, that this cloud should be their direction no longer to go•• before them into the promised land, and therefore they desire another guide.

QUEST. XI. Why they say they knew not what was become of Moses.

Vers. 1. FOr of this Moses, &c. we know not what is become of him, &c. 1. R. Salom. thinketh, they sup∣posed he had beene dead, and that Satan had made such an apparision in the aire, as if they had indeed seene a coffin, as if Moses had beene dead, and his bodie put into it. But if they had conceived that Moses were dead, they would not have spoken so doubtfully, as not knowing what was befallen him, Lyranus. And beside, God would not have suffered Satan in the same place, where hee gave them signes of his glorious presence in the clouds, to have practised his cosening and counterfeit tricks. 2. They shew their contempt, not vouchsafing to call him by his name; Contemptim virum illum appellabant, &c. They in contempt call him the man, &c. Lippoman. 3. They also bewray their infidelitie, that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna, could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also fortie dayes, without any supplie of food from them, Simler. 4. They shew their oblivion and forgetfulnesse, that having seene Moses goe up into the mountaine, and entring into the thicke cloud, talking with God: they now begin to imagine, that he might be consumed, and devoured in those flames, Osiander. 5. This their apostasie, and falling away from God, and despising of his Prophet, did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ, Ferus.

QUEST. XII. Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings.

Vers. 2. THen Aaron said, plucke off the golden earings, &c. 1. Some thinke, because the people made great account of their jewels and earings, that Aaron by this meanes did thinke to have turned them from their purpose. So Augustine; Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse, ut isto modo ab illa intentione revocaret; He may be thought to have commanded them hard things,* 1.8 to revoke them from their intention, &c. So also Tostatus, Lyranus. 2. And Calvin further addeth, that he required this, lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle, to finde gold for this idoll; and he might thinke the people would have beene more hardly drawne unto it, because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle alreadie. But Calvin is herein deceived, for the Tabernacle was not yet made: Moses being not come downe from the mount, where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle. 3. Further, Aaron might thinke, that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels; and that there might have risen by this meanes, some tumults and stirres in their families, by which meanes this attempt should have beene stayed, Siml. Oleast. And this is very like, that Aaron used all meanes secretly to have put off the people: but herein was his great fault, that he dissembled in so weightie a matter, and did not plainly and openly stay the people.

QUEST. XIII. Whether Aarons sin here is to be excused.

SOme goe about to excuse, or extenuate Aarons offence here. 1. Bernard alleageth, that Aaron was forced thereunto: Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus; Hee gave

way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his owne minde. So also Theodoret, Vitulum formaré necessario coactus est; He was forced of necessitie to frame a calfe. And so he excuseth himselfe afterward by the peoples outrage, vers. 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to doe evill: he should have feared God, rather than man; and chosen to die, before he would see God dishonoured.

* 1.92. Ambrose saith, Ne{que} excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus, ne{que} condemnare audemus, We can nei∣ther excuse so great a Priest, nor yet dare condemne him. But seeing Moses did afterward sharply re∣prove him, and the Lord would for this have slaine him, Deut. 9. there is no question, but that he most grievously sinned.

3. Some alleage by way of excuse, that all Aarons courses tended to have sought delayes till Moses comming, in that he called for their earings, which he thought would have beene gathered with much trouble, and businesse, then he casteth them altogether, and melteth them, and then caused it to bee fashioned with a graving toole: after that he made an Altar, and deferred the solemnitie till the next day, Oleaster. But all this being granted, it is so farre from excusing Aaron, that perfidiosior est assensus, &c. his consent is so much the more treacherous, dissembling his conscience, when he saw idolatrie so groun∣ded, and rooted in the people, than if he had given a simple assent, Iun. in Analys.

4. Procopius saith, Quasi convitienda exprobrat, &c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them, and scoffingly say unto them, These are thy gods, &c. but neither were these the words of Aaron, the people so said; neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them, would have scoffed with them: wherefore that Aaron•• sinne was very grievous, and inexcusable, doth now follow to be shewed in the next question.

5. Theodoret addeth, Primo populi impetum verbis comp••scere tentavit, &c. That first he tried to paci∣fie the heat of the people with words. But this is not expressed in the text: it may be he would have disswaded them, but that he saw them so violently carried, that there was no speaking unto them.

QUEST. XIV. Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne.

AArons sin then is made manifest, & set forth by these circumstances. 1. In respect of his person, he had often conference with God, and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt: therefore his example was so much the more dangerous, and his fall the greater. 2. The thing that hee consented unto, was a breach of the first table: it was not theft or adulterie, or such like, but wicked ido∣latrie: for, Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt; Spirituall evils are more grievous, Ferus. 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit, signum est effoeminati & servilis animi; In that he taketh their earings with his owne hands, it was a signe of an effeminate, and servile minde, Calvin. 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissi∣mulation: when for feare hee against his owne conscience dissembled, and so betrayed the truth, Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth, that he sinned two wayes beside, in usurping a lawgivers office, which belonged un∣to Moses: and in bringing in new ripes, and worship which God had not commanded. But Aaron offen∣ded not in the first, because Moses had left him governour in his place till he returned: but in the latter his presumption was great. 6. Aarons fall also appeareth in this, that after he made a golden calfe, seeing it to be pleasing unto the people, he was so forward afterward, both in making an Altar, and proclaiming a solemnitie, Pelarg.

QUEST. XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall.

NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall. 1. Vt humiliaretur, that he might be humbled, lest hee might afterward have beene too much lifted up, being called to bee high Priest, Ferus. 2. By this example we doe see, Sanctissimos interdum faede labi, &c. that holy men may sometime grossely fall, Borrh. 3. This sheweth, that Aarons Priesthood was not perfect, nor able fully to reconcile men unto God, seeing he himselfe was a sinner, Marb. Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret? How should one captive deliver another, Ferus. Or one sinner make reconciliation for another? 4. And for this cause also, it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall, Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat, that no man should presume of his gifts or strength: but let him that standeth, (as the Apostle saith) take heed lest he fall, Ferus. 5. And by Aarons presumption, we see how dangerous a thing it is, to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant, Borrh.

QUEST. XVI. How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole.

Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole, and made thereof a molten calfe. 1. The word here transla∣ted a graving toole, is chereth, which is sometime taken for a bag or purse, as 2 King. 5.22. where it is said, that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags, & gave them to Gehezi: and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together, lest they might thinke he had conver∣ted any part thereof to his owne use, Cajetan: but the other word vajat••ar, he fashioned, is against this sense. 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny, style, or graving toole: and so some thinke, that Aa∣ron with this instrument did draw a patterne, making the proportion of a calfe, which the workmen should follow in their casting. So R. Salom. Osiand. Lyran. 3. Others thinke, that with this instrument Aa∣ron made a mould in clay, or such like matter, and the mettall cast into it received that forme, Tost. q. 10. Oleast. 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole, Vnum in formand•• typo, alterum in perpoliendo operefuso; One in making the mould, the other in polishing the worke after it was cast. 5. But I rather sub∣scribe to Gallasius, that thinketh here is an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a transposing of the words, putting the latter first: for the golden calfe was first cast and melted, and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole, as workmen use to doe.

6. This calfe was made by Founders worke: there are three wayes to make and frame things of met∣tall; either by hammering and beating them to some fashion; as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made; or by joyning the peeces and joints together, which are sunderly made; or by casting and melting it in a mould: and so was this golden calfe made, Tostat. qu. 10.

QUEST. XVII. Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made, rather than of any other thing.

Vers. 4. A Molten calfe. 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason, why the image of a calfe was made rather, than of any other thing: when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt, and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them, as they did, they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were, and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate, which flo∣ting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay: which plate, they say, was brought among other jewels to Aaron here, and cast into the fire, by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe. But here are many fables couched together. 1. It is a very tale, that Io∣sephs bones were found out by any such meanes. 2. The people onely brought their golden earings, there∣fore no such plate. 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate, if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse. 4. Neither was there any such cause, seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould, Opere fusario, by Founders worke, as the Latine translator readeth.

2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made, rather than any other, as ap••est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence: but though Aaron were at this present grosse∣ly blinded and deceived, yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologi∣call observations, as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into, by the celestiall constellations.

3. Some thinke, that Aaron caused a calfe to be made, to deride them, as Helias did Baals Priests, sup∣posing they would not be so absurd, as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe, Procopius. But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest, by that which followeth, in that he set up an Altar, and proclaimed an holy day.

4. It is further alleaged by some, that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold, thinking that the fire might consume it: but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike, and by the operation of the devill, caused the image of a calfe to come forth, Ex Fero. But it may appeare, vers. 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses, that he intended to make them an image, when he cast the met∣tall into the fire: and to what end else served the graving toole, but to fashion it? he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke.

5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made, because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chie∣fest: and thereby they thought the better to please God. But it is not like that they had any such pur∣pose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God, seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship.

6. It is therefore most like, that Aaron according to the desire of the people, made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis, which they had seene the Egyptians to worship: and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them, to have the image of a Calfe made, Lyran. Calvin. Simler. Gallas. Augu∣stine addeth further, that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe,* 1.10 which they worshipped. So the Interlin••••ry glosse giveth this reason: Quia bovem adoraverunt in Ae∣gypto; Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt. And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead, under the forme of a live bullocke, Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46.

QUEST. XVIII. Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them.

THen they said, These be thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee out of Egypt. 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron, and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt. But it is evident by the text that these were the acclama∣tions of the people.

2. Lyranus thinketh, that the people attribuebat idolo, did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance: and therefore for honour of this idoll, they speake in the plurall number, as men used to doe to great persons. But it is not like they were so mad, as to thinke, the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt, cum res esset inanimata, it being a thing without life, Ferus. And men use to speake for more honour sake in the plurall number, in the first and second person, not in the third: and though the pronoune or verbe be put in the plurall, yet the noune is not: as the use is to say, nos sumus Rex, we are the King, not Kings, as here in the plurall they say, These are thy gods, Tostat. The plurall therefore is taken here for the singular, according to the Hebrew phrase, as before is shewed, quest. 7.

3. Tostatus thinketh, that the people did not in so saying, consider so much of the golden Calfe, as of the divine vertue and power of the true God: quam latere putabant in illa vitulo aurea, which they imagined to be in that golden calfe. For they could not be ignorant, that the true God, the God of their fathers, brought them out of Egypt. And they knowing this, it is not to be thought, quòd totus populus vellet publi∣ce mentiri, that all the people would agree in a lye, Tostat. But what divine vertue could they imagine to be in the Calfe, which they saw to be made presently before their eyes of their earings?

4. Thoring in his replies, saith, the judgement of the people was so blinded, and swallowed up, Vt rem crederent penitus inanimatam esse Deum; That they thought a thing altogether without life to be God. So Rupertus; Veritatem quam cecinerant, dicentes, &c. The truth which they sung, saying, let us sing unto God, for he hath triumphed gloriously; In mendacium commutarunt, &c. They turned into a lye, saying, these are thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee out of Egypt. He thinketh that they tooke this very calfe to be the god, that delivered them.

But be it admitted that the people were so grosse, it cannot bee thought that Aaron could be so

grossely deceived. And where as Thoring objecteth that place, Psal. 106.20. They turned their glorie into the similitude of a calfe, &c. they forgate God their Saviour, which had done great things in Egypt, &c. hence it cannot bee gathered, that they had cast off all knowledge or memorie of God: for then Aaron that made the calfe should have fallen into the same oblivion. But they had forgotten their obedience, which should have beene yeelded to Gods commandement, as it is said before in the same place, vers. 13. when as yet they had not made the molten calfe, Moses being then with him, Incontinently they forgate his works, they waited not for his counsell. So Gregorie expoundeth the pulling off their earings, Vt inobedientia ipsorum ostenderet ad cultum idolorum esse perventum; To shew, that by their disobedience they fell to the worship of idols.

5. Therefore, in that they say, These are thy gods, they have relation unto God himselfe, In cujus ho∣norem extruxerunt vitulum; In honour of whom they set up the calfe, Ferus. They give the name of the thing signified to the signe: as if they should have said, Hoc Dei illius signum est, &c. This image is a signe of that God which brought us out of Egypt, Marbach. They thought that Gods honour was here∣by more set forth, Quia sub externa imagine ipsum colerent; because they did worship him in an outward image, Calvin. He that giveth any honour unto this image, prastat gratissimum cultum Deo illi, &c. doth yeeld acceptable service unto that God, which brought us out of Egypt, Osiander.

And that the Israelites in the golden calfe had respect unto God, unto whose honour they made it, may further be declared by these reasons: 1. Because the Gentiles themselves had not that imagination of their images, to thinke them the very gods, but onely representations of them; their gods they held to be in heaven. 2. To call the images of God, Elohim, gods, by a certaine metonymie, was usuall among idolaters, as Laban calleth his images, Elohim, gods, Gen. 31.30. Gallas. 3. Non probabile est tam crass••s fuisse, &c. It is not probable they were so grosse, to thinke a new god could bee made, Calvin. Or to thinke the calfe delivered them, being a thing without life, Ferus. 4. And that Aaron saith to morrow shall bee an holy day to Iehovah, Cognitus est Deus hic, &c. It is evident that God was knowne unto them, that made the molten calfe, Borrh.

QUEST. XIX. Why Aaron proceeded to build an Altar before the golden calfe.

Vers. 5. WHen Aaron saw that, he made an Altar, &c. 1. R. Salomon, whom Paulus Burgensis fol∣loweth, who had beene sometime a Jew himselfe, hath here this assertion: that as soone as the calfe was made, it went alone, and therefore Aaron seeing such a great wonder, did make an Altar for the honour of this calfe; to this purpose they alleage that text, Psal. 106.20. They turned their glory into the similitude of a calfe that eateth hay, that is, of a living calfe. Contra. 1. This text is flat against them, that this calfe was made onely in the similitude of a calfe that eateth hay, not that it did eat hay, or exercise any other worke of life, but it was made like unto it, Thoring. 2. And this golden calfe wanting joynts and sinewes, instruments of motion, and chaps and jawes, which are the meanes of feeding, could not goe, nor feed of it selfe: it might have beene moved, and carried by some spirit, but of it selfe it could not bee made to walke. 3. And if Aaron should have set up an Altar to this calfe, as thinking any divine vertue to be in it, he should have consented to most abominable idolatrie, Tostat. 4. And whereas they wrest those words of Aaron, vers. 24. Thereout ran this calfe, as though it came walking out of it selfe: the meaning is, Egressus fuit operefusorie; It came forth by the melting, and casting of the workman.

2. Yet it is not to be thought, that Aaron was so forward, as of himselfe to please the people yet more, to build an Altar before the idoll, as Simlerus thinketh, and Cajetan is in the same opinion, Aaron prima∣tum nolens perd••re, aedificat altare coram vitulo, non expectans rogari; Aaron because he was loth that any should be before him, doth build an Altar, not staying to be intreated, &c. For if Aaron had beene thus willing, he could not have so excused himselfe afterward, by the violence of the people: which he saith, were set on mischiefe, vers. 22.

3. Nor yet did Aaron of himselfe make an Altar, Vt tempus tereret, to spend time, that he might have put off his businesse till Moses comming, Ex Fero. For then, what pretence soever he had, he should have given them occasion of greater idolatrie, as it followeth afterward.

4. But the truth is, that Aaron made this Altar, not onely being thereunto, rogatus, asked of the peo∣ple, Osiander. but impulsus, compelled, Marbach. For now they have an idoll, they must have an Altar, and sacrifices, and an holy day, and all things belonging to this superstitious service, Gallas. So also Calvin, Cum videt populum fic furere, when he saw the people so madly bent, &c. or when he saw that they would kill him, Nisi Altare construeret; unlesse he would build an Altar: then he proceeded, Tostat. qu. 12.

QUEST. XX. How Aaron proclaimed an holy day unto the Lord.

Vers. 5. TO morrow is the holy day of the Lord. 1. Some thinke that Aaron of purpose did put off this solemnitie to the next day: Quia sperabat Mosem rediturum, &c. because hee hoped Moses would returne before the next day, Vatablus, Tostat. But Cajetans opinion is here more probable, that noteth great forwardnesse in Aaron to keepe this solemnitie (the people no doubt urging and in a man∣ner forcing him:) Non poterat festum citius indici; The feast could not be sooner appointed, than against the next day. So by this it rather may be gathered, that Aaron to satisfie the peoples desire, when he saw they would not be gainsaid, proclaimed this solemnitie upon a very short warning.

2. But Cajetans opinion in the rest is very harsh, that Aaron was herein more besotted than the peo∣ple: for whereas the people gave but the common name, Elohim, to the idoll; Ipse ineffabile & incommu∣nicabile nomen attribuit; He attributeth unto it, that incommunicable name, not to be uttered, &c. hee meaneth Iehovah: and that, Nullo instigante; none pricking him forward, Et voce publica; and with publike proclamation.

Contra. Aaron was not so prophane and irreligious, as to ascribe the name Iehovah unto an idoll: but he would seeme to doe all this for the honour of God, Ill•• culium hunc institutum indicat; He sheweth that this solemne worship was instituted for God, Simler. Gallas. Osiand. Calvin. Like as Micah having made him images, and gotten a Levite into his house, thought that God was thereby well pleased, and would surely blesse him, Iud. 17. And with the like superstitious devotion, they sacrificed unto God af∣terward in high places, thinking that service to be acceptable unto God: as here Aaron would seeme to celebrate this solemnitie unto the Lord, Ferus.

QUEST. XXI. Of the sacrifices, who, and what was offered upon the Altar that Aaron made.

Vers. 6. SO they rose up the next morning, and offered burnt offerings, &c. 1. Here their diligence is ob∣served, that earely in the morning rose up to keepe this idolatrous and impious solemnitie, Simler. Cajetan. 2. And whereas the Priests of the Levites were not yet consecrated to the Priesthood: it is like, that according to the ancient custome, the first borne offered sacrifices, as it is observed, c. 24. how Moses sent certaine young men of the children of Israel to sacrifice. 3. And though as yet the lawes and ordinances were not delivered them concerning sacrifices, yet herein they followed the ancient pra∣ctice continued among Gods people, in offering sacrifices, and that of cleane beasts: for that distinction of cleane and uncleane beasts, was of old time observed, even before the floud, as is evident, Genes. 7. 4. They offer but two kinde of sacrifices, burnt offerings, which were wholly consumed upon the Altar, and peace offerings, part whereof they did eat which brought the sacrifices, and therewith the people did feast now: sin offerings they brought none, because they had not seene Moses hitherto to have of∣fered any sacrifice for sin, but onely of the two former kinds. And the people did flatter themselves, that herein they did well, and were farre off from acknowledging their sinne: and therefore thought not of any sin offering, Tostat. qu. 16.

QUEST. XXII. What is meant, in that it is said, They rose to play.

Vers. 6. THe people sate downe to eat and drinke, and rose up to play. 1. Whereas this word tzachak to play, signifieth foure things, either play and sport, as children use to play, as Ismael did with Isaak. Gen. 21. or to dally as man and wife, as Izhak sported with Rebekah, Gen. 26. or to fight, as Abner spake to Ioab, that the young men might play together, in which sword play the one killed another, 2 Sam. 2. or to commit idolatrie: Here R. Salomon, whom Tostatus followeth, doth thinke it to bee ta∣ken in the last sense: as the Apostle seemeth also to affirme, 1 Cor. 10.7. Neither be yee idolaters, as were some of them, as it is written, they sate downe to eat and drinke, and rose up to play. But this their wanton and lascivious playing, was a fruit rather and effect of their idolatrie: they first had committed idolatrie, in offering sacrifices before the golden calfe: then, Ex idololatria ad gulam prorumpunt, ex gula in lasciviam; From idolatrie they fall to gluttony, from gluttony to wantonnesse. And the Apostle doth not conclude their idolatrie out of that word: but Ludos illos inter idololatrica sacra recenset; Rehearseth their play among the ceremonies and rites of idolatrie, Osiander. They were idolaters, because they did all these things in honour of that idoll.

2. By their playing therefore properly is understood, their dancing, singing, and leaping before the golden calfe, as appeareth by the noise, which was described by Moses, and Iosua, before they came at the campe, Iun. Tostat. Simler. Thus the people turned all upside downe: their earings and jewels, which God had given them from the Egyptians, they bestow upon an idoll: with the same feet wherewith they walked thorow the red sea, they dance before the golden calfe; and with the same mouth wherewith they sung praises unto God, after the destruction of the Egyptians in the red sea, they now sing unto the idoll.

3. But although by play is chiefely meant here, the mirth and melodie which they made; yet they by all likelyhood fell into a further degree of wantonnesse, and lascivious behaviour; as when Israel joyned themselves to Baal peor, they did not onely commit spirituall fornication in bowing unto their gods, but defiled their bodies also with the daughters of Midian. Such were the sacrifices of the Gentiles set forth with obscene spectacles: in their sacrifices called floralia, the harlots were brought forth naked upon the stage, Simler. So Procopius: Immunditia conspicitur in idololatrarum solemnitatibus; Uncleannesse and fil∣thinesse is seene in the solemnities of idolaters.

4. Where it is said, they did eat and drinke, Calvin saith, Inscitè multi ad crapulam torquent; Many unskilfully doe wrest it, to shew their riot and excesse, and thinketh thereby onely to bee signified simplie, that they feasted. But I rather here approve Simlerus judgement, Credo hoc convivium immo∣destum fuisse & intemperans, &c. I beleeve rather that this feast was immodest and intemperate. And so Ambrose expoundeth it, Nemo se luxui committit, nisi qui recedit à praeceptis Dei; No man giveth him∣selfe over to riot, but he which departeth from the precepts of God: and then he alleageth this place.* 1.11

QUEST. XXIII. Whether this sin of Aaron and the Israelites can any way be excused.

BUt now, all this fact of Aaron and the Israelites, in making a golden calfe, sacrificing, and dancing before it, some goe about to excuse. 1. There are, which doe thus qualifie the first petition of the people, Make us gods, that because the word Elohim, gods, is applied to Magistrates and great men, as well as unto gods: they say their meaning was, to desire onely some guide, and governour to bee given them in Moses place. But this cannot be so, for these reasons: 1. Aaron could not make them a man to be a governour or guide, but by generation; which could not have beene done, but in continuance of time: 2. And if that had been their request, to what purpose should Aaron have demanded their earings? 3. And the golden calfe being made and set up, why did they worship and dance before it, if it were not their meaning to have such an one made? Tostat. qu. 10.

2. Quidam ajunt hostiam non esse mactatam in honorem vituli, &c. Some thinke, that the sacrifice was not slaine for the honour of the golden Calfe, but to be an expiation of their sinne, Ex Proc••p. But the contrary appeareth, vers. 8. the Lord himselfe saith, they offered unto it: and if they had sorrowed for their sinne, they would not have leaped and danced as they did.

3. Some Hebrewes say further, that Aaron and the Israelites intended not to worship the Calfe, but did keep that solemnity unto Iehovah, as Aaron caused to be proclaimed: God was offended with them, because they offered sacrifices, being not commanded to doe it, &c.

Contra. 1. Though they had not worshipped the golden Calfe, yet it was a great impiety in them, to cause it to be made with any such intent, to be a scandall and offence. 2. They sinned concerning the Calfe, in singing praises unto it, and in sacrificing unto it: saying, These are thy gods, &c. And the Lord himselfe saith, They offered unto it, vers. 8. 3. And Moses himselfe calleth the calfe, their sinne, and stamped it to powder, Deut. 9.21. and made them drinke thereof: all which sheweth, that they sinned concerning the Calfe, Tostatus qu. 14.

QUEST. XXIV. Of the lawfulnesse of play and recreation, and how it must be moderated.

Vers. 6. THey rose up to play. By occasion of this word, here it shall not be amisse to insert somewhat concerning play, recreation and delight, how farre it may be lawfull. 1. Like as the body be∣ing wearied with labour, had need of some rest, so the minde being with much study and contemplation dulled, requireth some refreshing: quies anim•• est delectatio, the rest of the minde is recreation and de∣light; as it is reported of Iohn the Evangelist (as Thom. Aquin. writeth) that certaine were offended, seeing him playing with some of his disciples: then he bad one of them draw a bow and shoot an arrow, and af∣ter that another asking him, if he could doe so continually: they answered, No, for then the bow would breake: So, saith he, would the minde of man be broken, Si nunquam ab intentione sua relaxaretur; If it should never have intermission from serious studie.

2. But here three things specially must bee observed, concerning the moderation of delights and re∣creation: 1. This delight must not be, in operationibus, vel verbis turpibus; in unseemlie and uncleane words, or actions, for that were obscene scurrilitie. 2. We must have a care, that the minde be not whol∣ly given over to sport, and delight, as Ambrose saith, Caveamus, ne dum animum relaxare volumus, sol∣vamus omnem harmoniam, tanquam concentum honorum operum; Let us take heed, lest while we would recreate the minde, wee doe not dissolve the harmonie, and concent of profitable works. 3. It must be carefully seene unto, that our recreation, congruat tempori, personae, & loco, doe agree unto the time, per∣son, and place.

3. Whereas then Chrysostom saith, Non dat Deus ludere, sed diabolus; God is not the giver and author of play, but the devill; and thereupon he alleageth this text, They sate downe to eat and drinke, and rose up to play: He must be understood to speake of those, qui inordinatè ludis utuntur; which use playes in∣ordinately: which abuse and excesse consisteth in two things: 1. Ex ipsa specie actionum, &c. In the very kinde of actions, wherein the delight consisteth, if they be illiberall, obscene, and uncomely. 2. Secundùm defectum debitarum circumstantiarum;* 1.12 If there be a defect in the due circumstances of time, person, or place, Sic Thomas.

QUEST. XXV. Why the Lord biddeth Moses get him downe.

Vers. 7. THen the Lord said to Moses, Go get thee downe. 1. Cajetan thinketh, that Moses having re∣ceived the tables of the law, and the Lord having left talking with him, that Moses was now going downe. But it is not like, that Moses would have departed before the Lord spake unto him, to bid him goe. The Lord had ended all his former communication, Sed nondum dicitur discessisse à collo∣quio Dei; but hee was not yet departed from the presence and speech of God, Simler. 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh that this is to be understood of the great dishonour, which Moses sustained by the disobedience of the people, as if the Lord should have said, Descende de honore; Descend from thine honour. But it is evident, in that Moses presently upon these words came downe from the mount, that the Lord spake of his locall descending. 3. Tostatus giveth this reason, why he is bid to descend: because it was not ne∣cessarie, that Moses now should stay any longer, to receive lawes and precepts for the people: for they should be given in vaine to such a disobedient people. But the Lord even at this instant had given Moses the tables of the law; therefore that was not the reason. 4. But he is willed to goe downe quickly, Vt effraenem populi licentiam cohiberet; That he might stay the unbridled licentiousnesse of the people, and to chastise them for their disobedience, Gallas. He sendeth him downe, Ad puniendum corum peccatum, &c. to punish their sinne, Lyran. Ferus.

QUEST. XXVI. Why the Lord saith to Moses, Thy people.

Vers. 7. FOr thy people, which thou hast brought, &c. 1. Some doe expound it thus, Tuus, cognitione carnis, vel affectu sollicitudinis; Thy people, in respect of the kindred of the flesh, or loving care, Interlinear. But more is thereby signified. 2. Some thinke by this which is added (thy people) Mosem quodammodo vocari in partem criminis, &c. That Moses here after a sort is brought into the crime to trie his patience, Calvin. He saith, (thy people) ad cumulum criminis, ut etiam ipsum Mosem peccasse signi∣ficetur; To accumulate the crime, thereby to signifie, that Moses in a manner had sinned in them, Caje∣tan. But Moses could no way be touched with their sinne, being not at all accessarie unto it.

3. The most doe make this collection; that God, who, while they were obedient, vouchsafed to call them his people: now doth renounce them, calling them, not my people, but thy people: Quia me peccando deseruit; Because they have forsaken me by their sinne: as the Angell Gabriel saith unto Daniel, thy peo∣ple, in the same sense, Seventie weeks are determined upon thy people, to finish their wickednesse, Dan. 9.24.

Hierom, Dum sancte vivimus Domini sumu••, cùm peccamus nostri sum••••; While we live well,* 1.13 we are the Lords, but when we sinne, we are our owne, Lippom. Pellican. So also, Osiander, Simlerus, Ferus. Though Calvin mislike this sense, yet it is warranted by that place, Deut. 32.5. They have corrupted themselves, not being his children, Iunius.

4. And beside, the Lord in this speaking doth tax their ingratitude: thy people, whom thou hast wrought all these wonders for, and done so much for, they have corrupted themselves, Pelarg.

5. And in that the Lord doth attribute unto Moses their deliverance, which was wrought by his owne hand, and calleth them his people: this he doth, to make Moses more carefull for the reformati∣on of the people, Vt ipse videns omnia sibi ••ncumbere, tanquam suos diligent••r castiget; That he seeing all to lie upon him, should diligently chastise them, and see unto them as his owne, Tostat. Gallas.

QUEST. XXVII. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of the Israelites, as the Lord himselfe describeth it.

Vers. 7. HAth corrupted their wayes, &c. 1. That is, of themselves, being not seduced by others, but of their owne corrupt inclination, they have committed this great iniquitie, Simler. 2. Like as a wife corrupteth her selfe by adulterie, so had they falsified their faith toward God, by their spirituall fornication, Oleaster. 3. They were soone turned out of the way, there were not fully six weeks passed since the law was delivered, Ferus, Simler. 4. And from the way which God commanded them, with thun∣der and lightning, and some of those terrible signes remained still in their sight: as the thicke cloud in the top of mount Sinai, into the which Moses was entred to speake with God, Simler. 5. Then followeth the particular description of their sinne: 1. They had transgressed directly against the first and second Commandement, in making a molten image, Ferus. 2. And the same an image of a brute beast, being more brutish and without understanding themselves, Simlerus. 3. They had not onely made it, but wor∣shipped it: 4. Yea offered sacrifices unto it, Tostat. 5. And more than that, Beneficium meum idolo im∣putarunt; They have ascribed my benefit of their deliverance to an idoll, Interlinear. 6. Obtulerunt vi∣tulo, quae ipsis dederat; They offered toward the calfe, the things which he had given them, their jewels and earings, which they received of the Egyptians, the Lord having so moved their hearts, Ferus. 7. And to make up the measure of their sinne; the Lord saith, they were a stiffnecked people, intractable, and in∣corrigible, Simler.

QUEST. XXVIII. Why they are called a people of a stiffe-necke.

Vers. 9. I Have seene this people, and behold it is a stiffe-necked people. 1. Deus loquitur more humane, &c. God speaketh here according to the manner and phrase of men; for we doe not upon one fault condemne a man of stubbornnesse: but after we have had sufficient experience, and see there is no amend∣ment, then wee will pronounce him contumacious and stubborne. So the Lord in respect of his owne knowledge, knew in the beginning what this people was, Per suam cognitionem simplicem & aternam uni∣•••• intuitu omnia comprehendit, &c. By his everlasting knowledge, at once he comprehendeth all things. But in respect of us now, he saith, after he had had experience of this peoples perversenesse, who had di∣vers times before murmured against him, and tempted him, and now they had proceeded from evill to worse, he now at the length pronounceth them to be a stiffe-necked people, Tostat. qu. 16.

2. Some thinke this similitude is taken from them, that make haste in running, and will not turne their necke, to heare or regard those that call them backe, Tostat. But allusion is rather made here unto stub∣borne bullocks, not used to the yoke, which will not yeeld their necke unto the coller. So this people re∣fused the Lords yoke of obedience, Simlerus, Borrhaius, Iunius.

3. And hereby is signified, not onely their intractable nature, that they were a stiffe-necked people, Non recipiens correctionem; not receiving any correction, or shewing any hope of amendment: but this is a preamble to their punishment, Vbi talis est durities, non superest ven•••• locus; Where such hardnesse and obstinacie is, there is no place for pardon, Calvin. There is nothing remaining, Qu••m ut extrema internecione deleatur, than that they be utterly destroyed, Gallas.

QUEST. XXIX. Why the Lord did not prevent the sin of the people at the first.

BUt it will here be demanded, seeing the Lord might have kept the people from sinning, why he did it not. 1. The Lord thought it good in his wisdome to leave this people a little to themselves, and not to call them backe at the first: 1. Quia non ita conspicua esset eorum nequitia, &c. Because their wickednesse should not have so fully appeared, Gallasius. 2. And if they had presently recovered them∣selves, De justitia sua praesumpsissent; They might have presumed of their owne righteousnesse: and there∣fore God suffereth them to fall, that they might thereby be humbled, and learne to know themselves, Marbach. 3. And God herein also, Tentat fidem Mosis, doth trie the faith of Moses, who having received the tables, might perswade himselfe, that all was now in good case: and suddenly in his greatest joy, hee hath a pull backe, hearing of this grievous sinne of the people, Calvin, Marbach. 4. And God suffered it so to be, that Moses hereby might interpose himselfe, as a mediator betweene God and his people; Vt imitaretur Chrystum, to imitate Christ, (and to be a perfect type and figure of him) who hath dissolved the wrath of God hanging over our sinnes, Proc••pius.

2. But whereas God sometime winketh at mens sins, and suffereth them to goe on, till their wicked∣nesse be at the full, and then punisheth them: herein Gods mercie appeareth, Qui tempestive occurrit exitio populi, &c. which in time preventeth the destruction and ruine of the people, Gallas.

QUEST. XXX. Why and in what sense the Lord saith to Moses, Let me alone.

Vers. 10. NOw therefore let me alone, that my wrath may wax hot, &c. 1. Which the Lord so speaketh, not, Ac si libere non posset exequi vindictam suam, &c. As though he could not freely take revenge, unlesse Moses gave him leave: but the Lord by this manner of speech sheweth, quanti astimet

servum, &c. how much he esteemeth his servant, ascribing so much to his prayers, as though they were a let and hinderance unto him, Calvin. 2. Some thinke, that the Lord by this speech should discourage Moses from praying; because their sinne was so great, as the Lord forbiddeth Ieremie to pray for the people, Ier. 7.16. 3. But the Lord rather hereby sheweth, that hee remembreth his mercie in judgement, signifying, se posse teneri, that he could be stayed, Ferus. 4. Yea hereby he incourageth Moses rather to pray for the people: like as a father being angrie, and making as though he would smite his son, saith to one standing by, Ne retineas me à percussione; Hold me not from smiting, meaning the contrarie, that he would have him interpose himselfe, and mediate for his sonne, Lyran. Tostat. Mosen hortatur, ne cunctotur precari &c. He exhorteth Moses not to deferre to pray for the people, Procopius. Because he otherwise might have beene afraid to have prayed, considering the greatnesse of their sinne. So also to the same purpose Gregorie,* 1.14 Quid est serv•• dicere, dimitte me, nisi deprecandi ausum prabere? What is it for the Lord to say unto his servant, Let me alone, but to make him bold to pray? But indeed, Non his verbis man∣dat, &c. God doth not command Moses to pray in these words directly, but sheweth what it was that would stay him from punishing, Iunius. 5. And now the Lord was contented to accept of Moses prayers, because he was not in his secret counsell appointed to destroy them. But the same Moses, who at this time appeased the wrath of God toward the people, could not pacifie him concerning himselfe, when he pro∣voked God at the waters of strife: because prayer then will not serve the turne, Cum semel Deus aliquid ab intimis irascendo disponit, When once God being throughly provoked, hath determined to doe a thing, Gloss. ordinar. Ex Gregor.

QUEST. XXX. Whether the Lord changed his minde, in saying, I will destroy them, and yet destroyed them not.

Vers. 10. FOr I will consume them. Yet God consumed them not. 1. Not that there is any mutabilitie or changing in God; as though afterward he saw which he did not before: for these com∣minations, Secundùm hypothesin accipienda sunt; are to be taken conditionally: and sometime the con∣dition is expressed, sometime it is understood: as the Lord suspendeth the execution of his judge••ents, either upon mens repentance, or being intreated by the prayers of his servants: Et propter Mediatorem veniam dat; But most of all he giveth pardon for the Mediators sake, Simler.

2. And thus the Lord threatneth, yet stayeth his hand, Quia necessarium est nosse nos, benignitatis, qua in Deo,* 1.15 eminentiam, & quanta vis orationum sanctorum; Because it is necessarie for us to know, the exceeding great loving kindnesse which is in God, and what force there is in the prayers of the Saints, Cyrill.

3. And further, this was not, the will of God to destroy them, that will of God, qua vocatur benepla∣citi; which is called the will of Gods good pleasure, because this is alwaies fulfilled: but it was, volun∣ta•• signi, his signified, or revealed will, according to the which he shewed, that they had deserved to bee destroyed. But in his secret will he had ordained, that Moses should pray for them, and that hee would be intreated by his prayer, Tostat. qu. 16.

QUEST. XXXI. How the Lord promiseth to make a great nation of Moses.

Vers. 10. I Will make of thee a mightie people. 1. Some thinke that God indeed did performe this promise to Moses: for now the Christian world, which farre exceedeth the people of Israel, Mosi ob∣temperat, obeyeth Moses, Rupertus. Ferus. So also Gloss. interlinear. by this mightie people understan∣deth, Generationem sanctorum; The Generation of the Saints. But that which the Lord promiseth here to Moses was conditionall, that if he at that time destroyed the people, he would make a great nation of Moses seeing the first was not done, neither did he performe the second.

2. Bernard saith, Ego hoc munus puto servatum spons••; I thinke this gift (to become a great nation) to be reserved for the spouse, the Church now dispersed over all the world. But this upon the former rea∣son is not the meaning.

3. Tostatus thinketh the meaning to be this, that, Deus proponeret cum in ducem genti magna; God would set him over a great nation; not that a great nation should come of him. So also Vatablus, Lippom. Tostatus reasons are these: 1. Because, if the Lord should promise to increase Moses to a great nation, he should have no great comfort by it, seeing he was old, and could not see many generations. 2. Where∣as the Lord saith in the like words, Numb. 14.13. I will make thee a nation mightier than they: there is comparison made betweene the nation, which should come of Moses, and the nation of the Israelites: but the seed of Moses could not be distinguished from the seed of the Israelites: for he also was of Israel. 3. And the Lord promiseth Moses a recompence: Ne grave ei sit tam nobilem principatum amittere; Lest it should be grievous unto him to lose such a noble principalitie and government, Calvin. But if his poste∣ritie onely had beene multiplied, there should have beene no recompence made for that losse.

Contra. 1. Moses expected not, neither desired any greatnesse in the world, but onely the fulfilling of Gods promise toward Abraham, Isaak, and Iacob: and therefore though Moses had not presently seene this promise effected in his time, yet hee might have comforted himselfe, as Abraham did, in the very propounding and making of so gracious a promise, by faith relying upon God for the fulfilling thereof. 2. Moses posteritie might have beene as well compared with Israel, as Iacob and Esaus ofspring are; of whom the Lord saith, one people shall be mightier than another, Gen. 25.23. and as it is said, Ephraim shall be a greater people, than Manasseh, Gen. 28.28. 3. Moses, that wished himselfe for Israels sake to be raced out of the booke of life, expected no compensation of his principalitie, if it had seemed so good vnto God, to destroy Israel.

4. Therefore the meaning is, that God would so increase and multiplie Moses posteritie, as that he

should grow into a great nation: 1. Because in the same sense the Lord saith to Abraham: Faciam te in gentem magnam, Genes. 12.2. I will make of thee a great nation, Gallas. Oleast. 2. And the Lord saith in effect, Inte praestiturus, quae majoribus promisi. I will performe in thee, that which I promised to the fa∣thers. But if in the other sense the Lord should onely have set him over a great nation; then had not Gods promise to Abraham beene performed, Borrhaius.

QUEST. XXXII. Of Moses prayer in generall, and the manner thereof.

Vers. 11. THen Moses prayed, &c. why doth thy wrath wax hot against thy people?

1. Although the Lord seemed unto Moses to be purposed to destroy the people: yet Mo∣ses in praying doth not oppose himselfe to Gods will: for his prayer, Dei promissione nititur, was groun∣ded upon Gods promise made unto the fathers: this therefore shewed a singular faith in Moses, that gi∣veth not over, no not when, verbum Dei inter se committitur, the word of God seemeth to fight with it selfe. But as Abraham in the like temptation, when Gods former promise, and his present commande∣ment seemed to bee contrarie, yet shewed his obedience, not doubting of the truth of Gods promise: So Moses relieth upon the same ground and foundation of Gods promise; though the Lord seemed for the present to be otherwise minded, Simler.

2. He prayeth therefore, first, directus spiritu, being guided by Gods Spirit so to doe, Gallas. and God moved Moses to pray two wayes; primò interius incitando, first by stirring him inwardly to pray: then, movebatur exterius verbis Dei, outwardly he was moved by Gods words, though not directly, Tostatus: for the Lord in saying, Let me alone, as he did not directly bid him pray, so secretly thereby he did insinate, that by prayer his judgement might be staied, Iunius.

3. Moses prayeth with a vehement interrogation, Why doth thy wrath wax hot? which is not an ex∣postulating with Gods justice, but rather, admonentis de benignitate, of one admonishing God of his cle∣mencie and gracious promise, Borrhaius. Neither doth Moses thus speake, why, &c. as though God had no cause to bee angrie: for it was well knowne to Moses, that God had but too just cause at this time against his people: but though God had just cause, his meaning is, Non debere irasci, quia redundaret in ipsius dedecus, That he ought not now to be angrie, because it would redound to Gods dishonour, Tostat.

4. Further it is said, that Moses intreated the face of God; as the Hebrew phrase is: whereby is signi∣fied the earnestnesse of Moses in his prayer; Et magnamentis elevatio us{que} ad faciem Dei, And the great elevation of his minde, even unto Gods face and presence. And in that it is said, Elohai, to his God, whom he calleth also Iehovah, Magna describitur fiducia orantis; Hereby is shewed the great confidence of Moses in his prayer, Cajetan.

5. And whereas Moses regardeth not the personall promise made to him, that the Lord would make a great nation of him: therein he sheweth his great charitie and love to his people; as Chrysostom well no∣teth, Ne id audire sustinuit; He endured not to heare any such thing; Sed potius una cum his,* 1.16 qui sibi cre∣diti erant, perire, quàm sine illis salvus esse, & ad majorem dignitatem assumi, praetulit; But rather chose to perish together with those which were committed to his trust, than without them to bee advanced to greater honour.

QUEST. XXXIII. How the Lord is said to be angrie.

WHy doth thy wrath wax hot? God is not subject to wrath and anger, and other humane passions, as man is. But he is said to be angrie, when he taketh revenge of sinners. 1. Vltio divina furor vel ira dicitur; The divine revenge is called rage or anger, Hierom. And this is spoken to our understan∣ding, and after the manner of men, Quia homines non puniunt, nisi irati; Because men use not to punish, but when they are angrie: therefore God is said to be angrie when he punisheth, because he so seemeth to be unto us, Tostat. qu. 16. 2. Another reason, why God is said to be angrie, is in respect of us: Quod nos, qui delinquimus, nisi irascentem audicrimus, Dominum non timeamus; Because we, when we sinne,* 1.17 unlesse wee heare that God is angrie, will not feare and stand in awe of him. 3. Againe, God is said to be angrie, for the more ample commendation and setting forth of his mercie: Facillimus enim ad deponendam iram; For he is most readie to lay aside his anger: not like unto earthly Princes,* 1.18 that being angrie will admit no reconciliation, Cyril. This therefore doth more set forth the mercie and clemencie of God, that being as it were inflamed with anger, is so soone turned unto mercie, as in this place, his anger is mitigated by the prayer of Moses.

QUEST. XXXIV. Of the reasons, which Moses useth in his prayer.

AGainst thy people, &c. Moses useth divers forcible and effectuall reasons to perswade the Lord, in this his earnest and zealous prayer. 1. Non excusat peccatum, &c. He doth not excuse their sinne, but acknowledgeth and confesseth it, Ferus. 2. His second reason is, à pecul••o & haereditate, from the peculiar inheritance of God: he calleth them, thy people. Pelarg. Occurrit sermoni Domini & piè corrigit, &c. He doth as it were correct the Lords speech in a pious and dutifull manner: the Lord had called them Moses people; but Moses returneth that speech unto the Lord, and calleth them his people, Lippom. Not there∣in contradicting the Lord, but relying upon his promise. 3. From the memorie of Gods benefits, (which thou hast brought out of the land of Egypt) all which should have beene in vaine, if the Lord would now destroy his people, Pelarg. Iun. 4. From the inconvenience that would ensue, that while he thought to take revenge upon his enemies, saviret in se, he should in a manner rage against himselfe; the hurt would redound unto God, his name would thereby bee blasphemed, Oleaster. So, praetendit gloriam Dei, hee pretendeth the glory of God, which was like to bee obscured, and hindered by this meanes; for the Egyptians would take occasion hereby to blaspheme, and to accuse the Lord of malice against his peo∣ple, and of weaknesse and impotencie, Iunius, Pelarg. This argument is most forcible, and therefore

our blessed Saviour teacheth us to pray, Hallowed be thy name, Ferus. 5. Lastly, he putteth God in minde of his promises made to Abraham, Izaak, and Iacob, which promise the Lord bound with an oath: and two things the Lord promised, the multiplying of their seed, and the inheritance of Canaan. And so Moses saith in effect, if thou change in these things, Nemo tibi amplius credet, No man will give credit unto thee hereafter, Ferus.

QUEST. XXXV. Why the Egyptians were more like thus to object, than any other nation.

Vers. 12. WHerefore shall the Egyptians speake, &c. 1. Other nations likewise might so object, as the Amalekites, Moabites, Edomites, Canaanites, which were all enemies unto Israel, and were afraid of them, as Moses saith in his song of thanksgiving, chap. 15.15. Then the Dukes of Edom shall be amazed, and trembling shall come upon the great men of Moab, all the inhabitants of Canaan shall wax faint-hearted: and therefore they would have rejoyced likewise in the destruction of Israel. 2. But instance is specially given of the Egyptians in this place (and yet Numb. 14.14. both the Egyptians, and other the inhabitants of Canaan, are brought in thus speaking) for these causes: 1. Because they had en∣dured more for oppressing the Israelites, than any other nation: even those ten grievous plagues sent up∣on Egypt. 2. They had lost more than any other people, in a manner halfe their substance, when they gave unto the Israelites at their departure jewels of gold, and silver: 3. They for Israels cause were over∣throwne and drowned in the red sea. Therefore they had a greater spite at Israel, than ot••er nations, and would have beene most readie thus to have objected, Tostat. qu. 17.

QUEST. XXXVI. In what sense the Egyptians would say, The Lord brought them out to slay them.

Vers. 12. HE hath brought them out maliciously, or, of an evill minde; Iun. Or, for a mischiefe (rather,) Vatab. Oleast. To slay them in the mountaines. 1. Not because the Egyptians might imagine, that God could not slay them in Egypt, the constellations of heaven, and aspects of the planets hindring the destruction of the Hebrewes there, and serving fitly in the wildernesse and mountaines: for, seeing no such constellation could hinder the servitude of the Israelites, but that the Egyptians most cruelly op∣pressed them; much lesse could it prevent Gods judgements. And if the constellation had beene against the Hebrewes, after they were come out of Egypt into the desert: how came it to passe, that the red sea gave way unto them, the Egyptians there were drowned, Manna from heaven was given, and water out of the rocke? all these things were for Israel in the desert, and against the Egyptians, Tostat. quast. 18. 2. Neither doe the Egyptians so say, because some of their Astrologers, by calculating the time of the Hebrewes departure (as some Hebrewes affirme) did prognosticate, because they went, malo sydere, in an evill signe, that much bloud should be shed in Israel, and that many of them should die in the wildernesse: and therefore when Ioshua had circumcised the Israelites in Gilgal, the Lord said he had taken away the shame of Egypt, Iosh. 5.9. because that which the Egyptians had foretold was now turned, ad sanctitatem, non opprobrium, not to their shame, but their holinesse, and honour. Contra. 1. By shame is there meant no such thing, but onely that their uncircumcision was then taken away, which is called the shame of Egypt; because therein they were like unto the uncircumcised Philistim••. 2. And if it had beene spoken in any such sense, this had beene to confirme, and justifie the superstitious calculations and prognostica∣tions of the Egyptians. 3. The Israelites indeed perished in the desert, but not all, onely those which were above twentie yeare old: and they died not by any naturall death, which onely may be foreseene, and in some sort by prognostication ghessed at; but their death was procured by their sinne: then as their sinne being an act of their will, could not by any such constellation bee foretold; so neither could their extraordinarie death caused by their sinne, be foreseene by any such meanes. And this being an act of Gods justice, like as mans will, and the acts thereof, are not wrought upon, nor ruled by constellations, much lesse are the Lords judgements, which he worketh most freely, Tostat. qu. 19.

3. Neither could the Egyptians say thus, as though the Lord could not have destroyed the Israelites in Egypt, seeing he plagued both the Egyptians and their gods; or that he could not for want of power have brought them into the land of Canaan, as the heathen would have objected, Numb. 14.16. For he that was able to overthrow Pharaoh and his host, and all the power of Egypt, and that wrought such great wonders for them in the desert, was of power sufficient to plant them in the land of Canaan, casting out their enemies before them, Tostat. qu. 17.

4. But the Egyptians of malice onely, without any ground, nay against their owne knowledge, Occa∣sione saltem levissima, licèt omnìa falsa cognoscerent, quaecun{que} tamen possent, in Deum Hebraeorum probra con∣jicerent; Upon a light occasion, although they knew all to be false, would upbraid what they could, the God of the Hebrewes, Tostat. qu. 18.

QUEST. XXXVII. Why Moses maketh mention in his prayer of Abraham, Isaak and Iacob.

Vers. 13. REmember Abraham, &c. 1. The Hebrewes thinke that mention is made of these three, to escape a treble punishment: as if the Lord were to bring downe fire from heaven upon them, Abraham was cast into the fire in Hur of the Chaldees: if the Lord would punish with the sword, Isaak had offered himselfe to be slaine in sacrifice by his father: if with exile and banishment, Iacob had before indured it; and therefore these three are mentioned, that by their merits and deserts, the people might escape these three judgements, Sic Lyran. Lippom. But Tostatus well refuteth this conceit: 1. Because these three are mentioned, as well when any blessing is craved of God, as when any judgement is prayed against: 2. God hath other judgements beside these, whereby to punish his people: therefore in other eases the mentioning of these had beene insufficient, Tostat. qu. 20.

2. Yet Tostatus also misseth the marke, saying, that I•• meritis istorum fiebat salus posteris eorum, For the merits of these, their posteritie were preserved; for Abraham himselfe was not justified by merits,

but by faith, as the Apostle sheweth, Rom. 4. Abraham believed God, and it was counted to him for righ∣teousnesse: therefore much lesse was his posteritie saved by his merits.

3. Therefore Moses in bringing in Abraham, Isaak and Iacob only, putteth God in minde of the promises made unto them, which proceeded onely of the meere grace and favour of God toward them, as the Lord himselfe saith, Because the Lord loved you, and because he would keepe the oath, which hee had sworne to your fathers, the Lord hath brought you out with a mightie hand, Deut. 7.8. Simler. Osiander.

QUEST. XXXVIII. How the Israelites are promised to possesse the land of Canaan for ever.

Vers, 13. THey shall inherit it for ever. 1. This promise, that the Israelites should inhabit the land of Canaan for ever, may diversly be understood: 1. It is taken for a long time, not limited nor determined: and so they enjoyed that land many yeares, about 1400. Tostat. qu. 20. 2. Or it may bee likewise understood during the time of the Law and ceremonies, which were to continue but untill Christ: as Aarons Priesthood is said to be for ever, chap. 28.43. and the keeping of the Passeover is said to be an ordinance for ever, Exod. 12.17. Tostat. 3. Or it may be applyed to the spirituall seed of Abra∣ham, which are the heires of the true Canaan, Genevens. a•• not. Gen. 13. vers. 14. 4. But in these tempo∣rall promises a secret condition rather must be supplyed: that if they had continued in obedience to Gods Commandements, then they should have had a perpetuall inheritance in Canaan. And this is the best interpretation, as appeareth by the like, Psal. 132.10. If thy sonnes keepe my covenant, and my testimo∣nies, which I shall teach them, thy sonnes also shall sit upon thy throne for ever. Tostat. qu. 20. See this questi∣on handled more at large, Hexapl. in Genes. cap. 13. vers. 12.

QUEST. XXXIX. How the Lord is said to repent.

Vers. 14. THen the Lord repented of the evill. 1. This is spoken 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to the passions and affections of men: yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it is convenient to understand of God; who see∣meth to repent and change, sin•• motu, quod nos sine motu nostri non possumus facere; without any motion or passion at all, which wee cannot doe without passion, Iun. Wee could not understand how the Lord turneth from his wrath, unlesse the Scripture should speake to our capacitie, Pelarg. 2. So indeed the Lord is immutable and unchangeable in himselfe: but, Dicit se mut••re sententiam, non in homines▪ sed in opera, quae mutata sunt; He is said to change his sentence, not toward men, but in respect of the workes or things that are changed: For God is not angrie with men, but with their sins, which ceasing to be, ne∣quaquam p••nit quod mutatum est, God punisheth not that which is changed, Hierom. God is said to re∣pent, cum rem mutet, consilium non mutet, when he changeth the thing, not his counsell,* 1.19 Gloss. interlin. 3. But it will bee said, that God is here changed indeed, that whereas hee purposed to destroy Israel at once, yet he doth it not at Moses intercession. It may bee answered: 1. That God here had determined no such thing, sed loquebatur per modum optantis, but he spake after a wishing manner, let me alone, Tostat. qu. 20. 2. We must understand that the divine sentence is of two sorts; one is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with a condi∣tion: such was the proclamation against Niniveh, that within fortie dayes they should be destroyed; and the message sent by Isaiah to Ezekiah that he should die: for in these sentences there was a secret condi∣tion included, in the one of the Ninivites repentance, in the other of Ezechiahs intercession: so there is here a condition understood, that the Lord would bee intreated by Moses. The other kinde of sen∣tence is absolute, without any condition; such was the decree for the destruction of the old world by water, and of the overthrow of Pharaoh and his host in the red sea, B••••rh.

QUEST. XL. Whether Moses at this time was kept in suspense, or indeed obtained pardon for the people.

Vers. 14. REpented of the evill, which he threatned to doe unto his people. 1. Some thinke that an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is here to be admitted, because Moses obtaining nothing at this time, but at his se∣cond intreatie, as is shewed in the end of the chapter: Et nullo accepto veniae responso suspensum venisse; And that he came downe in suspence, having received no answer for any pardon, Calvin, Gallas. But it is not like that Moses would have given over and gone away, till he had knowne the Lords minde in part.

2. Iunius thinketh, that Deus distulit, donec Moses vidisset, God onely deferred his sentence, till Moses had seene what might bee done with the people; and, consilium fustinuit, suspended his counsell. But the Text sheweth more, that God at Moses request actually repented of the evill which hee had threatned: Moses therefore is here put out of doubt for that, that the people at this time should not be destroyed.

3. Cajetan thinketh that Moses onely intreated, quod non tunc fiat punitio, quam populus meretur, that the people at that time be not punished as they deserved. But Moses reasons tend to that end, that the people at all should not utterly be destroyed, because of Gods promise made to Abraham, Isaak and Ia∣cob: and so much he obtained.

4. But Oleaster goeth somewhat too farre, that Moses did not onely intreat God not to punish; sed ut cum poenite at voluisse punire, but that he would repent him that hee had purposed to punish. But that had beene too great boldnesse in Moses to have presumed so farre; and it was enough that he by his prayer obtained a pardon of that great punishment.

5. Wherefore Moses obtained only by his prayer now at this time, that the Lord mitigated his sen∣tence, ne•• totum populum per dere velir, that he would not destroy the whole people, Marb••ch. and hee only repenteth of the evill which was threatned: that is, ne totaliter deleret, that hee would not wholly destroy them: yet God might not withstanding consume them, per partes; by parts as hee did afterward in the desart: for if Moses had obtained an absolute and generall pardon, hee needed not have sollicited the Lord againe, as he did in the end of the chapter; nay, he continued his supplication unto God for the people fortie dayes and fortie nights, Deut. 9.29. Tostat. qu. 20.

QUEST. XLI. What was written in the tables of stone.

Vers. 15. THe tables were written, &c. 1. Some Hebrewes thinke, that beside the morall Law, which consisted of ten Commandements, there was written the exposition, as a commentarie of the Law. But that is not like: 1. Because the Commandements being certaine, evident, and knowne principles, grounded upon the light of nature, needed not to receive any exposition by the Law-giver himselfe; but afterw••rd the same were explaned, and amplified by Moses. 2. If there had beene any such exposition, Moses when hee declared to the people the ten Commandements, Deut. 5. would not have omitted them, being a part of Gods writing. 3. Seeing the tables were to be kept in the Arke, ne∣ver to be brought into the peoples sight, it was requisite, if there had beene any such exposition, that it should have beene set downe in some of Moses bookes, that the people might have taken knowledge thereof, Tostat. qu. 22.

2. Therefore there was no such exposition, nor any other thing written in the tables, beside the ten Commandements: 1. Not because, as some thinke, there were yet no other lawes delivered to the peo∣ple: for it is evident, that Moses before hee came downe from the mount, when the Lord had uttered with his owne voice the ten Commandements, received also other lawes, judiciall and ceremoniall of the Lord, as they are set downe, chap. 21, 22, 23. and writ them in a booke, and read them to the people, Exod. 24. therefore other lawes were given before to Moses, before hee came downe with the tables of stone. 2. And the reason which Isidore giveth, why the ten Commandements were there only written, is both curious and without ground: Vt per eundem numerum figura crucis exprimeretur, that the figure of the crosse might be thereby expressed: for the Roman X signifieth ten, and doth also represent the fi∣gure of the crosse: for neither doth this figure in the Hebrew tongue signifie ten, neither was there any such figure written in the tables.

3. These reasons rather may be yeelded, why the morall precepts only were written in these tables: 1. Because these onely the Lord pronounced with his owne mouth, the other were delivered by Moses. 2. The morall precepts are most evident and manifest, as grounded upon the light of nature. 3. They were so pronounced, as that all the people were witnesses thereof, and therefore least exception could be taken unto them, Tostat. quaest. 21.

QUEST. XLII. Why there were but two tables, neither more, nor fewer.

THe two tables, &c. The reasons why there were two tables were these: 1. Because if all the Com∣mandements had beene written in one table of stone, it would have beene too large, and so too hea∣vie and cumbersome for Moses to beare; whereas being now divided in two, they need not bee so great in thicknesse, or bredth, and so were more portable for Moses, that he might carrie them without a miracle, which some Hebrewes vnnecessarily conceive: for they being tables of stone, in forme and fa∣shion made like unto writing tables, but larger, not thicke or grosse, but plaine, and of no great thick∣nesse, but so much as might suffice for the depth of the letters, might well bee taken up, and borne in Moses hand. 2. But the speciall reason of this division of the tables into two, is to distinguish the Com∣mandements, which concerned our dutie toward God, and the other towards our neighbour: The first being written in one table, and the other in the second, Tostat. qu. 23.

QUEST. XLIII. How the tables were written on both sides.

Vers. 15. THey were written on both sides. 1. R. Salomon thinketh that each table was so written, that the letters might appeare on both sides; and so be read indifferently on each side. But this opinion is improbable: for two unlikely things are here presupposed; one that the stone whereof the ta∣bles were made was transparent, that what was on the one side written might be discerned on the other: and beside, whereas the letters appearing on the backside must be read backward: these letters by ano∣ther miraculous worke must on both sides appeare all one.

2. Lyran. Tostatus, and Lippoman thinke, that the tables were written each on both sides: as in the first table there might be the three first Commandements, which Tostatus maketh but two, graven on the one side, and the fourth on the other: so in the second, foure on the one side, and two on the other, which he divideth into three: or he thinketh that the same Commandements might be written on the in∣side, and repeated againe on the outside. So also Gallasius, aversa & adversa parte scriptas fuisse, that they were written on the neare and ofward side, both of them: such writing the Greekes call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ written behinde, and before. But the words of the text will not beare this sense, for thus the tables should have been written on their foure sides: whereas it is said, they were written, mishene, on the two sides.

3. Therefore the meaning is no other but this, that these tables were written on the two sides, name∣ly, the two inward, or foresides. And so Oleaster noteth by the signification of the word gheber, which he pronounceth without any asperation at all, eber▪ which signifieth properly, not the side, but the fore∣part, because so the word ghabar, or abar, signifieth to goe over, or passe on before. So also Vatablu•• translateth, ab utraque faecie, on both the foresides. And thus the writing might better be preserved, one table lapping over another like unto a booke, Oleaster. But this further may be gathered, that these ta∣bles were written full within, that no spare place was left, which signified that the Law of God was per∣fect: Et nullum locum nobis relictum aliquid addendi, That no place was left for us to adde any thing to his Law, Simler.

QUEST. XLIV. Why the tables are called the worke of God.

Vers. 16. ANd these tables were the worke of God, and this writing was the writing of God. 1. Some He∣brewes thinke, because it is said before, vers. 15. that they were written, and here againe men∣tion is made of the writing; that the first writing was of the Commandements only, the second was the

exposition of the Commandements. But that there was no such exposition, is shewed before, quest. 41. 2. But in that the tables are said, both to be the worke of God, and writing of God, to signifie that God both prepared those tables, and was the writer also; he was both artifex tabularum & scriptor▪ the work∣man of the tables and the writer, Cajetan. The second tables were fact•• opere Mosis, made by Moses workmanship, and written onely by God, Tostat. qu. 23. 3. And whereas they are said to be Gods worke, we are not to thinke with some, that these tables of stone were of purpose now created of God anew: Vocatur factio Dei non creatio, sed delatio; The worke of God is not said to bee the creation, but the fa∣shioning and preparing of them, Tostat. 4. And this was not done by the worke of Angels, as Tostatus thinketh, aut scalpello, non calamo, or was graven with a knife, not written with a pen, Cajetan. For the Lord needed no such instruments: but it was written with the finger of God, chap. 31.8. that it, as Am∣brose expoundeth, Spiritu suo dedit legem, He gave his Law by his Spirit,* 1.20 whereby it is written in the fleshie tables of our hearts. See more, chap. 31. vers. 18.

QUEST. XLV. How many precepts each table contained.

COncerning the order observed in the writing of the Commandements in the tables, there are divers opinions: 1. Some thinke that the negative precepts were written in one table, and the affirma∣tive in another. But this cannot be admitted, for these causes: 1. There are but two affirmative precepts, the fourth concerning the Sabbath, and the fifth, Honour thy father and mother: so it would follow, that two precepts should onely be in one table, and eight in another; and so the one table must needs be very large, ••he other very little. 2. Thus also the precepts which concerne our dutie toward God, and the other belonging to our neighbour, should bee mingled together. 3. And the greatest inconvenience of all is, that the order of the Commandements should be inverted, and that they were not written in the same order wherein they were delivered, Tostat. qu. 24.

2. Rab. Sal••mon, and so also Iosephus doe thinke, that five Commandements were written in the first table, and five in the second: and to the foure first they joyne the fifth, Honour thy father, &c. in the first table. But by this meanes the precepts of divers kindes, which command love toward God and our neighbour, should be put together, which are better distinguished into two tables.

3. Tostatus with other, doe distinguish the Commandements well in respect of the tables; placing in the first those which containe our dutie toward God, and in the second, those which are to bee practised toward our neighbour: but the Commandements he rightly divideth nor, making of the two first but one, and so counting but three in the first table, and dividing the last into two, which is but one. But these two points are handled before at large, that it were superflous to treat of them here againe: the first, quest. ••, 10. generall, before the Commandements, chap. 20. and the second, quest. 1. upon the 10. Commandement.

4. Wherefore the Commandements are thus best sorted: that to the first belong foure, prescribing our dutie toward God; to the second six, touching our neighbour: the last, Thou shalt not covet, &c. being but one intire precept, as is shewed in the places before quoted.

QUEST. XLVI. Whether the writing of the tables were the first writing in the wo••ld.

Vers. 16. ANd the writing, &c. Ferus inferreth upon this, Quòd▪ Deus fuerit primus author scripturae & literarum, &c. That God was the first author of writing and letters: 1. Because Cadmus that is said to have invented the letters among the Greekes, was long after, in the time of Oth••••iel, one of the Judges; and Nicostrata, or Carmentis, which found out the Latine letters, was in the time of Iair; another of the Judges. 2. And it was fit that no other should be the author of so profitable a thing, but God: for there is nothing that bringeth us neerer to the knowledge of God, than writing: therein is con∣tained the historie of things past and present, and the declaration of things to come. And thereby God speaketh unto us, and declareth his will. 3. So this is the third gift that God hath given unto man, to bring him to the knowledge of himselfe: the first is to meditate in the minde, of God: the second to expresse the meditation of our minde by speech: the third to commit to writing, sic Ferus. Wherein, as Ferus in some thing collecteth well, that the invention of the Hebrew letters was more ancient than the times of Cadmus, or Carmentis, and that so profitable an invention came from God: yet two things hee affirmeth, the one being uncertaine, whether this invention proceeded from God, media••ely, or immedi∣ately: the first is more probable, as other arts of graving and working in brasse, and such like, were in∣vented by men, Gen. 4. yet through Gods gifts: the other is untrue, that this writing of the tables was first of all: for before this, chap. 24. it is said, that Moses wrote all the words of the Lord in a booke. And although Moses is held to have beene the most ancient writer in the world, as is proved before, qu. 7. in 2. Exod. yet it is like, and verie probable, that letters and writing were in use before Moses time: as is likewise shewed before, quest. 13. upon the second chapter.

QUEST. XLVII. Where Ioshua stayed all the while Moses was in the mount.

Vers. 17, ANd when Ioshua heard, &c. 1. It is evident that Ioshua went not up with Moses into the top of the mountaine, for then he should have heard what the Lord had told Moses, con∣cerning the making of the golden Calfe, which he was ignorant of, as it appeareth afterward by his speech to Moses, Ferus. 2. But whether hee returned to the camp, or not, during this space of fortie dayes and fortie nights, some make it doubfull, as Hugo de S. Victor. because onely, in ascensu & descensu legi∣turfuissaecum Mose, he is read to have beene with Moses in his going up and comming downe: yet it is evident▪ by th••se reasons, that Ioshuah all this while returned not to the camp: 1. Seeing Ioshua met Moses in the uppermost part of the hill, when they had no sight of the camp, but onely heard a noise a farre off, as the next words shew: it had beene too laboursome for Ioshua everie day to goe downe, and

come up againe so high into the hill. 2. He not knowing the time of Moses returne, by this meanes might have missed of him, and so failed in his attendances, Tostatus qu. 25. 3. If Ioshua had beene in the camp, he could not have beene ignorant of that which was done there, as it appeareth he was, by his speech to Moses: Iunius, Cajetan.

3. Therefore Ioshua stayed in that place where Moses left him, when he was called up into the thicke cloud: Ioshua followed Moses up still into the hill, after Aaron and his two sonnes, and the Elders were departed, chap. 24. and when Moses was called up after six dayes into the top of the hill, there Ioshua stayed, where hee had stood waiting with Moses. But how Ioshua was occupied these fortie dayes and nights is not expressed, nor whereof he lived: he might feed of the Manna, which might fall also in that place, Tostatus. Without eating any thing it is not like hee continued, as Moses did, such a miracle would not have beene omitted, as it is so written of Moses.

QUEST. XLVIII. Whether Ioshua first heard the noise.

Vers. 17. ANd when Ioshua heard the noise, &c. 1. Tostatus here noteth, that Ioshua first heard the noise and shouting, because it is likely he was quicker of hearing than Moses, who was now 80. yeares old, and Ioshua about 39. or 40. But seeing Moses immediately maketh answer, that it was not the noise of warre in the host, it seemeth that his eare was not heavie, in that he discerned the noise what it was: and Moses must bee supposed to have beene verie deafe, that could not heare such a confused noise and shouting: the reason why Moses, though he heard the shouting as well as Ioshua, yet first spake not, was, for that he had revealed nothing yet to Ioshua, concerning the sinne of the people: Iosuae verba indicant silentium Mosis, Ioshuahs speech declareth Moses silence, Lippoman.

2. Lyranus thinketh that Moses discerned of the noise what it was, propter vivacitat•••• sensus, &c. be∣cause of the quicknesse of his sense in his old age: for being 120. yeares old, his eye was not dimmed, nor his naturall force abated, Deut. 34.7. But although Moses at these yeares had fresh and quicke senses, it is not like that they were more lively than Ioshuahs, at halfe his yeares.

3. Tostatus thinketh that Moses immediately after Ioshuahs speech, did not discerne the noise, but af∣ter some pause, as they went on still walking he perceived more. But in that Moses maketh answer unto Ioshuah, it seemeth there was no long pause made, but that Moses in the same place having listened with his eare, gave judgement of the noise.

4. The verie cause therefore, why Moses ghessed right what this noise meant, was for that God had revealed to him before, what the people had done: Moses pramonitus intelligebat quid sonus populi voci∣ferantis portenderet; Moses being premonished did understand what the noise of the people shouting out did portend, Lippom. Gallas. Lyranus also toucheth this reason.

QUEST. XLIX. Why Moses anger was kindled at the fight of the Calfe, and not before.

Vers. 19. AS soone as he came neere, &c. he saw, &c. so Moses wrath waxed hot, &c. 1. Gallasius thinketh that Moses, Satis ira accensus audita populi defectione, was sufficiently angrie and moved al∣ready, as soone as he had heard that the people had fallen away, and that this anger was more increased by that which he saw. But although Moses, when the Lord told him what the people had done, was inwardly grieved: yet seeing the Lord so much provoked to anger, it was not for him also to shew his anger too; but rather to expresse his love, in pacifying the Lords wrath: Non oportuit in Dei praesenti•• indignari, sed furorem Dei deprecari, &c. It was not for Moses in Gods presence to be angrie, but by en∣treatie rather to pacifie his anger.

2. Now then, whereas there are duo impetus in ira, two forcible motions in anger: the one when we know any thing by heare-say, which may worthily move us to anger: the other, when by our sense wee perceive it; so was it here with Moses, hee was inwardly moved when first the Lord declared unto him the sinne of the people. But this motion he suppressed, when he saw the Lord bent to destroy the peo∣ple, amor vicit iram, love in him overcame his anger: but afterward, when first by hearing he perceived their singing and rejoycing, and further by his eye beheld the Calfe which he had made, then his anger was vehemently kindled, Tostat. qu. 26.

QUEST. L. Whether Moses sinned in his anger.

Vers. 19. MOses wrath waxed hot. 1. It may seeme at the first that Moses wrath was immoderate, be∣cause in his haste he cast the tables of the Law out of his hand. And this may be thought more probable, because Moses long after this sinned in his hastinesse, when he smote the rocke in anger, Numb. 20. and if this had beene a sudden passion in Moses, it had not beene so much, now being so vehe∣ment and fervent, it should seeme to bewray some infirmitie. But Moses cannot bee convinced by these reasons, to have offended in this his anger. 1. Though Moses sinned at the waters of strife, it followeth not that he was overseene here: for there the Scripture noteth Moses infirmitie, but here no such thing in him is reproved. 2. And anger though it be exceeding great, if it be in Gods cause, is commendable: Sicut enim amor Dei non circumscribitur terminis, &c. For as the love of God is not limited, nor hath any bounds, so neither hath zeale in Gods cause, Simlerus.

2. This then was a just anger, and an holy rage in Moses. There are two kindes of anger, one is incon∣siderate, rash, seeking private revenge: there is another, which is for Gods cause, when wee see his ho∣nour called in question, and his glorie defaced: this anger is pleasing unto God, when wee are angrie with mens vices, not with their persons: which kinde of anger is discerned by this; Si postquam quis se correxerit, eum odio habeat, &c. If one hate a man still after he hath amended his fault, it is a signe hee hated not his vice, but his person. But if he returne in love againe, the fault being redressed, it sheweth his anger was only for Gods cause: such was Moses here, who after hee had taken revenge of the people

for their sinne, continueth his prayer unto God for them, Tostat. qu. 27. Such was the zeale of Phinehas, in slaying the adulterer and adulteresse; and of Helias against Baals Priests; and of our blessed Saviour, when he cast the money-changers out of the Temple, Ferus. So Calvin concludeth well, that Moses anger, Cum manaverit à Spiritu sancto, which proceeded from the holy Spirit, was a vertue praise-wor∣thy: though it must be confessed that the affections of the Saints are not so perfect, but that they may s••∣vour a little of the leaven of our corrupt nature.

QUEST. LI. Whether Moses offended in breaking the tables of the Law.

Vers. 19. HE cast the tables out of his hand. 1. Some thinke that Moses being carried away with heat of anger, did not well consider what hee did, Et prae infi••mitate tabula•• e manu excidisse, And that through infirmitie the tables fell out of his hand. But the text sheweth that Moses cast them out of his hand: and Deut. 9.17. he saith, I tooke the two tables, and cast them out of my two hands: it was then a voluntarie and advised act.

2. R. Salomon to excuse Moses saith, that of a sudden the writing of the tables was wiped out, and Moses seeing them to be then for no further use, cast them out of his hand. But this fable contradicteth the text, which describeth the tables at the verie same time when Moses carried them, to bee written on both sides; which is expressed of purpose, to shew what a precious monument the Israelites were de∣prived of.

3. Some make it simply an act of Moses rage, that, Furore turbatus tabulas fregerit, &c. Being distem∣pered with rage, he brake the tables: which oversight of Moses in their opinion may seeme to be proved by these reasons: 1. Because the tables of the Law were a most holy monument of Gods Covenant with his people, in so much that Moses would not commit them to Ioshuah, but carried them in his owne hands: so that Moses in breaking the monument of the Covenant, might seeme to offend against God the author of the Covenant, and of that writing. 2. It may be thought also to have beene done rashly and hastily of Moses▪ so that therein hee could not be blamelesse. 3. Like as if a Princes letter should bee cancelled by his messenger that was sent with it: so the Lord might be herein angrie with Moses for de∣facing this writing.

Contra. 1. The tables indeed were a most holy and worthy monument, when Moses received them of God, but now inuntiles factae sunt, they became unprofitable; the Covenant being broken by the peo∣ple, the signe of the Covenant was needlesse and of no necessarie use, and therefore it was no offence to breake them. 2. Neither did Moses it suddenly or rashly, but with good advisement, he cast the tables out of his hand, judging the people unworthy of them: and he did it not without the instinct of Gods Spi∣rit. 3. It is no wrong to the Prince to have his letters cancelled, where hee meaneth they should serve to no use, but his minde is they shall be reversed. So Moses knew that God would not have the tables of the Covenant offered at this time to the people, that had broken his Covenant.

4. This fact then of Moses in breaking of the tables, may bee thus justified: 1. Id fit asslatu peculiari Divini Spiritus; It was done by the peculiar motion of Gods Spirit, Simler. Iun. Though Hugo de S. Victor. make some doubt of it, Vtrum ex humano affectu, vel divino instinctu, hoc fecerit, non patet; It is not evident whether hee did it of an humane affection, or a divine instinct. But seeing God was not angrie with Moses for doing it, but biddeth to prepare the like tables againe, chap. 34. it is certaine that it was no humane motion in him to doe it. 2. Moses in respect of himselfe brake them, Recusans esse paedagogus inobedientis populi, Refusing to be the schoolemaster of such a disobedient people. 3. Moses thought the people unworthy of such a benefit, In poenam populi indigni beneficio tabularum, &c. Hee brake them, to be a punishment of the people unworthy of such a benefit, Cajetan. 4. Beside, the equitie thereof ap∣peareth, that as they had broken the Covenant on their part, so it was fit the monument of Gods Cove∣nant should be broken, Tostat. qu. 29. And Moses shewed by this, that they by their apostasie, tabulas legis rupisse, had broken the tables of the Law first, Marbach. So Chrysostome saith, Moses thought it an absurd thing, si populo ebrio, &c. legem afferet, if hee should have brought the Law to a drunken and be∣sotted people. Theodoret to the same purpose, Quia dotalium libeliorum typum tabulae gerebant, &c. Be∣cause the tables were as the libels, or bils of dowrie, and the spouse, before the marriage was solemnized, had committed adulterie, jure optimo dotalem libellum freg••sse existimandus est, hee may bee thought by good right to have cancelled the bill of dowrie. 5. Testari etiam voluit, &c. And Moses would hereby testifie unto them, how they deserved to be cast off, and forsaken, Pelarg. And God hereby for the time, Per manum Mosis repudiavit populum, Did by the hand of Moses cast off his people, Calvin. 6. And this was done, ad majorem terrorem populi, for the greater terrour of the people, who was more moved with signes than with words, as when Samuel declared unto the people their sinne, he prayed, and there came thunder and lightning, that the people by those terrible signes might be the more moved, 1 Sam. 12. So Ieremie to shew after a more lively manner the destruction of Jerusalem, brake the earthen bottle be∣fore their face, signifying that the Lord would breake them as a potters vessell, Ier. 19.11. Ferus, Gallas.

QUEST. LII. What the breaking of the tables signified.

7. ANd by the breaking of the tables, the Lord would have other things signified. 1. Fractio tabula∣rum signum fuit evacuationis legalium in adventu Christi, The breaking of the tables was a signe of the evacuating of the legall ceremonies in the comming of Christ, Lyran. The first Law delivered in mount Sinai continued not, Lex nova ei successit, the new Law of the new Testament succeeded in place thereof, Tostat. qu. 29. 2. It was a signe, Regnum Iudaeorum ad Gentes transiturum, That the kingdome of the Jewes should be translated to the Gentiles, Ferus. That the Arke, Tables, Temple, Altar should be dissolved, and taken from the Jewes, Simler. 3. The breaking also of the tables signified, that it was

impossible for the Law to be kept, Donec Christus per Spiritum sanctum, &c. Untill Christ should renue the same in our hearts by his holy Spirit, Marbach. Osiander. 4. Augustine further maketh this sig∣nification of it: that as the tables which God made were broken, and yet those which Moses prepared, did continue: So God created man with reason and understanding, and freedome of will: Sed eas homo confregit, cùm Diabolo acquievit, & se illa gratia indignum reddidit: But man brake those tables, when he gave place to the Devill, and made himselfe unworthy of that grace: But now the second tables must be made, that is, enitatur elaborare ad virtutes, man must endevour to labour for vertue, &c. Ex Gloss. or∣dinar. Seeing man lost the graces of his creation, which were given him without his labour, he must by his endevour and labour (Gods Spirit so working in him) seeke for the renovation of grace by faith in Christ.

QUEST. LIII. In what part the tables were broken, and what became of the fragments.

COncerning other circumstances observed in this action of the breaking of the tables: 1. That is a ridiculous and unsavourie fable of the Hebrewes, that Moses tooke the fragments of those broken tables, which they say were made of a precious stone, and sold them, and became verie rich thereby: for this were to lay a grievous imputation of covetousnesse upon Moses, which he was not in the least man∣ner touched with. 2. Some thinke that Moses tooke those fragments, and put them in a chest, which was used to be carried before the host, Numb. 10.35. But the Arke there spoken of was the Arke of the Covenant, ibid. vers. 33. 3. That also is a light conjecture, that the tables were broken about the place, where the fourth Commandement concerning the Sabbath was written; because that precept onely of the ten was ceremoniall, and not to continue: for both the tables were broken, and not onely the first, wherein that Commandement was written.

QUEST. LIV. Why the tables were broken at the bottome of the mount.

Vers. 19. HE brake them in peeces beneath the mountaine. Why the tables were broken in this place, at the foot of the mountaine, these reasons may be given: 1. Because Moses was now come to the bottome of the mountaine, before he saw the golden Calfe, through the indignation of the fight whereof, being moved in zeale, he forthwith brake the tables. 2. Also the people when they came forth to meet the Lord, and to heare his voice, were suffered to come so farre to the foot and bottome of the hill, chap. 19.17. in the same place therefore where the Law was given unto the people, it was conve∣nient that the tables of that Law should bee broken, which they had first transgressed and broken them∣selves, Tostat. qu. 30. 3. Beside, it may have this mysticall signification: that as the Law was given in the mount, and broken at the bottome of the mount; so if we will know the Law, oportet nos altius as∣cendere, we must ascend higher into the mount, and mortifie the old man, Simlerus.

QUEST. LV. Whether the Calfe were burned to powder in the fire.

Vers. 20. HE tooke the calfe, and burned it in the fire, and ground it to powder, &c. 1. This golden Calfe was more than melted in the fire: Deformavit liquefaciens igne; He deformed the fashion thereof, melting it in the fire. As Iunius: for if it had beene only melted, it would have run into a lump, and so have been the more unfit to fall to powder. 2. Tostatus thinketh that Moses might apply certaine herbs unto the gold, which if they be used in the melting of gold, in cineres redigetur, it will fall to ashes, quest. 30. But such conjectures having no ground out of the text, are better rejected than received: whence should Moses have such herbs, here in the barren desart? and to what purpose should they bee used, seeing the gold not by burning, but by stamping and beating was brought to powder? 3. Some thinke, that by the verie burning it selfe, the gold was made powder: as Sa. upon this place saith, that he saw at Millaine gold in a founders shop burned in the fire to powder. So also thinketh Osiander. But it is evidently gathered out of the text, that beside the burning the gold was beaten to powder, yea it was stamped, and ground small as dust, Deut. 9.22. 4. Wherefore it was first cast into the fire, not onely to be melted, and the fashion thereof to be defaced; but it was burned, that is, so long kept in the fire, that by the burning it was made brittle, as wood when it is burned to a coale; and so being taken out, it was pounded and beaten. So also Tostatus adding somewhat to his former opinion.

QUEST. LVI. Why the powder of the golden Calfe is cast into the river.

Vers. 20. HE strowed it in the water. 1. Cajetan thinketh, that as everie one tooke of the water of the river, and did drinke, modicum pulveris spargebatur super aquam, a little of the dust or pow∣der was strowed upon the water: for if it had beene any while in the water, it would have sunke downe to the bottome, and so the people should not have drunke of it. But this had beene too great a labour for Moses, as everie one drunke, to have sprinkled a little of the gold powder in the place, where hee tooke up the water to drinke. And Moses saith, Deut. 9.21. that hee cast the dust into the river: it is like it was all at once throwne into the river, and the people being afraid to doe otherwise than Moses commanded, were ready as the powder was cast into the water, to take thereof and drinke. 2. Augu∣stine findeth out here a mysterie; by water, understanding Baptisme, which signified the conversion of the idolatrous Gentiles unto the faith of Christ; Ille vitulus per ignem z••li, aciem verbi, & aquam Bap∣tismi,* 1.21 ab eis, quos absorbere conatus est, absorptus est; The golden Calfe (that is, the idols of the Gen∣tiles) by the fire of zeale, the edge of the word, and water of Baptisme is devoured, which sought to have devoured them, &c. But this seemeth too curious. 3. The historicall meaning is this rather: the dust is cast into the water, which they had received not long before out of the rocke, in that drie and barren place, Pelarg. Iunius. Thereby to upbraid their unthankfulnesse, which in the same place where they had received so great a benefit, forgate God and fell away from him.

QUEST. LVII. How the Israelites were brought to drinke of this water, and why.

Vers. 20. ANd caused the children of Israel to drinke of it, &c. 1. This was done for some speciall signi∣fication, though it bee not expressed. For it is not to bee thought, that so holy a man as Moses being directed by Gods Spirit, would cause all this to bee done, the golden image to bee burned, and beaten to powder, and cast into the water, and the people to drinke thereof, and all in vaine, Tostat. qu. 31. 2. And the people, though they knew that this was no good signe unto them, to drinke water mingled with such ashes, and beside, it was a bitter and unpleasant water; yet durst not gaine-say Moses, as neither before did they resist him, when he so used their new molten god: for both they were stricken with a conscience of sinne, and inward terror, and God had set in Moses an evident Majestie and autho∣ritie, which made them all to feare and tremble before him: as it appeareth afterward, when a few of the Levites armed themselves against all the host, which consisted of six hundred thousand fighting men, and killed whom they met, none daring to resist them. 3. Such like authoritie and Majestie appeared in our blessed Saviour, when he whipped the money-changers and merchants out of the Temple, and none durst oppose themselves against him, Tostat. qu. 31.

QUEST. LVIII. Wherefore the people were compelled to drinke the powder of the idoll.

NOw these reasons are given, why Moses compelled them to drinke of this bitter water: 1. Ambrose saith it was done, Vt omnia impietatis aboleret vestigia, To abolish all the reliques of impietie, &c. So also Gregorie N••ssen, Materia quae eorum peccato subministravit, deleta est; The verie matter which mi∣nistred occasion to their sin, was taken away. 2. By this meanes a kinde of judgement was shewed upon the verie instrument of their sinne; for otherwise it had beene sufficient, if hee had done as Iacob did, Genes. 35.4. to have defaced it, and hid or buried it in the ground: therefore this was done, ut in eo scele∣ris pateret judicium, in quo scelus patratum fuerit, that there might be shewed a signe of their sin in that, wherein it was committed, Tostat. quaest. 30. 3. This was done to shew the basenesse and vilenesse of that idoll, Vt contemnere discat, quod in secessum projici videat,* 1.22 To contemne that which they saw cast out in the draught, Hierom. So also Borrh. That they should thinke no better of such idols, than of their dung and excrements: simulque testatur idoli impotentiam, and withall it shewed the impotence and weaknesse of that idoll, which they saw consumed to dust. 4. Hereby was also signified, Quòd corpora & animos inquinaverant, That they had defiled their bodies and soules with this sinne: that by drinking of the ashes of the idoll, they might understand, non cuti tantum adharere, that this sin did not cleave only to their skin, sed defixum in visceribus, but that it was fastened to their verie bowels, Calvin. So also Procopius, to shew, Animos ipsorum infectos idololatria, that their verie soules were infected with idola∣trie. 5. Voluit ut pulveribus idoli sui saetiarentur; He would have them glutted and satiate with the dust of their idoll: as when they lusted for flesh, they had such plentie, that it came out at their Nostrils, Numb. 11. So here, as with greedinesse they desired an idoll to be made, Moses will have their greedie desire sa∣tisfied and filled, even with drinking it, Oleaster. 6. And by this was signified, Maledictionem àse exha••∣riendam & potandam, That they should drinke and draw out their owne malediction, and sup up the verie dregs; if the Lord were not more mercifull unto them, Iun. That as this bitter water was heavie to the stomacke, so their sinne was like to sticke by them. And this shewed, calicem hibere perpetuae infoelic••••a¦tis, that they should drinke the cup of perpetuall miserie, as when they cried unto Pilate, wishing Christs bloud to bee upon them and their seed, Lippom. Pellican. And so Moses Gerundens. one of their owne Rabbines confesseth, Non accidit tibi O Israel ultio aliqua, in qua non sit vel uncia de iniquitate•• vituli; There hath not happened unto thee O Israel any revenge, where there is not an ounce, or some part of the iniquitie and sinne of the Calfe.

7. Augustine maketh this mysticall signification of it: that as the Israelites did drinke and receive in∣to their bodies the golden Calfe; so the Gentiles, qui erant corpus diaboli, credendo transirent in corpus Christi, which before were as the body of the Devill, while they were idolaters, should by beleeving bee graft into the body of Christ, &c. Like as Moses serpent devoured the Magicians serpents: sic diabolus consumitur amissis membris suis, so the Devill is devoured, his members being lost and taken from him.* 1.23 So doth Rupertus understand by this image bea••en to powder, Eos, qui ex parte diaboli per poenitentiam con∣fracti, &c. Those which having beene as of the body of the Devill, are broken by repentance.

8. Gregorie maketh this action propheticall, to signifie the generall destruction of idols thorow the world: Cernas oculis, qui hui•• vanitati erant prius dediti, templa sua diruentes, &c. You may see with your eyes, that they which trusted before in their idols, doe now pull downe their temples. And Proco∣pius by the drinking thereof with the mouth, understandeth the true confession of the faith: quae ore fit, which is done with the mouth: whereby idolatrie is overthrowne. But the other historicall reasons are rather to be insisted upon. And this drinking of the water mixed with this powder, was rather an evill signe unto them, as the bitter water was unto the adulterous woman, Numb. 5. than a signification of any good.

QUEST. LIX. Whether by the drinking of the water, any visible signe of difference was made among the people, who had most deeply offended about the golden Calfe.

BUt some further affirme, that this drinking of the water served to another end, than that thereby some signe of difference might be made betweene the Ring-leaders unto this idolatrie, and the rest, that they might easily bee discerned of the Levites, when they went up and downe in the host, killing those whom they met. 1. Therefore R. Salomon thinketh, that this bitter water did cause their bellies to swell, that were guiltie of this great sinne: but to the rest it was pleasant and wholsome water: like as the water of jealousie, Numb. 5. did cause the adulterous womans belly to swell, and her thigh to rot:

but if shee were not guiltie, it made her fruitfull. 2. Others thinke that the signe was this, everie ones beard that consented unto this idolatrie, was coloured yellow like unto gold: and by this marke the Levites knew them from others. But if there had beene any such visible marke set upon them, seeing most of the camp consented unto this sinne, there should have beene more found guiltie, and more slaine than three thousand, vers. 28. 3. Tostatus thinketh that there was some externall and visible signe cau∣sed by drinking of the water, though he will not determine what it was, because it was not like that the Levites would hand over head slay one with another. And he thinketh that Aaron drinking of the wa∣ter had not that marke, because the Lord pardoned his sinne, because hee was thereunto drawne by com∣pulsion. This instance of Aaron sheweth, that the drinking of the water did make no such signe; for then Aaron should have had it, whose sin was not yet pardoned: neither had Moses yet intreated for him, having not yet examined him. The Levites might know to make difference among the people some other way, than by any such visible signe. See more of this, quest. 70. following.

QUEST. LX. How farre Moses fact herein is to be imitated.

BUt whereas Moses did not onely put downe this abominable idoll, but made it altogether unpro∣fitable for any use, burning and beating it to powder, the question is, how farre Moses herein is to be imitated. 1. Neither is their opinion to be approved which take this example of Moses to be extra∣ordinarie in demolishing this golden Calfe; for as Moses did take away this publike stumbling blocke, so it belongeth unto Princes, è m••dio tollere, to remove out of the way whatsoever is done against the wor∣ship of God: as Hesekiah did likewise breake downe the brazen Serpent, after it began to bee abused to idolatrie, Ferus. Who addeth further, I would we had now some Moses to take away the evils which are in the Church: Non enim unum tantùm vitulum habemus, sed multos: For we have not one (golden) calfe, but many. Thus Ferus complaineth of the Papall Church. 2. But this is extraordinarie in Moses example, that he converteth not this golden idoll unto any use, but consumeth it to powder. Herein Christian Magistrates are not bound to follow Moses example: for Moses fact herein was singular, ad majorem detestationem, &c. for the greater detestation of idolatrie. Now it is lawfull to convert things consecrate to idolatrie, to some profitable use, ut juventur membra Christi, that the members of Christ may be helped and releeved, Gallas. 3. And in that Moses doth remove this idoll, which none else attemp∣ted to doe (yet it may bee thought that many in Israel were offended with it) so, magistratus officium est, non privatorum hominum, it is the office of the magistrate, not of private men, to take away idolatrous images, Osiander.

QUEST. LXI. How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of this sinne.

Vers. 21. WHat did this people vnto thee, that thou hast brought, &c.? 1. Moses layeth this sinne upon Aaron, though he were not the first author of it, because hee being left in Moses place, stayed not the people by his authoritie: therefore he is worthily reproved, tanquam author scele∣ris, quod passus est admitti, as the author of this sinne which he suffered to be committed, Calvin: so that permissio peccati aeque in vitio sit, atque commissio; the permitting of sinne is as well in fault, as the committing, Pelarg. 2. Here then the Hebrewes, in seeking to excuse Aaron and the people, as seduced by the Egyptians, doe labour in vaine, seeing Moses doth so straitly charge Aaron as a principall doer in it. for if he had not grievously sinned, why should Moses here make him the cause of this sinne, and the Lord be so offended with him, that he purposed to slay him, if Moses had not intreated for him, Deut. 9.20. And in these three things Aaron sinned: 1. In not staying the people, and stilling them. 2. In that besides consenting unto them, hee is an agent, in making a Calfe for them. 3. And being made hee approved it, and set up an altar before it. So that Aaron is no more here to be excused, than Peter in the Gospell, which denied his Master, Oleaster.

3. Yet Aaron sinned not, as the people did; but as there were degrees of offenders among the peo∣ple: some incouraged and perswaded others, some only gave consent, and were seduced by others per∣swasion, to commit idolatrie: and some did neither, but onely went with the multitude for company to desire a Calfe to be made. So Aarons sin differed from the rest, timore ductus fabricavit vitulum, hee made a Calfe being drawne by feare, Tostat. qu. 33. And therefore Moses dealeth otherwise with Aaron than with the people. Aaronem verbis redarguit, populum cecîdit gladio; Hee rebukes Aaron in words, the people he slayeth with the sword, Ferus.

4. But yet Aarons sinne cannot bee so much extenuated, as to free him from the sinne of idolatrie: as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned, Nec tamen sequitur ex hoc, quòd fuit idololatra, and yet it followeth not hereupon, that he was an idolater: for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart, the verie making of an idoll to be worshipped, erecting of an altar, and offering sacrifice unto it, all which Aaron did, doe pro¦claime him guiltie of externall idolatrie.

QUEST. LXII. Why idolatrie is called a great sinne.

THis great sinne. 1. Idolatrie is counted a great sinne, even in the highest degree, because it is a sinne committed directly against God, not as other sinnes of the second table, which are done against our neighbour: which are also against God, because they are against his Law, but not directly against Gods honor, as the sins against the first table are. 2. And among all the sins of the first table, there is none which so directly impugneth the honour of God, as idolatrie; for he which taketh Gods name in vaine, or pro∣phaneth the Sabbath, is an enemie to Gods honour: but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to bee God, as idolaters doe, Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offences are against the King, because they are against his Lawes: but those which are against his person, are most directly against him, and among them treason specially, which is intended against his life: of the same nature

is idolatrie, which is high treason against God. 4. Thomas saith, Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius,* 1.24 quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur: A sinne is so much the more grievous, the further wee are thereby removed from God: but by infidelitie and idolatrie one is furthest separated from God. 5. Ido∣latrie also is a great and grievous sinne, in regard of the judgement and punishment which it bringeth with it: for here Aaron, as much as in him lay, a••••er▪ fit ultimam cladem, had brought upon them utter destruction, Calvin, if Moses had not turned the Lords wrath, they had all beene at once destroyed.

QUEST. LXIII. Why Moses onely rebuketh Aaron, and forbeareth further punishment.

NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment, and onely rebuked him: 1. Some make this to be the cause, for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aarons sinne in the mount, before he came downe, at what time Moses prayed also for him, seeing the Lord bent to kill him, Tostat. qu. ••5. But that intreatie for Aaron was afterward, at Moses second going up to God, when hee fasted fortie dayes and fortie nights, as before: at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron, Deut. 9.20. And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation, and so Aaron could not escape: Moses now onely prayed in generall for all Israel, that God would not destroy the whole nation.

2. Others thinke that Moses did after a milde manner reprove Aaron: quiae sic arguendi praelati, be∣cause Prelates (and Ecclesiasticall Governours) are so to be reproved, Ferus. he thinketh he was now the high Priest: So also Oleaster calleth him, Pontificem summum, the chiefe Priest. But as yet Aaron was not consecrated, as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons, Quia non illi improperatur consp••r••atum sacer∣dotium▪ He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this meanes: neither doe we read of his reconciliation afterward, which should not have beene omitted in such a case of irregularitie.

3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time, and afterward likewise, when he repi∣ned against Moses, cum propter alias causas, tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros: Both for other causes, as also for those holy mens sakes which should come out of his loynes. But if this had beene the reason, all the tribes should have beene spared likewise: because out of all of them came holy and wor∣thy men, Judges, Prophets, or Kings.

4. But the causes rather were these: 1. Aaron confessed his sinne, and therefore Moses inclined to favour him. 2. Moses afterward intreated the Lord for him, and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sinne, the punishment also was remitted, Simler. 3. Adde hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest: order was taken for his priestly apparell and his office, what it should be, and how he and his sonnes should bee consecrated: all which had beene in vaine, if Aaron now had perished. 4. Beside, Moses had direction from God, to put divers of the people to the sword for this offence, but for Aaron hee had no such commandement. 5. But Augustine yeeldeth the best reason, Novit ille cui parcat, &c. God onely knoweth whom to spare for amendment, and whom not to spare at all, or for a time, for his wayes and judgements are past finding out, qu. 148.

5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth, that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount, because then the Lord did specially reveale unto him his sinne: for otherwise Moses had knowne nothing of Aarons doings, as he did, as it appeareth by this reprehension: it may be answered, that it is not necessarie for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have beene given unto Moses in the mount: for either Moses might by examination and inquirie after hee came downe learne out the truth: or which is rather like, Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat, had left Aaron his deputie governour, when he went up into the mount, Simler. and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not bee attempted in the host, without Aarons permission at the least and sufferance.

QUEST. LXIV. What things are to be commended in Aarons confession, what not.

Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered, &c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aarons confession: 1. His modestie, that being Moses elder brother, yet hee calleth him Lord, and submitteth himselfe unto him: whereof these two reasons may be yeelded: both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron, both as a Prophet and Governour of Israel, Tostat. qu. 32. and his owne conscience accused him, agnoscebat sejure argui, he knew he was worthily reproved. 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowled∣geth his fault, in saying, Let not the wrath of my Lord wa•• f••erce: Agnoscit crimen, hee therein yeeldeth himselfe to be in fault, Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner, rem gestam liberè confi••etur, he freely openeth all the matter how it was done, Pelarg. both what the people required, and upon what reason and ground, what he did, and what came thereof: rem ut gesta est simpliciter narra••, he simply declareth the matter as it was done.

2. But Aaron in some things sheweth his infirmitie: 1. Peccatum & culpam in alios trajicere studet: Hee seeketh to turne over the sinne and offence upon others, laying the fault upon the people, Ferus. 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisie, that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can, being afraid, n•• aliquid de existimatione sua decodat, lest he should lose any thing of his credit, Simler. 3. He sheweth his ignorance, thinking himselfe excusable, because hee was urged and compelled through the importu∣nitie of the people to doe it: Importunitas populi eos levare non potest, &c. The importunitie of the peo∣ple cannot ease them any thing, who should have beene more prudent and circumspect in their govern∣ment, Gall••s. 4. In excusing hee accuseth himselfe; for in that the people were bent to mischiefe, hee ought to have beene so much the more vigilant over them. And whereas they asked to have gods made to goe before them, and alleaged, they knew not what was become of Moses; he should have told them, that the Lord was their guide, and have declared where Moses was, Simler. 5. In saying, thereof came this calfe; frigida & exili narratione culpam tegere, &c. he goeth about by a cold and slender narration to hide his fault, Calvin.

QUEST. LXV. Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainly, that he made the Calfe.

Vers. 24. I Did cast it into the fire, and thereof came this Calfe. 1. The Hebrewes seeking to excuse Aarons fault what they may, say that he intended not to make a Calfe, but cast in the golden eare-rings into the fire to consume them: but by the operation of Satan, working by certaine Egyptian Magicians in the camp, the forme of a Calfe came forth. But that Aaron had an intention to make a Calfe, appeareth by the former narration, vers. 4. how Aaron, after it was molten and cast, caused it to be fashioned with a graving toole. See more hereof, quest. 17. before.

2. Some thinke that Aaron, mentitur tim••re perterritus, maketh a plaine lie, being overcome of feare, Oleaster. So also Lyranus. But Aaron would have beene ashamed publikely to make a lye, as though he had purposed to make a Calfe, seeing it was not well knowne to all the people to be his doing.

3. Tostatus is of opinion, that Aaron herein is not faultie at all, but that he simply confessed that hee made the Calfe, being through feare of the people thereunto compelled: Sed Scriptura, qua breviloqu•• est, &c. hic eum breviter tangit: But the Sripture which is compendious, because the narration hereof was set downe before, doth but briefly touch it here. But it might as briefly have beene set downe, that Aaron made the molten Calfe, as it is expressed before vers. 4. therefore the brevitie of speech is not the cause.

4. Augustine thinketh that Aaron himselfe, compendio locut•••• est, used this compendious speech, and that he lied not at all,* 1.25 because Moses, eum de mendacio non arguit, doth not reprove him for lying. But as Aaron is not convinced here of a manifest lye, yet some colouring and dissimulation appeareth in his speech, because he doth not plainly confesse hee did it: Substantia facti narratur, tantummodo faciendi: He confesseth only the substance of the fact, concealing the manner. Moses reproveth him not for this dissembling, no more he doth for any other infirmitie here shewed, because he replieth not againe.

5. Hugo de S. Victor. would have the meaning of Aarons words to be this: Thereou•• came this Calfe, opere scilicet hominis, non miraculo, by the worke of man, not by any miracle. But the manner of his speech sheweth that Aaron sought to extenuate his sinne.

6. I therefore here rather consent to those, which thinke that Aaron coloured his fault by this speech: R••m ita refert, ac si praeter ipsius intentionem formatus sic vitulus: He so reporteth the matter, as though the Calfe were formed beside his intention, Marbach. Iejune & simpliciter narrat: Hee maketh a drie and slender narration, Simler. Exili narratione culpam tegere, &c. By a slender report he would cover his sinne, Calvin. Quicquid sit, atten••at quantum potest culpam: Whatsoever it is, in these words he exte∣nuateth his sinne what he may, Lippoman. And this seemeth to be more likely, because Aaron maketh a colourable defence and excuse of his fault thorowout, as is shewed before, quest. 64.

QUEST. LXVI. In what sense the people are said to be naked.

Vers. 24. MOses saw therefore, that the people were naked, &c. 1. Some understand it of their jewels of gold, which they were deprived of, being bestowed upon the idoll, Lyran. Hugo de S. Victor. But we read in the next chapter, that they were, splendidè ornati, they had goodly ornaments, Calvin, Marbach. Therefore they were not stripped of all. 2. Some thinke that they were disarmed: for Aaron fearing some mutinie and rising among the people, had taken away their armour, Cajetan. But in that it is said afterward, that the Levites girded their swords to them, vers. 27. it appeareth that their weapons were not taken from them, Simler. 3. Some expound it of the manifestation of their sinne: that whereas hitherto they were counted the true worshippers of God, now they should bee knowne to be idolaters, and so defamed among the Heathen, R. D. Kimbi, Oleaster, Vatab. 4. Some giue this sense: Aaron had made them naked, that is, laid all the fault upon the people. 5. Or they were naked, because they went about obstinately to defend their sinne: but in this sense Aaron could not bee said to have made them naked; for he would not have encouraged them to stand in defence of their sinne, having himselfe confessed it. 6. The Chalde translateth, Moses saw the people were idle, that is, gave them∣selves to eating, and drinking, and playing, and neglected the feares of warre, which would have beene unto their shame, if their enemies should encounter with them.

7. But beyond the rest, this is the most proper interpretation: that they were naked, gratia & prasi∣••lio Dei, of the favour, help and assistance of God, Iunius. Nudatus erat gratia & protectione, they were naked of his favour and protection, Ferus. Therefore, Si tunc corruissent hostes, proculdubio eos ignomi∣••iosè delevissent. If then the enemie had fallen upon them, they had most shamefully foiled them, Gallas. As the Canaanites overcame the Israelites, when they set upon them wilfully, God being not among them, Tostat. qu. 34. So also Calvin: Significat rejectos esse à Deo, Hee signifieth they were rejected of God, under whose protection they were. To the same purpose, Osiander, Borrhaius, Lippoman, Simlerus.

QUEST. LXVII. Why Moses stood in the gate, and what gate it was.

Vers. 26. MOses stood in the gate of the camp. 1. Cajetan thinketh that the camp had gates to enter in by, Quia castra munita eran•• tanquam civitas, because the camp was fenced about like a citie: and Simlerus thinketh that the camp was compassed about with a ditch, and by the same there were certaine passages and entrances into the camp. But that is not like that they alwayes entrenched them∣selves, seeing they were to remove at all times, as the cloud before them removed, which was sometime the same day, sometime within two dayes, Numb. 9.22. so that they could have no time to make any such ditch or trench, Tostat. qu. 34. 2. Who therefore thinketh right, that these gates were onely the places of entrance into the great streets which went thorow the camp; for the host lay in such or∣der, as that they had wayes and streets betweene their tents, as wee see now in cities and townes:

as Iosephus also describeth the situation and disposing of the camp. 3. Now Moses stood in the gate or entrance, not because the use was to give sentence and judgement in the gates, Lyran. Borrh. Or be∣cause Moses would have the Levites to give the onset in the beginning of a street, and so to go thorow, as Tostat. ibid. But this was the reason: Moses tabernacle or tent was without the camp, and so upon that occasion Moses stood in the entrance of the camp, going now to his owne tent, Iun.

QUEST. LXVIII. Whether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatrie.

Vers. 26. ANd all the sonnes of Levi. R. Salom. to whom consenteth Tostatus, thinketh, Quod nullus de Levitis aliquid peccaverit, That none of the Levites sinned in this great transgression; because it is said, All the sonnes of Levi gathered themselves unto him: and if the Levites had sinned, ••s other tribes, there had beene no more cause to advance them to the Priesthood, than other tribes.

Contra. 1. If that generall particle, all, bee pressed, then it would follow, that the children and all came, which could not be; for they were not able to use swords: the meaning then is not that all the Le∣vites came, but all which came were Levites, Iun. Sa. Or, all, is taken for many, as this speech is usually restrained in Scripture; as all nations are said to have come, and bought corne in Egypt, Gen. 41. 2. The Levites were more of Gods favour and grace, than of their desert, separated and selected for the Priest∣hood: yet it is evident, that this tribe was freer from consenting to this idolatrie, than other tribes: and for this their courage and readinesse in Gods service, they received a blessing.

2. Some thinke that even these Levites, which armed themselves against their brethren, were not al∣together, immunes à reatu, free from this sinne, but while they did it for feare, levius peccarunt, their sin was the lesse: and so the mercie of the Lord appeared so much the more, not only in pardoning their sin, sed gloriam suam eorum manu asserere dignatus est, but he vouchsafed by their hand to maintaine his glory, Calvin, Simler.

But it is not like that God would use their ministerie in the punishing of others, which were guiltie of the same punishment themselves, and their owne conscience accusing them, they would have had no such courage to revenge the Lords cause upon their brethren: it had beene also verie offensive to the guiltie parties, to be punished by them, which had beene alike guiltie. And Moses proclaiming, who per∣taineth to the Lord, let him come to me, did meane, that they only should come, who had beene faithfull unto God, and had not consented to that sinne.

3. Some Hebrewes doe help the matter thus, that because they cannot avoid it, but that some of the kindred of the Levites were guiltie of this transgression, because they did not spare their owne sonnes, vers. 29. that because it was lawfull for any of the other tribes, to take unto them the wives of Levites, their husbands being dead, those children which they had by them might be said to be the sons of Levi▪ that is, grand children on their mothers side. But this shift is taken away, because Deut. 33.9. it is said that the Levites knew not their owne father, or mother, or children: therefore they must needs bee un∣derstood to be Levites, not by marriage, or in some removed degree of kindred unto them, but the im∣mediate fathers, and sonnes of Levites.

4. Therefore the best opinion is, that all of the tribe of Levi were not free from this sin of idolatrie: many of them kept themselves, as it is like, at home, and consented not: but that a great sort even of Levi offended, it may thus appeare: 1. Because both Aaron himselfe was a ring-leader, who can by no meanes be excused from this sin, Lyranus. 2. It could not be avoided, but that many of the Levites were drawne away by Aarons example, Iun. 3. But yet it is more evident, because they consecrated their hands upon their owne sonnes and brethren; yea their fathers and mothers, that divers of the tribe of Levi fell away with the rest, Lyran. Iun.

Tostatus here answereth, that the name of brethren is taken largely, Pro fratribus, qui sunt de filiis Is∣rael; For their brethren which were of the children of Israel. qu. 35. Contra. 1. If it be allowed that the name of brethren is sometime so taken, what saith he to the other names of father, mother, sonne? These must be taken for the names of kindred; or else we shall never have any certaintie in Scripture, when we should by these names understand naturall fathers, mothers and children. 2. The other words, compani∣on and neighbour, shew that the first is a name of kindred: the first word ach signifieth here a brother in affinitie; the second, r••ah, a companion and friend: the third, karob, Vicinia ratione conjunctum, him, that was a neighbour in dwelling, and vicinitie or neernesse of place, Simlerus.

5. It is evident then that some of the Levites were accessarie to this great impietie, because they were punished among the rest. So that R. Salomon is herein greatly deceived, who thinketh that the Levites, though they were blame-worthy in not resisting the idolaters, yet were not idolaters themselves: nei∣ther consensu mentis, nec facto exteriori, in consent of minde, nor in any outward fact, &c. for the Levites had beene unjustly punished, if they had beene innocent. Nay, R. Moses Egyptius goeth further, saying, that although the Israelites often are found to have committed idolatrie: yet Levita nunquam idolatra∣verunt, the Levites never committed idolatrie. But the contrarie is evident by Aarons fall: for hee ap∣parantly was an idolater in his externall act, in building an altar unto the golden Calfe, and offering sa∣crifice before it. Paulus Burgensis in his reply proceedeth yet further, that when our blessed Saviour was put to death, the Levites, as they are distinguished from the Priests, were not principe•• in crimine illo p••ssimo, principall agents in that wicked crime: whereas it is evident that the Priests were the chiefe enemies that Christ had: the Levites indeed are not named: but seeing the high Priest with the other Priests, which were of the tribe of Levi were the contrivers of Christs death: then cannot that whole tribe be exempted from this villanous act, which is the intendment of Burgensis, a great favourer of that nation.

QUEST. LXIX. Of the authoritie which the Levites had, to doe execution upon the idolaters, and the rules prescribed them.

Vers. 27. THus saith the Lord, &c. 1. Tostatus thinketh that it is not necessarie here to understand, that Moses had any speciall commandement from God, but because he had received a Law from God, that idolaters should bee put to death, in executing that Law hee might justly say, that God commanded it, quest. 35. But seeing Moses was faithfull in all Gods house, we must not thinke that hee would pretend the name of God, without Gods speciall warrant: yet whether Moses received this com∣mandement from God by revelation, or by manifest vision, is not expressed, Pelarg. The latter is more like, as God used to speake to Moses at other times face to face. 2. And Moses maketh mention of Gods commandement, both to deliver himselfe from all suspition, that he did not give this charge of hatred to∣ward the people, and in rage, Simler. As likewise the Levites were encouraged hereby to enterprise this worke, which otherwise they would have beene hardly drawne unto, Tostatus.

3. Certaine rules are given them to observe: 1. They must goe to and fro, non solum transire jussi sunt, they are not only bid to passe thorow, but to returne, to goe everie way, ut in omnes populi partes animad∣verterent, that they should in everie place take punishment of the people, Gallas. 2. They must go from gate to gate, that is, thorow the streets and common wayes; Non committitur istis ut ingrediantur tento∣ria; It is not permitted them to enter into their tents and houses, Cajetan. 3. And everie man is comman∣ded to slay his brother, &c. not that everie one had a brother or kinsman to slay, sed ut occidat indifferen∣ter, but he must indifferently kill both one and other whom he met, that was to be killed, not respecting kindred, affinitie, or acquaintance, Tostat. qu. 35.

QUEST. LXX. Whether the Levites did not make some difference among the people, as they went and killed.

Vers. 27. SLay everie man his brother, &c. 1. Some thinke there was an outward marke of difference made among the people, by the which the Levites discerned who were to be killed, and who to be spared. And here are divers opinions. 1. Ab. Ezra, with some other Hebrewes, thinke that by drin∣king of the water, their faces or bellies did swell, that were the chiefe actors in this sinne. But then many more should have been killed than 3000. See this conceit overthrowne before, quest. 59. 2. Gallasius thin∣keth that by the drinking of the water Moses perceived, quibus idolum displiceret, who they were which were displeased with this idoll, and repented of their sin: and who were obstinate by their refusall. But it is not like that any of the people trembling now, and being afraid at Moses presence, durst so publikely and openly shew their contempt. 3. Simlerus inclineth to thinke, that there were some seditious persons in the camp, that went about to make a commotion among the people, and that the Levites did slay these 〈…〉〈…〉. But it is evident, vers. 35. that they were not slaine 〈…〉〈…〉, but for the golden Calfe, Gallas.

2. Some thinke there was no other signe of difference, but in the notice and 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Le∣vites: it is probable, Minime Levitas latuisse quinam primi esse•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 Levites were not ignorant, who were the chiefe Captaines of this perverse counsell, 〈…〉〈…〉 beene hard for the Levites, who as it is like kept themselves at home, and were not present with the people, of themselves to know, in so great a multitude, and in so short a time, who were the ring-leaders. Cajetan resolveth, that the Levites were so directed by God, who commanded this to bee done, Et qui cunct•• recte disponit, and who rightly disposeth all things; so that no innocent man was put to the sword. But this needed not to be feared, seeing all the people in generall consented in this sinne, and few or none of them were innocent.

3. Wherefore their opinion is most probable, who thinke that seeing all the people were guiltie only of this sinne, a few only excepted, that the Levites could not doe amisse, whomsoever they killed as they met, without making any difference: that whereas all had sinned, it was not unjust, if a few were sing∣led out from the rest, to pacifie the wrath of God, and to terrifie the rest. 1. Ambrose giveth this reason, Quia melius est pancorum supplicio universos eximi, quàm in omnes vindicari; It was better by the punish∣ment of a few, for all to escape, than all to be punished. 2. Gregorie Nyssenus saith, Omnes sine dispositione punito••, that all were punished without any difference, quia una omnes admalum conspirantes, quasi unus effecti sunt, because all of them conspiring together in evill were now but as one, &c. Like as when one is chastised for his fault, Non hoc aut illud affligit membrū, he that beateth him doth not make choice of one part rather than another, knowing that wheresoever he is whipped, ad totum corpus sensum doloris transi∣turum, that the sense of the griefe will reach to the whole body: so was it here. 3. Lippoman addeth, be∣cause all the people were culpable, Vt & totus populus aliquando punitus videatur; That the whole peo∣ple might seeme to be punished: it was more to Gods glorie, and the honour of the tribe of Levi, Si praceptum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 generaliter factum intelligamus; If we understand this precept of Moses generally with∣out any difference to have beene executed. 4. Oleaster further so thinketh, Omnes occurrentes sine dele∣ctu, &c. That the Levites killed all they met without any choice, quem••dmodum in aliis punitionibus ac∣cidi••, as it happened in other generall punishments, when some were plagued for all. 5. Calvin and Sim∣lerus make mention how the like thing was in use among the Romans, that if a whole band or compa∣ny of Souldiers had run away, or committed any grievous offence, the Emperour would tithe them out, and put everie tenth man, as he was drawne out by lot, to death. And thus the Thebean Legion, which consisted all of Christians, was twice tithed out by that cruell Emperour Maximinus.

4. Now the contrarie reasons, why some thinke that there was some difference made, are these. 1. Deus caco & turbulento impotu, &c. God would not have revenge taken in his cause upon a blin••e

and disordered heat, Simler. 2. By this meanes it came to passe, ut placid•• totus populus quiesceret, that all the people was well pacified, when they saw only certaine pestilent men to be taken out of the way, Cal∣vin. 3. Otherwise, if there had beene no such difference made, there would have no respect beene had of those, which shewed themselves penitent for their sinne, Gallas.

Contra. 1. Here need no disorder or confusion to bee feared, seeing all the people were guilty, the sword could not light upon any unjustly; and in that three thousand onely of six hundred thousand were slaine, it sheweth that the Levites executed Moses sentence with great discretion and moderation. 2. The people might as well be pacified, when they saw a few for examples sake, to be punished among such a great multitude. 3. They which were penitent, it is like kept them within, sorrowing for their sinne: the busie-bodies, and carelesse people went up and downe in the streets, whom the Levites, as they met, killed.

QUEST. LXXI. Why non•• came unto Moses, but only of the tribe of Levi.

Vers. 28. SO the children of Levi did, &c. 1. Some thinke, that others, which feared God in the campe, might joyne themselves also unto the Levites, who might be spared, Gallasius. But the text saith, vers. 26. that they were all Levites that came unto Moses: there were none then but of Levi, to whom Moses gave this thing in charge. 2. Calvin saith, Credibile est Levitas nominatim fuisse vocatos; It is credible that the Levites were called by name, which is the cause that none of any other tribe came. But Moses proclamation was generall: Who so pertaineth to the Lord, let him come unto mee. 3. There∣fore this rather may be the cause, why none of any other Tribe came, though it is not to bee doubted, that some among them feared God, and were not polluted with this sinne of idolatry: yet because they were not many of a Tribe, it is like being ashamed of their paucity and small number, they did for∣beare to shew themselves: likewise this was done, singulari Dei consilio & tractu, by the singular coun∣sell and instinct of God, who drew the Levites unto him, and put it in their minde to come, that because the Lord had already appointed them for the Priesthood, voluit Deus aliquo singulari facto eos reddere sa∣cerdotio dignos; God would by some singular fact make them worthy of the Priesthood: and that by their zeale Aarons fall might be somewhat covered, Simler. And by this meanes, eluitur infamia, ipsi Levi & po∣steris inusta. &c. that blot and infamy is done away, which did cleave unto Levi and his posterity for the slaughter of the Sichemites: for the which he received a curse of Iacob in stead of a blessing: which curse is now taken away, and they are rewarded and honoured of God for this their zeale: for the which Mo∣ses pronounceth a blessing upon them, Deut. 33.8. Gallas.

QUEST. LXXII. Of the number of them which were slaine, whether they were three thousand, or twenty three thousand, as the vulgar Latine readeth.

Vers. 28. ABout three thousand men. 1. The vulgar Latine text readeth after some copies, which Ly∣ranus and Tostatus follow, 23. thousand: after other, triginta tria millia, 33. thousand, as Vatablus and Osiander set downe the Latine text: which oversight of the Latine Translater is diversly defended: 1. Some thinke that the Hebrew text making mention but of three thousand, meaneth the principall only which were slaine: the Latine in the number of 23. thousand comprehendeth the num∣ber of the whole. 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh, that there were divers slaughters of the people, some died of drinking the bitter water: others were slaine by the Levites, and some were smitten and plagued of God: and that all these are summed together in the number of 23. thousand: those which the Levites only killed were three thousand. So also Ferus. But if all this should be granted, yet cannot the Latine Translater be excused, in setting downe 23. thousand, whereas three thousand only are named in the ori∣ginall. 3. Tostatus alleageth, that whereas the word in the originall is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cishlosheth, as three thou∣sand, the first letter caph, which is used for a note of similitude, may here stand for number of twenty. But he himselfe misliketh this answer; because neither is it the use of the Hebrewes to set downe their num∣bers by letters, the Greekes and Latines doe: and beside, the Latine text doth expresse here a note of similitude, quasi, as it were, or about 23. thousand. 4. Wherefore Tostatus resolute answer is, that in this place the Hebrew text is corrupt, and that the Latine is the truer: as the Talmudists themselves confesse, that in fifteene places the Hebrew text is corrupt, per errorem scriptorum, by the errour of the Writers. But this is a very absurd shift; rather than they will acknowledge any errour o•• oversight in the Latine, to lay the fault upon the originall: 1. Both the Septuagint and Chalde doe reade in this place three thou∣sand, which translations are more ancient than the Latine: therefore in the originall the errour is not. 2. There may be some scapes in the originall by the ignorance or negligence of the Writers, as in the mis∣taking of a letter, or such like: but to put in one word for another, both of unlike signification and sound, cannot be the Writers errour, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 shelosheth signifieth three, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 geserim, twenty: there is no affinity betweene these words. 3. The Latine translation hath many such like scapes, as Gen. 8.4. whereas the Hebrew hath, the seventeenth day of the moneth; the Latine readeth, the seven and twentieth: and many such places may be noted in the Latine, which cannot be justified: as is elsewhere shewed at large.* 1.26 As therefore it erreth in one place, so it may be subject to errour in another. 4. And how should the La∣tine text come to be privileged from errour? the writings of the Prophets only, which were directed by the Spirit of God, have that privilege: but the Latine Translater had not a Propheticall spirit. 5. The Hebrew is more ancient than the Latine: and the Latine is translated out of the Hebrew fountaine: and the Jewes have beene most carefull to preserve the originall copies pure: therefore in all likelihood the Latine is more subject to corruption than the Hebrew.

2. Wherefore the ingennous modesty rather of those Popish Writers is here to be commended, which confesse the Latine text here to be corrupted: as Montanus, who hath herein amended the Latine, and

Cajetanus, Vatablus, Lippom. Whereof this is an evident argument; because the Latine copies disagree, some have triginta tria millia, 33. thousand; some, viginti tria, ••3. thousand, as is before shewed: some tria millia, three thousand, as that which Montanus followeth in the great Philips Bible.

QUEST. LXXIII. How the Levites are said to consecrate their hands.

Vers. 29. COnsecrate your hands unto the Lord, &c. 1. The Latine Translater readeth, Consecrastis ma∣nus; Ye have consecrated: but it being put in the imperative moode, consecrate yee, sheweth that these words were spoken not after the slaughter was made, but either before to incourage the Le∣vites, Vatablus, Calvine, Cajetane: or while they were in the act doing, Moses by these words animated them, Iunius.

2. By consecrating their hands: 1. Tostatus understandeth, that as in their consecration, their right thumbes and toes were anointed with bloud, so now by shedding of bloud they should be consecrate, and as it were initiate in the Priesthood. 2. But the meaning is nothing but this: that this their service should be instar sacrificii, acceptable to God, as if they had offered a sacrifice, they did consecrate their mi∣nistery and service herein to God, as Iunius readeth, because they were employed in the Lords businesse, and were carried away with a zeale of his glory. 3. Beside, by this their fact, consecrati sunt ministeri••, they were consecrate to the ministery and service of God: as Deut. 10.8. it is said, The Lord the same time se∣parated Levi: where reference is made unto this fact of the Levites: and this is the blessing, which here is bestowed upon them. 4. Some understand it thus: Vnusquisque in filio & in fra••re suo erit per hanc actionem consecratus; Every one by this action shall be consecrate in his sonne and in his brother, Caje∣tane. So also Gallas. that is, they and their posterity should hereby be consecrated unto God. But seeing the word is in the imperative, consecrate ye: the meaning is rather, that they should consecrate every one his hand, intersiciendo filium, &c. in killing his sonne, or brother, Vatab. Calvin. And so is it expounded, Deut. 33.9. where it is said, that the Levites knew not their owne sonnes or children: but mention is not made of slaying their sonnes before.

QUEST. LXXIV. Of the time when Moses came downe from the mount, and when he returned againe.

Vers. 30. ANd when the morning came. 1. This was the next day after the idolaters were slaine, which was the very day of Moses comming downe from the Mount, which was the fortieth day of his being in the Mount with God: for that day was the publike solemnity celebrated by the Israe∣lites to the honour of their new golden god: as it appeareth by their melody and dancing, as Moses came downe from the Mount; the same day when Moses returned to the campe, which might bee about the sixt houre of the day, he cast the golden calfe into the fire, and armed the Levites against their brethren: the next morning he had this communication with the people, Tostat. quast. 37. 2. Now, whereas Moses saith, upon this next day, that hee would goe up to the Lord to intreat for them; some thinke it must be understood of his going up againe into the Mount, as it is written, Deut. 9. Cajetane, Borrh. So that this his going up, was when he stayed other forty dayes and nights, as he had done before, to make suppli∣cation for the people, Simler. And then this followed not immediately after hee had thus said, but cer∣taine dayes after, other things comming betweene, Tostat. qu. 38. 3. But it seemeth that this was another going up unto God, than when hee stayed there forty dayes the second time: for this going up was the next day after, Iun. But many things came betweene before his second solemne going up, which are re∣hearsed in the next chapter.

QUEST. LXXV. Why Moses urgeth the greatnesse of their sinne.

Vers. 30. YE have committed a grievous sinne, &c. 1. There were two dangers to be feared in the peo∣ple; on the one side security and extenuating of their sinne, and on the other, desperation: therefore to prevent the one, he telleth them of the greatnesse and grievousnesse of their sinne: and to helpe the other he promiseth, that he will goe up and pray for them, Simler. 2. And here, lest they might thinke that they only had sinned which were punished, he telleth them, that even they which remained, were guilty also of a great sinne, Tostatus. As our blessed Saviour telleth the Jewes, that they were not the greatest sinners, whom Pilate had put to the sword, but that others should repent, lest they likewise peri∣shed, Luk. 13. Ferus. 3. And Moses still urgeth the greatnesse of their sinne, ut ipsi quo{que} supplices confugiant ••d Dei misericordiam, that they also themselves should by their supplications flee unto the mercie of God, Calvin. 4. And this Moses doth, to take from them a false opinion, lest they should thinke to be ex∣cused in this sinne by their good intention, that they made the golden Calfe to the honour of God, Ferus. 5. And that which Moses doth here, in telling the people of their sinne, the Law of Moses practiseth still, In bringing men to a knowledge of their sinnes, Ferus.

QUEST. LXXVI. Why Moses speaketh as it were doubtfull••, If I may pacifie him, &c.

Vers. 30. IF I may pacifie him for your sinne. 1. This word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ulai, is not taken here as a signe of doub∣ting: for Moses being a faithfull man and full of confidence, did not doubt in his prayers: for he that doubteth, either maketh question of Gods power, that he is not able to grant that which hee asketh: or he is not perswaded of his mercie and goodnesse: he that doubteth hee shall not receive that which he asketh, bonitati Dei injuriam facit, doth offer wrong unto the goodnesse of God, which he dis∣trusteth. And such an one as asketh not in faith, shall receive nothing of the Lord, as S. Iames saith, Iam. 1. If Moses then had prayed doubtfully, he had not obtained that which he prayed for, Tostat. qu. 40.

2. But Moses speaketh thus, either in respect of the temporall punishment, which hee was not sure, whether it should wholly be remitted, for in temporall things wee have no assurance: De fide & salute certi esse debemus in precibus; Wee must be sure in our prayers of faith, and such things as concerne our

salvation, Simler. Or rather he useth this doubtfull speech, Ne secure de petenda venia cogitent; That they should not be secure in asking of pardon, Calvin. Difficultatem veniae significa••; He signifieth hereby how hard it was to obtaine pardon for them, Gallas. that hee might more effectually move them to repen∣tance, Ferus. As in the like sense this phrase is used in other places of Scripture: as Ioel 2.14. If perhaps he will returne, and repent him of the evill. Iosh. 14.12. It may be the Lord will be with mee. 1 Samuel 14.6. It may be the Lord will give deliverance by us. So 2 Tim. 2.25. If so be the Lord give them repentance to know the truth, Pelarg.

QUEST. LXXVII. Why Moses againe intreateth the Lord, seeing he was pacified before, vers. 14.

BUt what needed Moses to have intreated the Lord, seeing it is said, that he had repented him before of the evill which he had threatned? vers. 14. 1. Ferus thinketh it was an infirmitie in Moses, that ha∣ving heard before, that the Lord was pacified, iterum, quasi nihil tale audier••••, s••llici•••••• ••rat; yet prayeth againe, as though he had heard no such thing. So also Calvin: Quod dubitanter inchoent prec••s; That the faithfull begin their prayers doubtfully till faith prevaile. But this prayer of Moses proceeded of faith, for otherwise the Lord would not have heard him, as he did, Deut. 9.20. it shewed not then his infirmity. 2. Some thinke that Moses obtained nothing at his first prayer, but was kept in suspence. But this is be∣fore confuted, quest. 40. 3. Some are of opinion, that Moses prayer before, and this were but one, Simler. But the contrary appeareth, Deut. 9.20. 4. Therefore, these may be the causes why Moses prayeth againe: 1. The Lord granted before, that he would not destroy all the people at once, sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex in••ervallo, vel per partes; but whether he would doe it in continuance of time, and as it wore by peecemeale, hee knew not: which he prayeth for here, Lippom. 2. And there might be other sinnes as well as this, for the which the Lord should be angry with them: as Deut. 9.18. he saith, he prayed and fasted, because of all their sins. Tostat. 3. And now he prayeth not only for the turning away or judgements: but that the Lord would be againe fully reconciled unto his people, and restore them to their former state and condition of favour, Simler. 4. And he prayeth not only for the pardoning of their temporall punishment, but against everla∣sting death, which sinne deserveth, Osiander.

QUEST. LXXVIII. What booke it was, out of the which Moses wisheth to be raced.

Vers. 32. IF thou wilt not race me out of the booke which thou hast written. 1. By this booke R. Salomon un∣derstandeth the booke of the Law, as Deut. 33.4. Moses commanded us a Law: hee desireth, if the Lord were purposed to destroy the people, that his name should not be mentioned in the Law, nor he taken to be the Law-giver: for to what purpose should he be spoken of, as a Law-giver unto that people, which was not?

Contra. But this is not the meaning. 1. Because the bookes of the Law were not yet written: Moses therefore would not desire to be raced out of a booke, which was not. 2. Neither would Moses aske that of God, which was in his owne power to doe: now Moses did write the booke of the Law, and he might have left out his owne name, if he would. 3. Againe, Moses setteth against this great benefit, the safety of the people, the greatest losse which he could have: but this had beene no such great losse unto Moses, not to have his name remembred in any such written booke. 4. Moses here useth a disjunctive speech, Do•• this, or else race mee, &c. but if he meant the racing of his name out of the booke of the Law, there had beene no disjunction at all; for one had followed upon the other: for if Israel: had beene destroyed, nei∣ther should Moses have written the booke of the Law, which was only given unto Israel: for it had beene in vaine to give Lawes unto a people, that were not. 5. Moses also speaketh of a booke which God had written: now Moses writ the booke of the Law, the ten Commandements only were written with Gods hand, Tostat. quaest. 41.

2. R. Abraham Francus, who writeth upon Aben Ezra, understandeth the racing out of this booke, of the death of the body; and he addeth further, that there is, quaedam rota coelest••••, a certaine celestiall wheele, wherein are many starres, which worke by their influence upon those i••••eriour bodies: and by the moving of this wheele, death or life is caused: so that thus he would interpret Moses speech, Cause me by the motion of this wheele to dye.

But seeing the motion of this wheele, which he imagineth, is the naturall cause, as he supposeth, of life and death: Moses could not dye naturally, before his time came: and if now he should have died, it had beene not a naturall death, but supernaturally caused by God; therefore not by the motion of any such wheele, Tostat. ibid.

3. Hierom also differeth not much from this former opinion in substance,* 1.27 understanding Moses desire of death in this life: he wisheth, Perire in praesentiam, non in perpetnum; To perish for the present, not for ever. But whereas the Lord afterward answereth Moses, Whosoever hath sinned will I put out of my booke, vers. 33. it followeth, that they which sinne not, that is, without repentance, are not put out of that booke: but all, as well the righteous, as unrighteous, the just, and the sinners, are subject to this temporall death: therefore Moses speaketh not of that.

4. Hierom hath beside another opinion, for upon that place, Psalm. 69.28. Let them bee put out of the booke of life, neither let them bee written with the righteous; he inferreth, that God hath two bookes, vi∣ventium, & justorum, of the living, and of the righteous: that was the booke of the living, In quo ante ad∣ventum Dei Prophetae & Patriarchae scripti sunt; Wherein the Prophets, and Patriarkes were written before the comming of God (in the flesh;) the other, wherein the faithfull are written: whereof our bles∣sed Saviour speaketh, Rejoyce because your names are written in the booke of life: and of the first Moses (saith he) speaketh in this place. So some doe understand this booke (in the same sense with Hierom) of the booke of Gods Covenant, which hee made with Israel, out of the which the Gentiles were excluded, of

which mention is made, Ezech. 13.9. where the Lord saith that the false Prophets, shall not be written in the writing of the house of Israel. So Moses desireth here, not to be counted of the family of Israel, wherein all the Prophets and Patriarkes were written. But if Israel had now perished, the booke of Gods Cove∣nant with Israel likewise, should have beene no more remembred: therefore it had beene superfluous for Moses to desire to be raced out of that booke. And againe, the booke of the living, mentioned in the Psalme, is the same with the booke of life, spoken of, Apocal. 3.5. I will not put his name out of the booke of life. In which booke of life, not only the Prophets and Patriarkes before Christ, but all the faithfull before and since are written.

5. Cajetane understandeth it, De libro principatu•• in hoc mundo, Of the booke of principality and pre∣eminence in the world: for it is decreed with God, as in a booke, Quod isto vel illi principentur in hac vita; That such, or such shall beare rule in this life. And so Moses desireth to lose his principality and govern∣ment, which the Lord promised him, that hee would make of him a great nation, &c. But whereas they which sinned, only are taken out of this booke of life, and yet many wicked and evill men are governours in the world, it cannot be meant of any such booke or decree of principalitie or government.

6. Oleaster by this booke thinketh to be understood, the booke of the acts and doings of the righteous, which is mentioned, Iosh. 10.13. and 2 Sam. 1.18. But there are many righteous men, whose names and acts were not written in that booke: which is now thought also to be lost: therefore it had beene no great matter for Moses to wish to be put out of that booke.

7. Burgensis maketh foure bookes of God. 1. One is the booke of life, wherein only are written the names of the Elect, that are ordained unto life: as when souldiers are written in the muster booke, which are pressed, and appointed for warre. 2. That also may be called the booke of life, wherein those things are written, which lead and direct us unto life eternall: as that may be called a booke of warfare, where∣in the precepts of the act military are contained. So the Scriptures are called the booke of life, wherein the truth is contained, Eccles. 24.26. 3. The booke of God is that divine power, wherein every mans doings shall bee brought to his remembrance, as it is said, Dan. 7.10. Iudgement was set, and the bookes opened. 4. There is also a booke of the righteous, which conteineth the acts of the Saints, for the memory of times to come. In this place he thinketh the booke of God here may be taken, either the first or second way, Burgens. addit. 8. But Moses here speaketh of a booke only written by God, but those bookes of the Scriptures, and of the righteous, were written by men.

8. Tostatus maketh three bookes: one a great booke, wherein are all things registred in the world, and all men foreseene good or bad; which booke hee saith is divided into two other bookes, the one which only containeth the names of those which are ordained unto life, which is called liber praedestinationis, the booke of predestination: the other, wherein they only are written, whom the Lord foreseeth shall come to everlasting destruction: and this is called liber praescientia, the booke of Gods prescience. And in this place, Moses by Gods booke, understandeth the booke of predestination, Tostat. qu. 41.

But as Tostatus resolveth well, that the booke of life, and of Gods predestination is here understood: so yet that assertion of his, that there is a booke of prescience wherein their names are written, which shall be damned, hath no warrant in Scripture: for although it be most true, that as the number is certaine with God of those which shall be saved, so the Lord knoweth who are left unto destruction; yet the Scripture only giveth the name of a booke unto the first, and they which are rejected, are not said to bee written in any booke, but only not to be written in the booke of life, Psal. 69.28. Apocal. 27.8.

9. Therefore, thus better are the Lords bookes distinguished: 1. There are two generall and common bookes, as they may be so called; the one is the booke of Gods prescience, and providence, wherein the Lord seeth and directeth all things, which hee himselfe doth in the world: of this booke speaketh the Prophet David, Psal. 139.26. In thy booke were all things written, Simler. 2. The second generall booke is the booke of remembrance before the Lord, wherein all the acts of men, good and evill, are as registred be∣fore the Lord, as Malach. 3.16. it is said, A booke of remembrance was written before him, for them that fea∣red the Lord: so Apocal. 20.12. other bookes beside the booke of life were opened: the booke of every ones conscience, Borrh. 3. Then the third booke is the particular summe of all the elect appointed to sal∣vation, and this is the booke of life, which Moses meaneth here, Simler.

QUEST. LXXIX. How the Lord is said to have a booke.

TAke me out of the booke, &c. 1. This is a metaphoricall speech, sicut nos ea literis consignamus, as we use to signe with letters, those things the memory whereof we would have kept: so God is said to have a booke, not that he needeth any booke of remembrance, but because all things are present before him, as if they were written in a booke, Simler. Iunius.

2. So also Thomas: Liber vitaein Deo dicitur metaphorice; The booke of life is said to be with God by a metaphor,* 1.28 according to the use and custome of men: for they which are chosen to any speciall place or service, conscribuntur in libro, are written in a booke, as souldiers, and Counsellers, as among the Romans the Senators were called patres conscripti, the fathers whose names were written or registred.

3. So also Burgens. Sicut liber militiae vocatur, in quo scribuntur electi ad militiam; As the muster booke, or of warfare is so called, wherein their names are written, which are chosen for warre: so the Lord is said to have a booke of life, wherein all they are comprehended, which are ordained to salvation, Burgens. addit. 8.

QUEST. LXXX. Whether any can indeed be raced out of the booke of life.

TAke me out of the booke of life. 1. Some thinke that the elect indeed may be raced out of the booke of life: for they which are elected, Si secure vivunt abs{que} penitentia à numer•• electorum Dei exclu∣duntur,

If they live securely without repentance, are excluded out of the ranke, and number of the elect, Marbach. To the same purpose also Osiander: Deletur rursus de libro vitae, &c. He is blotted againe out of the booke of life, which by his sinnes loseth the celestiall inheritance. 2. Contra. But this is an unsound opinion: 1. For thus either they must make God ignorant of things to come, that he certainly forseeth not the end of the elect and reprobate, and so is deceived in his decree, in ordaining some to be saved, which shall not be saved; or else they must be driven to confesse, that Gods decree is mutable, that hee changeth his sentence in excluding those upon their sinnes, which were before elected. But neither of those are to be admitted, for neither is God subject to change, Iames 1.17. neither can his prescience or foreknowledge be deceived: as the Apostle saith, The foundation of God remaineth sure, &c. the Lord knoweth who are his, 2 Tim. 2.19. But this were no sure foundation, if they, which God in the decree of his election, knew to be his, should afterward fall out not to be his.

2. Indeed, they which live and dye without repentance, cannot be elected. But it is impossible that they which are elected, should finally fall away, or be void of repentance: but as God hath decreed the end of such to be everlasting salvation, so he hath also ordained the way and meanes, which they should walke in: as the Apostle saith, Ephes. 1.4. As he hath chosen us in him, before the foundation of the world, that wee should be holy, and without blame before him in love. Therefore Tostatus, with other of that side, are here∣in more sound, than the moderne Lutherans: Qui intus scripti sunt in libro vitae secundum firmam Dei prae∣destinationem, impossibile est deleri, &c. It is impossible for those to be blotted out, which are written in the booke of life, according to Gods firme and certaine predestination, Tostat. qu. 43. So also Lyranus, Im∣possibilis est deletio, &c. It is impossible to be blotted out, if we take it simplie to be written in the booke of life. So also Burgens.

QUEST. LXXXI. Of the two wayes whereby we are said to be written in the booke of life.

BUt one may be said two wayes to bee written in the booke of life. 1. Lyranus hath this distinction; one way they are said simply to be written, In quantum praedestinati sunt in noticia Divina, as they are ordained to salvation in the knowledge and prescience of God; and they that are thus written can never bee blotted out: another way, they are scripti secundum quid, written after a sort, not ac∣cording to the divine prescience or predestination: Sed secundum dispositionem in eis actu existentem, & secundum praesentem justitiam; But according to their disposition, which is in act in them, and ac∣cording to their present justice: and thus are they said to be blotted out, not in respect of Gods know∣ledge, as though any thing can fall out against his prescience, but in respect of their change, from grace into sinne.

2. Thomas also to the same purpose: some are said to bee blotted out, Non secundum rei verita∣tem, sed secundum hominum opinionem; Not according to the truth of the thing,* 1.29 but in the opinion of men: for it is usuall in Scripture, ut aliquid dicatur fieri, quando innotescit, that a thing should be said to be done, when it appeareth. So some are said to be written in the booke of life, quia homines ibi opi∣nantur scriptos propter presentem justitiam, because men thinke they are there written, in respect of their present justice. Then some are there written, ex pradestinatione, by predestination, which can never bee blotted out. Some, ex gratia, in respect of their present grace, which they may fall from, and so be blot∣ted out. And againe in another place, he expresseth the same thing in other termes. Some are predesti∣nate of God, Ins•• ut simpliciter habituri vitam aeternam, Simply to have life eternall in themselves: and these are so written in the booke of life, as they can never be blotted out. And some are so written, Vt habeant vitam aeternam non in se, sed in sua causa; To have life eternall not in themselves, but in respect of their cause and present state of Justice, which when they fall from, they are said to be blotted out.

3. So before them both, Augustine, We must not so take it brethren, Quod quenquam Deus scribat in li∣br•• vitae, & deleat illum; That God writeth any in the booke of life, and blotteth him out for if a mor∣tall man said, that I have written, I have written, shall we thinke that God writeth and blotteth out: Prae∣scius est Deus, & praedestinavit omnes ante constitutionem mundi regnaturos cum filio; God foreseeth all things, and he did predestinate all before the making of the world, that should reigne with his sonne, &c. Therefore this is said, Secundum spem ipsorum qui ibi se scriptos putabant; That some are written, which are said to be blotted out in their owne opinion, because they thought they were there written: so that where it is said, let them be blotted out of the booke of life, the meaning is, ut ipsos constet non illos ibi esse, that it may appeare unto them, that they are not there. To this purpose Augustine,* 1.30 as he is alleaged both by Simlerus, and Borrhaius.

4. Tostatus followeth the same distinction: that some are written in the booke of life, secundum fir∣mam praedestinationem, according to Gods sure predestination: some only secundum praesentem justitiam, in respect of their present justice: these may bee blotted out, and not the other: but he addeth further; that so likewise in the booke of Gods prescience, wherein onely they are written, whose end is damna∣tion: some are written there, secundum firmam Dei praescientiam, according to Gods firme prescience: others, secundum praesentem injustitiam, according to their present injustice: These may be blotted out, and not the other. And this writing of them in one booke, according to their present justice; in the other, according to their present injustice, he calleth the writing, foris, without the booke: the other writing according to Gods predestination and prescience, he saith, is intus, within the booke.

Then out of these positions, he inferreth certaine conclusions: 1. That it is possible for one to be writ∣ten in both these bookes, the booke of life, and the booke of death together: in the one, according to Gods predestination or prescience; in the other, according to their present justice or injustice. As he which is predestinate unto life, may according to his present state of injustice be written in the booke of death,

foris without, as Paul, while he was yet a persecutor: and one may be in Gods prescience written in the booke of death, and yet according to his present state of grace, he may be written in the booke of life, as Iudas, while yet he continued in Christs obedience and preached the Gospell.

2. Yet it is possible for one to be written twice in the same booke, both in regard of Gods prescience, and his owne state and condition: as Moses was thus written in the booke of life, and Iudas when he be∣trayed Christ in the booke of death.

3. They which are written in the booke of life according to predestination, may be blotted out thence, according to their present state and condition, as David, when he sinned: and so in the other booke like∣wise, as Saul, while he was yet a vertuous King, he was written in the booke of rejection in Gods presci∣ence, but blotted out, in regard of his present justice.

4. But he that is written in the booke of life according unto predestination, cannot be written in the booke of death according to Gods prescience, and so on the other side: because one and the same cannot be foreseene of God, both to salvation, and condemnation.

5. And they which are written according to their present justice in the booke of life, cannot at the same time be written in the booke of death, according to their present injustice: because one cannot at the same time be counted righteous, and wicked before God, Tostat. qu. 43.

But these exceptions may worthily be taken unto Tostatus conclusions: 1. Because he maketh a booke of death, and speaketh of putting in, and blotting out of that booke: whereas the Scripture acknowled∣geth only a booke of life, not any of death: for not to be written in the booke of life, though they bee not written in any other blacke booke, is sufficient unto everlasting perdition. 2. He calleth the booke of death the booke of Gods prescience only, as though God were not a Judge also in condemning the ves∣sels of wrath into hell, and ordaining them justly thereunto, as he is in the electing the vessels of honour to salvation. 3. It is an errour, that God writeth any in either of those bookes on the backside in respect of their present state or condition of justice or injustice: for Gods writing there is unchangeable: they are there said to be written, in regard of their present state, secundum spem ipsorum, in their owne hope, as Augustine, or secundum opinionem homin••m, according to the opinion of men, that thinke them to be there written: as Thomas before alleaged.

QUEST. LXXXII. Whether Moses did well in wishing to be raced out of the booke of life, and in what sense he so prayeth.

NOw then seeing the elect, which are once written in the booke of life, can never be blotted out, and Moses was not ignorant thereof, how could he pray so directly against the will of God?

1. Some thinke that he might so pray, to be raced out, not as he was there eternally written according to Gods prescience, but in respect of his present state of grace: as Lippoman saith, that when Moses sinned at the waters of strife, delevit eum de libro secundum praesentem justitiam; God blotted him out of his booke in respect of his present justice, but afterward put him in againe, &c. But it cannot be so here: for seeing none are so blotted out, but by their sinne: for Moses to desire to be so raced out, had beene, petere peccare mortaliter, to crave to sinne mortally: and againe, God doth not thus race out any, in re∣spect of their unrighteousnesse, but they race out themselves.

2. Some thinke that Moses thus prayed, quia turbatus erat, because he was troubled and perplexed, and did not consider at that instant, whether that were impossible, which he desired: and they thinke he thus spake, ex impetu passionis, in the heat of his passion, Ex Lyrano. And Calvin saith not much unlike: Mo∣sem tanta vehementia fuisse abreptum, ut loquatur quasi ecstaticus; That Moses was carried away with such vehemencie, that he spake as a man beside himselfe. But Lyranus reason confuteth this answer: because, tranquillitas mentis, tranquillity of minde is required in him that commeth unto God.

3. Augustine giveth this exposition: Ego sum certus, quod non delebis me de libro vitae, &c. I am sure that thou wilt not blot me out of the booke of life, and so Lord let me be as sure, that thou wilt not de∣stroy this people, Ex Lyran. Tostat. But in that to this part of Moses request, the Lord answereth negative∣ly, that he will not blot out him, but whosoever sinneth; Moses spake not so in that sense of his owne confidence and assurance, for then the Lord would not therein have contradicted him, but rather have gi∣ven consent unto his speech, as approving his confidence; or else it would seeme to be an impertinent answer, neither of which is to be admitted.

4. Rupertus, whom Ferus followeth, thinketh that Moses speaketh affirmatively in this sense; that if so the Lord in mercie would not pardon the peoples sinne, but deale rigorously, consequitur, ut me de libro tuo deleas, it must also follow, that I be blotted out of the booke of life.

But this should have shewed Moses to be wavering and doubtfull of his owne salvation; whereof the faithfull have such confidence and assurance, that though thousands should perish, they would make no question of their owne salvation.

5. Lyranus giveth this interpretation, that Moses thus spake, Secundum dispositionem partis inferioris anima; According to the disposition of the inferiour part of his minde, that is, in his affection and de∣sire: though it were not so, in voluntate rationem superiorem sequente, in his will following his judge∣ment, the superiour part of his soule; as Christ in his desire wished the cup to passe from him, yet simpli∣citer vellet pati, simply would suffer: and so Moses here, simpliciter voluit non deleri, simply would not bee blotted out.

But this example is nothing like. 1. For first divers of the ancient Writers prove out of this place the two wils of Christ,* 1.31 as Athanasius, Humana voluntas propter infirmitatem carnis refugiebat passionem; His humane will, by reason of the infirmity of the flesh refused to suffer: sed divina prompta erat, but his divine

will was ready, &c. So also Hierom: then in this sense, this example fitteth not Moses at all, who had not two such wils as Christ had. 2. But allowing Christ here to pray as man, which is rather to be received: for as God he prayeth not, but is prayed unto. We may further admit that distinction of Peter Lombard, that there is Duplex affectus, mentis, & sensus; A double affection of the minde, and of the sense: Christ in the affection of his minde and judgement, was willing to suffer, but sensualitatis affectu, in the affection of his sense, he desired the cup to passe: but this was a naturall desire in Christ to escape death; now in Moses to wish not temporall, but eternall death, was a supernaturall desire, and therefore proceeded not from the sensuall part of his minde, but rather out of his most inward feeling▪ and meditation.

6. Tostatus thinketh it to be a parabolicall speech, Ad signandum intentionem defideri••; To shew the in∣tention of his desire: like unto that of Rachels unto Iacob, Give me children, or else I dye, Gen. 30. and yet Rachel would rather have chosen to live, and have no children, than to have children, and then presently die: like as if a man should say, Doe this thing for mee, or else kill me: and yet he had rather that thing should be left undone, than himselfe to be killed: and after the same manner doth Moses pray here. But this were for Moses to speake one thing, and meane another. And, as Hierom well compareth them toge∣ther, Moses spake here with the like affection, that S. Paul prayeth to be an anathema, and accursed for his brethren sake; which the holy Apostle spake with his whole desire, calling Christ to witnesse that he lied not. As S. Paul is not to be taken there to speake parabolically, or figuratively, but even from his heart, so doth Moses here.

7. Borrhaius saith, that Moses thus prayeth with a condition, Si non vis, if thou wilt not pardon Israel, then race me out, I am vero Moses non velle Deum Israelem in totum perdere, fide agnovit; Now Moses was sure by faith, that God would not wholly destroy Israel.

But Borrhaius maketh that the conclusion here: God will not destroy Israel, therefore I cannot bee blotted out, &c. which Moses useth as an argument to perswade the other, Race mee out, of thou wilt not, &c. And beside, Moses here prayeth not, that the Lord would not wholly destroy the people, for that God had granted him before, vers. 14. but that the Lord would forgive them their sinne, and be fully re∣conciled.

8. Iunius understandeth this desire of Moses, also to be conditionall, but in another sense, as this con∣dition he would have supplied, Si Deo placebit, si videbitur; If it shall please God, if it shall seeme good unto him: which condition the Apostle would have generally understood, Iam. 4. So also Marbachius would have the like condition expressed, Si possibile fit, If it be possible, as our Saviour putteth in that condition, If it be possible.

But these instances are not alike in temporall things, because Gods will is not revealed unto us, we must limit our desires with a subordination of our wils unto Gods will: as our blessed Saviour there prayeth out of the naturall will and desire of man, not looking unto Gods secret counsell. But in spirituall things, where Gods will is evidently knowne, as Moses knew, that it was impossible for Gods decree in the ele∣ction of his Saints to bee changed: it had beene an idle and superfluous condition, inwardly to have so conceived, or outwardly to have professed, if it were possible: himselfe knowing the contrary, that it was impossible.

9. And to say, that Moses preferred the safety of the people before his owne soule: as Calvin seemeth to affirme, Nihil aliud venit in ment••••, quam ut salvus fit populus; Nothing else came into his minde, than that the people should be safe; may be thought to be against the rule of charity: for though another mans soule ought to be dearer unto mee, than mine owne bodily life, yet my soule ought to be dearer unto me; than all mens soules in the world. And Tostatus further addeth, that if all the soules of the Saints, yea of the Virgin Marie should perish, unlesse my soule perish, Citius deberem eligere om••es illas perire, quam ani∣mam meam; I ought rather to wish all their soules to perish, than mine owne.

10. Wherefore this only remaineth to be the meaning and sense of Moses fervent desire here, that, be∣cause the salvation of Israel was joyned with Gods glory, both in respect of the promises made to Fathers, which it was not for Gods honour to frustrate; and to prevent the blasphemies, which the Egyptians and other, would be ready upon the ruine, and destruction of the Lords people, to cast out against him: Moses therefore, Non tantum populi salutem, sed ante omnia gloriam Dei spectavit; Did not only looke unto the salvation of the people, but unto the glory of God, so that in respect thereof is carelesse of his owne salva∣tion, Simler. Pretiosa est nobis animarum salus, sed multo pretiosior nobis esse debet gloria Dei; The salva∣tion of our soules is precious unto us, but Gods glory ought to be more precious unto us, Gallas. So Mo∣ses in this place, prayeth not as a man beside himselfe, not considering what he said: as neither was Paul forgetfull of himselfe, when he wished to be accursed, so Israel might be saved; for Paul so writeth, Post longam meditationem; After long meditation and ••dvisement.

QUEST. LXXXIII. In what sense the Lord saith, I will put out of my booke, &c.

Vers. 33. WHosoever hath sinned against me, him will I put out of my booke, &c. 1. Some doe gather hence, Inconsideratè precatum Mosem; That Moses prayed inconsiderately: quia casti∣gat Deus praepostorum ajus votum, because God correcteth his preposterous desire, Calvin. But Ferus col∣lecteth better, as if the Lord should say thus; Delector quidem tanto charitatis tuae ardore, &c. I am deligh∣ted with such great heat of charity, but justice must be kept, which condemneth not the innocent, &c. 1. Hugo de S. Victor. understandeth the Lord here to speake of blotting out, not secundùm praescien∣tiam Dei, according to Gods prescience, but secundum praesentem statum, in respect of their present state. So also Tostat. quaest. 44. But the Lord answereth to Moses petition in his sense, which was to be raced out of his booke, (rather than the people should perish) not in respect of his present state, for that had beene

to desire to sinne, and by sinne to be raced out but eternally: therefore in that sense the Lord also maketh answer.

3. Some hold indeed, that God may race out the very elect upon their sinne, Marbach. But that were to make God mutable, and changeable. See this assertion confuted before, qu••st. 80.

4. Iunius maketh it a conditionall speech: si aliqui delendi essent, if any were to be blotted out, then they which sinne shall be so raced out: But the Lord speaking here of notorious sinners, pronounceth certainly what shall be their end: they shall have no part in God.

5. Some interpret it only of the manifestation of the rejection of the wicked: De•••• tandem patefactu∣rum reprob••s, &c. That God will at the length make manifest the reprobate, which for a while seemed to be counted in the number of the elect, Calvin. But the Lord answering to Moses petition, keepeth the same sense: now Moses, by racing out, meaneth not any such manifestation, for he was no reprobate, but indeed an actuall blotting or putting out: therefore that must be also the Lords meaning here.

6. Borrhai••s giveth this sense, of these words, Whosoever hath sinned, &c. that it must not be understood of every sinne, but of such as sinne, and are not restored by repentance. So also Ferus: Qui peccaverit mihi; He that sinneth against me: quò in••••itur finalis imp••••nit••ntia; by the which is signified finall impeniten∣cie. This exposition is sound: but yet it taketh not away the doubt and scruple which lieth in the other words, him will I put out, &c. and not in these.

7. Wherefore I rest in Gallasius interpretation: Delere hic dici impropriè, atque accipi pra rejici, reproba∣ri; That to blot out is spoken improperly, and it is spoken to be rejected, and become a reprobate: the Lord will blot them out, that is, they shall not be numbred among the elect. And this exposition is war∣ranted by that place, Psal. 69.28. Let them be put out of the booke of life, neither let them be written with the righteous: to be put out then of the booke of life, is as not at all to be written there.

QUEST. LXXXIV. What day of visitation the Lord meaneth here.

Vers. 34. IN the day of visitation, &c. 1. Some of the Hebrewes say, Primum diem anni, That the first day of every yeere, is this day of visitation. But God did not use to plague them upon every such day. 2. Some understand it of the captivity of Babylon, but beside, that other causes are shewed by the Prophets of that captivity, so the sinnes of the ages then present: God would not visit the sinnes of the fathers upon so many generations; he saith he will visit the iniquities of the fathers, but to the third and fourth generation. 3. The Interlinearie Glosse referreth it to the Roman•• captivity. But our Saviour in the Gospell sheweth there was another cause thereof, for that they did not know the time of their visita∣tion, Luk. 19.44. Christs bloud, which the Jewes wished to be upon them and their seed, calleth for ven∣geance against them. 4. Lyranus taketh this day of visitation, for the day of finall judgement. So also Osiander. But that judgement shall be generall: the Lord here speaketh of a particular day of visitation for the Israelites onely. 5. Some thinke that God sent a speciall plague not long after, for this idolatry, which is mentioned in the last verse of this chapter, Tostat. quaest. 46. So also Iunius Analys. But we reade not of any such plague mentioned in the Scripture, and therefore, it being a conjecture without ground, is with more reason rejected, than received.

6. Rab. Salomon thinketh, that every day, wherein the Hebrewes were punished, was this day of visita∣tion: and R. Moses Gerundens. saith, that there is no revenge to this day in Israel: Wherein there is not an ounce of the iniquity of the calfe, Ex Oleaster. But the Lord meaneth some speciall day of visitation here, Tostat. quaest. 46. And this is the Jewes blindnesse, to thinke still that they are punished for their fathers sinnes, because they see not their owne.

7. Simlerus and Borrhaius, Pelargus, doe thinke this day of visitation, to be understood of all those plagues and calamities, which they suffered in the desart; where all their carcasses fell, which were above twenty yeere old, when they went out of Egypt, onely Caleb and Ioshua excepted. And though this befell them for their murmuring, as is declared, Numb. 14. yet other former sinnes might concurre withall.

8. But it is not necessary to set downe any certaine time of punishment, which should be this day of visitation, Cum varie tum in pa••res tum in filios, Deus animadvertit, Seeing God did divers wayes punish both the fathers, and the children, Gallas. And it is no new thing with God, Plura simul peccata uno vin∣dictae genere vocare in judicium, In one kinde of punishment to judge many sinnes, Calvin. Therefore, see∣ing God often times deferreth the punishment of the fathers, to the third and fourth generation: the Lord afterward when he saw his time, and other sinnes gave occasion, did also remember this.

9. But together this must be understood, that God would in the meane time expect their repentance: and if they did not repent, then when time served, he would remember them accordingly, Marbach. Yet the Lord doth also herein a manner foretell, that the people would give novas subindies occasiones, new occasions still of punishment, such was their hardnesse of heart, Calvin.

QUEST. LXXXV. When the Lord plagued the people for the calfe.

Vers. 35. SO the Lord plagued the people. 1. R. Salomon thinketh, that this was some plague sent into the host by the Lord at this time, beside the slaughter of three thousand by the Levites. So also Tostatus. But there being here no expresse mention made thereof, this opinion wanteth a foundation to be built upon.

2. Lyranus addeth further, that thus the Latine text may be helped, which readeth 23. thousand, for three thousand: these 20. thousand might be those which died of the plague. But Tostatus taketh away this answer; for still, if the originall only make mention of three thousand, and the Latine of 23. thou∣sand, it must needs be in errour departing from the Hebrew fountaine, quaest. 46. Yet Tostatus falleth

into a worse inconvenience, in justifying here the Latine text before the Hebrew, as is shewed before; quest. 72.

3. Therefore these words, And the Lord plagued the people, have relation to the slaughter of three thou∣sand, made by the Levites, vers. 28. and it is said the Lord plagued them, that they might know, that this punishment, Non à Mosis arbitrio, sed judicio Dei profectum est, Proceeded not from Moses minde, but from the judgement of God, Gallasius. So also Simler. Calvin. Oleast. Osiand. Marbach. Pelarg.

4. Iunius thinketh that this plague was alio tempore, at another time, when the Lord punished them for other sinnes. But the former exposition is to be preferred, because wee reade not of any such plague inflicted for this sinne. So Hugo de S. Victor. interpreteth: so God plagued the people, scili••et supradicta interfectione, &c. that is, by the former slaughter which the Levites made: whence it appeareth, H••c in∣stinctu Dei factum, non malevolentia Mosis, That this was done by instinct of God, not through the malice of Moses.

QUEST. LXXXVI. Of the difference betweene the act of sinne, the fault, staine, and guilt.

Vers. 35. BEcause they made or procured the calfe which Aaron made. The Latine Translater readeth, the Lord plagued them, pro reatu vituli, for the guilt of the calfe, that is, the sinne commit∣ted about the calfe. Tostatus hereupon taketh occasion to shew the difference betweene p••cca••••do, & rea∣tus, the sinne and the guilt thereof, which Hierom thus translating seemeth to confound; and because some use may be made of his tractate here, I will compendiously, and summarily abridge it.

In every sinfull act then there are five things to be considered, Actus peccati, cu••pa, ••acula, reatus, poena; The very act of the sinne, the fault, the blot, the guilt, the punishment.

1. The act of sinne, as it is an act, is not alwayes evill: for idem est actus in peccato, & in honesto, there is the same act in substance in sinne, and in that which is honest: as in adultery there is the like externall act, as in lawfull matrimony; the fault, which is in respect of the circumstances, which are not observed, maketh the difference.

2. The second thing to bee considered, is culpa, the faultinesse of the action, which is committed by the not due observing of circumstances, which are these: 1. Quid, what it is, that he doth, whether it bee lawfull or unlawfull, honest or dishonest. 2. Quantum, the quantitie must bee considered, as one may steale much or little, and raile sparingly, or with a full mouth. 3. Quoties, how often, for hee that com∣mitteth the same sinne often, is more blameable, than he which doth it but seldome. 4. Qualiter, in what manner, whether willingly or unwillingly, whether hee be quicke or slow in doing it. 5. Cum quo, with what instrument: as he that smiteth with a stone, is not equall to him that striketh with a sword. 6. Ad quem, with whom the sinne is committed, as fornication betweene them that are married, is more hei∣nous, than betweene single parties. 7. Vbi, where, in what place: as to steale any thing out of the Church is worse, than out of an house. 8. Quando, when, for it is more to sinne upon the Lords holy day, than upon another. 9. Ad quid, to what end: for the end maketh a thing of it selfe lawfull, unlawfull: to make an action good, all these things must concurre: but it is enough to make it evill, if it faile in any of them: Now this faultinesse of the action passeth with the action it selfe, which is the subject thereof, and remaineth not.

3. But there is left behind macula, a certaine staine, or blot in the soule, whereby the image of God is deformed.

4. And beside this staine, there is a guiltinesse of punishment.

5. And then the last thing is the punishment it selfe in this world, or the next,

QUEST. LXXXVII. How God may justly punish twice for one sinne.

BUt seeing it is here said, that God plagued the people, how can it stand with Gods justice to punish them againe for the same sinne, as he threatneth he will visit their sinne in the day of visitation.* 1.32 The like doubt may be moved, how God in justice inflicteth eternall punishment after temporall: as the dis∣obedient in Noahs floud then perished with water, and now their spirits are in prison of hell. So Sodom and Gomorrha were burnt with fire, and now suffer beside the vengeance of eternall fire, whereas the Lord saith by his Prophet, Non consurget duplex tribulatio; Tribulation shall not rise up the second time:* 1.33 but to this divers answers are made.

This rule being admitted, that God punisheth not twice for one fault, though it is not well concluded out of that place of the Prophet, for there the meaning is, that God will make a finall destruction at the first, he shall not need to afflict them againe: as Abishai said to David in that sense,* 1.34 Let mee smite with a speare to the ground, and I will not smite him againe. But this principle being granted, thus it may further be answered.

1. That the same sinne is not twice to be punished, if the punishment be equivalent to the sinne: other∣wise we see divers punishments may be inflicted justly even among men, according to the quality of the offence, as traitors are hanged drawne and quartered. So because no temporall punishment is equall to the sinne committed, the everlasting is justly also added.

2. If the wicked were but guilty of one sinne, one punishment might satisfie▪ but seeing they commit many, it is not unjust for them to taste of divers punishments.

3. Everlasting punishment is to be considered two wayes, Extensive, in respect of the continuance of it, and intensive, in the increasing and inlarging of it, though the wicked are temporally punished here, yet God may afterward use some mitigation of punishment in hell, for that which they indured here. And this solution Tostatus insisteth upon, as the best, quast. 47.

But none of these answers doe fully satisfie: not the first, for everlasting punishment is equivalent to

the greatest sinne, though no temporall judgement should goe before: nor the second, for though they are guiltie of many sinnes, yet when God punisheth them for all together, it is counted but as one pu∣nishment, and therefore should not be iterated according to that rule: nor the third, for though everla∣sting punishment should be mitigated, yet it is a second, and iterated punishmen••.

4. Wherefore▪ the best solution is this, that temporall judgement is not properly a punishment: but it is tanquam aliquid hortativum, as meanes to perswade them to repentance. And if they be intractable, and will not repent: yet is their example profitable for the admonition of others, as S. Peter saith, That So∣dom and Gomorrah were made an example to them, that afterward should live ungodly. And unto the obsti∣nate themselves, their finall destruction is not so much here a temporall punishment, as principium p••nae aterna, a beginning of their everlasting punishment.

4. Places of Doctrine.

1. Doct. The Iewes found to be Idolaters as well as the Gentiles.

Vers. 1. VP, make us gods. Rupertus and Ferus following him, note hereupon, that the Jewes sinned as well as the Gentiles: lest they might have insulted over them as the onely Idolaters: Vt tam Iudaeis, quam Graecis os omne obstruatur; That as well the Jewes mouth as the Grecians might bee stopped: as the Apostle saith, Rom. 11.32. God hath shut up all in unbeleefe, that hee might have merci•• upon all.

2. Doct. God seeth all things both good and evill.

Vers. 7. THe people have corrupted their wayes. The Lord did behold the vanity of the Israelites, how they had made them a golden Calfe, and sacrificed unto it, and danced about it: according to that saying of the Wise-man, Prov. 15.3. The eyes of the Lord in every place behold the evill and the good: and Iob 11.11. He knoweth vaine men and seeth iniquity, and him that understandeth nothing.

3. Doct. All anger not unlawfull.

* 1.35Vers. 19. SO Moses wrath waxed hot. Basil upon this example of Moses, who afterward commanded the Levites to put their brethren to the sword, which was not done without an holy anger, inferreth, that ira quando oportet, & ut oportet ex ratione dispensata, &c. anger shewed when and as it ought, and governed by reason, est actionum bonarum ministra, is the instrument of good actions: as hee sheweth further by the example of Phinches against the adulterer and adulteresse, and of Helias against Baals Priests. And hereby Calvin confuteth that paradox of the Stoikes: Omnes animi motus esse viti••∣sos; That all the motions of the minde are vitious: for this anger of Moses being in zeale towards Gods glorie, and so proceeding from the instinct of Gods Spirit, was a commendable vertue.

4. Doct. All monuments of idolatrie must be removed.

Vers. 20. AFter he tooke the Calfe. Moses here taketh away the occasion of idolatrie, & it a tollit, ut nihil inde relinquatur, and so he taketh it away, that nothing remaineth thereof: So likewise did Ezekiah, that brake downe the brasen Serpent, and Iosias, that demolished all the monuments of idola∣trie, Ferus.

5. Doct. Peace not to be had with the wicked.

* 1.36Vers. 27. SLay every one his brother, &c. Gregorie hereupon well observeth, that although peace be much to be desired, yet men must take heed, ne consentiendo perversis, ab authoris su•• se pace disjun∣gat, lest by consenting unto the wicked, they doe disjoyne themselves from the peace of their Creator, &c. as here the Levites would have no peace with the Idolaters, but put them to the sword. So the Pro∣phet David saith, Psal. 139.21. Did I not hate them O Lord, that hate thee, &c. yea I hate them with a per∣fect hatred.

6. Doct. To punish, and doe execution upon wicked offenders, no disgrace.

Vers. 29. COnsecrate your hands unto the Lord. They had shed the bloud of their brethren, which had committed idolatry, yet therein did an acceptable service unto God: for they were armed thereunto by the lawfull authority of the Magistrate. Atque hic unus casus est, quo licet privato uti gladio; And this is the only case wherein it is lawfull for a private man to use the sword, when it is given him by the lawfull Magistrate, Ferus. Therefore, Si judex vel tortor es malorum, ne judices te proph••num; If thou art a Judge or tormentor of the wicked, doe not thinke thy selfe thereby prophaned: for it is as accepta∣ble unto God to punish the offenders, as to extoll the righteous, Oleaster. Gedeon commanded his eldest sonne Iether to fall upon the Kings of Midian, and afterward at their request, he did execution with his owne hands, Iudg. 8. So Phinchas ran thorow with his sword the adulterer and adulteresse: Samuel with his owne hands hewed Agag the King of the Amalekites in peeces. It was not then a shamefull or oppro∣brious thing to be an executioner, as now adayes it is: whereof these two reasons may be given, because such commonly as are used in that service, are lewd persons themselves, and so odious: and men that are evill bent, would not have any punishment inflicted upon sinne, and therefore they hate the very minister of justice. But seeing that God useth as well good Angels as evill in the execution of his judgments; and the place and calling of a Judge is honourable, that giveth sentence upon the wicked, and seeing it is as pleasing to God to punish a wicked person, as to set free the righteous, it cannot be an odious thing in it selfe to be a minister of justice, Simler.

7. Doct. The number of the elect certaine with God.

Vers. 32. TAke me out of the booke. God then hath as it were a booke written, wherein all the names of the elect are contained: whence it may be concluded and inferred, that the number of the

elect is certaine with God, and none of them can possibly perish, Piscator: as the Apostle saith, The foun∣dation of God is sure, and hath this seale, the Lord knoweth who are hi••, 2 Tim. 2.19.

5. Places of Confutation.

1. Controv. That it is not lawfull to make images to represent God by.

Vers. 5. TOmorrow shall be the holy day of Iehovah. It is evident then, that neither Aaron, nor yet Israel did thinke this Idoll to be their God; but they thought this tended to Gods honour: and they used this only as a visible representation of God: the Romanists therefore use but a slender shift when they alleage, that they are unlike the former Idolaters, Quod stat•••• & simulachra ne{que} vocent, ne{que} exist••ment deos; Because they doe neither call, nor thinke their images to be gods: for no more did the Gentiles thinke, that the very idols which they worshipped, were their gods: they called them all by a fi∣gurative speech, because they were made to represent their gods: likewise, those are but vaine preten∣ces, which are commonly used by the popish Idolaters: Nolum••s à Deo recedere, ipsum quaerimus, &c. his adjumentis imbecillitas nostra sublevatur, &c. Wee purpose not to depart from Gods service, wee seeke and serve him, but by these meanes our infirmity is helped, &c. for all this here the Israelites pretended, Gallas. See more hereof, quest. 18. before, and Synops. centur. 2. error. 44.

2. Controv. The Papists proved to be Idolaters like unto the Israelites.

Vers. 6. ANd offered burnt offerings, &c. Though the idolatrou•• Israelites intended here the service of God, yet in as much as they set up an Altar before the golden calfe, danced before it, and prai∣sed it, they were very formall Idolaters, and idoll Worshippers. The Romanists therefore are not here wrongfully charged to worship idols, seeing they set them up in their Church before Altars, decke them with flowers, adorne them with apparell, and jewels, burne candles before them, and incense, kneele unto them, and knocke their breasts: yea they set their similitude of beasts before their images, as a dog they dedicate to Rachus, an hog to Antonie, a Dragon to S. George, an Hart to Hubert, Gallas.

3. Controv. Against the Iewes that boast they came not of Idolaters.

THe Jewes likewise are here refuted, who make their boast, Quod ex iis, qui idololatria dediti fuerunt, non descenderunt; That they are not descended of them, which were given to idolatry:* 1.37 whom Cyril thus confuteth: Patres eorum in deserto vitulum conflatilem adoraveru••; Their fathers in the desert wor∣shipped the golden Calfe, and in the time of the Judges they went after strange gods, and under the Kings, Judea as well as Israel played the harlot, Ierem. 3.8. and committed spirituall fornication.

4. Controv. That the Pope may erre.

Vers. 5. WHen Aaron saw that, he made an Altar before it. By this that Aaron was seduced, and not only made a calfe for the idolatrous people, but erected an Altar, and proclaimed an holy day: we see that even holy men of excellent gifts, and high calling, erroribus & peccatis gravissimis ob∣noxios, are subject to errours, and grievous sinnes, Piscator. Which sheweth the shamelesse pride of them, which being neither in calling nor gifts like Aaron, yet say they cannot erre, B. Babing. The Pope is farre inferiour to Aaron, who erred; at the least he would not challenge to be superiour to Peter, who erred in denying his master, and after was received, when he was reproved openly by S. Paul, Galath. 2. See more of this, Synops Pap. Centur. 1. error. 47.

5. Controv. Against the invocation of Saints.

Vers. 13. REmember Abraham and Isaack. &c. The Romanists doe urge this place to prove the invo∣cation of Saints: who (they say) being in heaven doe pray for us here in earth. But herein they contradict themselves, holding that the Fathers under the old Testament, were in that dungeon of darknesse, which they call Limbus Patrum, and so were ignorant of such things, as were done in the world: but it is evident in this place, that Moses doth not make these Fathers Mediators or intercessors for Is∣rael; but only presseth and urgeth the covenant which the Lord confirmed by oath unto them.

6. Controv. Against merits.

LYranus further upon this place noteth, Allegat merita Patrum, Moses alleageth the merit of the Fa∣thers. But Moses insisteth only upon the promise, which the Lord made to Abraham, which was fou••∣ded upon the Mesiah: therefore, Non propter patrum merita, sed respectus promissi Messia petit, he maketh request, not for the merits, or worthinesse of the Fathers, but in respect of the Messias who was promised, Simler. For neither was Abraham himselfe justified by his workes of merits, but by faith, as Saint Paul sheweth, Rom. 4.3.

7. Controv. Against the Lutherans that tolerate images in their Churches.

Vers. 20. ANd he tooke the calfe. Moses did not only restraine the people from worshipping this abo∣minable idoll, but he defaceth it, and taketh it out of the way; which practice and example of Moses sheweth their errour, who although they condemne the adoration of images, yet thinke they may be tolerated in their Churches. But Moses could not indure the sight of this Idoll. So the Apostle saith. Babes keepe yourselves from Idols, Ioh. 5.21. They must not only beware of worshipping them, but take heed of the offence that may come by the sight of them, Gallas.

8. Controv. Against the Popes insolencie that indureth not to be reproved.

Vers. 21. ANd Moses said unto Aaron, &c. Though Aaron were appointed of God to be the high Priest, yea he was Moses elder brother: yet Moses doth no•• forbeare him, but doth open∣ly reprove him: therefore the insolency of the Bishop of Rome is intolerable, who holdeth scorne to bee reproved: unto whom his clawbackes ascribe so much, Vt simille 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ducat ad ••re••m n••m•• ei

dicat, cur facis sic, &c. That although he should lead a thousand soules to hell, none should say unto him, why dost thou so? Simler. Paul rebuked Peter openly, who by silence confessed his errour, and suffered himselfe to be reprehended.

9. Controv. Against satisfaction before God by temporall punishment.

Vers. 28. SO the children of Levi did as Moses commanded, &c. The Lord was well pleased with this pu∣nishment, which was inflicted by the Levites upon the idolaters: yet we must not thinke, that Gods wrath was hereby satisfied: for God was appeased before by Moses prayer, vers. 14. neither was it likely that the punishment of a few could satisfie for the sinne of the whole host; that the death of three thousand could make amends for the sinne of six hundred thousand, Simler. But, ad exemplum profuit, this punishment was profitable for the example of others: and by this meanes, castra purgata fuerunt, the campe was purged of the ringleaders of this sinne, Calvin.

10. Controv. Of the corrupt reading of the vulgar Latine text, setting downe 23. thousand, for three thousand.

ABout three thousand: The Latine Translater therefore here readeth corruptly, 23. thousand, as is before shewed at large, quest. 72.

11. Controv. All shedding of bloud maketh not one irregular, and unmeet for the Ministery.

Vers. 29. COnsecrate your hands. The Romanists observation therefore of irregularity is superstitious, that allow none to be admitted to Orders, which have beene shedders of bloud: Lippoman one of their owne Writers, giveth here a good note, Non est ergo omnis effusio sanguinis irregularitatis no∣ta; All shedding of bloud is not then to be held a note of irregularity; seeing the Levites thereby were consecrated, &c. Indeed manslayers, and bloudy men are not easily to bee admitted to the Ecclesiasticall Ministery: but one which hath served in the warres, or had borne the office of a Judge, being otherwise meet for his gifts, is not for any such respect to bee debarred: As Ambrose in the better times of the Church, of a Judge was made a Bishop.

12. Controv. Against the Romanists that thinke no man can be certaine of his salvation, but by revelation.

Vers. 32. RAce me out of thy booke. Procopius here well collecteth, Ecce Mosi per omnia exploratum fuit, &c. Behold, Moses did certainly know, that his name was contained in the booke of life. But Tostatus thinketh, that this was extraordinary: and that now, Aut rarissimi homines aut quast nullus certus est; That few, or in a manner none are sure of their salvation. Moses he thinketh had this by reve∣lation, and by his familiar conference with God: and so S. Paul, when he was taken up into the third hea∣ven, Tostat. quaest. 42.

Contra. 1. Moses was assured of his election, even as other faithfull are: God answereth him, that hee which sinneth, that is, without repentance and recovery, shall be raced out: therefore he that sinneth not so,* 1.38 but repenteth of his sinne, is sure he is there written: as the Apostle saith, Hee that is borne of God, son∣neth not: sinne doth not reigne in him: and so againe it may be turned, he that sinneth not, is borne of God. And S. Peter saith, Brethren give diligence to make your election and calling sure, for if yee doe these things, ye shall never fall, 2 Pet. 2.10. By good workes then, as lively testimonies of our faith, our election may be made sure. 2. The ground also of S. Pauls confidence and assurance, was not so much any speciall revelation, as the common operation of faith in Christ: he was perswaded nothing should separate him from the love of God, which is in Christ Iesus our Lord, Rom. 8.39. Faith therefore in Christ, Pauls Lord and ours, assureth us of Gods inseparable love. See more Synops. Centur. 4. err. 25.

13. Controv. That God doth not only foresee, but upon his foresight also decree the condemnation of the reprobate.

Vers. 33. HIm that sinneth, will I put out of my booke. Tostatus further here hath this observation: that the reprobate are not predestinate of God, as the elect are, but praesciti tantum, onely fore∣seene: Solum cognoscit Deus quod iste vel ille homo erit infoelix, non quod de eo aliquid statuerit, &c. He on∣ly knoweth, that this or that man shall be damned, and be unhappy, not that God decreeth any thing of such, quest. 41.

Contra. 1. This opinion is contrary to the Scripture: Iudas is called the child of perdition, Ioh. 17.12. Saint Paul calleth the reprobate vessels of wrath, prepared to destruction, Rom. 9.22. and Saint Inde, They were of old ordained to this condemnation, vers. 4. These places doe evidently shew, that the reprobate are ordained, prepared, and appointed unto condemnation. 2. Otherwise, if it were not so, that God de∣creeth the end and condemnation of the wicked, hee should be deprived of the one part of the office of the supreme Judge, which is as well to decree punishment to the wicked, as rewards to the righteous. 3. Indeed a difference there is betweene the decree and foreknowledge of the one, and of the other, but not that which Tostatus imagineth. As first, God ordained both for the elect, the end, which is salva∣tion, and the way for them to walke in: but God foreseeth only the evill wayes of the wicked, but their end he both foreseeth, and decreeth: secondly, the decree of election is only of grace, without the fore∣sight of the faith, or good workes of the Saints: but the decree of actuall condemnation in the wicked, is upon the foresight of their sinne, and misbeleefe, as is elsewhere shewed more at large. See more here∣of, Synops. pag. 822.

14. Controv. The punishment of sinne remaineth not after forgivenesse of sinne.

Vers. 34. YEt in the day of visitation, I will visit them. Ferus hereupon observeth, that God many times, dimissa culpa p••nam sibi reservat, &c. doth reserve the punishment, the fault being par∣doned. As Adam and Eve had their sinnes forgiven upon the promise of the Messiah, yet they both

received punishment: so Numb. 14.20. God at Moses request forgave the sinne of the murmurers, yet all their carkasses fell in the wildernesse.

Contra. 1. That which God forgiveth, he perfectly pardoneth: Ierem. 31.34. I will forgive their sinnes, and remember their iniquities no more: Ezech. 18.22. His transgressions shall be mentioned no more unto them. But if the punishment should bee reserved still, then after remission, their sinnes should bee re∣membred. 2. Wherefore their chastisements which follow after the confession of sinne, as in the examples given in instance, were rather corrections for their owne emendation, or the example of others, than punishments for sinne: as Tostatus reasoneth, that if sinne be directly punished, nunquam daeretur ei temporalis poena, sed aeterna, it should never have temporall, but eternall punishment: it is therefore, non poena peccati, sed admonitio quaedam, not the punishment of sinne, but a certaine admonition, Tostat. qu. 47. See Synops. pag. 653.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. The absence of the Pastor verie dangerous.

Vers. 1. OF this Moses, we know not what is become. Vides hoc loco absentia rectoris, grandem fieri jactu∣ram populi; Wee see by this place, that the people are in great hazard by the long absence of the governour, Lippom. Let idle Pastors, and secure Non-residents remember this, how that the wolfe will spoile the flocke, when the Pastor is gone: therefore Saint Paul exhorteth the Elders of Ephesus to take heed of themselves and the flocke, because he knew, that after his departure grievous wolves would enter, not sparing the flocke, Act. 20.29.

2. Observ. Men are then unthankfull, when their good is intended and procured.

FUrther, herein is noted their great ingratitude, that while Moses was occupied in receiving lawes for them for their good, they go about to make an idoll: so as Chrysostom noteth, The Jewes the same night sought to take Christ, when he instituted his last Supper for their comfort. The people here renounce Moses, even when he was most carefull for their good, Oleaster.

3. Observ. Excesse in eating and drinking, maketh men forget God.

Vers. 6. THey sate them downe to eat and drinke, and rose up to play. Which sheweth that gluttonie and drunkennesse is the mother of play and wantonnesse: as Gregorie noteth,* 1.39 Cum corpus in re∣fectionis delectatione resolvitur, cor ad inane gaudium relaxatur: While the bodie is too much delighted in outward refection, the heart is let loose to vaine rejoycing, Pelarg. So the Apostle saith, Be not drunke with wine, wherein is excesse, but be filled with the Spirit; the filling with wine maketh us emptie of Gods Spirit.

4. Observ. Against prodigall expenses, in superstition and vanitie.

Vers. 3. THey plucked from them their golden earings. Here appeareth the right guise of superstitions men, that are very sparing in setting forth the true service of God, but are most lavish in decking their idols, as many adulterers doe suffer their wives and children to want, being most prodigall in maintaining their harlots, Simler. They also are here noted, which upon their vanities can bestow whatsoever, as in playing at dice and cards, and such like, but are verie sparing in workes of charitie, as giving to the poore, Oleaster.

5. Observ. The force of the Saints praiers.

Vers. 10. LEt me alone. Wee see what force is in the prayers of the Saints, whereby the Lords hands are as it were tied and bound from smiting: Dei potentiam servi praeces impediebant: The servants prayers hindred the Lords power, Hierom. Ligatum habent sancti Dominum, ut non puniat,* 1.40 nisi per∣miserint ipsi; The Saints have the Lord bound, that he cannot punish, unlesse they will, Bernard. So the Apostle saith, The prayer of the righteous availeth much, if it be fervent, Iam. 5.16.

6. Observ. Not to be rash in anger.

OLeaster further doth thus collect here, that as God without Moses consent, would not exeicise his fierce wrath upon the people, so men in their anger should consult with their friends, not as Reho∣boam, who refused the aduice of his prudent counsellers.

7. Observ. Of the commendation of fasting.

Vers. 19. HE brake them in peeces, &c. Ambrose hereupon thus noteth, Tabulas legis, quas accepit ab∣stinentia, conteri fecit ebrietas; The tables of the law, which abstinence and fasting received, drunkennesse caused to bee broken: that is, as soone as Moses saw the riot and excesse of the people, through anger he brake them: Sterilitatem matris Sampson, vini abstinentia faecundavit: Annam non man∣ducantum exandivit Deus; Abstinence from wine made Sampsons mother fruitfull: and God heard Anna, absteining from meat, &c. And our blessed Saviour saith, This kind goeth not out, but by prayer and fasting.* 1.41

8. Observ. No respect of persons to be had in regard of Gods glorie.

Vers. 21. ANd Moses said to Aaron. Calvine here giveth this good note, that Moses, the question being of Gods worship, non minus fratri suo germano parcere, &c. doth no more spare his owne brother, then if he had been a very stranger: there must bee no respect had of friendship, kinred, acquain∣tance, when Gods glorie commeth in question: as the Levites afterwards sheathed their swords even in their owne sonnes and brethren. So the Apostle saith, Have not the faith of our glorious Lord Iesus in respect of persons, Iam. 2.1.

9. Observ. Not to put off the fault to another, whereof our selves are guiltie.

Vers. 22. THou knowest this people. Aaron putteth off the fault from himselfe, and laieth it upon the people: Hic est pernitiosus iam inde ab Adam in nobis inveteratus mos, &c. This pernicious error even from Adam is growne into a custome, to transferre the fault upon another, Lippoman. for so did Adam turne it to Eve.

10. Observ. Mercie and justice to be tempred together.

Vers. 27. SLay every man his brother. Videmus in Mose duo contraria, &c. We see two contrarie things in Moses, mercie and judgement: mercie in his praying for the people, and justice in comman∣ding the idolaters to be slaine, Ferus: which two being joyned together in Governours Civill and Ecclesi∣asticall, doe make a pleasant and sweet harmonie: as the Prophet David saith, Psal. 101. I will sing mercie and judgement, unto thee O Lord I will sing.

11. Observ. We must go on in our calling, though we see others punished before us.

Vers. 24. GOe now therefore, bring the people, &c. Though the Lord did respite the peoples further punishment; yet he would not have Moses be negligent in that charge which was com∣mitted unto him: Etsi vult populum punire, tamen nobis pergendum est in nostromunere: Although God intend to punish his people, we must goe on in our dutie, Simler. So when the plague was begun in the host, Moses bid Aaron take his censer, and so hee censed betweene the dead and the living, and the plague staied, Numb. 16.

Notes

• * 1.1

  B.G.L.
• * 1.2

  B.V.
• * 1.3

  B.I. cum cater. I.S.A.
• * 1.4

  A great error in the Latine text. I.A.
• * 1.5

  I.A.
• * 1.6

  B.G. cum cae∣ter.
• * 1.7

  Homil. de pr••d••∣tion. Iucta.
• * 1.8

  Quaest. 141. in Exod.
• * 1.9

  Epistol. 56.
• * 1.10

  Lib. 1. mirabil. sacr. Script. c. 25.
• * 1.11

  Epist. 36. lib. ••▪ Epistol.
• * 1.12

  22. q. 168. ar. 2. in Cor. & ad. 2.
• * 1.13

  In Dan. 9.
• * 1.14

  Greg. 9. moral. cap. 11.
• * 1.15

  Cont. Iulian. li. 5.
• * 1.16

  Hom. 21. supe•• Ioan.
• * 1.17

  In 5. Isai••▪
• * 1.18

  Cont. Ius••an. li. 5.
• * 1.19

  In Dan. cap. 5••
• * 1.20

  Lib. 3. de spirit. s••nct. cap. 2.
• * 1.21

  Lib. 22. cont. Faustum Mani∣cheum.
• * 1.22

  Hieron. ad Fa∣biolam.
• * 1.23

  In Psal. 73▪
• * 1.24

  2.2. qu. 10. ar. 3.
• * 1.25

  Quaest. 145, in Exod.
• * 1.26

  Synops. Contr. ••. qu. ••.
• * 1.27

  Hieronym. Alg••∣sia.
• * 1.28

  1. p.q. 24. ar. 1. in cor.
• * 1.29

  1. p. qu. 24. ar. 1. & 3.
• * 1.30

  In Psalm. 69.
• * 1.31

  Ex Epistol. Aga∣thon. ad Const. In 14. Marc.
• * 1.32

  1 Pet. 2.19. Epist. Iud. v. 7.
• * 1.33

  Na••••m 1.9▪
• * 1.34

  1 Sam. 26.••▪
• * 1.35

  Sermon. de ira.
• * 1.36

  Gregor. in Pa∣stor. p. 3. cap. 23.
• * 1.37

  Cyril. lib. 6. super Ierem. c. 5.
• * 1.38

  1 Iohn 3.9.
• * 1.39

  1. Moral. cap. 5.
• * 1.40

  Serm. 30. super cantic.
• * 1.41

  Matth. 17.21.