The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of the English nation, made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World, with the directions, letters, priuiledges, discourses, and obseruations incident to the same. (Book 1)

Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions, taken out of the historie of the Kings of Britaine, written by Galfridus Monumetensis, and newly printed at Heidelberge, Anno 1587.

Lib. 9. cap. 10.

ANno Christi, 517. Arthurus, secundo regni sui an∣no, subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus, claslem suam dire∣xit in Islandiam, eámque debellato populo subiugauit. Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas rumore, quod e•• nulla Prouin∣cia resistere poterat, Doldauius rex Gotlandiae, & Gunfacius r••x Orcadum vltrò venerunt, promissoque vectigali subiecti∣onem feceiunt. Emensa deinde hyeme, reuersus est in Bri∣tanniam, statúmque regni in firmam pacem renouans, mo∣ram duodecim annis ibidem fecit.

The same in English.

IN the yere of Christ, 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne, hauing subdued all parts of Ireland, sailed with his fleet into Island, and brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection. The rumour af∣terwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands, that no countrey was able to withstand him, Doldauius the king of Gotland, and Gunfacius the king of Orkney, came voluntarily vnto him, and yeelded him their obedience, promising to pay him tribute. The Winter being spent, he returned into Britaine, and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace, he continued there for the space of twelue yeres.

Lib. 9 cap. 12.

MIssis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis, inuitantur tam ex Gallijs, quàm ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani, qui ad curiam venire deberent, &c. Et paulò post: Ex collateralibus au∣tem Insulis, Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae, Maluasius rex Islandiae, Doldauius rex Gotlandiae, Gunnasius rex Orchadum, Lot rex Noruegiae, Aschilius rex Danorum.

The same in English.

AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers kingdomes, he summoned such as were to come to his Court, aswell out of France, as out of the adiacent Islands of the sea, &c. and a little after: From those adiacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland, Maluasius king of Island, Doldauius king of Gotland, Gunnasius king of Orkney, Lot the king of Nor∣way, and Aschilius the king of Denmarke.

Lib. 9 cap. 19.

AT reges caeterarum Insularum, quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere, pedi∣tes quot quisque debebat, promittunt, ita vt ex sex Insulis, videlicet, Hyberniae, Islandiae, Gotlandiae, Orcadum, Noruegiae, atque Daciae, sexies viginti millia essent annumerata.

The same in English.

BUt the kings of the other Islands, because it was not their custome to breed vp horses, promi∣sed the king as many footmen, as euery man was bound to send: so that out of the six Islands, namely, of Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmarke, the king had sixe score thousand souldiers s••nt him.

A testimonie of the right and appendances of the crowne of the kingdome of Britaine, taken out of M. Lambard his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. fol. 137. pag. 2.

ARthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum, vir magnus suit & animosus, & miles illustris. Parum fuit ei regnum istud, non fuit animus eius contentus regno Britan∣niae. Subiugauit igitur sibi strenuè Scantiam totam, quae modo Norweia vocatur, & omnes in∣sulas vltra Scantiam, s••z. Islandiam, & Grenlandiam, quae sunt de appendicijs Norweiae, & Suechordam, & Hyberniam, & ••u••landiam, & Daciam, Semelandiam, Winlandiam, Cur∣landiam, Roe, Femelandiam, Wirelandiam, Flandriam, Cherelam, Lappam, & omnes alias terras & insulas Orientalis Oceani vsque Russiam (in Lappa scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni Britanniae) & multas insulas vltra Scantiam, vsque dum ••ub Septentrione, quae sunt de ap∣pendicibus Scantiae, quae modo Norweia vocatur. Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occultè. Ar∣thurus autem Christianus optimus fuit, & fecit eos baptizari, & vnum Deum per totam Nor∣weiam venerari, & vnam fidem Chri••ti semper inuiolatam custodire, & suscipere. Ceperunt vniuersi proceres Norweiae vxores suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo, vnde Norwe∣gienses dicunt se exijsse de gente & sanguine regni huius. Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex à domino Papa, & à Curia Romana, quod confirmata sit Norweia, in perpetuum coronae Britanniae in augmentum regni huius, vocauítque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram Bri∣tannie. Hac verò de causa dicunt Norwegienses, se debere in regno isto cohabitare & dicunt se esse de corpore regni huius, scilicet de corona Britannie. Maluerunt enim manere in regno isto, quàm in terra eorum propria. Terra enim eorum arida est, & montuosa, & sterilis, & non sunt ibi segetes nisi per loca. Ista verò opulenta est, & fertilis, & crescunt hic segetes, & caetera vniuer∣sa. Qua ex causa saepius per vices gesta sunt bella atrocissima inter Anglos & Norwegienses, & interfecti sunt innumer••biles. Occupauerunt verò Norwegienses terras multas & insulas regni huius, quas adhuc detinent occupatas, nec potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli. Tan∣dem modò confederati sunt nobis fide, & sacramento, & per vxores suas, quas postea cepe∣runt de sanguine nostro, & per affinitates, & coniugia. Ita demum constituit, & eis concessic bonus rex Edouardus propinquus noster (qui fuit optimus filius pacis) per commune confili∣um totius regni. Qua de causa possent, & debent predicti de caetero nobiscum cohabitare, & remanere in regno, sicut coniurati fratres nostri.

The same in English.

ARthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the Britains, was a mightie, and valiant man, and a famous warriour. This kingdome was too litle for him, & his minde was not conteated with it. He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia, which is now called Norway, and all the Islands beyond Norway, to wit, Island and Greenland, which are apperteining vnto Norway, Sweueland, Ireland, Gotland, Denmarke, Semeland, Windland, Curland, Roe, Fe∣meland, Wireland, Flanders, Cherilland, Lapland, and all the other lands & Islands of the East sea, euen vnto Russia (in which Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his Brittish Empire) and many other Islands beyond Norway, euen vnder the North pole, which are appendances of Scantia, now called Norway. These people were wild and sauage, and had not in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors, because all euill commeth from the North, yet there were among them certeine Christians liuing in secret. But king Arthur was an exceeding good Christian, and cau∣sed them to be baptized, and thorowout all Norway to worship one God, and to receiue and keepe inuiolably for euer, faith in Christ onely. At that time all the noble men of Norway tooke wiues of the noble nation of the Britaines, whereupon the Norses say, that they are descended of the race and blood of this kingdome. The aforesayd king Arthur obteined also in those dayes of the Pope & court of Rome, that Norway should be for euer annexed to the crowne of Britaine for the inlarge∣ment of this kingdome, and he called it the chamber of Britaine. For this cause the Norses say, that they ought to dwell with vs in this kingdome, to wit, that they belong to the crowne of Bri∣taine: for they had rather dwell here then in their owne natiue countrey, which is drie and full of

mountaines, and barren, and no graine growing there, but in certeine places. But this countrey of Britaine is fruitfull, wherein corne and all other good things do grow and increase: for which cause many cruell battels haue bene oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway, and infinite numbers of people haue bene slaine, & the Norses haue possessed many lands and Islands of this Empire, which vnto this day they doe possesse, neither could they euer after∣wards be fully expelled. But now at length they are incorporated with vs by the receiuing of our religion and sacraments, and by taking wiues of our nation, and by affinitie, and mariages. For so the good king Edward (who was a notable mainteiner of peace) ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the whole kingdome, so that the people may, and ought from hencefoorth dwell and remaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing sworne brethren.

A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monumetensis, concer∣ning the conquests of Malgo, king of England. Lib. 11. cap. 7.

VOrtiporio successit Malgo, omnium ferè Britanniae pulcherrimus, multorum tyran∣norum depulsor, robustus armis, largior caeteris, & vltra modum probitate praecla∣rus. Hic etiam totam Insulam obtinuit, & sex conprouinciales Oceani Iusulas: Hyberniam videlicet, atque Islandiam, Gotlandiam, Orcades, Noruegiam, Daciam, adiecit dirissimis praelijs potestati suae.

The same in English.

MAlgo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest man in person of all Britaine, a prince that expulsed many tyrants. He was strong and valiant in warre, taller then most men that then liued, and exceeding famous for his vertues. This king also obteined the gouernment of the whole Island of Britaine, and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixe Islands of the Ocean sea, which before had bene made tributaries by king Arthur, namely Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmarke.

The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall historie of the English nation.

EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis, id est, eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat, maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt, Anglorum pariter & Britonum populis praefuit, praeter Cantuarios tantùm, necnòn & Mena∣uias Britonum insulas, quae inter Hiberniam & Britanniam sitae sunt, Anglorum subiecit potestati.

The same in English.

EDwin king of the people of Northumberland, that is to say, of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber, being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine, bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation, except onely the people of Kent: who also brought in subiection vnder the English, the Isles of Man and Anglesey, and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons, which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland.

Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose. Lib. 2. cap. 9.

ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto, gens Nordanhumbrorum, hoc est, ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat, cum rege suo Eduino, verbum fidei (praedicante Paulino, cuius supra meminimus) suscepit: cui vi∣delicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei, & regni coelestis potestas, & terreni creuerat impe∣rij: ita vt (quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit) omnes Britanniae fines, qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur, sub ditione acceperit. Quin & Menauias insulas (sicut & supra docuimus) imperio subiugauit Anglorum. Quarum prior quae ad austrum est, & situ am∣plior, & frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior, nongentarum sexaginta familiarum men∣suram, iuxta aestimationem Anglorum, secunda trecentarum & vltrà spatium tenet.

The same in English.

IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord, sixe hundreth twentie and foure, the people of Northumberland, to wit, those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber, together with their king Edwin, at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned, embraced the Gospel. Under which king, after he had once accepted of the Chri∣stian faith, the power both of the heauenly & of his earthly kingdome was inlarged; insomuch, that he (which no English king had done before him) brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine, which were inhabited either by the English men themselues, or by the Britons. Moreo∣uer, he subdued vnto the crowne of England (as we haue aboue signified) the Hebrides, common∣ly called the Westerne Islands. The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South, and more abounding with corne then the rest, conteineth according to the estimation of the English, roome enough for 960. families, and ••he second for 300. and aboue.

The voyage of Bertus, generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland, in the yere of our Lord 684, out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie.

ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto, Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum, misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto, vastauit mi∣serè gentem innoxiam, & nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam, ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis. At insulani & quan∣tum valuere armis arma repellebant, & inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus ••e vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant. Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint, creditum tamen est, quòd hi qui merito impieta∣tis suae maledicebantur, ocyùs Domino vindice, poenas sui reatus luerent.

The same in English.

IN the yeere of our Lord 684, Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ire∣land with an armie, which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England, insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries. Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes, and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses, they pleaded for reuenge. And al∣beit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God, it was thought notwithstan∣ding, that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences.

The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway, reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England, about the yere 890.

OCther said, that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland. Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman. He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast: and affirmed that the land, notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North, yet it is all desert and not inhabited, vnlesse it be very few places, here and there, where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast, who liue by hunting all the Winter, and by fishing in Summer.* 1.1 He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how far••e that land stretched Northward, and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert. Whereupon he tooke his voyage di∣rectly North along the coast, hauing vpon his s••eereboord alwayes the desert land, and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean: and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes. In which space he was come as far towards the North, as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell.* 1.2 Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes. At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East, or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land, he knew not how farre. Well he wist and remembred, that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde, and somewhat Northerly: and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes. At the end of which time he

was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde, ••orsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South, or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre: so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South, so farre as he could tra∣uaile in 5. dayes; and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land.* 1.3 At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course, and in conclusion turne•• backe a∣gaine, for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land: perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited: which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling: whereas continually thorowout all his voyage, he had euermore on his steereboord, a wildernesse and desert countrey,* 1.4 except that in some places, he saw a few fishers, fowlers, and hunters, which were all Fynnes:* 1.5 and all the way vpon his leereboord was the maine ocean. The Biarmes had inhabited and tilled their countrey indifferent well,* 1.6 notwithstanding he was afrayed to go vpon shore. But the countrey of the Ter∣fynnes lay all waste,* 1.7 and not inhabited, except it were, as we haue sayd, whereas dwelled certeine hunters, fowlers, and fishers. The Biarmes tolde him a number of stories both of their owne countrey, and of the countreyes adioyning. Howbeit, he knew not, nor could affirme any thing for certeine trueth: forsomuch as he was not vpon land, nor saw any himselfe. This onely he iudged, that the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but one language.* 1.8 The principall purpose of his traueile this way, was to encrease the knowledge and discouerie of these coasts and countreyes, for the more commoditie of fishing of * 1.9 horsewhales, which haue in their teeth bones of great price and excellencie: whereof he brought some at his returne vnto the king. Their skinnes are also very good to make cables for shippes, and so vsed.* 1.10 This kinde of whale is much lesse in quantitie then other kindes, hauing not in length aboue seuen elles. And as for the common kind of whales, the place of most and best hunting of them is in his owne countrey: whereof some be 48. elles of length, and some 50. of which sort he affirmed that he himselfe was one of the sixe, which in the space of 3. dayes killed threescore. He was a man of exceeding wealth in such riches, wherein the wealth of that countrey doth consist. At the same time that he came to the king, he had of his owne breed 600. tame Deere,* 1.11 of that kinde which they call Rane Deere: of the which number 6. were stall Rane Deere, a beast of great value, and marueilously esteemed among the Fynnes, for that with them they catch the wilde Rane Deere. He was among the chiefe men of his countre•• one: and yet he had but 20. kine, and 20. swine, and that little which he tilled, he tilled it all with hor∣ses. Their principall wealth consisteth in the tribute which the Fynnes pay them,* 1.12 which is all in skinnes of wilde beasts, feathers of birds, whale bones, and cables, and tacklings for shippes made of Whales or Seales skinnes. Euery man payeth according to his abilitie.* 1.13 The richest pay or∣dina••ily 15. cases of Marterns, 5. Rane Deere skinnes, and one Beare, ten bushels of feathers,* 1.14 a coat of a Beares skinne, two cables threescore elles long a piece, the one made of Whales skin, the other of Seales.

He sayd, that the countrey of Norway was very long and small.* 1.15 So much of it as either bea∣reth any good pasture, or may be tilled, lieth vpon the Sea coast, which notwithstanding in some places is very rockie and stonie: and all Eastward, all along against the inhabited land, lie wilde and huge hilles and mountaines, which are in some places inhabited by the Fynnes. The inhabi∣ted land is broadest toward the South, & the further it stretcheth towards the North, it groweth euermore smaller and smaller. Towards the South it is peraduenture threescore miles in bredth or broader in some places: about the middest, 30. miles or aboue, and towards the North where it is smallest, he affirmeth that it proueth not three miles from the Sea to the mountaines.* 1.16 The mountaines be in breadth of such quantitie, as a man is able to traueile ouer in a fortnight, and in some places no more then may be traueiled in sixe dayes. Right ouer against this land, in the other side of the mountaines, somewhat towards the South, lieth Swethland,* 1.17 and against the same to∣wards the North, lieth Queeneland.* 1.18 The Queenes sometimes passing the mountaines, inuade and spoile the Normans: and on the contrary part, the Normans likewise sometimes spoile their countrey. Among the mountaines be many and great lakes in sundry places of fresh water, into the which the Queenes vse to carie their boats vpon their backs ouer land,* 1.19 and thereby inuade and spoile the countrey of the Normans. These boats of theirs be very little and very light.

The voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Halgoland into the sound of Denmarke vnto a port called Hetha, which seemeth to be Wismer or Rostorke.

OCther sayd that the countrey wherein he dwelled, was called Halgoland: and affirmed that there was no man dwelling towards the North from him. From this countrey towards the

South, there is a certeine ‖ 1.20 port called Scirings hall, whither, he sayth, that a man was not able to saile in a moneths space, if he lay still by night, although he had euery day a full winde. And he shall saile all the way along the coast, hauing on his steereboord, first Iutland and the Islands which lie betwixt this countrey & Iutland, still along the coast of this countrey, till he come to Scirings hall, hauing it on his larboord. At Scirings hall there entreth into the land a maine gulfe of the Sea,* 1.21 which is so broad, that a man cannot see ouer it: and on the other side against the same, is Gotland,* 1.22 and then Silland. This sea stretcheth many hundreth miles vp into the land. From Scirings hall he sayd that he sailed in 5. dayes to the port which is called Hetha, which lieth betwixt the coun∣tries of ‖ 1.23 Wendels, Saxons, and Angles, whereunto it is subiect. And as he sailed thitherward from Scirings hall, he had vpon his steereboord Denmarke, and on his leereboord the maine sea, for the space of 3. dayes: and 2. dayes before, he arriued in Hetha,* 1.24 he had Gotland on leerboord, and Silland, with diuers other Islands. In that countrey dwelt English men, before they came into this land. And these 2. dayes he had vpon his leerboord the Islands that are subiect to Denmarke.

VVolstans nauigation in the ‖ 1.25 East sea, from Hetha to Trusco, which is about Dantzig.

WOlstan sayd, that he departed from Hetha, and arriued at Trusco, in the space of 7. dayes, and 7. nights: during which time, his shippe kept her course continu∣ally vnder saile. All this voyage Wenedland was still vpon his steerboord, and on his leerboord was Langland, Layland, Falster, and Sco••ie: all which coun∣treyes are subiect to Denmarke. Upon his leerboord also, was Bargenland,* 1.26 which hath a priuate king, vnto whom it is subiect. Hauing left Bargenland, he passed by Blekingie, Meere, Eland and Gotland, hauing them on his leerboord: all which coun∣treys are subiect to Sweden: and Wenedland was all the way vpon his steerboord, vntil he came to Wixel mouth. Wixel is a very great riuer which runneth along betwixt Witland and We∣nedland.* 1.27 Witland is apperteining to the Easterlings: and the riuer of Wixel runneth out of ‖ 1.28 Wenedland into Eastmeere, which Eastmeere is at the least 15. miles in breadth. There run∣neth also another riuer called Ilsing from the East, and falleth into Eastmeere, out of another lake vpon the banke, whereupon is situated Fruso.* 1.29 So that Ilsing comming out of‖ 1.30 Eastland, and Wi∣xel out of Wenedland, fall both together into Eastmeere, and there Wixel depriueth Ilsing of his name, and runneth thence West & North into the sea; whereof the place is called Wixelmouth.

* 1.31Eastland is a very large land, and there be many cities and townes within it, and in euery one of them is a king: whereby there is continually among them great strife and contention. There is great plentie of hony and fish.

* 1.32The wealthiest men drinke commonly Mares milke, and the poore people and slaues meade. There is no ale brewed among the Easterlings, but of mead there is plentie.

The nauigation of King Edgar, taken out of Florentius Wigorniensis, Houeden, and M. Dee his discourse of the Brittish Monarchie, pag. 54,55, &c.

I Haue often times (sayd he) and many wayes looked into the state of earthly king∣domes, generally the whole world ouer (as farre as it may be yet knowen to Chri∣stian men commonly) being a studie of no great difficultie, but rather a purpose somewhat answerable to a perfect Cosmographer, to finde himselfe Cosmopoli∣••es, a citizen and member of the whole and onely one mysticall citie vniuersall, and so consequently to meditate of the Cosmopoliticall gouernment thereof, vnder the King almigh∣tie, passing on very swiftly toward the most dreadfull and most comfortable terme prefixed.

And I finde (sayd he) that if this Brittish Monarchie would heretofore haue followed the ad∣uantages which they haue had onward, they might very well, yer this, haue surpassed by iustice, and godly sort, any particular Monarchie els, that euer was on earth since mans creation: and that to all such purposes as to God are most acceptable, and to all perfect common wealths, most hono∣rable, profitable, and comfortable.

But yet (sayd he) there is a little locke of Lady Occasion flickering in the aire, by our hands to catch hold on, wherby we may yet once more (before all be vtterly past, and for euer) discreetly and valiantly recouer and enioy, if not all our ancient & due appurtenances to this Imperiall Brittish monarchie, yet at the least some such notable portion thereof, as (al circumstances duely and iustly

appertaining to peace & amitie with ••orrein princes being offred & vsed) this may become the most peaceable, most rich, most puissant, & most florishing monarchie of al els (this day) in christendome. Peaceable, I say, euen with the most part of the selfe same respects that good king Edgar had (be∣ing but a Saxon) and by sundry such meanes, as he chiefly in this Empire did put in proofe and vre triumphantly, whereupon his sirname was Pacificus, most aptly and iustly. This peaceable king Edgar had in his minde about six hundred yeeres past, the representation of a great part of the selfe same Idaea, which from aboue onely, & by no mans deuise hath streamed downe into my imaginati∣on, being as it becommeth a subiect carefull for the godly prosperitie of this British Empire vn∣der our most peaceable Queene Elizabeth.

For, AEdgarus pacificus, Regni sui prospiciens vt••lit••ti, pariter & quieti,* 1.33 quatuor millia octin∣gentas sibi robustas cōgregauit naues è quibus mille ducentas, in plaga Angliae Orientali, mille ducentas in Occidentali, mille ducentas in Australi, mille ducentas in Septentrionali pelago cōstituit, vt ad defensionem regni sui, contra exteras nationes, bellorū discrimina sustinerent.

O wisedome imperiall, most diligently to be imitated, videlicet, prospicere, to foresee. O chari∣table kingly parent, that was touched with arde••t zeale, for procuring the publike profite of his kingdome, yea and also the peaceable enioying therof. O, of an incredible masse of treasure, a king∣ly portion, yet, in his coffers remayning: if then he had, (or late before) any warres•• seeing no nota∣ble taxe, or contribution publike is historically mentioned to haue bene for the charges leuied: if in peace he himselfe flourished so wealthily: O marueilous politicall, & princely pruden••ie, in time of peace to foresee, and preuent, (a••d that most puissantly, and inuincibly) all possible malice, fraude, force, and mischiefe forrain. O most discreet liberalitie to such excellent vses, powring out his trea∣sure so abundantly. O faithfull English people (then,) and worthy subiects, of such an Imperiall and godly Gouernour. O your true, and willing hearts, and blessed ready hands (then,) so to im∣part such abundance of victuals for those huge Nauies maintenance: so (I say) as neither dearth of famine, seemed (fondly) to be feared of you, for any intolerable want likely to ensue thereby, nor prices of victuals complained of to be vnreasonable enhaunsed by you, finding for their great sales so good, and rare opportunitie.

This peaceable king Edgar, was one of the perfect Imperiall Monarches of this British Em∣pire, and therefore thus his fame remaineth (for euer) recorded.

Anglici orbis Basileus, flos, & Decus AEdgarus, non minus memorabilis Anglis,* 1.34 quàm Cy∣rus Persis, Romulus Romanis, Alexander Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Francis, Anno vitae 37. Regni sui cum fratre, & post 21. Idibus Iulij obijt, & apud Glascon sepelitur.

O Glastonbury, Glastonbury, the treasurie of the carcases of so famous, and so many persons (Quae olim mater sanctorum dicta es, & ab alijs, tumulus sanctorum, quam ab ipsis disci∣pulis Domini, aedificatam fuisse venerabilis habet Antiquorum authoritas) how lamentable is thy case nowe? howe hath hypocrisie and pride wrought thy desolation? though I omit here the names of very many other, both excellent holy men, and mighty princes, whose carcases are com∣mitted to thy custody, yet that Apostolike Ioseph, that triumphant British Arthur, and nowe this peaceable and prouident Saxon king Edgar, doe force me with a certaine sorowful reuerence, here to celebrate thy memorie.

This peaceable king Edgar (as by ancient Recordes may appeare) his Sommer progresses, and yerely chiefe pastimes were, the sailing round about this whole Isle of Albion, garded with his grand nauie of 4000. saile at the least, parted into 4. equall parts of petie Nauies, eche one be∣ing of 1000. ships, for so it is anciently recorded.

Idem quoque AEdgarus, 4000. naues congregauit, ex quibus omni anno, post festum Pas∣chale,* 1.35 1000. naues ad quamlibet Angliae partem statuit, sic, aestate Insulam circum∣nauigauit: hyeme verò, iudicia in Prouincia exercuit: & haec omnia ad sui exercitium, & ad hostium fecit terrorem.

COuld, and would that peaceable & wise king Edgar, before need, as being in peace and quiet with all nations about him, and notwithstanding mistrusting his possible enemies, make his pastimes so roially, politically, and triumphantly, with so many thousand ships, and at the least with ten times so many men as ships, and that yerely? and shall we being not assured of such neighbors friendship, as may become to vs as cruel and tyrannicall enemies as neuer king Edgar needed to dread the like, and they as many and mighty princes, as neuer king Edgar coped with the like, shall we (said he) not iudge it some part of wisdome, to imitate carefully in some litle proportion (though not with so many thousands) the prosperous pastimes of peaceable king Edgar, that Saxonicall Alexander? yea, prosperous pastimes these may bee iustly counted, by which he also made euident to the whole world, that as he wisely knew the ancient bounds and limits of this British Empire,

so that he could and would royally, iustly, and triumphantly enioy the same, spite of the deuil, and maugre the force of any forreine potentate. And al that, so highly and faithfully to the glory of God finally intended and brought to passe, as the wisest and godliest Prelates and counsellors of those dayes (so counted of and recorded) coulde best aduise and direct him, or perchance, but sincerely commend and duetifully incourage him in, he being of himselfe so bent, as purposing first inuinci∣bly to fortifie the chiefe and vttermost walles of his Islandish Monarchie, against all forreine en∣combrance possible. And in that fortification furthering and assuring to trust best his owne ouer∣sight and iudgement, in yeerely viewing the same in euery quarter thereof, and that as it were for his pastime Imperiall, also in Sommer time, to the ende that afterward in all securitie, hee might in Winter time (vacare) be at conuenient leisure on land, chiefly to set foorth Gods due honour, and secondly to vnderstand, and diligently to listen to the causes and complaints of his commons. For as Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis of him to his Imperiall commendation hath left vs a re∣membrance.

Habebat autem praeterea consuetudinem, per omnes Regni prouincias transire, vt intelli∣geret quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum, à principibus obseruarentur, & nepauperes à potentibus praeiudicium passi, opprimerentur, diligenter inuestigare ••o∣lebat: in vno forti••udini, in altero Iustitiae studens, & Reipub. regníque vtilitati consu∣lens in vtroque•• Hinc hostibus circumquá que timor, & amor omnium erga ••um excre∣uerat subditorum.

Thus we see how in opportunitie, this peaceable Edgar procured to this Empire such prospe∣rous securitie, that his true and faithfull subiects, all maner of wayes (that is at home and also at sea, both outward and inward) might peaceably, safely and securely employ their wits and trauels for the marueilous enriching of this kingdome, and pleasuring very many other, carying forth the naturall commodities of this land, abounding here aboue our necessary vses (and due store reser∣ued) and likewise againe furnishing the same with all necessary and not superfluous forreine com∣modities, ••et from farre or forrein countreys. This was in deed (as before is recorded) a kingly pro∣uidence, Reipub. Regní{que} vtilitati consulens, &c. besides with great vtilitie and profite publique foreseene, and by his meanes enioyed, he himselfe vsed most gladly the aduantage of that securitie, in ministring of iustice, or causing the same to be executed all his kingdome ouer, not squemishly•• frowningly or skornefully shunning the ragged and tattered sleeue of any suppliant, holding vp to him a simple soiled bill of complaint or petition, and that homely contriued, or afrayde at, and time∣rously hasting from the sickly pale face or feeble limmed suter, extreemely constrained so to speake for himselfe, nor parcially smoothering his owne conscience, to fauour or mainteine the foule fault and trespasse vnlawfull of any his subiects, how mightie or necessary soeuer, they (els) were, but di∣ligently made search, least Pauperes à potentibus preiudicium passi, opprimerentur.

Thus did publique securitie frō forrein fo•• abroad, and true loue of his owne subiects, garding him at home, and the heauenly spirit directing all his good purposes, cause iustice and equitie in all quarters of this Albion to flourish. For which his peaceable and prosperous benefits at the eter∣nall king his hand obteined, hee became not insolent or declined to tyrannicall regiment (as some princes in other countreis haue made their liues Comicotragical) but with all his foresaide inuin∣cible Seaforce, aboundant wealth, triumphant peace, with securitie and Iustice ouer all his Mo∣narchie preuailing, his heart was continually, and most zealously bent to set foorth the glory, laude and honour of the Almightie Creator, the heauenly and euerlasting king, by such principall and princely meanes, as (then) were deemed to God most acceptable, as many monuments yet to our dayes remaining, do of him vndoubtedly testifie: As this, for one.

* 1.36Altitonantis Dei largiflua clementia, qui est rex Regum, Ego AEdgarus Anglorum Basileus omniú{que} Regum, Insularum, Oceaní{que} Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarúm{que} natio∣num que infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Dominus, gratias ago ipsi Deo omnipo∣tenti, Regi meo, qui meum Imperium sic ampliauit, & exaltauit super regnum patrū meo∣rum: qui licet Monarchiam totius Angliae adepti sunt à tempore Athelstani (qui primus regnum Anglorum, & omnes Nationes, que Britanniam in colunt, sibi Armis subegit) nul∣lus tamen eorū vltra eius fines imperium suum dilatare aggressus est. Mihi autem conces∣sit propitia Diuinitas, cum Anglorum Imperio, omnia regna Insularum Oceani, cum suis ferocissimis Regibus, vs{que} Noruegiam, maximám{que} partem Hyberniae, cum sua nobilissi∣ma Ciuitate Dublinia, Anglorum regno subiugare: Quos etiam omnes, meis Imperijs co••∣la subdere (Dei fauente gratia) coegi. Quapropter & ego Christi gloriam, & laudem exal∣tare, & eius seruitium amplificare deuotus disposui, & per meos fideles Fautores, Dunsta∣num viz. Archiepiscopum, Athelwoldum, & Oswaldum episcopos (quos mihi patres spi∣rituales, & Consiliatores elegi) magna ex parte, secundum quod disposui, effeci, &c.

And againe this in another Monument.

OMnipotentis Dei,* 1.37 &c. Ipsius nutu & gratia suffultus, Ego AEdgarus Basileus dilectae Insu∣le Albionis, subditis nobis sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, ac Brytonum, & omnium cir∣cumcirca Regionum, quieta pace per••ruens, studiosus sollicitè de laudibus creatoris omnium occupor addendis: Ne nunc inertia, nostrés{que} diebus (plus equo) seruitus eiua tepescere videa∣tur, &c. 18. mei terreni Imperij anno, &c. Anno Incarnationis Dominicae ••973.

Ego AEdgarus totius Albionis Basileus hoc priuilegium (tanta roboratum authoritate) crucis Thaumate confirmaui.

So that by all these rehearsed Records, it is most euident that the peaceable king Edgar, was one of those Monarchs, in whose handes (if life had suffised) the incredible value and priuiledge granted by God and nature vnto this British monarchie, might haue bene peaceably purchased in such sort, as the very blessing and fauour of the diuine Trinitie hath laid meanes for our industrie to attaine to, and enioye the same by.

And though sundry other valiant princes and kings of this land I could recite, which in times past haue either by intent gone about, or by wise and valiant exploit, haue meetely well prospered towards this Islandish appropriate supremacie attaining, yet neuer any other reasonable meanes was vsed, or by humane wit, or industrie can be contriued, to al purposes sufficient, but only by our seaforces preuailing, and so by our inuincible enioying al within the sea limites of our British roy∣altie contained.

To which incredible political mysterie attaining, no easier, readier, or perfecter plat and intro∣duction, is (as yet) come to my imagination, then is the present and continuall seruice of threescore good and tall warlike ships, with twentie smaller barkes, and those 80. ships (great and smal) with 6660. apt men furnished, and all singularly well appointed for seruice both on sea and land, faith∣fully and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet order, as partly I haue in other pla∣ces declared, and further (vpon good occasion offered) may declare.

This grand nauie of peaceable king Edgar, of so many thousand ships, and they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the least, with all the finall intents of those sea forces, so inuincible, continually mainteined, the order of the execution of their seruice, the godly and Imperial successe thereof, are in a maner kingly lessons and prophetical incouragements to vs left, euen now to bee as prouident for publique securitie as he was, to be as skilful of our sea right and royal limits, and wisely to finde our selues as able to recouer and enioy the same as he was, who could not chuse, but with the passing and yeerely sayling about this Brittish Albion, with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round about it, he could not chuse I say, but by such ful and peaceable possession, find him∣selfe (according to right, and his hearts desire) the true and soueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean, enuironing any way his empire of Albion and Ireland, with the lesser Islands next adia∣cent: with memorial whereof, as with one very precious iewel Imperial, hee adorned the title and crowne of his regalitie, as with the testimonie annexed of the states and nobles of his Empire, to commit to perpetuall memorie, the stile of his chiefe worldly dignitie, in this very tenor of words before also remembred.

Ego AEdgarus Anglorum Basileus, omniúmque Regum,* 1.38 Insularum, Oceanique Britan∣niam circumiacentis, cunctarúm{que} nationum, quae infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Domi••us.

The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Ed∣mund Ironside into Hungarie, Anno D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wig••rniensis pag. 391.

DEdit consilium Edricus Canuto regi,* 1.39 vt clitunculos Eadwardum & Eadmun∣dum regis Eadmundifilios necaret. Sed quia magnum dedecus sibi videba∣tur, vtin Anglia perimerentur, paruo elapso tempore, ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit. Qui, licèt foedus esset inter cos, precibus illius nullatenùs voluit acquiescere, sedillos ad regem Hungarorum Salomonem nomine mi∣sit nutriendos vitae que reseruandos. Quorum vnus scilicet Eadmundus pro∣cessu temporis ibidem vitam finiuit. Eadwardus verò Agatham filiam Germani Imperatoris Henriciin matrimonium accepit, ex qua Margaretam Scotorum reginam, & Christinam San∣ctimonialem, & Clitonem Eadgarum suscepit.

The same in English.

EDric counselled king Kanutus to murther the yong princes Edward and Edmund the sonnes of King Edmund. But because it seemed a thing very dishonourable vnto him to haue them put to death in England, hee sent them, after a short space, vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine. Who, albeit there was a league betweene them, would in no case condescend vnto Canutus his bloody request, but sent them vnto Salomon the king of Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue. The one whereof namely Edmund in processe of time there deceased. But Edward recei∣ued to wife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour Henry, of whom he begot Margaret the Queene of the Scots, and Christina a Nunne, and Clito Edgar.

A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1066. Edward King of England, of famous me∣mory deceased, whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome; against which Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stainford bridge, where the English winning the fielde put all the Noruegians to flight: out of which flight one Godredus sirnamed Crouan (the sonne of Harald the blacke, who had before time fled out of Island) repai∣red vnto Godred sonne of Syrric, who then reigned in Man, and was right friendly and honourably enterteined by him.

In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued England, and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of Man, deceased, after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal.* 1.40

In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships, and sailed vnto Man, and gi∣uing battell vnto the people of the countrey, was vanquished and put to flight. The second time also hauing gathered his armie and ships together, hee came vnto Man, fought with the inhabi∣tants, lost the victorie, and was chaced away. Yea, the third time he assembled a great multitude, and comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa, hid 300. of his men in a wood stan∣ding vpon the side of the hill called Scacasel. The Sunne was no sooner vp, but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred. And in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men rising out of their ambush, and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians, mo∣lested them so sore, that they were enforced to flie. But when they saw y^t they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto (for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the riuer of Ram∣sa) and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side, they which remained, with la∣mentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their liues. Then hee being mooued with compas∣sion, and pitying their extreme calamitie, because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished a∣mong them, sounded a retreat and for••ad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit. The day fol∣lowing Godred put his souldiers to their choice, whether they would diuide Man among them∣selues and inhabite it, or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey, and so returne vnto their owne home. Howbeit, it pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich them∣selues with the commodities thereof, and so to returne from whence they came. Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him, tooke possession of the South part of the Island, and vnto the remnant of the Man••ians he granted the North part thereof, vpon con∣dition, that none of them should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the said ground by title of inheritance. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple, and that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him. Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe & a great part of Lainestir. And he so tamed the Scots, that none of them durst build a ship or a boate,* 1.41 with aboue three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned 16. yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. He left behinde him three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olauus. Lagman being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres. Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time, but being at length taken by Lagman, hee was gelt and had his eyes put out. Afterward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish his kingdome, and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse, he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem, in which iourney also he died.

In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers vnto Murecardus O-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall, vntill Olauus sonne of

Godred were come to full age. The king most willingly condescended vnto their request, and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade, charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie, hee should gouerne that kingdome, which of right belonged not vnto him. Howbeit he, after he had once attained vnto the kingdome, neglecting the commaundement of his lord, vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie, committing many heinous crimes, and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres. Then all the princes of the Islands ma∣king a generall conspiracie, banded themselues against him, and expelled him out of their domini∣ons. And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them.

In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway, to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands. And being come vnto the Island of Leodus,* 1.42 hee sent messengers vn∣to all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him, commaunding them to assemble themselues, and to appoint him to be their King. In the meane season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting, rauished women and virgines, and addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh. And when these things were reported vnto the princes of the Islands, who had assembled themselues to chuse him king, being mightely incensed thereat, they made haste towards him, and comming vpon him in the night, they burnt the house wherein hee was, and slue both him and the rest of his company, partly with sword, and partly with fire.

In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium was founded. In the same yeere also Antiochia was taken by the Christians, and a Comet appeared.

Moreouer, the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants of Man•• at Sant∣wat, and they of the North obtained the victory. In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras, chieftaines of both parts.

The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of Olauus, sonne of Harald Harfagre, being desirous to view the corps of S. Olauus king and Martyr, gaue commaundement that his monu∣ment should be opened. But the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt, the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie, caused the cophin to be opened. And when hee had seene with his eyes, and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Mar∣tyr, a sudden feare came vpon him, and he departed with great haste. The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision, saying: Chuse (I say) vnto your selfe one of these two, either within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome, or else to depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe. The King so soone as he was awaked out of sleepe, called his Princes and Senatours, and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them. And they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell, that with all speed he should depart out of Norway. Then he with∣out any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided, and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney, which hee presently subdued, and passing along through all the Islands and conquering them, at length he came vnto the Isle of Man, where he was no sooner arriued, but hee went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell, where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought, be∣cause many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied. And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island, it pleased him exceeding well, and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe, and built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name. He had the people of Gal∣way in such awe, that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber, and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes. Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales, and finding two Earles therein (either of them being called by the name of Hugo) he slue the one, and the other hee put to flight, and so subdued the Island. But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him, and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man. Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes, commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders, vpon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of his Embassadours, that there∣by it might appeare vnto them, that he was subiect vnto king Magnus. Which when the Irish∣men heard, they tooke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat. But the King being better ad∣uised, I had rather (said he) not only beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that king Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilled his commaundement, and ho∣nourably enterteined his Embassadours. Many gifts also he sent vnto king Magnus by them, and concluded a league. But the messengers returning vnto their lord, tolde him of the situation of Irland, of the beautie thereof, of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of the holesonmesse of the aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer all Irland vnto himselfe. And for the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his voyage with sixteene ships, & being desirous to view the land, when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Na∣uie, he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish, and was himselfe slaine, together with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred neere vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee reigned

sixe yeeres. After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus Crouan, who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William the Conquerour.

In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne his reigne and reigned four∣tie yeeres: he was a peaceable man being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his time. He tooke to wife Affrica the daughter of Fergusius of Galway, of whom he begat God∣redus. Of his concubines he begat Regnaldus, Lagmannus, and Haraldus, and many daughters, whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of ‖ 1.43 Herergaidel, which afterward occasioned the o∣uerthrow of the whole kingdome of the Islands. He begat foure sonnes by her, namely Dulgal∣lus, Raignaldus, Engus, and Olauus.

In the yeere 1134. Olauus gaue vnto Yuo the Abbat of Furnes a portion of his owne ground in Man to build an Abbey in the place which is called Russ••n. Also hee inriched with reuenues and indued with priuiledges al places of religion within his Islands.

In the yere 1142. Godredus y^e son of Olauus sailed vnto the K. of Norway called Hinge, and doing his homage vnto him he remained with him, & was by him honorably enterteined. The same yere the 3. sonnes of Harald brother vnto Olauus, who were brought vp at the citie of Dublin, ga∣thering together a great multitude of people, and all the fugitiues and vagabonds of the kingdome resorted vnto Man, and demaunded of the said king the one halfe of al the kingdome of the Islands. Which thing when the king heard, being desirous to pacifie them, he an••wered that he would con∣sult about that matter. And a day and place being appointed, where the consultation should bee kept, in the meane time those miscreants cōspired together, about the murthering of the King. And when the day appointed was come, both companies assembled themselues vnto the hauen towne called Ramsa, and they sate in order, the king with his nobilitie on the one side, and they with their confederates on the other side. Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention to slay the king, stoode a-side in the midst of the house talking with one of the Princes of the lande. And being called to come vnto the king he turned himselfe about as if hee would haue saluted him, and lifting vp his glittering axe, he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow. Nowe hauing committed this outragi∣ous vilanie,* 1.44 within a short space they diuided the Island betweene themselues, and gathering an ar∣mie together sailed vnto Galway, intending to subdue that also; howbeit the people of Galway assembled themselues, and with great furie encountred with them. Then they immediately tur∣ning their backs with great confusion fled vnto Man. And as touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the said Island, some of them they slue, and the residue they vanished.

In the yeere 1143. Godredus sonne of Olauus returning out of Norway was created king of Man; who in reuenge of his fathers death, put out the eyes of two of Haralds sonnes and slue the thirde.

In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne, and hee reigned thirtie yeeres. In the thirde yeere of his reigne the citizens of Dublin sent for him and treated him king of Dublin, against whom Mureca••dos king of Irland made warre, and encamping himselfe at the citie called Cori∣delis, he sent his brother Osibel with 3000. horsemen vnto Dublin, who was slaine by Godred and the Dubliners, the rest of his company being put to flight. These things being thus finished, Godredus returned vnto Man, and began to exercise tyrannie, disinheriting certaine of his nobles, of whom one called Thorfinus the sonne of Oter, being mightier then the rest, went vnto Sumer∣ledus, and named Dubgal the sonne of Sumerledus, king of the Islands, and subdued many of the said Islands on his behalfe. Whereof when Godred had intelligence by one Paulus, prouiding a Nauie, hee went to meete Sumerledus comming against him with 80. ships: and in the yeere 1156.* 1.45 vpon the night of the feast of Epiphanie, there was a Sea-battell fought, and many being slaine on both parts, the day folowing they were pacified, and diuided the kingdome of the Islands among themselues, and it continued two kingdomes from that day vnto this present time. And this was the cause of the ruine of the monarchie of the Islands, from which time the sonnes of Su∣merled inioyed the one halfe thereof.

In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came vnto Man with 53. ships, putting Godred to flight and wa∣sting the Island: and Godred sailed vnto Norway to seeke for aide against Sumerled. In the yere 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleete of 160. ships together; and arriued at Rhinfrin, intending to subdue all Scotland vnto himselfe: howbeit, by Gods iust iudgement being ouercome by a few, to∣gether with his sonne, and an innumerable multitude of people, he was slaine. The very same yere there was a battel fought a•• Ramsa, betweene Reginald the brother of Godred, and the inhabi∣tants of Man, but by the stratageme of a certaine Earle the Mannians were put to flight. Then began Reginald to vsurpe the kingly authoritie. Howbeit his brother Godred within foure dayes after, comming out of Norway with a great power of armed men, apprehended his brother Regi∣nald, gelt him, and put out his eyes. The same yeere deceased Malcolme the king of Scots, and

his brother William succeeded in the kingdome.

In the yeere 1166. two Comets appeared in the moneth of August, before the rising of the Sunne, one to the South and another to the North.

In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed into Irland, and subdued Dublin with a great part of Irland.

In the yere 1176. Iohn Curcy conquered Vlster vnto himselfe. And at the same time also Vi∣uianus legate frō the sea of Rome came into Man, & caused king Godred to bee lawfully wedded vnto his wife Phingola, daughter of Maclotlen son of Murkartac king of Irlād, mother of Olauus, who was then 3. yeeres old. Siluanus the abbat married them, vnto whom the very same day, king Godred gaue a portion of ground in Mirescoge, where he built a Monastery: howbeit, in processe of time, the said land with the monkes, was granted vnto the abbey of Russin.

In the yere 1172. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat (a man descended of the blood royal) com∣ming into Man with a great multitude of people, in the absence of the king, at the first conflict hee put to flight certaine watchmen which kept the shoare, & slue about 30. persons. Whereupon the very same day the Mannians arranging themselues put him, & almost al his folowers to the sword.

In the yere 1183. O. Fogolt was vicount of Man.

In the yere 1185. the Sunne was ecclipsed vpon the feast of S. Philip and Iacob.

In the yere 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands, vpō the 4. of the Ides of Nouember, and the next sommer his body was translated vnto the island of Hy. He left 3. sonnes behinde him, Reginaldus, Olauus, and Yuarus. In his life time he ordeined his sonne Olauus to be his heire ap∣parant, because he onely was borne legitimate. But the Mannians, when Olauus was scarce ten yeeres olde, sent vnto the islands for Reginald and created him king.

In the yeere 1187. began Reginald the sonne of Godred to reigne ouer the islands: and Mur∣chardus a man of great power throughout all the kingdome of the islands was put to death.

In the yere 1192. there was a battel fought betweene Reginald and Engus the two sonnes of Sumerled: but Engus obtained the victory. The same yere was the abbey of Russin remooued vn∣to Dufglus, howbeit within foure yeeres after the monkes returned vnto Russin.

In the yere 1203. Michael bishop of the islands deceased at Fontanas, and Nicho••as succeeded in his roome.

In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy inuaded Vlster with an armie and encountered with Iohn de Curcy, tooke him prisoner & subdued Vlster vnto himselfe. Afterward he permitted the said Iohn to goe at libertie, who comming vnto king Reginald was honourably enterteined by him, because he was his sonne in lawe, for Iohn de Curcy had taken to wife Affrica the daughter of Godredus, which founded the abbey of S. Mary de iugo domini, and was there buried.

In the yeere 1205. Iohn de Curcy & Reginald king of the islands inuading Vlster with a hun∣dreth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath: but Walter de Lacy cōming vpō them with his armie, put them to flight, & from that time Curcy ne∣uer recouered his land. In the yere 1210. E••gus the son of Sumerled & his 3. sonnes were slaine.

At the same time Iohn king of England conducted a fleet of 500. ships into Irland,* 1.46 and subdued it vnto himselfe: and sending a certaine earle named Fulco, vnto the isle of Man, his souldiers al∣most vtterly wasted it in the space of 15. dayes, and hauing taken pledges they returned home into their owne countrey. King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man.

In the yere 1217. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands, and was buried in Vlster, in the house of Benchor, whom Reginald succeeded.

I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus and Olauus.

REginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus, the island called Lodhus or Lewes, which is saide to be larger then the rest of the islands, but almost destitute of inhabitants, because it is so ful of mountaines & quarreis, being almost no where fit for tillage. Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do liue for the most part vpon hunting and fishing. Olauus therefore went to take possession of this Island, and dwelt therein leading a poore life: and when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation of himselfe & his folowers, hee went boldly vnto his brother Reginald, who as then remained in the islands, & spake on this wise vnto him. My brother (said he) and my lord and king, you know that the kingdom of the islands pertained vnto me by right of inheritance, howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to beare the scepter, I doe not enuie that honour vnto you, neither doeth it any whit grieue mee that you are exalted vnto this royall dignitie. Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some portion of land in the islands, whereby I may honestly liue.

For the Island of Lewis which you gaue me is not sufficient for my maintenance. Which his bro∣ther Reginald hearing said that he would consult about the premisses. And on the morow, when O∣lauus was sent for to parle, Reginald cōmanded him to be attached, and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland, and with him to remaine prisoner: and Olauus remained in prison almost for the space of 7. yeres. But at the 7. yeres end William king of Scots deceased, and Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead. The foresaid William, before his death, commanded that all prisoners should be set at libertie. Olauus therefore being at libertie came vnto Man, and immediatly with a great company of nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. Iames: and his brother Reginald caused the said O∣lauus to take vnto wife, the daughter of a certaine noble man of Kentyre, cousine german vnto his owne wife, & by name being called Lauon, and he granted vnto him the possession of Lewis. After a few dayes Reginald the bishop of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod, separated Olauus and Godred his sonne, and Lauon his wife, namely because shee was cousin german vnto his former wife. Afterward Olauus maried Scristina daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse.

Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being incensed, sent letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godred willing him to take Olauus. Which cōmandement Godred putting in practise, & entring the isle of Lewis for y^e same purpose, Olauus fled in a litle skiffe vnto his father in law the earle of Rosse, & in the meane time Godred wasted the isle of Lewis. At the very same time Pol the son of Boke vicount of Sky, being a man of power in al the Islands, because he would not consent vnto Godred, fled, & dwelt together with Olauus in the dominions of the earle of Rosse, & making a league with Olauus, they went both in a ship vnto Sky. To be short, sending certaine spies, they were informed that Godred remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle called y^e isle of S. Columba. And vniting vnto themselues their friends and acquaintance, & others that would goe voluntarily with them, in the dead of the night, hauing lanched 5. ships from the next sea-shore, which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from the foresaid Island, they enuironed the said Island on all sides. Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning, and seeing themselues beset with their enemies on all sides, they were vtter∣ly astonied. Howbeit arming themselues they began stoutly to make resistance, but altogether in vaine. For about 9. of the clocke in the morning, Olauus and the foresaid vicount Pol, with al their souldiers, entred the Island, and hauing slaine all whom they found without the precincts of the Church, they apprehended Godred, gelding him, and putting out his eyes. Unto which action O∣lauus gaue not his cōsent, neither could he withstand it, by reason of the forenamed vicount the son of Boke. This was done in the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the chiefe men of the Islands, with a fleet of 32. ships sailed vnto Man, and arriued at Rognolfwaht. At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided the kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues, Man being granted vnto Reginald, & besides his portion the name of a king also. Olauus hauing receiued certaine victuals of the people of Man, returned, together with his company,* 1.47 vnto his owne portion of Islands. The yeere folowing Reginald taking vnto him Alanus lord of Galway, together with his subiects of Man, sailed vnto the Islands, that hee might take away that portion of ground from his brother Olauus, which he had granted vnto him, and subdue it vnto himselfe. Howbeit, by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight against Olauus or the Islanders, because they bare good will towards them, Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose, returned home vnto their owne. Within a short space af∣ter Reginald, vnder pretense of going vnto the Court of his lord the king of England, receiued an 100. markes of the people of Man, and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord of Galway. Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat, insomuch that they sent for Olauus, and appointed him to be their king.

In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance, that is to say the kingdome of Man and of the Islands, which Reginald his brother had gouerned for the space of 38. yeeres, and he reigned two yeeres in safetie.

In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man, and the stronger part of his people, sai∣led vnto the Islands. A short space after Alanus lord of Galway, Thomas earle of Athol, & king Reginald came vnto Man with a mightie army, and wasted all the South part of Man, spoiled the Churches, and slue all the men whom they coulde take, insomuch, that the Southpart of the saide Island was brought almost into desolation. And then Alanus returned with his army into his owne land, leauing behind him bailiffes and substitutes in Man, which should gather vp and render vnto him the tribute of the countrey. Howbeit king Olauus came suddenly vpon them, chaced them away and recouered his kingdome. And the Mannians which of late were dispersed and scattered abroad, began to vnite themselues, and to inhabite without feare. The same yeere, in the time of Winter, vpon the sudden, and in the very dead of the night came king Reginald out of Galway

with fiue ships, and burnt all the ships of his brother Olauus, and of the nobles of Man, at the Isle of S. Patric, & concluding a peace with his brother, remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes: in the meane while hee allured vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man, who sware, that they would aduenture their liues, vntill hee had gotten the one halfe of his kingdome: contrarywise Olauus ioyned vnto himselfe them of the North part, & vpon the 14. of February in the place called Tingualla, a field was fought betweene the two brothers, wherein Olauus got the victory, and Reginald the king was by certaine souldiers slaine without the knowledge of his bro∣ther. Also certaine pirates comming to the south part of Man, wasted & spoiled it. The monkes of Russin conueyed the body of K. Reginald, vnto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes, & there he was in∣terred in the place, which his owne selfe had chosen for the purpose. After these things Olauus tra∣ueiled vnto the king of Norway, but before he was arriued there, Haco king of Norway appoin∣ted a certaine noble man named Husbac the son of Owmund, to be king of the Islands of the He∣brides & called his name Haco. Then came the said Haco with Olauus & Godred Don the son of Reginald, and a multitude of Noruegians, vnto the islands: and while they were giuing an assault vnto a castle in the island of Both, Haco being hit with a stone died, and was buried in Iona.

In the yere 1230. came Olauus, with Godredus Don, & certeine Noruegians vnto Man, and they parted the kingdome among themselues, Olauus stil receiuing Man. Godred as he was going vnto the islands, was slaine in the isle of Lewis, & Olauus inioyed the kingdome of the islands also.

In the yere 1237. vpon the 12. of the Kalends of Iune, Olauus sonne of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of S. Patric, and was interred in the abbey of Russin. He reigned 11. yeres, two while his brother was aliue, and nine after his death.

Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres, succeeded, and he reigned 12. yeeres. The first yere of his reigne taking his iourney vnto the islands, he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputie in Man. The Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the three sonnes of Nel, namely Duf∣galdus, Torquellus, & Molmore, and his friend Ioseph vnto Man, that they might enter into cōsul∣tation together. Wherfore the 25. day they assembled themselues at Tingualla: and malice grow∣ing betweene the sonnes of Nel, and Loglen, they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both parts, Molmore, Dufgald, and the foresaid Ioseph being all slaine in the fray. The Spring folowing, king Harald came into the isle of Man, and Loglen fleeing into Wales, was himselfe, together with Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil, and 40. others, drowned by shipwracke.

In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac-Kerthac came from the king of Norway vnto Man, expelling Harald out of the said island, and taking tribute on the behalfe of the Noruegian king, because the said Harald refused to come vnto his Court.

In the yere 1240. Gospa••ricius deceased and was buried in the abbey of Russin.

In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway, who within two yeres con••irmed vnto him, his heires and successors, vnder seale, all the islands which his predecessors enioyed.

In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto Man, and being honourably recei∣ued by the inhabitants, he liued in peace with the kings of England and Scotland.

In the yeere 1247. Haraldus (like as his father also before him) was knighted by the king of England, and so being rewarded with many gifts, he returned home. The same yere he was sent for by the king of Norway, and he maried his daughter. And in the yere 1249. as he was returning home with his wife, with Laurence the elect of Man, and with many other nobles, neere vnto the confines of Radland, he was drowned in a tempest.

In the yere 1249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus, and brother vnto Harald began to reigne the day next before the Nones of May: and vpon the 30, day of the same moneth he was slaine by Y∣uarus a souldier, and other of his complices, in the South part of a certaine medow, neere vnto the Church of the holy Trinitie, and he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin.

The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie of ships, that he might conquere the islands vnto himselfe: howbeit falling into an ague at the isle of Kerwary, he dece••sed.

Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name of a king ouer the islands, hee ba∣nished also all the princes of Harald the sonne of Olauus, and ordeined his fugitiues to bee princes and nobles in their stead.

In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being summoned by letters went vnto the king of Norway, who deteined him in prison because he had vniustly possessed the kingdome. The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus, and Iohn the sonne of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwaht, which Iohn named himselfe king; but the Mannians taking it grieuously, that Magnus was not nominated, draue them from their shoare, and many of the company perished by shipwracke.

In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto Man, and was ordeined king. The yere folowing he tooke his iourney vnto the king of Norway, & there he remained one whole yere.

In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of the Islands, confirming them to him and to his heires, and by name vnto Harald his brother.

In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England, and was by the king of England created knight.

In y^e yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedicated by Richard bishop of Soder.

In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland, and without at∣chieuing ought, turning his course towards the Orcades he there deceased at Kirwas, and was bu∣ried at Bergen.

In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin, and was buried at the Church of S. Mary at Russin.

In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated vnto Alexander king of Scots.

That which followeth was written in a new character or letter, and of a diuers kinde from the former.

IN the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete of Alexander king of Scots ar∣riued at Roghalwath, and the next day before the Sunne rising there was a battell fought be∣tweene the Mannians and the Scots, in the which conflict there were slaine 535. Mannians: whereupon a certaine versifier writeth to this effect:

Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine: against ill haps, Yee Mannians arme your selues, for feare of afterclaps.

In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of Russin, which Dingawy Do∣wil held against him, howbeit at the last the king tooke the castle.

In the yeere 1316. vpon the feast of Ascension, Richard le Mandeuile and his brethren, with diuers great personages of Irland arriued at Ramaldwath, demaunding to haue victuals and mo∣ney ministred vnto them, because they had bene spoyled by their enemies, which made continuall warre vpon them. But when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would giue nothing, they proceeded against them in warlike maner with two bands, till they were come vnder the side of the hill called Warthsel, in the fielde where Iohn Mandeuile remained, and there hauing fought a battell, the Irish ouercame the people of Man, and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russin also: and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island, lading their ships they returned home.

The mariage of the daughter of Harald, slaine by VVilliam the Conquerour, vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia, taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish historie written by Saxo Grammaticus. An.D. 1067.

* 1.48HAraldo caefo, filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cum sorore migrarunt. Quos Sweno, paterni illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more accepit, puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro, (qui & ipse Iarislaus a suis est appellatus) nuptum dedit. Eidem postmodùm nostri temporis dux, v•• san∣guinis, ita & nominis haeres, ex filia nepos obuenit. Itaque hinc Britannicus, indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principis ortum confluens commu∣nem stirpem duarum gentium ornamentum effecit.

The same in English.

HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped themselues immediatly into Den∣marke. Whom Sweno forgetting their fathers deserts receiued in most kinde and friendly maner, and bestowed the yong damosell in mariag•• vpon Waldemarus king of Russia who was al∣so called by his subiects Iarislaus. Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew being duke at this present, who succeeded his predecessour both in line al descent and in name also. Wherefore the English blood on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to the ioyfull birth of our prince, caused that mutual kinred to be an ornament vnto both nations.

The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour, and so downe to Ed∣ward the first, faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent, out of the most ancient Records of England.

I Finde in the booke of the generall suruey of the Realme,* 1.49 which William the Conquerour caused to bee made in the fourth yeere of his reigne, and to be called Domesday,* 1.50 because (as Matthew Parise saith) it spared no man but iudged all men indifferently, as the Lord in that great day wil do, that Douer, Sandwich, and Rumney, were in the time of K. Edward the Confessour, dis∣charged almost of all maner of impositions and burdens (which other townes did beare) in consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea, as in their special titles shall hereafter appeare.

Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable coniecture, that the immunitie of the hauen Townes (which we nowe call by a certaine number, the Cinque Ports) might take their begin∣ning from the same Edward: yet for as much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest (which is reported in our booke of Entries) A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the Fiue Ports, the same reaching no higher then to William the Conquerour, I will leaue my coniecture, and leane to his Chartre: contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour, the thankes of other mens benefits, seeing those which were benefited, were wisely contented (as the case then stood) to like better of his confirmation (or second gift) then of K. Edwards first graunt, and en∣dowment.

And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array, I will first shewe, which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Ports, and what others be now reputed in the same num∣ber: secondly, what seruice they ought, and did in times passed: and lastly, what priuiledges they haue therefore, and by what persons they haue bene gouerned.

If I should iudge by the common, and rude verse,* 1.51 Douer, Sandwicus, Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus,

I must say, that Douer, Sandwich, Rie, Rumney, and Winchelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ven∣tus) be the Fiue Ports: Againe, if I should be ruled by the Rolle which reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament, I must then adde to these, Hastings and Hyde, for they also haue their Barons as well as the other: and so should I not onely, not shew which were the first Fiue, but also (by addition of two others) increase both the number, and doubtfulnesse. Leauing the verse there∣fore, for ignorance of the authour and suspition of his authoritie, and forsaking the Rolle (as not assured of the antiquitie) I will flee to Henry Bracton, a man both ancient, learned, and credible,* 1.52 which liued vnder K. Henry the thirde, and wrote (aboue three hundreth yeeres since) learnedly of the lawes of this Realme.

He (I say) in the third booke of his worke, and treatise of the Crowne, taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the Iustice in Eire, (or Itinerent, as we called them, because they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme, for administration of iustice) setteth forth a spe∣cial fourme of writs, to be directed seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Douer, and Sandwich, commanding them, that they should cause twentie & foure of their Barons (for so their Burgesses,* 1.53 or townesmen, and the citizens of London likewise, were wont to be termed) to appeare before the Kings Iustices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed to do) there to enquire of such points, as should be giuen incharge. Which done, hee addeth moreouer, that forsomuch as there was oftentimes cōtention betweene them of the Fiue Ports,* 1.54 & the inhabitants of Yarmouth in Norfolke and Donwich in Suffolke, there should be seuerall writs directed to them also, retur∣nable before the same Iustices at the same day and place, reciting, that where the King had by his former writs sommoned the Pleas of the Fiue Ports to bee holden at Shipwey,* 1.55 if any of the same townes had cause to complaine of any (being within the liberties of the said Ports) he should be at Shipwey to propound against him,* 1.56 and there to receiue according to law and Iustice.

Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew that Shipwey was before K. Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly for the Plees of the Fiue Ports: partly to notifie the difference, and controuersie that long time since was betweene these Ports, and those other townes: But pur∣posely, and chiefly, to proue, that Hastings, and Hithe, Douer, Rumney, and Sandwich, were in Bractons time accompted the Fiue principall hauens or Ports, which were endowed with priui∣ledge, and had the same ratified by the great Chartre of England.

Neither yet will I deny, but that soone after,* 1.57 Winchelsey and Rie might be added to the num∣ber.

For I ••ind in an old recorde, that king Henry the third tooke into his owne hands (for the bet∣ter defence of the Realme) the townes of Winchelsey, and Rie, which belonged before to the Mo∣nasterie of Fescampe in Normandie, and gaue therefore in exchange, the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucestershire, & diuers other lands in Lincolneshire. This he did, partly to conceale from the Priors Aliens the intelligence of the secret affaires of his Realme, and partly because of a great dis∣obedience & excesse, that was committed by the inhabitants of Wincelsey, against Prince Edward his eldest sonne. And therefore, although I can easily be led to thinke, that he submitted them for their correction to the order, and gouernance of the Fiue ports, yet I stand doubtfull whether hee made them partners of their priuiledges, or no, for that had bene a preferment, and no punishment vnto them: but I suspect rather, that his sonne king Edward the first, (by whose encouragement and aide, olde Winchelsey was afterward abandoned,* 1.58 and the newe towne builded) was the first that apparelled them with that preeminence.

* 1.59By this therefore let it appeare, that Hastings, Douer, Hithe, Rumney, and Sandwich, were the first Ports of priuiledge: which (because they were 5. in number) both at the first gaue, and yet continue, to all the residue, the name of Cinque Ports, although not onely Winchelsey and Rie, be (since that time) incorporated with them as principals, but diuers other places also (for the ease of their charge) be crept in, as partes, lims, and members of the same.

Now therefore, somewhat shalbe said, as touching the seruices that these Ports of duetie owe, and in deed haue done, to the Princes: whereof the one (I meane with what number of vessels, in what maner of furniture, and for how long season, they ought to wait on the king at the Sea, vpon their owne charges) shall partly appeare by that which we shall presently say, and partly by that which shall followe in Sandwich, and Rumney: The other shall bee made manifest by examples, drawne out of good histories: and they both shall be testified by the words of king Edward the first in his owne Chartre.

The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth Douer with twentie vessels at the sea, whereof eche to be furnished with one and twentie men for fifteene dayes together: and saith fur∣ther, that Rumney and Sandwich answered the like seruice. But now whether this (like) ought to be vnderstoode of the like altogether, both in respect of the number and seruice, or of the (like) in respect of seruice, according to the proportion of their abilitie onely, I may not hereby take vpon me to determine. For on the one side, if Rumney, Sandwich, and the residue, should likewise finde twentie vessels a piece, then (as you shall anone see) the fiue Ports were subiect to a greater charge at that time, then King Edward the first layd vpon them: And on the other side, if they were onely chargeable after their proportion, then know I not how farre to burthen them, seeing the Record of Domesday it selfe, bindeth them to no certeintie. And therefore leauing this as I find it, I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome proofe. And first I will haue recourse to king Ed∣ward the first his Chartre in which I read, that At ech time that the King passeth ouer the sea, the Ports ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen ships, (whereof euery one to haue twentie armed souldiers) and to mainteine them at their owne costes, by the space of fifteene dayes together.

* 1.60And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall charge, in the sixt yeere of his reigne, for then was this Chartre sealed. But as touching the particular burthen of ech one, I haue seene two diuers testimonies, of which the first is a note in French (bearing the coun••enance of a Record) and is intituled, to haue bene renued in the two and twentie yeere of the Reigne of the same king•• by Stephan Penchester, then Constable of Douer Castle, in which the particular charge is set downe in this maner.

• The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships.
• The lowie of Peuensey, one
• Buluerhithe and Petit Iahn, one.
• Bekesborne in Kent, seuen.
• Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and armour, with the ships of Hastings.
• The towne of Rie, fiue.
• To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henrie the sixt.
• The towne of Winchelsey, tenne.
• The Port of Rumney, foure.
• Lydde, seuen.
• The Port of Hythe, fiue.
• The Port of Douer, nineteene.
• The towne of Folkestone, seuen.
• The towne of Fe••ersham, seuen.
• The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale, &c. fiue.

These ships they ought to finde vpon fortie dayes summons, armed and arrayed at their owne charge, and in ech of them twentie men, besides the Master of the Mariners: all which they shall likewise mainteine fiue dayes together at their owne costs, giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day, to the Constable sixe pence, and to ech other Mariner three pence. And after those fiue dayes ended, the King shall defray the charges.

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde, the which although it pretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet seemeth it to me to import as much or more likelihood and credit: It standeth thus.

These be the Fiue Ports of our soueraigne Lord the King hauing liberties, which other Ports haue not: Hasting, Romenal, Heth, Douer, Sandwich, the chiefe Townes.

The seruices due by the same.

Hasting shall finde 21. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion, or Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it perteine (as the members of one towne) the Seashore in Seford, Peuenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rie, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerheth.

Romenal 5. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion: To it perteine, as members there∣of, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, olde Rumney.

Hethe 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth the Westhethe.

Douer 21. ships, as Hasting before. To it perteine, Folkstane, Feuersham, and S. Marga∣rets, not concerning the land, but for the goods and cattels.

Sandwich 5. ships, as Romenal, and Hethe. To it perteine Fordwich, Reculuer, Serre, and Dele, not for the soile, but for the goods.

• Summe of ships 57.
• Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions.

This seruice, the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge to owe to the King, vpon sum∣mons yerely (if it happen) by the space of 15. dayes together, at their owne costs and charges, ac∣counting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards those parts that the King intendeth: and to serue so long after 15. dayes, as the King will, at his owne pay and wages.

Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby your selfe may easily discerne the difference: but whether the one or the other, or (by reason of some latter dispensation) neither of these, haue place at this day, I must referre it to them that be priuie, and of counsell with the Ports: and so leauing this also vndecided, holde on the way, wherein I am entred.

This duetie of attendance therefore (being deuised for the honourable transportation, and safe conduct of the Kings owne person or his armie ouer the narrow Seas) the Ports haue not onely most diligently euer since that time performed, but furthermore also valiantly behaued themselues against the enemie from time to time, in sundrie exploits by water, as occasion hath bene profered, or the necessitie of the Realme required.

And amongst other feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remembrance,* 1.61 after such time as Lewes (the eldest sonne of the French King) had entred the Realme to aide Stephan Langton the Arch∣bishop, and the Nobilitie, in the life of King Iohn, and had sent into France for new supply of soul∣diers after his death,* 1.62 Hubert of Borough (then captaine of Douer) following the opinion of The∣mistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the woodden walles, by the aide of the Port townes, armed fortie ••all ships, and meeting with eightie saile of French men vpon the high seas, gaue them a most couragious encounter, in which he tooke some, sunke others, and discomfited the rest.

King Henrie the third also, after that he came to riper age, had great benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports: And king Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continuall faithfull ser∣uice (and especially their good endeuour,* 1.63 then lately shewed against the Welshmen) the principall cause, and motiue of that his liberall grant.

Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the same king, an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with a fleet of 200. French men,* 1.64 all which (notwithstanding the great oddes of the number) they tooke, and slew, and sunke so many of the Mariners, that France was thereby (for a long season after) in maner destitute, both of Seamen, and shipping.

Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of king Henrie the fourth,* 1.65 the nauie of the Fiue Ports, vnder the conduct of one Henrie Paye, surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships, all laden with Salt, Iron, Oile, and no woorse merchandize.

The priuiledges of these Ports, being first granted by Edward the Confessour,* 1.66 and William the Conquerour, and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus, Henrie the second, Richard

the first, Henrie the third, and king Edward the first, be very great, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedome and exemption, that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same.

Part of an Epistle written by one Yuo of Narbona vnto the Arch∣bishop of Burdeaux, conteining the confession of an Englishman as touch∣ing the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars, which had liued long among them, and was drawen along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungarie: Recorded by Mathew Pa••i•• in the yere of our Lord 1243.

THe Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation, by reason of this and other sinnes com∣mitted among vs Christians, is become, as it were, a destroying enemie, and a dreadfull auen∣ger. This I may iustly affirme to be true, because an huge nation, and a barbarous and inhumane people, whose law is lawlesse, whose wrath is furious, euen the rod of Gods anger, ouerrunneth, and vtterly wasteth infinite countreyes, cruelly abolishing all things where they come, with fire and sword. And this present Summer, the foresayd nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hungarie, which they had surprised by treason, layd siege vnto the very same ‖ 1.67 towne, wherein I my selfe abode, with many thousands of souldiers: neither were there in the sayd towne on our part aboue 50. men of warre, whom, together with 20. crosbowes, the captaine had left in garri∣son. All these, out of certeine high places, beholding the enemies ••aste armie, and abhorring the beastly crueltie of Antichrist his complices, signified foorthwith vnto their gouernour, the hideous lamentations of his Christian subiects, who suddenly being surprised in all the prouince adioyn∣ing, without any difference or respect of condition, fortune, lexe, or age, were by manifolde cruel∣ties, all of them destroyed: with whose carkeises, the Tartarian chieftains, and their brutish and sauage followers, glutting themselues, as with delicious cates, left nothing for vultures but the bare bones. And a strange thing it is to consider, that the greedie and rauenous vultures disdeined to praye vpon any of the reliques, which remained. Olde, and deformed women they gaue, as it were, for dayly sustenance, vnto their Canibals: the beautifull deuoured they not, but smothered them lamenting and scri••ching, with forced and vnnaturall rauishments. Like barbarous miscre∣ant••, they quelled virgins vnto death, and cutting off their tender paps to present for deinties vnto their magistrates, they engorged themselues with their bodies.

Howbeit, their spials in the meane time discrying from the top of an high mountaine the Duke of Austria, the King of Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of Carinthia, and (as some report) the Earle of Baden, with a mightie power, and in battell aray, approching towards them, that accursed crew immediatly vanished, and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired themselues into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie; who as they came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden: which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour and astonishment of them. But of the sayd fugitiues, the prince of Dalmatia tooke eight: one of which number the Duke of Austria knew to be an English man, who was perpetually banished out of the Realme of England, in regard of certaine notorious crimes by him committed. This fellow, on the be∣halfe of the most tyrannicall king of the Tartars, had bene twise, as a messenger and interpreter, with the king of Hungarie, menacing and plainely foretelling those mischiefes which afterward happened, vnlesse he would submit himselfe and his kingdome vnto the Tartars yoke. Well, be∣ing allured by our Princes to confesse the trueth, he made such oathes and protestations, as (I thinke) the deuill himselfe would haue beene trusted for. First therefore he reported of himselfe, that presently after the time o•• his banishment, namely about the 30. yere of his age, hauing lost all that he had in the citie of Acon at dice, euen in the midst of Winter, being compelled by ignominious hu••ger, wearing nothing about him but a shirt of sacke, a paire of shooes, and a haire cappe onely, being shauen like a foole, and vttering an vnco••h noise as if he had bene dumbe, he tooke his iourney, and so traueiling many countreyes, and finding in diuers places friendly enterteinment, he prolonged his life in this maner for a season, albeit ••uery day by rashnesse of speech, and inconstancie of heart, he endangered himselfe to the deuil. At length, by reason of extreame trauaile, and continuall change of aire and of mea••s in Caldea, he fell into a grieuous sickenesse, insomuch that he was wearie of his life. Not being able therefore to go forward or backeward, and staying there a while to refresh himselfe, he began (being somewhat learned) to commend to writing those wordes which hee heard spoken, and within a short space, so aptly to pronounce, and to vtter them himselfe, that he was ••epu∣ted for a natiue member of that countrey: and by the same dexteritie he attained to manie languages. This man the Tartars hauing intelligence of by their spies, drew him perforce in∣to their societie: and being admonished by an oracle or vision, to challenge dominion ouer

the whole earth, th••y allured him ••y many rewards to their faith••ull seruice, by r••ason that they wanted Interpreters. But concerning their maners and superstitions, of the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their countrey and maner of figh••ing &c, he protested the parti∣culars following to be true: namely, that they were aboue all men, couetous, hasty, deceitfull, and mercilesse: notwithstanding, by reason of the rigour and extremitie of punishments to be inflicted vpon them by their superiours, they are restreined from brawlings, and from mutuall strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers of their tribes, they call by the name of gods, and at certaine set times they doe celebrate solemne feasts vnto them, many of them being particular, & but foure onely generall. They thinke that all things are created for them∣selues alone. They esteeme it none offence to exercise cruelty against rebels. They be hardie and strong in the breast, leane and pale-fated, rough and huf-shouldred, hauing flatte and short noses, long and sharpe chinnes, their vpper iawes are low and declining, their teeth long and thinne, their eye-browes extending from their fore-heads downe to their noses, their eies inconstant and blacke, their countenances writhen and terrible, their ex••reame ioynts strong with bones and sinewes, hauing thicke and great thighes, and short legs•• and yet being equall vnto vs in stature: for that length which is wanting in their legs, is supplied in the vpper parts of their bodies. Their countrey in olde time was a land vtterly desert and waste, situated fa•• beyond Chaldea, from whence they haue expelled Lions, Beares, & such like vn••amed beasts, with their bowes, and o••her engines. Of the hides of beasts being tanned, they vse to shape for themselues light, but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bound vnto their horses, which are not very great in stature, but exceedingly strong, and mainteined with little pro∣uender. They vse to fight constantly and valiantly with iauelins, maces, battle-axes, and swords. But specially they are excellent archers, and cunning warri••rs with their bowes. Their backs are slightly armed, that they may not flee. They withdraw not themselues from the combate, till they see the chiefe Standerd of their Generall giue backe. Vanqu••shed, they aske no fauour, and vanquishing, they shew no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of subduing the whole world vnder their owne subiection, as if they were but one man, and yet they are moe then millions in number. They haue 60000. Courriers, who being sent before vpon light horses to prepare a place for the armie to incampe in, will in the space of one night gallop three dayes iourney. And suddenly diffusing themselues ouer an whole prouince, and surprising all the people thereof vnarmed, vnprouided, dispersed, ••hey make such horrible slaughters, that the king or prince of the land inuaded, cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell against them, and to withstand them. They delude all people and princes of regions in time of peace, pretending that for a cause•• which indeed is no cause. Sometimes they say, that they will make a voyage to Colen, to fetch home the three wise kings into their owne countrey; sometimes to punish the auarice and pride of the Romans, who oppressed them in times past; sometimes to conquere barbarous and Northren nations; sometimes to mode∣rate the furie of the Germans with their owne meeke mildnesse; sometimes to learne warlike feats and stratagems of the French; sometimes ••or the finding out of fertile ground to suffice their huge multitudes; sometimes againe in derision they say, that they intend to goe on pil∣grimage to S. Iames of Gal••cia. In regard of which sleights and collusions certaine vndiscreet gouernors concluding a league with them, haue granted them f••ee passage thorow their ter∣ritories, which leagues notwithstanding being violated, were an occasion of ruine and destru∣ction vnto the foresayd gouernours &c.

Libellus historicus Ioannis de Plano Carpini, qui missus est Legatus ad Tartaros anno Domini 1246. ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo.

Incipit Prologus in librum Tartarorum.

OMnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum peruenerit, frater Ioannes de Plano Carpini ordinis fra••••um minorum, Apostolicae ••edis Legatus, nun∣cius ad Tartaros & nationes alias Orientis, D••i gratiam in praesenti, & glori∣am in futuro, & de inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem. Cum ex mandato se∣dis Apostolice iremus ad Tartaros & nationes alias Orientis, & sci••emus Do∣mini Papae & venerabilium Cardinalium voluntatem, elegimus pri••s ad Tar∣taros proficisci. Timebamus enim ne per cos in proximo ecclesiae Dei periculum imminerer. Et quamuis a Tartaris & alijs nationibus timeremus occidi, vel perpetuo captiuari, vel fame, siti,

algore, aestu, contumelia, & laboribus ni••ijs, & quasi vltra vires affl••g•• (quae omnia multo plu••∣quam prius credidimus, excepta morte vel captiuitate perpetua nobis mul••ipliciter euene∣runt) non tamen pepercimus nobis ipsis, vt voluntatem Dei s••cundum Domini papae manda∣tum adimplere possemus, & vt proficeremus in aliquo Christianis, vt saltem scita veraciter vo∣luntate & intentione ipsorum, possemus illam patefacere Christianis, ne forte subito irruentes inuenirent eos imparatos, sicut peccatis hominum exigentibus alia vice contigit: & fecerunt magnam ••tragem in populo Christiano. Vnde quaecunque pro vestra vtilitate vobis seribi∣mus ad cau••elam, tanto securius credere debetis, quanto nos cuncta velipsi vidimus oculis no∣stris,* 1.68 qui per annum & quatuor menses & amplius ambulauimus per ipsos & cum ipsis, ac fui∣mus inter eos, vel audiuimus a Christianis qui sunt inter eos captiui, & vt credimus fide dignis. Mandatum etiam a supremo pontifice habebamus,* 1.69 vt cuncta per••crutaremur & videremus omnia diligenter. Quod tam nos quàm frater Benedictus eiusdem ordinis qui nostrae tribula∣tionis fuit socius & interpres fecimus studiose.

De terra Tartarorum, situ, qualitate & dispositione aeris in eadem. Cap. 1.

VOlentes igitur facta scribere Tartarorum, vt lectores facilius valeant inuenire, ho•• modo per capitula describemus. Primo quidem dicemus de terr••. Secundo de homi∣nibus. Tertio deritu. Quarto de moribus. Quinto de ipsorum imperio. Sexto de bellis. Septimo d•• terris quas eorum dominio subiugauerunt. Octauo quomodo Bello occurratur eisdem. De te••ra possumus hoc modo tractare. In principio quidem dice∣mus de situ ipsius: secundo de qualitate: tertio de dispositione aeris in eadem. Terra vero prae∣dicta est in ea posita parte Orientis in qua oriens sicut credimus coniungitur Aquiloni. Ab O∣riente autem est terra posita Ky••aiorum & etiam ‖ 1.70 Solangorū: a metidie sunt terrae Sa••a ceno∣rum: inter Occidentem & Meridiem Huyrorum. Ab Occidente prouincia Naymanorum; ab Aquilone mari oceano circundatur.* 1.71 Haec vero in parte aliqua est nimium montuosa, & in ali∣qua est campestris, sed fere tota admixta glarea, raro argillosa plurimum est arenosa. In aliqua parte terrae sunt aliquae modicae syluae: alia vero est sine lignis omnino. Cibaria autem sua de∣coquunt & sedent tam imperator quàm principes & alij ad ignem factum de boum stercori∣bus & equorum. Terra autem praedicta non est in parte centesima fructuosa: nec etiam po∣test fructum portare nisi aquis fluuialibus irrigetur. Sed aqua & riui ibidem sunt pauci: flu∣mina vero rarissima vnde ibidem villae sunt paucae; nec aliquae ciuitates excepta vna, quae es∣se dicitur satis bona •• nos autem non vidimus illam, sed fuimus prope ad dimidium diem, cum apud Syram ordam essemus,* 1.72 quae curia est maior imperatoris eorum. Et licet aliàs infructuosa sit, quamuis non multum, tamen competenter est alendis pecoribus apta. Aer in ipsa est mi∣rabiliter inordinatus. In media etiam esta••e quando in alijs partibus solet calor maximus abun∣dare; ibi sunt toni••••ua magna & ••ulgura, ex quibus homines quàm plurimi occidun••••r. Ca∣dunt etiam ibi eodem tempore maximae niues. Ibi sunt etiam frigidissimorum ventorum tam maximae tempestates,* 1.73 quod cum labore vix possunt homines aliquando equitare. Vnde cum essemus apud ordam (sic enim stationes imperatoris apud eos & principum appellantur) iace∣bamus in terra prae magnitudine venti prostrati, & propter pulueris multitudinem videre mi∣nime poteramus. In ea etiam in hyeme nusquam pluit, sed in estate: & tam modicum, quod vix potest aliquando puluerem & radices graminum madidare. Grando etiam ibi ••aepe maxi∣ma cadit.* 1.74 Vnde eo tempore quando fuit electus, & in sede regni poni debuit imperator, no∣bis in curia existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione, sicut plen••••s•• intel∣leximus,* 1.75 plusquam centum & quadraginta homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res au∣tem & habitacula plura deducta fuerunt. Ibi est etiam in estate ••ubito magnus calor, & re∣pente maximum frigus. In hyeme vero in aliqua parte cadunt maximae niues, in alia autem paruae. Et vt breuiter de terra concludam, magna est, sed aliter, sicut vidimus oculis nostris, (quia per ipsam circuendam quinque mensibus & dimidium ambulauimus) multo vilior est,* 1.76 quàm dicere valeamus.

De formis Tartarorum, de coniugio, vestibus & habitaculis eorum. Cap. 2.

DIcto de terra, de hominibus est dicendum. Primò quidem formas describemus persona∣rum. Secundò de ipsorum coniugio supponemus. Tertio de vestibus. Quarto dehabi∣taculis. Quinto de ••ebus eorum. Forma personarum ab hominibus alijs estremota. Inter ocu∣los

enim & genas plusquam alij homines sunt lati. Genae etiam satis prominent a maxillis. Graciles sunt generaliter in cingulo exceptis quibusdam paucis. Pene omnes sunt mediocris stat••••ae. Barba fere omnibus minime crescit. Aliqui tamen in inferiori labio & in barba modi∣cos habent crines, quos minime tondent. Super verticem capitis in modum clerico••um habent coronas, & ab aure vna vsque ad aliam, ad latitudinem trium digitorum similiter o••es radunt. Quae rasure coronae predictae iunguntur. Super frontem etiam ad latitudinem duorum digito∣rum similiter omnes radunt. Illos autem capillos qui sunt inter coronam & praetaxatam ra••u∣ram crescere vsque ad supercilia sinunt. Et ex vtraque parte frontis tondendo plusquam in medio crines faciunt longos: reliquos vero crines permittunt crescere vt mulieres. De quibus faciunt duas cordas, & ligant vnamquamque post autem. Pedes etiam modicos habent. Vxo∣••es vero habet vnusquisque quot potest tenere. Aliquis centum, aliquis quinquaginta, ali∣quis decem, aliquis plures vel pauciores: & omnibus parentibus generaliter iunguntur, ex∣ce••ta matre, filia, vel sorore ex eadem matre, sororibus etiam ex patre: tamen & vxores patris post mortem ducere possunt. Vxorem etiam ••ratris al••er frater iunior post mortem vel alius de parentela iunior ducere tenetur. Reliquas mulieres omnes sine vlla different a ducunt in vx∣ores, & emunt eas valde pretiosè a parentibus suis. Post mortem maritorum de facili ad se∣cunda coniugia non migrant, nisi quis velit suam nouercam ducere in vxorem. Vestes autem tam virorum quàm mulierum sunt vno modo formatae.* 1.77 Pallijs, cappis vel capputijs vel pelli∣bus non vtuntur. Tunicas vero portant de Bukeramo, purpura, vel Baldaquino in hunc mo∣dum formatas. A supremo vsque deorsum sunt scissae, quia ante pectus duplicantur. A latere vero sinistro vna, & in dextris tribus ligaturis nectuntur, & in late••e & in sinistro vsque ad bra∣chiale sunt stissae. Pellicia cuiuscunque sunt generis in eundem modum formantur: superius tamen pellicium exterius habet pilum, sed a posterioribus est apertum. Habet autem caudu∣lam vnam vsque ad genua retro. Mulieres vero quae sunt maritatae habent tunicam valde am∣plam & vs{que} ad terram ante scissam. Super caput vero habent vnum quid rotundum de vimini∣bus vel de cortice factum, quod in longū protenditur ad vnam vlnam, & in summitate desinit in quadrum: & ab imo vsque ad summum in amplitudine semper crescit, & in suminitate ha∣bet virgulam vnam longam & gracilem de auro vel de argento seu de ligno, vel etiam pennam: & est as••utum super vnum pileolum, quod protenditur vsque ad humeros. Instrumentum pre∣dictum est tectum de buccaramo, siue purpura vel baldaquino: sine quo instrumento coram hominibus nunquam vadunt, & per hoc ab alijs mulieribus cognoscuntur. Virgines autem & iuuenes mulieres cum magna difficultate a viris suis possunt discerni: quum per omnia vesti∣untur ut viri. Pileola habent alia quàm aliae nationes, quorum formam intelligibiliter descri∣bere non valemus. Stationes rotundas habent in modum tentorij praeparatas,* 1.78 de virgis & ba∣culis subtiliter factas. Supra vero in medio rotundam liabent fenestrā vnde ••umen ingreditur, & vt possit fumus exi••o: quia semper in medio ignem faciun••. Parletes autem & recta filtro sunt cooperta. Ostia etiam de filtro sunt facta. Quaedam stationes sunt magnae, quaedam par∣uae, secundum dignitatem & hominum paruitatem. Quaedam soluuntur subito & reparan∣tur, & super somarios deferuntur. Quaedam dissolui non possunt, sed in curribus deferuntur. Minoribus autem in curru ad deferendum vnus bos; maioribus tres vel quatuor, vel et••am plu∣res, vel quod est magis, sufficiunt ad portandum. Quocunque vadunt siue ad bellum, siue ali∣às, semper illas deferunt secum. In animalibus sunt diuites valde: in camelis, bobus, ouibus,* 1.79 capris, & equis. Iumentorum tantam habent multitudinem, quantam non credimus habere totum mundum. Porcos & alias bestias minime habent.

De cultu & de hijs quae credunt esse peccata, & de diuinatio∣nibus & ritu funeris eorum, & de purgationibus suorum peccatorum. Cap. 3.

DIcto de hominibu••, dicendum est de ritu: de quo tractabimus in hunc modum. Primo de cultu: secundo de hijs quae credunt esse peccata: tertio de diuinationibus, & purgati∣onibus peccatorum: quarto de ritu funeris. Vnum Deum credunt, quem credunt esse facto∣rem omnium visibilium & inuisibilium. Et credunt eum tam bonorum in hoc mundo quàm poenarum esse factorem: non tamen orationibus vel laudibus, aut ritu aliquo ipsum colunt. Nihilominus habentidola quaedam de filtro ad imaginem hominis facta; & illa ponunt ex v∣traque parte ostij stationis, & subtus illa ponunt quiddam de filtro in modum vberis factum, & illa credunt esse pecorum custodes, & eis beneficium lactis & pullorum praestare. Alia vero faciunt de pannis sericis, & illa multum honorant. Quidam ponunt illa in pulchro currutecto ante ostium stationis: & quicun{que} aliquid de illo curru furatur, sine vlla miseratione occiditur. 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

pudicitia earum inter eas aliquid auditur. Ve••ba tamen quaedam ex eis in ioco satis habent tur∣pia & impudica. Seditiones verò inter easrarò vel nunquam audiuntur. Et quamuis multum in∣ebrientur, in ebrietate sua tamen v••rbis vel facto nunquam contendunt.* 1.80 Nuncde malis mori∣bus eorum est supponendum. Superbissimi alijs hominibus sunt, & despiciunt omnes: ideò qua∣si pro nihilo reputant, siue nobiles sint, siue ignobiles. Vidimus enim in curia Imperato••is no∣bilem virum Ieroslaum, magnum Ducem Russiae, filium etiam Regis & Reginae Georgiae, & Soldanos multos, duces etiam Soldanorum nullum honorem debitum recipere inter eos. Sed Tartari qui erant eis assignati, quantumcun{que} erant viles, antecedebant eos, & semper primum locum & summum tenebant: immò saepè oportebat eos post eorum posteriora sedere. Iracun∣di multum & indignantis naturae sunt:* 1.81 & etiam alijs hominibus plus sunt mendaces,* 1.82 & ferè nul∣la veritas inuenitur in eis. In principio quidem sunt blandi, sed in fine pungunt vt scorpio. Sub∣dolt sunt & fraudulenti, * 1.83 & si possunt astutia circumueniunt omnes. Homines sunt immundi, su∣mendo cibum & potum, & alijs factis suis. Qui cum volunt aliquid mali facere alijs hominibus, miro modo occultant, vt praeuidere non possint, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. Ebr••etas honorabilis est apud eos:* 1.84 & quum multum quis bibit, ibidem reijcit, nec propter hoc dimittit quin iterum bibat. Valdè sunt cupidi & auari, exactores maximi ad petendum: tenacis∣simi retentores,* 1.85 & parcissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum occisio pro nihilo est apud illos. Et, vt breuiter dicam, omnes mali mores eorum propter prolixitatē in scripto rediginon possunt. Cibi eorum sunt omnia quae mandi possunt.* 1.86 Come dunt canes, lupos, vulpes, & equos; & in ne∣cessit••te carnes humana••. Vnde quando pugnauerunt contra quandam ciuitatem Kytaorum, v∣bi morabatur imperator ipsorum; eam obsederunt tam din, quod defecerunt ipsis Tartaris om∣ninò expensae. Et quia non habebant quòd manducarent omninò, tunc accipiebatur de decem hominibus vnus ad manducandum. Abluuiones etiam quae egrediuntur de iumentis cum pullis manducant. Imò vidimus etiam eos pediculos manducare: vidimus ••tiam ••os comedere mures. Mensalibus & manutergijs non vtuntur••panē non habent, nec olera, nec legumina, nec aliquid ali••d nisi carnes: & tam paucas habent, quòd aliae nationes vix inde viuere possent. Cum pin∣guedine carnium multum polluunt manus: quando verò comederunt, tunc manus ad ocreas suas, vel ad gramina, vel ad aliquid talium tergunt. Solent etiā honestiores habere aliquos pan∣niculos paruos, cum quibus vltimo tergunt manus, quando carnes manducarunt. Cibum vnus eorum incidit, & altus accipit cum puncto c••ltelli morsellos, & vnicui{que} prebet, quibusdā plus, quibusdam minus, secundum quod plus vel minus volunt eos honorare. Scutellas non lauant, & si aliquando cum brodio lauant carmum, iterum cum carnibus in olla reponunt. Ollas etiā vel caldaria, vel alia vasa ad hoc deputata si abluunt, simili modo lauant. Apud eos est magnum pec∣catum, si de cibo vel potu perire permittatur aliquid. Vnde ossa, nisi priùs extrahatur medulla, dari canibus non permittunt. Vestes etiam non lauant, neclauari permittunt, & maximè quo to∣nittua ab illa hora incipiunt donec desinant. Lac iumentinum bibunt in maxima quantitate si habent: bibunt etiam ouinum, caprinum, vaccinum, & camelorum. Vinum, ceruisiam, & me∣donem non habent, nisi ab alijs nationibus mittatur, vel donetur eisdem. In hyeme, nisi diuites sint, lac iumentinum non habent. Milliū cum aqua decoquunt, quod tā tenue faciunt, quòd non comedere sed bibere possunt. Et vnusquis{que} ex eis bibit cyphum vnum vel duos in mane, & ni•• plus in die māducant. In ••ero vnicui{que} parum de carnibus datur, & brodium de carnibus bibunt. In aestate autem, quia tunc habent satis de lacte iumentino carnes rarò māducant, nisi fortè do∣nentur eis, * 1.87 aut venatione aliquam bestiam ceperint, siue auem•• Legem etiam siue consuetudinē habent occidendi virum & mulierem quos in adulterio inuenerint manifestè. Similiter & virgi∣nem si fornicata fuerit,* 1.88 mulierē occidunt & virum. Si aliquis inuenitur in praeda vel in furto ma∣nifesto in terra potestatis eorū sine vlla miseratione occiditur.* 1.89 Item si aliquis eorum deundat cō∣silium, maximè quando volunt ire ad bellum, centū plage dantur super posteriora, quanto ma∣iores dare cum baculo magno vnus rusticus potest. Item quando aliqui de minoribus offendunt in aliquo à suis maioribus non parcitur eis, sed verberibus grauiter affliguntur. Item inter filium concubinae & vxoris nulla est differentia, sed dat pater vnicui{que} eorum quod vult, et si est de ge∣nere ducum, ita est dux filius concubinae, sicut filius legitimus. Et cum vnus Tartarus habet mul∣tas vxores,* 1.90 vnaquae{que} per se suam stationem, & familiam habet: & cum vna comedit, & bibit, & dormit vna die, & altera die cum alia. Vna tamen exipsis maior est inter alias, & srequentius cum illa quam cum alijs commoratur. Ex cum tam multae sint inter se tamen de facili non contendunt. Viri nihil operantur omninò exceptis sagittis: & etiam de gregibus aliquan∣tulam habent curam, sed venantur, & exercent se ad sagittandum: Omnes enim à paruo vs∣que ad magnum sagittarij sunt & boni. Et statim pueri eorum, cum sunt duorum annorum vel trium, incipiunt equitare. Equos eorum regunt & currunt in eis: & dantur eis arcus se∣cundùm suam aetatem, & instruunt ad sagittandum. A giles enim sunt & audaces valdè. Vir∣gines

& mulieres equitant, & agiliter in equi•• currunt vt viri. Vidimus enim eas arcus & pharetras portare. Et tam viri quàm mulieres diu in equitando possunt durare. Breuissimas ha∣bent strepas: equos valdè custodiunt: imo rerum omnium sunt magni conseruarores. Mulie∣res eorum omnia operantur. Pellicia, vestes, calceos, ocreas, & omnia opera quae de corio fi∣unt. Currus etiam ducunt & reparant, camelos onerant, & velocissimae sunt & strenuae in om∣nibus operibus suis: foemoralibus omnes vtuntur: aliquae, sicut viri, sagittant.* 1.91

De ipsorum Imperio. Cap. 5.

DIcto de eorum consuetudinibus, dicendum est de eorum imperio. Et primò de ipsius principio. Secundò de principibus eius. Tertio de dominio Imperatoris & princi∣pum. Terra quaedam est in partibus Orientis, de qua dictum est suprà, quae Mongol no∣minatur. Haec terra quondam quatuor populos habuit. Et vnus Yeka-Mongol, id est, magni Mongali vecabatur. Secundus Sumongol, id est Aquatici Mongali. Ipsi autem se∣ipsos Tartaros appellabant, à quodam fluuio, qui currit per terram eorum, qui Tartar no∣minatur.* 1.92 Alius appellatur Merkat, quartus Metrit. Hij populi omnes vnam formam per∣sonarum,* 1.93 & vnam linguam habebant: quamuis inter se per principes & prouincias eslent di∣uisi. In terra Yeka-Mongol fuit qui vocabatur Cyngis.* 1.94 Iste incepit es••e robustus venator co∣ram Domino, Didicit enim homines furari, rapere, praedari. Ibat autem ad alias terras, & quos∣cunque potuit capere, & sibi associare non demittebat: homines verò suae gentis ad se inclina∣bat, qui tanquam ducem ipsum sequebantur ad omnia male facta. Hic autem incepit pugna∣re cum Sumongal, siue Tartaris, postquam homines aggregauerat sibi, & interfecit ducem eo∣rum, & multo bello omnes Tartaros sibi subiugauit & in suam seruitutem redegit. Post haec cum omnibus his pugnauit, cum Merkat, qui erant positi iuxta terram Tartarorum, quos eti∣••m bello sibi subiecit: Inde procedens pugnauit contra Metritas, & etiam illos deuicit. Audien∣tes itaque Naymani,* 1.95 quod Cyngis erat taliter eleuatus, indignati fuerunt. Ipsi enim habuerunt Imperatorem, qui fuerat strenuus valdè, cui dabant tributum omnes nationes praedictae. Qui debitum vniuersae carnis exsoluens, filij eius successerunt loco eius; sed iuuenes erant & stulti, & populum nesciebant tenere: sed inuicem diuisi erant & scissi:* 1.96 vnde medio tempore Cyngis erat taliter exaltatus, nihilominus insultum faciebant in terras superius annotatas, viros & mulieres, & pueros occidebant, & capiebant praedam eorum. Cyngis hoe audiens, omnes sibi fubiectos homines aggregauit. Naymani & Kara Kitai,* 1.97 id est, nigri Kitai, exaduerso in quan∣dam vallem strictam inter montes duos, per quam nos euntes ad imperatorem eorum transiui∣mus, similiter conueniunt: & commissum est praelium, in quo Naymani & Kara Kitai a Mongallis sunt deuicti, & maior pars eorum occisa: & alij qui euadere non potuerunt in serui∣tutem redacti sunt. In terra autem praedictorum Kara Kytaorum Occaday can filius Cyngis can,* 1.98 post quam positus fuit imperator, quandam ciuitatem aedificauit, quam‖ 1.99 Omyl appellauir. Propè quam ad meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum, in quo syluestres homines pro certo habitare dicuntur,* 1.100 qui nullo modo loquuntur, nec in cruribus habent iuncturas: & si quando cadunt, per se surgere sine adiutorio aliorum minimè possunt, aliquantam tamen ha∣bent discretionem. Mongali autem in terram eorum reuertentes se contra Kytaos in praelium praeparauerunt, qui castra mouentes terram eorum intrauerunt. Imperator autem Kytaorum hoc audiens venit contra eos cum exercitu suo;* 1.101 & commissum est praelium durum; in quo prae∣lio Mongali fuerunt deuicti:* 1.102 & omnes nobiles Mongallorum qui erant in praedicto exercitu fuerunt occisi vsque ad septem. Cyngis verò & alij qui remanserunt in terram suam fugerun••. Et quum aliquantulum quieuisset Cyngis, praeparauit se rursus ad praelium & contra terram Huyrorum processit ad bellum. Isti homines Christiani de secta Nestorianorum erant, quos etiam bello deuicit, & eorum literas acceperunt. Nam prius scripturam aliquam non habe∣bant.* 1.103 Nunc autem eandem literam Mongallorum appellant. Inde processit contra ter∣ram Saruiuorum,* 1.104 & contra terram Karauitarum,* 1.105 & contra terram Voyrat,* 1.106 & contra terram Comana, quas terras omnes deuicit. Inde est in terram suam reuersus. Et cum aliquantulum quieuisset, conuocatis omnibus gentibus supradictis, contra Kytaos ad bellum processit, & cum diu contra eos pugnasset magnam partem terrae Kytaorum vicerunt: Imperatorem autem eo∣rum concluserunt in sua ciuitate maiori: quam cum tam diu obsiderunt, quod exercitui defe∣cerunt expensae, & cum non haberent quod manducarent, praecepit illis Cyngis can, quod de decem hominibus vnum darent ad manducandum. Illi autem de ciuitate pugnabant viriliter contra illos sagittis & machinis: Et cum deficerent lapides, pro lapidib••s proiecerunt argentum,* 1.107 & maximè liquesactum. Ciuitas enim haec multis diuitijs erat plena. Et cum diu pugnassent, & eam bello vincere minimè possent, fecerunt vnam magnam viam sub terra ab exercitu vsque ad mediam ciuitatem, & aperientes subitò ter∣ram,

eis nescientibus pro••lierunt in medio ciuitatis, & pugnabant cum hominibus ciuita∣tis, & illi qui erant extra simili modo pugnabant, & concidentes portas intrauerunt ciuita∣tem:* 1.108 & occidentes Imperatorem & homines plures, ciuitatem possidebant: & aurum & ar∣gentum, & omnes diuitias abstulerunt. Et cum terrae predictae Kytaorum suos homines praefecissent, in terram propriam sunt reuersi. Et tunc Imperatore Kytaorum deuicto sactus est Imperator.* 1.109 Quandam autem partem terrae Kytaorum, quae posi••a est in mari,* 1.110 vsque in hodiernum diem nullatenus deuicerunt. Kytai autem, de quibus superiùs diximus, homi∣nes sunt Pagani, qui habent literam specialem: & habent nouum & verus Testamentum; & habent vitas patrum, & Eremitas & domos quasi Ecclesias sactas, in quibus orant tempo∣ribus suis: Et dicunt se quosdam sanctos habere. Vnum Deum colunt: Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum honorant, & credunt vitam aeternam, sed minimè baptizantur. Scripturam nostram honorant & reuerentur: Christianos diligunt, & Ecclesias faciunt plures. Homines benigni & humani satis videntur: barbam non habent, & in dispositione faciei latis concor∣dant cum Mongalis,* 1.111 non tamen sunt in facie ita lati. Linguam propriam habent: meliores artifices non inueniuntur in toto mundo in omnibus operibus, in quibus solent homines ex∣ercitari. Terra eorum est opulenta valdè in frumento, vino, auro, argento, & serico, & omni∣bus rebus in quibus solet sustentari humana natura. Et cum aliquantulum quieuissent, suos exercitus diuiserunt. Vnum de filijs Tossuch nomine,* 1.112 quem etiam Can appellabant, id est Imperatorem, misit cum exercitu contra Comanos, quos multo bello deuicit: & postquam vicerat eos in terram suam reuertebatur. Alium etiam filium misit cum exercitu contra In∣dos; qui minorem Indiam deuicerunt.* 1.113 Hij autem nigri sunt Suraceni, qui AEthiopes nuncu∣pantur. Hic autem exercitus contra Christianos, qui sint in India maiori in pugnam proces∣sir. Quod audiens rex terrae illius, qui vulgò Praesbyter Iohannes appellatur,* 1.114 venit contra e∣os exercitu congregato. Et faciens imagines cupreas hominum in sella posuit super equos, ponens ignem interius, & posuit hominem cum folle post imaginem cupream super equum: & cum multis imaginibus, & equis taliter praeparatis venerunt contra praedictos ad pugnan∣dum. Et cum ad locum praelij peruenissent, istos equos vnum iuxta vnum premiserunt. Viri autem, qui erantretro, posuerunt nescio quid super ignem qui erat in praedicta imagine, & cum follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. Vnde factum est, quod de fumo illo aer est denigratus. Et tunc super Tartaros iecerunt sagittas, ex quibus multi interfecti & vulnerati suerunt. Et sic cum confusione eos de finibus suis eiecerunt: Et nunquam audiuimus, quod vltra ad eos re∣dierunt.* 1.115 Cum autem per deserta reditent, in quandam terram venerunt in qua quaedam mon∣stra foemineas imagines habentia reperierunt. Et cum interrogassent eas per multos interpre∣tes vbi essent viri terrae illius, responderunt quod in illa terra quecunque soeminae nasceban∣tur,* 1.116 habebant formam humanam: Masculi verò formam caninam. Et dum moram protra∣herent in terra praedicta, Canes in alia parte conuenerunt in vnum: Et dum esset hyems asper∣rima, se omnes proiecerunt in aquam: & post haec incontinenti in puluerem mouebantur, & ita puluis admixtus aquae super eos congelauit:* 1.117 & dum saepè hoc fecissent, glacies densa facta est super eos: Vnde cum magno impetu cum Tartaris conuenerunt ad pugnam. At illi quum sagittas super eos iactabant, acsi super lapides sagitassent, retro sagittae redibant: Alia etiam arma eorum in nullo eos laedere potuerunt. Canes verò insulrum facientes in eos morsibus vulnerauerunt, multos etiam occiderunt, & ita eiecerunt eos de finibus suis. Et dum reuerte∣retur exercitus ille, venit ad terram Burutabeth,* 1.118 quos bello vicerunt: qui sunt Pagani. Qui consuetudinem mirabilem imo potius miserabilem habent. Quia cum aliquis patrum suorum humanae naturae debitum exsoluit, omnem congregant parentelam, & comedunt eum. Isti pilos in barba non habent:* 1.119 immo quoddam ferrum in manibus portant, cum quo barbam semper depilant, si fortè aliquis crinis crescit in ipsa: & multum etiam deformes sunt. Inde ex∣ercitus ille reuertebatur in terram suam. Cyngis can etiam eo tempore quo diuisit exercitus illos, misit in expeditione contra Orientem per terram Kergis,* 1.120 quos bello non vicit: & vsque ad Caspios montes peruenit, montes autem illi sunt de lapide adamantino. Vnde eorum sa∣gittas & arma ferrea ad se traxerunt. Homines inter Caspios montes conclusos viderunt, qui iam montem sregerunt: sed nubes quaedam erat posita ante ipsos, ad quam accedere non po∣terant vllo modo, quia statim moriebantur, cum perueniebant ad illam. Sed antequam per∣uenirent ad praedictum montem plusquam per mensem vastam solitudinem transierunt. Inde procedentes adhuc contra Orientem plusquam per mensem per magnum desertum iuerunt.* 1.121 Et peruenerunt ad quandam terram, vbi viderunt vias tritas, sed nullum hominem poterant inuenire. Sed tantum quaesiuerunt per terram, quod inuenerunt hominem cum vxore sua; quos ante Cyngis can adduxerunt. Et cum interrogasset, vbi essent homines terrae illius, re∣sponderunt quod in terra sub montibus habitarent.* 1.122 At Cyngis can retenta vxore misit virum

illum cum nuncijs suis mandans hominibus illis vt venirent ad mandatum ipsius. Illi vero ••un∣tes ad eos, narrauerunt omnia quae Cyngis can mandauerat. Qui responderunt quod tali die venirent ad mandatum suum faciendum. Medio vero tempore congregauerunt se per vias occultas sub terra, & venerunt contra istos ad pugnandum: & irruentes subitò super eos plu∣rimos occiderunt. At illi, Cyngis can videlicet & sui fugam ineuntes, terram exierunt praedi∣ctam. Illos tamen homines, virum scilicet & mulierem secum duxerunt, qui vsque ad mortem in terra Tartarorum fuerunt. Interrogati verò quare sub terra habitarent, dixerunt quod vno temporeanni quum sol oritur, tantus sonitus est, quod homines nulla ratione possunt sustine∣re.* 1.123 Immo etiam tunc percuriebant in organis & tympanis, & alijs instrumentis, vt illum sonitum non audirent. Et dum Cyngis de terra illa reuerteretur, defecerunt ei victualia, & habebant maximam famem. Et tunc recentia interiora vnius bestiae eos contigit inuenire: quae accipien∣tes, depositistamen stercoribus decoxerunt; & coram Cyngis can portantes ••um suis illa co∣medit.* 1.124 Et ex hoc statutum fuit ab eo, vt nec san guis, nec interiora, nec aliquid de bestia quod manducari potest, exceptis stercoribus, proijciatur. Et deinde in terram propriam est reuersus: & ibidem leges & statuta multiplicia fecit, quae Tartari non violabiliter obser∣uant. Ex quibus tantum duo dicemus. Vnum est, quod quicunque in superbia erectus, propria authoritate sine electione principum esse voluerit imperator, sine vlla miseratione debet occi∣di. Vnde ante electionem ipsius Cuynch propter hoc vnus de principibus, nepos ipsius Cyn∣gis can fuit occisus. Volebat enim sine electione regnare. Aliud statutum est, quod sibi debent subiugare omnem terram: nec cum aliqua gente debent pacem habere, nisi prius eis subdatur, quo vsque veniat tempus occisionis eorum. Debent enim occidi, vt prophetatum est eis: Et il∣li qui euadere poterunt, vt dicunt, debent illam legem tenere quam tenent alij, qui eos bello de∣uincunt. Statuit etiam quod per millenarios, & centenarios & Decanos debeat eorum exerci∣tus ordinari. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui est occisus, peractis suis ordinationibus & statutis.* 1.125 Hic autem habuit quatuor filios: Vnus vocabatur Occoday, secundus Tossuch can, tertius Thaa∣day: & nomen quarti ignoramus. Isti quatuor filij cum alijs maioribus qui tunc erant, primum filium videlicet Occoday elegerunt imperatorem, filij autem istius Occoday Cuyne,* 1.126 qui nunc est imperator, Cocthen & Cyrenen. Et si plures habuerit filios ignoramus, Filij autem Tos∣such can Bati: iste est ditior & potentior post imperatorem: Ordu, iste est senior omnium du∣cum: Syban, Bora, Bercuthanth: aliorum siliorum Tossuch can nomina ignoramus. Filij Thaa∣day sunt Burin & Chadan, nomina aliorum filiorum nescimus. Alterius autem filij Cyngis can, cuius nomen nescimus, filiorum nomina sunt haec. Vnus vocatur Mengu, cuius mater est Se∣roctan. Ista domina inter omnes Tartaros, excepta matre imperatoris, est magis nominata: & potentior est omnibus excepto Bati. Alius vocatur Becas. Alios filios habuit plures, sed eorum nomina ignor••mus. Haec sunt ducum nomina. Ordu: iste fuit in Polonia & in Hungaria: Bati,* 1.127 Cathan, Syban, Bureth. Omnes isti fuerunt in Hungaria, Cyrpodan, iste est adhuc vltra mare contra Soldanum Damasci. Isti remanserunt in terra: Mangu, Cuthen, Syrennen, Hybilay, Se∣remum, Synocur, Thuatamur, Cyragay, Sybedey, senex quidam miles inter eos, Bora, Berca, Mauci, Choranca: sed iste inter alios est minimus. Alij verò ducessunt plures, sed eorum no∣mina ignoramus.

Imperator auté Tartarorum habet mirabile dominium super omnes.* 1.128 Nullus audet in aliqua parte morari, nisi ipse assignet ei. Ipse autem assignat vbi maneant duces: millenarij centenarijs, Centenarij decanis. In super quicquid precipitur in quocun{que} tempore, quocun{que} loco, siue ad bellum, siue ad mortem, siue ad vitam, sine vlla contradictione obediunt. Etiam si petit filiam virginem vel sororem, sine contradictione dant ei. Aut singulis annis, autintermissis aliquibus annis virgines colligit ex omnibus finibus Tartarorum. Si ipse vult sibi retinere aliquas retinet: alias dat suis hominibus, sicut videtur ei expedire. Nuncios quoscun{que}, quotcun{que} & vbicun{que} transmittit, oportet quod dent ei sine mora equos subdititios & expensas. Vndecun{que} venerint ei tributa vel nuncij, oportet quod equi, currus, & expense similiter dentur eis. Nuncij qui veni∣unt aliunde in magna miseria sunt in victu pariter & vestitu: qula expense viles sunt & paucae: & maximè cum veniunt ad principes, & ibi debent morā contrabere.* 1.129 Tuncita parum datur decem hominibus, quod inde vix possint viuete duo. Necetiam in curijs principum, nec in via datur eis comedere, nisi semel in die, & satis parum. Insuper si aliquae iniuriae sibi fiunt, conqueri de facili minimè posssunt. Vnde eos oportet illa patienter portare. Insuper multa tā à principibus, quam ab alijs nationibus & minoribus abeis exiguntur: & sinon daretur, vili pendunt eos, immò qua∣si pro nihilo habent eos. Et sià magnis viris mittuntur, nolunt ab eis modicum munus ha∣bere: sed dicunt: A magno homine venistis, & cur modicum datis? & accipere dedignan∣tur. Et si nuncij benè volunt facere facta sua, oportet eos dare maiora. Idcirco magnam par∣tem rerum, quae nobis à fidelibus erant datae, oportuit nos de necessitate muneribus dare. Et

sciendum, quod ita omnia sunt in manu Imperatoris praedicti, quod nemo audet dicere, hoc est meum vel illius; sed omnia sunt Imperatoris, res, iumenta, & homines. Et super hoc etiam nuper emanauit Imperatoris statutum. Idem dominium per omnia habent duces super ho∣mines suos. Diuisi enim sunt homines Tartari, videlicet etiam alij inter duces. Nuncij etiam ducum, quocunque eos transmittunt, & homines tam Imperatoris quàm alij omnes equos subdititios & expensas, & qui equos custodiant, & etiam nuncijs seruiant fine contradictio∣ne dare tenentur. Imperatori autem iumenta vt habeat ex eis lac ad annum vel ad duos, vel ad tres, sicut placuerit ei, tam duces quàm alij proredditu dare tenentur. Et homines du∣cum idem facere tenentur dominis suis. Inter eos enim nullus est liber. Et vt breuiter dicam, Quicquid Imperator & Duces volunt, & quantū volunt de rebus suis accipiunt. De personis etiam eorum disponunt per omnia, sicut volunt. Mortuo Imperatore, sicut superius dictum est, conuenerunt Duces & elegerunt Occoday filium Cyngis can praedicti Imperatorem.* 1.130 Qui habito consilio principum diuisit exercitus. Bati, qui in secundo gradu attinebat ei, mi∣sit contra Altisoldanum, & contra terram Biserminorum. Hij erant Saraceni, & Coma∣nicum loquebantur. Et cum intrasset terram illorum pugnauit contra eos, & bello eos sibi subiecit. Quaedam autem ciuitas quae * 1.131 Barthra dicitur, diurestitit ei, fecerant enim foue∣as multas in circuitu ciuitatis & operuerant illas; & quando illi veniebant cadebant in foue∣as. Vnde non potuerunt capere ciuitatem, donec illas foueas replessent. Homines autem de quadam ciuitate quae vocatur * 1.132 Iakint haec audien••es exierunt obuiam cis, se sponte in ma∣nus eorum tradentes: vnde ciuitas eorum non erat destructa, sed plures eorum occide∣runt, & alios transtulerunt. Et accepto spolio ciuitatis, ipsam alijs hominibus repleue∣runt. Et venerunt contra ciuitatem quae vocatur Orna.* 1.133 Ista ciuitas erat nimium populosa: Christiani ibi erant plures; Gazari videlicet, Rutheni, & Alani, & alij: nec non & Saraceni. Saracenorum enim erat dominium ciuitatis. Haec au••em ciuitas erat diuitijs multum plena. Est enim posita super fluuium qui vocatur Don, qui intrat in mare. Vnde est quasi portus: & forum maximum habebant de illa ciuitate alij Saraceni. Et cum non possent aliter deuin∣cere, praeciderunt fluuium, qui currebat per ciuitatem, & illam cum rebus omnibus submer∣serunt. Quo facto: postea intrauerunt terram Tortorum, qui similiter sunt Pagani: quam de∣uincentes, iuerunt contra Russiam, & fecerunt magnam stragem in terra Russiae, ciuitates & castra destruxerunt, & homines occiderunt: etiam Kiouiam quae erat Metropolis Rus∣siae obsederunt:* 1.134 & cum diu obsedissent, illam ceperunt, & occiderunt homines ciuitatis. In∣de procedentes pugnando destruxerunt totam Russiam. De Russia autem & Comania pro∣cesserunt duces praedicti, & pugnauerunt contra Hungaros & Polonos. Ex quibus Tartaris in Polonia & in Hungaria plures interfecti suerunt. Et si non fugissent, sed viriliter restitissent Hungari exiuissent Tartari de finibus suis: quia tunc habuetunt timorem, quod omnes fugere attentabant. Sed Bati vaginato gladio in faciem eis restitit, dicens: Nolite fugere: quia si fugitis nullus euadet: Et si debemus mori, moriamur omnes: quia futurum est, vt Cyngis can praedixie, quod interfici debeamus: Et si nunc est tempus, sustineamus. Et sic anima∣ti sunt & remanserunt, & Hungariam destruxerunt. Inde reuertentes iuerunt in terram Mor∣duanorum,* 1.135 qui sunt Pagani, & bello deuicerunt. Inde procedentes contra Bileros, id est, Bulgariam magnam,* 1.136 & ipsam destruzerunt omnino. Inde procedentes ad Aquilonem ad∣huc contra Bascarr, id est, Hungariam magnam,* 1.137 & eos etiam deuicerunt. Inde egredientes iuerunt ad Aquilonem, & venerunt ad Parossitas qui habent paruos stomachos & os paruu∣lum,* 1.138 nec manducant, sed decoquunt carnes: quibus decoctis ponunt se inter fumum & ol∣lam, & recipiunt fumum, & de hoc solo reficiuntur: Sed etiamsi aliquid manducant, hoc valdè modicum est. Inde procedentes venerunt ad Samogedos.* 1.139 Hij autem homines tantùm de venationibus viuunt: tabernacula & vestes habent tantummodo de bestiarum pellibus. Inde vltra procedentes venerunt ad quandam terram super Oceanum,* 1.140 vbi inuenerunt quaedam monstra quae per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes desinebant in pedes bouinos, & faciem per omnia habebant vt canis: duo verba loqueban••ur more hu∣mano & tertio latrabant vt canis: & sic per interualla temporum latratum interponebant: tum ad naturam suam redibant: & sic intelligi poterat quod dicebant: Inde redierunt in Comaniam, & vs{que} nunc quidam ex eis morantur ibidem. Cyrpodan vero eodem tempo∣re misit Occoday can cum exercitu ad meridiem contra Kergis,* 1.141 quos etiam bello deuicit. Hij autem homines sunt pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo est talis. Cum pater moritur alicuius, prae dolore quasi vnam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vs{que} ad aurem de facie sua leuant. Quibus deuictis, ad meridiem iuit contra Armenos.* 1.142 Sed cum per deserta transiret, etiam quaedam monstra effigiem humanam habentia inuenerunt: sed non nisi vnum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris,* 1.143 & vnum pedem habebant: & duo sagit∣tarunt

cum vno arcu, & isti ita ••or••ter curre••ant, quod equi eos inuestigare non pote••ant. Currebant enim saltando super illum vnum pedem, & cum essent ••essi taliter eundo, ibant su∣per manum & pedem, remouendo se quasi rota; & sic cum essent fessi iterum currebant secun∣dum modum priorem: aliquos tamen occidebant ex eis. Inde procedentes venerunt in Ar∣meniam, quam bello vicerunt, & partem Georgiae:* 1.144 & alia pars venit ad mandatum eorum; & quadraginta millia y perperorum singulis annis dederunt, & adhuc faciunt idem. Inde proce∣dentes ad terram Soldani Deurum,* 1.145 qui erat satis magnus & potens, cum eo pugnauerunt & deuicerunt. Inde procedentes vltra debellando & vincendo vs{que} ad terram Soldani Ha∣lapiae & nunc terram illam impugnant:* 1.146 nec postea vsque in hodiernum diem in terram suam fuerunt reuersi. Alius exercitus iuit contra terrā Calif de Baldach, quam sibi etiā subdiderunt: Et quadraginta bisantia exceptis Baldachinis & alijs muneribus omni die dant pro tributo: Et omni anno pro Calif, vt ad eos veniat, nuncios mittunt: qui cum tributo munera magna mittit, rogans vt eū supportent. Ipse vero imperator munera accipit, & nihilominus vt veniat mittit pro eo.

Qualiter Tartari se habent in prelijs. Cap. 6.

DIcto de imperio, dicendum est hoc modo de bello. Primo de ordinatione acierum. Secun∣do de armis. Tertio de astu••ijs in congressione, quarto de crudelitate quam faciunt in captiuos. Quinto de oppugnatione castrorum & ciuitatum. Sexto de perfidia quam exercent cum hijs qui se reddunt eisdem. De ordinatione acierum dicemus hoc modo. Cyngis can or∣dinauit, vt decem hominibus praeponeretur vnus: & ille secundum nos appellatur Decanus, Decem autem Decanis preponeretur vnus, qui centenarius nuncupatur: Decem vero Cente∣narijs praeponeretur vnus qui millenarius nuncupatur: decem millenarijs praeponeretur vnus, & ille numerus vocatur tenebre apud eos. Cuncto vero expercitui praeponuntur duo duces vel tres, ita tamen quod habeant respectum ad vnum. Cum autem omnes sunt in bello si de de∣cem hominibus fugit vnus vel duo, vel tres, vel etiam plures, omnes occiduntur. Et vt breui∣ter dicam, nisi communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt occiduntur. Item si vnus vel duo aut plures audacter ad pugnam accedunt, & decem alij non sequuntur, etiam occidun∣tur. Item si vnus de decem vel plures capiuntur, & alij socij sui non liberant eos, etiam occiduntur. Duo arcus vel tres, vel vnum bonum ad minus, & tres pharetras magnas plenas de sagittis & vnam securim, & sunes ad machinas trahendas habere debet vnus∣quisque. Diuites autem habent gladios acutos in fine, ex vna tantum parte incidentes, & aliquantulum curuos: & habent equum armatum, crura etiam tecta. Galeas & loricas qui∣dam habent de corio in hunc modum formatas. Habent quasdam corrigias de boue ad latitu∣dinem vnius manus, & bituminant tres vel quatuor simul, & ligant illas corrigiolis vel cordis. In corrigia superiori ponunt cordulas in fine; in inferiori ponunt in medio, & sic faciunt vsque ad finem. Vnde quum se inclinant in inferiores, corrigiae superiores ascendunt & sic duplican∣tur super corpus, vel triplicantur. De coopertura equi faciunt quinque partes: ex vna parte faciunt vnam, exalia parte faciunt aliam, quam partem ducunt à cauda vs{que} ad caput: quae li∣gantur ad sellam, & post sellam in dorso & etiam in collo, super renes etiam partē aliam po∣nunt, vbi duae partium ligaturae iunguntur: In qua pecia faciunt vnum soramen, per quod cau∣das exponunt: & ante pectus ponunt etiam vnam: quae omnes protenduntur vsque ad cru∣rium iuncturas. Et ante frontem laminam ferream ponunt, quae ex vtraque parte colli parti∣bus praedictis ligatur. Lorica vero etiam quatuor partes habet, vna pars protenditur à foemo∣re vsqne ad collum; sed est facta secundum dispositionem humani corporis: quia ante pectus est stricta: in rotundum obuoluitur circa corpus à brachijs inferius: Supe•• humeros autem retro ad renes habent aliam peciam, quae protenditur a coslo vsque ad aliam peciam, quae reuolui∣tur circa corpus: Super humeros autem istae duae peciae anterior videlicet & posterio••, ad duas laminas ferreas quae sunt in vtroque humero fibulis connectuntur. Et in vtroque brachio v∣nam habent peciam, quae ab humero protenduntur vsque ad manus, quae etiam inferius sunt apte. Et in vtroque crure vnam habent peciam: quae peciae omnes fibulis coniunguntur. G••∣lea autem superius est ferrea. Sed illud quod protegit in circuitu collum & gulam de corio si••. Et omnes istae peciae de corio sunt formatae secundum modum superius annotatum. Quidam autem omnia quae superius diximus habent de ferro in hunc modum formata. Vnam lami∣nam tenuem ad latitudinem vnius•• digiti faciunt, & ad longitudinem palmae vnius. Et in hunc modum faciunt laminas multas: & in vnaquaque lamina octo foramina paruula faciunt, & interius tres corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt, & laminas vnam super aliam ponūt, quasi as∣cendendo per gradus: & ligant laminas predictas ad corrigias tenuibus corrigiolis, quas mit∣tunt

per foramina superius annotata: Et in superiori parte consuunt corrigio••am vnam, vtlami∣nae praedictae bene & firmiter cohaereant sibi. Et faciuot ex laminis quasi corrigiam vnam, & postea ligant per pecias per omnia, sicut superius dictum est. Et ista faciunt tam ad equorum quam ad hominum armaturas. Et faciunt illa ita lucere, quod potest homo in eis faciem suam videre. Aliqui eorū lanceas habent: & in fine ferri lancee vnum habent vncū, cum quo trahunt hominem de sella si possunt. Longitudo sagittarum est duorum pedum & vnius palmae, & du∣orum digitorum. Et quia diue••si sunt pedes, mensurā pedum geometricā ponimus. Duodecem grana hordei pollicis transuersio est. Sexdecem pollices transuersi faciunt vnum geometricum pedem. Ferramenta sagittarum sunt acutissima, & ex vtra{que} parte incidentia quasi gladius bi∣ceps, & semper portant limas iuxta pharetram ad acuendum sagittas. Ferramenta praedicta cau∣dam habent acutam ad longitudinem vnius digiti, quam imponunt in lignum. Scutum ha∣bent de viminibus vel de virgulis factum. Sagittas habent alias ad sagittandum aues bestias & homines inermes ad trium digitorum latitudinem. Sagittas alias habent diuersimodas ad aues & bestias sagittandas. Quum ad bellum procedere volunt praecursores praemittunt, qui nihil secum portant praeter filtra sua, equos & arma. Isti nihil rapiunt, domos non combu∣runt, bestias non occidunt: Sed tamen homines vulnerant & mortificant, & si non possunt ali∣ud, mittunt in fugam; multo libentius tamen occidunt, quam fugant, post istos sequitur exer∣citus, qui cuncta que inuenit accipit, & homines etiam, si inueniri possunt, accipiunt & occidunt. Quum autem ad flumina perueniunt,* 1.147 hoc modo transeuntilla etiam si sunt magna. Maiores vnum rotundum & leue corium habent, in quo in summitate per circuitum crebras faciunt an∣sas, in quibus funem imponunt, & stringuntita quod in circuitu faciunt quendam ventrem, quem replent vestibus, & alijs rebus, & fortissime comprimunt ad inuicem: post hoc in medio ponunt sellas & alias res duriores: homines autem in medio sedent: & ligant ad caudam equi nauem hanc taliter praeparatam, & vnum hominum qui equum regat faciunt pariter cum equo ante natare: vel habent aliquando duos remos, & cum illis remigant vltra aquam, & sic trans∣eunt fluuium. Equos vero pellunt in aqua, & vnus homo iuxta vnum equum, quē regit, natat: & alij equi illum sequuntur. Et sic transeunt aquas & flumina magna. Alij vero pauperiores vnam bursam de corio bene consutam vnusquis{que} tenetur habere: in qua bursa vel in quo sacco ve∣stes & omnes res suas imponunt; & in summitate saccū fortissime ligant, & suspendunt ad cau∣dam equi, & transeunt, vt supradictum est. Sciendum est, quod cum vident hostes tunc vadunt ad eos, & vnusquis{que} iacit tres sagittas vel quatuor contra aduersatios: Et si vident quod eos superare non possunt, retro gradiuntur ad suos: Et hoc faciunt in fraudem, vt aduersarij eos se∣quantur ad loca vbi insidias parauerunt: Et si inimici eorum sequuntur ad praedictas insidias, circundant eos & sic vulnerant & occidunt. Item si vident quod magnus exercitus est contra eos, aliquando diuertunt ab eo per vnam dietam vel duas, & aliā partem terrae inuadunt & spo∣liant: & interficiunt homines, & terrā destruunt & deuastant. Et si vident quod hoc etiā facere non possunt, cedunt retro ad decem vel duodecem dietas: aliquando etiā morantur in loco tu∣to, quous{que} aduersariorū exetcitus separetur, & tunc furtim veniunt, & depopulantur totā ter∣ram. In bellis etiam astutissimi sunt: quia iam per quadraginta annos & amplius cum alijs gen∣tibus dimicarunt. Cum autem volunt ad pugnam accedere•• omnes acies ordinant sicut deberēt pugnare. Duces siue principes exercitus bellū non intrant, sed stant à longe cōtra inimicorū ex∣ercitum, & iuxta se habent pueros in equis & mulieres & equos. Et faciunt aliquando imagines hominum, & ponunt super equos. Hocideo faciunt, vt multitudo magna bellantium esse cre∣dantur. Contra faciem equorum vnam aciem captiuorum & aliarum gentium quae sunt inter eos transmittunt: & for••itan aliqui Tartari vadunt cum eis. Alias acies fortiorum ho∣minum longe mittunt à dextris & à sinistris, vt non videantur ab aduersarij suis: & sic circun∣dant aduersarios & colligunt in medium, & pugnare incipiunt ex omni parte. Et cum sunt a∣liquando pauci, putantur ab aduersarijs qui circundati sunt, esse multi. Et maxime cum vi∣deant illos, qui sunt cum duce vel principe exercitus pueros & mulieres & equos, & homines fictos, vt dictum est supra: quos credunt esse pugnatores: & per hoc terrentur & confun∣duntur. Et si forte aduersarij bene pugnant, faciunt eis viam vt fugiant: & statim cum fu∣gere incipiunt, ab inuicem separati insequuntur eos, & plures tunc occidunt fuga, quàm morti∣ficare possent in bello. Sciendum tamen est, quod si aliud possunt, non libēter cōgrediuntur, sed homines & equos sagittis vulnerant & occidunt. Munitiones in hunc modum expugnant. Si est talis munitio ipsam circundant, immo aliquando ita sepiunt, vt nullus ingredi vel exire possit.* 1.148 Expugnant fortissime machinis & sagittis: & nec die nec nocte cessant a praelio, vt illi qui sunt in munitionibus non quiescant. Ipsi Tartari quiescunt: quia acies diuidunt & vna succedit alte∣ri in pugnā vt non nimiū fatigentur. Et si eam taliter habere non possunt graecū proijciunt ig∣nem. Imo solent aliquando accipere aruinā hominum quos occidunt, & liquefactum proijciunt

super domos: Et vbicunque venit ignis super pinguedinem illam, quasi inextinguibiliter ar∣det. Et si ita non praeualent, & si ciuitas illa vel castrum habeat flumen, obstruunt illud, vel faciunt alium alueum & submergunt illam munitionem si possunt. Si autem non possunt suffodiunt illam, & sub terra armati in ipsam ingrediuntur. Et cum iam intrauerunt, vna pars ignem imponit vt comburatur: & alia pars cum illius munitionis hominibus pugnat. Si autem nec sic illam vincere possunt, castrum vel munitionem suam faciunt contra illam, vt ab inimicorum iaculis non grauentur, & contra illam multo tempore iacent: nisi forte exterius adiutorium exe••citus qui pugnat cum eis adhibeat, & vi remoueant ipsos. Sed cum iacent ante munitionem blan de eis loquuntur, & multa promittunt, ad hoc vt se in eorum manus tra∣dant:* 1.149 Et si illi se eis tradiderint, dicunt: Exite, vt secundum morem nostrum vos muneremus. Et cum illi ad ••os exeunt, quaerunt qui sunt artifices inter eos, & illos reseruant: alios autem, exceptis illis quos volunt habere pro seruis cum securi occidunt. Et si aliquibus alijs parcunt, vt dictum est, nobilibus & honestis nun quam parcunt. Et si fortè aliquo casu contingente re∣seruant aliquos nobiles; nec prece nec precio vltra de captiuitate possunt exire. In bellis au∣tem quoscunque capiunt occidunt, nisi forte velint aliquos reseruare vt habeant eos pro seruis. Occidendos autem diuidunt per centenarios, vt cum bipenni interficiantur ab eis. Ipsi vero post hoc diuidunt captiuos, & vnicuique seruo ad interficiendum dant decem aut plures vel pauciores, secundum quòd maioribus placer.

De terris quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. Cap. 7.

SCripto quomodo pugnant, dicendum est de terris, quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. De quo isto modo scribemus. Primo dicemus quomodo faciunt cum hominibus pacem. Se∣cundo de ter••arum nominibus quas sibi subdiderunt. Tertio de tyrannide quam exercent in eis. Quarto de terris quae viriliter restiterunt. Sciendum est quod cum nullis hominibus fa∣ciunt pacem, nisi subdentur eis: quia, vt dictum est supra, Cyngis can habent mandatum, vt cnnctas si possunt sibi subijciant nationes. Et haec sunt illa quae petunt ab eis, vt vadant cum eis in exercitu contra omnem hominem quando placet, & vt dent decimam de omnibus tam de hominibus, quàm de rebus. Computant enim decem, & vnum accipiunt. De puellis fa∣ciunt illud idem, quos in terram eorum deducunt & tenent eos pro seruis: reliquos nu∣merant & ordinant secundum morem. Sed quando plene habent dominium super eos, si ali∣quid promiserunt eis nihil obseruant: sed quascunque possunt congrue occasiones inueniunt contra eos. Nam cum essemus in Russia, missus fuit Saracenorum ex parte Cuyn••hcan vt dice∣batur & Bati: & praefectus ille a quolibet homine qui habebat tres pueros vnum accipiebat: & quicunque viri non habebant vxores, illos deducebant, & faciebant de mulieribus etiam illud idem que viros legitimos non habebant. Pauperes etiam qui mendicando suum victum quaerebant similiter deportabunt. Reliquos autem secundum eorum consuetudinem nume∣rauit, praecipiens vt vnusquis{que} tam paruus quam magnus, & infans vnius diei, siue pauper siue diues esset, tale tributū praeberet: vt scilicet daret vnū pellem albi vrsi,* 1.150 & vnum nigrum castorē, & vnum Zabulum, & vnam nigram pellem cuiusdam animalis quod in terra latibulum habet, cuius nomen nescio in latinum transferre, sed Tentonice dieitur ‖ 1.151 illit: Poloni autem & Ruthe∣ni appellant illam Dochon:* 1.152 & vnam nigram pellem vulpinam. Et quicunque ista non dat, in∣ter Tartaros debet duci, & in eorum redigi seruitutem. Mitunt etiam pro principibus terrarum, vt ad eos veniant sine mora: & cum venerint, debitum honorem nullum recipiunt, sed haben∣tur vt aliae viles personae: & oportet vt eis munera magna praesentent, tam ducibus quàm vxo∣ribus eorum, & officialibus, millenarijs & centenarijs. Imo omnes generaliter, & ipsi etiam ser∣ui ab eis cum magna importunitate munera quaerunt: Et non solum ab ipsis, sed etiam à nun∣••ijs eorum cum mittuntur. Aliquibus etiam inueniunt occasiones vt eos occidant. Sicut de Michaele & alijs actum est. Aliquos ve••o alliciunt, quos permittunt redire. Aliquos ettam potionibus per••munt vel veneno. Eorum enim intentio est, vt ipsi soli dominētur in terra. Idcir∣co quaerunt occasiones contra nobiles, vt eos occidant. Ab illis vero quos redire permittunt petunt eorum fili••s aut fratres, quos vlterius nunquam dimittunt. Sicut factum est de filio Ieroslai, & de quodam duce Alanorum, & alijs plurimis. Et si moritur pater vel frater siue hae∣res, filium vel fratrem nunquam dimittunt: immo illius principatum totaliter accipiunt sibi. Sicut de quodam Solangorum vidimus esse factum.* 1.153 Baschathos suos ponunt in terris eorum quos redire permittunt, quibus oportet vt ad nutum tam duces quàm alij debeant obedire. Et si homines alicuius ciuitatis vel terrae non faciunt quod volunt, isti Baschathi imponunt eis, quod sunt Tartaris infideles: & sic ciuitatem illam vel terr••m destruunt, & homines qui sun•• in ea occidunt, permanum validam Tartarorum, qui ex mandato principis illius cui obedit ter∣ra illa veniunt eis nescientibus, & subito irruunt super eos: sicut nuper contigit cum in terra

Ta••tarorum e••••emus de quadam ciuitate. Quod ipsumme•• de Ruthenis fecerunt in terra Co∣manorum. Et non solum princeps Tartarorum quiterram vsurpauit, sed praefectus ipsius, & quicu••que Tartarus per ciuitatem illam siueterram transit quasi dominatur eidem, & maxime qui maior est apudeos. Insuper aurum & argentū, & alia quae volunt & quando libet ad impe∣ratorē vadant Tartarorum ad placitandum. Sicut nuper contigit de duobus filijs regis Geor∣giae. Vnus enim erat legitimus, & alter de adulterio natus, qui vocabatur Dauid: legitimus autem Melic vocabatur. Filio adulterae terrae partem relinquebat pater. Alius vero, qui iunior erat, veniebat cum matre ad Tarta••orum imperatorem, pro eo quod Dauid praedictus ad ip∣sum iter arripuerat veniendi. Mater alterius scilicet Melic regina Georgiae, per quam maritus tenebat regnum, quia perfoeminas illud regnum tenebatur, mor••ua fuit in via. Illi autem cum venerunt dederunt maxima munera: & maxime legitimus filius, qui repeteba•• terram quam reliquerat pater filio suo Dauid, cum non deberet habere, quia adulterae filius erat. Ille vero respondit: Licet sim filius concubinae, peto tamen vt fiat mihi iustitia secundum legem Ta••taro∣rum, qui nullam differentiam faciunt inter filios legitimae & ancillae: vnde fuit data sententia contra filium legitimum, vt ille Dauidi qui maior erat subesset•• & terram haberet quiete & paci∣fice, quam dederat ei pater: & sic donaria quae dederat, & causam quam contra frat••em suum Dauid habuerat, amisit. Ab illis etiam nationibus quae longe suntab eis, & coniunctae sunt alijs nationibus quas aliquo modo timent, quae non sunt eis subiectae, tributū accipiunt & quasi misericorditer agunt cum eis, vt non adducant exercitum super eos, vel etiam vt alij non terre∣antur, se tradere eis. Sicut factum est de Obesis siue Georgianis, a quibus quinquaginta vel qua∣dragin••a millia, vt dictum est, yperperorum siue Bysantiorū accipiunt pro tributo: aliâs ad hoc in pace esse permittunt. Tamen, secundum quod intelleximus ab eis, rebellare proponunt.

Tertarum nomina quas vicerunt sunt haec. Kytai, Naymani, Solangi, Kara Kytai, si••e ni∣gri Kytai, Comania, Tumat, Voyrat, Caranai, Huyur, Soboal, Merkiti, Meniti, Baryhryur, Gosmit, Saraceni, Bisermini, Tu••comani, Byleri, magna Bulgaria, Baschare, magna H••nga∣ria, Kergis, Colona, Thorati, Buritabeth, Parossiti, Sassi, I••cobiti, Alani, siue Assi, Obesi siue Georgiani, Nestoriani, Armeni, Cangiti, Comani Brutachi, qui sunt Iudaei, Mordui, Torci, Gazari, Samogedi, Perses, Thoas, India minor siue AEthiopia, Yrchasi, Ruthe••i, Baldach, Sarthi:* 1.154 Aliae terrae sunt plures, sed earum nomina ignoramus. Vidimus etiam viro, & mulie∣resfere de omnibus terris supra nominatis. Haec autem sunt nomina Terra••um quae eis vinli∣ter restiterunt, nec sunt adhuc subditae eis, India magna, Mangia;* 1.155 Quaedam pars Alano••um: Quaedam pars Kytaorum, Sayi. Quandam enim ciu••••atem Sayotum praedictorum obsede∣derunt & debellare tentaue••unt. At ipsi fecerunt machinas contra machinas eorum, & Tarta∣rorum machinas omnes fregerunt, nec ciuitati appropinquare poterant ad pugnam contra machinas & balistas. Tandem vnā viam sub terra fecerunt, & prosiluerūt in ciuitatē, & alij tenta∣bant incendere ciuitatē, alij pugnabant. Homines autem ciuitatis vnam partem populi ad extin∣guendū ignem posuerunt, & alia pars fortiter pugnabat cum hijs qui intrauerunt ciuitatem, & multos occiderunt ex eis, & alios vulnerauerunt, cōpellen••es eos ad suos redire. At ipsi videntes quod nihil possent facere, & multi homines morerentur, recesserunt ab eis. In terra Saracenorū & alio••ū vbi sunt quasi inter eos domini, accipiūt omnes artifices meliores, & in omnibus ope∣ribus suis ponunt. Alij autē artifices dant eis de opere suo tribu••um. Segetes omnes condunt in horreis dominorum: & vnicuique vnum pondus satis modicum dant in die: nihil aliud nisiter in septimana modicum quid de carnibus eis prebent. Et illi hoc tantum artificibus faciunt qui in ciuitatibus commorantur. Item quando dominis placet iuuenes omnes accipiunt, & post se cum omnibus famulis suis ire cogunt: qui de caetero certo sunt numero Tartarorū; immo potius de numero captiuorū: quia etsi inter ipsos sunt numerati, non tamen habentur in reuerentia si∣cut Tartari; sed habentur pro seruis, & ad omnia pericula vt alij captiui mittuntur. Ipsi enim in bello sunt primi: Etiam si debet palus vel aqua periculosa transiri, eos oporter primo vadum tentare. Ipsos est etiam necesse operari omnia quae sunt facienda. Ipsi etiam si in aliquo of∣fendunt, vel si non obediunt ad nutum, vt asini verberantur. Et v•• breuiter dicam, modicum quid manducant, & etiam modicum bibunt, & pessime induuntur; nisi forte aliquid possunt lucrari, nisi sunt aurifabri & alij artifices boni. Sed aliqui tam malos dominos habent, quod nihil eis dimittunt, nec habent tempus prae m••ltitudine operum dominorum, vt sibi aliquid o∣perentur, nisi furentur sibi tempus, quando forsitan debent quiescere vel dormire. Et hoc si vx∣ores vel propriam stationem permittuntur habere. Alij autem qui tenentur in domo pro serui•• omni miseria sunt repleti. Vidi enim eos ire in bracis sae pissime, & toto corpore nudos in maxi∣mo solis ardore. Et in hyeme patiuntur maximum frigus. Vidimus etiam aliquos pedicas & digitos manuum de magno frigore perdidisse. Audiuimus etiam alios es••e mortuos, vel eti∣am de magno algore quasi in omnibus membris inutiles esse factos.

Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris. Cap. 8.

DIcto de terris, quae obediunt eis, supponendum est quomodo bello occurratur eisdem. Quod videtur nobis hoc modo dicēdum. Primo scr••bendum est quid intendunt. Secundo de armis & ordinatione acierū. Tertio quomodo occurratur astutijs eorum in congressione. Quarto de munitione castrorum & ciuitatū. Quinto quid faciendum sit de captiuis eorum. In∣tentio Tartarorum est subijcere sibi totum mundum si possunt. Et de hoc Cyngischan habent mandatum, sicut superius dictum est. Idcirco eorum imperator sic in literis suis sc••ibit. Dei tor∣titudo, Omnium Imperator. Et in superscriptione sigilli sui hoc habet.

Dominus in coelo, & Cuynch Chan super terram. Dei fortitudo, omnium hominum impe∣ratoris sigillum. Et ideo cum nullis hominib••s faciunt pacem, vt dictum est, nisi forte se in eo∣rum manibus tradunt. Et quia excepta Christianitate nulla est terra in orbe quam timent, id∣circo se ad pugnam praepararunt contra nos. Vnde nouerint vniuersi quod nobis existentibus in terra eorum in solenni curia, quae iam ex pluribus annis indicta erat, fuimus, vbi elegerunt Cuynch imperatorem in praesentia nostra, qui in lingua eorum dicitur Chan. Qui Cuynch Chan praedictus erexit cum omnibus principibus vexillum contra ecclesiam dei & Romanum imperium, & contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos occidentis, nisi forsan facerent ea, quae mandat Domino Papae, & potentibus ac omnibus Christianorū populis Occidentis: quod nulla ratione faciendum est: ••um propter nimiam seruitutem & intolerabilem•• quae est hacte∣nus inaudita, quam vidimus oculis nostris, in quam redigunt omnes gentes sibi subiectas: tum propterea quod nulla in eis est fides: nec potest aliqua gens confidere in verbis eorum: quia quic quid promittunt non obseruant, quando vident sibi tempora fauere: & subdoli sunt in om∣nibus factis & promissis eorū. Intendunt etiam delere omnes principes, omnes nobiles, omnes milites de terra, vt superius dictum est: sed hoc faciunt subdole & artificiose in subditos suos: Tum etiam quia indignum est quod Christiani subdantur eisdem, propter abominationes eo∣rum, & quia in nihilum redigitur cultus dei, & animae pereunt, & corpora vltra quā credi possit multitudine affliguntur. In primo quidem sunt blandi, sed postea vt scorpio cruciant & affli∣gunt. Tum quia pauciores sunt numero, & corpore debiliores quā populi Christiani. In praedi∣cta autem curia sunt bellatores & principes & exercitus assignati. De decē hominibus mittuo∣tur tres cum familijs eorū, de omni terra potestatis eorū. Vnus exercitus debet intrare per Hun∣gariam: secundus per Poloniam. Veniunt autem pugnaturi continue octodecem annis. Tēpus est etiam eis assignatum, In Martio An. Dom. 1247. si de terra sua mouebunt. Venient autem in tribus vel in quatuor ‖ 1.156 annis vs{que} ad Comaniā. De Comania autē insultum facient in terras su∣perius annotatas. Haec omnia firma sunt & vera, nisi Dominus aliquod impedimentū pro sua gratia faciat eis. Sicut fecit quando venerunt in Hungariā & Poloniā. Debebāt enim procedere tunc pro certo triginta annis. Sed interfectus fuit tunc imperator eorū veneno: & propter hoc quieuerunt à prelijs vs{que} nunc. Sed modo, quia positus est imperator de nouo, iterum se de no∣uo ad pugnam incipiunt praeparare. Adhoc sciendum est, quod imperator dixit ore suo, quod velle•• mittere exercitum in Liuoniam & Prussiam.* 1.157 Et quoniam omnem terram volunt delere vel in seruitutem redigere, quae seruitus est intolerabilis nostrae genti, vt superius dictum est: Occurrendum est igitur eis in bello. Sed si vna prouincia non vult alteri opem ferre, terra illa delebitur contra quam pugnant, & cum illis hominibus quos capiunt pugnabunt contra ali∣am terram; & in acie erunt primi. Si male pugnant occidentur ab eis: Si autem bene, ipsos cum promissis adulationibus tenent: & etiam vt ab ipsis non fugiant promittunt ••is quod faci∣ent eos dominos magnos: & post hoc quando securi esse possunt de ipsis, vt non redeant, faci∣unt eos infoelicissimos seruos. Ac de mulieribus quas volunt in concubinas tenere pro serui∣tijs faciunt illud idem. Et ita cum hominibus deuictae prouinciae destruunt aliam terram. Nec est aliqua prouincia quae per se possit resistere eis: quia de omni terra potestatis eorum, vt di∣ctum est, homines congregant ad bellum. Vnde si Christiani seipsos & suā terram, & Christia∣nitatem volunt seruare, oportet quod in vnum conueniant reges, principes & barones, & terra∣rum rectores, & mittant de cōmuni consilio homines contra eos ad pugnā, antequam ipsi inci∣piant in terras diffundi. Quoniam postquam incipiunt spargi per terras, vndi{que} homines quae∣runt, & nullus congrue auxilium alteri potest praebere: quoniam ipsi cateruatim vndi{que} quae∣runt homines & occidunt. Et si claudunt se in castris, ponunttria millia vel quatuor millia ho∣minum contra castrum vel ciuitatem, qui obsideant eam; & ipsi nihilominus diffunduntur per terras homines occidentes. Quicun{que} autem volunt pugnare cum eis, haec arma debent habere. Arcus bonos & fortes, & balistas, quas multū timent, & sagittas sufficientes: & bonum dolabrū de bono ferro, & scutū cū longo manubrio. Ferramenta sagittarū arcu vel de balista debent,

vt ••a••tari,* 1.158 quando sunt calida, temperari in aqua cum ••ale mixta, vt tortia si••t ad penetra••dum arma eorum. Gladios & etiam lanceas cum vnco, qui valeant ad trahendum eos de sellis: quia de eis facillime cadunt: ac cultellos ac loricas, duplicatas; quia illos eorum sagittae non penetrant: & galeā & arma alia ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis & sagittis eorum•• Et si aliqui non sunt ita bene armati, vt dixi; debent ••c post alios vt faciunt Tartari: & tra∣here contra eos de armis & sagittis. Nec debent parcere pecuniae, quoniam comparent ar∣ma, vt possint animas & corpora, libertatem & res alias conseruare. Acies debent ordinari, vt ipsi, per millenarios, centenarios, & decanos & duces exercitus: qui duces nequaquam de∣bent praelium intrare, sicut nec duces eorum, sed debent exercitus videre & ordinare: legem∣què debent ponere vt simul incedant ad bellum, siue aliâs, sicut sunt ordina••i. Et quicunque re∣linquit alium siue ad bellum procedentem, siue pugnantem, vel quicunque fugerit, nisi omnes cōmuniter cedant, grauissime puniatur: quia tunc pars bellantium lequitur fugientes & sagittis eorum occidunt, & pars cum hijs qui ••emanēt pugnant, & sic confundūtur & occiduntur rema∣nentes & fugientes. Similiter quicun{que} conuersus fuerit ad praedam tollendam, antequam om∣nino sit exercitus contrariorū deuictus, maxima poena mulctetur. Talis enim apud Tartaros sine vlla miseratione occidi••ur. Locus ad praeliandum est eligendus, si fieri potest vt campus si•• pla∣nus, & possint vndique videre: & si possunt habeant syluam magnam a tergo vel a latere•• ita tamen quod non possunt intrare inter ipsos & ••y••uam: nec debent simul omnes conuenire in vnum, ••ed facere acies multas, & diue••sas ab inuicem, nec tamen multum distantes. Et con∣tra illos qui post veniunt debent vnam aciem mittere qui eis occurrat. Et si Tar••ari simulant fugam, non multum vadant post eos, nisi forte quantum possunt videre, ne forte ipsos ad pa∣ratas insidias trahan••, sicut facere solent: Et alia sit parata ad inuandum aci••m illam, si fuerit opportunum. Insuper habeant speculatores ex omni parte,* 1.159 vt videant quando veniant aliae a∣cies Tartarorum retro, à dextris & à sinistris: & semper debent mittere aciem contra aciem quae eis occurrat. Ipsi enim semper nituntur concludere aduersarios eorum in medio, vnde magnam cautelā debent habere ne hoc facere possint, quia sic exercitus facillime debellatur. Omnes acies hoc debent cauere, ne diu currant post eos, propter insidias quas solent praepa∣rate: plus enim fraudulentia quàm fortitudine pugnant. Duces exercitus semper debent esse parati ad mittendum adiutorium, si necesse est, illis qui sunt in pugna, & propter hoc etiam de∣bent vitare nimium cursum post cos: ne force fatigentur equi eorum; quoniam nostri multitu∣dinem equorum non habent. Sed Tartari illum quem equitant vna die, illum non ascendunt in tribus vel in quatuor diebus post hoc. Vnde non curant si fatigentur equi eorū propter mul∣titudinem quam habent. Et si Tar••ari cedunt, non tamen nostri debent recedere, vel ab inuicem separari: quia simulando hoc faciunt, vt exe••citus diuidatur, & post hoc terram libere ingredi∣antur & eam destruant. Debent etiam cauere vt non faciant nimias expensas, vt solent; ne prop∣ter penuriam redire compellantur, & dent Tartaris viam, vt ipsos & alios occidant, & dest••uant omnem terram; & propter eorum superfluitatem nomen Domini blasphemetur. Et hoc debent facere diligenter: vt si contingat aliquos pugnatores recedere, quod alij loco eorum succedant. Duces etiam nostri debent die noctéque facere exercitum custodiri, ne repente & subito irru∣ant super ipsos: quia Tartari vt daemones, multas excogitant iniquitates & artes nocendi: Im∣mo tam de die quam de nocte semper debent esse parati: sed necspoliati debent iacere nec de∣liciose ad mensam sedere, ne imparati inueniantur, quia Tartari semper vigilant, vt pos∣sint nocere. Homines vero terrae qui Tartaros expectant, vel super se timent venire, occul∣tas fou••as debent habere, in quibus sagittas, & alia debent reponere, propter duo: vt videli∣cet Tartari non possint ea habere; & si propitius fuerit eis Deus, valeant ea postea inuenire; Eis fugientibus de terra, debent foenum & stramina combure••e, vt equi Tartarorum ad comeden∣dum minus inueniant. Ciuitates autem & castra si volunt munire, videant prius qualia sint in situ. Situs enim talis debet esse in castris, quod machinis & sagittis expugnari nō possit; & aquā habeant sufficientem & lignū, & si fieri potest, quod introitus & exitus eis tolli non possit: & quod habeant homines sufficientes qui possint vicissim pugnare. Et debent vigilare diligen∣ter ne aliqua astu••ia possint castrum furari. Expensas ad multos annos debent habere suffici∣entes: custodiant tamen diligenter illas, & in mensura manducent, quia nesciunt quanto tem∣pore eos in castris oportet esse inclusos. Quum enim incipiunt, tunc multis annis obsident v∣num castrum.* 1.160 Sic fit hodierna die in ter••a Alanorum de quodam monte, quem, vt credo, iam obsederunt per duodecem annos; qui viriliter restiterunt, & multos Tartaros & nobiles occide∣runt. Alia autem castra & ciuitates, quae talem si••um non habent debent fortiter vallari fouei•• profundis munitis, & muris bene praeparatis; & arcus & sagittas sufficientes: & lapides ac fundas debent habere. Et debent diligenter cauere, quod non permittant Tartaros ponere machinas suas; & suis machinis debent eos repellere. Et si forte aliquo ingenio vel arte e••igunt

Tartari machinas suas, debent eas destruere machinis su••s si pos••unt. Balistis etiam, fundis & machinis debentre sistere ne ciuitati appropinquent. Aliàs etiam debent esse parati, vt superius dictum est. De castris & ciuitatibus, quae sunt in fluminibus positae, diligenter debent videre ne possint submergi•• Sed ad hoc sciendū est, quod Tartari plus diligunt, quod homines claudant se in ciuitatibus, quàm quod pugnent cū eis in campo. Dicunt enim eos esse suos por∣cellos in hara concluso••. Vnde ponunt eis custodes, vt supradictū est. Si autē aliqui Tartari de equis suis in bello proijciuntur, statim sunt capiendi: quia cum sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos & homines vulnerant & occidunt. Et si seruantur tales, potest esse, quod habeatur pro eis pax perpetua, aut pecunia magna redimantur: quoniā ••e adinuicem satis diligunt. Sed quo∣modo Tartari cognoscantur, superius dictum est vbi forma eorum fuit expressa. Tamen quan∣do capiuntur, si debent seruari, ne fugiant diligens est custodia adhibenda. Sunt etiā aliae mul••e gentes cū eis, quae per formā superius annotatā possunt ab ipsis cognosci. Est etiam hoc scien∣dum, quod multi in exercitu eorum sunt, qui si viderent tempus, & haberēt fiduciam, quod no∣stri non occiderent eos, ex omni parte exercitus, sicut ipsimet nobis dixerunt, pugnarent cū eis, & plura mala facerent ipsis, quàm alij, qui sunt eorum aduersarij manifesti.

THe long and wonderful voyage of Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini, sent ambassadour by Pope Innocentius the iiii. An. Do. 1246. to the great CAN of Tartaria; wherin he passed through Bohemia, Polonia, Russia, and so to the citie of Kiow vpon Boristhenes, and from thence rode continually post for the space of si••e moneths through Comania, ouer the mighty and famous riuers of Tanais, Volga, and Iaic, & through the countries of the people called Kan∣gittae, Bisermini, Kara-Kitay, Naimani, & so to the natiue countrie of the Mongals or Tar∣tars, situate in the extreme Northeasterne partes of all Asia: and thence backe againe the same way to Russia, and Polonia, and so to Rome; spending in the whole voyage among the sayd Tartars one whole yeere & aboue foure moneths: Taken out of the 32. booke of Vin∣centius Beluacensis his Speculum historiale.

LIBRI XXXII.

De prima missione Fratrum Praedicatorum & Mi∣norum ad Tartaros. Cap. 2.

HOc etiam tēpore misit Innocentius IIII. Papa Fr. Ascelinū de ordine Praedi∣catorū cū tribus alijs Fratribus,* 1.161 auctoritate, qua fungebantur, de diuersis or∣dinis sui conuentibus sibi associatis, cum literis Apostolicis ad exercitū Tarta∣rorū, in quibus hortabatur eos, vt ab hominū strage desisterent, & fidei veri∣tatē reciperent. Et ego quidē ab vno Fratrum Praedicatorū, videlicet à Fr. Si∣mone de S. Quintino,* 1.162 iam ab illo itinere regresso, gesta Tartarorū accepi, illa duntaxat, quae superius per diuersa loca iuxta congruentiā temporū huic ope••i inserui. Siquidē & eo tempore quidā Frater ordinis Minorū, videlicet Fr. Iohannes de Plano carpini,* 1.163 cum qui∣busdam alijs missus fuit ad Tartaros, qui etiam, vt ipse testatur, per annum & quatuor menses & amplius cum eis mansit, & inter eos ambulauit. A summo nam{que} Pontifice mandatū, vt omnia, quae apud eos erant, diligenter scrutaretur, acceperat, tam ipse, quàm Fr. Benedictus Polonus e∣iusdem ordinis,* 1.164 qui suae tribulationis particeps & socius erat. Et hic ergo Fr. Ioannes de ••is, quae apud Tartaros vel oculis proprijs vidit, vel à Christianis fide dignis, qui inter illos captiui erant, audiuit, libellum historialem conscripsit, qui & ipse ad manus nostras peruenit.* 1.165 De quo etiam hîc quasi per epilogum inserere libet aliqua, videlicet ad supplementum eorum, quae de sunt in praedicta Fr. Simonis historia.

De situ & qualitate terrae Tartarorum. Cap. 3. Iohannes de Plano Carpini.

ESt in partibus Orientis terra, quae Mongal siue Tartaria dicitur,* 1.166 in ea scilicet parte sita, in qua Oriens Aquiloni coniungi creditur. Ab Oriente quidem habet terram Kythaorum & eti∣am Solangorum, à meridie verò terrā Sarracenorum. Inter‖ 1.167 Orientē & meridiem terram Huy∣norum, & ab Occidente prouinciam Naymanorum, ab Aquilone verò circundatur Oceano. In parte aliqua nimium est montuosa, & in aliqua campestris, sed tota ferè admixta glarea pluri∣mum arenosa, nec est in centesima parte fructuosa. Nec enim potest fructum po••tare, nisi aquis fluuialibus irrigetur, que ibi sunt ra••issime. Vnde nec ville nec alique ciuitates ibidē ••eperiuntur,

excepta vna, quae Cracu••m appellatur, & satis bona esse dicitur. Nos quidem illam non vidi∣mus, sed ad dimidiam dietam prope fuimus, cùm apud Syram ordam,* 1.168 quae curia maior Impera∣toris eorum est, essemus. Licet autem aliâs infructifera sit illa terra, tamen alendis pe••ori∣bus est apta. In aliqua eius parte sunt alique syluae modicae, alia verò sine lignis est omni∣nò. Itaque tam Imperator quàm Principes, & omnes alij sedent, & cibaria sua decoquunt ad focum,* 1.169 de boum & equorum stercoribus factum. Ipse quo{que} aer inordinatus est ebidem mi∣rabiliter. In media siquidem aestate ibi tonitrua magna & fulgura fiunt, ex quibus plurimi occi∣duntur homines, & eodem quo{que} tempore cadunt ibidem maxime niues. Sunt & ibi ventorum frigidissimorum tam maxime tempestates, quòd aliquando vix pos••un•• equitare homines.* 1.170 Vn∣de cùm ante ordam essemus (sic enim apud eos stationes Imperatoris & Principum appellan∣tur) prae ventimagnitudine interra prostrati iacebamus, & videre propter pulueris magnitudinē minimè poteramus. Nunquam ibi pluit in hyeme, sed frequenter in aestate, & tam modicum, vt vix posset aliquando puluerem & radicem graminum madefacere. Ibi quo{que} maxima grando cadit saepè. Vnde cùm Imperator electus in sede regni debuit poni, nobis in curia tunc existen∣tibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione plusquam CLX. homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res etiam & habitacula plura fuerunt deducta. Ibi etiam est in aestate subitò calor magnus, & repentè maximum frigus.

De forma & habitu & victu eorum. Cap. 4.

* 1.171MOngalorum autem siue Tartarorum forma ab omnibus alijs hominibus est remota. Inter oculos enim, & inter genas, ••ati sunt plus caeteris, genae quo{que} satis prominent à maxillis. Nasum habent planum & modicum, oculos etiam paruos, & palpebras vs{que} ad supercilia ele∣uatas, ac super verticem in modum Clericorum coronas. Ex vtra{que} parte frontis tondendo, plus∣quam in raedio crines longos faciunt,* 1.172 reliquos autem sicut mulieres crescere permittunt. De quibus duas cordas faciunt, & vnamquam{que} post aurem ligant. Pedes quo{que} modicos habent.* 1.173 Vestes tam virorum quàm mulierum vno modo formatae sunt. Pallijs vel cappis vel caputijs non vtuntur. Tunicas verò miro modo formatas portant de buc caramo, vel purpurato, vel bal∣daquino.* 1.174 Pellicium habet pilos exterius, sed apertum est à posterioribus. Habet tamen çaudu∣lam vnam vs{que} ad genua retrò. Vestes suas non lauant, nec lauari permittunt, & maximè à tem∣pore, quo tonitrua incipiunt, vsquequo desinat illud tempus. Stationes habent rotundas in modum tentorij de virgulis & baculis subtilibus praeparatas.* 1.175 Supra verò in medio rotundam habent fenestram, vnde ingrediatur lumen, & fumus exire possit: quia semper in medio faciunt ignem: parietes autem & tecta filtro sunt operta. Ostia quo{que} de filtro sunt facta. Harum que∣dam subitò soluuntur, & reparantur, & super summarios deferuntur: quaedam verò dissolui non possunt sed in curribus portantur. Et quocun{que} siue ad bellum siue aliâs vadunt, semper illas secum deferunt. In animalibus valde diuites sunt, vt in Camelis & bobus, capris & ouibus. Iumenta & equos habent in tanta multitudine,* 1.176 quantam non credimus totum mundi residuum habere. Porcos autē & alias bestias non habent. Imperator ac Duces ar{que} alij magnates in auro & argento ac serico & gemmis abundant. Cibi eorū sunt omnia, quae mandi possunt. Vidimus eos etiā manducare pediculos.* 1.177 Lac bibūt animaliū, & in maxima quantitate, si habent, iumen∣tinū. Porro in hyeme, quia nisi diuites sint, lac iumentinū non habent, millium cum aqua deco∣quunt, quod tam tenue faciunt, vt illud bibere valeant. Vnde quilibet eorū scyphum bibit vnū vel duos in mane, & quando{que} nihil amplius manducant in die. In sero autem vnicui{que} datur de carnibus modicū, & bibunt ex eis brodium. Porro in aestate quando satis habent de lacte iu∣mentino, carnes comedunt rarò, nisi fortè donētur eisdē, aut venatione bestiā aliquam ceperint velauem.

De moribus eorum bonis & malis. Cap. 5.

* 1.178HAbent autem mores quosdam quidem commendabiles, & quosdam detestabiles. Magis quippe sunt obedientes Dominis suis, quàm aliqui qui in mundo sint homines, siue reli∣giosi siue seculares. Nam eos maximè reuerentur, nec illis de facili mentiuntur verbis factisue: rarò vel nun quam ad inuicem contendunt, bellá{que} velrixae, vulnera vel homicidia nunquam in∣ter eos contingunt. Predones etiam ac fures rerum magnarū••bi nequaquā inneniuntur, ideo{que} stationes & cu••rus eorū,* 1.179 vbi the sauros habent, seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliqua bestiae perdita fuerit, quicun{que} inuenit eam vel dimittit, vel ad illos, qui ad hoc posuisunt, ••am ducit. Apud quos ille,* 1.180 cuius est bestia, illam requitir, & abs{que} vlla difficultate recipit. Vnus alium satis honorar, & familiaritatē ac cibaria, quamuis apud eos sint pauca, libe••aliter satis communicat.* 1.181 Satis etiā sunt sufferentes, nec cùm iciunauerint vno die, vel duobus, omnino sine cibo, videntur

impatientes, ••ed cantant & ludunt, ac•••• bene comedil••ent. In equitando multum lu••tment tri∣gus, calorem quo{que} nimium patiuntur. In••er eos quasi nulla placita sunt, & quamuis multum inebrientur, tamen in ebrietate sua nun quam contendunt. Nullus alium spernit, sed i••uat & promouet, quantum congruè potest. Castae sunt eorum mulicres,* 1.182 nec aliquid inter eos auditur de ipsarum impudicitia. Quaedam tamen ex ijs verba turpia satis habent & impudica. Porrò erga caeteros homines ijdem Tartari superbissimi sunt, omnes{que} nobiles & ignobiles quasi pro nihilo reputantes despiciunt. Vnde vidimus in curia Impera••oris magnum Russie ducem,* 1.183 & fi∣lium regis Georgianorum, ac Soldanos multos & magnos nullum honorem debitum recipere apud eos. Quinetiam Tartari eisdem assignati, quantumcun{que} viles essent illos antecedebant, semper{que} primum locum & summum tenebant, imò etiam s••pè oportebat illos post eorū po∣steriora sedere. Praeterea ira cundisunt, & indignantis naturae multum erga caeteros homines,* 1.184 & vltra modum erga eosdem mendaces. In principio quidē blandi sunt, sed postmodum vt Scor∣piones pungunt. Subdoli enim & fraudulenti sunt,* 1.185 & omnes homines sipossunt asturia circum∣ueniunt. Quicquid mali volunt eis facere, miro modo occultant, vt sibi non possint prouidere, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. Immundi quo{que} sunt in cibo & potu sumendis,* 1.186 & in caeteris factis suis. Ebrietas apud illos est honorabilis: cum{que} multum aliquis biberit, ibi∣dem{que} reijcit, non ideo cessat, quin iterum bibat. Ad petendum maximi sunt exactores, tenacis∣simi re••entores, parcissimi donato••es. Aliorum hominum occisio apud illos est pro nihilo.* 1.187

De legibus & consuetudinibus eorum. Cap. 6.

HOc autem habent in lege siue consuetudine, vt occidant viros & mulieres,* 1.188 si quando in∣ueniantur in adulterio manifestè. Similiter etiam virg••em, si ••ornica••a fue••it cum ali∣quo, occidunt eam cum eo. Praeterea si aliquis in praeda vel furto manifesto inueni••ur,* 1.189 sine vl∣la miseratione occiditur. Item si quis denudauit consilia, maximè quando volunt ad bellum procedere, dantur eisuper posteriora centum plagae, quanto maiores vnus rusticus cum magno baculo potest date.* 1.190 Similiter cùm aliqui de minoribus offendunt in aliquo, non eis à maioribus suis parcitur, sed verberibus grauiter affligun••ur. Matrimonio autem generaliter coniungun∣tur omnibus,* 1.191 etiam propinquis carne, excepta matre & filia & so••ore ex eadem matre. Nam sororem tantùm ex patre, & vxorem quo{que} patris, post eius mor••em solent ducere. Vxorē eti∣am fratris alius frater iunior, post eius mortem, vel alius de parentel••, tenetur ducere. Vnde dum adhuc essemus in terra, Dux quidam Russiae•• Andreas nomine, apud Baty,* 1.192 quòd equos Tartaro∣rum de terra educeret, & alijs venderet, accusatus est: quod licet non esset probatum, occisus est. Hoc audiens iunior frater, & vxor occis••, pariter venerunt ad praesatum Ducem, supplicare volentes, ne terra auferretur eisdem. At ille paruo praecepit, vt fratris defuncti duceret vxorem, mulieri quo{que} vt illum in virum duceret, secundum Tartarorum consuetudinē. Quae respon∣dit, se potius occidi velle, quàm sie contra legem facere. At ille nihilominus eam illi tradidit quamuis ambo renuerent, quantum possen••. Ita{que} ducen••es eos in lectum, clamantem pue∣rum & plorantē super illam posuerunt, ipsos{que} commisceri pariter coëgerunt. Deni{que} post mor∣tem ma••itorum, vxores Tartarorum non de facili solent ad secunda coniugi•• transire, nisi fortè quis velit sororiam aut nouercam suam ducere. Nulla verò differentia est apud eos inter filiū vxoris & concubinae, sed dat pa••er q••od vult vnicui{que}. Ita{que} si sunt etiam ex Ducum genere, ita fit Dux filius concubinae, sicut filius vxoris legitimae. Vnde cùm rex Georgiae duos filios nu∣per,* 1.193 vnum scilicet nomine Melich legitimum, alterum verò Dauid ex adul••erio n••tum haberet, moriens{que} terrae partem adulterae filio reliquisset, Melich, cui etiam ex parte matris regnum ob∣uenerat, quia per foeminas tenebatur, perrexit ad Imperatorem Tartarorum, eo quòd & Dauid iter arripuerat ad illum. Ambobus igitur ad curiam venientibus, datis{que} maximis muneribus, petebat adulterae filius, vt fieret ei iustitia secundum morem Tartarorum. Data{que} est sententia contra Melich, vt Dauid, qui major erat natu, subesset, ac terrā à patre sibi concessam quietè ac pacificè possideret. Cum{que} Tartarorum vnus habet vxorum multi••udinem,* 1.194 vnaquae{que} per se suam habet familiam & stationem. Et vna die Tartarus comedit & bibit & dormit cum vna, al∣tera die cum alia. Vna tamen inter caetera•• maior habetur, cum qua frequentius quā cum alijs commoratur. Et licet, vt dictum est, sint multae, nun quam tamen de facili contendunt interse.

De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. Cap. 7.

QVibusdam verò traditionibus indifferentia quedā esse peccata dicunt,* 1.195 quas velipsi vel an∣tecessores eorum confinxerunt. Vnum est, culteslum in ignem figere, vel quocun{que} modo ignem cultello tangere, vel etiam de caldaria cum cultello carnes extrahere, vel cum securi

••uxta ignem incidere. Credunt enim, quòd sic au••erri debeat capu••••gn••. Aliud e•••• appodiare so ad flagellum, quo percutitur equus: ipsi enim non vtuntur calcaribus. Item ••••agello sagit∣tas tangere, iunenes aues capere vel occidere, cum freno equum percutere, os cum osse alio frangcre. Item{que} lac, vel aliquem potum aut cibum super terram effundere, in statione mingere. Quod si voluntariè facit, occiditur, si autem aliter, oportet quòd pecuniam multā incanta••ori ••oluat, à quo purificetur. Qui etiam faciat, vt statio cum omnibus, quae in ipsa sunt, inter duos ignes transeat. Ante quam sic purificetur, nullus auder intrare, nec aliquid de illa exportare. Praet••rea si alicui morsellus imponitur, quem deglutire non possit, & illum de ore suo eijcit, fo∣ramen sub statione fit, per quod extrahitur, at sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Iterum si quis calca•• super limen stationis Ducis alicuius, interfici••ur. Multa etiam habent his similia, quae re∣putant peccata.* 1.196 At homines occidere, aliorum terras inuadere, acres illorum di••ipere, & contra Dei praecepta vel prohibitiones facere, nullum apud eos est peccatum. De vita aeterna & dam∣natione perpetua nihil sciun••. Credunt tamen, quòd post mortem in alio seculo viuant, gre∣gésque multiplicent, comedant & bibant, & caetera faciant, quae hîc à viuentibus fiunt. In prin∣cipio lunationis vel in plenilunio incipiunt,* 1.197 quic quid noui agere volunt, ipsam{que} Lunam Impe∣ratorem magnum appellant, eam{que} deprecantes genua flectunt. Omnes, qui moranturin sta∣tionibus suis,* 1.198 oportet per ignem purificari. Quae scilicet purificatio fit hoc modo. Duos qui∣dem ignes faciunt, & duas hastas iuxta eos, vnam{que} cordam in summitate hastarum ponunt. Ligant{que} super cordam illam quasdam de Bucaramo scissiones, sub qua scilicet corda & li∣gaturis inter illos ignes transeunt homines, ac bestiae ac stationes. Sunt etiam duae mulieres, v∣na hinc, & alia inde aquam proijcientes, ac quaedam carmina recitantes. Caeterum si aliquis à fulgure occiditur, oportet praedicto modo per ignes transire omnes illos, qui in illis stationibus morantur. Statio siquidem ac lectus & currus, filtra & vestes, & quicquid talium habent, à nul∣lo tanguntur, sed ab hominibus tanquam immundarespuuntur. Et vt breuiter dicam, omnia purificari credunt perignem.* 1.199 Vnde quando veniunt ad eos nuncij, vel Principes, aut quales∣cun{que} personae, oportet ipsos & munera sua per duos ignes, vt purificentur, transire, ne fortè ve∣neficia fecerint, aut venenum seu aliquid mali attulerint.

De initio imperij siue Principatus eorum. Cap. 8.

* 1.200TErra quidem illa Orientalis, de qua dictum est suprà, quae Mongal nominatur, quatuor quondam habuisse populos memoratur. Vnus eorum Yeka Mongal, id est, magni Mon∣gali vocabantur. Secundus Sumongal, id est, aquatici Mongali, qui seipsos appellabant Tar∣taros, à quodam fluuio per eorum terram currente, qui Tartar nominatur. Tertius appellaba∣tur Merkat. Quartus verò Metrit. Omnes vnam personarum formam & vnam linguam ha∣bebant hi populi, quamuis inter se per Principes ac prouincias essent diuisi. In terra Yeka Mon∣gal quidam fuit, qui vocabatur Chingis.* 1.201 Iste coepit robustus venator esse: didicit enim homi∣nes, ••urari, & praedam capere. Ad alias ter••as ibat, & quoscunque poterat, captiuabat, sibi{que} associabat. Homines quoque suae gentis inclinauit ad se, qui tanquam Ducem sequebantur ipsum ad malè agendum. Coepit autem pugnare cum Sumongal, siue cum Tartaris, & Ducem eorum interfecit, multo{que} bello sibi Tartaros omnes subiecit, & in seruitutem redegit. Post hec cum istis omnibus contra Merkatas, iuxta terram positos Tartarorum pugnauit, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit. Inde procedens contra Metritas pugnā exercuit, & illos etiam obtinuit. Au∣dientes Naymani,* 1.202 quòd Chingis taliter eleuatus eslet, indignati sunt. Ipsi enim habuerant Im∣p••tatorem strenuum valdè, cui dabant tributum cuncte nationes praedictae. Qui ••ùm esset mor∣tuus,* 1.203 filij eius successerunt loco ipsius. Sed quia inuenes ac stultierant, populum tenere nescie∣bant, sed ad inuicem diuisi ac scissi erant. Vnde Chingi praedicto modoiam exaltato, nihil omi∣nus in terras praedictas faciebant insultum, & habitatores occidebant, ac di••ipiebant praedam eorum. Quod audiens Chingis, omnes sibi subiectos congregauit. Naymani & Karaky••ay ex aduerso similiter in quandam vallem strictam conuenerunt, & commissum est praelium, in quo Naymani & Karakytay à Mongalis deuictisunt. Qui etiam pro maiori parte occisi fuerunt, & alij, qui euadere non potuerunt, in seruitutem redacti sunt. In terra praedictorū Karakytaorum Occoday Cham,* 1.204 filius Chingischam, postquā imperator fuit positus, quandā ciuitatem aedifi∣cauit, quā Chanyl appellauit. Prope quam ad Meridiem est quoddā desertum magnū, in quo pro certo syluestres homines habitare dicuntur,* 1.205 qui nullatenus loquuntur, neoluncturas in cru∣ribus habent, & si quando cadunt, per se surgere non valent. Sed tamen discretionem tantam habent, quòd filtra de lana Camelorum, quibus vestiuntur, faciunt & contra ventum ponunt. Et si quando Tartari per gentes ad eos vulnerant eos sagittis, gram••na in vulneribus ponunt, & fortiter ante ipsos fugiunt.

De mutua victoria ipsorum & Kythaorum. Cap. 9.

MOngali autem in terram suam reuertentes, se contra * 1.206 Kythaos ad praelium parauerunt, & castra mouentes, eorum terram intrauerunt. Quod audiens eorum Impera••or, venit cum exercitu suo contra illos, & commissum est prelium durū, in quo Mongali sunt deuicti,* 1.207 omnes{que} nobiles eorum, qui erant in exercitu, praeter septem occisi sunt. Vnde c••m illis volentibus ali∣quam impugnare regionē, minatur aliquis stragem•• adhuc respondent: Olim etiam occisi non nisi septem remansimus, & tamen modò cremmus in multitudinem magnam, ideo{que} non terre∣mur de ••alibus. Chingis autem & alij, qui remanserunt, in terram suam fugerunt. Cum{que} quie∣••s••et aliquantulum, praeparauit se rursus ad praelium, & processit contra terram Huyrorum. Isti sunt homines Christiani de secta Nestorianorum. Et hos etiam Mongali deuicerunt,* 1.208 eorum{que} literam acceperunt; prius enim scripturam non habebant,* 1.209 nunc autem eandem Mongalorum literam appellant. Inde contra terram Saruyur, & con••ra terram Karanitarum, & contra terram Hudirat processit, quos omnes bello deuicit. Inde in terram suam redijt, & aliquantulum quie∣uit. Deinde conuocatis omnibus hominibus suis, contra Kythaos pariter processerunt, diu{que} contra illos pugn••ntes, magnam partem terrae illorum vicerunt, eorum{que} Imperatorem in ci∣uitatem suam maiorem concluserunt. Quam & tam longo tempore ob••ederunt, quod exerci∣tus expensae omninò defecerunt. Cum{que} iam quod manducarent•• penitus non haberent, preci∣pit Chingischam suis, vt de decē hominibus vnū ad manducandum darent. Illi verò de ciuitate machinis & sagittis viriliter contra istos pugnabāt, & cùm deficerent lapides,* 1.210 argentū & maxi∣mè liq••e••actum proijciebant. Ciuitas siquidē illa multis erat diuitijs plena. Cum{que} diu Mon∣gali pugnassent, & eam bello vincere non possent, vnam magnā sub terra viam ab exercitu vs{que} ad mediū ciuitatis fecerunt, & prosiliens••es in mediū eius, contra ciues pugnaucrunt. Illi quoque, qui extra remanserant, eodem modo contra illos pugnabant. Deni{que} conciden••es por••as ciui∣tatis intrauerunt, & imperatorem cum pluribus occidentes vrbem possederunt, aurum{que} & ar∣gentum, & omnes eius diuitias abstulerunt. Et cùm illi terre ••uos homines praefecissent, in terrar̄ propriam reuersi sunt. Tun•• primum Imperatore Kythaorum deuicto, factus est Chingischam imperator.* 1.211 Quandam tamen partē illius terrae, quia posita erat in mari, nullatenus deuicerunt vs{que} hodie. Sunt autem Kytai homines pagani, habentes literam specialem, & etiam, vt dicitur,* 1.212 veteris & noui Testamenti scripturam. Habent etiam vitas patrū & eremitas & domos, in qui∣bus orant temporibus suis, ad modum Ecclesiarum factas. Quosdam etiam sanctos habere se dicunt, & vnum Deum colunt. Chris••um IESVM Dominum venerantur, & credunt vitā a ter∣nam, sed non baptizant••r. Scripturam nostram honorant ac reuerentur. Christianos diligunt, & eleemosynas plures faciunt, homines benigni satis & humani videntur. Barbam non habent, & in dispositione faci••i cum Mongalis in parte concordant.* 1.213 Meliores a trifices in mundo non inueniuntur in omnibus operibus, in quibus homines exercentur. Terra eorum est opulenta nimis in f••umento & vino, au••o & serico acrebus caete••is.

De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem & maiorem. Cap. 10.

CVm autem Mongali cum Imperatore suo Chingischam post prefatam victoriā aliquan∣tulum quieuissent, exercitus suos diuiserunt. Imperator siquidem vnum de filijs suis no∣mine Thosur, quem etiam Can, ••d est, Imperatorē appellabant, cum exercitu contra Comanos misit,* 1.214 quos ille multo bello deuicit, & postmodum in terram suam redijt. Alium verò filiū cum exercitu contra Indos misit, qui & minorem Indiam subiecit. Hi sunt nigri Sarraceni,* 1.215 qui AEthi∣pes sunt vocati. Hic autem exercitus ad pugnam contra Christianos qui sunt in India maiori,* 1.216 processit. Quod audiens Rex illius terrae, qui vulgò * 1.217 Presbyter Iohannes appellatur, contra illos venit exe••citu cong••egato. Et faciens imagines cupreas hominum, vnamquan{que} posuit in sella super equum. Posuit & interius ignem, & hominem cum folle super equum post imagi∣nem. Ita{que} cum multis equis & imaginibus, taliter praeparatis, ad pugnam contra Mongalos seu Tartaros processerunt. Et cùm ad locum praelij peruenissent, equos istos vnum iuxta alium premiserunt. Viri autem, qui erant retrò, nescio quid superignem, qui erat intra imagines, po∣suerunt, & cum follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. Vnde factum est, vt ex Graeco igne homines & equi comburerentur, & etiam aë•• ex fumo denigraretur. Túmque super Tartaros sagittas iece∣runt Indi, ex quibus multi vulnera••i fuerunt & interfecti.* 1.218 Sic{que} eiecerunt illos cum magna con∣fusione de suis finibus, nec vnquam, quod ad ipsos vltra redierint audiuimus.

Qualiter ab hominibus caninis repulsi, Buri∣thabethinos vicerunt. Cap. 11.

CVm autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt, in qua, sicut nobis apud Imperatoris curiam per clericos Ruthenos, & alios, qui diu fuerant inter ipsos, firmiter as∣serendo referebatur,* 1.219 monstra quaedam, imaginem foemineam habentia, repererunt. Quas cùm per multos interpretes interrogassent, vbi viri terrae illius essent, responderunt, quòd in illa terra quaecun{que} foemine nascebātur, habebant formā humanam, masculi vero speciē caninam. Dum∣{que} moram in terra illa protraherent, Canesin alia fluuij parte conuenerunt. Et cùm esset hyems asperrima omnes se in aquam proiecerunt. Post haec incontinenti sponte in puluerē volueban∣tur,* 1.220 sic{que} puluis admixtus aque super eos congelabatur, & vt ita pluries secerunt, glacie super eos depressa••a, cum impetu magno contra Tartaros ad pugnam conuenerunt. At verò cum illi sagittas super eos iaciebant, ac si super lapides sagittassent, retrò sagittae redibant. Alia quo{que} arma eorū in nullo eos laedere poterant. Ipsi verò Canes insultum in Tartaros facientes, mor∣sibus vulnerauerunt multos, & occiderunt, sic{que} illos de suis finibus eiecerunt. Vnde adhuc in∣ter illos est prouerbium de hoc facto, quod dicunt ad inuicem ridendo: Pater meus vel frater meus à Canibus fuit occisus. Mulieres autem illorū, quas ceperant, ad terrā suā duxerunt, & vs{que} ad diē mortis eorū ibidē fuerunt. Cùm autē exercitus ille Mongalorum rediret, venit ad terram Burithabeth,* 1.221 cuius habitatores pagani sunt, & hos Tartari bello vicerunt. Hi consuetudinem habent mirabilem, imò potius miserabilem. Cùm enim alicuius pater humanae naturae soluit debitum,* 1.222 congregant omnē parentelam, & come dunt eum. Hi pilos in barba non habent, imò ferrum quoddam in manibus, sicut vidimus, portant, cum quo semper barbam, si forte crinis ali∣quis in ea crescit, depilant. Multum etiam deformes sunt. Inde verò ille Tartarorum exercitus in terram suam estreuersus.

Qualiter à montibus Caspijs, & ab hominibus sub∣terraneis repulsi sunt. Cap. 12.

* 1.223CHingischam etiā illo tēpore, quo dimisit alios exercitus contra Orientē, per terram Kergis cum expeditione perrexit, quos tamen tunc bello non vicit, & vt nobis dicebatur, ibidē vs{que} ad montes Caspios peruenit. At illi montes in ea parte, ad quam applicauerunt, de lapide Ada∣mantino sunt: ideó{que} sagittas & arma fer••rea illorū ad se traxerunt. Homines autē inter Caspios montes conclusi clamorem exercitus, vt creditur, audientes, montem frangere coeperunt, & cùm alio tempore post decem annos redirent Tartari, montem confractum inuenerunt. Cum∣{que} ad illos accedere attentassent, minimè potuerunt: quia nubes quedam erat posita ante ipsos, vltra quam ire nullatenus poterant. Omninò quippe visum amittebant, statim vt ad illam per∣ueniebant.* 1.224 Illi antem ex aduerso credentes, quòd Tartari ad illos accedere formidarent, insul∣tum contra eos fecerunt, sed statim vt peruenerunt ad nubem propter causam praedictam, procedere non potuerunt. Ac verò antequam ad montes praedictos peruenirent Tartari, plus∣quam per mensem per vastam solitudinem transierunt, & inde procedentes adhuc contra Ori∣entem, plusquàm per mensem per magnum desertum perrexerunt. Ita{que} peruenerunt ad quan∣dam terram, in qua vias quidem ••ritas videbant, sed neminem inuenire poterant. Tandem que∣rentes, vnū hominem cum vxore sua repererunt, quos in presentiam Chingischam adduxerunt. Qui cùm interrogasset illos, vbi homines illius terrae essent, responderunt, quòd in terra sub montibus habitatent.* 1.225 Tunc Chingischam retenta vxore, misit ad eos virum illum, mandans illis, vt venirent ad ipsius mandatum. Qui pergens ad illos, omnia narrauit, quae Chingis∣cham eis mandauit. Illi verò respondentes dixerunt, quod die talivenirent ad ipsum, vt face∣rent eius mandatum. Acipsi medio tempore per vias occultas sub terra se congregantes, ad pugnam contra illos venerunt, & subitò super eos irruentes, plurimos occiderunt. Solis quo∣que sonitus in ortu suo sustinere non poterant,* 1.226 imò tempore, quo oriebatur, oportebat eos vnam aurem ad terram ponere, & superiorem fortiter ob••urare, ne sonum illum terribilem au∣dirent. Nec sic tamen cauere poterant, quin hac de causa plurimi ex eis interirent. Videns ergo Chingischam & sui, quòd nihil proficerent, sed potius homines suos perderent, fuge∣runt, ac terra illa exierunt. Illum tamen virum cum vxore sua secum deduxerunt, qui etiam vsque ad mortem in terra eorum fuerunt. Interrogati verò, cur in regione sua sub terra so∣leant habitare, dixerunt, quòd ibi quodam tempore anni, cúm oritur Sol, tantus fit sonitus, vt homines nulla ratione valeant sustinere. Quin etiam tunc in organis & tympanis caeterisque musicis instrumentis percutere solent, vt sonitum illum non audiant.

De statutis Chingischam, et morte ipsius, et filijs ac Ducibus. Cap. 13.

CVm autem de terra illa reuerteretur Chingischam, defecerunt eis victualia, famem{que} pa∣tiebantur maximam. Tunc interiora vnius bestiae recentia casu inuenerunt: quae acci∣pientes, depositis tantum stercoribus, decoxerunt, & coram Chingischam deportata pariter comederunt. Ideo{que} statuit Chingischam, vt nec ••anguis, nec interiora, nec aliquid de bestia,* 1.227 quae manducari potest, proijciatur, exceptis stercoribus. Inde ergò in terram propriam reuer∣sus est, ibi{que} leges & statuta edidit, quae Tartari inuiolabiliter obseruant, de quibus scilicet ••am aliàs superiùs dictum est. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui occisus est. Habuit autem quatuor filios:* 1.228 Occoday vocabatur primus, Thossut Can secundus, Thiaday tertius, quarti nomen ignora∣mus.* 1.229 Ab his iiij. descenderunt omnes Duces Mongalorum. Primus filiorum Occoday est Cuyne, qui nunc est Imperator. Huius fratres Cocten & Chyrenen. Ex filijs autem Thossut Can sunt Bathy, Ordu, Siba, Bora. Bathy post Imperatorem omnibus ditior est ac potentior. Ordu verò omnium Ducum senior. Filij Thiaday, sunt Hu••in & Cadan. Filij autem alterius fi∣lij Chingischam, cuius ignoramus nomen, sunt, Mengu & Bithat & alij plures. Huius Mengu mater Seroctan est, Domina magna inter Tartaros, excepta Imperatoris matre plus nomina∣••a, omnibus{que} potentior, excepto Bathy. Haec autem sunt nomina Ducum: Ordu,* 1.230 qui ••uit in Polonia, & Hungaria, Bathy quo{que} & Huryn & Cadan & Syban & Ouygat, qui omnes fue∣runt in Hungaria. Sed & Cyrpodan, qui adhuc est vltra mare contra quosdam Soldanos Sar∣racenorum, & alios habitatores terrae transmarinae, Alij verò remanserunt in terra, scilicet Men∣gu, Chyrenen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Corrensa. Alij quo{que} Du∣ces eorum plures sunt, quorum nomina nobis ignota sunt.

De potestate Imperatoris & Ducum eius. Cap. 14.

POrrò Imperator eorum, scilicet Tartarorum, super omnes habet mirabile dominium.* 1.231 Nul∣lus enim audet in aliqua morari parte, nisi vbi assignauerit ipse. Et ipse quidem assignat Du••ibus vbi maneant. Duces autem loca Millenarijs assignant, Millenarij verò Centenarijs, & Centenarij Decanis. Quicquid autem eis praecipitur, quocun{que} tempore, quocun{que} loco, si∣ue ad bellum, siue ad mortem, vel vbicunque, sine vlla obediunt contradictione. Nam etsi pe∣tit alicuius filiam virginem, vel sorerem, mox ei sine contradictione exponunt eam, imò fre∣quenter colligit virgines ex omnibus Tartarorum finibus, & si vult aliquas retinere, sibi re••i∣net, alias verò dat suis hominibus. Nuncios etiam quoscun{que} & vbicun{que} transmittat, oportet quòd dent ei sine mora equos & expensas. Similiter vndecunque veniant ei tributa vel nun∣cij, oportet equos & currus & expensas tribui. Ac verò nuncij, qui aliunde veniunt,* 1.232 in magna miseria, & victus & vestitus penuria sunt. Maxime{que} quando veniunt ad Principes, & ibi de∣bent moram contrahere. Tunc adeò parum datur decem hominibus, quòd vix inde possent duo viuere. Insuper & si aliquae illis iniuriae fiunt, minimè conqueri facile possunt. Multa quoque munera tam à principibus quàm à caeteris ab illis petuntur: quae si non dederint, vilipendun∣tur, & quasi pro nihilo reputantur. Hinc & nos magnam partem rerum, quae nobis pro expen∣sis à fidelibus erant datae, de necessitate oportuit in muneribus dare. Denique sic omnia sunt in manu Imperatoris, quod nemo audet dicere, Hoc meum est velillius, sed omnia, scilicet res & iumenta ac homines, sunt ipsius. Super hoc etiam nuperemanauit statutum eiusdem. Idem quo{que} per omnia dominium habent Duces super sibi subditos homines.

De electione Imperatoris Occoday, & legatione Ducis Bathy. Cap. 15.

MOrtuo, vt suprà dictum est, Cyngischam, conuenerunt Duces, & elegerunt Occoday,* 1.233 fi∣lium eius Imperatorem. Qui habito consilio Principum, diuisit exercitus. Misit{que} Bathy, qui in secundo gradu attingebat eum, contra terram Altissodan & contra terram Bisminorum, qui Sarraceni erant, sed loquebantur Comanicum. Qui terram illorum ingressus, cum eis pug∣nauit, eos{que} sibi bello subiecit. Quedam autem ciuitas, nomine Barchin,* 1.234 diu restitit eis. Ciues enim in circuitu ciuitatis foueas multas fecerant, propter quas non poterant à Tartaris capi, donee illas repleuissent. Ciues autem vrbis Sarguit hoc audientes,* 1.235 exierunt obuiam eis, spontè in manus eorum se tradentes. Vnde ciuitas eorum destructa non fuit, sed plures eorum occi∣derunt, & alios transtulerunt, acceptis{que} spolijs, vrbem alijs hominibus repleuerunt, & contra ciuitatem Orna perrexerunt, Haec erat nimium populosa & diuitijs copiosa.* 1.236 Erant enim ibi

plu••es Christiani, videlicet Ga••ari & Rutheni, & Alani, & alij nec non & Sarraceni. Erat{que} Sar∣racenorum ciuitatis dominium. Est etiam posi••a super quendam magnum fluuium, & est qua∣si portus, habens forum maximum. Cum{que} Tartari non possent eos aliter vincere, fluuium, qui per vrbem currebat, praeciderunt, & illam cum rebus & hominibus submerserunt. Qou fa∣cto, contra Russiam perrexerunt, & magnam stragem in ea fecerunt, ciuitates & castra destru∣xerunt, & homines occiderunt, Kiouiam, Russiae metropolin, diu obsederunt, & tandem ceperunt, ac ciues interfecerunt.* 1.237 Vnde quando per illam terram ibamus, innumerabilia capi∣ta & ossa hominum mortuorum, iacentia super campum, inueniebamus. Fuerat enim vibs val∣dè magna & populosa, nunc quasi ad nihilum est redacta: vix enim domus ibi remanserunt ducente, quarum etiam habitatores tenentur in maxima seruitute. Porrò de Russia & de Co∣mania Tartari contra Hungaros & Polonos proces••erunt, ibi{que} plures ex ipsis interfecti fue∣runt, & vt iam superius dictum est, si Hungari viriliter restitissent, Tartari ab eis confusi reces∣sissent. Inde reuertentes in terram Morduanorum,* 1.238 qui sunt Pagani, venerunt, eos{que} bello vi∣cerunt. Inde contra Byleros,* 1.239 id est, contra Bulgariam magnam profecti sunt, & ipsam omninò destruxerunt.* 1.240 Hinc ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bastarcos, id est Hungariam magnam proces∣serunt,* 1.241 & illos etiam deuicerunt. Hinc ampliùs ad Aquilonem pergentes, ad Parossitas vene∣runt, qui paruos habentes stomachos & os paruum, non manducant, sed carnes decoquunt, quibus decoctis, se super ollam ponunt, & fumum recipiunt, & de hoc ••olo reficiuntur, vel si a∣liquid manducant, hoc valdè mod•• cum est. Hinc & ad Samogeras venerunt,* 1.242 qui tantùm de venation••bus ••iuunt, & tabernacula vestes{que} tantum habent de pellibus bestiarum. Inde ad quandam terram super Oceanum peruenerunt,* 1.243 vbi monstra quaedam inuenerunt, quae per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes bouinos, & caput quidem humanum, sed faci∣em vt canis. Duo verba loquebantur vt homines, terriò latrabant vt can••s. Hinc redierunt in Comaniam, & vs{que} nunc ibi morantur ex eis quidam.

† De his regionibus Herbersteinius pag. 8. b & 91. b. Paret enim bodie vtra{que} Moschorum Principi, item de Bulgaria Gu••guinus pag. 106. b.

De legatione Cyrpodan Ducis. Cap. 16.

* 1.244EO tempore misit Occoday Can Cyrpodan Ducem cum exercitu ad meridiem contra Xer∣gis, qui & illos bello superauit. Hi homines sunt Pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo talis est, vt cùm alicuius pater moritur, prae dolore quasi vnam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vs{que} autem de facie sua leuet. His autem deuictis, Dux Cyrpodan contra Armenios iuit ad meridiem cum suis. Qui cùm transirent per deserta quaedam, mon∣stra inuenerunt, effigiem humanam habentia, quae non nisi vnum brachium cum manu in me∣dio pectoris, & vnum pedem habebant, & duo cum vno arcu sagittabant, adeo{que} fortiter cur∣rebant, quòd equi eos inuestigate non poterant. Currebant autem super vnum pedem ••ll••m saltando, & cùm essent fatigati, taliter cundo ••bant super manum & pedem, se tanquam in cir∣culo reuoluendo. Cum{que} sic etiam fessi essent, iterum secundùm priorem modum currebant. Hos Isidorus Cyclopedes appellat.* 1.245 Et ex eis Tartari non nullos occiderunt. Et sicut nobis à Ruthenis Clericis in curia dicebatur, qui morantur cum Imperatore praedicto, plures ex eis nun∣cij venerunt in legatione ad curiam Imperatoris,* 1.246 superiùs annotati, vt possent habere pacem cum il••o. Inde procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello deuicerunt, & etiam Georgiae partem. Alia verò pars venit ad mandatum eorum, & singulis annis dederunt, & adhuc dant ei pro tributo xx.millia Y perperarum. Hinc ad terram Soldani Deurum, potentis & magni, processerunt, cum quo etiam pugnantes, ipsum deuicerunt. Denique processerunt vlterius de∣bellando ac vincendo vsque ad terram Soldani Halapiae,* 1.247 & nunc etiam terram obtinent, alias quoque terras vltra illas proponentes impugnare: nec postea reuersi sunt in terram suam vs{que} hodie.* 1.248 Idem{que} exercitus contra terram Caliphi Baldach perrexit, quam etiam sibi subdidit, & vt CCCC. Byzantios, exceptis Baldekinis caeteris{que} muneribus, ei qoutidiè pro tributo daret, obtinuit. Sed & quolibet anno mittuot nuncios ad Caliphum, vt ad eos veniar. Qui cum tri∣buto munera magna trasmittens, vt eum supportent, rogat. Ipse autem Imperator Tartaro∣rum munera quidem accipit, & nihilominus vt veniat, pro eo mittit.

Qualiter Tartari se habent in praelijs. Cap. 17.

* 1.249ORdinauit Chingischam Tartaros per Decanos & centenarios & millenarios. Decem quo∣que millenarijs praeponunt vnum, cuncto{que} nihilominus exercitui duos aut tres Duces, ita tamen vt ad vnum habeant respectum. Cum{que} in bello contra aliquos congrediuntur, nisi

communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt, occiduntur. Et si vnus aut duo, vel plures ex decem audacter accedunt ad pugnam, alij verò ex illo Denario non sequuntur, simili••er occiduntur. Sed etiam si vnus ex decem vel plures capiuntur, socij eorum si non eos liberant, ipsi etiam oc∣ciduntur. Porrò arma debent habere talia. Duos arcus vel vnum bonum ad minus.* 1.250 Tres{que} pha∣retras sagittis plenas, & vnam securim & funes ad machinas trahendas. Diuites autem habent gladios in fine acutos, ex vna parte tan••••m incidentes, & aliquantulum curuos. Habent & e∣quos armatos, crura etiam tecta, galeas & loritas. Verùm loricas & equorum cooperturas qui∣dam habent de corio, super corpus artificiosè duplicato vel etiam triplicato. Galea verò supe∣rius est de chalybe, vel de ferro: sed illud, quod in circuitu protegit collum & gulam, est de co∣rio. Quidam autem de ferro habent omnia supradicta, in hunc modum formata. Laminas multas tenues ad vnius digiti latitudinem & palmae longitudinē faciunt, & in qualibet octo fo∣ramina paruula facientes, interius tres corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt. Sic{que} laminas, vnam alij•• quasi per gradus ascendendo, supponunt. Ita{que} laminas ad corrigias, tenuibus corrigio∣lis per foramina praedicta immissis, ligant, & in superiori parte corrigiolam vnam ex vtra que parte duplicatam cum alia corrigiola consuunt, vt laminae simul benè firmiter{que} cohaereant. Haec faciunt tam ad cooperturas equorum, quàm adarmaturas hominum. Adeo{que} faciunt illa lucere, quod in eis potest homo faciem suam videre. Aliqui veròin collo ferri lanceae vncum habent, cum quo de sella, si possunt, hominem detrahant. Sagittarum eorum ferramenta sunt acutissima, ex vtraque parte quasi gladius biceps incidentia, semper{que} iuxta pharetram porrant limas ad acuendum sagittas. Habent verò scuta de viminibus, aut de virgulis facta. Sed non credimus, quòd ea soleant portare, nisi ad castra & ad custodiam Imperatoris ac principum, & hoc tantùm de nocte. In bellis astutissimi sunt:* 1.251 quia per annos xlij. cum caeteris gentibus dimi∣cârunt. Cùm autem ad flumina peruenerunt, maiores habent rotundum ac leue corium,* 1.252 in cuius summitate per circuitum ansas crebras facientes, funem imponunt a•• stringunt, ita quod in circuitu quasi ventrem efficiunt, quem vestibus ac rebus caeteris replent, fortissime{que} ad in∣uicem comprimunt. In medio autem ponunt sellas & alias res doriores: ibi quoque sedent ho∣mines. Huiusmodi nauim ad equi caudam ligant, & hominem, qui equum regat, pariter nata∣re faciunt; vel habent aliquando duos remos, cum quibus remigant. Equo igitut in aquam impulso, omnes alij equi sequuntur illum, & sic transeunt fluuium. Pauperior autem quilibet vnam bursam vel saccum de corio be••è consutum habet, in quo res suas omnes imponit, & in summitate fortiter ligatum, ad equi caudam suspendit, sic{que} modo predicto transit.

Qualiter resistendum sit eis. Cap. 18.

NVllam aestimo prouinciam esse, quae per se possit eis resistere: quia de omni terra pote∣statis suae solent homines ad bellum congregare. Et siquidem vicina prouincia non vult eis opem ferre, quam impugnant, delentes illam, cum hominibus, quos ex illa capiunt, contra aliam pugnant. Et illos quidem in acie primos ponunt, & si malè pugnant, ipsos occidunt.* 1.253 Ita{que} si Christiani eis resistere volunt, oportet quòd Principes ac rectores te••rarum in vnum conue∣niant, ac de communi consilio cis resistant. Habeani{que} pugnatores arcus sortes & balistas, quas multùm timent, sagittas{que} sufficientes, dolabrum quo{que} de bono ferio, vel securim cum ma∣nubrio longo. Ferramenta verò sagittarum more Tartarorum, quando sunt calida,* 1.254 temperare debent in aqua, cum sale mixta, vt fortia sint ad penetrandum illorum arma. Gladios etiam & lanceas cum vncis habeant, qui volunt, ad detrahendū illos de sella, de qua facillimè cadunt. Habeant & galeas & arma caetera, ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis & sagittis eo∣rum, & si qui non ita sunt armati, debent more illorum post alios ire, & contra ipsos arcubus vel balistis traijcere. Et sicut dictum est suprà de Tartaris, debent acies suas ordinare, ac legem pugnantibus imponere. Quicun{que} conuersus fuerit ad praedamante victoriam, maximam de∣bet poenam subire: talis enim apud illos occiditur abs{que} miseratione. Locus ad praelium, si ••ie∣ripotest, eligendus est planus, vt vndi{que} possint videre, nec omnes debent in vnum conuenire, sed acies multas & diuisas, nectamen nimis distantes ab inuicem, facere. Contra illos, qui pri∣mò veniunt, debent vnam aciem mittere, & alia parata sit ad iuuandum illam opportuno tem∣pore. Habeant & speculatores ex omni parte, qui videant, quando veniunt acies ceterae. Nam ideò semper debent aciem contra aciem, vt ei occurrant, mittere, quoniam illi semper nituntur aduersarios in medio concludere. Hoc autem acies caueant, nesi etiam illi fugere videantur, diu post illos currant, ne fortè, sicut facere solent, ipsos ad paratas insidias trahant: quia plus fraudulentia quàm fortitudine pugnant. Et iterum ne fatigentur equi eorum: quia nostri mul∣titudinem non habent equorum. Tartari verò quos equitant die vna, non ascendunt tribus di∣ebus, vel quatuor postea, Praeterea si cedunt Tartari, non ideò debent nostri recedere, vel ab in∣uicem

separari: quoniam hoc simulando faciunt, vt exercitus diuidatus, & sic ad ter••ae destru∣ctionem liberè ingrediantur. Caeterùm Duces nostri die noctúque facere debent exercitum custo diri: nec iacere spoliati, sed semper ad pugnam parati: quia Tartari qua si Daemones sem∣per vigilant, excogitantes artem nocendi. Porrò si aliqui Tartarorum in bello de suis equis pro∣ijciuntur, statim capiendi sunt, quia quando sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos homines∣{que} vulnerant.

De itinere Fratris Iohannis de Plano carpini vsque ad primam custodiam Tartarorum. Cap. 19.

NOs igitur ex mandato sedis Apostolicae cùm itemus ad Orientis nationes, elegimus pri∣us ad Tartaros proficisci: quia timebamus, ne perillos in proximo Ecclesiae Dei pericu∣lum immineret.* 1.255 Ita{que} pergétes, ad regem Boëmorū peruenimus: qui cum esset nobis familiaris, consuluit, vt pet Poloniam & Russiam iter ageremus. Habebat enim consanguineos in Polo∣nia, quorum auxilio Russiam intrare possemus. Datis{que} literis & bono conductu, secit & ex∣pensas nobis dari per curias & ciuitates eius,* 1.256 quo vsque ad Ducem Slesiae Bolezlaum, nepo∣tem eius, veniremus, qui etiam erat nobis familia••is & notus. Hinc & ipse nobis similiter secit, donec veniremus ad Conradum, Ducem * 1.257 Lautifciae, ad quem tunc, Dei gratia nobisfauente, venerat Dominus Wasilico, Dux Russiae, à quo etiam plenius de facto audiuimus Tartaro∣rum: quia nuncios illuc miserat, qui iam redierant ad ipsum. Audito autem, quòd oporteret nos illis munera dare, quasdam pelles castorum & aliorum animalium fecimus emi, de hoc, quod datum nobis fuerat in eleemosynam ad subsidiū viae. Quod agnoscentes Dux Conradus & * 1.258 Ducissa Cracouiae, & Episcopus & quidam milites, plures etiam nobis dederunt huiusmo∣di pelles. Denique Dux Wasilico à Duce Cracouiae, & Episcopo atque Baronibus pro nobis attentè rogatus, secum nos in terram suam duxit, & vt aliquantulum quiesceremus, aliquot di∣ebus nos in expensis suis detinuit. Et cùm rogatus à nobis, feciffet Episcopos suos venire, legi∣mus eis literas Domini Papae,* 1.259 monentis••cos, ad sanctae matris Ecclesie vnitatem redire. Ad idem quoque nos ipsi monuimus eos, & induximus, quantum potuimus, tam Ducem quàm Episco∣pos & alios.* 1.260 Sed quia Dux Daniel, frater Wasiliconis praedicti, praesens non erat, quoniam ad Baty profectus erat, non potuerunt eo tempore finaliter respondere. Post haec Dux Wasilico transmisit nos vsque in Kiouiam metropolin Russiae, cum seruiente vno. Ibamus ramen in pe∣riculo capitis semper propter Lituanos,* 1.261 qui saepè faciebant insultum super terram Russiae, & in illis maximè locis, per quos debebamus transire. At per praedictum seruientem eramus securi à Ruthenis, quorum etiam maxima pars occisa vel captiuata erat à Tartaris. Porrò in Danilone vsque ad mortem tunc infirmati fuimus. Nihilominus tamen in vehiculo per niuem & frigus magnum trahi nos fecimus. Cùm ergò Kiouiam peruenimus, habuimus de via nostra consili∣um cum millenario ac caeteris ibidem nobilibus. Qui responderunt nobis, quòd si duceremus equos illos,* 1.262 quos tunc habebamus, ad Tartaros, cùm essent magnae niues, morerentur omnes: quia nescirent herbam fodere sub niue, sicut equi faciunt Tartarorum, nec inueniri posset ali∣quod pro eis ad manducandum, cùm Tartari nec stramina nec foenum habeant, nec pabulum. Itaque decreuimus eos illic dimittere cum duobus pueris, deputatis eorum cu••todiae. Ideo{que} nos oportuit millenario dare munera, vt ipsum haberemus propitium, ad dandum nobis equos subductitios & conductum. Secundo igitur die post festum Purificationis cepto itinere, veni∣mus ad villam Canouae, que sub Tartaris erat immediatè. Cuius praesectus nobis dedit equos & conductum vsque ad aliam, in qua reperimus praefectum Micheam,* 1.263 omni malitia plenum. Qui tamen acceptis à nobis muneribus secundum velle suum, duxit nos vs{que} ad primam custo∣diam Tartarorum.

Qualiter primô cum socijs suis receptus est à Tar∣taris. Cap. 20.

CVm ergo in prima sexta seria post diem cinerum, Sole ad occasum tendente, hospitare∣mur, Tartari super nos armati horribiliter irruerunt, quaerentes cuiusmodi homines esse∣mus: cum{que} respondissemus, quòd Domini Papae nuncij essemus, quibusdam cibarijs à nobis ac∣ceptis, continuó discesserunt. Porrò mane facto, cùm surgentes aliquantulum processissemus, maiores illorum, qui erant in custodia, nobis occurrerunt, interrogantes, cur ad eos veniremus? & quid negotij haberemus?* 1.264 Quibus respondimus, Domini Papae nuncij sumus, qui Christia∣norum pater est ac Dominus. Hic nos id circò tam ad Regem quàm ad Principes, omnes{que} Tartaros, mittit, quia placet ei, quòd omnes Christiani Tartarorū sint amici, & pacem habeant

cum ipsis. Desiderat insuper, vt apud Deum in coelo sint magni,* 1.265 & idcircò monet eos tam per nos quàm per literas suas, vt efficiantur Christiam, fidem{que} recipiant Domini nostri Iesu Chri∣sti, quia non possunt aliter saluari. Mandat praetereà, quòd miratur de tanta occisione hominū, & maximè Christianorum, ac potissimè Hungarorum, Montanorum, & Polonorum, qui sunt ei subiecti, facta per Tartaros, cùm in nullo lesissent, aut lae dere attentassent eos. Et quia Domi∣nus Deus grauiter est super hoc offensus, monet eos, vt à talibus de caetero caueant, & de com∣missis poe••itentiam agant. Super his etiam ••ogar, vt ei rescribant, quid facere velint de caete∣tero, & quae sit eorum intentio. Quibus auditis, & intellectis, dixe••unt Tartari,* 1.266 se velle equos nobis subductitios vs{que} ad Corrensam & ducatum praebere. Statim{que} munera petierunt, & à nobis acceperunt. Equis igitur acceptis, de quibus descenderant ipsi, cum eorum ducatu ad Corrensam arripuimus iter eundi. Ipsi tamen velociter equitantes, nuncium vnum praemise∣runt ad praefatum Ducem cum his verbis, que dixeramus eisdem.* 1.267 Est autem Dux iste Dominus omnium, qui positi sunt in custodia contra omnes Occidentis populos, ne fortè subitò & im∣prouisò irruant aliqui super illos. Et iste dicitur habere sexaginta millia hominum armatorum sub se.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Corrensam. Cap. 21.

CVm ergò peruenissemus ad eius curiam, fecit nobis longè à se poni stationem,* 1.268 & misit ad nos procuratores suos, vt quaererent à nobis, cum quo ei vellemus inclinare, id est, quae ei munera inclinando vellemus offerre. Quibus respondimus, quòd Dominus Papa non mittebat aliqua munera; quia non erat certus, quòd ad illos peruenire postemus, & insuper veneramus per loca valdè periculosa. Veruntamen in quantum de his, quae habeban••us ex gratia Dei & Domini Papae ad victum nostrum, sicut poterimus, honorabimus ipsum. Acceptis{que} muneribus duxerunt nos ad ordam siue tentorium ipsius, & instructi fuimus, vt ante ostium stationis ter cum sinistro genu inclinaremus, & caueremus attentè, ne pedem super limē ostij pone••emus. Et postquam intrauimus, oportuit nos coram Duce omnibus{que} maioribus, qui ad hoc erant voca∣ti, dicere slexis genibus ea, quae dixeramus superiùs. Literas etiam Dom. Pape obtulimus: sed in∣terpres, quem de Kyouia, dato pretio, duxeramus, non erat sufficiens ad interpretandū, nec ali∣quis alius habebatur idoneus. Hinc equi nobis dati sunt, & tres Tartari, qui nos ducerent festi∣nanter ad ducem Bathy.* 1.269 Ipse est apud eos potentior excepto Imperatore, cui tenentur pre cun∣ctis principibus obedire. Ita{que} iter ar••ipuimus secunda feria post primā dominicam ‖ 1.270 xl. & equi∣tando, quantum equi trotare poterant, quoniam habebamus equos recentes serè ter aut qua∣ter omni die, properabamus de mane vs{que} ad noctem, imò etiam de nocte saepissimè, nec tamen ante quartam feriam maioris hebdomadae potuimus ad ipsum peruenire. Ibamus autem per terram Comanorum,* 1.271 quae tota est plana, & flumina quatuor habet magna. Primum appellatur * 1.272 Neper, iuxta quod ex parte Russiae ambulabat Correnza & Montij, qui maior est illo ex alte∣ra parte per campestria. Secundum appellatur * 1.273 Don, super quod ambulat quidam Princeps, habens in coniugio sororem Baty, qui vocatur Ti••bon. Tertium dicitur * 1.274 Volga, quod est mag∣num valdè, super quod incedit Bathy. Quartum nominatur * 1.275 Iacc, super quod duo millenarij vadunt, vnus ex parte fluminis vna, & alte•• ex altera. Hi omnes in hyeme ad mare descendunt, & in aestate super ripam eo••undem fluminum ad montes ascendunt. Hoc est mare magnum,* 1.276 de quo brachium sancti Georgij exit, quod in Constantinopolin vadit. Haec autem flumina sunt piscibus valdè plena, maximè Volga, intrant{que} mare Graeciae, quod dicitur Magnum mare.* 1.277 Su∣per Nepre autem multis diebus iuimus per glaciem. Super littora quo{que} maris Graeciae satis pe∣riculosè per glaciem iuimus in pluribus locis multis diebus. Congelantur enim circa littora vn∣dae ad tres leucas inseriùs. Prius autem quàm ad Bathy perueniremus, duo ex nostris Tartaris praecesserunt, ad indicandum ei omnia verba, quae apud Corrensam dixeramus.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Bathy magnum Principem. Cap. 22.

POrrò cùm in finibus terrae Comanorum ad Bathy perueniremus, benèpositi fuimus per v∣nam leucam à stationibus eius. Cum{que} duci debuimus ad curiam ipsius, dictum fuit nobis,* 1.278 quòd inter duos ignes transire deberemus. Nos autem hoc nulla ratione facere voleba∣mus. At illi dixerunt nobis: Ite securè, quia pro nulla causa volumus hoc facere, nisi tantùm, vt si vos aliquid malum cogitatis Domino nostro, vel portatis venenum, ignis auferat omne malum. Quibus respondimus: quod propter hoc, ne de tali re suspectos redderemus nos, transiremus. Cùm igitur ad Ordam peruenissemus, interrogatiá pocuratore ipsius Eldegay,* 1.279 cum quo inclinare vellemus? idem quod prius apud Corrensam respondimus, datis{que} muneribus &

acceptis, audius euam itineris cau••••s, introduxerunt nos in stationem Principis, prius facta inclinatione, & audita de limine non calcando, sicut prius, admonitione.* 1.280 Ingressi autem flexis genibus, verba nostra proposuimus, deinde literas obtulimus, & vt nobis darentur interpre∣tes ad transferendum eas, rogauimus. Qui etiam in die Paras••eue dati fuerunt nobis, & eas in litera Ruthenica, Sar••acenica & in Tartarica diligenter cum ipsis transtulimus. Haec interpre∣tatio Bathy praesentata ••uit: quam & legit, & artentè notauit. Tandem ad nostram stationem reducti fuimus, sed nulla cibaria nobis dederunt, nisi semel aliquantulum millij in vna scutel∣la, scilicet in prima nocte quando venimus. Is••e Bathy magnificè se gerit,* 1.281 habens ostiarios & omnes officiales ad modum Imperatoris, & sedet in eminenti loco velut in th••ono cum vna de vxoribus suis. Alij verò tam fratres sui & filij, quàm alij maiores inferiùs sedent in medio super bancum, & homines caeteri post eos in terra deorsum, sed viri à dextris, & foeminae à si∣nistris. Tentoria quoque de panno lineo habet pulchra & magna satis, quae fuerunt Hungariae regis. Nec aliquis ad eius tentorium audet accedere praeter familiam, nisi vocatus, quantum∣cunque sit potens & magnus, nisi fortè sciatur, quòd sit voluntas ipsius. Nos etiam dicta causa sedimus à sinistris: Sic etenim & omnes nuncij faciunt in eundo: sed in redeundo ab Impera∣tore, semper ponebamur à dextris. In medio ponitur mensa ••ius prope ostium stationis, super quam apponi••ur potus in aureis & argenteis vasis.* 1.282 Nec vnquam bibit Bathy, vel aliquis Tar∣tarorum Princeps, maximè quando in publico sunt, nisi cantetur civel cytharizetur. Et cùm e∣quitat, semper portatur solinum, vel tentoriolum super caput eius in hasta. Sic{que} faciunt cuncti maiores Principes Tartarorum,* 1.283 & etiam vxo••es eorum. Idem verò Bathy satis est hominibus suis benignus, valdè tamen ab eis timetur, & in pugna est crudelissimus, sagax est multum & a∣stutissimus in bello: quia iam pugnauit tempore longo.

Qualiter recedentes à Bathy per terram Comanorum & Kangittarum transierunt. Cap. 23.

* 1.284IN die porrò Sabbathi sancti ad stationem fuimus vocati, & exiuit ad nos procurator Bathy praedictus, dic••ns ex parte ipsius, quòd ad Imperatorem Cuyne in terram ipsorum iremus, retentis quibusdam ex nostris sub hac specie, quòd vellent eos remittere ad Dominum Papam, quibus & literas dedimus de omnibus factis nostris, quas deferrent eidem. Sed cùm red••issent vs{que} ad Montij Ducem supradictum, ibi retenti fuerunt vsque ad reditum nostrum. Nos autem in die Pasche officio dicto, & facta comestione qualicun{que} cum duobus Tartaris, qui nobis apud Corrensam fuerant assignati, cum raultis lacrymis recessimus, nescientes vtrum ad mortem vel vitam pergeremus. Eramus tamen ••ta infirmi corpore, quòd vix poteramus equitare. In tota si∣quidem illa quadragesima fuerat cibus noster millium cum aqua & sale tantùm, & in alijs simi∣liter diebus ieiuniorum. Nec habebamus aliquid ad bibendum preter niuem in caldario lique∣factam. Ibamus autem per Comaniam equitando fortissimè, quoniam habebamus equos re∣centes quinquies aut pluries in die, nisi quando per deserta ibamus, & tunc equos meliores at∣que fortiores, qui possent continuum sustinere laborem, accipiebamus. Et hoc ab ineunte qua∣dragesima vsque ad octo dies post Pascha.* 1.285 Haec terra Comania ab Aquilone immediatè post Russiam habet Morduynos, Byleros, id est, magnam Bulgariam, Bastarcos, id est, magnam Hungariam, post Bastarcos, Parositas & Samogetas. Post Samogetas, illos, qui dicuntur habe∣re faciem caninam in Oceani lictoribus desertis.* 1.286 A meridie habet Alanos, Circassos, Gazaros, Graeciam & Constantinopolin, ac terram ••berorum, Cathos, Brutachios, qui dicuntur esse Iu∣daei, caput radentes per to••ùm, terram quo{que} Cithorum atque Georgianorum & Armeniorum & Turcorum. Ab occidente autem Hungariam habet atque Russiam. Et est Comania terra maxima & longa. Cuius populos, scilicet Comanos, Tartari occiderunt, quidam tamen à fa∣cie eorum fugerunt, & quidam in eorum seruitutem redacti sunt. Plurimi autem ex eis, qui fu∣gerunt, ad ipsos redierunt.* 1.287 Post haec intrauimus terram Kangittarum, quae magnam habet in plutimis locis penuriam aquarum, in qua etiam homines pauci morantur propter aquae defe∣ctum. Vnde homines Ieroslai, Ducis Russiae,* 1.288 cùm ad ipsum in terram Tartarorum per rexerunt, plures eorum in illo deserto prae siti mortui sunt. In hac etiam terra & in Comania multa inue∣nimus capita & ossa mortuorum hominum, super terram iacentia tanquam sterquilinium. Per hanc ita{que} terram iuimus ab octo d••ebus post Pascha ferè vsque ad Ascensionem Dominicam. Huius{que} habitatores Pagani erant, & ••am ipsi quàm Comani non laborabant, sed tantùm de animalibus viuebant, ne•• domos aedificabant, sed in tabernaculis habitabant. Istos etiam Tartari deleuerunt, & habitabant in terris eorum, illi{que} quiremanserunt, redacti sunt in ser∣uitutem ipsorum.

Qualiter ad primam Imperatoris futuri curiam deuenerunt. Cap. 24.

POrrò de terra Kangittarum intrauimus terram Biserminorum,* 1.289 qui loquuntur lingua Co∣manica, sed legem tenent Sarracenorum. In hac etiam terra inuenimus vrbes innumeras cum castris dirutas, villas{que}multas desertas. Huius Dominus dicebatur Altisoldanus,* 1.290 qui cum tota sua progenie à Tartaris est destructus. Habet autem haec terra montes maximos.* 1.291 Et à me∣ridie quidem habet Hierusalem & Baldach, totam{que} Sarracenorum terram. Atque in finibus illis propinquis morantur duo fratres carnales, Tartarorum Duces, scilicet Burin & Cadan,* 1.292 filij Thiaday, qui fuit filius Chingischam. Ab Aquilone verò terram habet nigrorum Ky∣thaorum & Oceanum.* 1.293 In illa verò moratur Syban, frater Bathy.* 1.294 Per hanc iuimus à festo Ascensionis dominicae ferè vsque ad viij. dies ante festum sanct. Iohan. Baptistae. Deindein ingressi sumus terram nigrotum Kythaorum,* 1.295 in qua Imperator aedificauit domum, vbi e••iam vocati fuimus ad bibendum. Et ille, qui erat ibidem ex parte imperatoris, fecit maiores ciuitatis, & eti∣am duos filios eius, plaudere coram nobis. Hinc exeuntes, quoddam ma••e paruum inuenimus,* 1.296 in cuius littore quidam existit mons paruus. In quo scilicet monte quoddam foramen esse dici∣tur, vnde in hyeme tam maxime tempestates ventorum exeunt, quòd homines inde vix & cum magno periculo transire possunt. In aestate verò semper quidem ibi ventorum sonitus auditur, sed de foramine te••u••ter egreditur. Per huius maris littora plurimis diebus perreximus,* 1.297 quod quidem licet non multum sit magnum, plures insulas habet,* 1.298 & illud in sinistris dimisi∣mus. In terra verò illa habitat Ordu,* 1.299 quem omnium Ducum Tartarorum antiquiorem dixi∣mus, & est orda, siue curia patris ipsius, quam inhabitat, & regis vna de vxoribus eius. Consu∣etudo enim est apud Tartaros, quòd principum & maiorum curiae non delentur, sed semper ordinantur aliquae mulieres, quae illas regant, eísque donariorum partes, sicut Dominis ea∣rum dari solebant, dantur. Sic tandem ad primam Imperatoris curiam venimus,* 1.300 in qua erat v∣na de vxoribus ipsius.

Qualiter ad ipsum Cuyne, Imperatorem futurum peruenerunt. Cap•• 25.

AT verò quia nondum Imperatorem videramus, noluerunt vocare nos, nec intromittere ad Ordam ipsius, sed nobis in tentorio nostro secundum morem Tartar orum valdè benè serui••i fecerunt, & vt quiesceremus, nos ibidem per vnam diem tenuerunt. Inde procedentes in vigilia sanctorum Petri & Pauli, terram Naymanorum intrauimus,* 1.301 qui sunt Pagani. In ipsa ve∣rò die Apostolorum ibidem cecidit magna nix, & habuimus magnum frigus. Haec quidem ter∣ra mon••uosa & frigida est supra modum, ibi{que} de planicie reperitur modicum. Istae quoque duae nationes praedictae non laborabant, sed sicut & Tartari in tentorijs habitabant, quas & ipsi deleuerant. per hanc etiam multis diebus perreximus. Deinde terram Mongalorum intra∣uimus, quos Tartaros appellamus.* 1.302 Per has itaque terras, vt credimus, tribus septimanis equi∣tando fortiter iuimus, & in die Beatae Mariae Magdalenae ad Cuyne Imperatorem electum per∣uenimus.* 1.303 Ideò autem per omnem viam istam valdè festinauimus, quia praeceptum erat Tar∣taris nostris,* 1.304 vt citò nos deducerent ad curiam solennem, iam ex annis pluribus indictam, prop∣teripsius Imperatoris electionem. Ideircò de mane surgentes, ibamus vsque ad noctem sine comestione, & saepius tam tardè veniebamus, quòd non comedebamus in sero, sed quod manducare debebamus in vespere, dabatur nobis in mane. Mutatis{que} frequentius equis, nullatenus parcebatur eis, sed equitabamus velociter ac sine intermissione, quantum pote∣rant equi trotare.

Qualiter Cuyne Fratres Minores suscepit. Cap. 26.

CVm autem peruenimus ad Cuyne,* 1.305 fecit nobis dari tentorium & expensas, quales Tarta∣ris dare solent, nobis tamen melius quàm alijs nuncijs faciebant. Ad ipsum autem vocati non fuimus, eo quòd nondum electus erat, nec adhuc de imperio se intromittebat. Interpre∣tatio tamen literarum Domini Papae, ac verba etiam à nobis dicta, à praedicto Baty erant ei mandata. Cùm ergo stetissemus ibi per quinque vel sex dies, ad matrem suam nos transmisit, v∣bi adunabatur curia solennis. Et cùm venissemus illuc, tam extensum erat tentorium magnum,* 1.306 de alba purpura praeparatum, erat{que} tam grande nostro iudicio, quòd plusquam duo millia ho∣minum poterant esse sub illo. Et in circuitu factum erat ligneum tabulatum varijs imaginibus depictum. Illuc ergò perreximus cum Tartaris, nobis ad custodiam assignatis, ibi{que} conue••erant

omnes duces, & vnusquis{que} cum hominibus suis equitabat in circuitu per planiciem & colles.* 1.307 In prima die vestiti sunt omnes purpuris albis, in secunda verò rubeis. Et tunc venit Cuyne ad tentorium illud. Porrò tertia die fuerunt omnes in blaueis purpuris, & quarta in optimis Bal∣dakinis. In illo autem tabulato iuxta tentorium erant duae maiores portae, per quarum vnam so∣lus Imperator debebat intrare, & ad illam nulla erat custodia, quamuis esset aperta, quia pe∣illam nullus aude bat ingredi vel exire: per aliam omnes, qui admittebantur, intrabant, & ad il∣lam custodes cum gladijs & arcubus & sagittis erant. Ita{que} si quis tentorio propinquabat vltra terminos, qui positi erant, si capiebatur, verberabatur, si sugiebat, sagitta siue ferro sagittaba∣tur. Multi{que} ibi erant, qui in fraenis, pectoralibus, sellis & huiusmodi, iudicio nostro, auri circi∣ter viginti marcas habebant. Sic Duce sinfra tentorium colloquebantur, & de Imperatoris ele∣ctione tractabant, vt à nobis creditur. Alius autem vniuersus populus longè extra tabulatum collocabatur, & ita ferè vsque ad meridiem morabantur. Tunc incipicbant lac iumentinum bi∣bere, & vsque ad vesperas tantum bibebant, quod erat visu mirabile.* 1.308 Nos autem vocauerunt interius, & dederunt nobis cereuisiam: quia iumentinū lac non bib••bamus. Et hoc quidem no∣bis pro magno fecerunt honore: sed tamen nos compellebant ad bibendum, quod nullatenus poteramus propter consuetudinem sustinere. Vnde ostendimus eis, hoc esse nobis graue, ideo∣{que} nos cessauerunt compellere. Foris autem erat Dux Ieroslaus de Susdal Russiae,* 1.309 plures{que} Du∣ces Kythaorum & Solangorum. Duo quo{que} filij regis Georgiae, nuncius etiam Caliphi de Bal∣dach, qui erat Soldanus, & plus quam decem alij Soldani Sarracenorum, vt credimus. Et sicut nobis à procuratoribus dicebatur, erant ibi nunciorum plus quàm quatuor millia, inter illos, qui tributa portabant, & illos, qui deferebant munera, & Soldanos ac Duces alios, qui ad traden∣dum seipsos veniebant, & illos, pro quibus ipsi miserant, illos{que}, qui terrarum praesecti e∣rant. Hi omnes simul extra tabulatum ponebantur, eis{que} simul bibere praebebatur. Nobis autem & Duci Ierozlao ferè semper ab eis dabatur superior locus, quando cum eis eramus exterius.

Qualiter in imperium sublimatus fuit. Cap. 27.

* 1.310ET quidem, si benè meminimus, ibidem per septimanas circiter quatuor ••uimus. Credi∣mus{que} quòd ibi fuit electio celebrata, non tamen ibidem fuit publicata. Propter hoc autem id maximè credebatur, quia semper, quando Cuyne tentorio exibat, eidem cantabatur, & cum virgis speciosis, in summitate lanam coccincam habentibus, inclinabatur, quod alteri Ducum nulli fiebat, quous{que} exterius morabatur. Hec autem statio siue Curia nominatur ab eis Syra orda.* 1.311 Hinc exeuntes, vnanimiter omnes equitauimus per tres aut quatuor leucas ad alium lo∣cum, vbi erat in quadā pulchra planicie iuxta riuum inter montes aliud tentorium, quod apud ipsos appellatur Orda aurea,* 1.312 praeparatū. Ibi enim Cuyne debeba•• poni in sede in die Assumpti∣onis Dominae nostrae. Sed propter grandinem nimiam, quae tunc, vt suprà dictum est, cecidit, res dilata fuit.* 1.313 Erat{que} tentorium in columnis positum, quae laminis aureis erant tectae, & clauis aureis cum alijs lignis sixae. Porrò de Balda kino erat tectum superius, sed alij erant panni exte∣rius. Fuimus autem ibi vs{que} ad festum Beati Bartholomaei, in quo maxima multitudo conue∣nit,* 1.314 & contra meridiem versis vultibus stetit. Et quidam adiactum lapidis longè à caeteris erant, semper{que} orationes faciendo, ac genua flectendo, contra meridiem longius, & longius proce∣debant. Nos autem vtrum incantationes facerent, aut genua Deo vel alteri flecterent, nesci∣entes, nolebamus facere genu flexiones. Cum{que} diu ita fecissent, ad tentorium reuersi sunt, & Cuyne in sede imperiali posuerunt, Duces{que} coram eo genua flexerunt. Post hoc idem fecit v∣niuersus populus, exceptis nobis, qui eis subditi non eramus.

De aetate ac moribus ac sigillo ipsius. Cap. 28.

* 1.315HIc autem Imperator quando sublimatus est in regnum, videbatur esse circiter xl. vel xlv. annorum. Mediocris erat statutae, prudens valde, nimis astutus multum{que} seriolus, & gra∣uis in moribus. Nec vnquam videbat eum homo de facili ridere, vel aliquam leuitatem face∣re, sicut dicebant Christiani, qui cum ipso morabantur continuè. Dicebant etiam nobis asse∣rendo firmiter Christiani, qui erant de familia eius, quòd deberet fieri Christianus. Cuius signum erat, quod ipse Clericos Christianos tenebat,* 1.316 & expensas eis dabat. Habebat etiam sem∣per capellam Christianorum ante maius tentorium suum, vbi cantant Clerici publicè & apertè, ac pulsant ad horas, vt ceteri Christiani secundùm mores Grecorum, quantacun{que} sit ibi multi∣tudo Tartarorum, veletiam aliorum hominum. Hoc tamen non faciunt alij Duces ipsorum. Est aūtem mos Imperatorisipsius,* 1.317 vt nunquam ore proprio loquatur cum extraneo, quan∣tumcun{que}

magnus sit, sed audit & respondet perinterpositam personam, & quandocun{que} ne∣gotium proponunt, vel Imperatoris responsionem audiunt illi, qui sub eo sunt, quantum cun∣{que} sint magni, slexis genibus vs{que} ad finem verborum persistunt. Nec alicui de consuetudine super aliquo negotio loqui licitum est, postquam ab Imperatore definitum est. Habet autem Impera••or praedictus procuratorem & protonotarios, at{que} scriptores, omnes{que} officiales in ne∣gotijs tam publicis quàm priuatis, exceptis Aduocatis.* 1.318 Nam sine litium vel iudiciorum strepitu secundum arbitrium Imperatoris omnia fiunt. Alij quoqu•• Principes Tartarorum de his, quae ad illos pertinent, idem faciunt. Hoc autem nouerint vniuersi, quia nobis tunc existentibus in solenni curia, iam ex pluribus annis indicta, idem Cuyne Imperator, de nouo electus, cum omnibus suis Principibus erexit vexillum contra Ecclesiam Dei, ac Romanum Imperium,* 1.319 & contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos Occidentis, nisi fortasse, quod absit, facerent ea, quae mandabat Domino Papae, atque potentibus, & omnibus Christianorum populis, vide∣licet vt ipsi subdantur eis. Nam excepta Christianitate, nulla est terra in orbe, quam timeant, & idcirco contra nos ad pugnam se praeparant. Huius siquidem Imperatoris pater, scilicet Oc∣coday, necatus fuerat veneno, & ob hoc à bellis quieuerant tempore pauco. Intencio autem eorum, vt dictum est suprà, est, sibi totum subijcere mundum, sicut à Chingischam habent mandatum. Vnde & ipse Imperator in literis suisita scribis: Dei fortitudo, omnium h••minum Imperator. In superscriptione quoque sigilli eius est hoc: Deus in coelo, & Cuyne Cham su∣per terram, Dei fortitudo: omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum.

† Contrà Xenophon: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Et praeclarè Aristoteles Politic. lib. 3. cap. 12. in hanc senten∣tiam: Qui legem praesse vult, is velle videtur Deū ac leges imperare: qui autem vult hominem, is etiam belluam adiungit, cùm praesertim tale quid sit cupiditas & iracundia: & magistratus & optimus quis{que} à recta vsa detorqueantur &c. Adde quae è Chrysipppo adducuntur ff. li. 1. tit. 3. l. 2.

De admissione Fratrum & nunciorum ad Impera∣torem. Cap. 29.

INloco illo, vbi positus est Imperator in throno, vocati fuimus coram ipso.* 1.320 Cum{que} Chin∣gay protonotarius eius nomina nostra scripsisset, illorū{que} à quibus missi eramus, & Ducis So∣langorum & aliorum, clamauit alta voce, recitans illa coram Imperatore ac Ducum vniuersi∣tate. Quo facto, flexit vnusquis{que} nostrum quater genu sinistrum, & monuerunt, ne tangere∣mus limen deorsum. Cum{que} pro cultellis nos diligentissimè scrutati fuissent, & nullatenus in∣uenissent, intrauimus ostium ab Orientali parte: quia nullus ab Occidente, nisi solus imperator, audet intrare. Similiter & Dux ab illa parte ingreditur solus, siest tentorium eius. Minores au∣tem non multum curant de talibus. Tunc ergò primum in eius prae••entia suam intrauimus sta∣tionem, videlicet postquam factus est Imperator ibidem. Omnes quoque nuncij tunc ab eo re∣cepti sunt, sed paucissimi tentorium eius intrauerunt. Ibi verò tanta donaria ab ipsis nuncijs fu∣erunt ei praesentata,* 1.321 quòd quasi videbantur infinita, videlicet in samitis ac purpureis & balda∣kinis ac cingul••s sericis cum auro praeparatis, pellibus etiam nobilibus, ceteris{que} muneribus. Quoddam etiam Solinum, siue tentoriolum, quod super caput Imperatoris portatur, fuit eidem praesentatum, quod totum erat cum gemmis praeparatum. Quidam verò praefectus vnius pro∣uinciae adduxit ei Camelos multos cum Baldakinis tectos. Similiter sellae positae cum instru∣mentis quibusdam erant, in quibus homines interius sedere valebant. Equos etiam multos & mulos adducebant eidem phaleratos & armatos, quosdam quidem de corio, & quosdam de ••erro. Nos etiam requisiti fuimus, an ei munera dare vellemus: sed iam facultas non erat, quo∣niam omnia ferè nostra consumpseramus.* 1.322 Ibidem longè à stationibus super montem erant positi curtus plusquam quingenti, qui omnes auro & argento ac sericis vestibus erant pleni. Cuncti{que} inter imperatorem & Duces diuisi fuerunt, singuli{que} Duces inter homines suos par∣tes suas, vt eis placuit, diuiserunt.

De loco diuisionis Imperatoris & matris suae, & morte Ieroslai, Ducis Russiae.

INde recedentes, venimus ad alium locum, vbi tentorium mirabile, totum de purpura rufa,* 1.323 quod Kitay dederant, erat positum. Illic interius introducti suimus, & semper cùm intraba∣mus nobis dabatur ad bibendum cereuisia vel vinum, & etiam carnes coctae, si volebamus, ad edendum. Erátque solariolum vuum, de tabulis altè praeparatum,* 1.324 vbi thronus Imperato∣ris erat positus, exebore mirabiliter sculptus, in quo etiam erat aurum, & lapides preciosi, si benè meminimus, & illuc ascendebatur per gradus. Erátque rotundum superius. Banci

vero erant positi in circuitu sedis, vbi dominae sedebant à parte sinistra in scamnis, à dextris au∣tem nemo sedebat superius, sed Duces sedebant in Bancis inferius, & hoc in medio. Alij verò ••edebant post cos, & quolibet die veniebat dominarum maxima multitudo. Ista verò tria ten∣toria, de quibus suprà diximus, erant valdè magna, alia{que} habebant vxores eius de filtro albo satis magna & pulchra. Ibidem Imperator diuisus est à matre fua, quae iuit in vnam terrae par∣tem, & Imperator in aliam ad iudicia facienda. Capta siquidem erat amica Imperatoris istius, quae veneno interfecerat patrem eius, eo tempore, quo exercitus eorum in Hungaria fuit. Prop∣ter quod etiam exercitus eorum,* 1.325 qui erat in partibus illis, recessir. De qua cum alijs pluribus factum fuit iudicium, & occisi fuerunt. Eodem tempore mortuus fuit Ierozlaus. Dux magnus Soldal, quae est quaedam Russiae pars. Vocatus enim ad matrem Imperatoris quasi pro honore, vt manducaret ac biberet de manu ipsius, in continenti ad hospitium est reuersus, infirmatus{que} mortuus est post septem dies, totúm que corpus eius miro modo glaucum effectum est, di∣cebatur{que} ab omnibus, quod ibidem, vt terram eius liberè ac plenariè possiderent, fuisset impotionatus.

Qualiter tandem Fratres ad Imperatorem accedentes, literas dederunt & acceperunt. Cap. 31.

* 1.326DEni{que} Tartari nostri nos ad Imperatorem duxerunt: qui cùm audisset per illos, nos ad e∣um venisse, iussit nos ad matrem redire. Volebat enim secundo die, sicut superi••s dictum est, contra totam Occidentis terram vexillum erigere, quod nos volebat ignorare. Itaque reuer∣••i stetimus paucis diebus, & iterum ad ipsum reuersi sumus. Cum quo benè per mensem fui∣mus in tanta fame ac si••i, quòd vix viuere poteramus. Nam expensae, quae nobis pro diebus qua∣tuor dabantur, vix vni sufficiebant. Nec inuenire poteramus aliquid ad emendum, quia fo∣rum erat nimis remotum.* 1.327 Sed Dominus nobis quendam Ruthenum, nomine Cosmam, auri∣fabrum praeparauit, qui satis dilectus Imperatori, nos in aliquo sustentauit. Et hic nobis o∣stendit thronum Imperatoris, quem ipse fecerat, antequam poneretur in sede, & sigillum eius∣dem,* 1.328 quod etiam fabricauerat ipse. Post hoc Imperator pro nobis misit, nobis{que} per Chingay protonotarium suum dici fecit, vt verba nostra & negotia scriberemus, ei{que} porrigeremus. Quod & fecimus. Post plures dies nos iterum vocari fecit, & vtrum essent apud Dominum Pa∣pam, qui Ruthenorum vel Sarracenorum, aut etiam Tartarorum literam intelligerent, inter∣roganit. Cui respondimus, quòd nullam istarum literarum habebamus. Sarraceni tamen erant in terra, sed remoti erant à Domino Papa. Diximus tamen, quia nobis expedire videbatur,* 1.329 quòd in Tartarico scriberent, & nobis interpretarentur, nos autem in litera nostra diligenter scriberemus, & tam literam quàm interpretationem ad Dominum Papam de ferremus. Tunc à nobis recesserunt, & ad Imperatorem iuerunt. Porrò à die Beati Martini fuimus vocati. Tunc Kadae, totius imperij procurator, & Chingay & Bala, plures{que} scriptores ad nos venerunt, no∣bis{que} literam de verbo ad verbum interpretati fuerunt. Et cùm in Latina litera scripsissemus, faciebant sibi per singulas orationes interpretari, volentes scire, si nos in aliquo verbo errare∣mus. Cùm igitur ambae literae fuissent scriptae, fecerunt nos semel ac secundo legere, ne fortè minus aliquid haberemus. Dixerunt enim nobis, videte, quòd omnia benè intelligatis, quia non expediret, quòd non omnia benè intelligeretis. Literas etiam in Sarracenico scripserunt, vt aliquis in partibus nostris inueniri posset, qui eas, si opus esset, legere••.

Qualiter licentiati fuerunt. Cap. 32.

VT autem nobis Tartari nostri dixerunt, proposuit Imperator nuncios suos nobiscum mit∣tere. Volebat tamen, vt credimus, quod nos id ab eo peteremus. Sed cùm vnus de Tarta∣ris nostris, qui senior erat, nos ad hoc petendum hortaretur, nobis quidem, vt venirent, nequa∣quam bonum videbatur. Ideo{que} respondimus ei, quòd non erat nostrum petere,* 1.330 sed si sponte ipse Imperator mitteret eos, libenter eos securè conduceremus, Domino adiuuante. Nobis au∣tem ob plures causas vt venirent, non videbatur expedire. Prima quidem fuit, quia timuimus, ne visis dissentionibus aut guerris, quae fiunt inter nos, magis animarentur ad veniendum con∣tra nos. Secunda fuit, timebamus eos exploratores terrae fieri. Tertia verò, quia timebamus e∣os interfici. Gentes enim nostrae arrogantes sunt & superbae. Vnde quando seruientes, qui ftant nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, legati scilicet Alemanniae, in habitu Tartarico ibant ad ip∣sum, in via ferè lapidati sunt à Teutonicis, & coacti sunt deponere habitum illum. Consuetu∣do autem est Tartarorum, vt cum illis, qui nuncios eorum occiderint, nunquam faciant pacem, nisi sumant de ipsis vltionem. Quarta etiā causa fuit, quia timebamus ne nobis aufen entur vi.

Quinta verò causa erat, quia de aduentu eorum nulla foret vtilitas, cum nullum haberent aliud mandatum vel potestatem, nisi quòd literas Imperatoris ad Dominum Papam & ad Principes deferrent, quas videlicet literas ipsi nos habebamus, & malum ex eorum aduen••u posse con∣tingere credebamus. Ita{que} tertia die post hoc, scilicet in festo beati Briccij nobis dederunt li∣centiam & literam,* 1.331 Imperatoris sigillo munitam, mittentes nos ad ipsius Imperatoris matrem, que vnicui{que} nostrum de dit pelliceum vnum de pellibus vulpinis, quod habebat pilos de fo∣ris, & purpuram vnam. De quibus Tartari nostri furati sunt ex vnaqua{que} vnum passum. De illa quo{que} quae dabatur seruienti, meliorem medietatem sunt furati. Quod nos quidem non igno∣rauimus, sed inde verba mouere noluimus.

Qualiter ab illo itinere redierunt. Cap. 33.

TVnc iter ad reuertendum arripuimus, ac per totam hyemem venimus, iacentes in deser∣tis saepiùs in niue, nisi quantum poteramus nobis cum pede locum facere.* 1.332 Ibi quippe non erantarbores, sed planus campus. Et saepe manè nos inueniebamus totos niue, quam ventus pellebat, coopertos. Sic venientes vs{que} ad Ascensionem Domini peruenimus ad Bathy.* 1.333 A quo cùm inquireremus, quid responderet Domino Papae, dixit se nolle aliud, nisi quod Imperator diligenter scripserat, demandare. Datis{que} nobis de conductu literis, ab eo recessimus, & sabba∣tho infra octauas Pentecoste vs{que} ad Montij peruenimus, vbi erant socij nostri, ac seruientes, qui fuerant retenti, quos ad nos fecimus reduci. Hinc vs{que} Corrensam peruenimus,* 1.334 cui iterum à nobis donaria petenti non dedimus, quia non habebamus. Dedit{que} nobis duos Comanos, qui erant ex Tartarorum plebe, vsque ad Kiouiam Russiae. Tartarus tamen noster non dimisit nos, donec exi••emus vltimam Tartarorum custodiam. Isti verò alij, qui nobis à Corrensa dati sunt, in sex diebus ab vltima custodia vsabque; ad Kiouiam nos duxerunt. Venimus autem illuc an∣te festum Beati Iohannis Baptiste xv. diebus. Porrò Kiouienses aduentum nostrum percipien∣tes,* 1.335 occurrerunt nobis omnes laetanter. Congratulabantur enim nobis, tanquam à morte sus∣citatis. Sic fecerunt nobis per totam Russiam, Poloniam & Bohemiam. Daniel & Wasilico tra∣ter eius festum nobis magnum fecerunt, & nos contra voluntatem nostram bene per octo dies tenucrunt. Medio{que} tempore inter se & cum Episcopis, caeteris{que} probis viris, super his, quaelo∣cuti sueramus eisdem, in processu nostro ad Tartaros consilium habentes, responderunt nobis communiter, dicentes: quòd Dominum Papam habere vellent in specialem Dominum,* 1.336 & in patrem, sanctam quo{que} Romanam Ecclesiam in dominam & magistram, confirmantes etiam omnia, quae priùs de hac materia per Abbatem suum transmiserant. Et super hoc etiam nobis∣cum ad Dominum Papam nuncios suos & literas transmiserunt.

The voyage of Iohannes de Plano Carpini vnto the Northeast parts of the world, in the yeere of our Lord, 1246.

Of the first sending of certaine Friers Predicants and Minorites vnto the Tartars, taken out of the 32. Booke of Vincentius Belaucensis his Speculum Historiale: beginning at the second Chapter.

ABout this time also. Pope Innocentius the fourth sent Frier Ascelline be∣ing o••e of the order of the Praedicants,* 1.337 together with three other Friers (of the same authoritie whereunto they were called) consorted with him out of diuers Couens of their order, with letters Apostolicall vnto the Tartars campe: wherein hee exhorted them to giue ouer their bloudie slaughter of mankinde, and to receiue the Christian faith. And I, in verie deede, re∣ceiued the relations concerning the deedes of the Tartars onelie, (which, according to the congruence of times, I have aboue inserted into this my woorke) from a Fri∣er Minorite, called Simon de Sanct. Quintin, who lately returned from the same voyage.* 1.338 And at that verie time also, there was a certaine other Frier Minorite, namely Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini, sent with certaine associates vnto the Tartars, who likewise (as himselfe witnes∣seth) abode and conuersed with them a yeere and three moneths at the least. For both he & one Frier Benedict a Polonian being of the same order,* 1.339 and a partaker of all his miserie and tribulation, re∣ceiued straight commaundement from the Pope, that both of them shoulde diligently searche out all things that concerned the state of the Tartars. And therefore this Frier Iohn hath writ∣ten a little Historie (which is come to our hands) such things, as with his owne eyes hee sawe

among the Tartars, or which he heard from diuers Christians worthy of credit, remaining there in captiuitie. Out of which historie I thought good by way of conclusion, to insert somewhat for the supply of those things which are wanting in the said Frier Simon.

Of the situation and qualitie of the Tartars land, By Iohannes de Plano Carpini. Chap. 3.

* 1.340THere is towards the East a land which is called Mongal or Tartaria, lying in that part of the worlde which is thought to be most North Easterly. On the East part it hath the countrey of Kythay and of the people called Solangi: on the South part the countrey of the Saracens: on the South east the land of the Huini: and on the West the prouince of Na••mani: but on the North side it is inuironed with the Ocean Sea.* 1.341 In some part thereof it is full of mountaines, and in o∣ther places plaine and smoothe grounde, but euerie where sandie and barren, neither is the hundreth part thereof fruitefull. For it cannot beare fruite vnlesse it be moistened with riuer wa∣ters, which bee verie rare in that countrey. Wherevpon they haue neither villages, nor cities a∣mong them, except one which is called Cracurim, and is said to be a proper towne. We our selues sawe not this towne, but were almost within halfe a dayes iourney thereof, when we remained at Syra Orda,* 1.342 which is the great court of their Emperour. And albeit the foresaid lande is otherwise vnfruitfull, yet is it very commodious for the bringing vp of cattell. In certaine places thereof are some small store of trees growing, but otherwise it is altogether destitute of woods. Therefore the Emperour, and his noble men and all other warme themselues, and dresse their meate with fires made of the doung of oxen, and horses. The ayre also in that countrey is verie intempe∣rate.* 1.343 For in the midst of Sommer there be great thunders and lightnings, by the which many men are slaine, and at the same time there falleth great abundance of snowe. There bee also such mightie tempestes of colde wi••des, that sometimes men are not able to sitte on the horse∣backe. Whereupon, being neere vnto the Orda (for by this name they call the habitatious of their Emperours and noble men)* 1.344 in regarde of the great winde we were constrained to lye greue∣ling on the earth, and could not see by reason of the dust. There is neuer any raine in Winter, but onely in Sommer, albeit in so little quantitie, that sometimes it scarcely sufficeth to allay the dust, or to moysten the rootes of the grasse. There is often times great store of haile also. Insomuch that when the Emperour elect was to be placed in his Emperiall throne (myselfe being then pre∣sent) there fell such abundance of haile, that, vpon the sudden melting thereof, more then 160. persons were drowned in the same place: there were manie tentes and other thinges also caried away. Likewise, in the Sommer season there is on the sudden extreame heate, and suddenly againe intollerable colde.

Of their forme, habite, and maner of liuing. Chap. 4.

* 1.345THe Mongals or Tartars, in outward shape, are vnlike to all other people. For they are broa∣der betweene the eyes, and the balles of their cheekes, then men of other nations bee. They haue flat and small noses, litle eyes, and eye liddes standing streight vpright, they are sha∣uen on the crownes like priests. They weare their haire somewhat longer about their eares, then vpon their foreheads: but behinde they let it growe long like womans haire, whereof they braide two lockes binding eche of them behind either eare. They haue short feet also. The garments,* 1.346 as well of their men, as of their women are all of one fashion. They vse neither cloakes, hattes, nor cappes. But they weare Iackets framed after a strange manner, of buckeram, skarlet, or Baldakines. Their shoubes or gownes are hayrie on the outside, and open behinde,* 1.347 with tailes hanging downe to their hammes. They vse not to washe their garments, neither will in any wise suffer them to bee washed, especially in the time of thunder. Their habitations bee rounde and cunningly made with wickers and staues in manner of a tent.* 1.348 But in the middest of the toppes thereof, they haue a window open to conuey the light in and the smoake out. For their fire is alwayes in the middest. Their walles bee couered with felt. Their doores are made of felte also. Some of these Tabernacles may quickely be taken asunder, and set together againe, and are caried vpon beastes backes. Other some cannot be taken infunder, but are stowed vpon carts. And whithersoeuer they goe, be it either to warre, or to any other place, they transport their tabernacles with them. They are very rich in cattel, as in camels, oxen, sheep, and goats.* 1.349 And I thinke they haue more horses and mares then all the world besides. But they haue no kine nor o∣ther beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, & other of their nobles doe abound with silk, gold, siluer, and precious stones. Their victuals are al things that may be eaten: for we saw some of them eat lice.* 1.350

They drinke milke in great quantitie, but especially mares milke, if they haue it: They seeth Mill also in water, making it so thinne, that they may drinke thereof. Euery one of them drinkes off a cupfull or two in a morning, and sometime they eate nought else all the day long. But in the euening each man hath a little flesh giuen him to eate, and they drinke the broath thereof. Howbeit in summer time, when they haue mares milke enough, they seldome eate flesh, vnles perhaps it be giuen them, or they take some beast or bird in hunting.

Of their manners both good and bad. Chap. 5.

THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie, and partly detestable: For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters,* 1.351 then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world. For they doe highly reuerence them, and will deceiue them, neither in wordes nor deedes. They seldome or neuer fall out among themselues, and, as for fightings or brawlings, wounds or man∣slaughters, they neuer happen among them. There are neither theeues nor robbers of great ri∣ches to be found,* 1.352 and therefore the tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not strengthened with lockes or barres. If any beast goe astray, the finder thereof either lets it goe, or driueth it to them that are put in office for the same purpose, at whose handes the owner of the said beast demaundeth it, and without any difficultie receiueth it againe. One of them honoureth another exceedingly,* 1.353 and bestoweth banquets very familiarly and liberallly, notwithstanding that good victuals are daintie and scarce among them. They are also very hardie, and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner of sustenance, they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their bellies full. In riding, they endure much cold and and extreme heat. There be, in a maner, no contentions among them, and although they vse commonly to be drunken, yet doe they not qua∣rell in their drunkennes. Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth and furthereth him, as much as conueniently he can. Their women are chaste,* 1.354 neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning their dishonestie. Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy and immodest words. But towards other people, the said Tartars be most insolent,* 1.355 and they scorne and set nought by all other noble and and ignoble persons whatsoeuer. For we saw in the Emperours court the great duke of Russia, the kings sonne of Georgia, and many great Soldanes receiuing no due ho∣nour and estimation among them. So that euen the very Tartars assigned to giue attendance vn∣to them, were they neuer so base, would alwaies goe before them, and take the vpper hand of them, yea, and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes. Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature vnto other people, and beyond all measure deceitfull, and treacherous towards them. They speake fayre in the beginning, but in conclusion, they sting like scorpions. For craftie they are, and full of falshood, circumuenting all men whom they are able, by their sleights. Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man, they keepe it wonderfully secrete, so that he may by no meanes prouide for himselfe, nor find a remedie against their conspira∣cies. They are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their drinke, and in other actions. Drunkennes is honourable among them, and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his stomacke can well beare, hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking againe. They are most intollerable exacters, most couetous possessours, and most nigardly giuers. The slaughter of other people is accompted a matter of nothing with them.

Of their lawes and customes. Chap 6.

MOreouer, they haue this law or custome, that whatsoeuer man or woman be manifestly ta∣ken in adultery,* 1.356 they are punished with death. A virgine likewise that hath committed forni∣cation, they stay together with her mate. Whosoeuer be taken in robberie or theft,* 1.357 is put to death without all pitie. Also, if any man disclose their secrets, especially in time of warre,* 1.358 he receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado, layd on by a tall fellow. In like sort when any inferiours offend inought, they finde no fauour at their superiours handes, but are punished with grieuous stripes. They are ioyned in matrimony to all in generall, yea,* 1.359 euen to their neare kins∣folkes except their mother, daughter and sister by the mothers side. For they vse to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely, and also the wife of their father after his decease. The yonger bro∣ther also, or some other of his kindred, is bound to marry the wife of his elder brother deceased.* 1.360 For, at the time of our aboad in the countrey, a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas, was accu∣sed before duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land, and for selling them to o∣thers: and although it could not be prooued, yet was he put to death. His yonger brother and the wife of the party deceased hearing this, came & made their supplication vnto the forenamed duke,

that the dukedome of Russia might not be taken from them. But he commanded the youth to mar∣rie his deceased brothers wife, and the woman also to take him vnto her husband, according to the custome of the Tartars. She answered, that she had rather die, then so haynously transgresse the law. Howbeit, hee deliuered her vnto him, although they both refused as much as they could. Wherefore carying them to bed, they constrained the youth, lamenting and weeping, to lie downe and commit incest with his brothers wife. To be short, after the death of their husbands, the Tar∣tars wiues vse very seldome to marrie the second time, vnlesse perhaps some man takes his bro∣thers wife or his stepmother in mariage. They make no difference betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine, but the father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one: For of late the king of Georgia hauing two sonnes, one lawfully begotten called Melich; but the other Dauid,* 1.361 borne in adulterie, at his death left part of his lande vnto his base sonne. Hereupon Melich (vn∣to whome the kingdome fell by right of his mother, because it was gouerned before time by wo∣men) went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars, Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him. Nowe both of them comming to the court and proffering large giftes, the sonne of the harlot made suite, that he might haue iustice, according to the custome of the Tartars. Well, sentence passed a∣gainst Melich, that Dauid being his elder brother, should haue superioritie ouer him, and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of land granted vnto him by his father. Whensoeuer a Tartar hath many wiues, each one of them hath her family and dwelling place by her selfe. And sometime the Tartar eateth, drinketh and lieth with one, and sometime with another. One is accompted chiefe among the rest, with whom hee is oftener conuersant, then with the other. And notwithstanding (as it hath bin said) they are many, yet do they seldome fal out among themselues.

Of their superstitious traditions. Chap. 7.

* 1.362BUt by reason of certain traditions, which either they or their predecessors haue deuised, they ac∣compt some things indifferent to be faults. One is to thrust a knife into the fire, or any way to touch the fire with a knife, or with their knife to take flesh out of the cauldrō, or to hewe with an hat∣chet neare vnto the fire. For they think by that means to take away the head or force from the fire. Another is to leane vpon the whip, wherewith they beate their horses: for they ride not with spurs. Also, to touch arrowes with a whip, to take or kill yong birds, to strike an horse with y^e raine of their bridle, and to breake one bone against another. Also, to powre out milke, meate, or any kinde of drinke vpon the ground, or to make water within their tabernacle: which whosoeuer doth willing∣ly, he is slaine, but otherwise he must pay a great summe of money to the inchanter to be purified. Who likewise must cause the tabernacle with all things therein, to passe betweene two fiers. Be∣fore it be on this wise purified, no man dare once enter into it, nor conueigh any thing thereout. Be∣sides, if any man hath a morsell giuen him, which he is not able to swallow, and for that cause ca∣steth it out of his mouth, there is an hole made vnder his tabernacle, by which hee is drawen forth and slaine without all compassion. Likewise, whosoeuer ••reads vpon the threshold of any of their dukes tabernacles, he is put to death. Many other things there be, like vnto these, which they take for heinous offences. But to slay men, to inuade the dominions of other people, and to rifle thei•• goods, to transgresse the commaundements and prohibitions of God, are with them no offences at all. They know nothing concerning eternall life, and euerlasting damnation, and yet they thinke, that after death they shall liue in another world, that they shall multiply their cattell, that they shal eate and drinke and doe other things which liuing men performe here vpon earth. At a new moone, or a full moone, they begin all enterprises that they take in hand, and they call the moone the Great Emperour,* 1.363 and worship it vpon their knees. All men that abide in their tabernacles must be pu∣rified with fire: Which purification is on this wise, They kindle two fires, and pitch two Iaue∣lines into the ground neere vnto the said fires, binding a corde to the tops of the Iauelines. And a∣bout the corde they tye certaine iagges of buckram,* 1.364 vnder which corde, and betweene which fires, men, beastes, and tabernacles do passe, There stand two women also, one on the right side, and an∣other on the left casting water, and repeating certaine charmes. If any man be slaine by lightning, all that dwell in the same tabernacle with him must passe by fire in maner aforesaid. For their ta∣bernacles, beds, and cartes, their feltes and garments, and whatsoeuer such things they haue, are touched by no man, yea, and are abandoned by all men as things vncleane. And to bee short, they thinke that all things are to be purged by fire. Therefore, when any ambassadours, princes, or o∣ther personages whatsoeuer come vnto them, they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires to be purified, lest peraduenture they haue practised some witchcraft, or haue brought some poyson or other mischiefe with them.

Of the beginning of their empire or gouern∣ment. Chap. 7.

THe East countrie, whereof wee haue entreated, which is called Mongal, is rep••rted to haue had of olde time foure sortes of people.* 1.365 One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal, that is the great Mongals. The second company was called Sumongal, that is, the Water-Mon∣gals, who called themselues Tartars of a certaine riuer running through their countrey named Tartar. The third was called Merkat, and the fourth Metrit. All these people has one and the same person, attire of body and language, albeit they were diuided by princes and prouinces. In the prouince of Yeka Mongal, there was a certaine man called Chingis.* 1.366 This man became a mighty hunter. For he learned to steale men, & to take them for a pray. He ranged into other coun∣tries taking as many captiues as he could, and ioining them vnto himselfe. Also hee allured the men of his owne countrey vnto him, who followed him as their captaine and ringleader to doe mischiefe. Then began he to make warre vpon the Sumongals or Tartars, and slewe their cap∣taine, and after many conflicts, subdued them vnto himselfe, and brought them all into bondage. Afterward he vsed their helpe to fight against the Merkats, dwelling by the Tartars, whom also hee vanquished in battell. Proceeding from thence, he fought against the Metrites, and conquered them also. The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted,* 1.367 greatly disdeined thereat. For they had a mighty & puissant Emperour, vnto whom all the foresaid nations payed tribute. Whose sonnes, when he was dead, succeeded him in his Empire. Howbeit, being young and foolish, they knew not howe to gouerne the people, but were diuided, and fell at variance among themselues. Now Chingis is being exalted, as is aforesaid, they neuerthelesse inuaded the forenamed countries,* 1.368 put the inhabitants to the sword, and carried away their goods for a pray. Which Chingis ha∣uing intelligence of, gathered all his subiects together. The Naimani also, and the people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselues at a certaine straight valley, where, after a battell foughten they were vanquished by the Mongals. And being thus vanquished, they were, the grea∣ter part of them, slaine; and others, which could not escape, were carried into captiuitie. In the land of the foresayd Karakytayans, Occoday Cham, the sonne of Chingis Cham,* 1.369 after he was created Emperour, built a certaine citie, which he called Chanyl. Neare vnto which citie, on the South side, there is an huge desert, wherein wilde men are certainely reported to inhabite, which cannot speake at all, and are destitute of ioynts in their legges, so that if they fall, they cannot rise alone by themselues. Howbeit, they are of discretion to make feltes of Camels haire, wherewith they clothe themselues, and which they holde against the winde. And if at any time, the Tartars pursuing them, chance to wound them with their arrowes, they put herbes into their wounds, and flye strongly before them.

Of the mutuall victories betweene them, and the people of Kythay. Chap. 9.

BUt the Mongals returning home into their owne countrey, prepared themselues to battell a∣gainst the * 1.370 Kythayans: Which their Emperour hearing, set forward against them with his armie, and they fought a cruell battell, wherein the Mongals were ouercome, and all their nobles in the armie, except seuen, were slaine. And for this cause, when they, purposing to inuade anie region, are threatned by the inhabitants thereof to be slaine, they doe, to this day, answere: in old time also our whole number besides being slaine, we remayned but seuen of vs aliue, and yet not∣withstanding we are now growen vnto a great multitude, thinke not therefore to daunt vs with such brags. But Chingis and the residue that remained aliue, fled home into their countrey: And hauing breathed him a little, he prepared himselfe to warre, and went forth against the people cal∣led Huyri:* 1.371 These men were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. And these also the Mongals ouercame, and receiued letters or learning from them:* 1.372 for before that time they had not the arte of writing, and nowe they call it the hand or letters of the Mongals. Immediately after, hee mar∣ched against the countrey of Saruyur, and of the Karanites, and against the land of Hudirat; all which he vanquished. Then returned he home into his owne countrey, and breathed himselfe. Afterward, assembling his warlike troupes, they marched with one accord against the Kythayans, and waging warre with them a long time, they conquered a great part of their land, and shut vp their Emperour into his greatest citie: which citie they had so long time besieged, that they began to want necessary prouision for their armie. And when they had no victuals to feede vpon, Chin∣gis Cham commaunded his souldiers, that they should eate euery tenth man of the companie.

But th••y of the citie tought manfully against them, with engines, dartes, and arrowes, and when stones wanted they threw siluer, and especially melted siluer:* 1.373 for the same citie abounded with great riches. Also, when the Mongals had fought a long time and could not preuayle by warre, they made a great trench vnderneath the ground from the armie vnto the middest of the citie, and there issuing foorth they fought against the citizens, and the remnant also without the walles fought in like manner. At last, breaking open the gates of the citie, they entred, and putting the Emperour, with many other to the sworde, they tooke possession thereof and con∣ueighed away the golde, siluer, a••d all the riches therein. And hauing appointed certaine depu∣ties ouer the countrey, they returned home into their owne lande. This is the first time, when the Emperour of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chingis Cham obtayned the Empire.* 1.374 But some parte of the countrey, because it lyeth within the sea, they could by no meanes con∣quere vnto this day. The men of Kytay are Pagans, hauing a speciall kinde of writing by themselues,* 1.375 and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of the olde and newe Testament. They haue also recorded in hystories the liues of their forefathers: and they haue Eremites,* 1.376 and certaine houses made after the manner of our Churches, which in those dayes they greatly re∣sorted vnto. They say that they haue diuers Saints also, and they worship one God. They a∣dore and reuerence CHRIST IESVS our Lorde, and beleeue the article of eternall life, but are not baptized. They doe also honourably esteeme and reuerence our Sciptures. They loue Christians, and bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous and gentle people. They haue no beardes, and they agree partly with the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance. In all occupations which men practise, there are not better artificers in the whole worlde.* 1.377 Their countrey is exceeding rich, in corne, wine, golde, silke, and other commodities.

Of their warre against India maior and minor. Chap. 10.

ANd when the Mongals with their emperour Chingis Cham had a while rested themselues after the foresayd victorie, they diuided their armies. For the Emperour sent one of his sonnes named Thossut (whom also they called Can,* 1.378 that is to say, Emperour) with an armie a∣gainst the people of Comania, whom he vanquished with much warre, and afterward returned into his owne country. But he sent his other sonne with an armie against the Indians, who also subdued India minor. These Indians are the blacke Saracens, which are also called AEthiopians. But here the armie marched forward to fight against Christians dwelling in India maior.* 1.379 Which the King of that countrey hearing (who is commonly called Presbiter Iohn) gathered his souldiers together, and came foorth against them. And making mens images of copper, he set each of them vpon a saddle on horsebacke, and put fire within them, and placed a man with a paire of bellowes on the horse backe behinde euery image.* 1.380 And so with many horses and images in such sorte fur∣nished, they marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars. And comming neare vnto the place of the battell, they first of all sent those horses in order one after another. But the men that sate behind laide I wote not what vpon the fire within the images, and blew strongly with their bellowes. Whereupon it came to passe, that the men and the horses were burnt with wilde fire, and the ayre was darkened with smoake. Then the Indians cast dartes vpon the Tartars, of whom many were wounded and slain. And so they expelled them out of their dominions with great con∣fusion, neither did we heare, that euer they returned thither againe.

How being repelled by monstrous men shapen like dogs, they ouercame the people of Burithabeth. Chap. 11.

BUt returning through the deserts, they came into a certaine countrey, wherin (as it was repor∣ted vnto vs in the Emperours court, by certaine clergie men of Russia, and others, who were long time among them, and that by strong and stedfast affirmation) they found certaine monsters resembling women:* 1.381 who being asked by many interpreters, where the men of that land were, they answered, that whatsoeuer women were borne there, were indued with the shape of mankinde, but the males were like vnto dogges. And delaying the time, in that countrey they met with the said dogges on the other side of the riuer. And in the midst of sharpe winter, they cast them∣selues into the water: Afterward they wallowed in the dust vpon the maine land, and so the dust being mingled with water, was frozen to their backes, and hauing often times so done, the ice be∣ing strongly frozen vpon them, with great fury they came to fight against the Tartars. And when the Tartars threwe their dartes, or shot their arrowes among them, they rebounded backe againe.

as if they had ••ighted vpon stones. And the rest o•• their weapons coulde by no meanes hurt them. Howbeit, the Dogges made an assault vpon the Tartars, and wounding some of them with their teeth, and slaying others, at length they draue them out of their countries. And thereupon they haue a Prouerbe of the same matter, as yet rife among them, which they speake in iesting sorte one to another; My father or my brother was slaine of Dogges. The women which they tooke, they brought into their owne countrey, who remayned there till their dying day. And in traueiling homewardes, the sayd armie of the Mongals came vn∣to the lande of Burithabeth (the inhabitants whereof are Pagans) and conquered the people in battell.* 1.382 These people haue a strange or rather a miserable kinde of custome. For when anie mans father deceaseth, he assembleth all his kindred, and they eate him.* 1.383 These men haue no beards at all, for we saw them carie a certaine iron instrument in their hands, wherewith, if any haires growe vpon their chinne, they presently plucke them out. They are also very deformed. From thence the Tartars armie returned to their owne home.

How they had the repulse at the Caspian moun∣taynes, and were driuen backe by men dwelling in caues. Chap. 12.

MOreouer Chingis Cham, at the same time when he sent other armies against the East,* 1.384 hee himselfe marched with a power into the lande of Kergis, which notwithstanding, he con∣quered not in that expeditio••, and as it was reported vnto vs, he went on forward euen to the Cas∣p••an mountaines. But the mountaines on that part where they encamped themselues, were of adamant, and therefore they drew vnto them their arrowes, and weapons of iron. And certaine men contained within those Caspian mountaynes, hearing, as it was thought, the noyse of the armie, made a breath through, so that when the Tartars returned vnto the same place tenne yeeres after, they found the mountaine broken. And attempting to goe vnto them, they could not: for there stood a cloud before them, beyond which they were not able to passe, being depriued of their sight so soone as they approched thereunto. But they on the contrary side thinking that the Tartars durst not come nigh them, gaue the assault, & when they came at the cloud, they could not proceed for the cause aforesaid. Also the Tartars, before they came vnto the said mountaines, passed for the space of a moneth and more, through a vast wildernes, & departing thence towards the East, they were aboue a moneth traueiling through another huge desert. At length, they came vnto a land wherin they saw beaten waies, but could not find any people. Howbeit, at the last, diligently seeking, they found a man & his wife, whom they presented before Chingis Cham: and demanding of them where the people of that countrey were, they answered, that the people inhabited vnder the ground in mountains. Then Chingis Cham keeping still the woman, sent her husband vnto thē, giuing thē charge to come at his command. And going vnto them, he declared all things that Chingis Cham had commanded them. But they answered, that they would vpon such a day visite him, to satisfie his desire. And in the meane season, by blinde & hidden passages vnder the earth, assembling them∣selues, they came against the Tartars in warlike manner, and suddenly issuing forth, they slewe a great number of them. This people were not able to endure the terrible noise, which in that place the Sunne made at his vprising:* 1.385 for at the time of the Sunne rising, they were inforced to lay one eate vpon the ground, and to stoppe the other close, least they should heare that dreadfull sound. Neither could they so escape, for by this meanes many of them were destroyed. Chingis Cham therefore and his company, seeing that they preuailed not, but continually lost some of their num∣ber, fled and departed out of that land. But the man and his wife aforesaid they caried along with them, who all their life time continued in the Tartars countrey. Being demaunded why the men of their countrey doe inhabite vnder the ground, they sayd, that at a certeine time of the yeare, when the sunne riseth, there is such an huge noyse, that the people cannot endure it. Moreouer, they vse to play vpon cymbals, drums, and other musicall instruments, to the ende they may not heare that sounde.

Of the statutes of Chingis Cham, of his death, of his sonnes, and of his dukes. Chap. 13.

BUt as Chingis Cham returned out of that countrey, his people wanted victuals, & suffered ex∣treme famin. Then by chance they found y^e fresh intrails of a beast: which they tooke, & casting away the dung therof, caused it to be sodden, brought it before Chingis Cham, & did eat therof.* 1.386 And hereupon Chingis Cham enacted; that neither the blood, nor the intrails, nor any other part of a

beast which might be eaten, should be cast away, saue onely the dunge. Wherefore he returned thence into his owne land, and there he ordayned lawes and statutes,* 1.387 which the Tartars doe most strictly and inuiolably obserue, of the which we haue before spoken. He was afterward slaine by a thunder clap. He had foure sonnes:* 1.388 the first was called Occoday, the second Thossut Can, the third Thiaday: the name of the fourth is vnknowen. From these foure descended all the dukes of the Mongals.* 1.389 The first sonne of Occoday is Cuyne, who is now Emperour: his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen. The sonnes of Thossut Can are Bathy, Ordu, Siba, and Bora. Bathy, next vnto the Emperour, is richer and mightier then all the rest. But Ordu is the seignior of all the dukes. The sonnes of Thiaday be Hurin and Cadan. The sonnes of Chingis Cham his other sonne, whose name is vnknowen, are Mengu, Bithar, and certaine others. The mother of Mengu was named Seroctan, and of all others most honoured among the Tartars,* 1.390 except the Emperors mother, and mightier then any subiect except Bathy. These be the names of the dukes: Ordu, who was in Poland and in Hungarie: Bathy also & Hurin & Cadan, and Siban, and Ouygat, all which were in Hungarie. In like maner Cyrpodan, who is as yet beyond the sea, making war against certaine Soldans of the Saracens, and other inhabitants of farre countries. Others remained in the land, as namely Mengu, Chyrinen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Cor∣rensa. There be many other of their dukes, whose names are vnknowen vnto vs.

Of the authoritie of the Emperour, and of his dukes. Chap. 14.

* 1.391MOreouer, the Emperour of the Tartars hath a wonderfull dominion ouer all his subiects. For no man dare abide in any place, vnles he hath assigned him to be there. Also he himselfe appointeth to his dukes where they should inhabite. Likewise the dukes assigne places vnto eue∣ry Millenarie, or conducter of a thousand souldiers, the Millenaries vnto each captaine of an 100. the captaines vnto euery corporall of ten. Whatsoeuer is giuen them in charge, whensoeuer, or wheresoeuer, be it to fight or to lose their liues, or howsoeuer it be, they obey without any gainsay∣ing. For if he demandeth any mans daughter, or sister being a virgine, they presently deliuer her vnto him without all contradiction: yea, oftentimes he makes a collection of virgines throughout all the Tartars dominions, and those whom he meanes to keepe, he retaineth vnto himselfe, others he bestoweth vpon his men. Also, whatsoeuer messenger he sendeth, or whithersoeuer, his subiects must without delay finde them horses and other necessaries. In like sorte, from what countrey soeuer tribute payers, or ambassadours come vnto him, they must haue horses, carriages, and ex∣penses allowed them. Notwithstanding ambassadours comming from other places do suffer great misery, and are in much wante both of victuals, and of apparel: especially when they come to any of the dukes, and there they are constrayned to make some lingering abode. Then ten men are al∣lowed so little sustenance, that scarcely two could liue thereof.* 1.392 Likewise, if any iniuries be offe∣red them, they cannot without danger make complaint. Many gifts also are demaunded of them, both by dukes and others, which if they doe not bestow, they are basely esteemed, and set at nought. And hereupon, wee were of necessitie enforced to bestowe in giftes a great part of those things which were giuen vs by well disposed people, to defray our charges. To be short, all things are so in the power and possession of the Emperour, that no man dare say, This is mine, or, this is my neighbours; but all, both goods, cattell and men are his owne. Concerning this matter also he published a statute of late. The very same authority and iurisdiction, doe the dukes in like sorte exercise vpon their subiects.

Of the election of Emperour Occoday, and of the expedition of duke Bathy. Chap. 15.

* 1.393AFter the death of Chingis Cham aforesayd, the dukes assembled themselues and those Oc∣coday his sonne to be their Emperour. And he, entering into consultation with his nobles, diuided his armies, and sent duke Bathy his nephew against the countrie of Altisoldan,* 1.394 and against the people called Bisermini, who were Saracens, but spake the language of Comania. The Tartars inuading their countrey, fought with them and subdued them in battel.* 1.395 But a certeine citie called Barchin resisted them a long time. For the citizens had cast vp many ditches and trenches about their citie, in regard whereof the Tartars could not take it, till they had fil∣led the said ditches. But the citizens of Sarguit hearing this, came foorth to meete them, yeel∣ding themselues vnto them of their owne accord. Whereupon their citie was not destroyed, but they slue manie of them and others they carried away captiue, and taking spoyles, they filled

the citie with other inhabitants, and so marched foorth against the citie of Orna.* 1.396 This towne was very populous and exceeding rich. For there were many Christians therein, as namely Ga∣sarians, Russians, and Alanians, with others, and Saracens also. The gouernment of the citie was in the Saracens hande. It standeth vpon a mighty riuer, and is a kinde of porte towne, ha∣uing a great marte exercised therein. And when the Tartars could not otherwise ouercome it, they turned the said riuer, running through the citie, out of his chanell, and so drowned the ci∣tie with the inhabitantes and their goods. Which being done, they set forward against Russia, and made foule hauocke there, destroying cities and castles and murthering the people. They layd siege a long while vnto Kiow the chiefe citie of Russia, and at length they tooke it and slue the citizens. Whereupon, traueiling through that countrey, wee found an innumerable multi∣tude of dead mens skulles and bones lying vpon the earth. For it was a very large and a popu∣lous citie, but it is nowe in a maner brought to nothing: for there doe scarce remaine 200. hou∣ses, the inhabitants whereof are kept in extreame bondage. Moreouer, out of Russia and Co∣mania, they proceeded forward against the Hungarians, and the Polonians, and there manie of them were slaine, as is aforesaid: and had the Hungarians manfully withstood them, the Tartars had beene confounded and driuen backe. Returning from thence, they inuaded the countrey of the Morduans being pagans, and conquered them in battell.* 1.397 Then they marched against the peo∣ple called Byleri, or Bulgaria magna••,* 1.398 & vtterly wasted the countrey. From hence they proceeded towards the North against the people called Bastarci or Hungaria magna,* 1.399 and conquered them also. And so going on further North, they came vnto the Parossitae,* 1.400 who hauing little stomacks and small mouthes, eate not any thing at all, but seething flesh they stand or sitte ouer the potte, and receiuing the steame or smoke thereof, are therewith onely nourished, and if they eate anie thing it is very little. From hence they came to the Samogete,* 1.401 who liue onely vpon hunting, and vse to dwell in tabernacles onely, and to weare garments made of beastes skinnes. From thence they proceeded vnto a countrey lying vpon the Ocean sea,* 1.402 where they found ce••taine monsters, who in all things resembled the shape of men, sauing that their feete were like the feete of an oxe, and they had in deede mens heads but dogges faces.* 1.403 They spake, as it were, two words like men, but at the third they barked like dogges. From h••nce they retired into Comania, and there some of them remaine vnto this day.

Of the expedition of duke Cyrpodan. Chap. 16.

AT the same time Occoday Can sent duke Cyrpodan with an armie against Kergis,* 1.404 who al∣so subdued them in battell. These men are Pagans, hauing no beardes at all. They haue a custome when any of their fathers die, for griefe and in token of lamentation to drawe as it were, a leather thong ouerthwart their faces, from one eare to the other. This nation being conquered, duke Cyrpodan marched with his forces Southward against the Armenians. And trauailing through certain desert places, they found monsters in the shape of men, which had each of them but one arme & one hand growing out of the midst of their breast, and but one foote. Two of them vsed to shoote in one bowe, and they ran so swiftly, that horses could not ouertake them. They ran also vpon that one foote by hopping and leaping, and being weary of such walking, they went vpon their hand and their foote, turning themselues round, as it were in a circle. And being wearie of so doing, they ran againe according to their wonted manner. Isidore calleth them Cyclopedes.* 1.405 And as it was told vs in court, by the clergie men of Russia, who remaine with the foresayd Em∣perour, many ambassadours were sent from them vnto the Emperours court, to obtaine peace. From thence they proceeded forth into Armenia, which they conquered in battell, and part also of Georgia.* 1.406 And the other part is vnder their iurisdiction, paying as yet euery yeare vnto them for tribute, 20000. pieces of coyne called Yperpera. From thence they marched into the dominions of the puissant and mighty Soldan called Deurum, whom also they vanquished in fight. And to be short, they went on farther sacking and conquering, euen vnto the Soldan of Aleppo his domi∣nions,* 1.407 and now they haue subdued that land also, determining to inuade other countries beyond it: neither returned they afterward into their owne land vnto this day. Likewise the same armie marched forward against the Caliph of Baldach his countrey,* 1.408 which they subdued also, & exacted at his handes the daylie tribute 400. Byzantines, besides Baldakines and other giftes. Also e∣uery yeare they send messengers vnto the Caliph mouing him to come vnto them. Who sending back great gifts together with his tribute beseecheth thē to be fauourable vnto him. Howbeit the Tartarian Emperour receiueth al his gifts, & yet still neuertheles sends for him, to haue him come.

How the Tartars behaue themselues in warre. Chap. 17.

* 1.409CHingis Cham diuided his Tartars by captaines of ten, captaines of an 100. and captaines of a 1000. And ouer ten Millenaries or captains of a 1000, he placed, as it were, one Colonel, and yet notwithstanding ouer one whole armie he authorised two or three dukes, but yet so that all should haue especiall regard vnto one of the said dukes. And when they ioine battel against any o∣ther nation, vnles they do all with one consent giue backe, euery man that flies is put to death. And if one or two, or more of ten proceed manfully to the battel, but the residue of those ten draw backe & follow not the company, they are in like maner slaine. Also, if one among ten or more bee taken•• their fellowes, if they rescue thē not, are punished with death. Moreouer they are enioined to haue these weapons following.* 1.410 Two long bowes or one good one at the least, three quiuers full of ar∣rowes, & one axe, and ropes to draw engines withal. But the richer sort haue single edged swords, with sharpe points, and somewhat crooked. They haue also armed horses with their shoulders and breasts defenced, they haue helmets and brigandines. Some of them haue iackes, and caparisons for their horses made of leather artificially doubled or trebled vpon their bodies. The vpper part of their helmet is of iron or steele, but that part which compasseth about the necke and the throate is of leather. Howbeit some of them haue all their foresaide furniture of iron framed in maner fol∣lowing. They beate out many thinne plates a finger broad, and a handful long, and making in eue∣ry one of them eight little holes, they put thereunto three strong and streight leather thongs. So they ioine the plates one to another, as it were, ascending by degrees. Then they tie the plates vn∣to the said thongs, with other small and slender thongs, drawen through the holes aforesayd, and in the vpper part, on each side therof, they fasten one small doubled thong vnto another, that the plates may firmely be knit together. These they make, as well for their horses caparisons, as for the ar∣mour of their men: And they skowr•• them so bright that a man may behold his face in them. Some of them vpon the necke of their launce haue an hooke, wherewithall they attempt to pull men out of their saddles. The heads of their arrowes are exceedingly sharpe cutting both wayes like a two edged sworde, and they alwaies carie a file in their quiuers to whet their arrowheads. They haue targets made of wickers, or of small roddes. Howbeit they doe not (as we suppose) accu∣stome to carrie them,* 1.411 but onely about the tents, or in the Emperours or dukes guardes, & that only in the night season. They are most politique in warres, hauing bene exercised therein with other nations for the space of these 42. yeres. When they come at any riuers, the chiefe men of the com∣pany haue a round and light piece of leather,* 1.412 about the borders whereof making many loopes, they put a rope into them to drawe it together like a purse, and so bring it into the rounde forme of a ball, which leather they fill with th••ir garments and other necessaries, trussing it vp most strong∣ly. But vpon the midst of the vpper parte thereof, they lay their saddles and other hard things, there also doe the men themselues sit. This their boate they tye vnto an horse tayle, causing a man to swimme before, & to guide ouer the horse, or sometime they haue two oares to row them∣selues ouer. The first horse therefore being driuen into the water, all the other horses of the com∣pany followe him, and so they passe through the riuer. But the poorer sort of common souldiers haue euery man his leather bag or sachell well sowen together, wherin he packs vp all his trinkets, and strongly trussing it vp hangs it at his horses tayle, and so passeth ouer, in maner aforesaid.

Howe they may be resisted. Chap. 18.

I Deeme not any one kingdome or prouince able to resist them: because they vse to take vp souldiers out of euery countrey of their dominions. And if so be the neighbour prouince which they inuade, wil not aide them, vtterly wasting it, with the inhabitants therof, whom they take from thence with them, they proceed on to fight against another countrey. And placing their captiues in the forefront of the battell, if they fight not couragiously, they put them to the sworde.* 1.413 Where∣fore, if Christians would withstande them, it is expedient, that the prouinces and gouernours of countreies should agree in one, and so by common counsell, should giue them resistance. Their souldiers also must be furnished with strong hand-bowes & cros-bowes, which they greatly dread, & with sufficiēt arrowes, with maces also of good iron, or an axe with a long handle or staffe. When they make their arrow heads,* 1.414 they must (according to y^e Tartars custome) dip thē red-hot into water mingled with salte, that they may be strong to pierce the enemies armour. They that wil may haue swords also & lances with hooks at the ends, to pull thē from their saddles, out of which they are ea∣silie remoued. They must haue helmets likewise & other armour to defend thēselues & their horses frō the Tartars weapons & arrowes, & they that are vnarmed, must (according to y^e Tartars custome)

match behinde their fellowes, and discharge at the enemie with long bowes and cros-bowes. And (as it is aboue said of the Tartars) they must orderly dispose their bandes and troupes, and ord••ine lawes for their souldiers. Whosoeuer runneth to the pray or spoyle, before the victorie be atchie∣ued, must vndergoe a most seuere punishment. For such a fellow is put to death among the Tartars without all pitie or mercie. The place of battel must be chosen, if it be possible, in a plaine fielde, where they may see round about, neither must all be in one company, but in manie and seuerall bandes, not very farre distant one from another. They which giue the first en••ounter must sende one band before, and must haue another in a readynesse to relieue and second the former in time conuenient. They must haue spies also on euery side to giue them notice when the rest of the ene∣mies bandes approch. For therefore ought they alwayes to s••nd forth band against band & troupe against troupe, because the Tartar euer practiseth to gette his enemie in the midst and so to enuiron him. Let our bands take this caueat also, if the enemie retire, not to make any long pursuit after him, lest peraduenture (according to his custome) he might draw them into some secret ambush: for the Tartar ••ights more by policie then by maine force. And againe, lest our horses bee tired: for we are not so well stor••d with horses as they. Those horses which the Tartars vse one day, th••y ride not vpon three or foure dayes after. Moreouer, if the Tartars draw homeward, our men must not therefore depart and casseir their bandes, or separate themselues asunder: because they doe this vpon policie, namely to haue our armie diuided, that they may more securely inuade and waste the countrey. And in very deede, our captaines ought both day and night to keepe their armie in a readines: and not to lie out of their armour, but at all assayes, to bee prouided for battell. For the Tartars like diuels are alwaies watching and deuising howe to practise mischiefe. Further∣more, if in battell any of the Tartars be cast off their horse backes, they must presently bee layd holde on and taken, for being on foote they shoote strongly, wounding and killing both horses and men.

Of the iourney of frier * 1.415 Iohn vnto the first guard of the Tartars. Chap. 19.

VVE therefore by the commaundement of the sea apostolique setting foorth towards the na∣tions of the East, chose first to trauel vnto the Tartars, because we feared that there might be great danger imminent vpon the Church of God next vnto them, by their inuasions.* 1.416 Procee∣ding on therefore, we came to the king of Bohemia, who being of our familiar acquaintance, ad∣uised vs to take our iourney through Polonia and Russia. For we had kinsfolkes in Polonia, by whose assistance, we might enter into Russia. Hauing giuen vs his letters, hee caused our charges also to be defrayed, in all his chiefe houses and cities, till we came vnto his nephew Boleslaus duke of Slesia,* 1.417 who also was familiar and well knowen vnto vs. The like fauour he shewed vs also, till wee came vuto Conradus duke of * 1.418 Lautiscia, vnto whome then (by Gods especiall fauour to∣wards vs) lord Wasilico duke of Russia was come, from whose mouth we heard more at large c••̄∣cerning the deedes of the Tartars: for he had sent ambassadours thither, who were returned backe vnto him. Wherefore, it being giuen vs to vnderstand, that we must bestow giftes vpon them, we caused certaine skinnes of beuers and other beastes to be bought with part of that money, which was giuen vpon almes to succour vs by the way. Which thing duke Conradus and the * 1.419duches of Cracow, and a bishop, and certaine souldiers being aduertised of, gaue vs likewise more of the same skins. And to be short, duke Wasilico being earnestly requested by the duke of Cracow, and by the bishop and barons, on our behalfe, conducted vs with him, vnto his owne land, and there for certaine daies, entertained vs at his owne charges, to the ende that we might refresh our selues a while. And when, being requested by vs, he had caused his bishops to resort vnto him, we reade be∣fore them the Popes letters, admonishing them to returne vnto the vnitie of the Church. To the same purpose also, we our selues admonished them, and to our abilitie, induced as well the duke as the bishops and others thereunto. Howbeit because duke Daniel the brother of Wasilico aforesaid (hauing as then taken his iourney vnto Baty) was absent,* 1.420 they could not at that time, make a finall answere. After these things duke Wasilico sent vs forward with one of his seruants as farre as Kiow the chiefe citie of Russia. Howbeit we went alwayes in danger of our liues by reason of the Lituanians, who did often inuade y^e borders of Russia, euen in those verie places by which we were to passe. But in regard of the foresayd seruant, wee were out of the Russians daunger,* 1.421 the greatest part of whome were either slaine, or caried into captiuitie by the Tartars. Moreouer, at Danilon wee were feeble euen vnto the death. (Notwithstanding wee caused our selues to bee carried in a waggon through the snowe and extreme colde) And being come vnto Kiow, wee consul∣ted with the Millenary, & other noble men there concerning our iourney. They told vs, that if wee

carried those horses, which wee then had, vnto the Tartars, great store of snowe lying vpon the ground, they would all dye: be cause they knew not howe to digge vp the grasse vnder the snow, as the Tartarian horses doe,* 1.422 neither could there bee ought found for them to eate, the Tartars ha∣uing neither hay nor strawe, nor any other fodder. We determined therefore to leaue them behind at Kiow with two seruants appointed to keepe them. And wee were constrayned to bestow gifts vpon the Millenary, that we might obtaine his fauour to allowe vs poste horses and a guide. Wherefore beginning our iourney the second daye after the feast of the Purification, wee arri∣ued at the towne of Canow, which was immediatly vnder the dominion of the Tartars. The gouernour whereof allowed vs horses and a guide vnto another towne, wherein wee found one Michaeas to be gouernour,* 1.423 a man full of all malice and despight. Who notwithstanding, hauing receiued giftes at our handes, according to his maner conducted vs to the first guarde of the Tartars.

How he and his company were at the first recei∣ued of the Tartars. Chap. 20.

VVHerefore, the first saturday next after Ashwednesday, hauing about the Sunnes going downe, taken vp our place of rest, the armed Tartars came rushing vpon vs in vnciuil and horrible maner, being very inquisitiue of vs what maner of persons, or of what condition we were: & when we had answered them that we were the Popes Legates, receiuing some victuals at out handes, they immediatly departed. Moreouer in the morning rising and proceeding on our iourney, the chiefe of them which were in the guard met with vs, demaunding why, or for what intent and purpose we came thither? and what busines we had with them? Unto whom we answered, We are the legates of our lord the Pope, who is the father & lord of the Christians. He hath sent vs as well vnto your Emperour,* 1.424 as to your princes, and all other Tartars for this purpose, because it is his pleasure, that all Christians should be in league with the Tartars, and should haue peace with them. It is his desire also that they should become great or in fauour with God in heauen, therfore he admonisheth them aswel by vs, as by his own letters, to become Christians, and to embrace the faith of our Lord Iesu Christ, because they could not otherwise be saued. Moreouer, he giues thē to vnderstand, that he much marueileth at their mōstrous slaughters & massacres of mankind, & espe∣cially of Christians, but most of al of Hungariās, Mountaineirs, & Polonians, being al his subiects, hauing not iniuried them in ought, nor attempted to doe them iniurie. And because the Lord God is grieuously offended thereat, he aduiseth them from henceforth to beware of such dealing, & to re∣pent them of that which they had done. He requesteth also, that they would write an answere vn∣to him, what they purpose to doe hereafter, and what their intention is. All which things being heard and vnderstood, the Tartars sayd that they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa.* 1.425 And immediately demanding gifts at our hands, they obtained them. Then receiuing the same horses, from which they dismounted, together with a guide wee tooke our iourney vnto Corrensa.* 1.426 But they riding a swift pace, sent a messenger before vnto the sayd duke Corrensa, to signifie the message, which we had deliuered vnto them. This duke is gouernour of all them, which lie in guard against the natiōs of the West, least some enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpon them. And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him.

How they were receiued at the court of Corrensa. Chap. 21.

* 1.427BEing come therefore vnto his court, hee caused our tent to bee placed farre from him, and sent his agents to demaund of vs with what we would incline vnto him, that is to say, what giftes we would offer, in doing our obeisance vnto him. Unto whome wee answered, that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at all, because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to come at them: for we passed through most dangerous places. Notwithstanding, to our abilitie, we will honour him with some part of those things, which haue bene, by the goodnes of God, & the fauour of the Pope, bestowed vpō vs for our sustenance. Hauing receiued our gifts, they conducted vs vnto the Orda or tent of the duke, & we were instructed to bow thrise with our left knee before the doore of the tente, and in any case to beware, lest wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore. And that after we were entred, wee should rehearse before the duke and all his nobles, the same wordes, which wee had before sayde, kneeling vpon our knees. Then presented wee the letters of our lord the Pope: but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them, neither was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose. Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for

vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy. This Bathy is the mightie•••• prince among them except the Emperour, & they are bound to obey him before all other princes.* 1.428 We be∣gan our iourney towards his court the first tuesday in Lent, and riding as fast as our horses could trot (for we had fresh horses almost thrise or foure times a day) we posted from morning till night, yea very often in the night season also, and yet could we not come at him before Maundie thursday. All this iourney we went through the land of Comania, which is al plaine ground, and hath foure mighty riuers running through it: The first is called ‡ 1.429Neper, on the side whereof towards Russia, duke Corrensa & Montij marched vp and downe, which Montij on t••e other side vpon the plaines is greater then he. The second is called ‡ 1.430Don, vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in mariage the sister of Baty, his name is Tirbon. The third is called ‡ 1.431 Volga, which is an exceeding great riuer, vpon the bankes whereof duke Bathy marcheth. The fourth is called ‡ 1.432Iaec, vpon which two Millenaries doe march, on each side of the riuer one. All these, in the winter time, descend down to the sea, & in summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to the moun∣tains. The sea last named is the‖ 1.433Great sea, out of which the arme of S. George proceedeth, which runneth by Constantinople. These riuers do abound with plenty of fi••hes, but especially Volga, & they exonerate thēselues into the Grecian sea, which is called Mare maior. Ouer Neper we went many daies vpon the ice. Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places, & that for many daies together. For about the shore the waters are frozen three leagues into the sea. But before we came vnto Bathy, two of our Tartars rode afore, to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa.

How we were receiued at the court of the great prince Bathy. Chap. 22.

MOreouer, when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania, we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles. And when we should be conducted vnto his court, it was tolde vs that we must passe between two fires. But we would by no means be induced thereunto.* 1.434 How∣beit, they said vnto vs: you may passe through without al danger: for we would haue you to doe it for none other cause, but only that if you intend any mischiefe against our lord, or bring any poyson with you, fire may take away all euill. Unto whom we answered, that to the end we might cleare ourselues from all suspition of any such matter, we were contented to passe through. When there∣fore we were come vnto the Orda, being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would do our obeisance?* 1.435 Wee gaue the same answere which we did at the court of Corrensa. The gifts being giuen and receiued, the causes of our iourney also being heard, they brought vs in∣to the tabernacle of the prince, first bowing our selues at the doore, & being admonished, as before, not to tread vpon the threshold. And being entred, we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees,* 1.436 & deliuered him our letters, and requested him to haue interpreters to translate them. Who accor∣dingly on good friday were sent vnto vs, and we together with them, diligently translated our sayd letters into the Russian, Tartarian, and Saracen languages. This interpretation was presented vn∣to Bathy, which he read, & attentiuely noted. At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne lodging, howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs, except it were once a litle Millet in a dich, the first night of our comming. This Bathy caries himselfe very stately & magnificently,* 1.437 hauing porters and all officers after the maner of the Emperour, and sittes in a lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues. The rest, namely, as well his brethren and sonnes, as other great personages sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench, and others sit downe vpon the ground, be∣hinde him, but the men on the right hand and the women on the left. He hath very faire and large tentes of linnen cloth also, which were once the kings of Hungaria. Neither dare any man come into his tent (besides them of his owne family) vnles he be called, be he neuer so mighty and great, except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure. Wee also, for the same cause, sate on the left hand; for so doe all ambassadors in going: but in returning from the Emperour, we were alwaies placed on the right hand. In the middest stands his table, neare vnto the doore of the tent, vpon the which there is drinke filled in golden and siluer vessels. Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke, nor any other of the Tartarian princes, especially being in a publique place,* 1.438 but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them. And alwaies, when hee rides, there is a canopie or small tent caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline. And so doe all the great princes of the Tartars, & their wiues also. The sayd Bathy is courteous euough vnto his owne men, and yet is hee had in great awe by them: he is most cruel in fight: he is exceedingly prudent and politique in warre, because he hath now continued a long time in martiall affaires.

How departing from Bathy, they passed through the land of Comania, and of the Kangittae. Chap. 23.

MOreouer, vpon Easter euen we were called vnto the tent, and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of Bathy, saying on his masters behalfe, that we should go into their land, vnto the Emperor Cuyne, deteining certaine of our company with this pretence, that they would send them backe vnto the Pope, to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto him. But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid, there they were kept vntill our returne. Upon Easter day,* 1.439 hauing said our praiers, and taken a slender breakfast, in the company of two Tartars, which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa we departed with many teares, not knowing whether we went to death or to life. And we were so feeble in bodie, that we were scarce able to ride. For all that Lent through, our meat was Millet onely with a little water and salte. And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes. Neither had we ought to drinke, but snowe melted in a skillet. And pas∣sing through Comania we rode most earnestly, hauing change of horses fiue times or oftener in a day, except when we went through deserts, for then we were allowed better and stronger horses, which could vndergoe the whole labour. And thus farre had we trauailed from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes after Easter. The land of Comania on the North side immediately after Russia hath the people called Morduyni Byleri,* 1.440 that is, Bulgaria magna, the Bastarci, that is, Hungaria magna, next vnto the Bastarci, the Parositae and the Samogetae. Next vnto the Samo∣getae are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces,* 1.441 inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean. On the South side it hath the Alani, the Circassi, the Gazari, Greece and Constantinople; also the land of Iberia, the Cathes, the Brutaches who are said to be Iewes shauing their heads all ouer, the landes also of Scythia, of Georgia, of Armenia, of Turkie. On the West side it hath Hungaria, and Russia. Also Comania is a most large and long countrey. The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the Tartars slewe, some notwithstanding fled from them, and the rest were subdued vnder their bondage. But most of them that fled are returned againe. Afterward wee entred the lande of the Kangit••ae,* 1.442 which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters, wher∣in there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd defect of water. For this cause diuers of the seruants of Ieroslaus duke of Russia,* 1.443 as they were traueiling towards him into the land of Tartaria, died for thirst, in that desert. As before in Comania, so likewise in this countrey, wee found many skulles and bones of dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill. Through this countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntill Ascension day. The inhabitants therof were Pagans, and neither they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground, but liued onely vpon cattell, neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents. These men also haue the Tartars rooted out, and doe possesse and inhabite their countrey, howbeit, those that remai∣ned are reduced into their bondage.

How they came vnto the first court of the new Emperour. Chap. 24.

MOreouer, out of the land of the Kangittae, we entered into the countrey of y^e Bisermini,* 1.444 who speake the language of Comania, but obserue the law of the Saracens. In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles ruined, & many towns left desolate. The lord of this country was called Soldan Alt••,* 1.445 who with al his progenie, was destroyed by the Tartars. This country hath most huge mountains. On the South side it hath Ierusalem and Baldach, and all the whole coun∣trey of the Saracens. In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars, namely, Burin and Cadan,* 1.446 the sonnes of Thyaday, who was the sonne of Chingis Can. On the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans, and the Ocean. In the same countrie Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth.* 1.447 Through this countrie we were traueiling from the feast of Ascension,* 1.448 vntil eight daies before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist. And then we en∣tred into the land of the blacke Kythayans,* 1.449 in which the Emperour built an house, where we were called in to drinke. Also the Emperours deputy in that place caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce before vs. Departing from hence, wee founde a certaine small sea, vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine.* 1.450 In which mountaine is reported to be a hole, from whence, in winter time such vehement tempests of winds doe issue, that traueilers can scarcely, and with great danger passe by the same way. In summer time, the noise in deede of the winde is heard there, but it proceedeth gently out of the hole. Along the shores of the foresaid sea we trauailed for the space of many dayes,* 1.451 which although it bee not very great, yet hath it many islandes, and wee passed by leauing it on our left hande. In this lande dwelleth Ordu,* 1.452 whome wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian dukes. And it is the Orda or court of his faher which hee inhabiteth, and one of his wiues beareth rule there.

For it is a custome among the Tartars, that the Courts o•• Princes or o•• noble men are not dissol∣ued, but alwayes some women are appointed to keepe and gouerne them, vpon whom certain gifts are bestowed, in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords. And so at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour,* 1.453 wherein one of his wiues dwelt.

Howe they came vnto Cuyne himselfe, who was forth∣with to be chosen Emperour. Chap. 25.

BUt because we had not as yet seene the Emperour, they would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda, but caused good attendance and entertainement, after the Tartars fashion, to be gi∣uen vnto vs in our owne tent, and they caused vs to stay there, and to refresh our selues with them one day. Departing thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, wee entered into the land of the Naymani,* 1.454 who are Pagans. But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles, there fel a mightie snowe in that place, and wee had extreame colde weather. This lande is full of mountaines, and colde beyonde measure, and there is little plaine ground to bee seene. These two nations last mentioned vsed not to till their grounde, but, like vnto the Tartars, dwelt in cents, which the sayde Tartars had destroyed. Through this countrey wee were trauailing ma∣nie dayes. Then entered wee into the lande of the Mongals, whome wee call Tartars. Through the Tartars lande wee continued our trauaile (as wee suppose) for the space of some three weekes, riding alwayes hastily and with speede,* 1.455 and vpon the day of Marie Magdalene we arriued at the court of Cuyne the Emperour elect. But therefore did we make great haste all this way, because our Tartarian guides were straightly commaunded to bring vs vnto the court Im∣periall with all speede, which court hath beene these many yeeres, ordained for the election of the Emperour. Wherefore rising earely, wee trauailed vntill night without eating of any thing, and oftentimes wee came so late vnto our lodging, that we had no time to eate the same night, but that which we should haue eaten ouer night, was giuen vs in the morning. And often changing our horses, wee spared no Horse-fleshe, but rode swiftly and without intermission, as fast as our horses could trot.

How Cuyne enterteined the Minorite Friers. Chap. 26.

BUt when wee were come vnto the court of Cuyne,* 1.456 hee caused (after the Tartars manner) a Tent and all expenses necessarie to bee prouided for vs. And his people entreated vs with more regarde and courtesie, then they did anie other Ambassadours. Howbeeit wee were not cal∣led before his presence, because hee was not as yet elected, nor admitted vnto his empire. Not∣withstanding, the interpretation of the Popes letters, and the message which we deliuered, were sent vnto him by the foresaid Bathy. And hauing stayed there fiue or sixe dayes, hee sent vs vnto his mother, vnder whome there was mainteyned a verie solemne and royall court.* 1.457 And being come thither, we saw an huge tent of fine white cloth pitched, which was, to our iudgement, of so great quantitie, that more then two thousand men might stand within it, and round about it there was a wall of planks set vp, painted with diuers images.* 1.458 Wee therefore with our Tartars assig∣ned to attende vpon vs, tooke our iourney thither, and there were all the Dukes assembled, eche one of them riding vp and downe with his traine ouer the hilles and dales. The first day they were all clad in white, but the second in skarlet robes. Then came Cuyne vnto the saide tent. More∣ouer, the third day they were all in blew robes, and the fourth in most rich robes of Baldakin cloth. In the wall of boardes, about the tent aforesaid, were two great gates, by one of the which gates, the Emperour only was to enter, and at that gate there was no gard of men appointed to stand, al∣though it stood continually open, because none durst go in or come out the same way: all that were admitted, entred by another gate, at which there stood watchmen, with bowes, swords, & arrowes. And whosoeuer approched vnto the tent beyond the bounds and limit assigned, being caught, was beaten, but if he fled, he was shot at with arrowes or iron. There were many that to our iudgement, had vpon their bridles, trappers, saddles, and such like furniture, to the value of 20. markes in pure gold. The foresaid Dukes (as we thinke) communed together within the tent, and consulted about the election of their Emperor. But all the residue of the people were placed farre away without the walles of board, & in this maner they staied almost til noone. Then began they to drink mares milk,* 1.459 & so continued drinking til euen tide, and that in so great quantity, as it was wonderfull. And they called vs in vnto them, and gaue vs of their ale, because we could not drink their mares milke. And this they did vnto vs in token of great honor. But they compelled vs to drink so much•• that in regard of our customary diet, wee coulde by no means endure it. Whereupon, giuing them to vnderstand,

that it was hurt••ul vnto vs, they ceassed to compel vs any more. Without the doore stoode Duke ••eroslaus of Susdal,* 1.460 in Russia, and a great many Dukes of the Kythayans, and of the Solangi. The two sonnes also of the king of Georgia, the ligier of the Caliph of Baldach, who was a Sol∣dan,* 1.461 and (as we thinke) aboue ten Soldans of the Saracens beside. And, as it was tolde vs by the agents, there were more then 4000. ambassadors, partly of such as paide tributes, and such as pre∣sented gifts, and other Soldans, and Dukes, which came to yeeld themselues, and such as the Tar∣tars had sent for, and such as were gouernours of lands. All these were placed without the lists, and had drinke giuen vnto them. But almost continually they all of them gaue vs and Duke Ierosla∣us the vpper hand, when we were abroad in their companie.

How he was exalted to his Empire. Chap. 27.

* 1.462ANd to our remembrance, we remained there, about the space of foure weekes. The election was to our thinking there celebrated, but it was not published and proclaimed there. And it was greatly suspected so to be, because alwayes when Cuyne came forth out of the tent, he had a noyse of musicke, and was bowed vnto, or honoured with faire wands, hauing purple wooll vpon the tops of them, and that, so long as he remained abroad: which seruice was performed to none of the other Dukes. The foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda.* 1.463 Departing thence, wee all with one accord rode 3. or 4. leagues vnto another place, where, in a goodly plaine, by a riuers side, betweene certaine mountaines, there was another tent erected, which was called the golden Orda.* 1.464 For there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne Emperiall, vpon the day of the Assumption of our Ladie.* 1.465 But, for the abundance of haile which fell at the same time, as is aboue said, the mat∣ter was deferred. There was also a cent erected vpon pillars, which were couered with plates of golde, and were ioyn••d vnto other timber with golden nailes. It was couered aboue with Baldakin cloth, but there was other cloth spread ouer that, next vnto the ayre. Wee abode therevnto the feast of Saint Bartholomew, what time there was assembled an huge multitude standing with their faces towards the South. And a certaine number of them beeing a stones cast distant from the residue, making continuall prayers, and kneeling upon their knees, procee∣ded farther and farther towards the South. Howbeit wee, not knowing whether they vsed in∣chantments, or whether they bowed their knees to God or to some other, woulde not kneele vp∣on the grounde with them. And hauing done so a long time, they returned to the tent, and placed Cuyne in his throne imperiall, and his Dukes bowed their knees before him. After∣warde the whole multitude kneeled downe in like maner, except our selues, for wee were none of his subiects.

Of his age and demeanour, and of his seale. Chap. 28.

THis Emperour, when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment, seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres, He was of a meane stature, very wise and politike, and passing se∣rious and graue in all his demeanour. A rare thing it was, for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly, as those Christians report, which abode continually with him. Certaine Christi∣ans of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs, that he himselfe was about to become a Christian.* 1.466 A token and argument whereof was, that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians. Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians, neere vnto his great Tent, where the Clearkes (like vnto other Christians, and according to the custome of the Graecians) doe sing publiquely and openly, and ring belles at certaine houres, bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars, or of other people in presence. And yet none of their Dukes doe the like.* 1.467 It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger, though he be neuer so great, but heareth and answeareth by a speaker. And when any of his subiects (howe great soeuer they bee) are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him, or in hearing his answeare, they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference. Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires, after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour. The sayde Emperour, hath in his affaires both publike and priuate, an A∣gent, and Secretary of estate, with Scribes and all other Officials, except aduocates. For, with∣out the noyse of pleading,* 1.468 or sentence giuing, all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure. Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto thē. But, be it known vnto al men, that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court, which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres, the saide Cuyne being Emperor new elect, together with al his princes, erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God, & the Romane empire, and against al

Christian kingdomes and nations of the West,* 1.469 vnlesse peraduenture (which God forbid) they will condescend vnto those things, which he hath inoined vnto our lord the Pope, & to all potentates and people of the Christiās, namely, that they wil become obedient vnto him. For, except Christendom, there is no land vnder heauē, which they stand in feare of, and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father, namely Occoday was poisoned to death, which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre. But their intent and purpose is (as I haue aboue said) to subdue the whole world vnto themselues, as they were commanded by Chin∣gis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner: The power of God, & Emperour of all men. Also, vpon his seale, there is this posie ingrauen: God in heauen, and Cuyne Can vpon earth, the power of God: the seale of the Emperour of all men.

Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour. Chap. 29.

IN the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne,* 1.470 we were summoned be∣fore him. And Chingay his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names, and the names of them that sent vs, with the name of the Duke of Solangi, & of others, cried out with a loude voice, rehearsing the said names before the Emperour, and the assembly of his Dukes. Which beeing done, ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times, & they gaue vs warning not to touch the thre∣shold. And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues, and could not find any about vs, we entred in at the doore vpon the East side: because no man dare presume to enter at the West doore, but the Emperour onely. In like maner, euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent. Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies. This therefore was the first time, when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence, after he was created Em∣perour. Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him, but very fewe were admit∣ted into his tent. And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambas∣sadours,* 1.471 that they seemed to be infinite, namely in Samites, robes of purple, and of Baldakin cloth, silke girdles wrought with golde, and costly skinnes, with other gifts also. Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie, or small tent (which was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head) presented vnto him, being set full of precious stones. And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins. They had saddles also vpon their backs, with certaine other instruments, within the which were places for men to sitte vpon. Also they brought many horses & mules vnto him furnished w^t trappers and caparisons, some being made of leather•• and some of iron. And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpō him or no? But wee were not of abilitie so to doe, hauing in a maner spent all our prouision. There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents, more then 500. carts,* 1.472 which were all ful siluer and of gold, and silke garments. And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes, and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him.

Of the place where the Emperor and his mother tooke their leaues one of another, and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia. Chap. 30.

DEparting thence, we came vnto another place, where a wonderfull braue tent,* 1.473 all of red pur∣ple, giuen by the Kythayans, was pitched. Wee were admitted into that also, and alwaies when we entred, there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke, & sodden flesh (when we would) to eate. There was also a loftie stage built of boords, where the Emperours throne was placed, be∣ing very curiously wrought out of iuorie,* 1.474 wherein also there was golde and precious stones, and (as we remember) there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it. And it was round vpon the top. There were benches placed about the saide throne, whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles, (but none sate aloft on the right hande) and the Dukes sate vpon benches below, the said throne being in the midst. Certaine others sate behinde the Dukes, and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither. The three tents whereof we spake before, were very large, but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt. This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother: for she went into one part of the land, and the Emperour into another to execute iustice. For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour, which had poysoned his father to death, at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie, which, for the same cause returned home. Moreo∣ouer,* 1.475 vpon the foresaide Concubine, and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced, and they were put to death. At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal,* 1.476

which is a part of Russia, deceased. For being (as it were for honours sake) inuited to eate and drink with the Emperours mother, and immediatly after the banquet, returning vnto his lodging, he fel sicke, and within seuen dayes, died. And after his death, his body was of a strange blew colour, and it was commonly reported, that the said Duke was poisoned, to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his Dukedome.

How the Friers comming at length vnto the Emperour, gaue, and receiued letters. Chap. 31.

* 1.477TO be short, the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor, who when he had heard of them, that we were come vnto him, cōmanded that we should return, vnto his mother. For he was deter∣mined the next day, (as it is abouesaid) to set vp a flag of defiāce against al y^• countreis of the West, which he would haue vs in no case to know. Wherefore returning, we staied some few dayes with his mother, and so returned ba••ke again vnto him. With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst, that we could scarce hold life and soule together. For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes, was scantly sufficient for one day. Neither could we buy vs any sustenance, because the market was too farre off. Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith, named Cosmas,* 1.478 who being greatly in the Emperours fauour, procured vs some sustenance. This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour, which hee had made, be∣fore it was set in the proper place, and his seale, which he also had framed. Afterward the Emperor sent for vs, giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary, that wee should write downe our messages & affaires,* 1.479 and should deliuer them vnto him. Which thing we performed according∣ly. A••ter many daies he called for vs againe, demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope, which vnderstood the Russian, the Sarracen, or the Tartarian language? To whom we an∣swered, that we had none of those letters or languages. Howbeit, that there were certaine Sara∣cens in the land, but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope. And wee saide, that wee thought it most expedient, that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language, and had interpreted the meaning therof vnto vs, we should diligently translate it into our own tongue, and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope. Then departed they from vs, and went vnto the Emperour. And after the day of S. Martine, we were called for a∣gaine. Then Kadac principal agent for the whole empire, and Chingay, and Bala, with diuers o∣ther Scribes, came vnto vs, and interpreted the letter word for word. And hauing written it in Latine, they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence, to wit if we had erred in any word. And when both letters were written, they made vs to reade them ouer twise more, least we should haue mistaken ought. For they said vnto vs: Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly, for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright, it might breed some inconuenience. They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue, that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them, if need should require.

How they were licensed to depart. Chap. 32.

* 1.480ANd (as our Tartars told vs) the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit, he was desirous (as we thought) that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands. And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man, exhorted vs to make the said petition, we thought it not good for vs, that the Emperor should send his ambassadours. Wherfore we gaue him answere, that it was not for vs to make any such petition, but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them, we would diligently (by Gods assistance) see them conducted in safe∣tie. Howbeit, we thought it expedient for vs, that they should not goe, and that for diuers cau∣ses. First, because we feared, least they, seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs, should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly, we feared, that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions. Thirdly, we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way. For our nations be arrogant and proud. For when as those seruants (which at the request of the Cardinall, attended vpon vs, namely the legates of Almaine) returned vnto him in the Tartars attire, they were almost stoned in the way, by the Dutch, and were compelled to put off those garments. And it is the Tartars custome, neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours, till they haue reuenged themselues. Fourthly, least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force. Fiftly, because there could come no good by their ambassade, for they were to haue none other commission, or authoritie, but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope, and to the Princes of Christendome, which very same letters wee our

selues had, and we knew right well, that much harme might ensue thereo••. Wherefore, the third day after this, namely, vpon the feast of Saint Brice,* 1.481 they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale, sending vs vnto the Emperours mother, who gaue vnto eche of vs •• gowne made of Foxe-skinnes, with the furre on the outside, and a piece of pur∣ple.* 1.482 And our Tartars stole a yarde out of euery one of them. And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant, they stole the better halfe. Which false dealing of theirs, we knew well inough, but would make no words thereof.

How they returned homewards. Chap. 33.

THen taking our iourney to returne,* 1.483 we trauailed all Winter long, lying in the deserts of∣tentimes vpon the snow, except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon. For there were no trees, but the plaine champion field. And oftentimes in the morning, we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde. And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension, we arriued at the court of Bathy.* 1.484 Of whom when wee had enquired, what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope, he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge, but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written. And, hauing recei∣ued letters for our safe conduct, the thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday, wee were proceeded as farre as Montij, with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained, which were withheld from vs, and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs. From hence wee trauailed vnto Corrensa,* 1.485 to whom, requiring gifts the second time at our hands, we gaue none, because we had not wherewithall. And hee appointed vs two Comanians, which liued among the common people of the Tartars, to be our guides vnto the citie of Kiow in Russia. Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from vs, till we were past the vtmost gard of the Tartars. But the other guides, namely the Comanians, which were giuen vs by Corrensa, brought vs from the last garde vnto the citie of Kiow, in the space of sixe dayes. And there we arriued fifteene dayes before the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist.* 1.486 Moreouer, the Citizens of Kiow hauing intelligence of our approch, came foorth all of them to meete vs, with great ioy.* 1.487 For they reioyced ouer vs, as ouer men that had bene risen from death to life. So likewise they did vnto vs throughout all Russia, Polonia, and Bohemia. Daniel and his brother Wasilico made vs a royal•• feast,* 1.488 and interteined vs with them against our willes for the space of eight dayes. In the meane time, they with their Bishops, and o∣ther men of account, being in consultation together about those matters which we had propounded vnto them in our iourney towards the Tartars, answered vs with common consent, saying: that they would holde the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father, and the Church of Rome for their Lady & mistresse, confirming likewise al things which they had sent concerning this matter, before our comming, by their Abbate. And for the same purpose, they sent their Ambassadours and let∣ters by vs also, vnto our Lord the Pope.

Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubruquis de ordine fratrum Minorum, Galli, Anno gratie 1253. ad partes Orientales.

EXcellentissimo Domino & Christianissimo, Lodouico Dei gratia Regi Fran∣corum illustri, frater Willielmus de Rubruqui•• in ordine fratrum Minorum minimus salutem, & semper triumpha••e in Christo.* 1.489 Scriptum est in Eccle∣siastico de sapiente, In terram alienarum gentium transibit, bona & mala in omnibus tentabit. Hoc opus, Domine mi Rex, feci: sed vtinam vt sapiens & non stultus. Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens, sed non sapienter, sed magis stultè: de quorum numero timeo me esse. Tamen quocunque modo fecerim; quia dixistis mihi quando recessi à vobis, vt omnia scriberem vobis, quaecunque viderem inter Tartaros, & etiam monuistis vt non timerem vobis scribere longas literas, facio quod iniun∣xistis: Cum timore tamen & verecundia, quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt, quae debe∣am tantae scribere Maiestati. Nouerit ergò vestra sancta maiestas, quòd anno Domini milles∣fimo ducentessimo, quinquagessimo tertio, nonas Maij ingressi ••umus mare Ponti quod Bul∣garici vocant, Maius Mare: & habet mille octo milliaria in longum, vt didici à mercatoribus, & distinguitur quasi in duas partes. Circa medium enim eius sunt duae prouinciae terrae, vna ad Aquilonem, & alia ad meridiem. Illa quae est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis; & est cast••um & portus Soldani Turchiae, Quae verò ad Aquilonem est, est Prouincia quaedam, quae nunc

dicitur à Latinis Gasaria, à Graecis verò qui inhabitant ••am super littus maris dicitur Castaria, hoc e••t Caesaria. Et sunt promontori•• quaedam extendentia se in mare, & contra meridien•• versus Synopolim. Et sunt tre centa milliaria inter Synopolim & Cassariam. Ita quod sint sep∣tingenta miliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in longum & latum: & sepringen∣ta versus Orientem: hoc est, Hiberiam, quae est prouincia Georgiae. Ad prouinciam Gasa∣riae siue Casariae appli••uimus, quae est quasi triangularis, ad Occidentem habens ciuitatem, quae dicitur Kersoua, in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens marterizatus. Et nauigantes corā ea vidimus insulam in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus praeparatum. In medio verò quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet ciuitatem quae dicitur Soldaia,* 1.490 que ex transuerso respicit Sy∣nopolim: Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia volentes ire ad terras A∣quilonares, & è contrario venientes de Rossia & terris Aquilonaribus, volentes transire in Turchiam. Illi portant varium & grisiam, & alias pelles pretiosas. Alij portant telas de cot∣tone siue bombasio, & pannos sericos & species aromaticas. Ad Orientē verò illius prouinciae est ciuitas quae dicitur Matriga,* 1.491 vbi ca dit fluuius Tanais in mare Pontiper orificiumhabens la∣titudi••em duodecem milliar••um. Ille enim fluuius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti, facit quoddam mare versus. Aquilonem, habens in latitudine & longitudine septinginta milliaria, nusquam habens profunditatem vltra sex passus, vnde magna vasa non ingredi••ntur illud. Sed mercatores de Constantinopoli applicantes ad praedictam ciuitatem Matertam, mit••unt barcas suas vsque ad flumen Tanaim, vtemant pisces sicca••os, sturiones, thosas, borbatas, & a∣••ios pisces infinitae multitudinis. Praedicta verò prouincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateri∣bus: ad Occidentem scilicet, vbi est Kersoua ciuitas Clementis, ad meridiem vbi est ciuitas Sol∣daia, ad quam applicuimus, quae est cuspis prouinciae, & ad Orientem Maricandis, vbi est ciuitas Materta, & orificium Tanais. Vltra illud orificium est Zikia,* 1.492 quae non obedit Tartaris: Et Sueui & Hiberi ad Orientem, qui non obediunt Tartaris. Posteà versus meridiem est Trapesunda que habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem, qui est de genere imperatorum Constantino∣politanorum, qui obedit Tartaris: posteà Synopolis quae est Soldani Turchiae qui similiter o∣bedit: posteà terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab auo materno, qui non obedit. Ab orifi∣cio Tanais versus Occidentem vsque ad Danubium totum est subditum. Etiam vltrà Danubi∣um versus Constantinopolim, Valakia, quae est terra Assani, & minor Bulgaria vsque in Solo∣nomam omnes sol••unt eis tributum. Et etiam vltra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis de qualibet domo securim vnam, & totum frumentum quod inuenerunt in massa. Applicuimus ergò Soldaie in 12. Kalendas Iunij: & praeuenerant nos quidam merca∣tores de Constantinopoli, qui dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad Sartach. Ego tamen predicaueram publicè in Ramis Palmarum apud Sanctam Sophiam, quod non estem nuncius, nec vester, nec alicui••s, sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundùm regulam nostram. Tunc cùm applicuissem, monebant me dicti mercatores vt cautè loquerer, quia dixe∣runt me esse nuncium, & si non dicerem me esse nuncium, quod non praebe••etur mihi transi∣tus. Tunc loquutus sum hoc modo ad capitaneos ciuitatis, imò ad vicarios capitaneorum, quia capitanei iuerant ad Baatu portantes tributum, & non fuerant adhuc reuersi. Nos audiuimus, dixi, de Domino vestro Sartach in Terra Sancta quod esset Christianus: & gauisi sunt inde ve∣hementer Christiani, & praecipuè Dominus Rex Francorum Christianissimus, qui ibi peregri∣natur, & pugnat contra Saracenos, vt eripiat loca sancta de manibus eorum: vnde volo ire ad Sartach, & portare ei literas Domini Regis, in quibus monet eum de vtilitate totius Christi∣anitatis. Et ipsi recepe••unt nos gra••anter, & dederunt nobis hospitium in ecclesia Episcopali. Et Episcopus ipsius ecclesiae fuerat ad Sartach, qui multa bona dixit mihi de Sartach, quae ego pos••ea non inueni. Tunc de derunt nobis optionem vtrum vellemus habere bigas cum bobus ad portandum res nostras vel equos pro summarijs. Et mercatores Constantinopolitani consulue∣runt mihi quod non acciperem bigas, imò quod emerem proprias bigas coopertas, in quibus apportant Ruteni pelles suas, & in illis includerem res nostras quas vellem quotidiè deponere, quia si acciperem equos, oporteret mein qualibet He••bergia deponere & reponere super alios, & praetereà equitarem lentiori gres••u iuxta boues. Et tunc acquieui consilio eorum malo, tum quia fui in itinere vs{que} Sarthach duobus mensibus, quod potuissem vno mense fecisse, si iuissem equis. Attuleram mecum de Constantinopoli fructus & vinum muscatum, & biscoctum delica∣tum de consilio mercatorum ad presentandū capitaneis primis, vt ••acilius pateret mihi transitus; quia nullus apud eos respicitur rectis oculis, qui venit vacua manu. Quae omnia posui in vna bi∣ga, quando nō inueniibi capitaneos ciuitatis, quia dicebāt mihi, quod gratissima forēt Sarthach, si possem deferre ea vs{que} ad eū. Arripuimus ergo iter tunc circa Kalend. Iunij cum bigis nostris quatuor coopertis & cū alijs duabus quas accepimus ab eis, In quibus portabantur lectisternia ad dormiendū de nocte, & quinque equos dabant nobis ad equitandum. Eramus enim quin{que}

personae. Ego & socius me••s frater Bartholomeus de Cremona, & Goset lator praesentium, & homo dei Turgemannus, & puer Nicolaus, quem emeram Constantinopoli de nostra elec∣mosyna. Dede••unt etiam duos homines qui ducebant bigas & custodiebant boues & equos. Sunt autem alta promo••toria super Mare à Kersona vsque ad orificium Tanais: & sunt qua∣draginta castella inter Kersouam & Soldaiam, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium idioma: inter quos erant multi Goti, quorum idioma est Te••tonicum. Post illa montana versus A∣quilonem est pulcherrima sylua in planicie, plena fontibus & ri••ulis: Et post illam syluam est planicies maxima, quae durat per quinque dietas vsque ad extremitatem illius prouinciae ad aquilonem, quae coa••ctatur habens Mare ad Orientem & Occidentem: Ita quod est vnum fossatum magnum ab vno Mari vsque ad aliud. In illa planicie solebant esse Comani ante∣quam venirent Tartari, & cogebant ciuitates praedictas & castra vt darent eis tributum. Et cum venerunt Tartari, tanta multitudo Comanorū intrauit prouinciam illam, qui omnes fu∣gerunt vsque ad ripam Maris, quod comedebant se mutuo viui morientes: secundum quod narrauit mihi quidam mercator, qui hoc vidit: Quod viui deuorabant & lacerabant denti∣bus carnes crudas mortuorum, sicut canes cadauera. Versus extremitatem illius prouinciae sunt lacus multi & magni: in quorum ripis sunt fon••es salmastri, quorum aqua, quàm cito intrat lacum, efficit salem durum ad modum glaciei. Et de illis salinis habent Baatu & Sar∣tach magnos reditus: quia de tota Russia veniunt illuc pro sale: & de qualibet biga onusta dant duas telas de cottone valentes dimidiam Ipperperam. Veniunt & per Mare multae naues pro sale, quae omnes dant tributum secundum sui quantitatem. Postquam ergo ••e••••ssimus de Soldaia, tertia die inuenimus Tartaros: inter quos cùm intraueram, visum fuit mihi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud saeculum. Quorum vitam & mores vobis describam prout possum.

De Tartaris & domibus eorum.

NVsquam habent manentem ciuitatem, sed futuram ignorant. Inter se diuiserunt Scy∣thiam, quae durat à Danubio vsque ad ortum solis. Et quilibet Capitaneus, secundum quod habet plures vel pauciores homines sub se, scit terminos pascuorum suorum, & vbi de∣bet pascere hyeme & aestate, vere & autumno. In hyeme enim des••endunt ad calidiores regiones versus meridiem. In aestate ascendunt ad frigidiores versus aquilonem. Loca pascuosa sine aquis pascunt in hyeme quando est ibi nix, quia niuem habent pro aqua. Domum in qua dormiunt fundant super rotam de virgis cancellatis, cuius tigna sunt de virgis, & con∣veniunt in vnam par••ulam rotam superius, de qua ascendit collum sursum tanquam fumi∣gatorium, quam cooperiunt filtro albo: & frequentius imbuunt etiam filtrum calce vel terra alba & puluere ossium, vt albens splendeat, & aliquando nig••o. Et filtrum illud circa collum superius decorant pulchra varietate picturae. Ante ostium similiter su••pendunt filtrum opere polimitario variatum. Consumunt enim filtrum coloratum in faciendo vites & a••bores, aues & bestias. Et faciunt tales domos ita magnas, quod habent triginta pedes in latitudine. Ego enim mensuraui semel latitudinem inter vestigia rotarum vnius bigae viginti ped••m: & quando domus erat super bigam excedebat extra rotas in vtroque latere quinque pe∣dibus ad minus. Ego numeraui in vna biga viginti duos boues trahentes vnam do∣mum: Vndecem in vno ordine secundum latitudinem bigae, & alios vndecem ante illos: Axis bigae erat magnus ad modum arboris nauis: Et vnus homo stabat in ostio domus super bigam minans boues. Insuper faciunt quadrangulos de virgulis fissis attenuatis ad quantitatem vnius arcae magnae: & postea de vna extremitate ad aliam eleuant testu∣dinem de similibus virgis, & ostiolum faciunt in anteriori extremitate: & postea coope∣riunt illam cistam siue domunculam filtro nigro imbuto seuo siue lacte o••ino, ne possit penetrari pluuia: quod similiter decorant opere polimitario vel plumario. Et in talibus arcis ponunt totam suppellectilem suam & thesaurum: quas ligant fortiter super bigas alteras quas trahunt cameli, vt possint transuadare flumina. Tales arcas nunquam deponunt de bigis. Quando deponunt domus suas mansionarias, semper ver••unt portam ad me∣ridiem; & consequenter collocant bigas cum arcis hinc & inde prope domum ad dimidium iactum lapidis: ita quod domus stat inter duos ordines bigarum quasi inter duos muros.

Matronae faciunt sibi pulcherrimas bigas, quas ne••cirem vobis describere nisi per picturam. ‖ 1.493 Imo omnia depinxissem vobis si sciuissem pingere. Vnus diues Moal siue Tartar habet bene tales bigas cum arcis ducentas vel centum. Baatu habet sexdecem vxores: quaelibet habet vnam magnam domum, exceptis alijs paruis, quas collocant post magnam, quae sunt quasi camerae; in quibus habitant puellae. Ad quamlibet istarum domorum appendent ducentae bigae. Et quando deponunt domus, prima vxor deponit suam curiam in capite occidentali, & postea aliae secundum ordinem suum: ita quod vltima vxor erit in capite Orientali: & erit spacium inter curiam vnius dominae & alterius, iactus vnius lapidis. Vnde curia vnius di∣uitis Moal apparebit quasi vna magna Villa: tunc paucissimi viri erunt in ea. Vna muliercula ducet 20. bigas vel 30. Terra enim plana est. Et ligant bigas cum bobus vel camelis vnam post aliam: & sedebit muliercula in anteriori minans bouem, & omnes aliae pari gressu se∣quentur. Si contingat venire ad aliquem malum passum, soluunt eas & transducunt sigil∣latim: Vadunt enim lento gressu, sicut agnus vel bos potest ambulare.

De lectis eorum & poculis.

POstquam deposuerint domus versa porta ad meridiem, collocant lectum domini ad par∣tem aquilonarem. Locus mulierum est semper ad la••us Orientale hoc est ad sinistrum do∣mini domus cum sedet in lecto suo versa facie ad meridiem: locus verò virorum ad latus oc∣cidentale, hoc ••st ad dextrum. Viri ingredientes domum nullo modo suspenderent pharetram ad partem mulierum. Et super caput Domini est semper vna imago quasi puppa & statuuncula de filtro, quam vocant fratrem domini: alia similis super caput dominae, quam vocant fratrem dominae, affixa parieti: & superius inter vtramque illarum est vna paruula, macilenta, quae est quasi custos to••ius domus. Domina domus ponit ad latus suum dextrum ad pe des lecti in emi∣nenti loco pelliculam hoedinam impletam lana vel alia materia, & iuxta illam statuunculam paruulam respicientem famulas & mulieres. Iuxta ostium ad partem mulieris est iterum alia imago cum vbere vaccino, pro mulieribus quae mungunt vaccas. De officio faeminarum est mungere vaccas. Ad aliud latus ostij versus viros est alia statua cum vbere equae pro viris qui mungunt equas. Et cum conuenerint ad potandum p••imo spargunt de potu illi imagini, quae est super caput domini: postea alijs imaginibus per ordinem: postea exit minister domum cum cipho & potu, & spargit ter ad meridiem, qualibet vice flectendo genu; & hoc ad reue∣rentiam ignis: postea ad Orientem ad reuerentiam aeris: postea ad Occidentem ad reueren∣tiam aquae: ad aquilonem proijciunt pro mortuis. Quando tenet dominus ciphum in manu & debet bibere, tunc primo antequam bibat, infun••it terrae partem suam. Si bibit se∣dens super equum, infundit antequam bibat, super collum vel crinem equi. Postquam vero minister sic sparserit ad quatuor latera mundi, reuertitur in domum & sunt parati duo famuli cum duobus ciphis & totidem patenis vt deferant potum domino & vxori sedenti iuxta cum sursum in lecto. Et cum habet plures vxores, illa cum qua dormit in nocte sedet iuxta eum in die: & oportet quod omnes aliae veniant ad domum illam illa die ad bibendum: & ibi tene∣tur curia illa die: & xenia quae deferuntur, illa deponuntur in thesauris illius dominae. Ban∣cus ibi est cum v••re lactis vel cum alio potu & cum ciphis.

De potibus eorum & qualiter prouocant alios ad bibendum.

FAciunt in hyeme optimum potum, de risio, de millio, de melle: claret sicut vinum. Et defer∣tur eis vinum à remotis partibus. In aestate non curant nisi de Cosmos. Stat semper infra domum ad introitum portae, & iuxta illud stat citharista cum citherula sua. Citheras & vielas nostras non vidi ibi, sed multa alia instrumenta, quae apud nos non habentur. Et cum incipit bi∣bere tunc vnus ministrorū exclamat alta voce, H A:* 1.494 & citharista percutit cicharum. Et quando faciunt festum magnum, tunc omnes plaudunt manibus & saltant ad vocem citharae, viri coram Domino, & mulieres coram domina. Et postquam dominus biberit, tunc exclamat minister si∣cut priùs, & tacet citharista: tunc bibunt omnes in circuitu viri & mulieres: & aliquando bibunt cer••atim valde turpiter & gulose. Et quando volunt aliquem prouocate ad potū arripiunt eum per aures & trahunt fortiter vt dilatent ei gulam, & plaudunt & saltant coram eo. Item cum ali∣qui volunt facere magnum festum & gaudium, vnus accipit ciphum plenum, & alij duo sunt ei à dextris & sinistris: & sic illi tres veniunt cantantes vsque ad illum cui debent porrigere ciphum, & cantant & faltant coram eo: & cum por••igit manum ad recipiendum ciphum, ipsi

subito re••iliunt, & iterum sicut prius reuertuntur, & sic illudunt ei ter vel quater retrahendo ciphum, donec fuerit bene exhileratus & bonum habeat appetitum, & tunc dant ei ciphum, & cantant & plaudunt manibus & terunt pedibus donec biberit••

De cibarijs eorum.

DE cibis & victualibus eorum noueritis, quod indifferenter comedunt omnia morticinia ••ua. Et inter tot pecora & armenta non potest esse quin multa animalia moriantur. Tamen in aestate quamdiu durat eis cosmos, hoc est lac equinum, non curant de alio cibo. Vnde tunc si contingat eis mori bouem vel equum, siccant carnes scindendo per tenues pecias & suspendendo ad solem & ventum, quae statim sine sale siccantur absque aliquo faetore. De intestinis equorum faciunt andulges meliores quàm de porcis: quas comedunt recentes: reliquas carnes reseruant ad hyemem. De pellibus boum faciunt vtres magnos, quos mira∣biliter siccant ad fumum. De posteriori parte pellis equi faciunt pulcherrimos soculares. De carne vnius arietis dant comedere quinquaginta hominibus vel centum. Scindunt enim mi∣nutatim in scutella cum sale & aqua, aliam enim salsam non faciunt, & tunc cum puncto cul∣telli vel furcinula, quas proprias faciunt ad hoc, cum qua solemus comedere pira & poma cocta in vino, porrigunt cuilibet circumstantium buccellam vnam vel duas, secundum mul∣titudinem comedentium. Dominus antequam proponitur caro arie••is in primo ipse accipit quod placet ei: & e••iam si dat alicui partem specialem, oportet quod accipiens comedat eam solus, & nemini licet dare ei. Si non potest totum comedere, asportat secum, vel dat garcioni suo, si est presens, qui custodiat ei: sin aliter, recondit in saptargat suo, hoc est in bursa quadrata, quam portant ad recondendum omnia talia, in qua & ossa recondunt, quando non habent spacium bene rodendi ea, vt postea rodant, ne pereat aliquid de cibo.

Quomodo faciunt Cosmos.

IPsum Cosmos, hoc est lac iumentinum fit hoc modo. Extendunt cordam longam super ter∣ram ad duos palos fixos in terra, & ad illam cordam ligant circiter horas tres, pullos equa∣••um quas volunt mungere. Tunc stant matres iuxta pullos suos & permittunt se pacifice mungi. Et si aliqua est nimis indomita, tunc accipit vnus homo pullum & supponit ei permit∣tens parum sugere, tunc retrahit illum, & emunctor lactis succedit. Congregata ergo multi∣tudine lactis, quod est i••a dulce sicut vaccinum, dum est recens, fundunt illud in magnum vtrem siue bucellam, & incipiunt illud concutere cum ligno ad hoc aptato, quod grossum est inferius sicut caput hominis & cauatum subtus: & quam cito concutiunt illud, incipit bullire sicut vinum nouū, & acescere siue fermentari, & excutiunt illud donec extrahant butirum. Tunc gustant illud; & quando est temperate pungitiuum bibunt: pungit enim super linguam sicut vinum raspei dum bibitur. Et postquam homo cessat bibere, relinquit ••aporem super lin∣guam lactis amygdalini, & multum reddit interiora hominis iucunda, & etiam inebriat de∣bilia capita: multum etiam prouocat vrinam. Faciunt etiam Cara-cosmos, hoc est nigrum cosmos ad vsum magnorum dominorum, hoc modo. Lac equinum non coagulatur. Ratio enim est: quod nullius animalis lac nisi cuius fetet venter non inuenitur coagulum. In ventre pulli equi non inuenitur: vnde lac equae non coagulatur. Concutiunt ergo lac in tantum, quod omnino quod spissum est in eo vadat ad fundum rectà, sicut faeces vini, & quod purum est remanet superius, & est sicut serum, & sicut mustum album. Faeces sunt albae multum, & dantur seruis, & faciunt mul••um dormire. Illud clarum bibunt domini: & est pro certo valde suauis potus & bonae esficaciae. Baatu habet 30. casalia circa herbergiam suam ad vnam dietam, quorum vnum quod{que} qualibet die seruit ei de tali lacte centum equarum hoc est, qualibet die lac trium millium equarū, excepto alio lacte albo, quod deferunt alij. Sicut enim in Syria rustici dant tertiam partem fructuum, quam ipsi afferunt ad curias dominorum suorum, ita & isti lac ••∣quarū tertiae diei. De lacte vaccino primò extrahunt butyrū & bulliunt illud vsque ad perfectā decoctioné, & postea recondunt illud in vtribus arietinis quos ad hoc reseruant. Et non ponunt sal in butiro: tamen propter magnam decoctionē non putrescit: & reseruant illud contra hye∣mem. Re siduū lac quod remanet post butirum permittunt acescere quantum acrius fieri potest & bulliunt illud, & coagulatur bulliendo, & coagulum illud desiccant ad solem, & efficitur durum sicut scoria ferri. Quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemem: tempore hyemali quando

••efi••it eis lac, ponunt illud acre coagulum, quod ipsi vocant gri-vt, in vtre, & super infundunt aquam calidam, & concutiunt fortiter donec illud resoluatur in aqua; quae ex illo efficitur tota acetosa, & illam aquam bibunt loco lactis. Summè cauent ne bibant aquam puram.

De bestijs quas comedunt, & de vestibus, ac de venatione eorum.

MAgni domini habent casalia versus meridiem, de quibus afferunt eis milium & farinam contra hyemem. pauperes procurant sibi pro arietibus & pellibus commutando. S••laui etiam implent ventrem suum aqua crassa, & hac contenti sunt. Mures cum longis caudis non comedunt & omne genus murium habens curtam cauda••••. Sunt etiam ibi multae marmotes, quas ipsi vocant Sogur: quae conueniunt in vna fouea in hyeme 20. vel 30. pariter, & dor∣miunt sex mensibus: quas capiunt in magna multitudine. Sunt etiam ibi, cuniculi habentes longam caudam sicut cati; & in summitate caudae habent pilos nigros & albos. Habent & multas alias bestiolas bonas ad comedendum: quas ipsi valde bene disce••nunt. Ceruos non vidi ibi. lepores paucos vidi, gaselos mul••os. Asinos syluestres vidi in magna multitudine, qui sunt quasi muli. Vidi & aliud genus animalis quod dicitur Artak, quod habet recte corpus arie∣tis & cornua torta, sed tantae quantitatis, quod vix pot••ram vna manu leuare duo co••nua: & faciunt de cornibus illis ciphos magnos. Habent falcones, girfalcones, & herodios in magna multitudine: quos omnes portant super manum dexteram: & ponunt semper salconi vnam conigiam paruulam circa collum, quae pendet ei vsque ad medie••atem pectoris: per quam cum proij••i••nt ••um ad predam, inclinant cum sinistra manu caput & pectus ••alconis, ne verberetur à vento, vel ne feratur sur••um. Magnum ergo partem victus sui acquirunt ven••tione. De vestibus & habitu eorum noueri••is, quod de Cataya & alijs regionibus Orientis, & etiam de Perside & alijs regionibus au••••ri veniunt eis panni serici & aurei,* 1.495 & telae de bambasio, quibus induuntur in ae••••ate. De Russia, de Moxel, & Maiore Bulga••ia & P••scatir, quae est maior Hungari••, & Kers••s: (que omnes sunt regiones ad Aquilonem & plenae syluis:) & alijs multis regionibus ad latus a∣quilonare, quae eis obediunt, adducuntur eis ••eiles pr••cio••ae multi generis: quas nunquā vidi in partibus nostris: Quibus induuntur in hyeme. Et faciunt semper in hyeme duas pellice••s ad minus: vnam, cuius pilus est ad carnem: aliam cuius pilus est ••xt••a contra v••n••um & niues, quae multoties sunt de pellibus lupinis vel vu••pibus vel papionibus. Et dum sedent in domo habent aliam delicatiorem. Pauperes faciunt illas extcricres de canibus & capris. Quum volunt venari feras, conueniunt magna multitudo & circundant r••gion••m in qua s••iu••t feras esse, & paulatim appropinquant sibi, donec concludani fe••ás inter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 qu••si infia circulum, & tunc sagitant ad eas•• faciunt etiam braccas de pellibus. Diuites etiam furrant vestes suas de stupa setae, quae est supra modum mollis, & leuis & calida. Pauperes surrant vestes de ••ela de bambasio, de delicatio•• lana quam possunt extrahere: de gr••ssiori f••ci••nt filtr••m ad coo∣periendum demos suas & cistas, & ad lectisternia. De lana etiam & te••tia parte pilo••um ••qui admixta, faciunt cordas suas. De filtro etiam faciunt pauellas sub ••ellis, & ••••pas contra pluuiam. Vnde multum expendunt de lana. Habitum virorum vicis••••s.* 1.496

De rasura virorum & ornatu mulierum.

VIri radunt in summitate capitis quadrangulum, & ab anterio••ibus angulis ducunt rasu••am cristae capitis vsque ad tempora. Radunt etiam tempora & collum vsque ad s••mmum concauitatis ceruicis: & frontem anterius vsque ad frontinellam, super quam relinquunt manipulum pilorum descendentium vsque ad supercilia: In angulis occipitis relinquunt crines, quibus faciunt tricas, quas succingunt nodando vsque ad aures. Et habitus puell••rum non differt ab habitu virorum, nisi quod aliquantulum est longior. Sed in crast•• no postquam est nupta radit caluariam suam à medieta••e capitis versus frontem, & habet ••••n••cam latam sicut cucullam monialis, & per omnia latiorem & longiorem, fissam ante, quam ligat sub dextro latere. In hoc enim differunt Tartari à Turcis: quod Turci ligant tunicas suas ad sinistram, Tartari semper ad dex••ram. Po••••ea habent orn••mentum capit••s, quod vocant bot••a, quod fi•• de cortice arboris vel alia materia, quam possunt in∣nenire, l••ui••re: & est grossum & rotundum, quantum potest duabus manibus complecti; longum ve••o vnius cubiti & plus, quadrum supcrius, sicut capitellum vnius columnae. Istud botta cooper••unt panno serico precioso; & est concauum interius: & super capitellum in

medio vel super quadraturā illam ponunt virgulam de calamis pennarum vel cannis gracilibus longitudinis scilicet vnius cubiti & plus: & illam sibi virgulam ornant superius de pennis pa∣uonis, & per longum in circuitu pennulis caudae malardi, & etiam lapidibus praeciosis. Diuites dominae istud ornamentum ponunt in summitate capitis quod stringunt fortiter cum almucia, que foramen habet in summitate ad hoc aptatū, & in isto recondunt crines suos quos recolligūt à parte posteriori an summitatem capitis quasi in nodo vno & reponunt in illo botta, quod po∣stea fortiter ligant sub gutture. Vnde quum equitant plures dominae simul & videntur à longe, apparent milites, habentes galeas in capitibus cum lanceis eleuatis. Illud enim botta apparet galea desuper lancea. Et sedent omnes mulieres super equos sicut viti diuersificantes coxas; & ligant cucullas suas panno serico aerij coloris super renes, & alia fascia stringunt ad mamillas: & ligant vnam peciam albam sub occulis, quae descendit vsque ad pectus. Et sunt mulieres mirae pinguedinis, & quae minus habet de naso pulchrior reputatur. Deturpant etiam turpiter pinguedine facies suas: nunquam cubant in lecto pro puerperio.

De officio mulierum, & operibus earum, ac de nuptijs earum.

OFicium foeminarum est ducere bigas, ponere domus super eas & deponere, mungere vaccas, facere butirum & griu••, parare pelles, & consuere eas, quas consuunt filo de∣neruis, diuidunt enim neruos in minuta fila, & postea illa contorquent in vnum longum fi∣lum. Consuunt etiam soculares & soccos & alias vestes. Vestes vero nunquam lauant, quia dicunt quod Deus tunc irascitur, & quod fiant tonitrua si suspendantur ad siccandum: Imo lauantes verberant & eis auserunt. Tonitrua supra modum timent: tunc omnes extrancos a∣mittunt de domibus suis; & inuoluunt se in filtris nigria, in quibus laritant, donec transierit. Nunquā etiā lauant scutellos, imo carne cocta alueū in quo debent ponere eam lauant brodio bulliente de caldaria, & postea refundunt in calda••iam•• faciunt & filtrum & cooperiunt domos. Viri faciunt solum arcus & sagittas, sabricant strepas & sraena, & faciunt cellas, carpentant domos & bigas: custodiunt equos & mungunt equas, concutiunt ipsum cosmos & lac equi∣num, faciunt vtres in quibus reconditur: custodiunt etiam camelos, & onerant ••os. Oues & Capras custodiunt mixtim & mungunt aliquando viri, aliquando mulieres. De lacte ouium inspissato & salso parant pelles.* 1.497 Cum volunt manus vel caput iauare implent os suum aqua & paulatim fundunt de ore suo super manus, & eadem humectant crines suos, & lauant caput suum. De nuptijs eorum noueritis, quod nemo habet ibi vxorem nisi emat eam: vnde aliquando sunt puellae multum advltae ante quam nubant: semper e∣nim tenent eas parentes, donec vendant eas. Seruant etiam gradus consanguinitatis pri∣mum & secundum: nullum autem seruant affinitatis. Habent enim simul vel successiue duas sorores. Nulla vidua nubit inter eos, hac ratione; quia credunt quod omnes qui seruiunt eis in hac vita seruient in futura. Vnde de vidua credunt, quod semper reuertitur post mortem ad primum maritum. Vnde accidit turpis consuetudo inter eos quod filius scilicet ducit aliquando omnes vxores patris sui, excepta matre. Curia enim patris & matris semper accidit iuniorifilio. Vnde oportet quod ipse prouideat omnibus vxoribus patris sui, quia adueniunt eae cum curia paterna. Et tunc si vult vtitur eis pro vxoribus, quia non reputat sibi iniuriam, si reuertatur ad patrem post mortem. Cum ergo aliquis fecerit pactum cum aliquo de filia accipienda, facit pater puellae conuiuium, & illa fugit ad consanguineos, vt ibi late••t: Tunc pater dicit, Ecce filia mea tua est, accipe eam vbicunque inueneris: Tunc ille quaerit cam cum amicis suis, donec inveniat eam, & oportet, quod vi capiat eam, & ducat eam quasi violenter ad domum.

De iusticijs eorum & iudicijs, et de morte ac sepultura eorum.

DE iusticijs eorum noueritis, quod quando duo homines pugnant, nemo audet se inter∣mittere. Etiam pater non audet inuare filium. Sed qui peiorem partem habet, appellat ad curiam domini. Et si alius post appellationem tangat eum, interficitur. Sed oportet quod statim absque dilatione vadat: Et ille qui passus est iniuriam ducit eum quasi captiuum. Nemi∣nem puniunt capitali sententia, nisi deprehensus fuerit in facto, vel confessus. Sed quum diffa∣matus est à pluribus, bene torquent eum, vt confiteatur. Homicidiū puniunt capitali sententia, & etiam coitum cum non sua. Non suam dico vel vxorem vel famulam: Sua enim sclaua licet vti

prou••libet. Item enorme furtum puniunt morte. Pro leui furto, sicut pro vno ariete, dummodo non fuerit saepe deprehensus in hoc, verberant crudeliter. Et si dant centum ictus oportet quod habeant centum baculos, de illis dico, qui verberantur sententia curiae. Item falsos nuncios, quia faciunt se nuncios & non sunt, inter••••ciunt. Item sacrilegas, de quibus dicam vobis postea plenius, quia tales reputant veneficas. Quando aliquis moritur plangunt vehemēter vlulando: & tunc sunt liberi quod non dant vectigal vsque ad annum. Et si quis interest morti alicujus adulti, non ingreditur domum ipsius Mangucham vsque ad annum. Si paruulus est qui mori∣tur, non ingreditur vsque post lunationem. Iuxta sepulturam defuncti semper relinqunt do∣mum vnam. Si est de nobilibus, hoc est de genere Chingis, qui fuit primus pater & dominus eorum, illius qui moritur ignoratur sepultura: & semper circa loca illa vbi sepeliunt nobiles suos est vna herbergia hominum costodientium sepulturas. Non intellexi quod ipsi recon∣dunt thesaurum cum mortuis. Comani faciunt magnum tumulum super defunctum & erigunt ei statuam versa facie ad orientem, tenentem ciphum in manu sua ante vmbelicum, fabricant & diuitibus pyramides, id est domunculas acutas: & alicubi vidi magnas turtes de tegulis coctis: alicubi lapideas domos, quamuis lapides non inueniantur ibi. Vidi quendam noui∣ter defunctum, cui suspenderant pelles sexdecem equorum, ad quod libet làtus mundi qua∣tuor inter perticas altas: & apposuerunt ei cosmos vt biberet, & carnes vt comederet: & tamen dicebant de illo quod fuerat baptizatus. Alias vidi sepulturas versus orientem. Areas scilicet magnas structas lapidibus, aliquas rotundas, aliquas quadratas, & postea quatuor lapi∣des longos erectos ad quatuor regiones mundi circa aream. Et vbi aliquis infirmatur cubat in lecto & ponit signum super domum suam, quod ibi est infirmus, & quod nullus in∣grediatur: vnde nullus visitat infirmum nisi seruiens eius. Quando etiam aliquis de magnis curijs infirmatur, ponunt custodes longe circa curiam, qui infra illos terminos neminem per∣mittunt transire: timent enim ne mali spiritus vel ventus veniant cum ingredientibus. Ipsos di∣uinatores vocant tanquam sacerdotes suos.

Qualiter ingressi sunt inter Tartaros, & de ingratitudine eorum.

QVando ergo ingressi sumus inter illos barbaros, visum fuit mihi, vt dixi superius, quod ingrederer aliud saeculum. Circumdederunt enim nos in equis post quam diu fecerant nos expectare sedentes in vmbra sub bigis nigris. Prima quaestio fuit, vtrum vnquam fuisse mus inter eos. habito quod non: inceperunt impudenter pe••ere de cibarijs nostris, & dedimus de pane biscocto & vino quod attuleramus nobiscum de villa: & potata vna lagena vini, petierunt aliam, dicentes, quod homo non ingreditur domum vno pede. non dedimus eis, exculantes nos quod parum haberemus. Tunc quaesiuerunt vnde veniremus, & quo vellemus ire. dixi eis supe∣riora verba, quod audieramus de Sartach, quod esset Christianus, & quod vellem ire ad eum, quia habebam deferre ei literas vestras. Ipsi diligenter quaesiuerunt, vtrum irem de mea volun∣tate, vel vtrum mitterer. Ego respondi quod nemo coegit me ad eundum, nec iuissem nisi vo∣luislem: vnde de mea voluntate ibam, & etiam de voluntare superioris mei. Bene caui, quod nunquam dixi, me es••e nuncium vestrum. Tunc quaesiuerunt quid eslet in bigis, vtrum esset au∣rum vel argentum, vel vestes preciosae, quas deferrem Sartach. Ego respondi, quod Sartach videret quid deferi emus ei, quando perueniremus ad eum; & quod non intererat eorum ista quaerere: sed facerent me deduci vsque ad capitaneum suum, & ipse si vellet mihi praebere du∣catum vsque ad Sartach faceret: sin minus, reuerterer. Erat enim in illa prouincia vnus consan∣guineus Baatu, nomine Scaca••ai, cui dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus mittebat lite∣ras deprecatorias, quod me permitteret transire. Tunc ipsi acquieuerunt, praebentes nobis e∣quos & boues & duos homines, qui deducerent nos. Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reuersi. Prius tamen antequam praedicta darent, fecerunt nos diu expectare petentes de pane nostro pro parvulis suis: Et omnia quae videbant super famulos nostros, cultellos, chirothecas, bursas, corrigias, omnia admirantes & volentes habere. Excusabam me, quia longa nobis restabat via, nec debebamus ita cito ••poliare nos rebus necessarijs ad tantam viam perficiendam. Tunc dicebant quod essem batrator. Verum est quod nihil abstulerint vi: Sed valde importune & impudenter petunt quae vident. Et si dat homo eis perdit, quia sunt ingrati. Reputant se domi∣nos mundi, & videtur eis, quod nihil debeat eis negari ab aliquo. Si non dat, & postea indigeat seruicio eorum, male ministrant ei. Dederunt nobis bibere de lacte suo vaccino, a quo contractum erat butirum, acetoso valde, quod ipsi vocant Apram: & sic recessimus ab eis. Et visum fuit mihi recte, quod euasissem de manibus daemonum. In crastino peruenimus ad ca∣pitaneum. Ex quo recessimus a Soldaia vsque ad Sartach in duobus mensibus nunquam iacui∣mus

i•• domo nec in tentorio, sed semper sub dio, vel sub bigis nostris, nec vidimus aliquam villam, vel vestigium alicujus aedificij vbi fuisset villa, nisi tumbas Comanorū in maxima mul∣titudine. Illo sero dedit nobis garcio qui ducebat nos bibere cosmos; ad cuius haustum totus sudaui propter horrorem & nouitatem, quia nunquam biberam de eo. valde tamen sapidum videbatur mihi, sicut vere est.

De curia Scacatay, & quod Christiani non bibunt cosmos.

MAne ergo obviauimus bigis Scacatay onustis domibus. Et videbatur mihi quod obuiare•• mihi ciuitas magna. Mirabar etiam super multitudine armentorum boum & equorum & gregum ouium: paucos vide bam homines qui ista gubernarent. vnde inquisiui quot ho∣mines haberet sub se? & dictum fuit mihi, quod non plusquam quingentos, quorum medieta∣tem transiueramus in alia herbergia. Tunc incepit mihi dicere garcio qui ducebat nos, quod ali∣quid oporteret Scacatay dare: & ipse fecit nos stare, & praecessit nuncians aduentum nostrum. Iam erat hora plu••quam tertia, & deposuerunt domos suas iuxta quandam aquam. Et venit ad nos interpres ipsius, qui statim cognito, quod nunquam fucramus inter illos, poposcit de cibis nostris, & dedimus ei, poscebat etiam vestimentum aliquod, quia dicturus erat verbū nostrum ante dominum suum. Excusauimus nos. Quaesiuit quid portaremus domino suo? Accepimus vnum flasconem de vino, & impleuimus vnum veringal de biscocto & platellum vnum de po∣mis & aliis fructibus. Sed non placebat ei, quia non ferebamus aliquem pannum pretiosum. Sic tamen ingressi sumus cum timore & verecundia. Sedebat ipse in lecto suo tenens citharu∣lam in manu, & vxor sua iuxta eum: de qua credebā in veritate, quod amputasset sibi nasum in∣ter oculos vt simior esset: nihil enim habebat ibi de naso, & vnxerat locum illum quodam vn∣guento nigro, & etiam supercilia: quod erat turpissimum in oculis nostris. Tunc dixi ei verba supra dicta. Vbique enim oportebat nos dicere idem verbum. Super hoc enim eramus bene pre∣moniti ab illis qui fuerant inter illos, quod nunquam mutaremus verba nostra.* 1.498 Rogaui etiam cum vt dignaretur accipere munusculum de manu nostra, excusans me, quia monachus eram, nec erat ordinis nostri possidere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes preciosas. Vnde non habe∣bam aliquid talium, quod possem ei dare: sed de cibis nostris acciperet pro benedictione. Tunc fecit recipi, & distribuit statim hominibus suis qui conuenerant ad potandum. Dedi etiam e•• literas Imperatoris Constantinopolitani: (Hoc fuit in octauis ascensionis) Qui statim eas Soldaiam misit vt ibi interpretarentur: quia erant in Graeco, nec habebat secum qui sciret literas Graecas. Quae siuit etiam à nobis, si vellemus bibere cosmos, hoc est, lac iumentinum. Christiani enim Ruteni, Graeci, & Alani, qui sunt inter eos, qui volunt stricte custodire legem suam, non bibunt illud: Imo non reputant se Christianus postquam biberunt. Et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant eos, tanquam negassent fidem Christianam. Ego respondi, quod habeba∣mus adhuc sufficienter ad bibendum: & cum ille potus deficeret nobis, oporteret nos bibere illud, quod daretur nobis. Quae siuit etiam quid contineretur in literis nostris, quas mittebatis Sartach. Dixi quod clausae erant bullae nostrae: & quod non erant in eis nisi bona verba & ami∣cabilia. Quae siuit & quae verba diceremus Sartach? Respondi, Verba fidei Christiane. Quae siuit quae? Quia libenter vellet audire. Tunc exposui ei prout potui per interpretem meum, qui nul∣lius erat in genij, nec alicuius eloquentiae, symbolū fidei. Quo audito, ipse tacuit & mouit caput. Tunc assignauit nobis duos homines, qui nos custodirent, & equos & boues: & fecit nos bi∣gare se cum, donec reuerteretur nuncius, quem ipse miserat pro interpretatione literarum impe∣ratoris; & iuimus cum eo vsque in crastinum Pentecostes.

Qualiter Alani venerunt ad eos in vigilia Pentecostes.

IN vigilia Pentecostes venerunt ad nos quidam Alani, qui ibi dicuntur‖ 1.499 Acias, Christiani se∣cundum ritum Graecorum; habentes literas Grecas & sacerdotes Graecos: tamen non sunt schismatici sicut Graeci; sed sine acceptione personarum venerantur omnem Christianum: & detulerunt nobis carnes coctas, rogantes vt comederemus de cibo eorum, & oraremus pro quodam defuncto eorum. Tunc dixi quod vigilia erat tantae solennitatis, quod illa die non comederemus carnes. Et exposui eis de solennitate, super quo fuerunt multum gauisi; quia omnia ignorabant quae spectant ad ritum Christianum, solo nomine Christi excepto. Quaesi∣uerunt & ipsi & alij multi Christiani, Ruteni & Hungari, vttum possent saluari, quia oportebat eos bibere cosmos, & comedere morticinia & interfecta à Saracenis & alijs infidelibus:

quae etiam ipsi Graeci & Ruteni sacerdotes reputant quasi morticinia vel idolis immolata: quia ignorabant tempora ieiunij: nec poterant custodire etiam si cognouissent. Tunc rectifi∣cabar eos prout potui, docens & confortans in fide. Carnes quas detulerant reseruaui∣mus vsque ad diem festum: nihil enim inueniebamus venale pro auro & argento, nisi pro telis & alijs | 1.500 pannis: & illos non habe bamus. Quum famuli nostri offerebant eis ipperpera, ipsi fri∣cabant digitis, & ponebant ad nares, vt odore sentirent, vtrum essent cuprum. Nec dabant nobis cibum nisi lac vaccinum acre valde & foetidum. Vinumiam d••ficiebat nobis. Aqua ita turba∣batur ab equis, quod non erat potabilis. Nisi fuisset biscoctum quod habebamus, & gratia dei, fortè fuissemus mortui.

De Saraceno qui dixit se velle baptizarj, et de homi∣nibus qui apparent leprosi.

INdie pentecostes venit ad nos quidam Saracenus, qui cum loqueretur nobiscum, incepimus exponere fidem. Qui audiens beneficia dei exhibita humano generi in incarnatione Christi, & resurrectionem mortuorum, & iudicium futurum, & quod ablutio peccatorum es••et in bap∣tismo: dixit se velle baptizari. Et cum pararemus nos ad baptizandum eum, ipse subito ascen∣dit equum suum, dicens se iturum domum & habiturum consilium cum vxore sua. Qui in cra∣stino loquens nobiscum, dixit quod nullo modo auderet accipere baptisma, quia tunc non bibe∣ret cosmos. Christiani enim illius loci hoc dicebant, quod nullus verus Christianus deberet bi∣bere: & sine potu illo non posset viuere in solitudine illa. A qua opinione nullo modo potui di∣uertere illum. Vnde noueritis pro certo quod multū elongantur à fide propter illam opinionem quae iam viguit inter illos per Rutenos, quorum maxima multitudo est inter eos. Illa die dedit nobis ille capitaneus vnum hominem, qui nos deduceret vsque ad Sartach: & duos qui du∣cerent nos vsque ad proximam herbergiam; quae inde distabat quinque dietas prout boues poterant ire. Dederunt etiam nobis vnam capram pro cibo & plures vtres lactis vaccini, & de cosmos parum: quia illud preciosum est inter illos. Et sic arripientes iter rectè in aquilonem, visum fuit mihi quod vnam portam inferni transissemus. Garciones qui ducebant nos, incipie∣bant nobis audacter furari, quia videbant nos parum cautos. Tandem amissis pluribus vexatio dabat nobis intellectum. Peruenimus tandem ad extremitatem illius prouinciae, quae clauditur vno fossato ab vno marivsque ad aliud: extra quam erat herbergia eorum apud quos intrasse∣mus: videbantur nobis leprosi omnes:* 1.501 quia erant viles homines ibi collocati, vt reciperent tribu••um ab accipientibus sal a ••alinis superius dictis. Ab illo loco, vt dicebant, oportebat nos ambulare quinde cim diebus, quibus non inueniremus populum. Cum illis bibimus cosmos: & dedimus illis vnum veringal plenum fructibus & panem biscoctum. Qui dederunt nobis octo boues,* 1.502 vnam capram pro tanto itinere, & nescio quot vtres plenos lacte vaccino. Sic mutatis bobus arripuinus iter, quod perfecimus decem diebus vsque ad aliam herberglam: nec inueni∣mus a quam in illa via nisi in fossis in conuallibus factis, exceptis duobus paruis fluminibus. Et tende bamus rectè in orientem ex quo exiuimus praedictam prouinciam Gasariae, habentes mare ad meridiem & vastam solitudinem ad aquilonem: quae durat per viginti dietas alicubi in latitudine: In qua nulla est sylua, nullus nions, nullus lapis. Herba est optima. In hac so∣lebant pascere Comani, qui dicuntur Capchat. A Tentonicis verò dicuntur Valani, & pro∣uincia Valania. Ab Isidoro vero dicitur à flumine Tanai vsque ad paludes Meotidis & Danu∣bium Alania. Et durat ista terra in longitudine a Danubio vsque Tanaim; qui est terminus Asiae & Europae,* 1.503 itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando prout equitant Tartari: Quae tota inhabitabatur à Comanis Capchat, & etiam vltra à Tanai vsque ‖ 1.504 Etiliam: Inter quae flumina sunt decem dietae magnae. Ad aquilonem verò istius prouincie ••acet Russia,* 1.505 que vbique syluas habet, & protenditur à Polonia & Hungaria vsque Tanaim: quae tota vastata est à Tartaris, & adhuc quotidie vastatur. Praeponunt enim Rutenis, quia sunt Christiani, Saracenos: & cum non possunt amplius dare aurum vel argentum, ducunt eos & paruulos eorum tan∣quam greges ad solitudinem vt custodiant animalia eorum. Vltra Russiiam ad aquilonem est Prussia,* 1.506 quam nuper subi••gauerunt totam fratres Te••tonici. Et certe de facili acquierent Russiam, si apponerent manum. Si enim Tartari audirent, quod magnus sacerdos, hoc est, Papa faceret cruce signari contra eos, omnes fugerent ad solitudines suas.

De tedijs quae patiebantur, & de sepultura Comanorum.

IBbanus ergo versus orientem, nihil videntes nisi coelum & te••ram, & aliquando mare ad dex∣tram, quod dicitur Mare Tanais, & etiam sepulturas Comanorum, quae apparebant nobis à

duabus le••cis secundum quod solebant parentelae eorum ••epe•••• ••••m••l, Quam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••r••mus in solitudine bene erat nobis: quòd tedium quod patiebar quum veni••ba••us ad mansiones eorum non possem exprimere verbis. Volebat enim dux noster, quod ad quo••l b••t capitan••os ing••e∣derer cum xe••o: & ad hoc non sufficiebant expensae. Quotidie enim e••amus octo personae comed••ntes viaticum nostrū exceptis seruientibus, qui omnes volebant comedere nobiscum. Nos enim eramus quinque, & ipsi tres qui ducebant nos: duo ducentes bigas, & vnus iturus nobiscum vsque ad Sattach. Carnes quas dabant non sufficiebant; nec inueni•• bamus aliquid venale pro moneta. Et cum sedebamus sub bigis nostris pro vmbra,* 1.507 quia calor erat ibi maximus illo tempore, ipsi ita importune ingerebant se nobis, quod conculcabant nos, volentes omnia nostra videre. Si arripiebat eos appetitus purgandi ventrem, non elongabant se a nobis, quam possit ••aba iactari. Imo iuxta nos colloquentes mutuò faciebant immunditias suas: & multa alia faciebant quae erant supra modum tediosa. Super omnia grauabat me, quod cum volebam dicere eis aliquod verbum aedificationis, interpres meus dicebat, non facietis me praedicare; quia nescio talia verba dicere. Et verum dicebat. Ego enim perpendi postea, quum in••epi aliquan∣tulum intelligere idioma, quod quum di••ebam vnum, ipse totum aliud dicebat, secundum quod ei occurrebat. Tunc videns periculum loquendi per ipsum, elegi magis tacere. Ambula∣uimus ergo cum magno labore de mansione in mansionem: ita quod pancis diebus ante festum bea••ae Mariae Magdalenae veni ad fluuium magnum Tanais: qui diuidit Asiam ab Europa,* 1.508 sicut Nilus fluuius AEgypti, Asiam ab Africa. In illo loco quo applicuimus fecerunt Baat•• & Sartach fieri quoddam casale de Rutenis in ripa orientali, qui transferunt nuncios & mercatores cum nauiculis.* 1.509 Ipsi transtulerunt nos primo & postea bigas ponentes vnam rotam ••n vna barea & aliam in alia, ligantes barcas ad inuicem; & sic remigantes transibant. Ibi egit dux noster valde stulte. Ipse enim credebat, quod illi de casali deberent nobis ministrare equos, & dimis•••• anima∣lia quae adduxeramus in alia biga, vtredirent ad dominos suos. Et quam postulauimus ab eis animalia, ipsi respondebant quod habebant priuilegiū à Baatu, quod non tenerentur ad aliud, nisi transferre euntes & redeuntes: etiam à mercatoribus accipiebant magnum tributum. Stetimus ergo ibi in ripa sluminis tribus diebus. Prima die dederunt nobis mag••••m borbatam recen••em: secunda die panem de siligine & parum de carnibus, quas acceperat procurator villae os••iatim per diuersas domos. Tertia die pisces siccos, quos habent ibi in magna multitu∣dine. Fluuius ille erat ibi tantae ••atitudinis, quantae est Sequana Parisijs.* 1.510 Et antequam perue∣nissemus ad locum illum, transiuimus multas aquas pulcherrimas & piscosissimas: Sed Tartari nesciunt eos capere: nec curant de pisce nisi sit ita magnus, quod pos••unt comedere ca••nes eius, sicut carnes arietinas. Ille fluuius est terminus Orientalis Russiae; & oritur de paludibus quae pertingunt ad Oceanum ad aquilonem.* 1.511 Fluuius vero currit ad merid••em in quoddam magnum Mare septingentorum millium, antequam pertingat ad Mare Ponti: Et omnes aquae quas transiuimus vadunt ad illas partes. Habet etiam piedictum flumen magnam syluam in ripa Occidentali. Vlti a locum illum non ascendunt Tartari versus Aquilonem: quia tunc tem∣poris ‖ 1.512 circa introitum Augusti incipiunt redire versus meridiem. Vnde aliud est casale infe••ius vbi transeunt nuncij tempore hyemali. Eramus igitur ibi in magna angustia, quia nec equos nec boues inueniebamus pro pecunia. Tandem postquam ostendi eis, quod laboraui pro com∣muni vtilitate omnium Christianorum, accōmodauerunt nobis boues & homines: nos autem oportebat ire pedibus. Tunc temporis metebant siliginem: tri••icum non proficiebat ibi bene. Milium habent in magna copia. Mulieres Rutenae ornant capita sicut nostrae. Supertunicalia sua exterius ornant vario vel grisio a pedibus vsque ad genua. Homines portant capas sicut Teutonici: sed in capite portant pileos de siltro acutos in summitate longo acumine. Ambu∣lauimus ergo tribus diebus non inuenientes populum. Et cum essemus valde farigati & boues similiter, nec sciremus quorsum possemus Tartaros inuenire, accurretunt sebito duo equi, quos recepimus cum gaudio magno, & ascenderunt eos dux noster & interpres, vt specula∣rentur quorsum possemus populum inuenire. Tandem quarta die inuentis hominibus gaulsi sumus tanquam naufragi venientes ad portum. Tunc acceptis equis & bobus i••imus de mansione ad mansionem donec peruenimus vsque ad herbergiam Sartach secundo Calendas Augusti.

De regione Sartach, & de gentibus illius.

REgio ista vltra Tanaim est pulcherrima, habens flumina & syluas ad aquilonem. Sunt syluae maximae, quas inhabitant duo genera hominum: Moxel scilicet, qui sunt sine lege, puripagani. Ciuitatem non habent sed casulas in syluis. Dominus eorum & magna

pa••s eorum fuerunt interfecti in Alemania, Tartari enim duxerant eos ad introitum Alemaniae. Vnde ipsi multum commendant Alemanos, sperantes quod adhuc liberabuntur per eos à ser∣uitute Tartarorum. Si mercator veniat ad eos, oportet quod ille apud quem primo descendit prouideat ei quamdiu vult esse inter eos. Si quis dormiat cum vxore alterius, ille non curat nisi videat proprijs oculis: vnde non sunt Zelotypi. Abundant apud eos porci, mel, & cera, pel∣les preciosae, & falcones. Post illos sunt alij qui dicuntur Merdas, quos latini vocant Merduos, & ••unt Saraceni.* 1.513 Post illos est ‖ 1.514 Etilia, quae est maior fluuius, quam vnquam viderim: & venit ab Aquilone de maiori Bulgaria tendens ad meridiem: & cadit in quendam lacum habentem spacium quatuor mensium in circuitu, de quo postea dicam vobis. Ista ergo duo flumina Ta∣nais & Etilia versus regiones Aquilonis per quas transiuimus non distant ab inuicem nisi de∣cem dietis, sed ad meridiem multum diuiduntur ab inuicem. Tanais enim descendit in Mare Ponti: Etilia facit praedictum Mare siue lacum, cum alijs multis fluminibus, quae cadunt in illum de Perside. Habebamus autem ad meridiem montes maximos in quibus habitant in late∣ribus versus solitudinem illam Cergis & Alani siue ‖ 1.515 Acas, qui ••unt Christiani & adhuc pug∣nant contra Tartaros. Post istos prope Mare siue lacum Etiliae sunt quidam Saraceni qui di∣cuntur Lesgi,* 1.516 qui similiter obediunt. Post hos est Porta ferrea, quam secit Alexander ad ex∣cluden das Barbaras gentes de Perside: de cuius situ dicam vobis postea, ‖ 1.517 quia transiui per eam in reditu. Et inter ista duo flumina in illis terris per quas transiuimus habitabant Comam antequam Tartari occuparent eas.

De Curia Sartach & de gloria eius.

INuenimus ergo Sartach prope Etiliam per tres dietas: cuius curia valde magna videbatur nobis: quia habet sex vxores, & filius eius primogenitus iuxta eum duas vel tres: & quae∣libet habet domum magnam & bigas forte ducentas. Accessit autem ductor noster ad quen∣dam Nestorinum Coiat nomine,* 1.518 qui est vnus de maioribus Curiae suae. Ille fecit nos ire valde longe ad domini Iannam. Ita vocant illum qui habet ••fficium recipiendi nuncios. In sero praecepit nobis dictus Coiat, vt veniremus ad eum. Tunc incepit quaerere ductor noster quid portaremus e••, & coepit multum scandalizari, quum vidit quod nihil parabamus ad portan∣dum. Stetimus coram eo, & ipse sedebat in gloria sua & faciebat sonare citharam & saltare coram se. Tunc dixi ei verba praedicta qualiter veniremus ad dominum eius, rogans eum vt i••uaret nos vt Dominus eius videret literas nostras. Excusaui etiam me quia monachus eram, non habens, nec recipiens, nec tractans aurum vel argentum vel aliquid preciosum, solis libris & capella in qua ser••iebamus deo exceptis: vnde nullum xenium afferebamus einec domino suo. Qui enim propria dimiseram, non poteram portator esse alienorum. Tunc respondit sa∣tis mansuete, quod bene faciebam ex quo eram monachus: sic seruarem votum meum, & non indigebat rebus nostris; sed magis daret nobis de suis, si indigeremus: & fecit nos sedere & bibere de lacte suo. Et post pauca rogauit vt diceremus benedictionem pro eo, quod & fecimus. Quaesiuit & quis esset maior dominus inter Francos. Dixi, Imperator, si haberet terram suam in pace. Non, inquit, sed Rex Franciae. Audiuerat enim de vobis à domino Baldewyno de Hannonia. Inueni etiam ibi vnum de Socijs domus Dominicae, qui fuerat in Cypro, qui narra∣uerat omnia quae viderat. Tunc reuersi sumus ad hospitium nostrum. In cras••ino misi ei vnum flasconem de vino Muscato, quod optime se custodierat in tam longa via; & cophinum ple∣num biscocto quod fuit ei gratissimum, & retinuir illo sero famulos nostros secum. In crastino mandauit mihi quod venirem ad curiam; afferens literas regis & capellam & libros mecum, quia dominus suus vellet videre ea: quod & fecimus, onerantes vnam bigam libris & capella, & aliam pane & vino & fructibus. Tunc fecit omnes libros & vestes explica••i, & circumstabant nos in equis multi Tartari & Christiani & Saraceni: quibus inspectis, quaesiuit, si vellemista omnia dare domino suo, quo audito, expaui, & displicuit mihi verbum, dissimulans tamen re∣spondi, domine rogamus, quatenus dominus noster dignetur recipere panem illum, vinum & fructus non pre xenio quia exiguum quid est, sed pro benedictione, ne vacua manu veni•• mus coram eo. Ipse autem videbit literas domini regis, & per eas sciet, qua de causa venimus ad eum: & tunc stabimus mandato eius nos & omnes res nostrae. Vestes enim sanctae sunt, & non licet eas contingere nisi sacerdotibus. Tunc praecepit quod indueremus nos ituri coram do∣mino suo: quod & fecimus. Ego autem indutus preciosioribus vestibus accepi in pectore puluinar, quod erat valde pulchrum, & biblium quod dederatis mihi, psalterium pulcherrimum, quod dederat mihi domina regina, in quo erant picturae pulc••rae. Socius meus accepit missale & crucem, clericus indutus supercilicio accepit thu••ibulum: sic accessimus ante dominum eius:

fil••rum quod pendebat ante ostium vt nos posset videre. Tunc fecerunt flectere genua ter cle∣rico & interpreti: à nobis non requisiuerunt. Tunc monuerunt nos valde diligenter, vt caue∣remus ingrediendo & egrediendo ne tangeremus limen domus, & vt cantaremus aliquam be∣nedictionem pro eo. Tunc ingressi sumus cantando, Salue regina. In introitu autem ostij sta∣bat bancus cum cosmos & cum ciphis. Et conuenerant omnes vxores eius: & ipsi Moal. In∣gredientes nobiscum comprimebant nos. Illic Coiac tulit ei thuribulum cum incenso, quod ipse respexit, tenens in manu diligenter: postea tulit ei psalterium quod valde respexi••, & vxor eius sedens iuxta eum. Postea tulit biblium, & ipse quaesiuit, si euangelium esset ibi. Dixi, etiam tota Scriptura Sacra. Accepit etiam crucem in manu sua, & quaesiuit de imagine, vtrum esset imago Christi? Respondi quod sic. Ipsi Nestoriani & Armeni nunquam faciunt super cru∣ces suas figuram Christi. Vnde videntur male sentire de passione, vel erubescunt eam. Postea fecit circumstantes nos retrahere se, vt plenius posset videre ornamenta nostra. Tunc obtuli ei literas vestras cum transcriptis in Arabico & Syriano. Feceram enim eas transferri in Acon in vtraque litera & lingua. Et ibi erant sacerdotes Armeni, quisciebant Turcicum & Ara∣bicum, & Ille Socius domus Domini qui sciebat Syrianum, & Turcicum & Arabicum. Tunc exiuimus & deposuimus vestimenta nostra: & venerunt scriptores & ille Coiac, & fecerunt literas interpretari. Quibus auditis, fecit recipi panem & vinum & fructus: vestimentà & libros fecit nos reportare ad hospitium. Hoc actum est in festo Sancti Petri ad vincula.

Qualiter habuerunt in mandatis adire Baatu patrem Sartach.

IN crastino mane venit quidam sacerdos frater ipsius Coiac postulans vasculum cum chris∣mate, quia Sartach volebat illud videre, vt dicebat, & dedimus ei. Hora vespertina vo∣cauit nos Coiac, dicens nobis: Dominus rex scripsit bona verba Domino meo: Sed sunt in eis difficilia, de quibus nihil auderet facere, sine consilio patris sui. Vnde oportet vos ire ad patrem suum, & duas bigas quas adduxistis heri cum vestimentis & libris dimittetis mihi, quia Dominus meus vult res diligentius videre. Ego statim suspicatus sum malum de cupidi∣tate eius, & dixi ei. Domine, non solum illas sed etiam duas quas adhuc habemus relinque∣mus sub custodia vestra. Non inquit, illas relinguetis, de alijs facietis velle vestrum. Dixi quod hoc nullo modo posset fieri. Sed totam dimitteremus ei. Tunc quaesiuit si vellemus mo∣rari in terra? Ego dixi, Si bene intellexistis literas domini regis, potestis scire, quod sic. Tunc dixit, quod oporteret nos esse patientes multum, & humiles. Sic discessimus ab eo illo sero. In crastino mane misit vnum sacerdotem Nestorinum pro bigis, & nos duximus omnes quatuor. Tunc occurrens nobis frater ipsius Coiacis, seperauit omnia nostra ab ipsis rebus quas tule∣ramus pridie ad curiam, & illa accepit tanquam sua, scilicet libros & vestimenta: & Coiac praeceperat, quod ferremus nobiscum vestimenta quibus induti fueramus coram Sartach vt illis indueremur coram Baatu si expediret: quas ille sacerdos abstulit nobisvi, dicens: Tu at∣tulisti eas ad Sartach, modo vis ferre Baatu? Et cum vellem ei reddere rationem, respondit mihi, Ne loquaris nimis, & vade viam tuam. Tunc necessaria fuit patientia, quia apud Sar∣tach, non patebat nobis ingressus; nec aliquis erat, qui nobis exhiberet iusticiam. Time∣bam etiam de interprete, ne ipse aliquid aliter dixisset, quam ego dixissem ei: quia ipse bene voluisser, quod de omnibus fecissemus xenium. Vnum erat mihi solacium, quia quum per∣sensi cupidiratem eorum, ego subtraxi de lib••is Biblium & sententias, & alios libros quos magis diligebam. Psalterium dominae reginae non fui ausus subtrahere, quia illud fuerat ni∣mis notatum propter aureas picturas quae erant in eo. Sic ergo reuersi sumus cum duobus resi∣duis bigis ad hospitium nostrum. Tunc venit ille, qui debebat ducere nos ad Baatu, volens cum festinatione a••ripere i••er: cui dixi quod nulla ratione ducerem bigas•• Quod ipse re••ulit ad Coiac. Tunc praecepit Coiac quod relinqueremus eas apud ipsum cum garcione nostro: quod & fecimus. Sic ergo euntes versus Baatu recta in Orientem, tertia die peruenimus ad E∣tiliam:* 1.519 cuius aquas cum vidi, mirabar vnde ab Aquilone descenderuat tantae aquae. Ante∣quam recederemus à Sartach, dixit nobis supradictus Coiac cum alijs multis scriptoribus cu∣riae, Nolite dicere quod dominus noster sit Christianus, sed Moal* 1.520 Quia nomen Christianita∣tis videtur eis nomen cuiusdam gentis. In tantam superbiam sunt erecti, quod quamuis ali∣quid forte credant de Christo, tamen nolunt dici Christiani volentes nomen suum, hoc est,

Moal exaltare super omne nomen. Nec volunt vocari Tartari: Tartari enim ••uerunt alia gens de quibus sic didici.

Qualiter Sartach, & Mangucham & Kencham faciunt reuerentiam Christianis.

TEmpore quo Franci ceperunt Antiochiam tenebat monarchiam in illis lateribus A∣quilonis quidam qui vocabatur Concan.* 1.521 Con est proprium nomen: Can nomen dig∣nitatis quod idem est qui diuinator. Omnes diuinatores vocant Can. Vnde principes di∣cuntur Can, quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per diuinationem. Vnde legitur in hi∣storia Antiochiae, quod Turci miserunt propter succursum contra Francos ad regnum Con can.* 1.522 De illis enim partibus venerunt omnes Turci. Iste Con erat Cara-Catay.* 1.523 Cara idem est quod nigrum. Catai nomen gentis. Vndè Cara-Catay idem est quod nigri Catay. Et hoc dicitur ad differentiam ipsorum Catay qui erant in Oriente super Oceanum de quibus postea dicam vobis.* 1.524 Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus per quas transiui. Et in qua∣dam planicie inter illas Alpes erat quidam Nestorinus pastor potens & dominus super populum, qui dicebatur Yayman,* 1.525 qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Mor••uo Con can ele∣uauit se ille Nestorius in regem, & vocabant eum Nestoriani Regem Iohannem:* 1.526 & plus dicebant de ipso in decuplo quàm veritas esset. Ita enim laciunt Nestoriani venientes de partibus illis. De nihilo enim faciunt magnos rumores. Vnde disseminauerunt de Sar∣tach quod esset Christianus, & de Mangu Can & Ken can: quia faciunt mai••rem reueren∣tiam Christianis, quàm alijs populis, & tamen in veritate Christiani non sunt. Sic ergo exiuit magna fama de illo Rege Iohanne. Et quando ego transiui per pascua eius, nullus a∣liquid sciebat de co nisi Nestoriani pauci. In pascuis eius habitat Kencam,* 1.527 apud cuius curiam fuit frater Andreas:* 1.528 & ego etiam transiui per eam in reditu. Huic Iohanni erat frater quidam potens, pastor similiter, nomine Vut:* 1.529 & ipse erat vltra Alpes ipsorum Caracatay, distans à fratre suospacium trium hebdomadarum & erat dominus cinusdam Villulae quae dicitur Ca∣racarum,* 1.530 populum habens sub se, qui dicebantur Crit, Merkit,* 1.531 qui erant Christiani Ne∣storini. Sed ipse dominus eorum dimisso cultu Christi, sectabatur idola; habens sacerdotes idolorum, qui omnes sunt inuocatores daemonum & sortilegi. Vltra pascua istius ad decem vel quindecem dictas erant pascua Moal:* 1.532 qui erant pauperrimi homines sine capitaneo & sine lege,* 1.533 exceptis sortilegijs & diuinationibus, quibus omnes in partibus illis intendunt. Et iuxta Moal erant alij pauperes, qui dicebantur Tartari. Rex Iohannes mortuus fuit sine haerede, & ditatus est frater eius Vnc; & faciebat se vocari Can: & mittebantur a••menta greges eius vsque ad terminos Moal. Tunc temporis Chingis faber quidam erat in populo Moal: & furabatur de animalibus Vnc can quod poterat: In tantum quod conquesti sunt pastores Vut domino suo. Tunc congregauit exercitum & equitauit in terram Moal, quaerens ipsum Cyngis.* 1.534 Et ille fugit inter Tartaros & latuit ibi. Tunc ipse Vut accepta praedà Moal & à Tartaris reuersus est. Tunc ipse Cyngis allocutus est Tartaros & ipsos Moal dicens, Quia sine duce sumus opprimunt nos vicini nostri. Et fecerunt ipsum ducem & capitaneum Tartari & Moal. Tunc latenter congregato exercitu irruit super ipsum Vut, & vicit ipsum, & ipse fugit in Cathaiam. Ibi cap••a fuit filia eius, quam Cyngis dedit vni ex filijs in vxo∣rem,* 1.535 ex quo ipsa suscepit istum qui nunc regnat Mangu. Tunc ipse Cyngis pre••••ittebat v∣bique ipsos Tartaros: & inde exiuit nomen eorum, quia vbique clamabatur, E••ce Tartari veniunt. Sed per crebra bella modo omnes fere deleti sunt. Vnde isti Moal modo volunt ex∣tinguere illud nomen, & suum eleuare. Terra illa in qua primo suerunt, & vbi est adhuc curia Cyngiscan, vocatur Mancherule.* 1.536 Sed quia Tartari est regio circa quam fuit acquisitio ••orum, illam ciuitatem habent pro regali, & ibi prope eligunt suum Can.

De Rutenis & Hungaris, & Alanis, & de ma∣ri Caspio.

DESartach autem vtrum credit in Christum vel non nescio. Hoc scio quod Christianus non vult dici. Immò magis videtur mihi deridere Christianos. Ipse enim est in itinere Christi∣anorum, scilicet Rutenorum, Blacorum, Bulgarorum minoris Bulgariae, Soldainorum, Ker∣kisorum, Alanorum: qui omnes transeunt per eum quum vadunt ad curiam patris sui defer∣re cimunera, vnde magis amplectitur eos. Tamen si Saraceni veniant, & maius afferant, citiùs expediuntur. Habet etiam circa se Nestorinos sacerdotes, qui pulsant tabulam, & cantant of∣ficium suum.

Est alius qui dicitur Berta super Baatu,* 1.537 qui pascit versus Portam ferream, vbi est iret Saracenorum omnium qui veniunt de Perside & de Turchia, qui euntes ad Baatu, & trans∣euntes per eum, deferunt ei munera. Et ille facit se Saracenum, & non permittit in terra sua comedi carnes porcinas. Baatu in reditu nostro praeceperatei, quod transferret se de illo loco vltra Etiliam ad Orientem, nolens nuncios Saracenorum transire per eum, quia videbatur sibi damnosum.

Quatuor autem diebus quibus fuimus in curia Sartach, nunquam prouisum fuit nobis de ••••bo, nisi semel de modico cosmos. In via verò inter ipsum & patrem suum habu••••mus mag∣num timorem. Ru••eni enim & Hungari, & Alani serui eorum, quorum est magna multitu∣do inter eos, associant se viginti vel triginta simul, & fugiunt de nocte, habentes pharetras & arcus, & quemcunque inueniunt de nocte interficiunt, de die latitantes. Et quando sunt equi eorum fatigati veniunt de nocte ad multitudinem equorum in pascuis, & mutant equos, & v∣num vel duos-ducunt secum, vt comedant quum indiguerint. Occursum ergo talium timebat multum Dux noster. In illa via fuissemus mortui fame, si non portauissemus nobiscum modi∣cum de biscocto.

Venimus tandem ad Etiliam maximum flumen. Est enim in quadruplo maius quàm Se∣quana, & profundissimum: Veniens de maiori Bulgaria, quae est ad Aquilonem,* 1.538 tendens in quendam lacum, siue quoddam mare, quod modò vocant mare Sircan, à quadam ci∣uitate, quae est iuxta ripam eius in Perside. Sed Isidorus vocat illud mare Caspium. Habet enim montes Caspios, & Persidem à meridie: montes verò Musi••et, hoc est, Assassinorum ad Orientem, qui contiguantur cum montibus Caspijs: Ad Aquilonem verò habet illam solitudinem, in qua modò sunt Tartari. Prius verò erant ibi quidam qui dicebantur Can∣glae:* 1.539 Et ex illo latere recipit Etiliam, qui crescit in aestate sicut Nilus AEgypti. Ad Occi∣dentem verò habet montes Alanorum & Lesgi; & Portam feream, & montes Georgiano∣rum. Habet igitur illud mare tria latera inter montes, Aquilonare verò habet ad planiciem. Frater Andreas ipse circumdedit duo latera eius,* 1.540 meridionale scilicet & Orientale. Ego ve∣rò alia duo; Aquilonare scilicet in eundo à Baatu ad Mangu cham, Occidentale verò in re∣uertendo de Baatu in Syriam. Quatuor mensibus potest circundari.* 1.541 Et non est verum quod dicit Isidorus, quòd sit sinus exiens ab Oceano: nusquam enim tangit Oceanum, sed vndi∣que circundatur terra.

De curia Baatu, & qualiter recepti fuerunt ab eo.

TOta illa regio à latere Occidentali istius maris, vbi sunt Porta ferrea Alexandri, & mon∣tes Alanorum, vs{que} ad Oceanum Aquilonarem & paludes Maeotidis vbi mergitur Tanais,* 1.542 solebat dici Albania: de qua dicit Isidorus,* 1.543 quòd habet canes ita magnos, tantae que feritatis, vt tauros premant, leones perimant. Quod verū est, prout intellexi à narrantibus, quod ibi ver∣sus Oceanum Aquilonarem faciunt canes trahere in bigis sicut boues propter magnitudinem & fortitudinem eorum.* 1.544 In illo ergo loco vbi nos applicuimus super Etiliam est casale nouum, quod fecerunt Tartari de Rutenis mixtim, qui transponunt nuncios euntes, & redeuntes ad curiam Baatu: quia Baatu est in vlteriori ripa ve••sus Orientem: nec transit illum locum vbi nos applicuimus ascendendo in aestate, sed iam incipiebat descendere. De Ianuario enim vs∣que ad Augustum ascendit ipse, & omnes alij versus frigidas regiones, & in Augusto incipiunt redire. Descendimus ergo in naui ab illo casali vsque ad curiam eius.* 1.545 Et ab illo loco vsque ad villas maioris Bulgarie versus Aquilonem, sunt quinque dietae. Et miror quis Diabolus porta∣uit illuc legem Machometi.* 1.546 A Porta enim ferrea,* 1.547 quae est exitus Persidis, sunt plusquam tri∣ginta dietae per transuersum, solitudinem ascendendo iuxta Etiliam v••que in illam Bulgariam, vbi nulla est ciuitas,* 1.548 nisi quaedam casalia propè vbi cadit Etilia in mare. Et illi Bulgari sunt pes∣simi Saraceni, fortius tenentes legem Machometi, quàm aliqui alij. Quum ergo vidi curiam Baatu,* 1.549 expaui; quia videbantur propè domus eius, quasi quaedam magna ciuitas protensa in lō∣gum, & populus vndi{que} circumfusus, vs{que} ad tres vel quatuor leucas. Et sicut populus Israel sci∣ebat vnusquis{que}, ad quam regionem tabernaculi deberet figere tentoria: ita ipsi sciunt ad quod latus curiae debeant se collocate, quando ipsi deponunt domus. Vnde dicitur curia Orda lingua corum, quod sonat medium,* 1.550 quia semper est in medio hominum suorum: hoc excepto, quod rectà ad meridiem nullus se collocat, quia ad partem illam aperiuntur portae Curiae: Sed à dex∣tris & à sinistris extendunt se quantum volunt secundum exigentiam locorum: dummodo re∣ctè ante curiam, vel ex opposito curiae non descendunt. Fuimus ergo ducti ad quendam Sara∣cenum, qui non prouidebat nobis de aliquo cibo: sequenti die fuimus ad curiam, & fecerat ex∣tendi magnum tentorium, quia domus non potuisset capere tot homines & mulieres, quot conuenerant. Monuit nos ductor noster vt non loqueremur, donec Baatu praeciperet: & tun•• loqueremur breuiter. Quaesiuit etiam vtrum misissetis nuncios ad eos. Dixi qualiter miseratis ad Kencham, & quod nec ad ipsum misissetis nuncios,* 1.551 nec ad Sartach literas, nisi credidissetis eos fuisse Christianos: quia non pro timore aliquo, sed ex congratulatione, quia audiueratis eos esse Christianos, misistis. Tunc duxit nos ad papilionem: & monebamur, ne ••angeremus cor∣das tentorij, quas ipsi reputant loco liminis domus. Stetimus ibi nudis pedibus in habitu no∣stro discoopertis capitibus, & eramus spectaculum magnum in oculis eorum. Fuerat enim ibi frater Iohannes de Plano carpini,* 1.552 sed ipse mutauerat habitum ne contemneretur; quia erat nun∣cius Domini Papae. Tunc inducti fuimus vsque ad medium tentorij, nec requisiuerunt vt face∣remus aliquam reuerentiam genua flectendo, sicut solent facere nuncij. Stetimus ergo co••am eo quantum possit dici, Miserere mei Deus: & omnes erant in summo silentio. Ipse verò super solium longum sedebat & latum sicut lectus, totum deauratum, ad quod ascendebatur tribus gradibus, & vna domina iuxta eum. Viri vero diffusi sedebant à dextris dominae & à sinistris: quod non implebant mulieres ex parte vna, quia erant ibi solae vxores Baatu, implebant vi∣ri. Bancus verò cum cosmos & ciphis maximis aureis & argenteis, ornatis lapidibus praetiosis erat in introitu tentorij. Respexit ergo nos diligentius, & nos eum: & videbatur mihi simi∣lis in statura Domino Iohanni de Bello monte cuius anima requiescit in pace. Erat et••am vultus eius tunc perfusus gu••ta rosea. Tandem praecepit vt loquerer. Tunc ductor noster precepit vt fle∣cteremus genua, & loqueremur. Flexi vnum genu tanquam homini: tunc innuit quod ambo flecterem, quod & feci, nolens contendere super hoc. Tunc praecepit quod loquerer. Et ego co∣gitans quod orarem Dominum, quia flexeram ambo genua, Incepi verba oratione, dicens: Do∣mine, nos oramus Dominum, à quo bona cuncta procedunt, qui dedit vobis ista terrena, vt det vobis post hec coelestia: quia haec sine illis vana sunt. Et ipse diligenter auscultauit, & subiunxi: Noueritis pro certo quòd coelestia non habebitis, nisi fueritis Christianus. Dicit enim Deus, Qui crediderit & baptizatus fuerit, saluus erit: qui vero non crediderit, condemnabitur. Ad illud verbum ipse modestè subrisit, & alij Moal inceperunt plaudere manus deridendo nos. Et obstupuit interpres meus, quem oportuit me confortare ne timerem. Tunc facto si∣lentio, dixi: Ego veni ad filium vestrum, quia audiuimus quòd esset Christianus, & at∣••uli ei literas ex parte Domini Regis Francorum:* 1.553 ipse misit me huc ad vos. Vos debetis

scire qua de causa. Tunc fecit me surgere. Et quae siuit nomen vestrum, & meum, & socij mei, & interpretis, & fecit omnia scribi. Quae siuit etiam, quia intellexerat quod exiera∣tis terram vestram cum exercitu vt haberetis bellum. Respondi, Contra Saracenos vio∣lantes domum Dei Hierusalem. Quae siuit etiam si vnquam misissetis nuncios ad e∣um. Ad vos dixi nun quam. Tunc fecit nos sedere, & dari de lacte suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valdè magnum reputant, quando aliquis bibit cosmos cum eo in domo sua. Et dum sedens respicerem terram, praecepit vt eleuarem vultum, volens a••huc nos am∣plius respicere, vel fortè pro sortilegio: quia habent pro malo omine vel signo, vel pro mala Prognostica, quando aliquis sedet coram eis inclinata facie quasi tristis, maxi∣mè quum appodiat maxillam, vel mentum super manum. Tunc exiuimus, & post pau∣ca, venit Ductor noster ad nos, & ducens nos ad hospitium, dixit mihi, Dominus Rex rogat, quod retinearis in terra ista: & hoc non potest Baatu facere sine conscientia Man∣gu cham. Vnde oportet quod tu & interpres tuus eatis ad Mangu cham. Socius verò tuus & alius homo reuertentur ad curiam Sartach ibi expectantes donec reuertatis. Tunc incepit homo DEI Interpres lugere reputans se perditum: Socius etiam meus conte∣stari, quod citius amputarent ei caput, quam quod diuideretur à me. Et ego dixi, quod sine socio non possem ire: Et etiam quod benè indigebamus duobus famulis, quia si con∣tingeret vnum infirmari, non possem solus remanere. Tunc ipse reuersus ad curiam dix∣it verba Baatu. Tunc praecepit: vadant duo sacerdotes & interpres: & Clericus reuerta∣tur ad Sartach. Ille reuersus dixit nobis summam. Et quando volebam loqui pro Cleri∣co, quod iret nobiscum, dixit, Non loquamini amplius, quia Baatu definiuit, & eo am∣plius non audeo redire ad curiam. De elcemosyna habebat Goset clericus viginti sex ipper∣pera, & non plus: quorum decem retinuit sibi & puero: & sexdecem dedit homini Dei pro no∣bis. Et sic diuisi sumus cum lachrimis ab inuicem: Illo redeunte ad curiam Sartach, & nobis ibi remanentibus.

De itinere fratrum versus curiam Mangu cham.

IN Vigilia Assumptionis peruenit ipse clericus ad Curiam Sartach: & in crastino fue∣runt Sacerdotes Nestorini induti vestimentis nostris coram Sartach. Tunc ducti fui∣mus ad alium hospitem, qui debebat nobis prouidere de domo & cibo & equis. Sed quia non habuimus quod daremus•• ei, omnia malè faciebat. Et bigauimus cum Baatu descendendo iuxta Etiliam quinque septimanas.* 1.554 Aliquando habuit socius meus tan∣tam famem, quod dicebat mihi quasi lachrymando: videbatur mihi quod nunquam comederim. Forum sequitur semper Curiam Baatu. Sed illud erat tam longè à nobis, quod non poteramus ire. Oportebat enim nos ire pedibus pro defectu equorum. Tan∣dem inuenerunt nos quidam Hungari,* 1.555 qui fuerant Clericuli, quorum vnus sciebat ad∣huc cantare multa corde, & habebatur ab alijs Hungaris quasi Sacerdos, & vocabatur ad exequias suorum defunctorum: Et alius fuerat competenter instructus in Grammatica: qui intelligebat quicquid dicebamus ei literaliter, sed nesciebat respondere: qui fecerunt nobis magnam consolationem, afterentes cosmos ad bibendum, & carnes aliquando ad comedendum: qui quum postulassent à nobis aliquos libros, & non haberem quos pos∣sem dare, nullos enim habebam, nisi Biblium & breuiarium, dolui multum. Tunc dixi eis, afferte nobis chartas, & ego scribam vobis, quamdiu erimus hîc: quod & fecerunt. Et scripsi vtrasque horas Beatae Virginis & officium defunctorum. Quodam die iunxit se nobis quidam Comanus,* 1.556 salutans nos verbis latinis, dicens, Saluete Domini. Ego mi∣rans, ipso resalutato, quaesiui ab eo, quis eum docuerat illam salutationem. Et ipse dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus à fratribus nostris qui docuerant illum eam. Dixit etiam quod Baatu quaesiuerat ab eo multa de nobis, & quod ipse dixerat ei conditiones ordinis nostri. Ego vidi Baatu equitantem cum turba sua, & omnes patres familias equitantes cum eo, secundùm aestimationem meam non erant quingenti viri. Tandem circa finem exal∣tationis sanctae crucis venit ad nos quidam diues Moal, cuius patererat millenarius, quod magnum est inter eos, dicens, Ego vos debeo ducere ad Mangu cham, & est iter quatuor mensium:* 1.557 & tantum frigus est ibi, quod findunturibi lapides & arbores pro frigore:* 1.558 Videatis vtrum poteritis sustinere. Cui respondi: Spero in virtute Dei, quod nos sustinebimus, quod a∣lij homines possunt sustinere. Tunc dixit: Si non poteritis sustinere, ego relinquam vos in via. Cui respondi, hoc non esset iustum: quia non iuimus pro nobis, nisi missi à Domino vestro: Vnde ex quo vobis committimur, non debetis nos dimittere. Tunc dixit, benè erit. Post

hoc fecit nos ostendere sibi omnes vestes nostras, & quod sibi videbatur minus necessarium fecit deponere sub custodia hospitis nostri. In crastino attulerunt cuilibet nostrum vnam pelliceam villosam arietinam & braccas de eadem, & botas siue bucellos secundùm mo∣rem eorum cum soccis de filtro;* 1.559 & almucias de pellibus secundùm modum eorum. Et se∣cunda die post exaltationem Sanctae crucis incepimus equitare nos tres habentes signarios: & equitauimus continuè versus Orientem vsque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, per to∣tam illam terram, & adhuc amplius habitabant Cangle,* 1.560 quaedam parentèla Romanorum. Ad Aquilonem habebamus maiorem Bulgariam,* 1.561 & ad meridiem praedictum mare Caspium.

De flumine Iagag, & de diuersis regionibus siue nationibus.

* 1.562POstquam iueramus duodecim diebus ab Etilia inuenimus magnum flumen, quod vocant Iagag: & venit ab Aquilone de terra Pascatir descendens in predictum mare. Idioma Pasca∣tir & Hungarorum idem est: & sunt pastores sine ciuitate aliqua.* 1.563 Et contiguatur maiori Bul∣gariae ab OccidenteAb illa terra versus Orientem in latere illo Aquilonari non est am∣plius aliqua ciuitas. Vnde Bulgaria maior est vltima regio habens ciuitatem. De illa re∣gione Pascatir exierunt Huni,* 1.564 qui posteà dicti sunt Hungari. Vnde ipsa est maior Bulga∣ria. Et dicit Isidorus, quòd pernicibus equis claustra Alexandri rupibus Caucasi feras gen∣tes cohibentia transierunt: ita quod vsque in AEgyptum soluebatur eis tributum. Destru∣xerunt etiam omnes terras vsque in Franciam. Vnde fuerunt maioris potentiae, quàm sunt adhuc Tartari. Cum illis occurrerunt Blaci & Bulgari & Vandali. De illa enim ma∣iori Bulgaria venerunt illi Bulgari: Et qui sunt vltra Danubium propè Constantinopo∣lin, & iuxta Pascatir sunt Ilac, quod idem est quod Blac: sed B. nesciunt Tartari sonare:* 1.565 à quibus venerunt illi qui sunt in te••ra Assani. Vtrosque enim vocant Ilac, & hos & il∣los lingua Rutenorum & Polonorum, & Boëmorum. Sclauorum est idem idioma cum lin∣gua Vandalorum, quorum omnium manus fuit cum Hunis: & nunc pro maiori parte est cum Tartaris quos Deus suscitauit à remotioribus partibus, populum multum, & gen∣tem stultam,* 1.566 secundùm quod dicit Dominus, Prouocabo eos, id est, non custodientes Legem suam, in eo qui non est populus, & in gente stulta irritabo eos. Hoc comple∣tur ad literam super omnes nationes non custodientes Legem Dei. Hoc quod dixi de ter∣ra Pascatir scio per fratres Praedicatores, ‖ 1.567 qui iuerunt illuc ante aduentum Tartarorum. Et ex tunc erant ipsi subiugati à vicinis Bulgaris Saracenis, & plures eorum facti Sara∣ceni. Alia possunt sciri per Chronica: quia constat quod illae prouinciae post Constan∣tinopolim, quae modo dicuntur Bulgaria, Valachia, Sclauonia, fuerunt prouinciae Gre∣corum. Hungaria fuit Pannonia. Equitauimus ergo per terram Cangle à festo Sanctae cru∣cis vsque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum,* 1.568 quolibet die ferè quantum est à Parisijs vsque Aurelianum, secundùm quod possum estimare, & plus aliquando: secundùm quod ha∣bebamus copiam equorum. Aliquando enim mutabamus bis in die vel ter equos. Ali∣quando ibamus duobus diebus vel tribus, quibus non inueniebamus populum, & oporte∣bat leuius ire. De viginti vel triginta equis nos semper habebamus peiores, quia extranci e∣ramus. Omnes enim accipiebant ante nos equos meliores. Mihi semper prouidebant de forti equo, quia eram ponderosus valdè: sed vtrum suauiter ambularet vel non, de hoc non auderem facere quaestionem. Nec etiam audebam conqueri, si durè portaret. Sed fortunam suam oportebat vnumquemque sustinere. Vnde oriebatur nobis difficillimus la∣bor: quia multoties fatigabanturequi, ante quam possemus peruenire ad populum. Et tunc o∣portebat nos percutere & flagellare equos, ponere etiam vestes super alios saginarios, mutare equos saginarios; aliquando nos duos ire in vno equo.

De fame & siti, & alijs miserijs quas sustinuerunt in itinere.

DE fame & fiti, frigore & fatigatione non est numerus. Non enim dant cibum nisi in sero. In mane dant aliquid bibere, vel sorbere milium. In sero dabant nobis car∣nes, scapulam arietis cum costis & de brodio ad mensuram bibere. Quando habebamus de brodio carnium ad satietatem optimè reficiebamur. Et videbatur mihi suauiffimus potus &

maximè nutriens. Feria sexta permanebam ieiunus vs{que} ad noctem, nihil hauriens. Tunc opor∣tebat me in tristitia & dolore comedere carnes. Aliquando oportebat nos comedere carnes semic octas vel ferè crudas propter defectum materiae ignis,* 1.569 quando iace bamus in campis & de nocte descendebamus: quia tunc non poteramus benè colligere stercora equorum vel bo∣um: aliam materiam ignis rarò inueni ebamus; nisi fortè alicubi aliquas spinas. In ripis etiam aliquorum fluminum sunt alicubi syluae.* 1.570 Sed hoc rarò. In principio despiciebat nos multùm Ductor noster, & fastidiebat eum ducere tam viles homines. Postea tamen quando incepit nos melius cognoscere, ducebat nos per curias diuitum Moallorum: & oportebat nos orare pro ipsis. Vnde sihabuissem bonum interpretem, habebam oportunitatem seminandi mul∣ta bona. Ille Chingis primus Cham habuit quatuor filios, de quibus egressi sunt multi, qui omnes habent modo magnas curias: & quotidiè multiplicantur & diffunduntur per illam Vastam solitudinem,* 1.571 quae est sicut mare. Per multos ergò illorum ducebat nos Ductor noster. Et mirabantur supra modum, quia nolebamus recipere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes praeciosas. Quaerebant etiam de magno Papa, si esset ita senex sicut audierant: au∣dierant enim quod esset quingentorum annorum. Quaerebant de terris nostris si ibi essent multae oues, & boues, & equi. De Oceano mari non potuerunt intelligere, quod esset sine termino vel sine ripa. In vigilia omnium Sanctorum dimisimus viam in Orientem, ‖ 1.572 quia iam populus descenderat multum versus meridiem: Et direximus iter per quas∣dam Alpes rectè in meridiem continuè per octo dies. In illa solitudine vidi multos asi∣nos, quos vocant Colan, qui magis assimulantur mulis: quos multum prosequuti sunt Dux noste & socij eius, sed nihil profecerunt propter nimiam velocitatem eorum. Septima die inceperunt nobis apparere ad meridiem montes altissimi:* 1.573 & intrauimus planiciem, quae irrigabatur sicut hortus, & inuenimus terras culta••.* 1.574 In octauis omnium Sanctorum intrauimus villam quandam Saracenorum nomine Kenchat:* 1.575 cuius capiraneus occurrebat extra villam duci nostro cum ceruisia & ciphis. Hic est enim mos eorum; quod de omnibus villis subditis e••s, occurratur nuncijs Baatu, & Mangu cham cum cibo & potu. Tunc tem∣poris ibant ibi super glaciem.* 1.576 Et prius à festo Sancti Michaelis habueramus gelu in solitudi∣ne. Quaesiui de nomine Prouinciae illius•• sed quia iam eramus in alio territorio nescierunt mi∣hi dicere, nisi à nomine ciuitatis, quae erat valdè pa••ua.* 1.577 Et descendebat magnus fluuius de montibus,* 1.578 qui irrigabat totam regionem, secundùm quod volebant aquam ducere: nec des∣cendebat in aliquod mare, sed absorbebatur à terra: & faciebat etiam multas paludes.* 1.579 Ibi vidi vites,* 1.580 & bibi bis de vino.

De interfectione Ban & habitatione Teuto∣nicorum.

SEquenti die venimus ad aliud casale propinquius montibus.* 1.581 Et quaesiui de montibus, de quibus intellexi, quòd essent montes Caucasi: qui contiguantur ex vtraque parte maris ab Occidente vsque ad Orientem:* 1.582 & quod transiueramus mare supradictum, quod intrat Eti∣lia. Quaesiui etiam de Talas ciuitate,* 1.583 in qua erant Teutonici serui Buri, de quibus dixerat frater Andreas,* 1.584 de quibus etiam quaesiueram multum in curia Sartach & Baatu. Sed nihil pote∣ram intellige••e, nisi quod Ban dominus eorum fuerat interfectus tali occasione. Ipse non erat in bonis pascuis. Et quadam die dum esset ebrius, loquebatur ita cum hominibus suis. Nonne sum de genere Chingis can sicut Baatus (Et ipse erat nepos Baatu vel frater) quare non vadam super ripam Etiliae, sicut Baatu, vt pascam ibi? Quae verba relata fuerunt Baatu. Tunc ipse Ba∣atu scripsit hominibus illius, vt adduce••ent ei dominum ipsorum vinctum: quod & fecerunt. Tunc Baatu quaesiuit ab eo si dixisset tale verbum: & ipse confessus est, tamen excusauit se,* 1.585 quia ebrius erat: (quia solent condonate ebrijs:) & Baatu respondit: Quomodo audebas me nominare in ebrietate tua? Et fecit ei amputari caput. De illis Teutonicis nihil potui cognoscere vsque ad curiam Mangu. Sed in supradicto casali intellexi, quod Talas erat post nos iuxta mōtes per sex dietas.* 1.586 Quando veni ad curiam Mangu cham, intellexi quod ipse Man∣gu transtulerat eos delicentia Baatu versus Orientem spacio itineris vnius mensis à Talas ad quandam villam quae dicitur Bolac: vbi fodiunt aurum, & fabricant arma. Vnde non potui ire necredire per eos. Transiui eundo satis prope, per tres dietas fortè, ciuitatem illam: sed ego ignoraui: nec potuissem etiam declinasse extra viam, si benè sciuissem. A praedicto casali iui∣mus ad Orientem iuxta montes praedictos: & ex tunc intrauimus inter homines Mangu cham,* 1.587 qui vbique cantabant & plaudebant coram ductore nostro: quia ipse erat nuncius Baatu. Hunc enim honorem exhibent sibi mutuo, vt homines Mangu cham recipiant nuncios Baatu

p••aedicto modo: Et limiliter homines Baatu nuncios Mangu. Tamen hommes Baatu superi∣ores sunt, nec exequuntur ita diligenter. Paucis diebus post hoc intrauimus Alpes,* 1.588 in quibus soleban•• habitare Cara catay: & inuenimus ibi magnum fluuium,* 1.589 qu••m oportuit nos trans∣ire nauigio. Post haec intrauimus quandam vallem, vbi vidi castrum quoddam destructum, cuius muri non erant nisi de luto, & terra colebatur ibi.* 1.590 Et pòst inuenimus quandam bonam villam quae dicitur Equius,* 1.591 in qua erant Saraceni loquentes Persicum: longissimè ta∣men erant à Perside.* 1.592 Sequenti die transgressis illis Alpibus quae descendebant à magnis mon∣tibus ad meridiem, ingressi sumus pulcherrimam planiciem habentem montes altos à dextris, & quoddam mare à smistris, siue quendam lacum qui durat quindecem dietas in circuitu.* 1.593 Et illa planicies tota irrigabatur ad libitum aquis descendentibus de montibus, quae omnes reci∣piuntur in illud mare. In aestate rediuimus ad latus Aquilonare illius maris, vbi similiter erant magni montes. In planicie praedicta solebant esse multae villae: sed pro maiori parte omnes erant destructae, vt pascerent ibi Tartari: quia optima pascua erant ibi. Vnam magnam vil∣lam inuenimus ibi nomine Cailac, in qua erat forum, & frequentabant eam multi mercato∣res.* 1.594 In illa quieuimus quindecem diebus, expectantes quendam scriptorem Baatu, qui debe∣bat esse socius ducis nostri in negotijs expediendis in curia Mangu. Terra illa solebat dici Or∣ganum: & solebant habere proprium idioma, & propriam literam: Sed haec tota erat occupata à Contomannis.* 1.595 Etiam in literatura illa & idiomate solebant facere N••stormi de part••bus illis. Dicuntur Organa, quia solebant esse optimi Organistae vel Citharistae, vt dic••batur mihi. Ibi primo vidi Idolatrias, de quibus noueritis, quod sunt multae sectae in Oriente.

Quod Nestorini et Saraceni sunt mixti & Idolatre.

* 1.596PRimi sunt Iugures, quorum terra contiguatur cum terra praedicta Organum inter montes il∣los versus Orientem: Et in omnibus ciuitatibus eorum sunt mixti Nestorim & Saraceni. Et ipsi etiā sunt diftusi versus Persidem in ciuitatibus Saracenorum.* 1.597 In predicta ciuitate Cealac ha∣bebant etiam ipsi tres Idolatrias, quarum duas intraui, vt viderem stul••itias eorum. In primain∣ueni quendam, qui habebat cruciculam de atramento super manum suam. Vnde credidi quod esset Christianus: quia adomnia quae quaere bam ab eo, respondebat vt Christianus. Vnde que∣siui ab eo: Quare ergo non habetis crucem & imaginem Iesu Christi? Et ipse respondit, non habemus consuetudinem. vnde ego credidi quod es••ent Christiani: sed ex defectu doctrine omitterent. Videbam enim ibi post quandam cistam, quae erat eis loco altaris, super quam po∣nunt lucernas & oblationes, quandam imaginationem habentem alas quasi Sancti Michaelis: & alias quasi ipsorum tenentes digitos sicut ad benedicendum. Illo soro non potui aliud inue∣nire. Quia Saraceni in tantū inuitant eos, quod nec etiam volunt loqui inde eis. Vnde quan∣do quaerebam a Sararcenis deritu talium, ipsi scandalizabantur. In crastino fuerunt kalendae & pasch•• Saracenorum & mutaui hospitium: ita quod fui hospitatus prope aliam Idolatri••m. Homines enim co••ligunt nuncios, quilibet secuudum posse suum vel portionem suam. Tunc intrans Idolatriam praedictam inueni sacerdotes Idolorum. In kalendis enim aperiunt tem∣pla sua, & ornant se sacerdotes, & ofterunt populi oblationes de pane & f••uctibus. Primò ergo describo vobis ritus communes omnes Idola••rarum:* 1.598 & postea istorum Iugurum; qui sunt quasi secta diuisa ab alijs. Omnes adorant ad Aquilonem complosis manibus: & prosternentes se genibus flexis ad terram, ponentes frontem super manus. Vnde Nestorini in partibus illis nul∣lo modo iungunt manus orando: sed orant extensis palmis ante pectus. Porrigunt templa sua ab Oriente in Occidentem: & in latere Aquilonari faciunt cameram vnam quasi eorū exe∣un••em: vel aliter, Si est domus quadrata, in medio domus ad latus aquilonare intercludunt v∣nam cameram in loco chori. Ibi ergo collocant vnam arcam longam & latam sicut mensam vnam. Et post illam arcam contra meridiem collocant principale idolum: quod ego vidi apud Cara••arum,* 1.599 ita magnum sicut pingitur Sanctus Christopherus. Et dixit mihi quidam sacerdos Nestorinus, qui venerat ex Cataya, quod in terra illa est Idolum ita magnum, quod potest vi∣deri à duabus dietis. Et collocant alia idola in circuitu, omnia pulcherrime deaura••: Super ci∣stam illam, quae est quasi mensa vna, ponunt lucernas & oblationes. Omnes portae templorum sunt apertae ad meridiem contrario modo Saracenis. Item habent campanas magnas sicut nos. Ideo credo quod orientales Christiani noluerunt habere eas. Ruteni tamen habent & Graeci in Gasaria.

De templis eorum & idolis, & qualiter se habent in officio deorum suorum.

OMnes sacerdotes eorum rasum habent totum caput & barbam; sunt vestiti de croceo, & seruant castitatem, ex quo radunt caput: Et viuunt pariter centum vel ducenti in vna congregatione. Diebus quibus intrant te••plum, ponunt duo scamna, & sedent è regione cho∣rus contra chorum habentes libros in manibus, quos aliquando deponunt super illa scamna: & habent capita discooperta quādiu insunt in tēplo, legentes in silencio, & tenentes silencium. Vnde cùm ingressus fuissem apud Oratorium quoddam eorum, & inuenissem eos ita seden∣tes, multis modis tentaui eos prouocare ad verba, & nullo modo potui. Habent etiam quocun∣que vadunt quendam restem cen••um vel ducentorum nucleorum, sicut nos portamus pater noster: Et dicunt semper haec verba: Ou mam Hactaui: hoc est, Deus tu nosti; secundum quod quidem eorum interpretatus est mihi. Et toties expectant remunerationem à Deo, quo∣ties hoc ••icendo memoratur Dei. Circa templum suum semper faciunt pulchrum atrium, quod bene includunt muro: & ad meridiem faciunt portam magnam, in qua sedent ad colloquen∣dum. Et super illam portam erigunt perticam longam, quae emineat si possint, super totam vil∣lam. Et per illam perticam potest cognosci, quod domus illa sit templum Idolorum. Ista com∣munia sunt omnibus Idolatris. Quando ergo ingressus fui predictam Idolatriam, inueni sacer∣dotes sedentes sub porta exteriori. Illi quos vidi, videbantur mihi fratres Franci esse rasis barbis. Tyaras habebant in capitibus cartaceas.* 1.600 Istorum Iugurum sacerdotes habent talem habitum quocunque vadunt: semper sunt in tunicis croceis satis strictis accincti desuper recte sicut Franci: & habent pallium super humerum sinistrum descendens inuolutū per pectus & dorsum ad latus dextrum sicut diaconus portans casulam in quadragesima. Istorum literas acceperunt Tartari. Ipsi incipiunt scribere sursum, & ducunt lineam deorsum,* 1.601 & eodem modo ipsi legunt & multiplicant lineas a sinistra ad dextram. Isti multum v••uutur cartis & caracteribus pro sor∣tilegio. Vnde templa sua plena sunt breuibus suspensis.* 1.602 Et Mangu-cham mittit vobis literas in idiomate Moal & literatura eorum. Isti comburunt mortuos suos secundum antiquum modum,* 1.603 & recondunt puluerem in summitate pyramidis. Cum ergo sedissem iuxta praedictos sacerdo∣tes, post quam ingressus fueram templum & vidissem idola eorum multa magna & parua: quae∣siui ab eis, quid ipsi crederent de Deo. Qui responderunt, Non credimus nisi vnum Deum. Et ego quaesiui. Creditis quod ipse sit spiritus vel aliquid corporale? Dixerunt, credi∣mus quod sit spiritus. Et ego: Creditis quod nunquam sumpserit humanam naturam? Dixe∣runt, minime. Tunc ego: ex quo creditis, qu••d non sit nisi vnus spiritus, quare facitis ei imagi∣nes corporales, & tot insuper? Et ex quo non creditis quod factus sit homo, quare facitis ei magis imagines hominum, quàm alterius animalis? Tunc responderunt, Nos non figuramus istas imagines Deo. Sed quando aliquis diues moritur ex nostris, vel filius, vel vxor, vel aliquis charus eius facit fieri imaginem defuncti, & ponit eam hic: & nos veneramur eam ad memo∣riam eius. Quibus ego, Tunc ergo non facitis ista nisi propter adulationem hominum. Immo dixerunt ad memoriam. Tunc quaesiuerunt à me quasi deridendo: vbi est Deus? Quibus ego. Vbi est anima vestra? Dixerunt, in corpore nostro. Quibus ego. Nonne est vbique in corpore tuo & totum regit, & tamen non videtur? Ita Deus vbique est, & omnia gubernat, inuisibilis tamen, quia intellectus & sapientia est. Tunc cum vellem plura ratiocinati cum illis, interpres meus fatigatus, non valens verba exprimere, fecit me tacere. Istorum secte sunt Moal siue Tar∣tari, quantum ad hoc, quod ipsi non credunt nisi vnum Deum: tamen faciunt de filtro imagi∣nes defunctorum suorum, & induunt eas quinque pannis preciocissimis, & ponunt in vna bi∣ga vel duabus, & illas bigas nullus auder tangere: & sunt sub custodia diuinatorum suorum, qui sunt eorum sacerdotes, de quibus postea narrabo vobis. Isti diuinatores semper sunt ante curiam ipsius Mangu & aliorū diuitum: pauperes enim non habent eos; nisi illi qui sunt de ge∣nere Chingis. Et cum debent bigare, ipsi praecedunt, sicut columna nubis filios Israel, & ipsi considerant locum metandi castra, & post deponunt domos suas; & post eos tota curia. Et tunc cum sit dies festus siue kalendae ipsi extrahunt praedictas imagines & ponunt eas ordinate per circuitum in domo sua. Tunc veniunt Moal & ingrediuntur domum illam, & inclinant se ima∣ginibus illis & venerantur illas. Et illam domum nemini ingredi extraneo licet: Quadam enim vice volui ingredi & multum durè increpatus fui.

De diuersis nationibus, & de illis qui comedere solebant parentes suos.

PRaedicti vero Iugures, qui sunt mixti cum Christianis & Saracenis, per frequentes dispu∣tationes, vt credo, peruenerunt ad hoc, quod non credunt nisi vnum deum. Et isti fue∣runt habitantes in ciuitatibus, qui post obediuerunt Chingis Cham: vnde ipse dedit regi eo∣rum filiam suam. Et ipsa Caracarum est quasi in territorio eorum: Et tota terra regis siue pres∣byteri Iohannis & Vut fratris eius circa terras eorum:* 1.604 Sed isti in pascuis ad aquilonem, illi Iu∣gures inter montes ad meridiem. Inde est quod ipsi Moal sumpserunt literas eorum. Et ipsi sunt magni scriptores eorum: & omnes fere Nestorini ••c••unt literas eorum. Post istos sunt ipsi Tangut ad orientem inter montes illos, homines fortissimi,* 1.605 qui ceperunt Chingis in bel∣lo. Et pace facta dimissus ab eis, postea subiugauit eos. Isti habent boues fortissimos haben∣tes caudas plenas pilis sicut equi, & ventres pilosos & dorsa.* 1.606 Bassiores sunt alijs bobus in ti∣bijs, sed ferociores multum. Isti trahunt magnas domos Moallorum: & habent cornua gra∣cilia, longa, acuosa, acutissima: ita quod oportet semper secare summitates corum. Vacca non permittit se iniungi nisi cantetur ei. Habent etiam naturam bubali quia si vident hominem indutum rubeis, insiliunt in eum volentes interficere. Post illos sunt Tebet homines solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos,* 1.607 vt causa pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera sua. Modo ••amen hoc dimiserunt, quia abominabiles erant omni nationi. Tamen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos de capitibus parentum, vt illis bibentes habeant memoriam eorum in iocu••ditate sua. Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat. Isti habent multum de auro in terra sua.* 1.608 Vnde qui indiget auro, fodit donec reperiat, & accipiat quando indiget, residuum con∣dens in terra: quia si reponeret in arca vel in thesauro, crederet quod Deus a••fe••ret ei aliud quod est in terra. De istis hominibus vidi personas multum deformes. Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos.* 1.609 Iugures sunt mediocris staturae sicut nostri. Apud Iugures est fons & ra∣dix ideomatis Turci & Comanici. Post Tebet sunt Langa & Solanga,* 1.610 quorum nuncios vidi in curia: Qui adduxerant magnas bigas plusquam decem, quarum quaelibet trahebatur sex bobus. Isti sunt parui homines & fusci sicut Hispani:* 1.611 & habent tunicas si cut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus: & habent in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi. Sed pars anterior est parum interior quàm posterior, & non terminatur in vnum angulum: sed sunt quadrae desuper, & sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem magnum, & limato in tantum, quod fulget ad radium solis sicut speculum vel galea bene burnita. Et circa tempora habent longas bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitrae; quae se extendunt ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de temporibus. Et quando ventus nimis iactat eas plicant eas per medium mitrae superius à tempore in tempus: & iacent sicut circulus ex transuerso capitis. Et principalis nun∣cius quando veniebat ad curiam, habebat tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem vni∣us cubiti,* 1.612 & ad latitudinem vnius palmi, rasam multum: Et quandocunque loquebatur ipsi Cham, vel alicui magno viro, semper aspiciebat in illam tabulam, acsi inueniret ibi ea quae dicebat: nec respiciebat ad dextram vel sinistram, nec in faciem illius cui loquebatur. Etiam accedens coram domino & recedens nusquam respicit nisi in tabulam suam. Vltra istos sunt alij homines, vt intellexi pro vero, qui dicuntur Muc,* 1.613 qui habent villas, sed nulla animalia sibi appropriant: tamen sunt multi greges & multa armenta in terra ipsorum, & nullus custodit ea. Sed cum aliquis indiget aliquo, ascendit collem & clamat, & omnia animalia audien∣tia clamorem accedunt circa illum, & permit••unt se tractari quasi domestica. Et si nuncius vel ali••uis extraneus accedat ad regionem illam, ipsi includunt eum in domo, & ministrant ei ne∣cessaria, don•••• negocium eius fuerit expeditum. Quia si iret extraneus per regionem, anima∣lia ad odorem eius fugerent, & efficerentur syluestria. Vltra est magna Cathaya,* 1.614 cuius incolae antiquitus vt credo dicebantur Seres. Ab ipsis enim veniunt optimi pann•• serici. Et ille popu∣lus dicitur Seres a quodam oppido eorum. Bene intellexi, quod in illa regione est oppidum habens muros argenteos & propugnacula aurea. In ista terra sunt multae prouinciae, quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis. Et inter*

Aliqua desiderantur.

The iournal of frier William de Rubruquis a French man of the order of the minorite friers, vnto the East parts of the worlde. An. Dom. 1253.

TO his most Soueraigne, & most Christian Lord Lewis, by Gods grace the renowmed king of France, frier William de Rubruk, the meanest of the Minorites order, wisheth health & cōtinual triumph in CHRIST.

It is written in the booke of Ecclesiasticus concerning the wise man:* 1.615 He shall trauell into forren countries, and good and euill shall he trie in all things. The very same action (my lord and king) haue I atchie∣ued: howbeit I wish that I haue done it like a wise man, and not like a foole. For many there be, that performe the same action which a wise man doth, not wisely but more vndiscreetly: of which number I feare my selfe to be one. Notwithstanding howsoeuer I haue done it, because you commanded mee, when I departed from your highnes, to write all things vnto you, which I should see among the Tartars, and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long letters, I haue done as your maiestie inioined me: yet with feare and reuerence, because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient to write vnto so great a maiestie. Be it knowen therefore vnto your sacred Maiestie, that in the yeare of our Lord 1253. about the Nones of May, we entered into the sea of Pontus, which the Bulgarians call the great sea. It containeth in length (as I learned of certaine mer∣chants) 1008 miles, and is in a maner, diuided into two parts. About the midst thereof are two pro∣uinces, one towards the North, and another towards the South. The South prouince is called Synopolis, and it is the castle and porte of the Soldan of Turkie: but the North prouince is called of the Latines, Gasaria: of the Greeks, which inhabite vpon the sea shore thereof, it is called Cas∣saria, that is to say Caesaria. And there are certaine head lands stretching foorth into the sea to∣wards Synopolis. Also, there are 300. miles of distance betweene Synopolis and Cassaria. Inso∣much that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is a∣bout 700. miles: and 700. miles also from thence to the East, namely to the countrey of Hiberia which is a prouince of Georgia. At the prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria we arriued,* 1.616 which prouince is, in a maner, three square, hauing a citie on the West part thereof called Kersoua, wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome. And sayling before the said citie, we sawe an island, in which a Church is sayd to be built by the hands of angels. But about the midst of the said prouince toward the South, as it were, vpon a sharpe angle or point, standeth a citie called Soldaia directly ouer a∣gainst Synopolis.* 1.617 And there doe all the Turkie merchants, which traffique into the North coun∣tries, in their iourney outward, arriue, and as they returne homeward also from Russia, and the said Northerne regions, into Turkie. The foresaid merchants transport thither ermines and gray furres, with other rich and costly skinnes. Others carrie cloathes made of cotton or bombast, and silke, and diuers kindes of spices. But vpon the East part of the said prouince standeth a citie called Matriga,* 1.618 where the riuer Tanais dischargeth his streames into the sea of Pontus, the mouth wher∣of is twelue miles in breadth. For this riuer, before it entreth into the sea of Pontus, maketh a little sea, which hath in breadth and length seuen hundreth miles, & it is in no place thereof aboue sixe paces deepe, whereupon great vessels cannot sayle ouer it. Howbeit the merchants of Con∣stantinople, arriuing at the foresayd citie of‖ 1.619 Materta, send their barkes vnto the riuer of Tanais to buy dried fishes, Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number of other fishes. The foresayd prouince of Cassaria is compassed in with the sea on three sides thereof: namely on the West side, where Kersoua the citie of Saint Clement is situate: on the South side the citie of Soldaia whereat we arriued: on the East side Maricandis, and there stands the citie of Matriga vp∣on the mouth of the riuer Tanais. Beyond the sayd mouth standeth Zikia,* 1.620 which is not in subiecti∣on vnto the Tartars: also the people called Sueui and Hiberi towards the East, who likewise are not vnder the Tartars dominion. Moreouer towards the South, standeth the citie of Trapesunda, which hath a gouernour proper to it selfe, named Guydo, being of the linage of the emperours of Constantinople, and is subiect vnto the Tartars. Next vnto that is Synopolis the citie of the Sol∣dan of Turkie, who likewise is in subiection vnto them. Next vnto these lyeth the countrey of Vastacius, whose sonne is called Astar, of his grandfather by the mothers side, who is not in sub∣iection. All the land from the mouth of Tanais Westward as farre as Danubius is vnder their iurisdiction. Yea beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, Valakia, which is the land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor as farre as Solonia, doe all pay tribute vnto them. And besides the

tribute imposed, they haue also, of late yeares, exacted of euery houshold an axe, and all such corne as they found lying on heapes. We arriued therefore at Soldaia the twelfth of the Kalends of Iune. And diuers merchants of Constantinople, which were arriued there before vs, reported that certaine messengers were comming thither from the holy land, who were desirous to trauell vnto Sartach. Notwithstanding I my self had publikely giuen out vpon Palme Sunday within y^e Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other mans messenger, but that I trauailed vnto those infidels according to the rule of our order. And being arriued, the said merchāts admoni∣shed me to take diligent heede what I spake: because they hauing reported me to be a messenger, if I should say the contrary, that I were no messenger, I could not haue free passage granted vnto me. Thē I spake after this maner vnto the gouernors of the citie, or rather vnto their Lieutenāts, because the gouernors thēselues were gone to pay tribute vnto Baatu, & were not as yet returned. We heard of your lord Sartach (quoth I) in the holy land, that he was become a Christian: and the Christians were exceeding glad therof, & especially the most Christian king of France, who is there now in pilgrimage, & fighteth against the Saracens to redeeme the holy places out of their handes: wherfore I am determined to go vnto Sartach, & to deliuer vnto him y^e letters of my lord the king, wherein he admonisheth him concerning the good and commoditie of all Christendome. And they receiued vs with gladnes, and gaue vs enterteinement in the cathedrall Church. The bishop of which Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concerning the saide Sartach, which afterward I found to be nothing so. Then put they vs to our choyce, whither we woulde haue cartes and oxen, or packe horses to transport our cariages. And the marchants of Constan∣tinople aduised me, not to take cartes of the citizens of Soldaia, but to buy couered cartes of mine owne, (such as the Russians carrie their skins in) and to put all our carriages, which I would day∣lie take out, into them: because, if I should vse horses, I must be constrained at euery baite to take downe my carriages, and to lift them vp againe on sundry horses backs: and besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen drawing the cartes. Wherfore, contenting my selfe with their euil counsel, I was traueiling vnto Sartach 2. moneths which I could haue done in one, if I had gone by horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the marchants aduised so to doe) pleasant fruits, muscadel wine, and delicate bisket bread to present vnto the gouernours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtaine free passage: because they looke fauourablie vpon no man which commeth with an emptie hand. All which thinges I bestowed in one of my cartes, (not finding the gouernours of the citie at home) for they told me, if I could carrie them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable vnto him. Wee tooke our iourney therefore about the kalends of Iune, with fower couered cartes of our owne and with two other which wee borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest vpon in the night, and they allowed vs fiue horses to ride vpon. For there were iust fiue persons in our company: namely, I my selfe and mine associate frier Bartholomew of Cremona,* 1.621 and Goset the bearer of these presents, the man of God Turge∣mannus, and Nicolas my seruant, whome I bought at Constantinople with some part of the almes bestowed vpon me. Moreouer, they allowed vs two men, which draue our carts and gaue attendance vnto our oxen and horses. There be high promontories on the sea shore from Kersoua vnto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are fortie castles betweene Kersoua and Soldaia, euery one of which almost haue their proper languages: amongst whome there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch tongue. Beyond the said mountaines towards the North, there is a most beauti∣full wood growing on a plaine ful of fountaines & freshets. And beyond the wood there is a migh∣tie plaine champion, continuing fiue dayes iourney vnto the very extremitie and borders of the said prouince northward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck land,* 1.622 hauing sea on the East & West sides therof, insomuch that there is a ditch made frō one sea vnto the other. In the same plaine (be∣fore the Tartars sprang vp) were the Comanians wont to inhabite, who compelled the foresayd ci∣ties and castles to pay tribute vnto them. But when the Tartars came vpon them, the multitude of the Comanians entred into the foresaid prouince, and fled all of them, euen vnto the sea shore, being in such extreame famine, that they which were aliue, were constrained to eate vp those which were dead: and (as a marchant reported vnto me who sawe it with his owne eyes) that the liuing men deuoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, as dogges would gnawe vpon carri∣on. Towards the borders of the sayd prouince there be many great lakes: vpon the bankes where∣of are salt pits or fountaines, the water of which so soone as it entereth into the lake, becom∣meth hard salte like vnto ice. And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reue∣nues: for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte: and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera. There come by sea also many ships for salt, which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden. The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia, we found the Tartars.* 1.623 Amongst whome being en∣tered,

me thought I was come into a new world. Whose li••e and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as I can.

Of the Tartars, and of their houses. Chap. 2.

THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in, neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come. They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues, which stretcheth from the riuer Da∣nubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne. And euery of their captaines, according to the great or or small number of his people, knoweth the bounds of his pastures, and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer, Spring and autumne. For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward. And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward. In win∣ter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground, they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water, be∣cause then they vse snow in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together: the roofe whereof con∣sisteth (in like sorte) of wickers, meeting aboue into one little roundell, out of which roundell as∣cendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney, which they couer with white felte, and oftentimes they lay morter or white earth vpon the sayd felt, with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte. The sayd felte on the necke of their house, they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures. Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer. For they spend all their coloured felt, in painting vines, trees, birds, and beastes thereupon. The sayd houses they make so large, that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth. For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes, I found it to be 20 feete ouer: and when the house was vpon the carte, it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least. I told 22. oxen in one teame, drawing an house vpon a cart, eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte, and eleuen more before them: the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship. And a fellow stood in the doore of the house, vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen. Moreouer, they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes: and afterward, from one side to another, they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers, and make a doore in the fore side thereof. And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through, which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers. And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe & treasure. Also the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts, which are drawen with camels, to y^e end they may wade through riuers. Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts. When they take down their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes to the South: & next of all they place the carts laden with their chests, here & there, within half a stones cast of y^e house: insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts, as it were, between two wals. The matrons make for thēselues most beautiful carts,* 1.624 which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie: for I would right willingly haue painted al things for you, had my skill bin ought in that art. One rich Moal or Ta••tar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests. Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues, euery one of which hath one great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind the great one, being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in. And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes. When they take their houses from off the cartes, the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier, and so all the rest in their order: so that the last wife dwel∣leth vpon the East frontier: and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast. Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village, very few men abiding in the same. One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once, for their coun∣tries are very plaine, and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen, one behind another. And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen, and al the residue follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let them loose, and guide them ouer one by one: for they goe a slowe pace, as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke.

Of their beds, and of their drinking pots. Chap. 3.

HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes, and turning the doores South∣ward, they place the bed of the master of the house, at the North part thereof. The womens place is alwaies on the East side, namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vp∣on his bed with his face Southwards: but the mens place is vpon y^e West side, namely at the right hand of their master. Men when they enter into the house, wil not in any case hang their quiuers on

the womens side. Ouer the masters head there is alwayes an image, like a puppet, made of felte, which they call the masters brother: and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse, which they call her brother being fastened to the wall: and aboue betweene both of them, there is a little leane one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole hou••e. The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete, on the right ha••d, the skin••e of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter, and neare vnto that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women. Next vnto the doore also on the womens side, there is another image with a cowes vdder, for the women that milke the kine. For it is the duety of their women to milke kine. On the other side of the doore next vnto the men, there is another image with the vdder of a mare, for the men which milke mares. And when they come together to drinke and make merie, they sprinc∣kle parte of their drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head: afterward vpon other images in order: then goeth a seruant out of the house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the South, and bowing his knee at euery time: and this is done for the honour of the fire. Then perfourmeth he the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East, for the honour of the ayre: and then to the West for the honour of the water: & lastly to the North in the behalfe of the dead. When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to drinke, before he tasteth thereof, hee powreth his part vpon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on horse backe, hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of his horse before hee himselfe drinketh. After the seruaunt a∣foresaide hath ••o discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the world, hee returneth into the house: and two other seruants stand ready with two cuppes, and two basons, to carrie drinke vn∣to their master and his wife, sitting together vpon a bed. And if he hath more wiues then one, she with whome hee slept the night before, sitteth by his side the daye following: and all his o∣ther wiues must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke: and there is the court holden for that day: the giftes also which are presented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife. And vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes.

Of their drinkes, and how they prouoke one another to drinking. Chap. 4.

IN winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise, of Mill, and of honie, being well and high coloured like wine. Also they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries. In summer time they care not for any drinke, but Cosmos. And it standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore, and next vnto it stands a minstrell with his fidle. I sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be, but many other musicall instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house begins to drinke, one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice HA, and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle.* 1.625 And when they make any great solemne feast, they all of them clap their hands & daunce to the noyse of musique, the men before their master and the women be∣fore their mistresse. And when the master hath drunke, then cries out his seruant as before, and the minstrell stayeth his musique. Then drinke they all around both men and women: and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly. Also when they will prouoke any man, they pul him by the eares to the drinke, and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing before him. Moreouer when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing, one of the company takes a full cuppe, and two other stand, one on his right hand and another on his left, and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the cuppe reached vnto him, still s••nging and dauncing before him: and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe, they leape suddenly backe, returning againe as they did before, and so hauing deluded him thr••c•• or fower times by drawing backe the cuppe vntill he be merie, and hath gotten a good appetite, then they giue him the cuppe, singing and dauncing and stamping with their feete, vntill he hath done drinking.

Of their foode and victuals. Chap. 5.

COncerning their foode and victuals, be it knowen vnto your Highnesse that they do, without al difference or exception, eat all their dead carrions. And amongst so many droues it cannot be, but some cattell must needes die. Howbeit in summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their mares milke lasteth, they care not for any foode. And if they chance to haue an oxe or an horse dye, they drie the flesh thereof:* 1.626 for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind, it is presently dried without salt, and also without stenche or corruption. They

make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs, which they eate being new made: the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill winter. They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags, which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake. Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals & pantofles. They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one ram to eat. For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water (other sauce they haue none) and then with the point of a knife, or a litle forke which they make for the same purpose (such as wee vse to take ro••ted peares or apples out of wine withal) they reach vnto eueryone of the company a morsell or twaine, according to the multitude of guestes. The master of the house, before the rams flesh be distributed, first of all him∣selfe taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he giueth vnto any of the company a speciall part, the receiuer therof must eat it alone, and must not impart ought therof vnto any other. Not being able to eate it vp all, he caries it with him, or deliuers it vnto his boy, if he be present, to keepe it: if not, he puts it vp into his Saptargat, that is to say, his foure square buget, which they vse to cary about with them for the sauing of all such prouision, and wherein they lay vp their bones, when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly, that they may ••urnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought.

How they make their drinke called Cosmos. Chap. 6.

THeir drinke called Cosmos, which is mares milke, is prepared after this maner. They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground, & vnto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares, which they mean to milke. Then come the dains to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues to be milked. And if any of them be too vnruly, then one takes her fole, & puts it vnder her, letting it suck a while, and presently carying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said mare. And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together (being as sweet as cowes milke) while it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose, hauing a club at the lower ende like a mans head, which is hollow within: and so soone as they beat vpon it, it begins to boile like newe wine, & to be sower and sharp of taste, and they beate it in that maner till butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it: for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes, when it is drunk. After a man hath taken a draught therof, it leaueth behind it a taste like the taste of almon milke, and goeth downe very pleasantly, intoxicating weake braines: also it cau∣seth vrine to be auoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to say black Cosmos, for great lords to drink, they make on this maner. First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white wine, and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue, being like vnto whay or white must. The said lees or dregs being very white, are giuen to seruants, a••d will cause them to sleepe exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleare their masters drinke •• and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies iourney of his abiding place: euery one of which serueth him dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk, and so all of them toge∣ther euery day with the milke of 3000. mares, besides white milke which other of his subiects bring. For euen as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and carie it vnto the courts of their lords, euen so doe they their mares milke euery third day. Out of their cowes milke they first churne butter, boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction, they put it into rams skinnes, which they reserue for the same purpose. Neither doe they salte their butter: and yet by reason of the long seething, it putrifieth not: and they keepe it in store for winter. The churn∣milke which remaineth of the butter, they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boile it and in boiling, it is turned all into curdes, which curds they drie in the sun, making them as hard as the drosse of iron: and this kind of food also they store vp in sachels against winter. In the winter season when milke faileth them, they put the foresaid curds (which they cal Gry-vt) into a bladder, and powring hot water thereinto, they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and that they drinke in stead of milke. They are very scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe.

Of the beastes which they eat, of their garments, and of their maner of hunting. Chap. 7.

GReat lords haue cottages or granges towards the South, from whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale against winter. The poorer sort prouide themselues of such necessa∣ries, for y^e exchange of rams, & of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaues fil their bellies with thick water, & are therewithall contented. They wil neither ea••e mise with long tailes, nor any kinde of mise with short tailes. They haue also certaine litle beasts called by thē Sogur, which lie in a caue

twenty or thirty of them together, al the whole winter ••••eeping there for the space of sixe moneths: and these they take in great abundance. There are also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vn∣to cats: & on the outside of their tailes grow blacke & white haires. They haue many other small beasts good to eat, which they know and discerne right well. I saw no Decre there, & but a fewe hares, but a great nūber of Roes. I saw wild asses in great abundance, which be like vnto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast called Artak, hauing in al resemblance the body of a ram, & croo∣ked hornes, which are of such bignes, that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand:* 1.627 & of these hornes they make great drinking cups. They haue Falcons, Girfalcons, & other haukes in great plenty: all which they cary vpon their right hands: & they put alwaies about their Falcons necks a string of leather, which hangeth down to y^e midst of their gorges, by the which string, whē they cast them off the fist at their game, with their left hand they bow downe the heads & breasts of the sayd haukes, least they should be tossed vp & downe, & beaten with the wind, or least they should soare too high. Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals, by hunting & hauking. Concer∣ning their garments and attire be it knowen vnto your Maiestie, that out of Cataya & other regi∣ons of the East, out of Persia also and other countries of the South, there are brought vnto them stuffes of silke, cloth of gold, & cotton cloth, which they weare in time of summer. But out of Russia, Moxel, Bulgaria the greater, & Pascat••r, that is Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all which are Northerne regions & full of woods) & also out of many other countries of the North, which are subiect vnto them, the inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sortes (which I neuer saw in our countries) where withal they are clad in winter. And alwaies against winter they make themselues two gownes, one with the fur inward to their skin, & another with the furre outward, to defend them from wind & snow, which for the most part are made of woolues skins, or Fox skins, or els of Papions. And whē they sit within the house, they haue a finer gowne to weare. The poo∣rer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins. When they goe to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great company of them together, & inuironing the place round about, where they are sure to find some game, by litle & litle they approch on al sides, til they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst, as it were into a circle, & then they discharge their arrowes at them. Also they make thēselues breeches of skins. The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke shag, which is exceeding soft, light, & warme. The poorer sort do line their clothes with cottō cloth which is made of the finest wooll they can pick out, & of the courser part of the said wool, they make felt to couer their houses and their chests, and for their bedding also. Of the same wool, being mixed with one third part of horse haire,* 1.628 they make all their cordage. They make also of the said felt couerings for their stooles, and caps to defende their heads from the weather: for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wooll. And thus much concerning the attyre of the men.

Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting their haire, and of the attire of their women. Chap. 8.

THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads, and from the two formost corners they shaue, as it were, two seames downe to their temples: they shaue also their tem∣ples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of the necke: likewise they shaue the fore∣part of their scalp downe to their foreheads, & vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of hayre rea∣ching downe vnto their eye browes: vpon the two hindermost corners of of their heads, they haue two lockes also, which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them vnder each eare one. Moreouer their womens garments differ not from their mens, sauing that they are somwhat longer. But on the morrowe after one of their women is maried, shee shaues her scalpe from the middest of her head down to her forehead, & weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne, yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nuns hood, being open before and girt v••to them vnder the right side. For herein doe the Tartars differ from the Turkes: because the Turkes fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side: but the Tartars alwaies on the right side. They haue also an ornament for their heads which they call Botta, being made of the barke of a trée, or of some such other lighter matter as they can find, which by reason of the thicknes & roundnes therof cannot be holden but in both hands together: & it hath a square sharp spire rising frō the top therof, being more then a cubite in length, & fashioned like vnto a pinacle. The said Botta they couer al ouer with a piece of rich silke: & it is hollow within: & vpon the midst of the sayd spire or square toppe, they put a bunch of quils or of slender canes a cubite long and more: & the sayd bunch, on the top thereof, they beautifie with Peacocks feathers, & round about al y^e length therof, with the feathers of a Ma∣lards taile, & with precious stones also. Great ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or coyfe, which hath an hole in the crowne, fit for the spire to

come through it: & vnder the foresaid ornament they couer the haires of their heads, which they ga∣ther vp round together frō the hinder part therof to the crowne, & so lap them vp in a knot of bundel within the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throtes. Hereupon when a great company of such gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a far off, they seem to be souldi∣ers with helmets on their heads carrying their launces vpright: for the said Botta appeareth like an helmet with a launce ouer it. Al their women sit on horsebacke bestriding their horses like men: & they bind their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a skie coloured silke skarfe, & with ano∣ther skarfe they girde it aboue their breasts: & they bind also a piece of white silke like a mufler or maske vnder their eye••, reaching down vnto their breast. These gentlewomen are exceeding fat, & the lesser their noses be, the fairer are they esteemed: they daube ouer their sweet faces with grease too shamefully: and they neuer lie in bed for their trauel of childbirth.

Of the dueties inioined vnto the Tartarian women, and of their labours, and also of their mariages. Chap. 9.

THe duties of women are, to driue carts: to lay their houses vpon carts & to take them downe again: to milke kine: to make butter & Gry-vt: to dresse skins & to sow them, which they vsu∣ally sowe with thread made of sinewes, for they diuide sinewes into slender threads, & then twine thē into one long thread. They make sandals & socks & other garments. Howbeit they never wash any apparel: for they say that God is then angry, & that dreadful thunder wil ensue, if washed garmēts be hanged forth to drie: yea, they beat such as wash, & take their garments frō them. They are won∣derfully afraid of thunder: for in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses, & then wrapping thēselues in black felt, they lie hidden therein, til the thunder be ouerpast. They ne∣uer wash their dishes or bowles: yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot, & then powre the said broth into the pot againe. They make felte also, & couer their houses therewith. The duties of the men are to make bowes & arrowes, stirrops, bridles, and saddles: to build houses & carts, to keepe horses: to milke mares: to churne Cosmos and mares milke, & to make bags wherein to put it: they keepe camels also & lay burthens vpon them. As for sheepe & goates they tend and milke them, aswell the men as the wo∣men. With sheeps milke thicked & salted they dresse and tan their hides. When they wil wash their hands or their heads, they fil their mouthes full of water, & spouting it into their hands by little and little, they sprinckle their haire & wash their heades therwith. As touching mariages, your High∣nes is to vnderstand, that no man can haue a wife among them till he hath bought her: whereupon somtimes their maids are very stale before they be maried, for their parents alwaies keepe thē till they can sel them. They keepe the first and second degrees of consanguinitie inuiolable, as we do: but they haue no regard of the degrees of affinity: for they wil marrie together, or by succession, two sisters. Their widowes marie not at al, for this reason: because they beleeue, that al who haue ser∣ued them in this life, shall do them seruice in the life to come also. Whereupon they are perswaded, that euery widow after death shal returne vnto her own husband. And herehence ariseth an abomi∣nable & filthy custome among them, namely that the sonne marieth somtimes all his fathers wiues except his own mother: For the court or house of the father or mother falleth by inheritance alwaies to the yonger son. Wherupon he is to prouide for all his fathers wiues, because they are part of his inheritance aswel as his fathers possessions. And then if he will he vseth them for his owne wiues: for he thinks it no iniurie or disparagement vnto himselfe, although they returne vnto his father af∣ter death. Therfore whē any man hath bargained with another for a maid, the father of the said da∣mosel makes him a feast: in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her kinsfolks to hide her selfe. Then saith her father vnto the bridegrome: Loe, my daughter is yours, take her wheresoeuer you can find her. Then he and his friends seek for her till they can find her, and hauing found her hee must take her by force and cary her, as it were, violently vnto his owne house.

Of their execution of iustice and iudgement: and of their deaths and burials. Chap. 10.

COncerning their lawes or their execution of iustice, your Maiesty is to be aduertised, that when two men fight, no third man dare intrude himself to part them. Yea, the father dare not help his owne sonne. But he that goes by the worst must appeale vnto the court of his lord. And whosoeuer els offereth him any violence after appeale, is put to death. But he must go pres••ntly without all delay: and he that hath suffered the iniury, carieth him, as it were captiue. They pu∣nish no man with sentence of death, vnles hee bee taken in the deede doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put him vnto extreame torture to make him confesse the trueth. They punish murther with death, and carnall copulation also with any

other besides his owne. By his own, I meane his wife or his maid seruant, for he may vse his s••aue as he listeth himself. Heinous theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as name∣ly for stealing of a ram, the party (not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if y^e executioner laies on an 100. strokes, he must haue an 100. staues, name∣ly for such as are beaten vpon sentēce giuen in the court. Also counterfeit mess••ngers, because they feine themselues to be messengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with death. Sa∣crilegious persons they vse in like maner (of which kind of malefactors your Maiesty shall vnder∣stand more fully hereafter) because they esteeme such to be witches. When any man dieth, they la∣ment & howle most pitifully for him: & the said mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after. Also whoso••uer is present at the house where any one growen to mans estate li∣eth dead, he must not enter into the court of Mangu-Can til one whole yere be expired. If it were a child deceased he must not enter into the said court til the next moneth after. Néere vnto the graue of the partie deceased they alwaies leaue one cottage. If any of their nobles (being of the stock o•• Chingis, who was their first lord & father) deceaseth, his sepulcher is vnknowen. And alwayes a∣bout those places where they interre their nobles, there is one house of men to keep the sepulchers. I could not learn that they vse to hide treasures in the graues of their dead. The Comaniās build a great toomb ouer their dead, & erect the image of the dead par••y thereupon, with his face towards the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand, before his nauel. They erect also vpon the monuments of rich men, Pyramides, that is to say, litle sharpe houses or pinacles: & in some places I saw migh∣ty towers made of brick, in other places Pyramides made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found thereabout. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalfe they hanged vp 16. horse hides, vnto each quarter of the world 4, betweene certain high posts: & they set besides his graue Cosmos for him to drink, & flesh to eat: & yet they sayd that he was baptized. I beheld other kinds of sepulchers also towards the East•• namely large flowres or pauemēts made of stone, some roūd & some square, & then 4. long stones pitched vpright, about the said pauement towards the 4. regions of the world•• When any man is sicke, he lieth in his bed, & causeth a signe to be set vpon his house, to signifie that there lieth a sicke person there, to the end that no man may enter into the sayd house: whereupon none at all visit any sicke party but his seruant only. Moreouer, when any one is sicke in their great courts, they appoint w••tchmen to stand round about the said court, who wil not suffer any person to enter within the precincts thereof. For they feare least euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in. They esteeme of soothsayers, as of their priests.

Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of their ingratitude. Chap. 11.

ANd being come amōgst those barbarous people, me thought (as I said before) y^t I was entred into a new world: for they came flocking about vs on horse back, after they had made vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow, vnder their black carts. The first question which they demanded was whether we had euer bin with them heretofore, or no? And giuing thē answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg our victuals frō vs. And we gaue them some of our bisket & wine, which we had brought with vs from the towne of Soldaia. And hauing drunke off one fla∣gon of our wine they demanded another, saying, that a man goeth not into the house with one foote. Howbeit we gaue them no more, excusing our selues that we had but a litle. Then they asked vs, whence we came, & whither we were bound? I answered them with the words aboue mentioned: that we had heard concerning duke Sartach, that he was become a Christian, & that vnto him our determination was to trauel, hauing your Maiesties letters to deliuer vnto him. They were very inquisitiue to know whether I came of mine own accord, or whether I were sent? I answered that no man compelled me to come, neither had I come, vnles I my selfe had bin willing: & that there∣fore I was come according to mine own wil, & to the will of my superior. I tooke diligent heed ne∣uer to say that I was your Maiesties ambassador. Then they asked what I had in my carts; whe∣ther it were gold or siluer, or rich garments to carie vnto Sartach? I answered that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we were once come vnto him, & that they had nothing to do to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct me vnto their captaine, and that he, if he thought good•• should cause me to be directed vnto Sartach: if not, that I would returne. For there was in the same prouince one of Baatu his kinsmen called Scacati, vnto whom my lord the Emperor of Con∣stantinople had written letters of request, to suffer me to passe through his territory. With this answere of ours they were satisfied, giuing vs horses & oxen, & two men to conduct vs. Howbeit before they would allow vs the foresayd necessaries for our iourney, they made vs to awayt a long while, begging our bread for their yong brats, wondering at all things which they fawe about our seruants, as their kniues, gloues, purses, & points, and desiring to haue them. I excused my self that

we had a long way to trauel, & that we must in no wise so soon depriue our selues of things necessa∣ry, to finish so long a iourney. Then they said that I was a very varlet. True it is, that they tooke nothing by force frō me: howbeit they wil beg that which they see very importunatly & shamelesly. And if a man bestow ought vpon thē, it is but cost lost, for they are thankles wretches. They esteeme thēselues lords & think y^t nothing should be denied thē by any man. If a man giues them nought, & afterward stands in neede of their seruice, they will do right nought for him. They gaue vs of their cowes milke to drink after y^e butter was cherned out of it, being very sower, which they cal Apram. And so we departed from thē. Aud in very deed it seemed to me y^t we were escaped out of the hands of diuels. On the morrow we were come vnto the captain. From the time wherin we departed frō Soldaia, till we arriued at the court of Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we neuer lay in house or tent, but alwaies vnder the starry canopy, & in the open aire, or vnder our carts. Neither yet saw we any village, nor any mention of building where a village had bin, but the graues of the Comanians in great abundance. The same euening our guide which had conducted vs, gaue vs some Cosmos. After I had drunke thereof I sweat most extreamly for the nouelty and strange∣nes, because I neuer dranke of it before. Notwithstanding me thought it was•• very sauory, as in∣deed it was.

Of the court of Scacatai: and how the Christi∣ans drinke no Cosmos. Chap. 12.

ON the morrowe after we met with the ••artes of Scacatai laden with houses, and me thought that a mighty citie came to meete me. I wōdered also at the great multitude of huge droues of oxen, & horses, and at the flockes of sheepe. I could see but a fewe men that guided all these mat∣ters: wherupon I inquired how many men he had vnder him, & they told me that he had not aboue 500. in all, the one halfe of which number we were come past, as they lay in another lodging. Then the seruant which was our guide told me, that I must present somwhat vnto Scacatay: & so he cau∣sed vs to stay, going himselfe before to giue notice of our comming. By this time it was past three of the clocke, and they vnladed their houses nere vnto a certain water: And there came vnto vs his interpreter, who being aduertised by vs that wee were neuer there before, demanded some of our victuals, & we yeelded vnto his request. Also he required of vs some garment for a reward, because he was to interpret our sayings vnto his master. Howbeit we excused our selues as well as wee could. Then he asked vs, what we would present vnto his Lord? And we tooke a flagon of wine, & filled a maund with bisket, & a platter with apples & other fruits. But he was not contented there∣with, because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwithstanding we entred so into his pre∣sence with feare and bashfulnes. He sate vpon his bed holding a citron in his hand, and his wife sate by him: who (as I verily thinke) had cut and pared her nose betweene the eyes, that she might seeme to be more flat and saddle-nosed: for she had left her selfe no nose at all in that place, hauing annointed the very same place with a black ointment, and her eye browes also: which sight seemed most vgly in our eies. Then I rehearsed vnto him the same wordes, which I had spoken in other places before. For it stoode vs in hand to vse one and the same speech in all places. For we were wel forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst the Tartars,* 1.629 that we should neuer varie in our tale. Then I besought him, that he would vouchsafe to accept that small gifte at our hands, excusing my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it was against our prof••ssion to pos∣sesse gold, or siluer, or precious garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue him, howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals in stead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our present to be receiued, and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were mette to∣gether sor the same purpose, to drinke and make merrie. I deliuered also vnto him the Emperor of Consta••tinople his letters (this was eight dayes after the feast of Ascension) who sent them forthwith to Soldaia to haue them interpreted there: for they were written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was skilfull in the Greeke tongue. He asked vs also whether we would drink any Cosmos, that is to say mares milke? (For those that are Christians among them, as namely the Russians, Grecians, and Alanians, who keep their own law very strictly, wil in no case drinke thereof, yea, they accompt themselues no Christians after they haue once drunke of it, & their priests reconcile them vnto the Church as if they had renounced the Christian faith.) I gaue him answere, that we had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke, and that when our drinke failed vs, we must be constrained to drink such as should be giuen vnto vs. He enquired also what was contained in our letters, which your Maiestie sent vnto Sartach? I answered: that they were sealed vp, and that there was nothing conteined in them, but good and friendly wordes. And he asked what wordes wee would deliuer vnto Sartach? I answered: the words of Christian faith. He asked again what these words were? For he was very desirous to heare thē. Then I expoūded vnto him as well as I

could, by mine interpreter, (who had no wit nor any vtterance o•• speech) the Apostles creed. Which after he had heard, holding his peace, he shooke his head. Then hee assigned vnto vs two men, who shoulde giue attendance vpon our selues, vpon our horses, and vpon our Oxen. And hee caused vs to ride in his companie, till the messenger whome hee had sent for the interpreta∣tion of the Emperours letters, was returned. And so wee traueiled in his companie till the mo∣rowe after Pentecost.

Howe the Alanians came vnto vs on Pentecost or Whitson euen. Chap. 13.

VPon the euen of Pentecost, there came vnto vs certaine Alanians, who are there called * 1.630 Acias, being Christians after the maner of the Grecians, vsing greeke bookes and Grecian priests: howbeit they are not schismatiques as the Grecians are, but without acceptiō of persons, they honour al Christiās. And they brought vnto vs sodden flesh, requesting vs to eat of their meat, and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then I sayd, because it was the euen of so great and so solemne a feast day, that we would not eate any flesh for that time. And I expounded vnto them the solemnitie of the sayd feast, whereat they greatly reioyced: for they were ignorant of all things appertayning to Christian religion, except only the name of Christ. They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of vs, whether they might be saued or no, be∣cause they were constrained to drinke Cosmos, & to eate the dead carkases of such things, as were s••aine by the Saracens, and other infidels? Which euen the Greeke & Russian priests themselues also esteeme as things strangled or offered vnto idoles: because they were ignorant of the times of fasting, neither could they haue obseru••d them albeit they had knowen them. Then instructed I them aswell as I could and strengthened them in the faith. As for the flesh which they had brought we reserued it vntill the feast day. For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold & siluer, but only for cloth and garments, of the which kind of marchandise wee had none at all.* 1.631 When our seruants offered them any coine called Ype••pera, they rubbed it with their fingers, and put it vnto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any foode but cowes milke onely which was very sowre & filthy. There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so foule and muddy by reason of their hor∣ses, that it was not meete to be drunk. And but for certaine bisket, which was by the goodnes of God remaining vnto vs, we had vndoubtedly perished.

Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized: and of certaine men which seemed to be lepers Chap. 14.

VPon the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certain Saracen, vnto whome, as hee talked with vs, we expounded the Christian faith. Who (hearing of Gods benefits exhibited vnto mankind by the incarnation of our Sauiour Christ, and the resurrectiou of the dead, & the iudge∣ment to come, & that in baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) sayd, that hee would be baptized. But when we prepared our selues to the baptizing of him, he suddenly mounted on horsebacke, say∣ing thae he would goe home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. And on the mor∣row after he told vs, that he durst in no case receiue baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cosmos. For the Christians of that place affirme that no true Christians ought to drinke thereof: and that without the said liquor he could not liue in that desert•• From which opinion, I could not for my life remoue him. Wherefore be it knowen of a certainty vnto your highnes, that they are much estranged from the Christian faith by reason of that opinion which hath bin broached & con∣firmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The same day Scacatay the captaine aforesayd gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach, and two other to guide vs vnto the next lodging, which was distant from that place fiue dayes iourney for oxen to trauell. They gaue vnto vs also a goate for victuals, and a great many bladders of cowes milke, & but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation among them. And so taking our iourney directly toward the North, me thought that wee had passed through one of hell gates. The ser∣uants which conducted vs begau to play the bold theeues with vs, seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues. At length hauing lost much by their the euery, harme taught vs wisdome. And then we came vnto the extremity of that prouince, which is fortified with a ditch from one sea vnto another: without the bounds wherof their lodging was situate. Into the which, so sooue as we had entred, al the inhabitants there seemed vnto vs to be infected with leprosie:* 1.632 for certain base fellowes were placed there to receiue tribute of al such as tooke salt out of the salt pits aforesaid. From that place

they told vs that we must trauel fifte••n daies iourney, before we shuld find any other people.* 1.633 With them wee dranke Cosmos, and gaue vnto them a basket full of fruites and of bisket. And they gaue vnto vs eight oxen and one goate, to sustaine vs in so great a iourney, and I knowe not how many bladders of milke. And so changing our oxen, we tooke our iourney which we finished in tenne dayes, arriuing at another lodging: neither found we any water all that way, but onely in certaine ditches made in the valleys, except two small riuers. And from the time wherein wee departed out of the foresaid prouince of Gasaria, we trauailed directly Eastward, hauing a Sea on the South side of vs, and a waste desert on the North, which desert, in some places, reacheth twenty dayes iourney in breadth, and there is neither tree, mountaine, nor stone therein. And it is most excellent pasture. Here the Comanians, which were called Capthac, were wont to feede their cattell. Howbeit by the Dutch men they are called Valani, and the prouince it selfe Vala∣nia. But Isidore calleth all that tract of land stretching from the riuer of Tanais to the lake of Me∣otis, and so along as farre as Danubius, the countrey of Alania.* 1.634 And the same land continueth in length from Danubius vnto Tanais (which diuideth Asia from Europe) for the space of two mo∣neths iourney, albeit a man should ride poste as fast as the Tartars vse to ride:* 1.635 and it was all ouer inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac: yea and beyond Tanais, as farre as the riuer of Edil or Volga: the space betweene the two which riuers is a great and long iourney to bee trauailed in ten dayes. To the North of the same prouince lieth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria, euen to the riuer of Tanais: and it hath bene wasted all o∣uer by the Tartars, and as yet is daily wasted by them.

Of our afflictions which we sustained: and of the Co∣manians maner of buriall. Chap. 15.

THey preferre the Saracens before the Russians, because they are Christians,* 1.636 and when they are able to giue them no more golde nor siluer, they driue them and their children like flockes of sheepe into the wildernes, constraining them to keepe their cattell there. Beyond Russia lieth the countrey of Prussia, which the Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of Ierusa∣lem haue of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in very deede they might easily winne Rus∣sia, if they would put to their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once know, that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the ensigne of the crosse to bee displaied against them, they would flee all into their desert and solitarie places. We therefore went on towards the East, see∣ing nothing but heauen and earth, and sometimes the sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the sepulchres of the Comanians, which appeared vnto vs two leagues off, in which places they were wont to burie their kinred altogether. So long as we were trauelling through the desert, it went reasonably well with vs. For I cannot sufficiently expresse in words the irke∣some and tedious troubles which I susteined, when I came at any of their places of abode. For our guide would haue vs goe in vnto euery Captaine with a present, and our expenses would not extend so farre. For we were euery day eight persons of vs spending our waifaring prouision,* 1.637 for the Tartars seruants would all of them eate of our victuals. We our selues were fiue in number, and the seruants our guides were three, two to driue our carts, and one to conduct vs vnto Sar∣tach. The flesh which they gaue vs was not sufficient for vs: neither could we finde any thing to be bought for our money. And as we sate vnder our carts in the coole shadowe, by reason of the extreame and vehement heate which was there at that time, they did so importunately and shame∣le••ly intrude themselues into our companie, that they would euen tread vpon vs, to see whatsoe∣uer things we had. Hauing list at any time to ease themselues, the filthy lozels had not the maners to withdrawe themselues farther from vs, then a beane can bee cast. Yea, like vile slouens they would lay their tailes in our presence, while they were yet talking with vs: many other things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome vnto vs. But ab••ue all things it grie∣ued me to the very heart, that when I would vtter ought vnto them, which might tend to their e∣dification, my foolish interpreter would say: you shall not make me become a Preacher now: I tell you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse any such wordes. And true it was which he saide, For I perceiued afterward, when I began to haue a litle smattering in the la••guage, that when I spake one thing, he would say quite another, whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues end. Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such an interpreter, I resolued much rather to holde my peace, and thus we traueiled with great toile from lodging to lodging, till at the length, a fewe dayes before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, we arriued at the banke of the mightie ri∣uer Tanais which diuideth Asia from Europa,* 1.638 euen as the riuer Nilus of AEgypt disioyneth A∣sia from Africa. At the same place where wee arriued, Baatu and Sartach did cause a certaine cot∣tage

to be built, vpon the Easterne banke of the riuer, for a companie of Russians to dwell in f to the ende they might transport Ambassadours and merchants in ferrie-boates ouer that part o•• the riuer. First they ferried vs ouer, and then our carts, putting one wheele into one lyter, and the other wheele into another lyter, hauing bounde both the lyters together, and so they rowe them ouer. In this place our guide played the foole most extreamely. For hee imagining that th^e said Russians, dwelling in the cottage, should haue prouided vs horses, sent home the beasts which we brought with vs, in another cart, y^t they might returne vnto their owne masters. And when we demanded to haue some beasts of thē, they answered, that they had a priuiledge from Baatu, wher∣by they were bound to none other seruice, but only to ferry ouer goers & commers: and that they re∣ceiued great tribute of marchants in regard therof. We staied therfore by the said riuers side three daies. The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh turbut: the second day they bestowed rye bread, and a litle flesh vpon vs, which the purueyer of the village had taken vp at euerie house for vs: and the third day dried fishes, which they haue there in great abundance.* 1.639 The saide riuer was euen as broad in that place, as the riuer of Sein is at Paris. And before we came there, we passed ouer many goodly waters, and full of fish: howbeit the barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them: neither do they make any reckoning of any fish, except it be so great, that they may pray vp∣on the flesh therof, as vpon the flesh of a ram.* 1.640 This riuer is the limite of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out of the fennes of Maeotis, which fennes stretch vnto the North Ocean. And it run∣neth Southward into a certain great sea 700. miles about, before it falleth into the sea called Pō∣tus Euxinus. And al the riuers, which we passed ouer, ran with ful stream into those quarters. The foresaid riuer hath great store of wood also growing vpon the West side thereof. Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North: for at that season of the yeere, about the first of Au∣gust,* 1.641 they begin to returne backe vnto the South. And therfore there is another cottage somwhat lower, where passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time. And in this place wee were driuen to great extremitie, by reason that we could get neither horses, nor oxen for any money. At length, af∣ter I had declared vnto them, that my comming was to labour for the common good of all Christi∣ans, they sent vs oxen & men; howbeit we our selues were faine to trauel on foote. At this time they were reaping their rye. Wheat prospereth not wel in that soile. They haue the seed of Millium in great abundance. The Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women. They imbroder their safegards or gowns on the outside, from their feet vnto their knees with particoloured or grey s••uffe. The Russian men weare caps like vnto the Dutch men. Also they weare vpon their heads certain sharpe, & high-crowned hats made of felt, much like vnto a sugar loafe. Then traueiled we 3. daies together, not finding any people. And when our selues and our oxen were exceeding weary and faint, not knowing how far off we should find any Tartars, on the sudden, there came two horses running towards vs, which we tooke with great ioy, and our guide and interpreter mounted vp∣on their backes, to see, how far off they could descry any people. At length vpon the fourth day of our iourney, hauing found some inhabitants, we reioyced like sea-faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous tempest, and had newly recouered the hauen. Then hauing taken fresh horses, and oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, vpon the second of the Kalends of August, we arriued at the habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe.

Of the dominion of Sartach, and of his Subiects. Chap. 16.

THe region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly countrey, hauing store of riuers and woods toward the North part thereof. There be mighty huge woods which two sorts of people do inhabite. One of them is called Moxel,* 1.642 being meere Pagans, and without law. They haue neither townes nor cities, but only cottages in y^e woods. Their lord & a great part of themselues were put to the sword in high Germanie. Whereupon they highly commend the braue courage of the Al∣mans, hoping as yet to be deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If any mer∣chant come vnto them, he must prouide things necessary for him, with whom he is first of all enter∣teined, all the time of his abode among them. If any lieth with another mans wife, her husband, vn∣les he be an eiewitnes therof, regardeth it not: for they are not ielous ouer their wiues. They haue abundance of hogs, and great store of hony & waxe, and diuers sorts of rich & costly skins, and plen∣tie of falcons. Next vnto them are other people called Merclas, which the Latines cal Merdui,* 1.643 and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the riuer of Etilia or Volga, which is y^e mightiest riuer that euer I saw. And it issueth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater, & so trending along Southward, disimboqueth into a certain lake cōtaining in circuit the space of 4. moneths trauel, whereof I will speak hereafter.* 1.644 The two foresaid riuers, namely Tanais & Etilia, otherwise called Volga, towards the Northren regions through the which we traueiled, are not distāt asunder aboue x. daies iourney,

but Southward they are diuided a great space one from another. For Tanais descēdeth into the sea of Pontus: Etilia maketh the foresaid sea or lake, with the help of many other riuers which fal ther∣into out of Persia. And we had to the South of vs huge high mountains, vpon the sides wherof, to∣wards the said desert, doe the people called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit,* 1.645 who are as yet Christians, & wage warre against the Tartars. Beyond thē, next vnto the sea or lake of Etilia, there are certaine Saracens called Lesgi,* 1.646 who are in subiection vnto the Tartars. Beyond these is Porta ferrea, or the yron gate, nowe called Derbent, which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous na∣tions out of Persia. Concerning the situation whereof, your maiestie shall vnderstand more about the end of this Treatise: for I trauailed in my returne by the very same place.* 1.647 Betweene the two foresaid riuers, in the regions through the which we passed did the Comanians of olde time inha∣bite, before they were ouerrun by the Tartars.

Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence thereof. Chap. 17.

ANd we found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the riuer Etilia: whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great. For he himselfe had sixe wiues, and his eldest sonne also had three wiues: euery one of which women hath a great house, & they haue ech one of them about 200. cartes. Our guide went vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat,* 1.648 who is a man of great authori∣tie in Sartachs Court. He made vs to goe very farre vnto the Lordes gate. For so they call him, who hath the office of enterteining Ambassadours. In the euening Coiac commanded vs to come vnto him. Then our guide began to enquire what we would present him withal, & was e••ceeding∣ly offended, when he saw that we had nothing ready to present. We stoode before him, and he sate maiestically, hauing musicke and dauncing in his presence. Then I spake vnto him in the wordes before recited, telling him, for what purpose I was come vnto his lorde, and requesting so much fauour at his hands, as to bring our letters vnto the sight of his Lord. I excused my selfe also, that I was a Monke, not hauing, nor receiuing, nor vsing any golde, or siluer, or any other preci∣ous thing, saue onely our bookes, and the vestiments wherein wee serued God: and that this was the cause why I brought no present vnto him, nor vnto his Lord. For I that had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be a transporter of things for other men. Then hee answered very courte∣ously, that being a Monke, and so doing, I did well: for so I should obserue my vowe: neither did himselfe stand in neede of ought that we had, but rather was readie to bestow vpon vs such things as we our selues stood in neede of: and he caused vs to sit downe, and to drinke of his milke. And presently after he requested vs to say our deuotions for him: and we did so. He enquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Franckes? And I saide, the Emperour, if he could inioy his owne dominions in quiet. No (quoth he) but the king of France. For he had heard of your High∣nes by lord Baldwine of Hena••lt. I found there also one of the Knights of the Temple, who had bene in Cyprus, and had made report of all things which he sawe there. Then returned wee vnto our lodging. And on the morow we sent him a ••lagon of Muscadel wine (which had lasted very wel in so long a iourney) and a boxe full of bisket, which was most acceptable vnto him. And he kept our seruants with him for that euening. The next morning he commanded me to come vnto the Court, and to bring the kings letters and my vestimentes, and bookes with me: because his Lorde was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, lading one cart with our bookes and vestiments, and another with bisket, wine, and fruites. Then he caused all our bookes and vestiments to bee laide forth. And there stoode round about vs many Tartars, Christians and Saracens on horseback. At the sight whereof, he demanded whether I would bestow all those things vpon his Lord or no? Which saying made me to tremble, and grieued me full sore. Howbeit, dissembling our griefe as well as we could, we shaped him this answere: Sir, our humble request is, that our Lorde your master would vouchsafe to accept our bread, wine, and fruits, not as a present, because it is too meane, but as a benediction, least we should come with an emptie hand before him. And he shall see the letters of my souereigne Lord the king, and by them he shall vnderstand for what cause we are come vnto him, and then both our selues, and all that we haue, shall stand to his curtesie: for our vestiments be holy, and it is vnlawfull for any but Priests to touch them. Then he commaunded vs to inuest our selues in the saide garments, that we might goe before his Lord: and wee did so. Then I my selfe putting on our most precious ornaments, tooke in mine armes a very faire cushi∣on, and the Bible which your Maiesty gaue me, and a most beautifull Psalter, which the Queenes Grace bestowed vpon me, wherein there were goodly pictures. Mine associate tooke a missal and a crosse: an•• the clearke hauing put on his surplesse, tooke a censer in his hand. And so wee came vnto the presence of his Lord: and they lifted vp the felt hanging before his doore, that hee might

behold vs. Then they caused the clearke and the interpreter thrise to bow the knee: but of vs they required no such submission. And they diligently admonished vs to take heed, that in going in, and in comming out, we touched not the threshold of the house, and requested vs to sing a benediction for him. Then we entred in, singing Salue Regina. And within the entrance of the doore, stood a bench with cosmos, and drinking cups thereupon. And all his wines were there assembled. Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore. Then Coiat caried vnto his lord the censer with incense, which he beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward hee caried the Psalter vnto him, which he looked earnestly vpon, and his wife also that sate beside him. After that he caried the Bible: then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein? Yea (saw I) and all the holy scriptures besides. He tooke the crosse also in his hand, and demanded concerning the image, whether it were the image of Christ or no? I said it was. The Nestorians & the Arme∣nians do neuer make the figure of Christ vpō their crosses. Wherfore either they seem not to think wel of his passion, or els they are ashamed of it.* 1.649 Then he caused them that stood about vs, to stand a∣side, that he might more fully behold our ornaments. Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maie∣sties letters, with the translation therof into the Arabike, & Syriake languages. For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character, & dialect of both the saide tongues. And there were cer∣tain Armenian priests, which had skil in the Turkish & Arabian languages. The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, & Arabian tongues. Then we departed forth, and put off our vestiments, and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, & caused our letters to be interpreted. Which letters being heard, he cau∣sed our bread, wine and fruits to be receiued. And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging. This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula.

How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach. Chap. 18.

THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest, who was brother vnto Coiat, re∣questing to haue our boxe of Chrisine, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it: and so we gaue it him. About euentide Coiat sent for vs, saying: My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach. Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concer∣ning which he dare not determine ought, without the aduise and coun••ell of his father. And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father, leauing behind you the two carts, which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes, in my custodie: because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes, said vnto him: Sir, we will not onely leaue those with you, but the two other carts also, which we haue in our possession, will we commit vnto your custodie. You shall not (quoth he) leaue those be∣hinde you, but for the other two carts first named, we will satisfie your request. I saide that this could not conueniently be done: but needes we must leaue all with him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarie in the land? I answered: If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king, you know that we are euen so determined. Then he replied, that we ought to bee patient and lowly: and so we departed from him that euening. On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts, and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered. Then came the foresaid bro∣ther of Coiat to meet vs, and separated all those things, which we had brought the day before vnto the Court, from the rest, namely, the bookes and vestiments, and tooke them away with him. How∣beit Coiat had commanded, that we should carie those vestiments with vs, which wee ware in the presence of Sartach, that we might put them on before Baatu, if neede should require: but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence, saying: thou hast brought them vnto Sartach, and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu? And when I would haue rendred a reason, he answered: be not too talkatiue, but goe your wayes. Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience: for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe, neither was there any other, that would doe vs iustice. I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter, least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him: for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that wee had. There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me: for when I once perceiued their couetous intent, I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible, and the sentences, and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of. Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene, be∣cause it was too wel known, by reason of the golden pictures therein. And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging. Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu, willing vs to take our iourney in all poste-haste: vnto whom I said, that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me. Which thing he declared vnto Coiat. Then Coiat commaun∣ded,

that we should leaue them and our seruant with him: And we did as he commanded. And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu, the third day we came to Etilia or Volga:* 1.650 the streams whereof when I beheld, I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty wa∣ters should descend. Before we were departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs: doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal.* 1.651 Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation. So great is their pride, that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerni••g Christ, yet will they not bee called Christians, being desirous that their owne name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted aboue all other names. Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars. For the Tartars were another nation, as I was informed by them.

Howe Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can doe reue∣rence vnto Christians. Chap. 19.

AT the same time when the French-men tooke Antioch, a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions, lying thereabouts.* 1.652 Con is a proper ••ame: Can is a name of authority or dignitie, which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer. All diuiners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their princes are called Can, because that vnto•• them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination. Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia, that the Turkes se••t for aide against the French-men, vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came.* 1.653 The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catay•• Kara signifieth blacke, and Catay is the name of a countrey. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay. This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people, and the peo∣ple of Catay, inhabiting Eastward ouer against y^e Ocean sea:* 1.654 concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter. These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes, by the which I trauailed. And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard, being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman,* 1.655 which were Christians, following the s••ct of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome, and they called him King Iohn,* 1.656 reporting ten times more of him then was true. For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts, vse to doe. For they blaze abroade great rumors, and reports vpon iust nothing. Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can, and Ken Can: namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians, then they doe of other people, and yet in very deede, themselues are no Christians. So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohn•• Howbeit, when I trauailed along by his territories, there was no man that knew any thing of him, but onely a fewe Nestorians. In his pastures or territories dwelleth Ken Can,* 1.657 at whose Court Frier Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my returne. This Iohn had a brother, being a mightie man also, and a shepheard like himselfe, called Vut,* 1.658 and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being distant from his brother Iohn, the space of three weekes iourney. He was lord ouer a certain village, called Cara Carum,* 1.659 hauing people also for his subiects, named Crit, or Mer∣kit,* 1.660 who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. But their Lorde abandoning the worship of Christ, followed after idoles, reteining with him Priests of the saide idoles, who all of them are worshippers of deuils and sorcerers. Beyond his pastures some tenne or fifteene dayes iourney, were the pastures of Moal,* 1.661 who were a poore and beggerly nation, without gouernour, and with∣out Lawe, except their soothsayings, and their diuinations, vnto the which detestable studies, all in those partes doe apply their mindes. Neere vnto Moal were other poore people called Tartars.* 1.662 The foresaid king Iohn died wihout issue male, and thereupon his brother Vut was greatly inri∣ched, and caused himselfe to be named Can: and his droues and flockes raunged euen vnto the borders of Moal. About the same time there was one Cyngis,* 1.663 a blacke smith among the people of Moal. This Cyngis stole as many cattel from Vut Can, as he could possibly get: insomuch that the shepheards of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then prouided he an armie, and marched vp into the countrey of Moal to seeke for the saide Cyngis. But Cyngis fledde among the Tartars, and hidde himselfe amongest them. And Vut hauing taken some spoiles both from Moal, and al∣so from the Tartars, returned home. Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars, and vnto the people of Moal, saying: Sirs, because we are destitute of a gouernour and Captaine, you see howe our neighbours do oppresse vs. And the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine. Then hauing secretly gathered together an armie, he brake in suddenly vpon Vut, and ouercame him, and Vut fledde into Cataya•• At the same time was the daughter of Vut taken, which Cyngis

married vnto one of his sonnes, by whom she conceiued, & brought forth the great Can,* 1.664 which now reigneth, called Mangu-Can. Then Cyngis sent y^e Tartars before him in al places where he came: and thereupon was their name published and spread abroade: for in all places the people woulde crie out: Loe, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit, through continuall warres, they are nowe, all of them in a maner, consumed and brought to nought. Whereupon the Moals inde∣uour what they can, to extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt their owne name. The countrey wherein they first inhabited, and where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remaineth, is called Mancherule.* 1.665 But because Tartaria is the region, about which they haue obtained their conquests, they esteeme that as their royall and chiefe citie, and there for the most part doe they e∣lect their great Can.

Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians: and of the Caspian Sea. Chap. 20.

NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether he beleeues in Christ, or no, I knowe not. This I am sure of, that he will not be called a Christian. Yea rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride and skoffe at Christians. He lieth in the way of the Christians, as namely of the Russians, the Valachi∣ans, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the lesser, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians: who all of them passe by him, as they are going to the Court of his father Baatu, to carie giftes: whereup∣on he is more in league with them. Howbeit, if the Saracens come, and bring greater giftes then they, they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine Nestorian Priestes, who pray vpon their beades, and sing their deuotions. Also, there is another vnder Baatu called Berta,* 1.666 who fee∣deth his cattell toward Porta ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of all those Saracens, which come out of Persia, and out of Turkie to goe vnto Baatu, and passing by, they giue rewards vnto him. And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracene, and will not permit swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions. Howbeit, at the time of our returne, Baatu commanded him to remoue himselfe from that place, and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga: for hee was vnwilling that the Sara∣cens messengers should passe by the saide Berta, because he sawe it was not for his profite. For the space of foure dayes while we remained in the court of Sartach, we had not any victuals at all al∣lowed vs, but once onely a litle Cosmos. And in our iourney betweene him and his father, wee traueiled in great feare. For certaine Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians being seruants vnto the Tartars (of whom they haue great multitudes among them) assemble themselues twentie or thir∣tie in a companie, and so secretly in the night conueying themselues from home, they take bowes and arrowes with them, and whomesoeuer they finde in the night season, they put him to death, hiding themselues in the day time. And hauing tired their horses, they goe in the night vnto a com∣pany of other horses feeding in some pasture, and change them for newe, taking with them also one or two horses besides, to eate them when they stand in neede. Our guide therefore was sore a∣fraide, least we should haue met with such companions. In this iourney wee had died for famine, had we not caried some of our bisket with vs. At length we came vnto the mighty riuer of Etilia, or Volga. For it is foure times greater, then the riuer of Sein, and of a wonderfull depth: and is∣suing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it runneth into a certaine lake or sea, which of late they cal the Hircan sea, according to the name of a certain citie in Persia, standing vpon the shore thereof. How∣beit Isidore calleth it the Caspian sea. For it hath the Caspian mountaines and the land of Persia situate on the South side thereof: and the mountaines of Musihet, that is to say, of the people cal∣led Assassini towards the East, which mountaines are conioyned vnto the Caspian mountaines: but on the North side thereof lieth the same desert, wherein the Tartars doe now inhabite. Howbe∣it heretofore there dwelt certaine people called Changlae.* 1.667 And on that side it receiueth the streams of Etilia; which riuer increaseth in Sommer time, like vnto the riuer Nilus in AEgypt. Upon the West part thereof, it hath the mountaines of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the mountaines of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the moun∣taines, but on the North side with plaine grounde,* 1.668 Frier Andrew, in his iourney traueiled round about two sides therof, namely the South and the East sides: and I my selfe about other two, that is to say, the North side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning likewise: and the West side in comming home from Baatu into Syria. A man may trauel round about it in foure mo∣neths. And it is not true which Isidore reporteth, namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe comming forth of the Ocean: for it doeth, in no part thereof, ioyne with the Ocean, but is inuironed on all sides with lande.

Of the court of Baatu: and howe we were interteined by him. Chap. 21.

AL the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid sea, where Alexanders Iron gate, otherwise called the citie of Derbent, is situate, and from the mountaines of Alania, all along by the fennes of Meo••is, whereinto the riuer of Tanais falleth, and so forth, to the North Ocean,* 1.669 was wont to be called Albania. Of which countrey Isidore reporteth, that there be dogs of such an huge stature, and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match bulles, and to master lions. Which is true, as I vnderstand by diuers, who tolde me,* 1.670 that there towardes the North Ocean they make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen, by reason of their bignesse and strength. Moreouer, vpon that part of Etilia where we arriued, there is a new cottage built, wherein they haue placed Tar∣tars and Russians both together, to ferrie ouer, and transport messengers going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu. For Baatu remaineth vpon the farther side towards the East. Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward then the foresaide place where we arriued, but was euen then descending to the South. From Ianuarie vntill August both he and all other Tar∣tars ascend by the banks of riuers towards cold and Northerly regions, and in August they begin to returne backe againe. We passed downe the streame therefore in a barke,* 1.671 from the foresaid cottage vnto his court. From the same place vnto the villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is fiue dayes iourney. I wonder what deuill caried the religion of Mahomet thither. For, from Derbent, which is vpon the extreame borders of Persia, it is aboue 30. daies iourney to passe ouerthwart the desert, and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia, into the foresaid countrey of Bulga∣ria. All which way there is no citie,* 1.672 but onely certaine cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia falleth into the sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly professing the dā∣nable religion of Mahomet, then any other nation whatsoeuer•• Moreouer••* 1.673 when I first beheld the court of Baatu, I was astonied at the sight thereof: for his houses or tents seemed as though they had bene some huge and mighty citie, stretching out a great way in length, the people ranging vp and downe about it for the space of some three or foure leagues. And euen as the people of Israel knew euery man, on which side of the tabernacle to pitch his tent: euen so euery one of them know∣eth right well, towards what side of the court he ought to place his house when he takes it from off the cart. Wherupon the court is called in their language Horda,* 1.674 which signifieth, the midst: because the gouernour or chieftaine among them dwels alwaies in the middest of his people: except onely that directly towards the South no subiect or inferiour person placeth himselfe, because towards that region the court gates are set open: but vnto the right hand, and the left hand they extend thē∣selues as farre as they will, according to the conueniencie of places, so that they place not their hou∣ses directly opposite against the court. At our arriual we were conducted vnto a Saracen, who pro∣uided not for vs any victuals at all. The day following, we were brought vnto the court: and Baa∣tu had caused a large tent to be erected, because his house or ordinarie tent could not containe so ma∣ny men and women as were assembled. Our guide admonished vs not to speake, till Baatu had gi∣uen vs commandement so to doe, and that then we should speake our mindes briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Maiestie had sent Ambassadours vnto him or no? I answered, that your Maiestie had sent messengers to Ken-Can: and that you would not haue sent messengers vnto him, or letters vnto Sartach, had not your Highnes bene perswaded that they were become Christians: because you sent not vnto them for any feare, but onely for congratulation, and curtesies sake, in regard that you heard they were conuerted to Christianitie. Then led he vs vnto his pauilion: and wee were charged not to touch the cordes of the tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house. There we stoode in our habite bare-footed, and bare-headed, and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes.* 1.675 For indeed Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini had byn there before my cōming: howbeit, because he was the Popes messenger, he changed his habit that he might not be contemned. Then we were brought into the very midst of the tent, neither required they of vs to do any reuerence by bowing our knees, as they vse to doe of other messengers. Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might haue rehearsed the Psalme, Miserere mei Deus: and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himselfe sate vpon a seate long and broad like vnto a bed, guilt all ouer, with three staires to ascend thereunto, and one of his ladies sate beside him. The men there assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the right hand of the saide Lady, and some on the left. Those places on the one side which the women filled not vp (for there were only the wiues of Baatu) were supplied by the men. Also, at the very entrance of the tent, stoode a bench furnished with cosmos, and with stately great cuppes of siluer, and golde, beeing richly set with precious stones•• Baatu beheld vs earnestly, and we him: and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Mon∣sieur

Iohn de beau mont, whose soule resteth in peace. And hee had a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance. At length he commanded vs to speake. Then our guide gaue vs direction, that wee should bow our knees & speak. Wherupon I bowed one knee as vnto a man: then he signified that I should kneele vpon both knees: and I did so, being loath to contend about such circumstaunces. And again he commanded me to speak. Then I thinking of praier vnto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, began to pray on this wise: Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all good things doe proceed, and who hath giuen you these earthly benefites, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heauēly blessings: because the former without these are but vain and im∣profitable. And I added further. Be it knowen vnto you of a certainty, that you shal not obtain the ioyes of heauen, vnles you become a Christian: for God saith, Whoseouer beleeueth & is baptized, shalbe saued: but he that beleeueth not, shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled: but the other Moals began to clap their hands, and to deride vs. And my silly interpreter, of whom especial∣ly I should haue receiued comfort in time of need, was himself abashed & vtterly da••••t out of coun∣tenance. Then, after silence made. I said vnto him, I came vnto your sonne, because we heard that he was become a Christian: and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my souereigne Lord the king of France:* 1.676 and your sonne sent me hither vnto you. The cause of my comming therefore is best known vnto your selfe. Then he caused me to rise vp. And he enquired your maiesties name, and my name, and the name of mine associate and interpreter, and caused them all to be put down in writing. He demaunded likewise (because he had bene informed, that you were departed out of your owne countreys with an armie) against whom you waged warre? I answered: against the Saracens, who had defiled the house of God at Ierusalem. He asked also, whether your Highnes had euer before that time sent any messengers vnto him, or no? To you sir? (said I) neuer. Then cau∣sed he vs to sit downe, and gaue vs of his milke to drinke, which they account to be a great fauour, especially when any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house. And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground, he commanded me to lift vp my countenance, being destrous as yet to take more diligent view of vs, or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious obseruation. For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or a prognostication of euill vnto them, when any man s••ts in their presence, holding downe his head, as if he were sad: especially when he leanes his cheeke or chinne vpon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediatly after came our guide vnto vs, and conduc∣ting vs vnto our lodging, saide vnto me: Your master the King requesteth that you may remaine in this land, which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your interpreter must of necessitie goe vuto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your associate, and the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach, staying therefor you, till you come backe. Then began the man of God mine interpreter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man. Mine associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off his head, then withdrawe him out of my companie. Moreouer I my selfe saide, that without mine associate I coulde not goe: and that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least, to attend vpon vs, because, if one should chance to fall sicke, we could not be without another. Then returning vnto the court, he told these sayings vnto Baatu. And Baatu commanded saying: let the two Priests and the interpreter goe together, but let the clearke returne vnto Sartach. And comming againe vnto vs, hee tolde vs euen so. And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him with vs, he saide: No more words: for Baatu hath resolued, that so it shall be, and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any more. Go∣set the clearke had remaining of the almes money bestowed vpon him, 26. Y perperas, and no more; 10. whereof he kept for himselfe and for the lad, and 16. he gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares: he returning vnto the court of Sartach, and our selues remaining still in the same place.

Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can. Chap. 22.

VPon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of Sartach. And on the morrow after, the Nestorian Priestes were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the saide Sartach. Then wee ou•• selues were conducted vnto another hoste, who was appointed to pro∣uide vs houseroome, victualles, and horses. But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon him, hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on forwarde with Baatu, descen∣ding along by the banke of Etilia,* 1.677 for the space of fiue weekes together: Sometimes mine associate was so extremelie hungrie, that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping, that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before. There is a faire or market following the court of Baatu at all times: but it was so farre distant from vs that we could

not haue recourse thereunto. For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of horses. At length certaine Hungarians (who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men) found vs out:* 1.678 and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke, and was accompted of other Hun∣garians as a Priest, and was sent for vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men. There was another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer: for hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake, but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs, bringing vs Cosmos to drinke, yea, and sometimes flesh for to eate also: who, when they requested to haue some bookes of vs, and I had not any giue them (for indeede we had none but onely a Bible, and a breuiarie) it grieued mee exceedingly. And I saide vnto them: Bring mee some inke and paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here: and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas beatae Virginis, and Officium defunctorum. Moreouer, vpon a certaine day, there was a Comanian that accompanied vs,* 1.679 saluting vs in La∣tine, and saying: Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat and saluting him againe, I demaun∣ded of him, who had taught him that kinde of salutation? Hee saide that hee was baptized in Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them hee learned it. He saide moreouer, that Baatu had en∣quired many things of him concerning vs, and that hee tolde him the estate of our order. After∣warde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie, and all his subiects that were housholders or ma∣sters of families riding with him, and (in mine estimation) they were not fiue hundred persons in all. At length about the ende of Holy roode, there came a certaine rich Moal vnto vs (whose father was a Millenarie, which is a great office among them) saying: I am the man that must con∣duct you vnto Mangu-Can, and wee haue thither a iourney of foure moneths long to trauell,* 1.680 and there is such extreame colde in those parts, that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regarde thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues, whether you be able to in∣dure it or no. Unto whome I answered: I hope by Gods helpe that we shalbe able to brooke that which other men can indure. Then he saide: if you cannot indure it, I wil forsake you by the way. And I answered him: it were not iust dealing for you so to doe: for wee goe not thither vpon anie businesse of our owne, but by reason that we are sent by your lord. Wherfore sithence we are com∣mitted vnto your charge, you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he saide: all shalbe well. Af∣terward he caused vs to shewe him all our garments: and whatsoeuer hee deemed to be lesse need∣full for vs, he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our hoste. On the morrow they brought vnto ech of vs a furred gowne, made all of rammes skinnes, with the wool stil vpon them, and bree∣ches of the same, and bootes also or buskins according to their fashion, and shooes made of felt, and hoods also made of skinnes after their maner. The second day after Holy rood, we began to set for∣ward on our iourney,* 1.681 hauing three guides to direct vs: and we rode continually Eastward, till the feast of All Saints. Throughout all that region, and beyonde also did the people of Changle inha∣bite,* 1.682 who were by parentage descended from the Romanes. Upon the North side of vs, wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the foresaid Caspian sea.

Of the riuer of Iagac: and of diuers regions or na∣tions. Chap. 23.* 1.683

HAuing traueiled twelue dayes iourney from Etilia, wee found a mightie riuer called Iagac:* 1.684 which riuer issuing out of the North, from the land of Pascatir, descēdeth into the foresaid sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, and they are all of them shepheards, not hauing any cities. And their countrey bordereth vpon Bulgaria the greater, on the West frontier thereof. From the Northeast part of the said countrey, there is no citie at all. For Bulgaria the greater is the farthest countrey that way, that hath any citie therein. Out of the forenamed re∣gion of Pascatir, proceeded the Hunnes of olde time, who afterwarde were called Hungarians.* 1.685 Next vnto it is Bulgaria the greater. Isidore reporteth concerning the people of this nation, that with swift horses they trauersed the impregnable walles and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the rocks of Caucasus, serued to restraine those barbarous and blood-thirstie people from inuading the regions of the South) insomuch that they had tribute paied vnto them, as farre as AEgypt. Likewise they wasted all countreis euen vnto France. Whereupon they were more mightie then the Tartars as yet are. And vnto them the Blacians, the Bulgarians, and the Van∣dals ioyned themselues. For out of Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreouer,* 1.686 they which inhabit beyond Danubius, neere vnto Constantinople, and not farre from Pascatir, are cal∣led Ilac, which (sauing the pronūciation) is al one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce the letter B) from whom also descended the people which inhabit the land of Assani. For they are both of thē called Ilac (both these, & the other) in y^e language of the Russians, y^e Rolonians, & the Bohemians.

The Sclauonians speake all one language with the Vandals, all which banded themselues with the Hunnes: and now for the most part, they vnite themselues vnto the Tartars: whō God hath ras∣sed vp from the vtmost partes of the earth, according to that which the Lord saith:* 1.687 I will prouoke them to enuy (namely such as keepe not his Law) by a people, which is no people, and by a foo∣lish nation will I anger them. This prophecie is ••ulfilled, according to the literal sense thereof, vpon all nations which obserue not the Law of God. All this which I haue written concerning the land of Pascatir, was told me by certaine Friers praedicants, which trauailed thither before euer the Tartars came abroad. And from that time they were subdued vnto their neighbors the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them proued Saracens also. Other matters concerning this people, may be known out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those prouinces beyond Constan∣tinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Valachia, & Sclauonia, were of old time prouinces belon∣ging to the Greekes. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia. And wee were riding ouer the land of Cangle,* 1.688 from the feast of Holy roode, vntill the feast of All Saints: traueiling almost euery day (according to mine estimation) as farre, as from Paris to Orleans, and sometimes far∣ther, as we were prouided of poste ho••••••s: for some dayes we had change of horses twise or thrise in a day. Sometimes we trauailed two or three daies together, not finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast. Of 20. or 30. horses we had alwayes the woorst, because wee were strangers. For euery one tooke their choice of the best horses before vs. They prouided mee alwaies of a strong horse, because I was very corpulent & heauy: but whether he ambled a gentle pase or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet durst I complaine, although he trotted full sore. But euery man must be contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon wee were exceedingly troubled: for oftentimes our horses were tired before we could come at any people. And then wee were constrained to beate and whip on our horses, and to lay our garments vpon other emptie hor∣ses: yea and sometimes two of vs to ride vpon one horse.

Of the hunger, and thirst, and other miseries, which wee sustained in our iourney. Chap. 24.

OF hunger and thirst, colde and wearinesse, there was no end. For they gaue vs no victuals, but onely in the euening. In the morning they vsed to giue vs a little drinke, or some sodden Millet to sup off. In the euening they bestowed flesh vpon vs, as namely, a shoulder and breast of rams mutton, and euery man a measured quantitie of broath to drinke. When we had sufficient of the flesh-broath, we were maruellously wel refreshed. And it seemed to me most pleasant, and most nourishing drinke. Euery Saterday I remained fasting vntil night, without eating or drinking of ought. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great grief and sorow, to eat flesh. Some∣times we were faine to eate flesh halfe sodden, or almost rawe, and all for want of fewel to seethe it withal: especially when we lay in the fields, or were benighted before we came at our iourneis end:* 1.689 because we could not then conueniently gather together the doung of horses or oxē: for other fewel we found but seldome, except perhaps a few thornes in some places. Likewise vpon the bankes of some riuers, there are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. In the begin∣ning our guide highly disdained vs, and it was tedious vnto him to conduct such base fellowes. Af∣terward, when he began to know vs somewhat better, he directed vs on our way by the courts of rich Moals, and we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore, had I caried a good interpreter with me, I should haue had opportunitie to haue done much good. The foresaid Chingis, who was the first great Can or Emperour of the Tartars, had foure sonnes, of whome proceeded by naturall descent many children, euery one of which doeth at this day enioy great possessions: and they are daily multiplied and dispersed ouer that huge and waste desert, which is, in dimensions, like vnto the Ocean Sea. Our guide therefore directed vs, as we were going on our iourney, vnto many of their habitations. And they marueiled exceedingly, that we would receiue neither gold, nor siluer, nor precious and costly garments at their hands. They inquired also, concerning the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard? For there had gone a report among them, that he was 500. yeeres olde. They inquired likewise of our countreis, whether there were abun∣dance of sheep, oxen, & horses or no? Concerning the Ocean Sea, they could not cōceiue of it, because it was without limits or banks. Upon the euen of y^e feast of Al Saints, we forsook the way leading towards the East, (because the people were now descended very much South) and we went on our iourney by certaine Alpes,* 1.690 or mountaines directly Southward, for the space of 8. dayes together. In the foresaid desert I saw many asses (which they cal Colan) being rather like vnto mules: these did our guide & his companions chase very eagerly: howbeit, they did but lose their labour:* 1.691 for the beastes were two swift for them.* 1.692 Upon the 7. day there appeared to the South of vs huge high

mountaines, and we entred into a place which was well watered, and fresh as a garden, and found land tilled and manured. The eight day after the feast of All Saints, we arriued at a certain towne of the Saracens, named Kenchat,* 1.693 the gouernour whereof met our guide at the townes end with ale and cups. For it is their maner at all townes and villages, subiect vnto them, to meet the messen∣gers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke. At the same time of the yere, they went vp∣on the yce in that countrey. And before the feast of S. Michael, we had frost in the desert.* 1.694 I enquired the name of that prouince: but being now in a strange territorie, they could not tell mee the name thereof, but onely the name of a very smal citie in the same prouince. And there descended a great riuer downe from the mountaines,* 1.695 which watered the whole region, according as the inhabitants would giue it passage, by making diuers chanels and sluces: neither did this riuer exonerate it selfe into any sea, but was swallowed vp by an hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth:* 1.696 and it caused many fennes or lakes. Also I saw many vines, and dranke of the wine thereof.

How Ban was put to death: and concerning the habita∣tion of the Dutch men. Chap. 25.

THe day following, we came vnto another cottage neere vnto the mountains.* 1.697 And I enquired what mountains they were, which I vnderstood to be the mountains of Caucasus,* 1.698 which are stretched forth, & continued on both parts to the sea, from the West vnto the East: and on the West part they are conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian sea, wherinto the riuer of Volga dischargeth his streams. I enquired also of the city of Talas,* 1.699 wherein were certaine Dutchmen seruants vnto one Buri, of whom Frier Andrew made mention. Concerning whom also I enquired very diligently in the courts of Sartach & Baatu. Howbeit I could haue no intelligence of them,* 1.700 but onely that their lord & master Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following: This Ban was not placed in good and fertile pastures. And vpon a certain day being drunken, he spake on this wise vnto his men. Am not I of the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu? (for in very deede he was bro∣ther or nephew vnto Baatu.) Why then doe I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia, to feed my cattel there, as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth? Which speeches of his were reported vnto Baa∣tu. Whereupon Baatu wrote vnto his seruants to bring their Lorde bound vnto him. And they did so. Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words? And hee confessed that he had. Howbeit, (because it is the Tartars maner to pardon drunken men) he excused him∣selfe that he was drunken at the same time. Howe durst thou (quoth Baatu) once name mee in thy drunkennesse? And with that hee caused his head to be chopt off. Concerning the foresaid Dutch∣men, I could not vnderstand ought, till I was come vnto the court of Mangu-Can. And there I was informed that Mangu-can had remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a moneths iourney from Talas Eastward, vnto a certaine village, called Bolac:* 1.701 where they are set to dig gold, and to make armour. Whereupon I could neither goe nor come by them. I passed very neere the saide citie in going forth, as namely, within three dayes iourney thereof: but I was ignorant that I did so: neither could I haue turned out of my way, albeit I had knowen so much. From the foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward, by the mountaines aforesaid. And from that time we trauailed among the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and daunced be∣fore our guide, because hee was the messenger of Baatu. For this curtesie they doe affoord eche to other: namely, the people of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in maner aforesaide: and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can.* 1.702 Notwithstanding the people of Baatu are more surlie and staute, and shewe not so much curtesie vnto the sub∣iectes of Mangu-Can, as they doe vnto them. A fewe dayes after, wee entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were woont to inhabite.* 1.703 And there wee found a mightie riuer: inso∣much that wee were constrained to imbarke our selues, and to saile ouer it. Afterward we came in∣to a certaine valley, where I saw a castle destroyed, the walles whereof were onely mudde:* 1.704 and in that place the ground was tilled also.* 1.705 And there wee founde a certaine village, named Equi∣us, wherein were Saracens, speaking the Persian language: howbeit they dwelt an huge di∣stance from Persia. The day following, hauing passed ouer the foresaide Alpes which descended from the great mountains Southward, we entred into a most beautiful plaine, hauing high moun∣taines on our right hande,* 1.706 and on the left hande of vs a certaine Sea or lake, which contai∣neth fifteene dayes iourney in circuite. All the foresayde plaine is most commodiously watered with certaine freshets distilling from the said mountaines, all which do fall into the lake. In Som∣mer time wee returned by the North those of the saide lake, and there were great mountaines on that side also. Upon the forenamed plaine there were wont to bee great store of villages: but for the most part they were all wasted, in regarde of the fertile pastures, that the Tartars might

feede their cattel there. Wee found one great citie there named Cailac,* 1.707 wherein was a mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes, staying for a certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu, who ought to haue accompanied our guide for the dispatching of certaine affaires in the court of Mangu. All this countrey was wont to be called Organum: and the people thereof had their proper language, and their peculiar kinde of writing. But it was altogether inhabited of the people called Contomanni.* 1.708 The Nestorians likewise in those parts vsed the very same kinde of language and writing. They are called Organa, because they were wont to be most skilfull in playing vpon the Organes or citherne, as it was reported vn∣to me. Here first did I see worshippers of idoles, concerning whom, bee it knowen vnto your ma∣iestie, that there be many sects of them in the East countries.

How the Nestorians, Saracens, and Idolaters are ioy∣ned together. Chap. 26.

THe first sort of these idolaters are called Iugures:* 1.709 whose land bordereth vpon the foresaid land of Organum, within the said mountains Eastward: and in al their cities Nestorians do inha∣bit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia in the cities of the Saracens. The citi∣zens of y^e foresaid city of Cailac had 3. idole-Temples: and I entred into two of them, to beholde their foolish superstitions. In the first of which I found a man hauing a crosse painted with ink vpō his hand, wherupon I supposed him to be a Christian: for he answered like a Christian vnto al que∣stions which I demanded of him. And I asked him, Why therefore haue you not the crosse with the image of Iesu Christ therupon? And he answered: We haue no such custome. Whereupon I con∣iectured that they were indeede Christians: but, that for lacke of instruction they omitted the fore∣saide ceremonie. For I saw there behind a certaine chest (which was vnto them in steed of an altar, whereupon they set candles and oblations) an image hauing wings like vnto the image of Saint Michael, and other images also, holding their fingers, as if they would blesse some body. That eue∣ning I could not find any thing els. For the Saracens doe onely inuite men thither, but they will not haue them speake of their religion. And therfore, when I enquired of the Saracens concerning such ceremonies, they were offended thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Sa∣racens feast of Passeouer. And changing mine Inne or lodging the same day, I tooke vp mine a∣bode neere vnto another idole-Temple. For the citizens of the said citie of Cailac doe curteously inuite, & louingly intertaine all messengers, euery man of them according to his abilitie and porti∣on. And entring into the foresaid idole-Temple, I found the Priests of the said idoles there. For alwayes at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the priests adorne themselues, and offer vp the peoples oblations of bread and fruits. First therefore I will describe vnto you those rites and ceremonies, which are common vnto all their idole-Temples: and then the superstitions of the foresaid Iugures, which he, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest. They doe all of them wor∣ship towards the North, clapping their hands together, and prostrating themselues on their knees vpon y^e earth, holding also their foreheads in their hands. Wherupon the Nestorians of those parts will in no case ioyne their hands together in time of prayer: but they pray, displaying their hands be∣fore their breasts. They extend their Temples in length East and West: and vpon the North side they build a chamber, in maner of a Uestry for themselues to goe forth into. Or sometimes it is o∣therwise. If it be a foure square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the North side ther∣of, they take in one chamber in that place where the quire should stand. And within the said chamber they place a chest long and broad like vnto a table: and behinde the saide chest towardes the South stands their principall idole: which I sawe at Caracarum,* 1.710 and it was as bigge as the idole of Saint Christopher. Also a certaine Nestorian priest, which had bin in Catay, saide that in that countrey there is an idole of so huge a bignes, that it may be seen two daies iourney before a man come at it. And so they place other idoles round about the foresaid principal idole, being all of them finely gilt ouer with pure golde: and vpon the saide chest, which is in manner of a table, they set candles and oblations. The doores of their Temples are alwayes opened towards the South, contrary to the custome of the Saracens. They haue also great belles like vnto vs. And that is the cause (as I thinke) why the Christians of the East will in no case vse great belles. Notwithstanding they are common among the Russians, and Grecians of Gasaria.

Of their Temples and idoles: and howe they behaue them∣selues in worshipping their false gods. Chap. 27.

ALl their Priests had their heads and beards shauen quite ouer: and they are clad in saffron co∣loured garments: and being once shauen, they lead an vnmaried life from that time forward:

and they liue an hundreth or two hundreth of them together in one cloister or couent. Upon those dayes when they enter into their temples, they place two long foormes therein: and so sitting vpon the sayd foormes like singing men in a quier, namely the one halfe of them directly ouer against the other, they haue certaine books in their hands,* 1.711 which sometimes they lay downe by them vpon the foormes: and their heads are bare so long as they remaine in the temple. And there they reade soft∣ly vnto themselues, not vttering any voice at all. Whereupon comming in amongst them, at the time of their superstitious deuotions, and finding them all siting mute in maner aforesayde, I at∣tempted diuers waies to prouoke them vnto speach, and yet could not by any means possible. They haue with them also whithersoeuer they goe, a certaine string with an hundreth or two hundreth nutshels thereupon, much like to our bead-roule which we cary about with vs. And they doe al∣wayes vtter these words: Ou mam Hactani, God thou knowest: as one of them expounded it vnto me. And so often doe they expect a reward at Gods hands, as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round about their temple they doe alwayes make a faire court, like vnto a churchyard, which they enuiron with a good wall: and vpon the South part thereof they build a great portal, wherein they sit and conferre together. And vpon the top of the said portall they pitch a long pole right vp, exalting it, if they can, aboue all the whole towne besides. And by the same pole all men may knowe, that there stands the temple of their idoles. These rites and ceremonies aforesayd be common vnto all idolaters in those parts. Going vpon a time towardes the foresayd idole-temple, I found certain priests sitting in the outward portal. And those which I sawe, see∣med vnto me, by their shauen beards, as if they had bene French men. They wore certaine orna∣ments vpon their heads made of paper. The priestes of the foresaide Iugures doe vse such attire whithersoeuer they goe. They are alwaies in their saffron coloured iackets, which be very straight being laced or buttened from the bosome right downe, after the French fashion. And they haue a cloake vpon their left shoulder descending before and behind vnder their right arme, like vnto a dea∣con carying the houssel-boxe in t••ne of lent. Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did ••e∣ceiue.* 1.712 They begin to write at the top of their paper drawing their lines right downe: and so they reade and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right. They doe vse certaine papers and characters in their magical practises. Whereupon their temples are full of such short scroules han∣ged round about them. Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie written in the lan∣guage of the Moals or Tartars, and in the foresayd hand or letter of the Iugures. They burne their dead according to the anncient custome, and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis. Now, after I had sit a while by the foresaid priests, and entred into their temple and seene many of their images both great and small, I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God? And they an∣swered: We beleeue that there is onely one God. And I demaunded farther: Whether do you beleue that he is a spirit, or some bodily substance? They saide: We beleeue that he is a spirite. Then said I: Doe you beleeue that God euer tooke mans nature vpon him? They answered: Noe. And againe I said: Sithence ye beleeue that he is a spirit, to what end doe you make so ma∣ny bodily images to represent him? Sithence also you beleeue not that hee was made man: why doe you resemble him rather vnto the image of a man then of any other creature? Then they an∣swered saying: we frame not those images whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst vs, or his sonne, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, hee causeth the image of the dead party to be made, and to be placed here: and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence there∣unto. Then I replyed: you doe these things onely for the friendship and flatterie of men. Noe (said they) but for their memory. Then they demanded of me, as it were in scoffing wise: Where is God? To whom I answered: where is your soule? They said, in our bodies. Then saide I, is it not in euery part of your bodie, ruling and guiding the whole bodie, and yet notwithstanding is not seene or perceiued? Euen so God is euery where and ruleth all things, and yet is he inuisi∣ble, being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe. Then being desirous to haue had some more con∣ference with them, by reason, that mine interpreter was weary, and not able to expresse my mea∣ning, I was constrained to keepe silence. The Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect: namely they beleeue that there is but one God: howbeit they make images of felt, in remēbrance of their deceased friends, couering them with fiue most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or two carts, which carts no man dare once touch: and they are in the custody of their soothsayers, who are their priests, concerning whom I will giue your Highnesse more at large to vnderstand hereafter. These soothsayers or diuiners do alwaies attend vpon the court of Man∣gu and of other great personages. As for the poorer or meaner sorte, they haue them not, but such onely as are of the stocke and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to remoue or to take any iourney, the said diuiners goe before them, euen as the cloudie piller went before the children of Israel. And they appoint ground where the tents must be pitched, and first of al they take down their

owne houses: & after them the whole court doth the like. Also vpon their festiual daies or kalends they take forth the foresayd images, and place them in order round, or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moals or Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselues before the said images and worship them. Moreouer, it is not lawfull for any stranger to enter into that house. For vpon a certaine time I my selfe would haue gone in, but I was chidden full well for my labour.

Of diuers and sundry nations: and of certaine people which were wont to eate their owne parents. Chap. 28.

BUt the foresayd Iugures (who liue among the Christians, and the Saracens) by their sundry disputations, as I suppose, haue bene brought vnto this, to beleeue, that there is but one onely God. And they dwelt in certaine cities, which afterward were brought in subi••ction vnto Chin∣gis Can: whereupon he gaue his daughter in mariage vnto their king. Also the citie of Caraca∣rum it selfe is in a manner within their territory: and the whole countrey of king or Presbyter Iohn,* 1.713 & of his brother Vut lyeth neere vnto their dominions: sauing, that they inhabite in certaine pastures Northward, and the sayde Iugures betweene the mountaines towardes the South. Whereupon it came to passe, that the Moals receiued letters from them. And they are the Tartars principall scribes: & al the Nestorians almost can skill of their letters. Next vnto them, between the foresaid mountaines Eastward, inhabiteth the nation of Tangut,* 1.714 who are a most valiant people, and tooke Chingis in battell. But after the conclusion of a league hee was set at libertie by them, and afterward subdued them.* 1.715 These people of Tangut•• haue oxen of great strength, with tailes like vnto horses, and with long shagge haire vpon their backes and bellyes. They haue legges greater then other oxen haue, and they are exceedingly fierce. These oxen drawe the great hou∣ses of the Moals: and their hornes are slender, long, streight, and most sharpe pointed: insomuch that their owners are fame to cut off the endes of them. A cowe will not suffer her selfe to be cou∣pled vnto one of them, vnles they whistle or sing vnto her. They haue also the qualities of a Buffe: for if they see a man clothed in red, they run vpon him immediately to kill him. Next vnto them are the people of Tebet,* 1.716 men which were wont to eate the carkases of their deceased parents: that for pities sake, they might make no other sepulchre for them, then their owne bowels. Howbeit of late they haue left off this custome, because that thereby they became abominable and odious vnto al other nations. Notwithstanding vnto this day they make fine cups of the skuls of their parents, to the ende that when they drinke out of them, they may amidst all their iollities and delights call their dead parents to remembrance. This was tolde mee by one that saw it. The sayd people of Tebet haue great plentie of golde in their land.* 1.717 Whosoeuer therefore wanteth golde, diggeth till he hath found some quantitie, and then taking so much thereof as will serue his turne, he lay∣eth vp the residue within the earth: because, if he should put it into his chest or storehouse, hee is of opinion that God would withholde from him all other gold within the earth. I sawe some of those people, being very deformed creatures. In Tangut I saw lusly tall men, but browne and smart in colour.* 1.718 The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men. Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish, and Comanian languages. Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga,* 1.719 whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court. And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them, euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen. They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards.* 1.720 Also they haue iackets, like vnto the vp∣per vestment of a deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter. And they haue mi∣ters vpon their heads like bishops. But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part: neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe: but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the sunne beames, like vnto a glasse, or an helmet well burnished. And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters, which houer in the wind, as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads. And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much, they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another: and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads. Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length, and a handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto any other great personage, hee alwayes beheld that table,* 1.721 as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake: neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the lefte, nor vpon his face, with whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his lord, he loo∣keth no where but only vpon his table. Beyond thē (as I vnderstand of a certainty) there are other

people called Muc,* 1.722 hauing villages, but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe. Notwithstanding there are many flockes and dro••es of cattell in their countrey, & no man appointed to keepe them. But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill, and there maketh a shout, and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse, come flocking about him, and suffer themselues to be handled and taken, as if they were tame. And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie, they shut him vp into an house, ministring there things necessary vnto him, vntill his businesse he dispatched. For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie, the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him, and so would become wilde. Beyond Muc is great Cath••ya,* 1.723 the inhabitants whereof (as I sup∣pose) were of olde time, called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke. And this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey. I was crediblie informed•• that in the said countrey, there is one towne hauing walles of siluer, and bulwarkes or towers of golde. There be many prouinces in that land, the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars. And amongst.*

Somewhat is wanting.

Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes, in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea: wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Con∣fessor, William the Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry the se∣cond, king Richard the first, king Iohn, and Henry the third continued vnto them.

EDward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, & duke of Gas∣coigne, to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Iusti∣ces, Shirifs, Prouosts, Officers, & to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting. You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England, & vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done, and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England, truly to be continued in time to come, we haue granted & by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires, to the same our Barons and to their heires, all their liberties and freedomes. So that they shall be free from all toll, and from all custome; that is to say from all lastage, tollage, passage, cariage, riuage, asponsage, and from all wrecke, and from all their sale, carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion, with socke and souke, toll and theme. And that they shall haue Infangthefe, and that they shall be wreckefree, la∣stagefree, and louecopfree. And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth,* 1.724 ac∣cording as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued. And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds: so that if any person will plead against them, they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord, king Henrie our great grandfather: And that they shall haue their finde••••es in the sea and in the land: And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen. And that they haue their honours in our court, and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come. And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands, which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed:* 1.725 that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign, from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings, iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are. So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid, except any of the same Barons doe implead any man, or if any man be impleaded. And that they shall not pleade in any other place, except where they ought, and where they were wont, that is to say, a•• Shepe∣way. And that they haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth, as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better, more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England, Edward,* 1.726 William the first, William the second, Henrie the king our great grandfa∣ther•• and in the times of king Richard, and king Iohn our grandfathers, and lord king Henrie our father, by their Charters: as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue, and which we haue seene, doe reasonably testifie. And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds. So neuerthelesse, that when the same Ba∣rons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice, our Warden, and the wardens of our

heires of the Cinque Portes, which for the time shall be, their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires, do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce,* 1.727 or at the somounce of our heires. We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd, in the same maner that Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons, haue in their monours in the coun∣tie of Kent. And they be not put in any Assises, Iuries, or Recognisances by reason of their for∣reine tenure against their will: and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do tra∣uaile of our right prise, that is to say, of one tunne before the mast, and of another behind the maste. We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires, that they for euer haue this liberty, that is to say, That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes, which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde, for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd: and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past. But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde, and our grants following to them of our especiall grace, of newe haue caused to be made, sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie: And sauing vnto vs and to our heires, plea of our crowne, life and member. Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes, as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie. And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent. And that they be not put in Assises, Iuries, or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will. And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome, that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste, and of another tunne behinde the maste. And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde: that is to say: That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde with∣in the liberties and Portes aforesayd, for which they doe their seruice aforesaid, and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past. But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made. Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity. And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is a∣foresayd. These being witnesses, the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome, frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England, William of Valencia our vncle, Roger of the dead sea, Roger of Clifford, Master Ro∣bert Samuel deane of Sarum, Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding, Master Robert of Seyton, Bartholomew of Southley, Thomas of Wayland, Walter of Hoptan, Thomas of Normannel, Steuen of Pennester, Frances of Bonaua, Iohn of Lenetotes, Iohn of Metingham and others. Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune, in the sixth yeare of our reigne.* 1.728

The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third be∣fore Calice, extant in the kings great wardrobe in London, whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare.

The South fleete.

The Kings	Shippes	25.
Mariners	419.
London	Shippes	25.
Mariners	662.
Aileford	Shippes	2.
Mariners	24.
Hoo	Shippes	2.
Mariners	24.
Maydstone	Shippes	2.
Mariners	51.
Hope	Shippes	2.
Mariners	59.
New Hithe	Shippes	5.
Mariners	49.
Margat	Shippes	15.
Mariners	160.
| 1.729Motue	Shippes	2.
Mariners	22.
Feuersham	Shippes	2.
Mariners	25.

Sandwich	Ships	22.
Mariners	504.
Douer	Ships	16.
Mariners	336.
Wight	Ships	13.
Mariners	220.
Winchelsey	Ships	21.
Mariners	596.
Waymouth	Ships	15.
Mariners	263.
Lyme	Ships	4.
Mariners	62.
Seton	Ships	2.
Mariners	25.
Sydmouth	Ships	3.
Mariners	62.
Exmouth	Ships	10.
Mariners	193.
Tegmouth	Ships	7.
Mariners	120.
Dartmouth	Ships	31.
Mariners	757.
Portsmouth	Ships	5.
Mariners	96.
Plimouth	Ships	26.
Mariners	603.
Loo	Ships	20.
Mariners	315.
Yalme	Ships	2.
Mariners	47.
| 1.730Fowey	Ships	47.
Mariners	770.
Bristol	Ships	22.
Mariners	608.
Tenmouth	Ships	2.
Mariners	25.
Hasting	Ships	5.
Mariners	96.
Romney	Ships	4.
Mariners	65.
Rye	Ships	9.
Mariners	156.
Hithe	Ships	6.
Mariners	122.
Shoreham	Ships	20.
Mariners	329.
† 1.731Soford	Ships	5.
Mariners	80.
Newmouth	Ships	2.
Mariners	18.
Hamowl∣hooke	Ships	7.
Mariners	117.
Hoke	Ships	11.
Mariners	208.
Southhāp∣ton	Ships	21.
Mariners	576.
Leyming∣ton	Ships	9.
Mariners	159
Poole	Ships	4.
Mariners	94.
Warham	Ships	3.
Mariners	59.
Swanzey	Ships	1.
Mariners	29.
I••fercombe	Ships	6.
Mariners	79.
† 1.732Patricke∣stowe	Ships	2.
Mariners	27.
Polerwan	Ships	1.
Mariners	60.
Wadworth	Ships	1.
Mariners	14.
Kardife	Ships	1.
Mariners	51.
Bridgwater	Ships	1.
Mariners	15.
Kaertnar∣then	Ships	1.
Mariners	16.
Caileches∣worth	Ships	1.
Mariners	12.
Mulbrooke	Ships	1.
Mariners	12.
Summe of the South fleete	Ships	493
Mariners	9630

The North fleete.

Bamburgh	Ships	1.
Mariners	9.
Newcastle	Ships	17.
Mariners	314.

Walcrich	Ships	1.
Mariners	12.
Hertilpoole	Ships	5.
Mariners	145.
Hull	Ships	16.
Mariners	466.
Yorke	Ships	1.
Mariners	9.
Rauenset	Ships	1.
Mariners	27.
Woodhouse	Ships	1.
Mariners	22.
* 1.733Str••khithe	Ships	1.
Mariners	10.
Barton	Ships	3.
Mariners	30.
Swinefleete	Ships	1.
Mariners	11.
Saltfleet	Ships	2.
Mariners	49.
Grimesby	Ships	11.
Mariners	171.
Waynefleet	Ships	2.
Mariners	49.
Wrangle	Ships	1.
Mariners	8.
‡ 1.734Lenne	Ships	16.
Mariners	382.
Blackney	Ships	2.
Mariners	38.
Scarbo∣rough	Ships	1.
Mariners	19.
* 1.735Yernmouth	Ships	43.
Mariners	1950. or 1075.
Donwich	Ships	6.
Mariners	102.
Orford	Ships	3.
Mariners	62.
Goford	Ships	13.
Mariners	303.
Herwich	Ships	14.
Mariners	283.
Ipswich	Ships	12
Mariners	239.
Mersey	Ships	1.
Mariners	6.
* 1.736Brightling∣sey	Ships	5.
Mariners	61.
Colchester	Ships	5.
Mariners	90.
Whitbanes	Ships	1.
Mariners	17.
Malden	Ships	2.
Mariners	32.
Derwen	Ships	1.
Mariners	15.
Boston	Ships	17.
Mariners	361.
Swinhum∣ber	Ships	1.
Mariners	32.
Barton	Ships	5.
Mariners	91.
The Summe of the North fleete	Ships	217.
Mariners	4521.
The summe totall of all the English fleete	Ships	700.
Mariners	14151.

Estrangers their ships and mariners.

Bayon	Ships	15.
Mariners	439.
Spayne	Ships	7.
Mariners	184.
Ireland	Ships	1.
Mariners	25.
Flanders	Ships	14.
Mariners	133.
Gelderland	Ships	1.
Mariners	24.
The summe of all the Estrangers	Ships	38.
Mariners	805.

THe summe of expenses aswell of wages, & prests, as for the expenses of the kings houses, and for other gifts and rewards, shippes and other things necessary to the parties of France and Normandie, and before Calice, during the siege there, as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeper of the kings Wardrobe, from the 21. day of April in the 18 yeere of the reigne of the said king, vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in the one and twentieth yeere of his reigne, is iii. hundreth xxxvii. thousand li. ix. s, iiii. d.

A note out of Thomas Walsingham touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith king Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359.

ANno gratiae 1359. Iohannes Rex Franciae sub vmbra pacis, & dolose obtulit Regi Angliae Flandriam, Picardiam, Aquitaniam, aliasque terras quas equitauerat & vastarat: pro qui∣bus omnibus ratificandis idem Rex Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit; quibus omni∣bus Franci contradixerunt. Vnde motus Rex Anglie, celeriter se & suos praeparauit ad trans∣fretandum, ducens secum principem Walliae Edwardum suum primogenitum, ducem Henri∣cum Lancastrie, & ferè proceres omnes, quos comitabantur vel sequebātur poene mille currus•• habuirque apud Sanwicum instructas optime vndecies centum naues, & cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam nauigauit, relicto domino Thoma de Wooodstock filio suo iuniore admodum paruulo, Anglici regni custode, sub tutela tamen.

The same in English.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily, and vnder pretence of peace, offered vnto Edward the third king of England, Flanders, Picardie, Gascoigne, and other ter∣ritories which he had spoyled and wasted: for the ratifying of which agreement, the foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France, but the Frenchmen gain saied them in all their articles and demaunds. Whereupon the king of England being prouoked, speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas, carying with him Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant, and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost all his Nobles, with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vpon them. And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedingly well furnished: with which preparation he passed ouer the seas, to abate the Frenchmens arrogancie: leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke, being very tender of age, as his vicegerent in the Realme of England; albeit not without a protectour, &c.

The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier, and an excel∣lent Mathematician of Oxford, to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole, in the yeere 1360. and in the raigne of Edward the 3. king of England.

QVod ad descriptionem partium Septentrionalium attinet,* 1.737 eam nos accipi∣mus ex Itinerario Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis, qui quaedam exrebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat, maiorem autem partem & potiora, à Sacerdote quo∣dam apud Regem Noruegiae, An. Dom. 1364. didicit. Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas insulas miserat, & referebat, An. 1360. Mi∣noritam quendam Anglum Oxoniensem Mathematicum in eas insulas ve∣nisse, ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arte Magica profectū descripsisse omnia, & Astrolabio dimen∣sum esse in hanc subiectam formam ferè, vti ex Iacobo collegimus. Euripos illos quatuor dice∣bat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi, vt naues semel ingressae nullo vento retroagi possent, nequè verò vnquam tantum ibi ventum esse, vt molae frumentarie circumagendae suffi∣ciat. Simillima his habet Giraldus Cambrensis (qui floruit, An. 1210.) in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniae, sic enim scribit. Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus, Islandia, &c. ex parte Boreali, est maris quae dam miranda vorago, in quam à remotis partibus omnes vndique fluctus marinitan∣quam ex condicto fluunt, & recurrunt, qui in secreta naturae penetralia se ibi transfundentes, quasi in Abyssum vorantur. Si verò nauem hâc fortè transire contigerit, tanta rapitur, & attrahi∣tur fluctuum violentia, vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatis absorbeat.

Quatuor voragines huius Oceani, a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus Philosophi descri∣bunt, vnde & ••am marinos fluctus, quàm & AEolicos flatus causaliter peruenire nonnulli con∣iectant.

The same in English.

TOuching the description of the North partes, I haue taken the same out of the voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske, which alleageth certaine conquests of Arthur king of Britaine: and the most part, and chiefest things among the rest, he learned of a certaine priest in the king of Norwayes court, in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from them which king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands, and he reported that in the yeere 1360, a certaine Eng∣lish Frier, a Franciscan, and a Mathematician of Oxford, came into those Islands, who leauing them, and passing further by his Magicall Arte, described all those places that he sawe, and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe, according to the forme that I (Gerard Mercator) haue set downe in my mappe, and as I haue taken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen. Hee sayd that those foure Indraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole, with so great a force, that the ships which once entred therein, could by no meanes be driuen backe againe, and that there is neuer in those parts so much winde blowing, as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill.

Giraldus Cambrensis (who florished in the yeere 1210, vnder king Iohn) in his booke of the miracles of Ireland, hath certaine words altogether alike with these. videlicet:

* 1.738Not farre from these Islands (namely the Hebrides, Island &c.) towards the North there is a certaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea, whereinto all the waues of the sea from farre haue their course and recourse, as it were without stoppe: which, there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature, are swallowed vp, as it were, into a bottomlesse pit, and if it chance that any shippe doe passe this way, it is pulled, and drawen with such a violence of the waues, that eftsoones without remedy, the force of the whirlepoole deuoureth the same.

The Philosophers describe foure indraughts of this Ocean sea, in the foure opposite quarters of the world, from whence many doe coniecture that as well the flowing of the sea, as the blasts of the winde, haue their first originall.

A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee, touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna.

ANno 1360. (that is to wit, in the 34. yeere of the reigne of the triumphant king Edward the third) a frier of Oxford, being a good Astronomer, went in compa∣nie with others to the most Northren Islands of the world, and there leauing his company together, hee trauailed alone, and purposely described all the Nor∣therne Islands, with the indrawing seas: and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England. The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata (aliter for∣tunae) qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum.* 1.739 Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither, and home againe.

It is to be noted, that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke (whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name) to Island, it is not aboue a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde, and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade: which further appeareth by the pri∣uileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke, by king Edward the third,* 1.740 for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice, in respect of their trade to Island.

The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford, and lastly king of England, by the name of Henry the fourth, An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe, against the infidels, recor∣ded by Thomas of Wal∣singham.

* 1.741DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys, vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae, & cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe, captis quatuor ducibus, & tri∣bus peremptis, & amplius quam trecentis, de valentioribus exercitus supra∣dicti pariter interemptis. Ciuitas quoque vocatur ‖ 1.742 Will, in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat, potenti virtute dicti Comitis

maximè, a••que suorum capta est. Namque qui fuerunt de fam••lia s•• primi murum as∣cenderant, & vexillum ejus super muros, caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus, posue∣runt. Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum, fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto, qui aduersarius nostri fuit•• Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Ciuita∣tis per quinque hebdomadas: Sed propter infirmitates, quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys & de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare. Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo. Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum.

The same in English.

ABout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia, where, with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince, and of a certaine king called Wytot, hee van∣quished the armie of the king of Lettowe, with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes, and the slaughter of three, besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine. The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna, into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard, was, by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers, surprised and taken. For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie, while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent, skaling the walles, aduanced his colours thereupon. And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers, and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother, who was our professed enemie. And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes: but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed, the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer. There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith. And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues.

The voyage of Thomas of VVoodstocke Duke of Glo∣cester into Prussia, in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham.

EOdem tempore dux Glouerniae Dominus ‖ 1.743 Thomas de Woodstock, multis moerentibus, iter apparauit versùs le Pruys: quem non Londinensium ge∣mitus, non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant, qui•• proficisci vellet, Nam plebs communis tàm Vrbana quàm rustica metuebant quòd eo ab∣sente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret, quo praesente nihil tale ti∣mebant. Siquidèm in eo spes & solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur. Ipse verò mòx, vt fines patriae suae transijt, illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna, nunc hàc nunc illàc turbinibus procellosis circumfertur; & in tantum destituitur, vt de vita etiam desperaret.* 1.744 Tandem post Daciam, post Norwagiam, post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam, peruenit Northumbriam, & ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi: vbi per aliquot dies recreatus, iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy, magnum apportans gaudium toti regno, tam de ejus euasione, quàm de ad∣uentu suo.

The same in English.

AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock (the yongest sonne of Edward the third) to the great griefe of many, tooke his iourney towards Prussia: whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition. For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen; which they feared not while he was pre∣sent. For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort. Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey, he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests, and was brought into such distresse, that he despaired euen of his owne life. At length, hauing not without danger of death, sailed along the coastes of Denmarke, Norway, and Scotland, he returned into Northumberland, and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him: where, after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes, hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy, bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome, aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne.

The ver••es of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue, who liuing in the yeere 1402. (as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide) shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon, were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe, and other heathen lands, to aduance the Chri∣stian faith against Infidels and miscreants, and to seeke honour by feats of armes.

The English Knights Prologue.

A Knight there was, and that a worthie man, that from the time that he first began to riden out, he loued Cheualrie, trouth, honour, freedome, and Curtesie. full worthy was he in his lords warre: and thereto had hee ridden no man farre, * 1.745As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse, and euer had honour for his worthinesse. * 1.746At Alisandre hee was, when it was wonne: full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce, * 1.747In Lettowe had hee riden, and in Ruce, no Christen man so oft of his degree: In Granade at the siege had he bee * 1.748At Algezer: and ridden in Belmarye: * 1.749At Leyes was hee, and also at Satalye, * 1.750when they were wonne: and in the great see at many a Noble armie had hee bee. * 1.751At mortall battailes had he bin fifteene, And foughten for our faith at Tramissen, * 1.752in listes thries, and aye slayne his foe: This ilke worthie Knight had bin also, sometime with the lord of ‖ 1.753 Palathye ayenst another Heathen in Turkie.

* 1.754Written in the lustie moneth of May in our Palace, where many a million of louers true haue habitation, The yeere of grace ioyfull and iocond, a thousand, foure hundred and second.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Fynnes li••e by hunting & fishing.
• * 1.2

  The place whi∣ther the whale hunters ••ra∣ueile.
• * 1.3

  The riuer of Duina or like∣lihood.
• * 1.4

  A Desert coun∣trey.
• * 1.5

  Fynnes.
• * 1.6

  Biarmia.
• * 1.7

  Terfynnes.
• * 1.8

  The Fynnes and Biarmes speake one lan∣guage.
• * 1.9

  Or, morsses, their teeth cō∣mended.
• * 1.10

  Vse of y^e Mors∣ses skinn•• for cables.
• * 1.11

  Sixe hundreth tame Deere.
• * 1.12

  The Fynnes tribute.
• * 1.13

  Note.
• * 1.14

  Cables of Whales and Seales skins.
• * 1.15

  A description of Norway.
• * 1.16

  The bredth of the moūtaines of Norway.
• * 1.17

  Swethland.
• * 1.18

  Queeneland.
• * 1.19

  Boats caried on mēs backs.
• ‖ 1.20

  Or, streight. It seemeth to be about Elsen∣borg.
• * 1.21

  The descripti∣on of the sound of Denmarke.
• * 1.22

  Gotland.
• ‖ 1.23

  Vandals.
• * 1.24

  Hetha but two dayes sayling from Seland.

  It seemeth to be Wismer or Rostocke.
• ‖ 1.25

  Within the sound of Den∣marke.
• * 1.26

  Bargenland, or Bornholme.
• * 1.27

  Wixel is the ri∣uer that falleth into the sea by Dantzig.
• ‖ 1.28

  Or, Prussia.
• * 1.29

  Fruso.
• ‖ 1.30

  Or, Lituania.
• * 1.31

  The descripti∣on of Eastland.
• * 1.32

  Mares milke a chiefe drinke.
• * 1.33

  Flores Histori••∣rum.
• * 1.34

  Charta Regis, Henrici secundi.
• * 1.35

  Ranulphus Ce∣strens••••.
• * 1.36

  Ex charta fun∣dationis Ecclesiae Cathedralis Wi∣gorniae.
• * 1.37

  Fundatio Eccle∣siae Cathedralis Elic••sis••
• * 1.38

  Note the Queenes Ma∣iesties royaltie ouer the Bri∣tish Ocean sea, round about the British Empire.
• * 1.39

  An. Dom. 1••1••.
• * 1.40

  Fingal.
• * 1.41

  Boats hauing not past three yron nailes in them.
• * 1.42

  Lewis.
• ‖ 1.43

  Argile.
• * 1.44

  1143.
• * 1.45

  1156.
• * 1.46

  King Iohn passed into Ir∣land with 500, sailes.
• * 1.47

  The Isle of Man aduaun∣ced to a king∣dome.
• * 1.48

  1067.
• * 1.49

  The antiquitie of the Ports.
• * 1.50

  1070.
• * 1.51

  Which be the Fiue Ports.
• * 1.52

  1250.
• * 1.53

  Citizens were called Barons in old time.
• * 1.54

  Contention betweene Yar∣mouth, and the Fiue Ports.
• * 1.55

  1250.
• * 1.56

  Antiquitie of Yarmouth fish∣ing.
• * 1.57

  1268.
• * 1.58

  Winchelsey first builded.
• * 1.59

  1277.
• * 1.60

  1278.
• * 1.61

  The good ser∣uice of the fiue Ports.
• * 1.62

  1217.
• * 1.63

  1278.
• * 1.64

  1293.
• * 1.65

  1406.
• * 1.66

  The priuiled∣ges of the fiue Ports.
• ‖ 1.67

  Neustar.
• * 1.68

  Annus & 4. men∣•••• & amplius.
• * 1.69

  Frater Benedictus Polonus comes Ioannis de Plano Carpini.
• ‖ 1.70

  Al. S••langorum.
• * 1.71

  Oceanus ab A∣quilone.
• * 1.72

  Syra orda, curi•• maior imperato∣ris.
• * 1.73

  Maximae niues in aestate in Ta••ta∣••ia.
• * 1.74

  Grando maxima.
• * 1.75

  Max••ma inunda∣tio ex subi••a gran∣dinis resolutione.
• * 1.76

  Iter quin{que} men∣••••••m & dimidij.
• * 1.77

  Vestes.
• * 1.78

  Tabernacula.
• * 1.79

  Opes in peco••••.
• * 1.80

  Insolentia a••∣ue••sus exteros.
• * 1.81

  Iracundia.
• * 1.82

  Mendacitas.
• * 1.83

  Fraudulentia. Sordes.
• * 1.84

  Temulentia.
• * 1.85

  Extortio. Crudelitas.
• * 1.86

  Cibi.
• * 1.87

  Poena adulterij.
• * 1.88

  Funi.
• * 1.89

  Arcani euulgati.
• * 1.90

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.91

  Foeminae Mere incognitae eodem, modo vestiuntur
• * 1.92

  Tartariae populi••
• * 1.93

  Tartar f••uiu••.
• * 1.94

  Cyngis ortus & res geste.
• * 1.95

  Naymani.
• * 1.96

  Frartes discor∣dantes oppressi.
• * 1.97

  Kara Kitai.
• * 1.98

  Occoday can.
• ‖ 1.99

  Vel Chanyl.
• * 1.100

  Homines sylue∣stres.
• * 1.101

  De mutua victo∣ria Mongalorum & Kytaorum.
• * 1.102

  Tartarorum Ky∣taina clades.
• * 1.103

  Nouae victoriae litere.
• * 1.104

  Vel Saruiur.
• * 1.105

  Vel Karanitarum••
• * 1.106

  Vel Hudirat.
• * 1.107

  Argentum loco lapidum in ho∣stem proiectum.
• * 1.108

  Kytai victi.
• * 1.109

  Cyngis solutatur Imperator.
• * 1.110

  Kythaie pars in mari posiu. Kytaorum liters, & religio.
• * 1.111

  Opifi••lo••um laus.
• * 1.112

  Thossuch can Cyngis filius Co∣manos deuicit.
• * 1.113

  India minor de∣bellata.
• * 1.114

  Presbyter Ioan∣nes: eiusdem ••t••a••agema.
• * 1.115

  Victoria de Tar∣tar••.
• * 1.116

  De monstrosis mulieribus & canibus mon∣strosa narratio.
• * 1.117

  Glacies.
• * 1.118

  Burutabeth re∣gio.
• * 1.119

  Incolarum mo∣res.
• * 1.120

  Terra Kergis Orientalis.
• * 1.121

  Nota icer duo∣rum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mensium versus Orientem.
• * 1.122

  Troglodytae.
• * 1.123

  Videtur hic soni∣tus sieri. & fra∣gore glaciei, & niuium de mon∣tibus.
• * 1.124

  Cyngis le••.
• * 1.125

  Interitus. Liberi.
• * 1.126

  Nepotes.
• * 1.127

  Duces.
• * 1.128

  Imperatoris Tartarorum ser∣uile in omnes imperium.
• * 1.129

  Inhumanitas er∣ga Legatos.
• * 1.130

  Occoday secun∣dus Imperator Tartarorum.
• * 1.131

  Barthra ciuitas vel Barchin.
• * 1.132

  Vel Sarguir.
• * 1.133

  Orna super Don fluuium.
• * 1.134

  Kiouia ciuitas.
• * 1.135

  Morduanorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.136

  Bulgaria magna.
• * 1.137

  Hungaria magna.
• * 1.138

  Parossitae.
• * 1.139

  Samogedi.
• * 1.140

  Oceanus Sep∣tentrionalis. Similes ••robisheri hominibus.
• * 1.141

  Expeditio Cyr∣podanis.
• * 1.142

  Armeni.
• * 1.143

  Hij videntur sa∣gittesse balisti••.
• * 1.144

  Georgia.
• * 1.145

  Terra Soldani Deurum.
• * 1.146

  Terra Soldani Halapiae.
• * 1.147

  Mos tranandī flumina.
• * 1.148

  Qualiter muni∣••••ones obsident.
• * 1.149

  P••nica fides.
• * 1.150

  Vrsi alb••.
• ‖ 1.151

  Vel illi••.
• * 1.152

  Dochon.
• * 1.153

  Solangi. Basch••, vox Ta••∣ta••ca, qua v••uri∣tur Tu••••i.
• * 1.154

  Samogedi aqui∣lona••es.
• * 1.155

  Mangia.
• ‖ 1.156

  Forte mensibu••
• * 1.157

  Tar•••• •• propo∣nunt inuade••e Liuoniam & Prussiam.
• * 1.158

  Temperamen••um fe••••••
• * 1.159

  Sp••••ulato••es.
• * 1.160

  Obsidio 12. an∣norum.
• * 1.161

  As••elinu••. ¶ Vide Mecho∣uiū lib. 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.162

  Simon Sanquin∣tinianus.
• * 1.163

  Ioannes de Plano Ca••pini.
• * 1.164

  Benedictus Po∣lonus.
• * 1.165

  Libellus histori∣alis Ioannis de Plano Ca••p••ni.
• * 1.166

  Tar••ar••ae de∣scriptio.
• ‖ 1.167

  Vel Occidentem
• * 1.168

  Syra orda.
• * 1.169

  A••ri•• intemperies
• * 1.170

  Orda quid.
• * 1.171

  Tartarorum spe∣cies.
• * 1.172

  Tonsura.
• * 1.173

  Habitus.
• * 1.174

  Vestes retro cauda••ae.
• * 1.175

  Tabernacula.
• * 1.176

  Opes in pecore.
• * 1.177

  Victus.
• * 1.178

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.179

  Abs••inentia.
• * 1.180

  Comita••.
• * 1.181

  Temperan••ia.
• * 1.182

  C••sti••as.
• * 1.183

  Insolentia ad••e••∣sus ex••e••o••.
• * 1.184

  Iracundi••.
• * 1.185

  Fraudulentia.
• * 1.186

  Sordes Temulentia.
• * 1.187

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.188

  Poena adulterij.
• * 1.189

  Purti.
• * 1.190

  Ar••ani ••u••lga••.
• * 1.191

  Leges matrimo∣nio••um.
• * 1.192

  Andreas Du•• Russie.

  ¶Vtde Herber∣steinium de rebus Moschoui. p••g. ••. b.
• * 1.193

  Melich & Dauid fratres Georgia••
• * 1.194

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.195

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
• * 1.196

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.197

  Cultu•• lun••.
• * 1.198

  Lustrationis ritus
• * 1.199

  Ignis supe••stitios•• effi••a••tas.
• * 1.200

  Tartariae populi.
• * 1.201

  Chingis ortus & ••e•• ge••tae.
• * 1.202

  Nayma•••• ••l••••••ra cap. 25.
• * 1.203

  Fra••••es discor∣dantes oppressi.
• * 1.204

  Occoday Cham.
• * 1.205

  Homines sylue∣stres.
• * 1.206

  Hay••••on•• •• ••aulo Ve••e•••• sunt Cathay.
• * 1.207

  Tartar••um Ca∣thayna clades••
• * 1.208

  Nouae victorie.
• * 1.209

  Literae.
• * 1.210

  Argentum loco lapidum in ho∣stem pro••ectum.
• * 1.211

  Chingis salutatur Imperator.
• * 1.212

  Cathaynorum ••l∣terae & religio.
• * 1.213

  Opificiorum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.214

  Thossut Can, Chingis F.
• * 1.215

  India minor debella••••.
• * 1.216

  Regi•• maioris In∣diae stratagema.
• * 1.217

  Vide scolion in lib. 1. cap. 51. N•• Pauli Ven••i.
• * 1.218

  Victoria.
• * 1.219

  De monstrosis mulier••bus & ca∣nibus monstro••a narra••io.
• * 1.220

  ¶ Forsan autem videri allegorica allusio possit ad Canibal••s de qui∣bu•• Pe••••us Mar∣tyr Mediolan•• de rebus Oceanicis.
• * 1.221

  Bu••ithabeth reg••o.
• * 1.222

  In colarum mores
• * 1.223

  Alia Chingis ex∣peditio.
• * 1.224

  ¶ Vide an Ham∣sem regionem dca••: de qua Hay••honus cap. 10.
• * 1.225

  Troglodytae.
• * 1.226

  Fabulosus Solis orientis sonitus.
• * 1.227

  Chingis l••••.
• * 1.228

  Interit•••• Liberi.
• * 1.229

  Nepotes.
• * 1.230

  Duces.
• * 1.231

  Imperatoris Ta••∣tarorum seruile in omnes imperium.
• * 1.232

  Inhumanitas er∣ga Legatos.
• * 1.233

  Occoday surroga∣tur patri.

  Bathy ••i••s{que} ex∣peditio.
• * 1.234

  Barchin ciuitas.
• * 1.235

  Sarguit ciuitas.
• * 1.236

  Orna ciuitas.
• * 1.237

  ¶ Vide Mecho∣uium, lib. 1. ca. 3.
• * 1.238

  Morduani.
• * 1.239

  Bulgaria magna.
• * 1.240

  Hungar••a magna.
• * 1.241

  Parossite.
• * 1.242

  Samogere.
• * 1.243

  Monstra aquilo∣na••a.
• * 1.244

  Ex••editio Cyr∣podanis.
• * 1.245

  Cyclopedes.
• * 1.246

  Armenia & Ge∣orgia subacta.
• * 1.247

  Soldanus Hala∣pie.
• * 1.248

  Calipha ••alda∣c••••sis.
• * 1.249

  Tartarorum m••li∣ta••is disciplina.
• * 1.250

  Armatu••••.
• * 1.251

  V••us bell••rum••
• * 1.252

  Mos••••anand•• fl••••i••a.
• * 1.253

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de bello contra Tar∣taros gerendo.
• * 1.254

  Ferri tempera∣mentum.
• * 1.255

  Itinerarium Io∣ann. & sociorum legatorum.
• * 1.256

  Bolesi••••s Dux S••lesiae.
• * 1.257

  Nazi••ia.
• * 1.258

  Grimis••••u••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Math: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 9.
• * 1.259

  Litere Pape ad ••us••o••.
• * 1.260

  Daniel, frater Basilij.
• * 1.261

  Lituani.
• * 1.262

  Pabulum equo∣r••m Tartaric.
• * 1.263

  Michea•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.264

  Papae Christiano∣rum pater & Do∣minus.
• * 1.265

  Legationis man∣data.
• * 1.266

  Cor••ensa.
• * 1.267

  D••x limitis occi∣dentalis.
• * 1.268

  Mos salut••ndi Tartari••os ••ro∣ceres.
• * 1.269

  Ba••h•• el••••sque pote••••ia.
• ‖ 1.270

  Quadregesimae.
• * 1.271

  Comania.
• * 1.272

  Veteribus ••••••∣rysthenes.
• * 1.273

  Ta••••u.
• * 1.274

  Rha.
• * 1.275

  Rhymnus.
• * 1.276

  Pontus Euxinus.
• * 1.277

  Volga non in∣trat.
• * 1.278

  Ceremonia per ••uos 〈◊〉〈◊〉 transcundi.
• * 1.279

  Eldegay.
• * 1.280

  Bathy audit le∣ga••o••.
• * 1.281

  Gerit se regi••ic••.
• * 1.282

  Eiusdem bibendi ad Symphoniae cantum mos.
• * 1.283

  Authoritas.
• * 1.284

  Legati iubentur ad Cuyne Impe∣rat. pe••ge••e.
• * 1.285

  Comaniae de∣scriptio.
• * 1.286

  Oceanus septen∣••••ionalis.
• * 1.287

  Te••••a Kangitta∣rum.
• * 1.288

  Ieroslaus, Dux Russiae.
• * 1.289

  Terra Bisermino∣rum.
• * 1.290

  Altisoldanus.
• * 1.291

  Montes maxim••.
• * 1.292

  Burin. Cadan.
• * 1.293

  Oceanus ab Aqu••lone.
• * 1.294

  Syban, frater Bathy.
• * 1.295

  Nigr•• Cathayni.
• * 1.296

  Marè paruum.
• * 1.297

  Plurimis diebus.
• * 1.298

  Plures insule.
• * 1.299

  Ordu. cap. 13.
• * 1.300

  Prima curia Im∣peratoris.
• * 1.301

  Terra Nayma∣norum.
• * 1.302

  Tartaria.
• * 1.303

  Iulij 22.
• * 1.304

  Acceleratum l••∣gatorum iter.
• * 1.305

  Cuyne in legatos benignitas.
• * 1.306

  Tentorium regium.
• * 1.307

  Comitia.
• * 1.308

  Symposium procerum.
• * 1.309

  Ieroslaus Dux Russiae.

  Legati diue•• sa∣rum nationum.
• * 1.310

  Imperij Cuynae primitiae.
• * 1.311

  Syra orda.
• * 1.312

  Aurea orda.
• * 1.313

  Augus••i 15.
• * 1.314

  Peeces solennes.
• * 1.315

  Cuynae aetas & morer.
• * 1.316

  Studium Christi∣anismi.
• * 1.317

  Maiestas.
• * 1.318

  Potestas exlex †.
• * 1.319

  Bellum in Chri∣stianós cogita∣tum.
• * 1.320

  Cuyne audit le∣garon.
• * 1.321

  Munera eidem oblata.
• * 1.322

  Currus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.323

  Tentorium pu••∣pureum.
• * 1.324

  Solivm ebur∣num.
• * 1.325

  Nex Occoday vin••icata. Ieroslaus D••x ••u••••i••.
• * 1.326

  Cuvne cum lega∣tis dissimulanter agit.
• * 1.327

  Cofmas Russus.
• * 1.328

  Chingay inter∣nuncius.
• * 1.329

  Prudens de lite∣••is consilium.
• * 1.330

  Legati abhorrent a Tartarorum ad Christianos lega∣tione.
• * 1.331

  Nouemb. 13. Honorantur cō∣meatu & lauti••.
• * 1.332

  Difficilis legato∣rum reditus.
• * 1.333

  Bathy.
• * 1.334

  Corrensa.
• * 1.335

  Iunij ••. Gratulationes re∣ducibus factae. Basilius & D••ni••l Principes.
• * 1.336

  Russi agnoscent primatum Papae.
• * 1.337

  Ascellinu••.
• * 1.338

  Simon Quinct∣nianus. Iohn de plano Carpini.
• * 1.339

  Benedictus Polonian.
• * 1.340

  A description of Tartaria.
• * 1.341

  The North Ocean.
• * 1.342

  Syra Orda.
• * 1.343

  The intempe∣rature of the aire.
• * 1.344

  What Orda sig∣nifieth.
• * 1.345

  The shape of the Tartars.
• * 1.346

  Their habite.
• * 1.347

  Like vnto Frobishers men.
• * 1.348

  Their taber∣nacles.
• * 1.349

  Their cattell.
• * 1.350

  Their victuals.
• * 1.351

  Their obediēce
• * 1.352

  Their absti∣nence.
• * 1.353

  Their courte∣sie.
• * 1.354

  Their chastity.
• * 1.355

  Their insoleri∣tie against strangers.
• * 1.356

  Punishments of adultery.
• * 1.357

  Of theft.
• * 1.358

  Of secretes disclosed.
• * 1.359

  Lawes of ma∣trimonie.
• * 1.360

  Andreas duke of Russia.
• * 1.361

  Melich & Dauid two brothers.
• * 1.362

  Ridiculous traditions.
• * 1.363

  The Tartars worship the moone.
• * 1.364

  Their custome of purifying.
• * 1.365

  The p••ople of Tartar••••.
• * 1.366

  The original & the e••ploi••s of Chingis.
• * 1.367

  The Naimani.
• * 1.368

  The discord of brethren.
• * 1.369

  Occoday Cham.
• * 1.370

  Havthon & Pau∣lus V••netus call them•• Cathay∣ans.
• * 1.371

  New victories
• * 1.372

  Letters.
• * 1.373

  Siluer cast at the enemie in¦stead of stones.
• * 1.374

  Chingis Cham proclaimed Emperour.
• * 1.375

  Part of Ca∣thay in the sea.
• * 1.376

  The letters, & the religion of the Cathayans.
• * 1.377

  Their excellent workmanship.
• * 1.378

  Thossut Can son of Chingis.
• * 1.379

  India minor sub∣dued.
• * 1.380

  The stratagem of the king of India.
• * 1.381

  A strange re∣port of certain mōstrous wo∣men and dogs.
• * 1.382

  The region of Bu••ithabeth.
• * 1.383

  The manners of the people.
• * 1.384

  Another expe∣ditiō of Chingis,
• * 1.385

  A fabulous narration of the sun rising,
• * 1.386

  The law•• of Chingis.
• * 1.387

  The death of Chingis.
• * 1.388

  His sonnes.
• * 1.389

  His graund∣children.
• * 1.390

  The Tartarian dukes.
• * 1.391

  The absolute and lordly do∣minion of the Tartarian Em∣perour ouer his subiects.
• * 1.392

  Their barba∣rous inhuma∣nitie towards ambassadours
• * 1.393

  Occoday succee∣deth his father.
• * 1.394

  The expeditiō of Bathy.
• * 1.395

  The citie of Barchin.
• * 1.396

  Orna.
• * 1.397

  The Morduans.
• * 1.398

  Bulgaria magna.
• * 1.399

  Hungaria magna
• * 1.400

  Parossi••••••.
• * 1.401

  Samogete.
• * 1.402

  The North ocean.
• * 1.403

  Northerne monsters.
• * 1.404

  Kergis.
• * 1.405

  Cyclopedes.
• * 1.406

  Armenia & Geo••∣gia conquered.
• * 1.407

  The Soldan of Aleppo his land
• * 1.408

  The Caliph of Baldach.
• * 1.409

  The military di••cipline of the Ta••ta••s.
• * 1.410

  Their weapōs
• * 1.411

  Their experi∣ence & cunning in warr••••.
• * 1.412

  Their maner of passing ouer ri••ers.
• * 1.413

  Counsel how to wage warre against the Tartars.
• * 1.414

  A notable tem∣per of iron o•• ••••eele.
• * 1.415

  Johannes de pla∣no Carpini.
• * 1.416

  The iourney of frier Iohn & his fellow Le∣gates.
• * 1.417

  Boleslaus duke of Silesia.
• * 1.418

  Mazo••a.
• * 1.419

  Grimslaua.
• * 1.420

  Daniel brother vnto Wa••ilico.
• * 1.421

  The L••••beanian••
• * 1.422

  The fedd••r of ••he Ta••••a••ian horses.
• * 1.423

  Michaeas the malicious.
• * 1.424

  The contents of the legacie.
• * 1.425

  Corrensa.
• * 1.426

  The duke of the Westerne marches.
• * 1.427

  The maner of saluting the Tarta••ian prin∣ces.
• * 1.428

  Duke Bathy & his power.
• ‡ 1.429

  Boristhenes.
• ‡ 1.430

  Tanai••.
• ‡ 1.431

  Rha.
• ‡ 1.432

  Rhymnus.
• ‖ 1.433

  Pontus Euxinus. He is deceiued, for albeit Neper & Don run into Mare maio••: yet Volga & Iaec flowe into the Caspian sea.
• * 1.434

  A ceremony of passing be∣tweene two fiers.
• * 1.435

  Eldegay.
• * 1.436

  Bathy heareth the Legates.
• * 1.437

  He behaues him••elfe like a king.
• * 1.438

  Their custome of drinking at the sound of musicke.
• * 1.439

  They traueiled post from Ea∣ster day to the 22. of Iuly Eastward of Volga.
• * 1.440

  A description of Comania.
• * 1.441

  The North Ocean.
• * 1.442

  The land of the Kangittae.
• * 1.443

  Ieroslaus duke of Russia.
• * 1.444

  The land of the Bisermini.
• * 1.445

  Alti Soldanus. Huge moun∣taines.
• * 1.446

  Burin and Cadan
• * 1.447

  The North ocean.
• * 1.448

  Syban brother vnto Bathy.
• * 1.449

  The blacke Kythayans.
• * 1.450

  A small sea.
• * 1.451

  Many dayes.
• * 1.452

  Ordu cap. 13.
• * 1.453

  The first court of the Empe∣rour.
• * 1.454

  The land of Naymani.
• * 1.455

  The 22. of Iuly.
• * 1.456

  The curtes••e of Cuyne towards Ambassadors.
• * 1.457

  The tent roial.
• * 1.458

  A generall assemblie.
• * 1.459

  The banquet of the Nobles.
• * 1.460

  ••••oslaus Duke of Susdal.
• * 1.461

  Ambassadors of s••ndry na∣tions.
• * 1.462

  The begin∣nings of Cuyne hi•• empire.
• * 1.463

  Syra Orda.
• * 1.464

  The golden Orda.
• * 1.465

  The 15. of August. Wo••l••n cloth.
• * 1.466

  His inclinati∣on to Christia∣nitie.
• * 1.467

  His maiestie.
• * 1.468

  A lawlesse au∣thoritie.
• * 1.469

  Wa••re inten∣ded against all Chri••••ians.
• * 1.470

  Cuyne heareth the Legates.
• * 1.471

  Gifts presen∣ted vnto him.
• * 1.472

  500. Carts ful of treasure.
• * 1.473

  A tent of pur∣ple.
• * 1.474

  A throne of Iuorie.
• * 1.475

  The death of Occoday re∣uenged.
• * 1.476

  Or, Susdal.
• * 1.477

  Cuyne dissem∣blet•• with the Lega••••s.
• * 1.478

  Cosmas a Rus∣sian.
• * 1.479

  The message of Chingay.
• * 1.480

  The Legates ••re loath to haue any Am∣bassadours sent from the Tartars to the Chris••ians.
• * 1.481

  Nouember 13.
• * 1.482

  They are re∣warded with gif••e.
• * 1.483

  The sore ••ou••∣neys of the Le∣gates in retur∣ning.
• * 1.484

  Bathy.
• * 1.485

  Correns••.
• * 1.486

  Iune 8.
• * 1.487

  How they were welcom∣ed at their re∣turne.
• * 1.488

  Basilius and D••∣niel Princ••••.
• * 1.489

  Ecclus. 39. v••r. ••
• * 1.490

  Soldaia.
• * 1.491

  Matriga ciu••tas.
• * 1.492

  Zikia.
• ‖ 1.493

  Nota.
• * 1.494

  Similiter in Florida.
• * 1.495

  Maior Hungaria.
• * 1.496

  Nota.
• * 1.497

  Pellium parat••••
• * 1.498

  Nota diligente••.
• ‖ 1.499

  Vel Akas.
• | 1.500

  No••a diligen∣t••••sime.
• * 1.501

  Salinae
• * 1.502

  Decem dietae.
• * 1.503

  Comanie lon∣gitudo.
• ‖ 1.504

  E••l••a quae & Volga flumen.
• * 1.505

  Russia.
• * 1.506

  Prussia.
• * 1.507

  Calor ••aximu•• ibiin aestate.
• * 1.508

  Tanais fluuius,
• * 1.509

  Casale Ruteno∣rum.
• * 1.510

  Latitudo Tanais.
• * 1.511

  Oceanus.
• ‖ 1.512

  Ad introi••um Augusti ••••deunt ad meridiem.
• * 1.513

  Merdui Saraceni.
• ‖ 1.514

  vel Volga fluuius.
• ‖ 1.515

  Kerkis. vel Aas.
• * 1.516

  Lesgi Saraceni.
• ‖ 1.517

  Re••i••us eius per Derbent.
• * 1.518

  Coiat Nes••o∣rinus.
• * 1.519

  Perueniunt ad Eti••iam vel Volgam.
• * 1.520

  Tartari voluns vocari Moal••
• * 1.521

  Con ••••n.
• * 1.522

  Vnde venerunt 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.523

  Caracatay.
• * 1.524

  O••••••••us.
• * 1.525

  Vel Nayman.
• * 1.526

  Preb••ytes Io∣hannes.
• * 1.527

  Kencham vbi habita••••t.
• * 1.528

  Frater Andreas in Curia Ken∣cham.
• * 1.529

  Vut can, vel Vnc.
• * 1.530

  Caracarum V••l••ul••.
• * 1.531

  C••it, & Merkit.
• * 1.532

  Moal paupe••ri••i homines.
• * 1.533

  Ta••taro••um s••••es.
• * 1.534

  Cyngis.
• * 1.535

  Mangu-can.
• * 1.536

  Mancherule.
• * 1.537

  Berta vel Berca.
• * 1.538

  Exacta ma••is, Caspij descriptio.
• * 1.539

  Canglae populi, vel Cangit••••e.
• * 1.540

  Frater Andreas.
• * 1.541

  Reprehenditur Isidori error de mari Caspio.
• * 1.542

  Oceanus Aquilo∣nari••.
• * 1.543

  Isidorus.
• * 1.544

  Oceanus Aqui∣lonaris.
• * 1.545

  Descendit naui per flumen Vol∣ga.
• * 1.546

  Nota.
• * 1.547

  30 diete à Por∣ta fer••ea.
• * 1.548

  Astracan.
• * 1.549

  Decscriptio cu∣••iae Baatu.
• * 1.550

  Horda son••t me∣dium.
• * 1.551

  Misit rex Fran∣ciae ad Kencham nuncios.
• * 1.552

  Iohannes de Plano carpini.
• * 1.553

  Li••erae Regis Francorum.
• * 1.554

  Quinque septi∣manas iuxta Eti∣liam descende∣bant.
• * 1.555

  Quidam Hu••∣ga••i.
• * 1.556

  Comanus.
• * 1.557

  Iter quatuor mensium à Vo••∣ga.
• * 1.558

  Ingens frigu••.
• * 1.559

  16. Septemb.
• * 1.560

  Cangle populi.
• * 1.561

  Maior B••lgaria.
• * 1.562

  Iagag flumen 12. die••is à Volga.
• * 1.563

  Pascatir ••erra, vel Bascinlo••um terra vel Zibier.
• * 1.564

  Hungari à Pasca∣tir ••riundi.
• * 1.565

  Nota.
• * 1.566

  Deut. 32.21.
• ‖ 1.567

  Qui fuerunt isti fratres?
• * 1.568

  Cangle planicies ingens.
• * 1.569

  Defectus materie ignis.
• * 1.570

  Aliqua flumina.
• * 1.571

  Vasta solitudo.
• ‖ 1.572

  Nota diligenter. Iter versus meri∣diem octo die∣••um.
• * 1.573

  Asini velocissim•••• Montes altissimi.
• * 1.574

  Terrae cultae.
• * 1.575

  Kenchat villa Sa∣racenorum.
• * 1.576

  Septimo die No∣uembris ibant su∣per glaciem.
• * 1.577

  Ciuitas valdè parua.
• * 1.578

  Magnus fluuius.
• * 1.579

  Mul••ae paludes.
• * 1.580

  Vites.
• * 1.581

  Casale.
• * 1.582

  Montes Caucasi contiguantur ma∣••i O••ientali.
• * 1.583

  Talas, vel Chin∣citalas ciuitas.
• * 1.584

  Frater Andreas.
• * 1.585

  Casale.
• * 1.586

  Bolac villa. Auri∣sodinae.
• * 1.587

  Intrat ditionem Mangu cham.
• * 1.588

  Alpes in quibus habitabant Cara-catay.
• * 1.589

  Magnus fluuiu••.
• * 1.590

  Terra culta.
• * 1.591

  Equius villa bona.
• * 1.592

  Longissimè à Perside.
• * 1.593

  Lacus quinde∣cem dieta••um circ••••tu.
• * 1.594

  Cailac magna villa & plena mercatoribus.
• * 1.595

  Contomanni.
• * 1.596

  Iugures populi, Idolatrae.
• * 1.597

  Cailac.
• * 1.598

  Iugures se••ta di∣uisa ab alijs Ido∣lolatris.
• * 1.599

  sui•• apud Caraca∣rum frate•• Wil∣helmus.
• * 1.600

  Tyare cartaceae.
• * 1.601

  Chinenses ita eti∣am scrib••••••.
• * 1.602

  Sortilegi.
• * 1.603

  Bombustio mor∣tuorum.
• * 1.604

  Patria Presbiteri Iohannis.
• * 1.605

  Tangut populi, fortissimi.
• * 1.606

  Boues pilosis caudis•• his simi∣les sunt in Qui∣••era Americae septentrionalis prouincia.
• * 1.607

  Tebet populi.
• * 1.608

  Auri abundantia.
• * 1.609

  Tangut homines magnised ••u••ci.
• * 1.610

  Langa & Solanga
• * 1.611

  Solangi ••imiles H••••panis, & ••usci.
• * 1.612

  Tabula de dente elephantino.
• * 1.613

  Muc populi.
• * 1.614

  Magna Cathaya.
• * 1.615

  Ecclus. 39. ver. 4.
• * 1.616

  Gasari••••
• * 1.617

  Soldaia••
• * 1.618

  The citie of Matriga.
• ‖ 1.619

  Matriga.
• * 1.620

  Zikia.
• * 1.621

  Frier Bartholo∣meus de Cremo∣na.
• * 1.622

  The necke of Taurica Che••so∣nesus.
• * 1.623

  The Tartars.
• * 1.624

  The benefite of a painter in strange coun∣treis.
• * 1.625

  They vse the like custome in Florida.
• * 1.626

  Drying of flesh in the wind.
• * 1.627

  Our falconers vse the left fist. Another strāge custome, which I leaue to be scanned by fal∣coners them∣selu••s.
• * 1.628

  Great expense of wooll.
• * 1.629

  A ca••••at right worthy the noting.
• * 1.630

  Or, Akas.
• * 1.631

  Cloth is the chiefe marchā∣dise in Tartarie.
• * 1.632

  Salt pits.
• * 1.633

  Ten dayes iourney.
• * 1.634

  The length of Comania.
• * 1.635

  Russia.
• * 1.636

  Prussia.
• * 1.637

  Extreme heate in Sommer.
• * 1.638

  Tanais.
• * 1.639

  The breadth of Tanais.
• * 1.640

  He is much deceiued.
• * 1.641

  About the be∣ginning of Au∣gust, the Tar∣tars returne Southward.
• * 1.642

  The people of Moxel are Pa∣gans.
• * 1.643

  The people called Merdui being Saracens.
• * 1.644

  The circuite of the Caspian sea.
• * 1.645

  Kergis or Aas.
• * 1.646

  The Saracens called Lesgi.
• * 1.647

  He returneth by De••bent.
• * 1.648

  Co••at the Ne∣storian.
• * 1.649

  No good con∣sequence.
• * 1.650

  They are come as farre as Volga.
• * 1.651

  The Tartars wil be called Moal.
• * 1.652

  This history of Presbi••er Iohn in the North∣east, is allead∣ged at large by Gerardu•• Merca∣tor in his gene∣rall mappe.
• * 1.653

  From whence t••e Turke•• first sprang.
• * 1.654

  An Ocean sea.
• * 1.655

  Nayman.
• * 1.656

  Presbiter Ioh••.
• * 1.657

  The place of Ken Kan his a∣••••ade.
• * 1.658

  Vut Can, or V••e Can.
• * 1.659

  The village of Cara Carum.
• * 1.660

  Crit and Merkit.
• * 1.661

  Moal in olde time a begger∣ly people.
• * 1.662

  The place of the Tartars.
• * 1.663

  Cyngis.
• * 1.664

  Mangu-C••n.
• * 1.665

  Ma••cherule.
• * 1.666

  O••, Berc••.
• * 1.667

  Changlae.
• * 1.668

  Frier And••ew.
• * 1.669

  The North Ocean.
• * 1.670

  The North Ocean.
• * 1.671

  We descendeth downe the ri∣uer Volga in a barke.
• * 1.672

  A••tracan.
• * 1.673

  The descripti∣on of Baatu his court.
• * 1.674

  Horda signifi∣eth the mids••.
• * 1.675

  Iohn de Plano Carpini.
• * 1.676

  The letters of the French king.
• * 1.677

  They trauell fiue weekes by the banke of Etilia.
• * 1.678

  Hungarians.
• * 1.679

  A Comanian.
• * 1.680

  A iourney of 4. moneths from Volga.
• * 1.681

  The 16. of September.
• * 1.682

  46. dayes. Or, Kangitrae.
• * 1.683

  Or, Iaic.
• * 1.684

  Iaic twelue dayes iourney from Volga. Pascatir.
• * 1.685

  The Hungarians descended from the Bascirdes.
• * 1.686

  Valachians.
• * 1.687

  Deut. 32. v. 21. Rom. 10. v. 19.
• * 1.688

  Cangle A•••• huge plaine coun∣trey.
• * 1.689

  Certaine ri∣uers.
• * 1.690

  Eight dayes iourney south∣ward.
• * 1.691

  Asses swift of foote.
• * 1.692

  High moun∣taines.
• * 1.693

  Manured grounds. Kenchat a vil∣lage of the Sa∣racens.
• * 1.694

  The 7. day of Nouember.
• * 1.695

  A great riuer.
• * 1.696

  Many lakes. Wines.
• * 1.697

  A cottage.
• * 1.698

  The moūtains of Caucasus are extended vnto the Easterne Sea.
• * 1.699

  The citie of Talas, or Chin∣citai••.
• * 1.700

  Frier Andrew.
• * 1.701

  The village of Bolac.
• * 1.702

  He entreth in∣to the territo∣ries of Mangu-Can.
• * 1.703

  Certain Alpes wherein the Cara Catayans inhabited.
• * 1.704

  A mighty ri∣uer.
• * 1.705

  Ground tilled Equius.
• * 1.706

  A lake fif∣teene dayes iourney in compasse.
• * 1.707

  Cailac a great citie, and full of merchants.
• * 1.708

  Contomanni.
• * 1.709

  The people called Iugures idolaters.
• * 1.710

  Frier William was at Cara∣carum.
• * 1.711

  Bookes.
• * 1.712

  Paper. So do the peo∣ple of China vse to write, draw∣ing their lines perpēdicularly downward, & not as we doe from the right hand to the lefte.
• * 1.713

  The countrey of Presbiter Iohn.
• * 1.714

  Tangut.
• * 1.715

  Strange oxen.
• * 1.716

  The people of Tebet.
• * 1.717

  Abundance of golde.
• * 1.718

  The stature of the people of Tangut, and of the Iugures.
• * 1.719

  Langa & Solanga
• * 1.720

  The people of Solanga resem∣ble Spaniards
• * 1.721

  A table of ele∣phants tooth.
• * 1.722

  The people called Mu••..
• * 1.723

  Great Cathaya.
• * 1.724

  The fishing at great Yarmouth
• * 1.725

  Henry the third
• * 1.726

  Edward the con∣fesso••.
• * 1.727

  57 Ships of the Cinque Portes bound to serue the king 15. dayes at their owne costs.
• * 1.728

  Thomas Wal∣singham writeth y^t he had once 1100. strong shippes.
• | 1.729

  Or, Motue.
• | 1.730

  Or, Foy.
• † 1.731

  Or, S••ford.
• † 1.732

  Or, Pad••low.
• * 1.733

  Stockhith
• ‡ 1.734

  Or, Linne.
• * 1.735

  Or, Yermouth.
• * 1.736

  N••w Brickelsey.
• * 1.737

  The words of Gerardus M••r∣cator, in the foote of his generall Map, vpon the de∣scription of the North partes
• * 1.738

  There is a no∣table whirle∣poole on the coast of Nor∣way, called Malestrande, about the la∣titude of 68.
• * 1.739

  In••entio For∣tunata.
• * 1.740

  An. 2. & 4. & 31. E••••ardi tertij.
• * 1.741

  An. Dom. 1390.
• ‖ 1.742

  A••••as Vilna.
• ‖ 1.743

  Filius natu mi∣nimus Edwardi 3.
• * 1.744

  Reditu••••
• * 1.745

  ••ong trauaile.
• * 1.746

  Alexandria.
• * 1.747

  Lettowe, Ruce.
• * 1.748

  Algezer in Granado.
• * 1.749

  ••ayas in Ar∣menia.
• * 1.750

  Froysart. lib. 3. cap. 40.
• * 1.751

  Satalie in the mayne of As••a neere Rhods.
• * 1.752

  Tremisen is in Barbarie.
• ‖ 1.753

  Or, Pallce Froysart lib. 3. cap. 40. Turkie.
• * 1.754

  The time when Chaucer wrote, is thus mentioned in the end of his letter of Cu∣pide.