A chorographicall description of tracts, riuers, mountains, forests, and other parts of this renowned isle of Great Britain with intermixture of the most remarkeable stories, antiquities, wonders, rarities, pleasures, and commodities of the same. Diuided into two bookes; the latter containing twelue songs, neuer before imprinted. Digested into a poem by Michael Drayton. Esquire. With a table added, for direction to those occurrences of story and antiquitie, whereunto the course of the volume easily leades not.
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- A chorographicall description of tracts, riuers, mountains, forests, and other parts of this renowned isle of Great Britain with intermixture of the most remarkeable stories, antiquities, wonders, rarities, pleasures, and commodities of the same. Diuided into two bookes; the latter containing twelue songs, neuer before imprinted. Digested into a poem by Michael Drayton. Esquire. With a table added, for direction to those occurrences of story and antiquitie, whereunto the course of the volume easily leades not.
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- Drayton, Michael, 1563-1631.
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- London :: Printed for Iohn Marriott, Iohn Grismand, and Thomas Dewe,
- 1622.
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"A chorographicall description of tracts, riuers, mountains, forests, and other parts of this renowned isle of Great Britain with intermixture of the most remarkeable stories, antiquities, wonders, rarities, pleasures, and commodities of the same. Diuided into two bookes; the latter containing twelue songs, neuer before imprinted. Digested into a poem by Michael Drayton. Esquire. With a table added, for direction to those occurrences of story and antiquitie, whereunto the course of the volume easily leades not." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A97346.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed April 24, 2025.
Pages
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POLY-OLBION. (Book 1)
The first Song.
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¶ Illustrations.
IF in Prose and Religion it were as iustifiable, as in Poetry and Fiction, to in∣uoke a Locall power (for anciently both Iewes, Gentiles, & Christians haue sup∣posed to euery Countrey a singular a 1.20 Genius) I would therin ioyne with the Au∣thor. Howsoeuer, in this and all * 1.21 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and so I begin to you.
As Amphitrite clips this Island fortunate.
When Pope Clement VI. graunted the fortunate I sles to Lewes Earle of Clere∣mont, by that generall name (meaning onely the seauen Canaries, and purposing their Christian conuersion) the English Ambassadors at Rome seriously doub∣ted, b 1.22 least their owne Countrey had beene comprised in the Donation. They were Henry of Lancaster Earle of Derby, Hugh Spenser, Ralph L. Stafford, the Bi∣shop
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of Oxford, and others, agents there with the Pope, that hee, as a priuate friend, not as a Iudge or party interessed, should determine of Edward the thirds right to France: where you haue this Embassage in Walsinghā, a 1.23 correct Regnum Angliae, and reade Franciae. Britains excellence in earth and ayre (whence the Macares, b 1.24 and particularly Crete among the Greekes, had their title) together with the Popes exactions, in taxing, collating, and prouising of Benefices (an intollerable wrong to Lay-mens inheritances, and the Crowne-reuenewes) gaue cause of this iealous coniecture; seconded in the conceit of them which deriue Albion from * 1.25 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; whereto the Author in his title and this versealludes. But of Albion more, presently.
Amongst whose iron rockes grim Saturne yet remaines.
Fabulous Iupiters ill dealing with his Father Saturne, is well known; and that after deposing him, and his priuities cut off, hee perpetually imprisoned him. Homer c 1.26 ioynes Iapet with him, liuing in eternal night about the vtmost ends of the earth: which well fits the more Northerne climate of these Islands. Ofthem (dispersed in the Deucalidonian Sea) in one most temperate, of gentle ayre, and fragrant with sweetest odours, lying towards the Northwest, it is reported, d 1.27 that Saturne lies bound in iron chaines, kept by Briareus, attended by spirits, conti∣nually dreaming of Iupiters proiects, whereby his ministers prognosticate the secrets of Fate. Euery thirtie yeares, diuers of the adiacent Islanders with solem∣nitie for successe of the vndertaken voyage, and competent prouision, enter the vast Seas, and at last, in this Saturnian Isle (by this name the Sea is called also) * 1.28 enioy the happy quiet of the place; some in studies of nature, and the Mathe¦matiques, which continue; others in sensuality, which after XXX. years returne perhaps to their first home. This fabulous relation might be, and in part is, by Chymiques as well interpreted for mysteries of their art, as the common tale of Daedalus Labyrinth, Iason and his Argonautiques, and almost the whole Chaos of Mythique inuentions. But neyther Geography (for I ghesse not where or what this Isle should be, vnlesse that des e 1.29 Macraont which Pantagruell discoue∣red) nor the matter-self permits it lesse Poeticall (although a learned Greeke Father f 1.30 out of some credulous Historian seemes to remember it) then the Ely∣sian fields, which, with this, are alwayes laide by Homer about the * 1.31 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; a place whereof too large liberty was giuen to faine, because of the dif∣ficult possibility in finding the truth. Onely thus note seriously, that this reuo∣lution of XXX. yeares (which with some latitude is Saturnes naturall motion) is especially g 1.32 noted for the longest period, or age also among our `Druids; and that in a particular forme, to bee accounted yearely from the sixt Moone, as their New-yeares-day: which circuit of time, diuers of the Ancients reckon for their generations in Chronologie; as store h 1.33 of Authors shew you.
They instantly againe doe other bodies take.
You cannot be without vnderstanding of this Pythagorean opinion of trans∣animation (I haue like liberty to naturalize that word, as Lipsius had to make it a Romane, by turning * 1.34 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 if euer you read any that speakes of Py∣thagoras (whom, for this particular, Epiphanius reckons among his heretiques) or discourse largely of Philosophicall doctrine of the soule. But especially, if you affect it temperedwith inuiting pleasure, take Lucians Cock, and his Ne∣gromancys if in serious discourse, Plato's Phaedon, and Phaedrus with his followers. Lipsius doubts i 1.35 whether Pythagoras receiued it from the Druids, or they from him, because in his trauels he conuerst as well with Gaulish as Indian Philoso∣phers.
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Out of Caesar and Lucan informe your selfe with full testimony of this their opinion, too ordinary among the heathen and Iewes also, which thought our a 1.36 Sauiour to be Ieremte or Elias vpon this error, irreligious indeed, yet such a one, as so strongly erected mouing spirits, that they did neuer — * 1.37 rediturae parcere vitae, but most willingly deuote their whole selues to the publique seruice: and this was in substance the politique enuoyes wherewith Plato and Cicere conclu∣ded their Common-welths, as Macrobius hath obserued. The Author, with pitie, imputes to them their being led away in blindnes of the time, and errors of their fancies; as all other the most diuine Philosophers (not lightned by the true word) haue beene, although (meere humane sufficiencies only considered) some of them were sublimat farre aboue earthly conceit: as especially Hermes, Orpheus, Pythagoras, (first learning the soules immortality of b 1.38 Pherecydes a Syri∣an) Seneca, Plato, and Plutarch; which last two, in a Greeke hymne of an Eastern c 1.39 Bishop, are commended to Christ for such as came neerest to holines of any vntaught Gentiles. Of the Druids more large in fitter place.
Gaue answere from their caues, and tooke what shapes they please.
In the Seame (an Isle by the coast of the French Bretaigne) nine Virgins conse∣crate to perpetual chastitie, were Priests of a famous oracle, remembred by Me∣la. His printed bookes haue Gallicenas vocant; where that great critique Turneb reades * 1.40 Galli Zenas, or Lenas vocant. But White of Basing stoke will haue it * 1.41 Cenas, as interpreting their profession and religion, which was in an arbitra∣rie metamorphosing themselues, charming the windes (as of later time the Witches of Lappland and Finland) skill in predictions, more then naturall me∣dicine, and such like; their kindnes being in all chiefly to d 1.42 Saylers. But fin∣ding that in the Syllies were also of both Sexes such kinde of professors, that there were e 1.43 Samnitae, strangely superstitious in their Baccbanals, in an Ile of this coast (as is deliuered by Strabo) and that the Gaulcs, Britaines, Indians (twixt both whom and Pythagoras is found no small concent of doctrine) had their Philosophers (vnder which name both Priests and Prophets of those times were included) called f 1.44 Samanaei, and Semni, and (perhaps by corruption of some of these) Samothei, which, to make it Greeke, might be turned into 〈◊〉〈◊〉: I doubted whether some relique of these words remained in that of Mela, if you reade Cenas or Senas, as contracted from Samanaei; which by deduction from a roote of some Easterne tongue, might signifie as much, as, what we call Astrologers. But of this too much.
Whose townes vnto the Saints that liued here of yore.
Not onely to their owne countrey Saints (whose names are there very fre∣quent) but also to the Irish; a people anciently (according to the name of the g 1.45 Holy Iland giuen to Ireland) much deuoted to, and by the English much respected for their holines and learning. I omit their fabulous Caesara neece to Noah, h 1.46 their Bartholan, their Ruan, who, as they affirme, first planted Religion, before Christ, amongthem: nor desire I your beleefe of this Ru∣ans age, which by their account (supposing him liuing CCC. yeares after the floud, and christned by Saint Patrique) exceeded 〈◊〉〈◊〉. DCC. yeares, and so was elder then that impostor, i 1.47 whose fained continuance of life and rest∣les trauailes, euer since the Passion, lately offered to deceiue the credulous. Onely thus I note our of Venerable Bede, that in the Saxon times, it was vsuall
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for the English and Gaulish to make Ireland, as it were, both their Vniuersity and Monastery, for studies of learning and diuine contemplation, as the life of i 1.48 Gil∣das also, and other frequent testimonies discouer.
From which he first was call'd the Hoare-rocke in the wood.
That the Ocean (as in many other places of other countries) hath eaten vp much of what was here once shore, is a common report, approued in the Cor∣nisb name of S. Michaels mount; which is Careg Cowz in Clowz k 1.49 .i. the hoare rocke in the wood.
And our main-Amber here, and Burien trophy—
Main-Amber. i. Ambroses stone (not farre from Pensans) so great, that ma∣ny mens vnited strength cannot remoue it, yet with one finger you may wagge it. The Burien trophy is XIX. stones, circularly disposed, and, in the middle, one much exceeding therest in greatnesse: by coniecture of most learned Camden, erected eyther vnder the Romanes, or else by K. Atbelstan in his conquest of these parts.
Were worthy of his end, but where he had his birth.
Neere Camel about Camblan, was * 1.50 Arthur slain by Mordred, and on the same shore, East from the riuers mouth, borne in Tintagel castle, Gorlois Prince of Cornewailat Vther-Pendragons coronation, solemnized in London, vpon diuers too kinde passages and lasciuious regards twixt the King and his wife Igerne, grew very iealous, in a rage left the Court, committed his wiues chastitie to this Castlessafegard; and to preuent the wasting of his countrey (which vpon this discontent was threatned) betooke himselfe in other forts to martiall pre∣paration. Vther (his bloud still boiling in lust) vpon aduice of Vlfin Rhieara∣doch, one of his Knights by Ambrose Merlins magique personated like Gorlois, and Vlfin like one Iordan, seruant to Gorlois, made such successefull vse of their imposture, that (the Prince in the meane time slaine) Arthur was the same night begotten, and verified that l 1.51 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ;although Merlin by the rule of Hermes, or Astrologicall direction, iustified, that hee was conceiued 111. houres after Gorlois death; by this shift answering the dangerous imputati∣on of bastardy to the heire of a crowne. For Vther taking Igern to wife, left Arthur his successor in the Kingdome. Here haue you a Iupiter, an Alcmena, an Amphitryo, a Sosias, and a Mercury; nor wants there scarce anything, but that truth-passing reports of Poeticall Bards haue made the birth an Hercules.
Knowne by one generall name vpon this point that dwell.
The name Dumnonij, Damnonij, or `Danmonij, in Solintts and Ptolemy, com∣prehended the people of Deuonshire and Cornewall: whence the Lizard-pro∣montory is called Damnium in Marcian Heracleotes; and William of Malmes∣bury, * 1.52 Florence of Worcester, Roger of Houeden, and others, stile Deuonshire by name of Domnonia, perhaps all from Duff neint. i. low valleyes in British; wherein are most habitations of the countrey, as iudicious Camden teaches me.
Or that this foreland lies furth'st out into his sight, Which spreads his vigorous flames—
Fuller report of the excellence in wrastling and nimblenesse of body,
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wherewith this Westerne people haue beene, and are famous, you may finde in Carew's 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his countrey. But to giue reason of the climats na∣ture, for this prerogatiue in them, I thinke as difficult, as to shew why about the Magellanique straights they are so white, about the Cape de bison speranza so blacke, a 1.53 yet both vnder the same Tropique; why the Abyssins are but tawny Moores, wheh asin the East Indian Isles Zetlan and Malabar, they are very blacke, both in the same parallel; or why we that Iiue in this Northerne lati∣tude, compared with the Southerne, should not be like affected from like cause. I referre it no more to the Sunne, then the speciall Horsmanship in our Northerne meh, the nimble ability of the Irish, the fiery motions of the French, Italian iealousle, German liberty, Spanish puft vp vanity, or those different and perpetuall carriages of state gouernement, Haste and Delay, b 1.54 which asinbred qualities, were remarqueable in the two most martiall people of Greece. The cause of AEthtopian blackenesse and curled haire was long since iudiciously c 1.55 fetcht from the disposition of soile, ayre, water, and singular operations of the heauens; with cōfutation of those which attribure it to the Suns distance: And I am resolued that euery land hath its so singular selfe-nature, and indiuiduall ha∣bitude with celestiall influence, that humane knowledge, consisting most of all in vniuersality, is not yet furnisht with what is requisite to so particular discoue∣rie: but for the learning of this point in a special Treatise Hippocrates, Ptolemy, Bodin, others haue copious disputes.
Which now the enuious world doth slander for a dreame.
I should the sooner haue beene of the Authors opinion (in more then Poe∣ticall forme, standing for Brute) if in any Greeke or Latino Storie authentique, speaking of AEneas and his planting in Latium, were mention made of any such likething. To reckon the learned men which denie him, or at least permithim not in coniecture, were too long a Catalogue: and indeede, this critique age scarce any longer endures any nation, their first supposed Authors name, not I∣talus to the Italian, not Hifpalus to the Spaniard, Bato to the Hollander, Brabo to the Brabantine, Francio to the French, Celtes to the Celt, Galathes to the Gaule, Scota to the Scot; no, nor scarce Romulus to his Rome, because of their vnlikely and fictitious mixtures: especially this of Brute, supposed long before the be∣ginning of the Olympiads (whence all time backeward is iustly call'd by d 1.56 Varro, vnknowne or fabulous) some 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. CC. and more yeares since, about Sa∣muels time, is most of all doubted. But (reseruing my censure) I thus main∣taine the Author: although nor Greeke nor Latine, nor our countrey stories of Bede and Malmesbury especially, nor that fragment yet remayning of Gildas, speak of him; & that his name were not published vntil Geffrey of Monmouths e∣dition of the British story, which grew and continues much suspected, in much reiected; yet obserue that Taliessin a e 1.57 great Bard, more then 〈◊〉〈◊〉. years since af∣firmes it, Nennius (in some copies hee is vnder name of Gildas) aboue DCCC. yeares past, and the Glosse of Samuel Beaulan, or some other, crept into his text, mention both the common report, and descent from AEneas; and withall, (which I take to be Nennius his owne) make him sonne to one Isicio or Hesi∣chio (perhaps meaning Aschenaz, of whom more to the fourth Song) conti∣nuing a pedegree to Adam, ioyning these words: f 1.58 This Genealogie I found by tradition of the Ancients, which vvere first inhabitants of Britaine. In a Manuscript Epistle of Henry of Huntingdon g 1.59 to one Warin, I read the Latine
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of this English; You aske me, Sir, Why omitting the succeeding raigues from Brute to Iulius Caesar, I begin my story at Caesar? I answer you, that neyther by word nor writing, could I finde any certainty of those times; although with diligent search I oft inquiredit, yet this yeare in my iourney towards Rome, in the Abbey of Beccensam, e∣uen with amazement, I found the storie of Brute: and in his owne printed booke he affirmes, that what Bede had in this part omitted, was supplied to him by o∣ther authors; of which Girald seemes to haue had vse. The British story of Monmouth was a translation (but with much liberty, and no exact faithfulnesse) of a Welsh booke, deliuered to Geffrey by one Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, and hath beenefollowed (the Translator being a man of some credite, and Bi∣shop of S. Asaphs, vnder K. Stephen) by Ponticus Virunnius an Italian; most of our Countrey Historians of middletimes, and this age; speaking so certainly of him, that they blaz on his coat a 1.60 to you, two Lions combatant, and crowned Or in a field gules; others, Or, a Lion passant gules; and lastly, by Doctor White of Ba∣sing stoke, lately liuing at 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a Count palatint; according to the title besto∣wed by the b 1.61 Imperials vpon their professors. Arguments are there also drawne from some affinity of the Greel c 1.62 tongue, & much of Troian and Greeke names, with the British. These things are the more enforst by Cambro-Britons, through that vniuersall desire, bewitching our Europe, to deriue their bloud from Troians, which for them might as well be d 1.63 by supposition of their ancestors mar∣riages with the hither deduced Romane Colonies, who by originall were certain∣ly Troian if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 antiquities deceiue not. You may adde this weake coniecture; that in those large excursions of the Gaules, Cimmerians, & Celts (among them I doubt not but were many Britons, hauing with them community of nation, manners, climat, customs; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 himselfe is affirmed a Briton) which vn∣der indistinct names when this Westerne world was vndiscouered, ouer-ran I∣taly, Greece, and part of Asia, it is e 1.64 reported that they came to Troy for safegard; presuming perhaps vpon like kindnesse, as wee reade of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Troians and Romanes, in their warres with f 1.65 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (which was louing respect through contingence of bloud) vpon like cause remembred to them by tradition. Brief∣ly, seeing no Nationall storie, except such as Thucydides, Xenophon, Polybius, Caesar, Tacitus, Procopius, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the late Guicciardin, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Macchia∣uel, and their like, which were employed in the state of their times; can iustifie themselues but by tradition; and that many of the Fathers and Ecclesiasticall g 1.66 Historians, especially the Iewish Rabbins (taking their highest learning of Ca∣bala, but from antique and successiue report) haue inserted vpon tradition many relations currant enough, where holy Writ crosses them not: you shall enough please Saturne and Mercury, presidents of antiquity and learning, if with the Author you foster this belief. Where are the authorities (at least of the names) of Iannes & Iambres, h 1.67 the writings of Enoch, and other such like, which we know by diuine tradition were? The same questiō might be of that infinit losse of Au∣thors, whose names are so frequent in Stephen, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Plutarch, Clemens, Polybius, Liuie, others. And how dangerous it were to examine antiquities by a forreine writer (especially in those times) you may see by the Stories of the He∣brewes, deliuered in Iustin, Strabo, Tacitus, and such other discording and con∣trary (beside their infinit omissions) to Moses infallible context. Nay he with his successor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is copious in the Israelites entring, conquering, and expel∣ling the Gergesites, Iebusites, and the rest out of the holy land; yet no witnes * 1.68 haue they of their transmigration, and peopling of Afrique, which by testimo∣ny of two pillers, i 1.69 erected and engrauen at Tingis hath beene affirmed. But you blame methus expatiating. Let me adde for the Author, that our most iudici∣ous anriquary of the last age Iohn Leland, k 1.70 with reason and authority hath also for Brute argued strongly.
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Next, Syluius him succeedes—
So goes the ordinary descent; but some make Syluius sonne to AEneas, to whom the Prophesie was giuen: — k 1.71 Serum Lauinia coniunx,
Educet Syluis regem regúm{que} parentem.
As you haue it in Virgill.
His parents onely death—
From these infortunate accidents, one l 1.72 will haue his name Brotus, as from the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. mortall; but rather (if it had pleased him) from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. bloudy.
He should discrie the Isle of Albion, highly blest;
His request to Diana in an Hexastich, and her answere in an Ogdoastich, hex∣ameters and pentameters, discouered to him in a dreame, with his sacrifice and rituall ceremonies are in the British story: the verses are pure Latine, which cleerely (as is written of m 1.73 Apollo) was not in those times spoken by Diana, nor vnderstood by Brute: therefore in charity, belceue it a Translation; by Gildas a British Poet, as Virunnius tels you. The Author takes a iustifiable liberty, ma∣king her call it Albion, which was the olde name of this Isle, and remembred in Pliny, Marcian; the booke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, falsly attributed to Aristotle, Stephen, A∣puleius, others; and our Monke of Bury n 1.74 cals Henry the fift
—Protectour of Brutes Albion,
often vsing that name for the Iland. From Albina, daughter to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o 1.75 King of Syria some fetch the name: others from a Lady of that name, one of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉; affirming their p 1.76 arriuall here, copulation with spirits, and bringing forth Giants; and all this aboue C C. yeares before Brute. But neyther was there any such King in Syria, nor had Danaus (that can be found) any such daughter, nor trauelled they for aduentures, but by their father were newly q 1.77 married, after slaughter of their husbands: briefly, nothing can bee written more impudently fabulous. Others from K. Albion, Neptunes sonne, from the Greeke * 1.78 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 others, or from (I know not what) Olibius a Celtish King, re∣membred by the false Manethon. Follow them rather, which will it * 1.79 ab albis rupibus, whereby it is specially 〈◊〉〈◊〉. So was an Isle in the Indian Sea called Leuca. 1. white, and r 1.80 another in Pontus, supposed also fortunate, and a re∣ceptacle of the soules of those great Heroes, Peleus and Achilles. Thus was a place by Tyber called s 1.81 Albiona, & the very name of Albion was vpon the Alpes, which from like cause had their denomination; Alpum in the Sabin tongue (from the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ) signifying white. Some much dislike this deriuation, t 1.82 because it comes from a tongue (suppose it eyther Greeke or Latine) not anci∣ently communicated to this Isle. For my part, I thinke cleerely (against the common opinion) that the name of Britain was knowne to strangers before Albion. I could vouch the u 1.83 finding of one of the masts of Hiero's Ship, * 1.84 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, if iudicious correction admonished me not rather to reade 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. the now lower Calabria in Italie, a place aboue all other, I remember, for store of Ship-tymber; cōmended x 1.85 by Alcibiaedes to the Lacedaemonians. But with better surety can I produce the expresse name of * 1.86 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, out of a writer that y 1.87 liued and trauelled in warfare with Scipio; before whose time Scylax (ma∣king a Catalogue of XX. other Isles) and Herodot us (to whom these Westerne
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parts were by his confession vnknowne) neuer so much as speake of vs by any name. Afterward was Albion imposed vpon the cause before toucht, expressing the olde British name * 1.88 Inis-guin: which argument moues me before all other, for that I see it vsuall in antiquity to haue names among strangers, in their tongue iust significant with the same in the language of the country, to which they are applyed; as the redde Sea is (in Strabo, Curtius, Stephen, others) named from a King of that coast called Erythraus (for, to speake of redde sand, as some, or redde hils, as an olde a 1.89 writer, were but refuges of shamefull ignorance) which was surely the same with Esau, called in holy Writ AEdom, b 1.90 both signifying (the one in Greek, the other in Hebrew) redde So the riuer Nile, c 1.91 in Hebrew & AEgyp∣tian called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 1. blacke, is obserued by that mighty Prince of learnings state, Ioseph Scaliger, to signifie the same colour in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vsed for it by d 1.92 Homer; which is inforst also by the black e 1.93 Statues among the Greeks, erected in honour of Nile, named also expresly f 1.94 Melas: so in proper names of men; Simon Zelotes g 1.95, in Luke, is but Simon the Chananit, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Orpheus the same with Moses; Ianus with Oenotrus: and in our times those Authors, Me∣lanchthon, Magirus, Theocrenus, Pelargus in their owne language, but Swert∣earth, Cooke, Fountain de dieu, Storke. Diuers such other plaine examples might illustrate the conceit; but, these sufficient. Take largest etymologicall liberty, and you may haue it from h 1.96 Ellan-ban. i. the white Isle, in Scottish, as they call their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and to fit all together, the name of Britaine from Brith-inis. i. the coloured Isle in Welsh; twixt which and the Greeke i 1.97 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (vsed for a kinde of drinke neerely like our Beere) I would with the French Forcatulus thinke affinity (as Italy was called Oenotria, from the name of wine) were it not for that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be had frō an ordinary primitiue, or else from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. sweet (as Solinus teaches, making Britomart signifie as much as sweet Virgin) in the Cre∣tique tongue. But this is to play with syllables, and abuse precious time.
The Citie Turon built—
Vnderstand Tours vpon Loire in France, whose name and foundation the in∣habitants k 1.98 referre to Turnus (of the same time with AEneas, but whether the same which Virgil speakes of, they know not:) his funeral monuments they yet shew, boast of, and from him idly deriue the word Torneaments. The British storie sayes Brute built it (so also Nennius) and from one Turon, Brutes nephew there buried, giues it the name. Homer is cited for testimony: in his works ex∣tant it is not found. But, because he had diuers others (which wrongfull time hath filcht from vs) as appeares in Herodotus and Suidas; you may in fauour thinke it to be in some of those lost; yet I cannot in conscience offer to per∣swade you that he euer knew the continent of Gaule (now, in part, France) al∣though a learned l 1.99 German endeauours by force of wit and etymologie, to car∣rie Vlysses (which he makes of Elizza in Genesis) into Spaine, and others before m 1.100 him (but falsely) into the Northerne parts of Scotland. But for Homers know∣ledge, see the last note to the sixt Song.
So mighty were that time the men that liued there:
If you trust our stories, you must beleeue, the land then peopled with Giants, of vast bodily composture. I haue read of the Nephilim, the Rephaijm, Ana∣kim, Og, Goliath, and other in holy writ: of Mars, Tityus, Antaeus, Turnus, and the Titans in Homer, Virgil, Ouid; and of Adams stature (according to Iewish n 1.101 fi∣ction) equalling at first the worlds Diameter; yet seeing that nature (now as fer∣tile as of old) hath in her effects determinate limits of quantitie, that in Ari∣stotles
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a 1.102 time (neere 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. yeares since) their beds were but sixe foote ordina∣rily (nor is the difference, twixt ours and Greeke dimension, much) and that neere the same length was our Sauiours Sepulchre, as Adamnan informed b 1.103 K. Alfrid; I could think that there now are some, as great Statures, as for the most part haue beene, and that Giants were but of a somewhat more then vulgar c 1.104 ex∣cellence in bodie, and martiall performance. If you obiect the finding of great bones, which, measured by proportion, largely exceed our times; I first answer, that in some singulars, as Monsters rather then naturall, such proofe hath bin; but withall that both now and of ancient d 1.105 time, the eyes iudgement in such like hath beene, and is, subiect to much imposture; mistaking bones of huge beasts for humane. e 1.106 Claudius brought ouer his Elephants hither, and perhaps Iulius Caesar some, (for I haue read f 1.107 that he terribly frighted the Britons, with sight of one at Coway stakes) and so may you be deceiued. But this is no place to examine it.
Of Corin, Cornwall call'd, to his immortall fame.
So, if you beleeue the tale of Corin, and Gogmagog: but rather imagine the name of Cornewall from this promontory of the lands end; extending it selfe like a g 1.108 horne, which in most tongues is Corn, or very neere. Thus h 1.109 was a pro∣montory in Cyprus, called Cerastes, and in the now Candy or Crete, and Gazaria, (the olde Taurica Chersonesus) another titled * 1.110 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Brundusium in Italy had name from Brendon or i 1.111 Brention. i. a Harts-head in the Messapian tongue, for similitude ofhornes. But k 1.112 Malmesbury thus: They are called Corne∣walshmen, because being seated in the Westerne part of Britaine, they ly euer a∣gainst a horne (a promontory) of Gaule. The whole name is, as if you should say Corne-wales; for hither in the Saxon conquest the British called Welsh (sig∣nifying the people, rather then strangers as the vulgar opinion willes) made transmigration: wherof an olde l 1.113 Rimer;
The bewe that wer of hom bilened, as in Cornwaile and Walis,
Brutons ner namore ycluped, ac Waleys pluis.
Such was the language of your fathers betweene CCC. and CCCC. yeares since: and of it more hereafter.
The deluge of the Dane exactly to haue song.
In the IIII. yeare of m 1.114 Brithric, K. of the West Saxons at Portland, and at this place (which makes the fiction proper) three ships of Danish Pirats entred: the Kings Lieutenant offering inquisition of their name, state and cause of arriuall, was the first English man, in this first Danish inuasion, slaine by their hand. Mi∣serable losses and continuall, had the English by their frequent irruptions from this time till the Norman conquest; twixt which intercedes CC. LXX. IX. yeares: and that lesse account of n 1.115 CC. XXX. during which space this land endured their bloudy slaughters, according to some mens calculation, begins at K. Ethclulph; to whose time Henry of Huntigdon, & Roger of Houeden, referre the beginning of the Danish mischiefs, continuing so intollerable, that vnder K. Ethelred was there begun a tribute insupportable (yearly afterward exacted frō the subiects) to giue their King Swain, & so preuent their insatiat rapin. It was between XXX. & XL. thousand o 1.116 pounds (for I finde no certainty of it so variable are the reports) not instituted for pay of Garrisons, imployed in seruice against them (as vpon the misvnderstanding of the Confessors lawes some ill affirme) but to satisfie the wasting enemie; but so that it ceased not, although their spoyles ceased, but was collected to the vse of the crowne; vntill K. Stephen promised to remit it.
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For indeede S. Edward vpon imagination of seeing a diuell dancing about the whole summe of it lying in his treasury, moued in conscience, caused it to be repaied, and released the duty, as Ingulph Abbot of Crowland tels you: yet obserue him, and reade Florence of Worcester, Marian the Scot, Henry of Hun∣tigdon, and Roger Houeden, and you will confesse that what I report thus from them is truth, and different much from what vulgarly is receiued. Of the Da∣nish race were afterward III. Kings, Cnut, Hardcnut, and Harold the I.
His of-spring after long expulst the inner land.
After some 〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. yeares from the supposed arriuall of the Troians, their po∣steritie * 1.117 were by incroachment of Saxons, Iutes, Angles, Danes (for among the Saxons that noble a 1.118 Douz wils that surely Danes were) Frisians b 1.119 and Franks driuen into those westerne parts of the now Wales and Cornwales. Our stories haue this at large, and the Saxon Heptarchy; which at last by publique edict of K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was called Enzle-lond. But Iohn Bishop of c 1.120 Chartres saith it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that name from * 1.121 the first comming of the Angles; others from the name of Hengist d 1.122 (a matter probable enough) whose name, warres, policies, and go∣uernement, being first inuested by Vortigern in Kent, are aboue all the other Germans most notable in the British stories: and Harding —He called it Engestes land, which afterward was shorted, and called England. Hereto accords that of one of our e 1.123 countrey old Poets: —* 1.124 Engisti linguâ canit insula Brutt. If I should adde the idle conceits of Godfrey of Viterbo, drawing the name from I know not what Angri, the insertion of L. for R. by Pope Gregory, or the coniectures of vnlimitable phantasie, I should vnwillingly, yet with them im∣pudently, erre.
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The second Song.
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Illustrations.
THe Muse, yet obseruing her began course of Chorographicall longitude, traces Eastward the Southerne shore of the I sle. In this second, sings Dor∣ser and Hantshire; fitly here ioyned as they ioine themselues, both hauing their South limits washt by the British Ocean.
Which th a 1.155 Ancients, for the loue that they to Isis bare
Iuba remembers a like corall by the Troglodytique Isles (as is here in this Sea) and stilesit * 1.156 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plocames. True reason of the name is no more perhaps to be giuen, then why, Adiantum is called Capillus Veneris, or Sengreene Barba Iouis. Onely thus: You haue in Plutarch and Apaleius such variety of Isis ti∣tles, and, in Clemens of Alexandria, so large circuits of her trauels, that it were no more wonder to heare of her name in this Northerne climat, then in AEgypt: especially, we hauing threeriuers of note b 1.157 synonymies with her. Particularly to * 1.158 make her a Sea-goddesse, which the common storie of her and Ofiris her hus∣band (sonne to Cham and of whom Bale dares offer affirmance, that in his tra∣uelling ouer the world, hee first taught the Britons to make Beere in steed of Wine) do's not: * 1.159 Isis Pelagia, after Pausanias testimony, hath an c 1.160 olde coine. The speciall notice which Antiquity tooke of her haire is not onely shewed by her attribute d 1.161 of * 1.162 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but also in that her haire was kept as a sacred re∣lique in e 1.163 Memphis, as Geryons bones at Thebes, the Boores skin at Tegea, and such like elsewhere. And after this to fit our corall iust with her colour, * 1.164 AE∣thiopicis so libus Isis furua, she is called by f 1.165 Arnobius. Gentlewomen of blacke haire (no fault with breuity to turne to them) haue no simple patterne of that part in this great Goddesse, whose name indeed comprehended whatsoeuer in the Deity was feminine, and more too; nor will I sweare, but that Anacreon (a man very iudicious in the prouoking motiues of wanton loue) intending to be∣stow on his sweete Mistresse that one of the titles of womens speciall ornament, * 1.166 Well-haired, thought of this, when he gaue his Painter direction to make her picture blarke-haired. But thus much out of the way.
Thou neuer by that name of white-hart hadst beene knowne.
Very likely from the soile was the old name Blackmore. By report of this countrey, the change was from a white hart, reserued here from Chase, by ex∣presse will of Hen. III. and afterward killed by Thomas de la Lynd, a Gentleman of these parts. For the offence, a mulct imposed on the possessors of Black∣more
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(called g 1.167 white-hart siluer) is to this day paid into the Exchequer. The destruction of woods here bewaild by the Muse, is (vpon occasion too often giuen) often seconded: but while the Muse bewailes them, it is Maryas and his * 1.168 country-men, that most want them.
On whom the watry God would oft haue had his will.
Purbeck (named, but indeed not, an Isle, being ioynd to the firme land) sto∣red with game of the Forrest.
Thence alluding to Diana's deuotions, the author well cals her an Huntres and a Nunne. Nor doth the embracing force of the Ocean (whereto she is adiacent) although very violent, preuaile against her stonie cliffes. To this pur∣pose the Muse is heere wanton with Neptunes wooing.
That he in little time vpon this louely dame, Begat three maiden Isles his darlings and delight.
Albian (sonne of Neptune) from whom that first name of this Britaine was supposed, is well fitted to the fruitfull bedde of this Poole, thus personated as a Sea Nymph. The plaine truth (as wordes may certifie your eyes, sauing all im∣propriety of obiect) is, that in the Poole are seated three Isles, Brunksey, Fursey, * 1.169 and S. Helens, in situation and magnitude, as I name them. Nor is the fiction of begetting the Isles improper; seeing Greek h 1.170 antiquities tell vs of diuers in the Mediterranean and the Archipelag, as Rhodes, Delos, Hiera, the Echinades, and o∣thers, which haue beene, as it were, brought forth out of the salt womb of Amphitrite.
But towards the Solent Sea, as Stour her way dothply, On Shastsbury, &c.
The straight twixt the Wight and Hantshire, is titled in Bedes story, * 1.171 Pelagus latitudinis III, millium quod vocatur Solente; famous for the double, and ther∣by most violent flouds of the Ocean (as Scyila & Charybdis twixt Sicily and Ita∣ly in Homer) expresled by the Author towards the end of this Song, & reckon'd among our British wonders. Of it the Author tels you more presently. Con∣cerning Shaftesbury (which, beside other names, from the corps of St. Edward, * 1.172 murdred in Corse Castle, through procurement of the bloudy hate of his step∣mother AElfrith, hither translated, and some III. yeares lying buried, was once called St. Edwards) you shall heare a peece out of Harding;
k 1.173 Caire Daladoure that now is Shafteshury
Where an Angell spake fitting on the wall
While it was in working over all.
Speaking of Rudhudibras his fabulous building it. I recite it, both to mend it, l 1.174 reading Aigle for Angell, and also that it might then, according to the British story, helpe me explaine the author in this,
As brought into her minde the Eagles prophecies.
This Eagle (whose prophecies among the Britons, with the later of Merlin, haue beene of no lesserespect, then those of Bacis were to the Greekes, or the Sybillines to the Romanes) forefold of a reuerting of the crowne, after the Bri∣tons, Saxons, and Normans to the first againe, which in Hen. V II. sonne to O∣wen Tyddour, hath beene m 1.175 obserued, as fulfilled. This in particular is peremp∣torily
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affirmed by that Count Palatine of Basingstoke. * 1.176 Et aperte dixit tempus a∣liquando fore vs Britannium imperium denuo sit ad verteres Britannos post Saxo∣nas & Normannos rediturum, are his wordes of this Eagle. But this prophe∣cie in Manuscript I haue seene, and without the helpe of Albertus secret, Cana∣ce's ring in Chaucer, or reading ouer Aristophanes Comedie of Birds I vnder∣stood the language; neyther finde I in it any such matter expresly. Indeed as in Merlin you haue in him the white Dragon, the redde Dragon, the blacke Dra∣gon for the Saxons, Britaines, Normane's, and the fertile tree, supposed for Brute, by one that of later time hath giuen his obscurities n 1.177 interpretation: in which, not from the Eagles, but from an Angelicall voyce, almost DCC, yeares after Christ, giuen to Cadwallader (whom otherscall Cedwalla) that restitution of the crowne to the Britons is promised, and grounded also vpon some generall and ambiguous words in the Eagles text, by the Author here followed; which (pro∣uided your faith be strong) you must beleeue made more then 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. years since. For a corrollary, in this not vnfit place, I will transcribe a piece of the Glosse out of an olde copie, speaking thus vpon a passage in the prophecie: Henricus o 1.178 IIII. (hemeanes Hen. III. who, by the ancient account in regard of Henry, sonneto Henry Fite-lempresse, crowned in his fathers life, is in Bracton and others called the fourth) concessit omne ius & clameum, prose & heredibus su∣is, quod habuit in Ducatu Normanniae imperpetuùm. Tunc fractum fuit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 si∣gillum & mutatum; nam prius tenebat in sceptro gladium, nunc tenet virgam; qui gladi{us} fuit de conquestu Ducis Willielmi Bastards, & ideo dicit Aquila, separabitur gladius à sceptro. Such good fortune haue these praedictions, that eyther by conceit (although strained) they are applied to accident, or else euer religiously expected; as * 1.179 Buchanan of Merlins,
Then those prodigious signes to ponder she began.
I would not haue you lay to the Authors charge a iustification of these signes at those times: but his liberty herein, it is not hard to iustifie,
Obsedit{que} frequens castrorum limina bubo:
and such like hath Silius Italicus before the Roman ouerthrow at Canna; and Historians commonly affirm the like; therfore a Poet may wel guesse the like.
And at New-forrest foote into the Sea doth fall.
The fall of Stour and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into the Ocean is the limit of the two shires, and here limits the Authors description of the first, his Muse now entring New-for∣rest in Hantshire.
Her being that receiu'd by Williams tyrannie.
New-forest (it is thought the newest in England, except that of Hampton Court, made by Hen. VIII. ) acknowledges William her maker, that is, the Norman Con∣queror. His loue to this kinde of possession and pleasure was such, that he con∣stituted losse p 1.180 of Eies punishment for taking his Venery: so affirme expresly Florence of Worcester, Henry of Huntingdon, Walter Mapez, and others, al∣though the Author of Distinctio Aquilae, with some of later time, falsly laid it to William Rufus his charge. To iustifie my truth, and for variety, see these rimes, q 1.181 euen breathing antiquity:
Game of houndes he louede inou, and of wild best,
And * 1.182 is forest, and is wodes, and mest the niwe forest,
That is in Suthamtessire, boz thulke he louede inow
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And astored well * 1.183 mid 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and * 1.184 lese mid gret won:
Uor he cast out of house and bom of men a great route,
And * 1.185 binom their land thritti mile and more thereaboute,
And made it all forest and lese the bests 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to fede,
Of pouer men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he nom let el hede:
〈◊〉〈◊〉 therein bell mony mischeuing,
And is sone was thereine * 1.186 〈◊〉〈◊〉 William the red 〈◊〉〈◊〉,
And * 1.187 is o sone, that het Richard, caght there is deth also,
And Richard * 1.188 is o neuen, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 there is neck thereto,
As he rod an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and perauntre his horse sprend,
The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ido to pouer men to such mesauntre trend.
But to quit you of this antique verse, I returne to the pleasanter Muse.
Hir famous Beuis so wert in her power to choose;
About the Norman inuasion was Beuis famous with title of Earle of South∣hampton; Duncton in Wiltshire knowne for his residence. What credit you are to giue to the Hyperbolies of Itchin in her relation of Beuis, your owne iudge∣ment, and the Authors censure in the admonition of the other riuers here personated, I presume, will direct. And it is wished that the poeticall Monkes in celebration of him, Arthur, and other such Worthies had contained themselues within bounds of likelyhood; or else that some iudges, proportionat to those r 1.189 of the Graecian Games, (who alwayes by publique authority pull'd downe the * 1.190 statues erected, if they exceeded the true symmetry of the victors) had giuen such exorbitant fictions their desert. The sweet grace of an inchanting Poem (as vnimitable 〈◊〉〈◊〉 s 1.191 affirmes) often compels beliefe; but so farre haue the indi∣gested reports of barren and Monkish inuention expatiated out of the lists of Truth, that from their intermixed and absurd fauxeties hath proceeded doubt; and, in some, euen deniall of what was truth. His sword is kept as a relique in A∣rundell Castle, not equalling in length (as it is now worne) that of Edward the thirds at Westminster.
And for great Arthurs seat her Winchester preferres, Whose old round table yet, &c.
For him, his table, order, Knights, and places of their celebration, looke to the IV. Song.
When Portsey waighing well the ill to her might grow.
Portsey an Iland in a creeke of the Solent, comming in by Portesmouth, en∣dures the forcible violence of that troublesome sea, as the Verse tels you in this fiction of wooing.
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The third Song.
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Illustrations.
DIscontinuing her first course, the Muse returnes to Somerset and Wiltshire, which lie twixt the Seuerne and Hantshire; as the Song here ioynes them:
From Sarum thus we set, remou'd from whence it stood.
Old Salisbury seated Northeast from the now famous Salisbury, some mile distant, about Richard Ceur de Lions time had her name and inhabitants, hither translated, vpon the meeting of Auon and Aderborn; where not long after she enioy'd, among other, that glorious title of admiration for her sumptuous Church-buildings. Of that, one of my Authors thus:
—in the yeare of grace
Twelf hundred and to and twenti in the baire place * 1.231
Of the noble 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Salesburi hii leide the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stone
That me not in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 work non.
Ther was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Legat, and as hept of echon,
He leide biue the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stones: as bor the Pope put on,
The other bor bre * 1.232 yonge King, the thridde as me seys
〈◊〉〈◊〉 the gode Crle of Salisburi William * 1.233 the Longespet,
The berth bor the Contesse, the biste he leide tho
〈◊〉〈◊〉 the * 1.234 Bishop of Salesburi, and he ne leide na mo.
This worke then began, was by Robert of Bingham, next succeeding Bishop to that excellencie, prosecuted.
Hath worthily obtaind that Stonehenge there should stand.
Vpon Salisbury plaine stones of huge waight and greatnes, some in the earth pitcht, and informe erected, as it were circular; others lying crosse ouer them, as if their owne poize did no lesse then their supporters giue them that proper place, haue this name of Stone-benge;
But so confus'd that neyther any eye
Can count them inst, nor reason reason try,
What force brought them to so vnlikely ground.
As the noble a 1.235 Sidney of them.
No man knowes, saith b 1.236 Huntingdon (making them the first wonder of this Land, as the Author doth) how, or why they came here. The cause thus take from the British storie: Hengist vnder colour of a friendly treaty with Vorti∣gern at Amesbury, his falshoods watch word to his Saxons (prouided therepriui∣ly
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with long kniues) being * 1.237 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, there trayterously slew CD. IX. noble Britons, and kept the King prisoner. Some xxx. yeares after K. Ambros (to honour with one monument the name of so many murdred Worthies) by helpe of Vter-pen-dragons forces and Merlins magique, got them transpor∣ted from off a plaine (others say a hill) neere c 1.238 Naas in Kildare in Ireland, hither, to remain as a trophy, not of victory, but of wronged innocencie. This Mer∣lin perswaded the King that they were medicinall, and first brought out of the vtmost parts of Afrique by Giants which thence came to inhabit Ireland. * 1.239 Non¦est ibi lapis qui medicamento caret, as in Morlins person Geffrey of Monmouth speakes; whose authority in this treacherous slaughter of the Britons, I respect not so much as Nennius, Malmesbury, Sigebert, Matthew of Westminster, and o∣thers, who report it as I deliuer. Whether they be naturally solid or with cement artificially compos'd, I will not dispute. Although the last be of easier credit; yet I would, with our late Historian White, beleeue the first sooner, then that V∣lysses ship was by Neptune turnd into one stone, as it is in the Odyssees, and that the AEgyptian King Amasis has a house cut out in one marble (which, by Hero∣dotus description, could not after the workmanship haue lesse content then 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCC. XCIV. solid cubits, if my Geometry faile me not) or that which the Iewes d 1.240 are not asham'd to affirme of a stone, with which K. Og at one throw from his head purpos'd to haue crusht all the Israelites, had not a Lapwing strangely peckt such a hole through it, that it fell on his shoulders, and by mi∣racle his vpper-teeth suddainly extended, kept it there fast from motion. It is possible they may be of some such earthy dust as that of Puzzolo, and by AEt∣na, which cast into the water turnes stonie, as Pliny after Strabo of them and o∣ther like remembers. And for certain e 1.241 I find it reported, that in Cairnarnan vpon Snowdon hils is a stone (which miraculously somewhat more then LX. yeares since, rais'd it selfe out of a lake at the hils foot) equalling a large house in great∣nes, and suppos'd not moueable by a M. yoake of Oxen. For the forme of bringing them, your opinion may take freedom. That great one which Hercu∣les f 1.242 is wondred at for the carriage was but * 1.243 a Cartload, which he left for a mo∣nument in Otranto of Italy: and except Geffrey of Monmouth, with some which follow him, scarce any affirme or speake of it, nor Neunius, nor Malmesbury; the first liuing somewhat neere the supposed time.
Betwixt the Mercian rule, and the West-Saxons raigne.
So thinkes our Antiquary and Light of this Kingdome; that, to be a limit of those two ancient states, sometime diuided by Auon, which falls into Seuerna, Wansdike crossing the shire Westward ouer the plaine was first cast vp. Wodens∣dike, the old name is supposed from Woden; of no lesse (if not greater) esteeme to the Saxons, then Arsaces, Pelops, Cadmus, and other such to their posterity; but so, that, I guesse it went but for their greatest God Mercury (he is called ra∣ther Wonden from Win, that is, gaine by * 1.244 Lipsius) as the German and English anti∣quities discouer. And very likely, when this limit was made, that in honor of him, being by name president of wayes, and by his office of Heraldship Paci∣fex. i. Peacemaker, as an old stamptitles him, they called it Wodensdike; as not * 1.245 onely the Greeks g 1.246 had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (statues erected) for limits and direction of wayes, and the Latines their Terminus, but the ancient Iewes also, as vpon interpretation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 h 1.247 in the Prouerbs. i. into an heape of Mercury (in the vulgar) for a heape of stones in that sense, Goropius in his hieroglyphiques affirmes, somewhat boldly deriuing Mercury from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which signifies a li∣mit in his and our tongue, and so fits this place in name and nature. Stonhenge and it not improperly contend, being seuerall workes of two seuerall na∣tions
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anciently hatefull to each other; Britons and Saxons.
To heare two cristall floods to court her, which apply
Willibourne (by the old name the Author cals her Vvilly) deriued from neere Selwood by VVarmister, with her creeky passage, crossing to VVilton, naming both that town and the shire, and on the other side Auon taking her course out of Sauernak by Marleborow through the shire Southward, washing Ambresbury and the Salisburies (new Salisbury being her Episcopall citie) both watring the plaine, and furnisht with these reasons, are fitly thus personated, striuing to en∣deare themselues in her loue: & prosecuting this fiction, the Muse thus addes;
How that Bathe's Auon waxt imperious through her fame.
Diuers riuers of that name haue we; but two ofeminent note in Wiltshire: one is next before shew'd you, which fals through Dorcet into the Ocean; the other here mentioned hath her head in the edge of Glocester: and with her snakie course, visiting Malmesbury, Chippenham, Bradford, and diuers townes of slight note, turns into Somer set, passes Bath, and casts herselfe into Scuerne at Bristow. This compendious contention (whose proportionat example is a speciall ele∣gancie for the expressing of diuersity, as in the Pastorals of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Vir∣gill) is aptly concluded with that point of ancient politique a 1.248 obseruation, that Outward common feare is the surest band of friendship.
To Greeklade whose great name yet vants that learned tong.
The History of Oxford in the Proctors booke, and certaine old verses, b 1.249 kept somewhere in this tract, affirme, that with Brute came hither certaine Greeke Philosophers, from whose name and profession here it was thus called, and as an Vniuersity afterward translated to Oxford (vpon like notation a company of Physitians retiring to * 1.250 Lechlade in this shire, gaue that its title, as I. Rous addes in his story to Hen. VII.) But Godwine and a very old Anonymus, cited by Br-Twine, referre it to Theodore of Tarsus in Cilicia (made Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry by P. Vitalian vnder Ecgbert King of Kent) very skiful in both tongues, and an extraordinary restorer of learning to the English-Saxons; That he had (a∣mong other) Greeke schooles, is certaine by Bedes affirmation that some of his scholers vnderstood both Greeke and Latin as their mother language. Richard of the Vies c 1.251 will that Penda, K. of Mercland, first deduced a colony of Cam∣bridge men hither and cals it Crekelade, as other Kirklade with variety of names: but I suspect all; as well for omission of it in best authorities, as also that the name is so different in it selfe. Grecolade was neuer honoured with Greeke schooles, as the ignorant multitude thinke, saith d 1.252 Leland, affirming it should be rather Creclade, Lechelade, or Lathlade. Nor me thinkes (of all) stands it with the British story, making the tongue then a kind of Greeke (a matter, that way reasonable enough, seeing it is questionles that colonies anciently deriued out of the Westerne Asia, Peloponnesus, Hellas, and those continents into the coast whence Brute came, transported the Greeke with them) that profession of * 1.253 Gracians should make this so particular a name.
Ascrib'd to that high skill which learned Bladud brought
You are now in Somersetshire. I doubt not but the true cause is that, which is ordinary of other hot springs; not the sunnes heat (sauing the authors opinion,
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which hath warrant enough in others) or agitation of wind, as some will; but eyther passage through metallique, bituminous, and sulphurous veins, or ra∣ther a reall subterranean fire, as e 1.254 Empedocles first thought, and with most witty arguments (according to the Poeticall conceit of Typhon, f 1.255 buried in Prochyta; wherto Strabo referres the best Bathes in Italy) my learned and kind friend Mr. Lydtat, that accurat Chronologer, in his ingenious Philosophy, hath lately dis∣puted. But, as the Author tels you, some British vanity imputes it to Bladuds art, which in a very ancient fragment g 1.256 of rimes I found exprest: and if you can endure the language and fiction you may reade it, and then laugh at it.
Two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 there beth of bras,
And other two imaked of glas
Seue seats there buth inne
And other thing imaked with ginne:
Duick brimston in them also,
With wild her imaked thereto:
Sal gemmae and sal petrae,
Sal armonak there is eke
Sal albrod and sal alkine
Sal Gemmae is minged with him,
Sal Comin and sal almetre bright
That borneth both day and night,
Al this is in the tonne ido
And other things many mo,
And borneth both night and day
That neuer quench it ne may
In bour welsprings the tonnes liggeth
As the Philosophers bs 〈◊〉〈◊〉. * 1.257
The here within, the water without,
Maketh it hot a labout
The two welsprings earneth mere
And the other two beth inner clere.
There is maked full iwis
That kings bath icluped is.
The rich king bladud
The kings sonne Lud
And when he maked that bath hot
And if him failed ought
Of that that should thereto,
Derkeneth what he would do
From Bath to London he 〈◊〉〈◊〉
And thulke day selfe againe 〈◊〉〈◊〉
And fetch that thereto biuel,
He was quicke, and swith bell
Tho the master was ded
And is soule wend to the Dued
For god ne was not put pbore
〈◊〉〈◊〉 deth saffred him biuore.
I will as soone beleeue all this, as that S. h 1.258 Deui or Iulius i 1.259 Caesar (who neuer came neere it) was author of it, or that he made Knights of the Bath. They are not wanting which haue durst say so.
When on this point of earth he bends his greatest force.
From eight in the morning till three (within which time the Sunne beames make their strongest angles of incidence) it purges it selfe (as boyling) of vn∣cleane
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excrements, northen doth any enter it; which the Muse here expresses in a feruent sympathy of loue twixt the Water and the Sun, and the more pro∣perly because it had the name of a 1.260 * 1.261 Aquae Solis.
With th' wonders of the Ile that she should not be plac't.
* 1.262 Wockey hole (so call'd in my conceit, from pocz b 1.263, which is the same with pic, signifying a hollow or creekie passage) in Mendip hills by Welles, for her spacious vaults, stonie walles, creeping Labyrinths, vnimaginable cause of posture in the earth and hir neighbours report (all which almost equall her to that Grotta de la c 1.264 Stbylla in the Apenin of Marca Ancenitana, and the Dutch song of little Daniel) might well wonder she had not place among her countrey wonders. One that seemes to encrease Samuel Beaulan vpon Nenntus, reckons XIII. by * 1.265 that name, but with vaine and false reports (as that of the Bath to be both hot and cold, according to the desire of him that washes) and in some the Au∣thor of Polychronicon followes him; neyther speaking of this. But the last, and Henry of Huntingdon reckon onely foure remarqueable; the Peake, Ston∣henge. Chederhole, and a hiil out of which it raines. That wonder of humane ex∣cellence, Sir Philip Sidney, to fit his Sonnet, makes six; and to fit that number conceitedly addes a froward, but chast, Lady for the seuenth. And the Author here tels you the chiefest.
—that Froome for her disgrace, Since scarcely euer wasbt the Colesleck from her face.
Out of Mendip hils Froome springeth, and through the Colepits after a short course Eastward turnes vpward to Bathes Avon. The fiction of her besmear'd face happens the better, in that Froome, after our old mother language, signifies faire, as that paradoxall Becanus d 1.266, in exposition of the Egyptian Pyromis in He∣rodotus, e 1.267 would by notation teach vs.
And Chedder for meere griefe his teene he could not wreake.
Neere Axbridge, Chedder cleeues, rockey and vauted, by continual distilling, is the fountain of a forcible stream (driuing XII. Mils within a miles quarter of its head) which runnes into Ax deriued out of Wocker.
When not great Arthurs Tombe, nor holy Iosephs Graue
Henry the second in his expedition towards Ireland entertayned by the way in Wales with Bardish songs, wherein he heard it affirmed that in Glastenbury (made almost an Ile by the Riuers embracements) Arthur was buried twixt two pillars, gaue commandement to Henry of Blois then Abbot, to make search for the corps: which was found in a wooden coffin (Gtrald saith Oken, Leland thinks Alder) some sixteene foote deepe; but after they had digged nine foot, they f 1.268 found a stone on whose lower side was fixt a leaden crosse (Crosses fixt vpon the Tombs of old Christians were in all places ordinary) with his name inscribed, and the letter side of it turn'd to the stone. He was then honored with a sumptuous monument, and afterward the sculs of him and his wife Gui∣neuer weretaken out (to remaine as separat reliques and spectacles) by Edward Longshanks and Elianor. Of this, Girald, Leland, Prise, diuers others (although Polydore make slight of it) haue more copious testimony. The Bards Songs suppose, that after the battell of Camlan in Cornwall, where trayterous Mordred
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was slaine, and Arthur wounded, Morgain le Fay a great Elfin Lady (sup∣posed his neere kinswoman) conueyed the body hither to cure it: which done, Arthur is to returne (yet expected) to the rule of his country. Read these attributed to the a 1.269 best of the Bards, expressing as much:
—Morgain suscepit honore,
In{que} suis thalamis posuit super aurea regem
Fulcra, mannu{que} 〈◊〉〈◊〉 detexit vulnus honest â
Inspexit{que} diù: tandem{que} redire salutem
Posse sibi dixit, si secum tempore longo
Esset, & ipsius vellet medicainine fungi.
Englishe in meeter for me thus by the Author:
—Morgain with honor took,
And in a chaire of State doth cause him to repose;
Then with a modest hand his wounds she doth vnclose:
And hauing searcht them well, she bad him not to doubt,
He should in time be cur'd, if he would stay it out,
And would the med'cine take that she to him would giue.
The same also in effect, an excellent b 1.270 Poet of his time thus singing it.
He is a King crouned in Fairie,
With Scepter and sword and with his regally
Shall resort as Lord and Soueraigne
Out of Fairie and reigne in Britaine:
And repaire againe the Round Table
By prophesy Merlin set the date,
Among Princes King incomparable
His seat againe to Carlion to translats
The Parchas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sponne so his fate
His * 1.271 Epitaph recordeth so certaine
Here lieth K. Arthur that shall raigne againe.
Worthily famous was the Abbey also from Ioseph of Arimathia (that, * 1.272 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as S. Mark cals him) here buried, which giues proof of Christianity in the Ile before our Lucius. Hence in a Charter of liberties by Hen. II. to the Ab∣bey (made in presence of Heraclius Patriarch of Ierusalem, and others) I reade, * 1.273 Olim à quibusdammater sanctorum dicta est, ab alijs tumulus sanctorum, quam ab ipsis * 1.274 discipulis Domini edificatam & ab ipso Domino dedicatam primò fuisse venerabilis habet antiquorum authoritas. It goes for currant truth that a Haw∣thorne thereby on Christmas day alwayes blossometh: which the Author tels * 1.275 you in that, Trees yet in winter &c. You may cast this into the account of your greatest wonders.
Imbrac't by Selwoods sonne her stood the louely Bry. * 1.276
Selwood sends forth Bry, which after a winding course from Bruton, (so called of the Riuer) through part of Sedgemore, and Andremore, comes to Glastenbury, & almost inisles it; thence to Gedney Moore, & out of Brent marsh into Seuerne.
The neerest neighbouring floods to Arthurs ancient seat.
By south Cadbury is that Camelot; a hill of a mile compasse at the top, foure trenches circling it, and twixt euery of them an earthen wall; the content of it, within, about xx. acres, full of ruines and reliques of old buildings. Among Roman coines there found, and other workes of antiquity, Stow speakes of a sil∣uer Horseshow there digged vp in the memory of our fathers: * 1.277 Dij boni (saith Leland) quot hic profundissimarum fossarum? quot hîc egest ae terrae valla? quae de∣mùm praecipitia? at{que} vt paucis finiam, videtur mihi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 esse & At is & Natu∣raemiraculum. Antique report makes this one of Arthurs places of his Round Table, as the Muse here sings. But of this more in the next Canto.
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The fourth Song.
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Illustrations.
OVer Seuerne (but visiting Lundey, a little Ile twixt Hartland and Gouen point) you are transported into Wales. Your trauels with the Muse are most of all in Monmouth, Glamorgan, and the South maritime shires.
And wantonly to hatch the Birds of Ganymed.
Walter Baker a Canon of Osney (interpreter of Thomas de la Moores life of Edward the 11.) affirmes, that it commonly breedes Conies, Pigeons, & struco∣nas, quos vocat Alexander Nechamus (so you must read, a 1.309 not Nechristum, as the Francfort print senselesly mistooke with Conday, for Lundey) Ganymedis aues. What he meanes by his Birds of Ganymed, out of the name, vnlesse Eagles or Ostriches (as the common fiction of the Catamits rauishment, and this French Latine word of the Translator would) I collect not. But rather read also Pala∣medis aues. 1. Cranes) of which b 1.310 Necham indeed hath a whole Chapter: what the other should be, or whence reason of the name comes, I confesse I am ignorant.
Cleare Towridge whom they feard would haue estrang'd her fall.
For she rising neere Hortland, wantonly runnes to Hatberlay in Denon, as if she would to the Southerne Ocean; but returniug, there at last is discharged into the Seuerne Sea.
Yet hardly vpon Powse they dare their hopes to lay.
Wales had 'her three parts, Northwales, Southwales, and Powis. The last, as the middle twixt the other, extended from Cardigan to Shropshire; and on the Eng∣lish * 1.311 side from Chester to Hereford (being the portion of Anarawd, sonne to great Roderique) beares this accusation, because it comprehends, for the most, * 1.312 both Nations and both tongues. But see for this diuision to the VII. Song.
Nor Rosse for that too much she aliens doth respect.
Vnder Henry I a Colony of Flemings driuen out of their country by inunda∣tion, and kindly receiued here in respect of that alliance which the K. had with their Earle (for his mother Maude wife to the Conqueror, was daughter to Baldwin Earle of Flanders) afterward vpon difference twixt the K. and Earle Ro∣bert, were out of diuers parts, but especially Northumberland, where they most of all (as it seemes by Houeden) had residence, constrained into Rosse * 1.313 in Pen∣broke, which retaines yet in name and tongue expresse notes of being aliens to the Cambro-Britains. See the Author in his next Song.
That Taliessen once which made the Riuers dance.
〈◊〉〈◊〉 (not Telesin, as Bale cals him) a learned Bard, stiled d 1.314 Ben Beirdh. i. the chiefest of the Bards, Master to Merlin Syluester, liued about Arthurs reigne, whose acts his Muse hath celebrated.
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With Lhu and Lhogor giuen, to strengthen them by Gower.
Twixt Neth and Lhogor in Glamorgan is this Gower, a little prouince, exten∣ded into the Sea as a Cherronesse; out of it on the West, rise these two Riuers meant by the Author.
That at the Stethua oft obtaind a Victors praise.
Vnderstand this Stethua to be the meeting of the British Poets and Min∣strels, for tryall a 1.315 of their Poems and Musique sufficiencies, where the best had his reward, a Siluer Harpe. Some example is of it vnder Rees ap Griffith. Prince of Southwales, in the yeare 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. LXX. VI. A custome so good, that, had it beene iudiciously obserued, truth of Storie had not beene so vncertain: for there was, by suppose, a correction of what was faulty in forme or matter or at least a cen∣sure of the hearers vpon what was recited. As (according to the Roman vse; it is a 1.316 noted, that Girald of Cambria, when he had written his Topography of Ireland; made at three seuerall dayes seuerall recitals of his III. distinctions in Oxford; of which course some haue wisht a recontinuance, that eyther amendment of opinion or change of purpose in publishing, might preuent blazoned errors. The sorts of these Poets and Minstrels out of Doctor Powels interserted anno∣tations vpon Caradoc Lhancaruan, I note to you; first Beirdhs, otherwise Pryd∣uids (called in Athenaus, Lucan & others, Bards) who, somwhat like the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among the Gresks, * 1.317 fortia 〈◊〉〈◊〉, illustrium facta heroicis composita versibus cum dulcibus lyrae modulis c 1.318 cantitarunt, which was the chiefest forme of the an∣cientest musique among the Gentiles, as d 1.319 Zarlino hath fully collected. Their charge also as Heraults, was to describe and preserue pedegrees, wherein their line ascendent went from the Petruccius to B. M. thence to Syluius and Asca∣nius, from them to Adam. Thus Girald reporting, hath his B. M. in some co∣pies by e 1.320 transcription of ignorant Monkes (forgetting their tenent of perpe∣tuall virginity, and f 1.321 that relation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉) turned into * 1.322 Beatam Mariam, whereas it stands for Belinum Magnum (that was Heli, in their writers, father to Lud and Cassibelin) to whom their genealogies had alwayes reference. The se∣cond are which play on the Harp and Crowd; their musique for the most part came out of Ireland with Gruffish ap Conan Pr. of Northwales, about K. Stephens time. This Gruffith reformed the abuses of those Minstrels by a particular sta∣tut, extant to this day. The third are called Atcaneaid; they sing to instru∣ments playd on by others. For the Englyns, Cyrohs and Ardls; the first are couplets interchanged of XVI. & XIIII. feet calld 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the second of equall tetrameters, the third of variety in both rime and quantity. Subdiuision of them, and better information may be had in the elaborat insti∣tutions of the Cumraeg language by Dauid ap Rees. Of their musique an∣ciently, out of an old writer read this: Non vniformiter, vt alibi, sed multipliciter multis{que} modis & modulis cantilen as emittunt, adeo vt, turbâ canentium, quot vide∣as capitatot audias carmina, discrimina{que} vocum varia, in vnam deni{que} sub B. mol∣lis dulcedine blanda, consonantiam & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 conuenientia melodiam. A good Musician will better vnderstand it, then I that transcribe it. But by it you see they especially affected the mind composing Dorique (which is shewed in that of an old g 1.323 author, affirming that * 1.324 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Western people of the world constituted vse of musique in their assemblies, thought the h 1.325 Irish (from whence they learned) were wholly for the sprightfull Phrygian. See the next Canto.
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And humbly to S. George their Countries Patron pray.
Out Author (a iudgement day thus appointed twixt the Water-Nymphs) seemes to allude to the course vs'd of old with vs, that those which were to end their cause by combat, were sent to seuerall Saints for inuocation, as in our i 1.326 Law-annals appeares. For * 1.327 S. George, that he is patron to the English, as S. De∣nis, S. Iames, S. Patrique, S. Andrew, S. Antony, S. Mark, to the French, Spanish, I∣rish, Scotish, Italian, Venetian, Scarce any is, that knows not. Who he was & when the English tooke him, is not so manifest. The old Martyrologies giue, with vs, to the honor of his birth the XXIII. of April. His passion is supposed in Diocletian's persecution. His country Cappadoce. His acts are diuers and strange, re∣ported by his seruant Pasicrates, Simeon Metaphrastes, and lately collected by Surius. As for his Knightly forme, and the dragon vnder him, as he is pictured in Beryth a Citie of Cyprus, with a yong maide kneeling to him, an vnwarranta∣ble report goes that it was for his martiall deliuery of the Kings daughter from the Dragon, as Hesione and Andromeda were from the Whales by Hercules and Perseus. Your more neat iudgements, finding no such matter in true antiquity, rather make it symbolicall then truely proper. So that some account him an allegory of our Sauiour Christ; and our admired k 1.328 Spencer hath made him an embleme of Religion. So Chaucer to the Knights of that order.
—but for Gods pleasance
And his mother, and in signifiance
That ye ben of S. Georges liuerie
Doeth him seruice and knightly obeisance
For Christs cause is his, well knowen yee.
Others interpret that picture of him as some country or Citie (signified by the Virgin) imploring his aide against the Diuell, charactered in the Dragon. Of him you may particularly see, especially in Vsuards martyrologie, and Baronius his annotations vpon the Roman Calendar, with Erhard Celly his description of Frederique Duke of Wittembergs installation in the Garter, by fauour of our present Soueraigne. But what is deliuered of him in the Legend, euen the Church of Rome l 1.329 hath disallowed in these words; That not so made as any scan∣dali may rise in the holy Roman Church, the passions of S. George, and such like, supposed to be written by heretiques, are not read in it. But you may better beleeue the Legend, then that he was a Couentry man borne, with his Caleb Lady of the woods, or that he descended from the Saxon race, and such like; which some English fictions deliuer. His name (as generally m 1.330 also S. Maurice and S. Sebasti∣an) was anciently cald on by Christians as an aduocat of victory (when in the Church that kind of doctrine was) so that our particular right to him (although they say n 1.331 K. Arthur bare him in one of his Banners) appeares not vntill Ed. III. consecrated to S. George the Knightly order of the Garter, o 1.332 soone after the victory at Caleis against the French, in which his inuocatiō was Ha S. Ha S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Ha S. George. Some authority p 1.333 referres this to Richard Ceur de Lion, who sup∣pos'd himselfe comforted by S. George in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against the Turkes and Ha∣garens. But howsoeuer, since that he hath beene a Patron among others, as in m 1.334 of Frederique the thirds institution q 1.335 of the quadripartit society of S. Georges shield, and more of that nature, you finde. And vnder Hen. VII I. it was enacted, r 1.336 that the Irish should leaue their Cramabw and Butlcrabw, words of vnlawfull * 1.337 patronage, and name themselues as vnder S. George, and the King of England. More proper is S. Dewy (we call him S. Dauid) to the Welsh. Reports of him af∣firm that he was of that country, vncle to K. Arthur (Bale and others say, gotten vpon Melaria a Nunne, by Xantus Prince of Cardigan) and successor to Dubrice
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Archbishop of Caer-leon vpon Vske (whereto a 1.338 along time the British Bishop riques as to their Metropolitique See were subiect) and thence translated with his nephewes consent the Primacie to Meneuia, which is now S. Deuies in Penbroke. He was a strong oppugner of the Pelagian heresie. To him our country Calendars giue the 1. March, but in the old Martyrologies I finde him not remembred: yet I read that b 1.339 Calixtus 11. first canonized him. See him in the next Canto.
The sacred Virgins shape he bare for his deuice.
Arthurs c 1.340 shield Pridwen (or his Banner) had in it the picture of our Lady and his Helme an ingrauen Dragon. From the like forme was his father called V∣ter-pen-dragon. To haue terrible crests or ingrauen beasts of rapine (Herodotus and Strabo fetch the beginning of them, and the bearing of armes from the Ca∣rians) hath been from inmost antiquity continued; as appeares in that Epithet of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, proper to Minerua, but applyed to others in Aristophanes, and also d 1.341 in the Theban warre. Either hence may you deriue the English Dragon now as a supporter, and vsually pitcht in fields by the Saxon, English, and Norman Kings for their Standard (which is frequent in Houeden, Matthew Paris, and Florilegus) or from the Romanes, who after the Minotaure, Horse, Eagle, and o∣ther their antique ensignes tooke this beast; or else imagine that our Kings ioy∣ned in that generall consent, whereby so many nations bare it. For by plaine and good authority, collected by a great critique, you may finde it affirm'd of * 1.342 the Assyrians, Indians, Scythians, Persians, Dacians, Romanes; and of the Greekes too for their shields, and otherwise: wherin Lipsius vniustly findes fault with I∣sidore, but forgets that in a number of Greeke f 1.343 authors is copious witnes of as¦much.
They sing how he himselfe at Badon bare the day.
That is Baunsedowne in Somerset (not Blackmore in Yorkeshire, as Polydore mis∣takes) as is expresly proued out of a ms. Gildas g 1.344, different from that published by Iosselin.
That Scarcely there was found a country to the pole.
Some, too hyperbolique, stories make him a large conqueror on euery ad∣iacent country, as the Muse recites: and his seale, which Leland sayes he saw, in Westminster Abbey, of redde wax pictur'd with a Mound, bearing a crosse in his left hand (which was first h 1.345 Iustinians deuice; and surely, in later time, with the seale counterfeited and applied to Arthur: no King of this Land, except the Confessor, before the Conquest i 1.346 euer vsing in their Charters more then subscription of name and crosses) and a Scepter fleury in his right, cals him * 1.347 Bri∣tanniae, Galliae, Germaniae, Daciae Imperator. The Bards songs haue, with this kind of vnlimited attribut so loaden him, that you can hardly guesse what is true of him. Such indulgence to fals report hath wrong'd many Worthies, and among them euen that great Alexander in prodigious suppositions (like Stichus k 1.348 his Geography, laying Pontus in Arabia) as Strabo often complains; & some idle Monke of middle time is so impudent to affirme, that at Babylon hee erected a columne, inscribed with Latine and Greeke verses, as notes of his victory; of them you shall tast in these two:
Anglicus & Scotus Britonum super{que} caterua
Irlandus, Flander, Cornwallis, & quo{que} Norguey.
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Onely but that Alexander and his followers were no good Latinists (Wherein, when you haue done laughing, you may wonder at the decorum) I should cen∣sure my lubberly versifier to no lesse punishment then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his excoriati∣on. But for Artbur, you shall best know him in this elogie. This is that Arthur of whom the Brittons euen to this day speake so idly; a man right worthy to haue been celebrated by true storie, not false tales, seeing it was he that long time vpheld his de∣clining country and euen inspired martiall courage into his country men; as the Monke of Malmesbury, of him: * 1.349
The Pentecost prepar'd at Caer-leon in his Court.
At Caer-leon in Monmouth, after his victories, a pompeous celebration was at Whitsontide, whether were inuited diuers Kings and Princes of the neigh∣bouring coasts; he with them, and his Queene Guineuer, with the Ladies kee∣ping those solemnities in their seuerall conclaues. For so the British storie makes it according to the Troian custome, that in festiuall solemnities, both sexes should not sit together. Of the Trotans I remember no warrant for it: but among the Greekes one Sphyromachus a 1.350 first instituted it. Torneaments and jousts were their exercises, nor vouchsafed any Lady to bestow her fauour on him, which had not beene thrice crown'd with fame of martiall performance. For this order (which herein is delineated) know, that the old Gaules (whose customes and the British were neere the same) had their Orbicular tables to a∣uoyd controuersie of presedency (a forme much commended by a late b 1.351 wri∣ter for the like distance of all from the Salt, being center, first, and last of the furniture) and at them euery Knight attended by his Esquire (* 1.352 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c 1.353 cals them) holding his shield. Of the like in Hen. III. Matthew Paris, of Mortimers at Kelingworth, vnder Ed. I. and that of Windsor, celebrated by Edw. III. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speakes. Of the Arthurian our Histories haue scarce mention. But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Architrenius, Robert of Glocester, Iohn Lidgat Monke of Bury, and English rimes in diuers hands sing it. It is remembred by Leland, Camden, Volateran, Philip of Bergomo, Lily, Aubert 〈◊〉〈◊〉, others, but very diuersly. White of Basingstoke defends it, and imagines the originall from an election by Arthur and Howell K. of Armorique 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of six of each of their worthiest Peeres to be alwayes assistant in counsell. The antiquity of the Earledome of d 1.354 Mansfeld in old Saxony is hence affirmed, because Heger Earle thereof was honored in Arthurs Court with this order; places of name for residence of him and his Knights were this Caer-leon, Winchester (where his Table is yet sup∣pos'd to be, but that seemes of later date) and Camelot in Somerset. Some put his number XII. I haue seene them anciently pictur'd XXIV. in a Poeticall sto∣rie of him; and in Denbighshire, Stow tels vs. in the parish of Lansannan on the side of a stonie hill is a circular plaine, cut out of a maine rocke, with some XXIV. seats vnequall, which they call Arthurs Round Table. Some Catalogues of armes haue the coats of the Knights, blazoned; but I thinke with as good warrant as e 1.355 Rablais can 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that Sir Lanceiot du Lac rostes horses in hell, and that * 1.356 Tous les cheualiers de la Table ronde estotent poures gaigne-denters tirans la rame pur passer les riuers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coccyte, Phlegeton, Styx, Acheron, & Lethe quand Messieurs les diables se veulent esbatre sur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 come font les Basteliers de Lyon et gondoliers de Venise. Mais pour chacune passade 〈◊〉〈◊〉 n' ont qu'un Nazarde & sur le soir quelque morceau de pain chaumeny. Of them, their number, exploits, and prodigious performances you may read Caxtons published volume, digested by him into XXI. bookes, out of diuers French and Italian fables. From such I abstaine, as I may.
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And for Caermardhin's Sake—
Two b 1.357 Merlins haue our stories: One of Scotland commonly titled Syluester, or Caledonius liuing vnder Arthur; the other Ambrosius (of whom before) borne of a Nunne (daughter to the K. of Southwales) in Caermardhin, not na∣ming the place (for rather in British his name is Merdhin) but the place (which in Ptolemy is Maridunum) naming him; begotten, as the vulgar, by an Incubus. For his buriall (in supposition as vncertaine as his birth, actions, and all of those too fabulously mixt stories) and his Lady of the Lake it is by liberty of profes∣sion laide in France by that Italian c 1.358 Ariosto: which perhaps is as credible as som more of his attributes, seeing no perswading authority, in any of them, re∣ctifies the vncertainty. But for his birth see the next Song, and, to it, more.
Tuisco Gomers sonne from vnbuilt Babel brought.
According to the d 1.359 text, the Iews affirm that All the sonnes of Noah were dispersed through the earth, and euery ones name left to the land which he possessed. Vpon this tradition, and false Berosus testimony, it is affirmed that Tuisco (sonne of Noah, gotten with others after the e 1.360 floud vpon his wife Arezia) tooke to his part the coast about Rhine, and that thence came the name of Teutschland and Teutsch, which we call Dutch, through Germany. f 1.361 Som make him the same with Gomer, eldest sonne to Iaphet (by whom these parts of Europe were peo∣pled) out of notation of his name, deriuing Tutscon or Tuiston (for so Tacitus calls him) from The hoodt Lon. i. the eldest sonne. Others (as the author here) suppose him sonne to Gomer, and take g 1.362 him for Aschenaz (remembred by Moses as first sonne to Gomer, and from whom the Hebrewes call the Germans h 1.363 Aschenazim) whose reliques probably indeed seeme to be in Tuisco, which hath beene made of Aschen either by the Dutch prepositiue article Die or lie, as our the (according to Derceto for i 1.364 Atergatis, which should be Adargadain Ctesias; and Danubius for Adubenus in Festus, perhaps therein corrupted, as Ioseph Scaliger obserues; as Theudibald for Ildibald in Procopius, and Diceneus for Ceneus among the Getes) or through mistaking of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the He∣brew, asin Rhodanim, for k 1.365, being Dodanim, and in Chalibes and Alybes for Thalybes from Tubal by taking 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉; for in ruder manuscripts by an im∣perfect Reader, the first mistaking might be as soone as the rest. I coniecture it the rather, for that in most Histories diuersity with affinity twixt the same∣meant proper names (especially Easterne as this was) is ordinary; as Megaby∣zus in Ctesias is Bacabajus in Iustin, who cals Aaron, Aruas, and Herodotus his Smerdis, Mergidis, Asarhadon, Coras and Esther in the Scriptures are thus Sar∣danapalus, Cyrus, & Amestris in the Greek stories, Eporedorix, Ambiorix, Arirai∣nius, in Casar and Sueton, supposed to haue beene Frederique, Henry, Herman: diuers like examples occurre; and in comparison of Arrian with Q. Curtius very many; like as also in the life of S. Iohn the Euangelist, anciently l 1.366 written in Arabique you haue Asubasianuusu, Thithimse, Damthianuusu for Vespasian, Ti∣tus, Domitian, and in our stories Androgeus for Caesars Mandubratsus. From Tutsco is our name of Tuesday; and in that too, taking the place of Mars (the most fiery Starre, and obserue withall that against the vulgar opinion the pla∣netary account of dayes is very m 1.367 ancient) discouers affinity with Aschenaz, in whose notation (as n 1.368 some body obserues) V R signifies fire.
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They Saxons first were call'd—
So a Latine rimein a 1.369 Engelhuse also;
Quippe breuis gladius apudillos Saxa vocatur, Vnde sibi Saxo nomen traxisse putatur.
Although from the Sacans or Sagans a populous nation in Asia (which were al∣so Scythians, and of whom an old b 1.370 Poet, as most others in their Epithets and passages of the Scythyans,
* 1.371 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
A faculty for which the English haue had no small honor in their later warres with the French) both Goropius with long argument in his Becceselana, our iudi∣cious Camden and others will haue them, as it were, Sacat's-sonnes. According hereto is that name of c 1.372 Sacasena, which a colony of them gaue to part of Arme∣nia and the d 1.373 Sasones in Scythia on this side of Imaus. Howsoeuer, the Authors conceit thus chosen is very apt, nor disagreeing to this other, in that some com∣munity was twixt the name of Sacae or Sagae, and a certaine sharp weapon called Sagaris, vsed by the Amazons, Sacans, and Persians, as the Greeke e 1.374 stories in∣forme vs.
The Britains here allur'd to call them to their aide.
Most suppose them sent to by the Britons much subiect to the irruptions of Picts and Scots, and so inuited hither for aide: but the stories of Gildas and Nennius haue no such thing, but onely that there landed of them (as banished their country, which Geffrey of Monmouth expresses also) III. long boates in * 1.375 Kent with Horse and Hengist Captaines. They afterward were most willingly requested to multiply their number by sending for more of their country men to helpe K. Vortigern, and vnder that colour, and by Ronix (daughter to Hen∣gist, and wife to Vortigern) her womanish subtilty, in greater number were here planted. Of this, more large in euery common storie. But to beleeue their first arriuall rather for new place of habitation, then vpon embassage of the Britons, I am perswaded by this, that f 1.376 among the Cimbrians, Gaules, Gothes, Dacians, Scythians, and especially the Sacans (if Strabo deceiue not; from whom our Saxons) with other Northerne people, it was a custome vpon nume∣rous abundance to transplant colonies: from which vse the Parthians (sent out of Scythia, as the Romans did their g 1.377 Ver Sacrum) retaine that name, signifying banished (sayes Trogus;) not vnlikely, from the Hebrew Paratz, h 1.378 which is to separat, and also to multiplie in this kind of propagation, as it is vsed in the pro∣mise to Abraham, and in Isay's consolation to the Church. Here being the maine change of the British name and State, a word or two of the time and yeare is not vntimely. Most put it vnder CD. XL. IX. (according to Bedes copies and their followers) or CD. L. of Christ; wheras indeed by apparant proofe it was in CD. XXVIII. and the IV. of Valentinian the Emperor. So Prise and Camden (out of an old fragment annexed to Nennius) and, before them, the author of Fa∣sciculus Temporum haue placed it. The errour I imagine to be from restoring of wooren out times in Bede and others, by those which fell into the same error with Florence of Worcester and Marian the Scot, who begin the receiued Chri∣stian accompt but XII. yeares before the Passion, thereby omitting XXII. For although Marians published Chronicle (which is but i 1.379 a defloration by Robert of Lorraine Bishop of Hereford vnder Hen. I. and an Epitome of Marian) goes neere from the ordinary time of Incarnation vnder Augustus, yet he layes it al∣so,
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according to the Roman Abbot 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the XXIII. yeare following, which was rather by taking aduantage of Dionysius his error then following his * 1.380 opinion. For when he (about Iustinians time) made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Period of D. XXXII. yeares of the golden number and cycle of the Sunne multiplied, it fell out so in his computation that the XV. Moone following the Iewes Passeouer, the Dominicall letter, Friday, and other concurrents according to Ecclesiasticall tradition supposed for the Passion could not be but in the b 1.381 XII, yeare after his birth (a lapse by himselfe much 〈◊〉〈◊〉) and then supposing Christ liued XXXIV. yeares, XXII. must needes be omitted; a collection directly against his meaning; hauing only forgotten to fit those concurrents. This accompt (in it selfe, and by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 purpose, as our vulgar is now, but with some little difference) erroniously followed, I coniecture, made them, which too much desired 〈◊〉〈◊〉, adde the supposed Euangelicall XXII. yeares to such times as were before true; & so came CCCC. XXVIII. to be CCCC. XL. IX. & CCCC. L. which White of Basing stoke (although ayming to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉) vniustly followes. Subtraction of this number, and, in some, addition (of addition you shall haue perhaps example in amendment of the C. L. VI. yeare for K. Lucius his letters to PP. Eleutherius) will rectifie many grosse absurdities in our Chronologies, which are by transcribing, interpolation, misprinting and creeping in of anti∣chronismes now and then strangely disordered.
To get their seat in Gaule which on Nuestria light. And a little after, Call'd Northmen from the North of Germany that came.
What is now 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in some, stil'd Neustria and Nuestria corruptly, as most think, for Westria, that is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the west Kingdome (confined anci∣ently twixt the Mense and the Loire) in respect of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. the East Kingdome, now Lorraine, vpon such reason as the Archdukedome hath * 1.382 his name at this day. Rollo sonne of a Danish Potentate, accompanied with diuers Danes, Norwegians, Scythians, Gothes, and a supplement of English, which he had of K. Athelstan, about the yeare D. CCCC. made transmigration into France, and there, after some martiall discords, honored in holy tincture of Christianity with the name of Robert, receiued c 1.383 of Charles the Simple with his daughter (or sister) Gilla this Tract as her dower, contayning (as before) more then Normandy. It is d 1.384 reported, that when the Bishops at this donation requi∣red him to kisse the Kings foote for homage, after scornefull refusall, he com∣manded one of his Knights to do it; the Knight tooke vp the Kings legge, and in strayning it to his mouth, ouerturned him; yet nothing but honourable re∣spect followed on eyther part.
That as the Conquerors bloud did to the conquered runne.
Our Author makes the Norman inuasion a reuniting of seuered kindred, ra∣ther then a conquest by a meere stranger, taking argument as well from identi∣tie of countryship (being all Germans by originall, and the people of e 1.385 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chersonesus, now Danmarch, anciently called Saxons) as from contingen∣cie of blood twixt the Engle-Saxon Kings, & the Norman Dukes thus expressed.
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Obiect not that Duke Robert got the Conqueror vpon Arletta (from whom perhaps came our name of Harlot) his Concubine, nor that a 1.387 Consanguinitatis & adgnationis iura à patre tantum & legitimis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oriuntur, as the Ciuill Law, and vpon the matter the English also defines; but rather allow it by law of Nature and Nobility, which iustifies the bastards bearing of his fathers coat, distinguisht with a Bend sinifter: Nicholas Vpton calsit * 1.388 Fissura, eò quod finditur à patriâ haereditate; which is but his conceit: and read Heuters tract de liberâ ho∣minis natiuitate, where you shall finde a kind of legitimation of that now dis∣gracefull name Bastard; which in more antique times was, as a proud title, in∣serted in the stile of great and most honorable Princes. Pretending this con∣sanguinity, S. Edward's adoption, and K. Harolds oth, aided by successfull armes the Norman acquired the English Crowne; although William of b 1.389 Poiters af∣firmes, that on his death-bed he made protestation, that his right was not here∣ditary, but by effusion of bloud, and losse of many liues.
Who him a daughter brought, which heauen did strangely spare.
After composition of French troubles Hen. I. returning into England, the Ship, wherein his sonnes William and Richard were, twixt Barbefleu and South∣hampton was cast away, so that heauen onely spared him this issue Maude the * 1.390 Empresse, married, at last, to Geffrey Plantagenest Earle of Aniou, from whom in a continued race through Hen. II. (sonne to this Maude) vntill Rich. III. that most Noble surname possessed the royall Throne of England.
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The fift Song.
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Illustrations.
IF you euer read of, or vulgarly vnderstand, the forme of the Ocean, and affi∣nity twixt it and Riuers, you cannot but conceiue this Poetical description of Seuerne; wherein Amphitrite is supposed to haue giuen her a precious robe: very proper in the matter-selfe, and imitating that a 1.405 Father of the Muses which deriues Agamemnons Scepter to him by descent ioyn'd with gift from Iupiter, Achilles armor from Vulcans bounty, Helens Nepenthe from the AEgyptian Polydamna, and such like, honoring the possessor with the giuers iudgement, as much as with the gift possest.
To whom the goodly Bay of Milford should be giuen.
At Milford hauen arriued Henry Earle of Richmont, aided with some forces and summes of money by the French Charles VIII. but so entertained and strengthned by diuers of his friends, groaning vnder the tyrannicall yoake of Rich. III. that, beyond expectation, at Bosworth in Leicester, the day and Crown was soone his. Euery Chronicle tels you more largely.
And how Lhewelins line in him should doubly thriue.
Turne to the Eagles prophecies in the II. Song, where the first part of this re∣lation is more manifested. For the rest, thus: About our Confessors time Mac∣beth b 1.406 K. of Scotland (moued by predictions, affirming that, his line extinct, the posterity of Banqhuo a noble Thane of Loqhuabrie should attaine and continue the Scotish raigne) and iealous of others hoped for greatnes, murdred Banqhuo, but mist his designe; for, one of the same posterity, Fleanch sonne to Banqhuo, priuily fled to Gryffith ap Lhewelin then Prince of Wales, and was there kindly receiued. To him and Nesta the Princes daughter was issue one Walter. He (af∣terward for his worth fauourably accepted, and through stout performance honourably requited by Malcolmb III.) was made L. high Stewart of Scotland; out of whose loynes Robert II. was deriued: since whom that royall name hath long continued, descending to our mighty Soueraigne, & in him is ioynd with the commixt Kingly bloud of Tyddour and Plantagenest. These two were vni∣ted,
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with the * 1.407 white and red Roses, in those auspictous nuptials of Henry the VII. and Elizabeth daughter to Edward IV.) and from them, through the La∣die Margaret their eldest daughter, married to Iames the IV. his Maiesties de∣scent and spatious Empire obserued easily shewes you what the Muse here playes withall. The rest alludes to that; Cambria shall be glad, Cornwall shall flourish, and the Isle shall be stiled with Brutes name, and the name of strangers shall perish: as it is in Merlins prophecies.
That Spirit to her vnknowne this Virgin onely lou'd.
So is the vulgar tradition of Merlins conception. Vntimely it were, if I should slip into discourse of spirits faculties in this kind. For my owne part, vnles there be some creatures of such middle nature, as the Rabbinique a 1.408 conceit vpon the creation supposes; and the same with Hesiods Nymphs, or Paracelsus his Non-adams, I shall not beleeue that other then true bodies on bodies can generate, except by swiftnes of motion in conueying of stolne seed some vn∣cleane spirit might arrogat the improper name of generation. Those which S. Augustine b 1.409 cals * 1.410 Dusij, in Gaule, altogether addicted to such filthines, Faunes, Satyrs and Syluans haue had as much attributed to them. But learne of this, from Diuines vpon the Beni-haelohim c 1.411 in holy Writ, passages of the Fathers vpon this point, and the later authors of disquisitions in Magique and Sorcery, as Bodin, Wier, Martin del Rio, others. For this Merlin (rather Merdhin, as you see to the IV. Song, his true name being Ambrose) his owne answere to Varti∣gern was, that his father was a Roman d 1.412 Consul (so Nennius informes me) as per∣haps it might be, and the fact palliated vnder name of a spirit; as in that of Ilia supposing, to saue her credit, the name of Mars for Romulus his Father. But to enterlace the polite Muse with what is more harsh, yet euen therin perhaps not displeasing, I offer you this antique passage of him.
— the messagers to Kermerdin come
And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 children biuore the rate pleyde hii toke gome
〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 * 1.413 on to another, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mat is the
Thou faderiese * 1.414 〈◊〉〈◊〉, my 〈◊〉〈◊〉 me
〈◊〉〈◊〉 icham of thinges icome and thou nart nought worth a fille
〈◊〉〈◊〉 thou naddest neuere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saver, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hold the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
Tho the messagers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this hii 〈◊〉〈◊〉 there
And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at men aboute mat the child were
He sebe that he ne had neuere fader that me mighte understonde
And is moder au Kings doughter was of thulke lond
And woned at S. Petres in a nonnerie there.
His mother (a Nun, daughter to Pubidius K. of Mathraual, and cald Matilda, as by e 1.415 Poeticall authority onely I finde iustifiable) and he being brought to the King, she colours it in these words:
—〈◊〉〈◊〉 ofte mas
In chambre mid mine fellawes, there come to me bi cas
A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hair man mid 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and bi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 me wel softe,
And semblance made haire ynou, and cust me well ofte.
and tels on the story which should follow so kind a preface. But enough of this.
By th'shoulder of a Ram from off the right side par'd.
Take this as a tast of their art in old time. Vnder Hen. II. one William Mangunel f 1.416 a Gentleman of those parts finding by his skill of predicton that his wife had played false with him, and conceiued by his owne Nephew, formally dresses the shoulder-bone of one of his owne Rammes; and sitting at dinner (preten∣ding it to be taken out of his neighbours flocke) requests his wife (equalling
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him in these diuinations) to giue her iudgement; she curiously obserues, and at last with great laughter casts it from her: the Gentleman, importuning her rea son of so vehement an affection, receiues answere of her, that, his wife, our of whose flocke the Ram was taken, had by incestuous copulation with her hus∣bands Nephew fraughted her selfe with a yong one. Lay all together, and iudge, Gentle women, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of this crosse accident. But why she could not as well diuine of whose flocke it was, as the other secret, when I haue more skill in Osteomantie, I will tell you. Nor was their report lesse in knowing things to come, then past; so that iealous Panurge in his doubt * 1.417 de la Coquage might here haue had other manner of resolution then Rondibilis, Hippothade, Bridoye, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an, or the Oracle it self, were able to giue him. Blame me not, in that, to explane my author, I insert this example.
To crowne the goodly roade, where built that Falcon stout.
In the rockes of this maritime coast of Penbroke are Eiries of excellent Falcons. Henry the II. here passing into Ireland, cast off a Norway Golhauke at one of these: but the Goshauke taken at the source by the Falcon, soonefell down at the Kings foot, which performance in this Ramage, made him yearly * 1.418 afterward send hither for Eyesses as Girald is author. Whether these here are the Haggarts (which they call Peregrin's) or Falcon-gentles, I am no such Falco∣ner to argue; but this I know, that the reason of the name of Peregrin's is giuen, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that they com from remote b 1.419 and vnknowne places, and therefore hardly fits these: but also I read in no lesse then Imperiall c 1.420 authority, that Peregrins neuer bred in lesse latitude then beyond the VII. climat Dia Riphaeos, whtch permits them this place; and that, of true Falcons gentle an Eiry is neuer found but in a more Southerne and hotter parallel: which (if it betrue) excludes the name of Gentle from ours, breeding neere the IX. Per Rostochium. And the same authority makes them (against common opinion) both of one kind, dif∣fering rather in locall and outward accidents, then in selfe-nature.
Whose birth the ancient Bards to Cambria long foretold.
Of S. Dewy and his Bishoprique you haue more to the fourth Song. He was prognosticated d 1.421 aboue XXX. yeares before his birth; which with other attributed miracles (after the fashion of that credulous age) caused him be almost paralleld in Monkish zeale with that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iahn which, vnborne, sprang at presence of the incarnat Author of our redemption. The translation of the Arch bishoprique was also e 1.422 foretold in that of Merlin: Meneuia shall put on the Palle of Caer-Jeon; and the Preacher of Ireland shall wax dumbe by an infant gro∣wing in the wombe. That was performed when S. P atrique at presence of Melarta then with child suddenly lost vse of his speech; but recouering it after some time made prediction of Dewies holines, ioyn'd with greatnes, which is so cele∣brated. Vpon my Authors credits only beleeue me.
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The Sixt Song.
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Illustrations.
AFter Penbroke in the former Song, succeedes here Cardigan; both washt by the Irish Seas. But, for intermixture of riuers, and contiguity of situa∣tion, the inlands of Montgomery, Radnor, and Brecknocke are partly infolded.
Whose Kind, in her decaid, is to this Ile vnknowne.
That these Riuers were in Trvy frequent, anciently is testified by Syluester Girald a 1.431 describing the particulars, which the author tels you, both of this, and the Salmons; but that here, are no Beuers now, as good authority of the pre∣sent b 1.432 time informes you.
Vnto thy charming Harpe thy future honor song.
Of the `Bards, their Singing, Heraldship, and more of that nature, see to the
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fourth Song. Ireland (saith one) vses the Harpe and Pipe, which he cals tympa∣num: * 1.433 Scotland the Harpe, Tympan, and Chorus; Wales the Harp, Pipe, and Cho∣rus. Although Tympanum and Chorus haue other significations, yet, this Girald (from whom I vouch it) vsing these words as receiued, I imagine, of S. Hieromes Epistle to Dardanus, according to whom, for explanation, finding them pi∣ctur'd in Ottomar Luscinius his Musurgie, as seuerall kind of Pipes, the first diuiding it selfe into two at the end, the other spred in the middle, as two seg∣ments of a circle, but one at both ends, I guesse them intended neere the same. But I refer my selfe to those that are more acquainted with these kind of British fashions. For the Harpe his word is Cithara; which (if it be the same with Lyra, as somethinke, although vrging reason and authority are to the contrary) makes the Bards musique, like that exprest in the d 1.434 Lyrique:
—bibam
Sonante mistum tibijs carmen lyrâ,
Hâc Dorium, illis Barbarum.
Apply it to the former notes, and obserue with them, that e 1.435 the Pythagoreans vsed, with musique of the Harp (which in those times, if it were Apollo's, was cer∣tainly but of f 1.436 seuen strings) when they went to sleepe, to charme (as the old Scots were wont to do, & do yet in their Isles, as Buchanan g 1.437 affirms) & compose their troubled affections. Which I cite to this purpose, that in cōparing it with the British musique, and the attributes thereof before remembred out of Hera∣cleotes and Girald, you may see conueniency of vse in both, and worth of anti∣quity in ours; and as well in Pipes as Harp, if you remember the poetique storie of Marsyas. And withall forget not that in one of the oldest coines that haue beene made in this Kingdome, the picture of the Reuers is Apollo hauing his Harp incircled with Cunobelins name, then chiefe King of the Britons; and for Belin and Apollo, see to the VIII. Song.
By whom first Gaule was taught her knowledge.
Vnderstand the knowledge of those great Philosophers, Priests, and Lawyers call'd Druid's (of whom to the X. Song largely.) Their discipline was first found out in this Isle, and afterward transfer'd into Gaule; whence their youth were sent hither as to an Vniuersity for instruction in their learned professions: h 1.438 Caesar himselfe is author of as much. Although, in particular law learning, it might seeme that Britaine was requited, if the Satyrist i 1.439 deceiue not in that;
* 1.440 Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos.
Which with excellent Lipsius k 1.441, I rather apply to the dispersion of the Latine tongue through Gaule into this Prouince, then to any other language or mat∣ter. For also in Agicolas time somewhat before, it appeares that matter of good litterature was here in a farre higher degree then there, as Tacitus in his life hath recorded. Thus hath our Isle beene as Mistris to Gaule twice. First in this Druidian doctrine, next in the institution of their now famous Vniuersity of Paris; which was done by Charlemaine, through aide and industry of our lear∣ned Alcuin (he is called also Albin, and was first sent Embassador to the Empe∣rour by Offa K. of Mercland) seconded by those Scots, l 1.442 Iohn Mailtos, Glaudius Clement, and Raban Maurus. But I know great men permit it not; not can I see any very ancient authority for it, but infinit of latertimes; so that it goes as a receiued opinion; therefore without more examination in this no more fit passage, I commit it to my Reader.
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One Bard but coming in their murdrous swords hath staid.
Such strange assertion finde I in story of these Bards powerfull enchant∣ments, that with the amazing sweetnes of their delicious a 1.443 harmonies, not their own only, but withall their enemies armies haue suddenly desisted from fierce encounters; so, as my author sayes, did Mars reuerence the Muses. This exactly continues all fitnes with what is before affirmed of that kind of Musique; twixt which (and all other by authentique affirmance) and the minds affections there are certaine b 1.444 * 1.445 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as in this particular example is apparant. But how agreeth this with that in Tacitus which cals a musicall incentiue to warre a∣mong the Germans, Barditus? Great critiques would there c 1.446 read Barrhitus, which in Vegetius and Ammian especially, is a peculiar name for those stirring vp alarmes before the battell vsed in Roman assaults (equall in proportion to the Greekes 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Irish Kerns Pharrob, & that Rolands Song of the Nor∣mans, which hath had his like also, in most nations.) But, seeing Barrhit{us} (in this sense) is a word of latertime, and scarce yet, without remembrance of his natu∣ralization, allowed in the Latine; and, that this vse was notable in those Nor∣therns * 1.447 and Ganles, vntill warres with whom, it seemes Rome had not a proper word for it (which appeares by Festus Pompeius, affirming that the cry of the armie was call'd Barbaricum) I should thinke somewhat confidently, that Bar∣ditus (as the common copies are) is the truest d 1.448 reading; yet so, that Barditus for∣med by an vnknowing pronunciation is, and, by originall, was the selfe-same. For, that Lipsius mending the place, will haue it from Baren in Dutch, which signifies, To crie out, or from Har Har (which is as Haron in the Norman cu∣stomes and elsewhere) or from the word Beare for imitation of that beasts crie, I much wonder, seeing Tacitus makes expresse metition of verses harmo∣nically celebrating valiant performers, recitall whereof hath that name Bardi∣tus, which to interpret we might wel cal Singing. But to conioyn this fiery office with that quenching power, of the Bards, spoken of by the author, I imagine that they had also for this martiall purpose skill in that kind of musique, which they call Phrygian, being (as Aristotle sayes) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. as it were, madding the mind with sprightfull motion. For so we see that those which sing the Tempering & mollifying e 1.449 Paeans to Apollo, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 after victory, did among the Greeks in another straine moue with their Paeans to Mars, their O'〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and prouoking charmes before the encounter; and so meetes this in our Bards dispersed doubtlesse (as the Druids) through Britaine, Gaule, and part of Germany, which three had especially in warfare much com∣munitie.
Our Cimbri with the Gaules—
National transmigrations touched to the fourth Song giue light hither. The name of Cimbri (which most of the learned in this later time haue made the same with Commerians, Cumerians, Cambrians, all comming from Gomdr. f 1.450 Ia∣phets sonne, to whom with his posterity was this North-Westerne part of the world diuided) expressing the Welsh, calling themselues also Kumry. The au∣thor alludes here to that British armie, which in our story is conducted vnder Brennus and Belinus (sonnes to Molmutius) through Gaule, and thence prose∣cuted, what in the VIII. Song and my notes there more plainly.
Where, with our Brazen swords—
The Author thus teaches you to know, that, among the ancients, Brasse, not
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Iron, was the metall of most vse. In their little Sithes, wherewith they a 1.451 cut their herbes for inchantments, their Priests Rasours, Plow-shares for describing the content of plotted Cities, their musique instruments, and such like, how speciall this metall was, it is with good warrant deliuered; Nor with lesse, how frequent in the making of Swords, Speares, and Armor in the Heroique times, as among other authorities that in the encounter of Diomedes and Hector b 1.452 ma∣nifesteth:
* 1.453 —〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Which seemes in them to haue proceeded from a willingnes of auoyding in∣struments too deadly in wounding; For from a styptique faculty in this, more then in Iron, the cure of what it hurts is affirmed more easie, and the metall it selfe, * 1.454 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as c 1.455 Aristotle expresses. But that our Britons vsed it also it hath beene out of old monuments by our most d 1.456 learned Antiquary obserued.
That to the Roman trust (on his report that stay)
For indeed many are which the author here impugnes, that dare beleeue no∣thing of our storie, or antiquities of more ancient times; but only Iulius Cae∣sar, * 1.457 and other about or since him. And surely his ignorance of this Isle was great, time forbidding him language or conuersation with the British. Nor was any before him of his country, that knew or medled in relation of vs. The first of them that once to letters committed any word deduced from Britaines name was a Philosophicall e 1.458 Poet (flourishing some L. yeares before Caesar) in theseverses:
Nam quid Britannum coelum differre putamus,
Et quodin AEgypto'st, quà mundi claudicat axis?
In thesomwhat later Poets that liu'd about August{us}, as Catull{us}, Virgil, & Horace, some passages of the name haue you, but nothing that discouers any monu∣ment of this Isiand proper to her inhabitants. I would not reckon Corneli{us} Ne∣pos among them, to whose name is attributed, in Print, that polite Poem (in whose composition Apollo seemes to haue giuen personall aide) of the Troian * 1.459 warre, according to Dares the Phrygians story; where, by Poeticall liberty the Britons are supposed to haue been with Hercules at the rape of Hesione: I should so, besides error, wrong my country, to whose glory the true authors name of that booke will among the worthies of the Muses euer liue. Read but these of his verses, and then iudge if he were a Roman:
—Sine remigis vsu
Non nosset Memphis Romam, non Indus Hiberum,
Non Scytha Cecropidem, non Nostra Britannia Gallum.
And in the same booke to Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury:
At tu dissimulis longè cui fronte serenâ
Sanguinis egregij lucrum, pacem{que} litatâ
Emptam animâ Pater illepius, summum{que} cacumen
In curam venisse velit, cui cederet ipse
Prorsus, vel proprias laetus sociaret habenas.
Of him a little before:
—quo praeside Floret
* 1.460 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & in priscas respirat libera leges.
Briefly thus: the Author was Ioseph of Excester (afterward Archbishop of Bourdeaux) famous in this and other kind of good learning, vnder Hen. II. and Rich. I. speaking among those verses in this forme:
Te sacrae assument acies diuina{que} bella.
Tunc dignum maiore tuba, tunc pectore 〈◊〉〈◊〉
Nitar, & immensum mecum spargêre per Orbem.
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Which must (as I think) be entended of Baldwin whose vndertaking of the cros and voyage with Cocur de Lion into the Holy-land, and death there, is in our a 1.461 Stories; out of which you may haue large declaration of this holy father (so he cals Tho. Becket) that bought peace with price of his life; being murdred in his house at Canterbury, through the vrging grieuances intollerable to the King and Laity, his diminution of common law liberties, and endeuored dero∣gation, for maintenance of Romish vsurped supremacie. For these liberties, see Matthew Paris before all other, and the Epistles of b 1.462 Iohn of Salisbury, but late∣ly published; and, if you please, my lauus Anglorum, where they are re∣stored from senseles corruption, and are indeede more themselues then in any other whatsoeuer in print. But thus too much of this false Cornelius. Compare with these notes what is to the first Song of Britaine and Albion; and you shall see that in Greeke writers mention of our Land is long before any in the Latin: for Polybius that is the first which mentions it, was more then C. yeares before Lucretius. The authors plainenes in the rest of Wies Song to this purpose dis∣charges my further labour.
Comes Dulas, of whose name so many riuers bee.
As in England the names of Avon, Ouse, Stoure, and some other; so in Wales, before all, is Dulas, a name very often of riuers in Radnor, Brecknock, Caermard∣bin, and elsewhere.
Which some haue held to be begotten of the wind.
In those Westerne parts of Spaine, Gallicia, Portugall and Asturia many Clas∣sique testimonies, both Poets, as Virgil, Silius Italicus, Naturalists, Historians and Geopontques, as Varro, Columel, Pliny, Trogus and Solinus haue remembred these Mares, which conceiue through feruent lust of Nature, by the West wind; without copulation with the male (in such sort as the Oua subuentanea c 1.463 are bred in Hens) but so that the Folles liue not ouer some three yeares. I referre it as an Allegory d 1.464 to the expressing onely of their fertile breed and swiftnes in course; which is elegantly to this purpose, framed by him that was the Father e 1.465 of this conceit to his admiring posterity, in these speaking of Xanthus and Balius, two of Achilles Horses:
— * 1.466 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
Whence withall you may note, that Homer had at least heard of these coasts of Spaine, according as vpon the coniectures on the name of Lisbon, the Elysians, and other such you haue in f 1.467 Strabo. But for Lisbon, which many will haue from * 1.468 Vlysses, and call it Vlixbon, being commonly written Olisippo or Vlissippo in the ancients, you shall haue better etymologie, if you hence deriue and make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it were, that the whole tract is a Seminary of Horses, as a most lear∣ned man hath deliuered.
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The seauenth Song.
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Illustrations.
THe Muse yet houers ouer Wales, and here sings the inner territories, with part of the Seuerne storie, and her English neighbors.
That fraught from plentious Powse with their superfluous wast Manure the batfull March—
Wales (as is before touched) diuided into three parts, North-Wales, South-Wales and Powise; this last is heere meant, comprising part of Brecknock, Rad∣nor, * 1.476 and Montgomery. The diuision hath its beginning attributed to the three sonnes of a 1.477 Roderique the Great, Meruin, Cadelh, and Anarawt, who possest them for their portions hereditary, as they are named. But out of an old booke of * 1.478 Welsh lawes, Dauid Powel affirmes those tripartite titles more ancient. I know that the diuision and gift is different in Caradoe Lancharuan from that of Girald; but no great consequence of admitting either here. Those three Princes were called in British * 1.479 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 because b 1.480 cuery of them ware vpon his Bonet or Helmet, a Coronet of gold, being a broad lace or head∣band, * 1.481 indented vpward set and wrought with pretious stones, which in British or Welsh is call'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which name Nurses giue to the vpper band on a childes head. Ofthis forme (I meane of a band or wreath) were the ancientest of crownes, as appeares in the description of the Cidaris, and Tiara of the Persi∣ans in Ctesias, Q. Curtius, and Xenophon, the crownes of Oake, Grasse, Parsley, O∣liues, Myrtle, and such among the Greekes and Ramanee, and in that expresse name of Diadema, signifying a Band, of which, whether it haue in our tongue community with that Banda, deriued out of the c 1.482 Sarian into Italian, expres∣sing victory, and so, forominous good words, is translated to Ensignes and Standards (as in oriental Stories the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 often shew) I must not heere inquire. Molmutius first d 1.483 vsed a golden Crowne among the British, and, as it seemes by the same authority, Athelstan among the Saxons. But I di∣gresse. By the March vnderstand those limits betweene England and Wales; which continuing from North to South, ioyne the Welsh Shires to Hereford, Shropshire and the English part, and were diuers Haronies, diuided from any Shirevntill e 1.484 Hen. VIII by act of Parliament annexed some to Wales, other to England. The Barons that liued in them were called Lord Marchers, and by the name of f 1.485 Marchiones, I Marquesses. For so Roger of g 1.486 Mortimer, Iames of Au∣deleg, Roger of Clifford, Roger of Leiburn, Haime L'estrange, Hugh of Turberuil, (which by sword aduentured the ransom of Henry III out of Simon of Montfort his treacherous imprisonment, after the battell of Lewes) are called * 1.487 Marchio∣nes
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Walliae; and Edward III. created Roger of Mortimer Earle of March, as if you should say, of the Limits twixt Wales & England, Marc, or Merc, signifying a bound or limit: as to the III. Song more largely. And hence is supposed the originall of that honorary title of Marquesse, which is as much as a Lord of the * 1.488 Frontiers, or such like; although I know diuers other are the deriuations which the a 1.489 Feudists haue imagined. These Marchers had their lawes in their Baro∣nies, and for matter of suit, if it had beene twixt Tenants holding of them, then was it commenced in their owne Courts and determined; if for the Barony it selfe, then in the Kings Court at Westminster, by Writ directed to the Shrife of the next English Shire adioyning, as Glocester, Hereford, and some other: For the Kings * 1.490 Writ did not runne in Wales as in England, vntill by Statute the Princi∣pality was incorporated with the Crowne; as appeares in an old b 1.491 report where one was committed for esloigning a Ward into Wales, extra potestatem Regis vnder Hen. III. Afterward c 1.492 Ed. I. made some Shires in it, and altred the customs, conforming them in some sort to the English, as in the Statute of Ruthlan you haue it largely; and vnder Ed. II. to a d 1.493 Parliament at Yorke were summoned XXIIII. out of North-Wales, and as many out of South-Wales. But notwith∣standing all this, the Marches continued as distinct; and in them were, for the most part, those controuerted titles, which in our Law. annals are referred to Wales. For the diuided Shires were, as it seemes, or should haue beene subiect to the English forme; but the particulars hereof are vnfit for this roome: if you are at all conuersant in our law, I send you to my e 1.494 margine; if not, it scarce con∣cernes you.
—the Higre wildly raues.
This violence, of the waters madnes, declared by the Author, is so exprest in an old f 1.495 Monke, which about CCCC. yeares since, sayes it was called the Higre in English. To make more description of it, were but to resolue the authors Poem.
Within her hollow woods the Satyrs that did wonne.
By the Satyrs rauishing the Sea-Nymphs into this maritime Forest of Deane (lying betweene Wye and Seuerne in Glocester) with Seuernes suit to Neptune, and his prouision of remedy, you haue, poetically describ'd, the rapines which were committed along that shore, by such as lurked in these shadie receptacles, which he properly titles Satyr's, that name comming from an Easterne * 1.496 root, signifying to hide, or lie hid, as that * 1.497 All-knowing Isaac Casaubon hath at large (among other his vnmeasurable benefits to the state of learning) taught vs. The English were also ill intreated by the Welsh in their passages here, vntill by act of Parliament remedie was giuen; as you may see in the g 1.498 statutes pream∣ble, which satisfies the fiction.
Whilst Maluerne K. of Hils faire Seuerne ouer-looks.
Hereford and Worcester are by these hils seauen miles in length confined; and rather, in respect of the adiacent vales, then the hils selfe, vnderstand the attribute of excellency. Vpon these is the supposed vision of Piers Plowmā, don, as is thought, by Robert h 1.499 Langland, a Shropshire man, in a kind of English mee∣ter: which for discouery of the infecting corruptions of those times, I prefer before many more seemingly serious inuectiues, as well for inuention as iudgement.
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As there th'Apulian fleece, or dainty Tarentine.
In Apuglia and the vpper Calabria of Italy, the Wooll hath beene euer fa∣mous for i 1.500 finest excellence: in so much that for preseruing it from the iniury of earth, bushes, and weather, the Sheepheards vsed to clothe their Sheep with skinnes; and indeed was so chargeable in these and other kind of paines about it, that it scarce required cost.
—him selfe in two did riue.
Alluding to a prodigious diuision of Marcly hill, in an earth-quake of late k 1.501 time; which most of all was in these parts of the Island.
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The eight Song.
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Illustrations.
STill are you in the Welsh March, and the Chorographie of this song includes itselfe, for the most, within Shropshires part ouer Seuerne.
That all without the Mound that Mercian Offa cast.
Of the Marches in generall you haue to the next before. The a 1.525 particular bounds haue beene certaine parts of Dee, Wye, Seuerne, and Offas Dike. The an∣cientest is Seuerne, but a later is obserued in a right line from * 1.526 Strigoil-Castle vpon Wye, to Chester vpon Dee, which was so naturally a Meere betweene these two Countries VVales and England, that by apparant change of its channell to∣wards eyther side superstitious iudgement was vsed to be giuen of successe in * 1.527 the following yeares battels of both nations; whence perhaps came it to bee call'd Holy Dee, as the author also often vses. Twixt the mouth's of Dee and VVye in this line (almost C. miles long) was that Offas Dike cast, after such time as he had besides his before possest Mercland, acquired by conquest euen al∣most what is now England. King Harold b 1.528 made a law, that whatsoeuer Welsh
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transcended this Dike with any kind of weapon should haue, vpon apprehensi∣on, his right hand cut off; Athelstan after conquest of Howel 'Dha K. of Wales made Wye limit of North-wales, as in regard of his chiefe territory of West Saxonie (so affirmes Malmesbury) which well vnderstood impugnes the opini∣on receiued for VVies being a generall Meere instituted by him, and withall shewes you how to mend the Monkes published text, where you read * 1.529 Ludwa∣lumregem Omnium Wallensium, & Constantinum regem Scotorum cedere regnis compulit. For plainely this Ludwal (by whom he meanes Howel Dha in other Chronicles call'd Huwal) in Athelstans life time was not King of All Wales, but only of the South and Westerne parts with Powis, his cozen Edwall Voel then hauing Northwales; twixt which and the part of Howell conquered, this limit was proper to distinguish. Therefore eyther read * 1.530 Occidentalium Wallensium (for in Florence of Worcester and Roger of Houeden that passage is with * 1.531 Occi∣dentalium Britonnum) or else beleeue that Malmesbury mistooke Howel to be in Athelstans time, as he was after his death, sole Prince of all Wales. In this con∣iecture I had aide from Lhancaruans History, which in the same page (as lear∣ned Lhuids edition in English is) sayes, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made the Riuer * 1.532 Cambia the frontier towards Cornwall: but there, in requitall, I correct him, and read Tambra. i. Tamar, diuiding Deuonshire and Cornwall; as Malmesbury hath it expresly, and the matter-selfe enough perswades.
Who draue the Giants hence, that of the earth were bred.
Somewhat of the Giants to the first Song; fabulously supposed begotten by Spirits vpon Dioclesians or Danaus daughters. But here the Author aptly tearms them bred of the Earth, both for that the antiquities of the Gentiles made the first inhabitants of most countries as produced out of the soile, calling them Aborigines and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as also for imitation of those Epithets of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. and a 1.533 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among the Greeks, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 among the Latins, the very name of Giants being thence b 1.534 deriued, * 1.535 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I shall thinke abus'd the Heathen vpon their ill vnderstan∣ding of Adams creation c 1.536 and allegorique greatnes, touched before out of Ie∣wish Fiction.
Her Albanact; for aide, and to the Scythian cleaue.
Britaines tripartit diuision by Brutes III. sonnes, Logrin, Camber and Alba∣nact, whence all beyond Seuerne was stil'd Cambria, the now England Loegria, and Scotland Albania, is here shewed you: which I admit, but as the rest of that nature, vpon credit of our suspected Stories followed with sufficient iustificati∣on by the Muse; alluding here to that opinion which deduces the Scots and their name from the Seythians. Arguments of this likelyhoud haue you large∣ly * 1.537 in our most excellent Antiquary. I onely adde, that by tradition of the Scy∣thians themselues, they had very anciently a generall name, titling them d 1.538 Sco∣lots (soone contracted into Scots) whereas the Graecians call'd the Northerne all e 1.539 Scythians, perhaps the originall of that name being from Shooting; for which they were especially through the world famous, as you may see in most passages of their name in old Poets; and that Lucians title of Toxaris, is, as if you should say, an Archer. For, the word shoote being at first of the Tentonique (which was very likely disperst largely in the Northerne parts) anciently was written neerer Schyth, as among other testimonies, the name of f 1.540 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. the shooting finger, for the forefinger among our g 1.541 Saxons.
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Three hundred yeares before Romes great foundation laid.
Take this with latitude: for betweene AEneas Syluius King of the Latins, vnder whose time Brute is placed, to Numitor, in whose II. yeare Rome was built, intercedes aboue CCC. XL. and with such difference vnderstand the Thousand vntill Caesar.
And long before borne armes against the barbarous Hun.
Our stories tell you of Humber King of Huns (a people that being Scythian, liued about those a 1.542 parts which you now call Mar delle Zabach) his attempt and victorie against Albanact, conflict with Logrin, and death in this Riuer, from whence they will the name. Distance of his country, and the vnlikely relation weakens my historicall faith. Obserue you also the first transmigra∣tion of the Huns, mentioned by Procopius, Agathias, others, and you will think this very different from truth. And well could I thinke by coniecture (with a great b 1.543 Antiquary) that the name was first (or thence deriued) * 1.544 habren or Aber which in British, as appeares by the names Abergeuenni, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Aberhodni signifying the fall of the Riuer Geuenni, Tewi, Rhodni, is as much as a c 1.545 Riuers mouth in English, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 itselfe specially., in that most of the Yorkeshire Riuers here cast themselues into one confluence for the Ocean. Thus perhaps was Seuerne first Hafren, and not from the maide there drown'd, as you haue be∣fore; but for that, this no place.
To Stamford in this Isle seem'd Athens to transferre.
Looke to the III Song for more of Bladud and his Bath's. Some testimony d 1.546 is, that he went to Athens, brought thence with him IV. Philosophers, and in∣stituted by them a Vniuersity at Stanford in Lincolueshire; But, of any perswa∣ding credit I finde none. Onely of later time, that profession of learning was there, authority is frequent. For when through discording parts among the Schollars (raigning Ed. III.) a diuision in Oxford was into the Northerne and Southerne faction, the Northerne (before vnder Hen. III. also was the like to Northampton) made secession to this Stamford, and there profest, vntill vpon humble suite by Robert of Stratford, Chauncelor of Oxford, the K, e 1.547 by edict, and his owne presence, prohibited them, whence, afterward, also was that Oth taken by Oxford Graduats, that they should not professe at Stamford. White of Basingstoch otherwise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at the cause of this difference, making it the Pe∣lagian heresie, and of more ancient time, but erroniously. Vnto this referre that suppos'd prophesie of Merlin:
Doctrinae studium quod nunc viget ad * 1.548 vada Boum
Ante finem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 celebrabitur ad * 1.549 vada Saxi.
Which you shall haue Englished in that solemnized marriage of Thames and Medway, by a most admired f 1.550 Muse of our nation, thus with aduantage:
And after him the fat all Welland went,
That, if old sawes proue true (which God farbid)
Shall drowne all * 1.551 Holland with his excrement,
And shall see Stamford, though now homely hid,
Then shine in learning more then euer did
Cambridge or Oxford, Englands goodly beames.
Nor can you apply this but to much yonger time then Bladuds raigne.
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—As he those foure proud streetes began.
Of them you shall haue better declaration to the XVI. Song.
There ballancing his sword against her baser gold.
In that story, of Brennus and his Gaules taking Rome, is affirm'd, that by Se∣natory authority P. Sulpitus (as a Tribune) was Committee to transact with the enemy for leauing the Roman territory; the price was a 1.552 agreed 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pound of gold, vniust weights were offered by the Gaules, which Sulpitius disliking, so farre were those insolent conquerors from mitigation of their oppressing purpose, that (as for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all) Brennus to the first vniustice of the ballance, ad∣ded the poiz of his Sword also, whence, vpon a murmuring complaint among the Romanes, crying * 1.553 Vae victis, came that to be as prouerbe applied to the conquered.
Against the Delphian power yet shakt his irefull sword.
Like liberty as others, takes the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in affirming that Brennus, which was * 1.554 General to the Gaules in taking Rome, to be the same which ouercame Greece, and assaulted the Oracle. But the truth of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stands thus: Rome was affi∣cted by one Brennus about the yeare b 1.555 CCC.LX. after, the building, when the Gaules had such a Cadmeian victory of it, that fortune conuerted by martiall opportunity, they were at last by Camillus so put to the sword, that a reporter of the slaughter was not 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Plutarch (not impugned by Polybius, as Polydore hath mistaken) tell vs. About CX. yeares after, were tripartit excursi∣ons of the Gaules; of an armie vnder Cerethrius into Thrace; of the like vnder Belgius or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Macedon and Illyricum; of another vnder one Brennus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Pannonia. What successe Belgius had with Ptolemy, surna∣med * 1.556 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is discouered in the same d 1.557 authors which relate to vs Brennus his wasting of Greece, with his violent, but somewhat voluntary, death; but part of this armie, eyther diuided by mutiny, or left, after Apollo's reuenge, betooke them to habitation in Thrace about the now Constantinople, where first vnder their King Comontorius (as Polybius, but Liuy saith vnder Lutatius and Lomno∣rius, which name perhaps you might correct by Polybius) they ruled their neighbouring States with imposition of tribute, and at last, growing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 popu∣lous, sent (as it seemes) those colonies into Asia, which in e 1.558 Gallograecia left suf∣ficient steps of their ancient names. My compared classique f 1.559 authors will iu∣stifie as much; nor scarce find I materiall opposition among them in any par∣ticulars; onely Trogus, epitomized by Iustine, is therein, by confusion of time and actions, somewhat abused; which hath caus'd that error of those which take Historicall liberty (〈◊〉〈◊〉 is allowable) to affirme Brennus which sackt Rome, and him, that died at Delphos, the same. Examination of time makes it apparantly false; nor indeede doth the British Chronologie endure our Bren∣nus to be eyther of them, as Polydore and Buchanan haue obserued. But want of the British name moues nothing against it; seeing the people of this Westerne part were all, vntil a good time after those 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the name of Gaules or Celts; and those which would haue ransackt the Oracle are said by Callima∣chus to haue come
—* 1.560 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
Which as well fits vs as Gaule. And thus much also obserue, that those names of Brennus and Belinus, being of great note, both in signification and perso∣nal
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eminency; &, likely enough, there being many of the same name in Gaule and Britaine, in seuerall ages such identity made confusion in storie. For the first, in this relation appeares what variety was of it; as also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the British are but significant words for King; and peraduenture almost as ordinary a name among these Westernes, as Pharaoh and Ptolemy in AEgypt, Agag among the Amalekits, Arsaces, Nicomedes, Aleuada, Sophi, Caesar, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, among the Parthians, Bithynians, Thessalians, Persians, Romans, and our Ken∣tish Kings, which the course of History shewes you. For the other, you may see it vsuall in names of their old Kings, as Cassi-Belin in Caesar, Cuno-Belin and Cym-Belin in Tacitus, and Dio, and perhaps Cam-Baules in Pausanias, and Belin (whose steps seeme to be in g 1.561 Abellius a Gaulish and Bela-tucadre a British God) was the name among them of a worshipt Idoll, as appeares in Ausonius; and the same with Apollo, which also by a most ancient British coine, stampt with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 playing on his Harp, circumscribed with CVNO-BE∣LIN, is shew'd to haue beene expresly among the Britons. Although I know, according to their vse, it might be added to Cuno (which was the first part of many of their regall names, as you see in Cuneglas, Cyngetorix, Congolitan, and others) to make a significant word, as if you should say, the yellow King; for Be∣lin in British is yellow. But seeing the very name of their Apollo so well fitted with that colour, * 1.562 which to Apollo is comonly attributed (& obserue that their names had vsually some note of colour in them, by reason of their custome of painting themselues) I suppose they took it as a fortunat concurrence to beare an honored Deity in their title as we see in the names of Merodach and Euil∣Merodach among the Babilonian Kings from Merodach h 1.563 one of their false gods; and like examples may be found among the old Emperors. Obserue al∣so that in British genealogies, they ascend alwayes to Belin the great (which is supposed Heli father to Lud and Cassibelin) as you see to the IV. Song; and here might you compare that of Hel i 1.564 in the Punique tongue, signifying Phaebus, & turn'd into Belus: but I will not therewith trouble you. Howsoeuer, by this I am perswaded (whensoeuer the time were of our Belinus) that Bolgus in Pausanias, and Belgius in Iustine were mistooke for Belinus, as perhaps also Prausus in Strabo (〈☐〉〈☐〉. supplying k 1.565 oftimes the roome of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.) generated of Brennus corrup∣ted. In the story I dare follow none of the Moderne erroniously transcribing Relaters or seeming Correctors, but haue, as I might, tooke it from the best selfe-fountaines, and only vpon them, for triall, I put my selfe.
—whence Cymbrica it tooke.
That Northerne promontory now Iutland, part of the Danish Kingdome, is call'd in Geographers Cymbrica Chersonesus from name of the people in ha∣biting it. And those which will the Cymbrians, Cambrians, or Cumrians from Camber may with good reason of consequence imagine that the name of this Chersones is thence also, as the author here, by liberty of his Muse. But if, with Goropius, Camden, and other their followers, you come neerer truth and deriue them from * 1.566 Gomer, sonne to Iaphet, who, with his posterity, had the North-we∣sterne part of the world; then shall you set, as it were, the accent vpon Cherso∣nes giuing the more significant note of the Country; the name of Cymbrians, Cimmerians, Cambrians, and Cumrians, all as one insubstance being very com∣prehensiue 1 1.567 in these climats; And perhaps, because this promontory lay out so farre, vnder neere LX. degrees latitude (almost at the vtmost of Ptolemies geo∣graphie) and so had the first Winter dayes no longer then betweene V. and VI. houres, there in somewhat (and more then other neighbouring parts of that people, hauing no particular name) agreeing with Homers attribute of darknes m 1.568 to the Cimmerians, it had more specially this title.
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To wise Molmutius lawes her Martian first did frame.
Particulars of Molmutius lawes, of Church-liberty, freedome of wayes, hus∣bandry, and diuers other are in the British storie, affirming also that Q. Martia made a booke of lawes, translated afterward, and titled by K. Alfred Mencen-laze. Indeed it appeares that there were three sorts of * 1.569 lawes in the Saxon Hep∣tarchy, Mencan-laze, Dan-laze 〈◊〉〈◊〉 axen-laze 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Mercian, Danish, and West-Saxon law; all which three had their seuerall territories, and were in diuers * 1.570 things compiled into one volume by Cnut, and examined in that Norman constitution of their new Common-wealth. But as the Danish and West-Saxon had their name from particular people, so it seemes, had the Mercian from that Kingdome of Mercland, limited with the Lancashire Riuer Mersey to∣ward Northumberland, and ioining to Wales, hauing eyther from the Riuer that name, or else from the word * 1.571 Manc, because it bounded vpon most of the other Kingdomes; as you may see to the XI. Song.
—in whose eternall name, Great London still shall liue—
King Luds reedifying Trotnouant (first built by Brute) and thence leauing the name of Caer Lud afterward turned (as they say) into London is not vnknowne, scarce to any that hath but lookt on Ludgates inner frontispice; and in old b 1.572 rimes thus I haue it exprest:
Walls * 1.573 he lete make al aboute and yatcs up and down
And after Lud that was is name he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Luds towne.
The herte yate of the toun that yut stout there and is
He let hit clupie Ludgate after is owe name 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
He let him tho he was ded burie at thulke yate
Thereuore yut after him me clupeth it Ludegate.
The toun me clupeth that is wide 〈◊〉〈◊〉
And now me clupeth it London that is lighter in the mouth.
And new Troy it het ere and nou it is so ago
That London it is now icluped and worth euere mo.
Iudicious reformers of fabulous report I know haue more serious deriuati∣ons of the name: and seeing coniecture is free, I could imagine, it might be cald at first Lhan Dien. i. the Temple of Diana, as Lhan Delvi, Lhan Stephan, Lhan Padern Uauwr, Lhan Uair. i. S, Dewy's, S. Stephans, S. Patern the grear, S. Marie; and Verulam is by H. Lbuid, deriued from Her than. i. the Church vpon the Riuer Ver, with diuers more such places in Wates: and so afterward by strangers turned into Londinium, and the like. For, that Diana and her brother Apollo (vnder name of Belin) were two great Deities among the Bri∣tons, * 1.574 what is read next before, Caesars testimony of the Gaules; and that she had her Temple there where Paules is, relation in Camden discloses to you. Now, that the antique course was to title their Cities of times by the name of their po∣wer adored in them, is plaine by Beth-el among the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brewes, Heliopolis (which in holy Writ is c 1.575 call'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉) in AEgypt, and the same in Greece, Phaenicia, elsewhere; and by Athens named from Minerua. But especially from this supposed deity of Diana (whom in substance Homer no lesse giues the Epithet of * 1.576 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then to Pallas) haue diuers had their titles: as Artemisium in Italy, and Eubea, and that Bubastis in AEgypt, so called from the same word, signify∣ing * 1.577 in AEgyptian, both a Cat and Diana.
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Those armed stakes in Thames—
He meanes that which now we call Coway stakes by Otelands, where only, the Thames being without Boat passable, the Britons fixt both on the banke of their side, and in the water e 1.578 sharpe stakes, to preuent the Romanes comming ouer, but in vaine, as the stories tell you.
And more then Caesar got, three Emperours could not win.
Vnderstand not that they were resisted by the Britons, but that the three suc∣cessors of Iulius. i. Augustus, Tiberius, and Caligula neuer so much as with force attempted the Isle, although the last after K. Cunobelins-sonne Adminius his traiterous reuolting to him, in a seeming martiall vehemencie, made p 1.579 all arme to the British voyage, but suddenly in the German shore (where he then was) like himselfe, turned the designe to a jest, and commanded the armie to gather Cockles.
Came with his body nak't, his haire downe to his wast.
In this Caradoc (being the same which at large you haue in Tacitus and Dio, vnder name of Caratacus and Cataracus, and is by some Scottish Historians drawne much too farre Northward) the author expresses the ancient forme of a Britons habite. Yet I thinke not that they were all nak't, but, as is affirmed g 1.580 of the Gaules, downe only to the Nauill; so that on the discouered part might be seene (to the terror of their enemies) those pictures of Beasts, with which h 1.581 they painted themselues It is sustifiable by Caesar, that they vs'd to shaue all except their head & vpper lip, & ware very long haire; but in their old Coynes I see no such thing warranted: and in later i 1.582 times about CCCC. years since, it is espe∣cially attributed to them that they alwayes cut their heads close for auoyding Absalous misfortune.
The Colony long kept at Maldon—
Olde Historians and Geographers call this Camalodunum, which som k 1.583 haue absurdly thought to be Camelot in the Scottish Shrifedome of Stirling, others haue sought it elswhere: but the English Light of antiquity (Caemden) hath sure∣ly found it at this Maldon in Essex, where was a Romish Colonie, as also at l 1.584 Glocester, Chester, Yorke, and perhaps at Colchester, which proues expresly (a∣gainst vulgar allowance) that there was a time when in the chiefest parts of this Southerne Britany the Roman lawes were vsed, as euery one that knowes the * 1.585 meaning of a Colony (which had all their rights and institutions m 1.586 deduced with it; must confesse. This was destroyed vpon discontentment taken by the Icens and Trinobants (now Norfolke, Suffolke, Middlesex, and Essex men) for intollerable wrongs done to the wife and posterity of Praesutagus King of the Icens by the n 1.587 Romans, which the K. (as others in like form) thought, but vain∣ly, to haue preuented by instituting Nero, then Emperour, his fieire. The signes, which the author speakes of, were, a strange, and, as it were, voluntary falling downe of the Goddesse Victories statue, erected by the Romans heere; women, as distracted, singing their ouerthrow; the Ocean looking bloody; vn∣couth howlings in their assemblies, and such like. Petilius Cerealis, Lieutenant of the IX. Legion, comming to aide, lost all his footmen, and betooke himselfe with the rest to his fortified Tents. But for this read the History.
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By poison end her dayes. —
So Tacitus; but Dio, that she died of sickenes. Her name is writen diuersly Voadicia, Boodicia, Bunduica, and Boudicea: she was wife to Prasutagus, of whom last before.
A greater foe to vs in our owne bowels bred.
Euery story, of the declining British state, will tell you what miseries were * 1.588 endured by the hostile irruptions of Scots and Picts into the Southerne part. For the passage here of them, know, that the Scottish stories, which begin their continued Monarchique gouernment at Ferguze, affirme the Picts (from the Scythian territories) to haue arriued in the now Iutland, and thence passed into Scotland some CCL. yeares after the Scots first entring Britaine, which was, by account, about LXXX. yeares before our Sauiours birth, and thence continued these a State by themselues, vntill K. Kenneth about DCCC. XL. yeares after Christ vtterly supplanted them. Others, as Bede and his followers, make them elder in the Isle then the Scots, and fetch them out of Ireland; the British sto∣rie (that all may be discords) sayes, they entred Albania vnder conduct of one Roderic their King (for so you must read in * 1.589 Monmouth and not Londric, as the Print in that and much other mistakes) and were valiantly oppos'd by Mari∣us then King of Britons, Roderic slain, and Cathenes giuen them for habitation. This Marius is placed with Vespasian, & the grosse differences of time make all suspicious; so that you may as well beleeue none of them, as any one. Rather adhere to learned Camden, making the Picts very genuine Britons, distinguisht onely by accidentall name, as in him you may see more largely.
Aruiragus of ours first taking to protect.
His marriage with (I know not what) Genissa, daughter to Claudius, the habi∣tude of friendship twixt Rome and him, after composition with Vespasian then, vnder the Emperor, employ'd in the British warre, the common storie relates. This is Armitagus, which Iuuenal o 1.590 speakes of. Polydore referres him to Nero's time, others rightly to Domitian, because indeed the Poet p 1.591 then florished. That fabulous Hector Boetius makes him the same with Phasuiragus, as he cals him, in Tacitus; he meanes Prasutagus, hauing misread Tacitus his copie.
This happines we haue Christ crucified to know.
Neer C. LXXX. after Christ (the Chronologie of Bede herein is plainly false and obserue what I told you of that kind to the I V. Song) this Lucius vpon re∣quest to Pope Eleutherius receiued at the hands of q 1.592 Fugatius and Damianus, ho∣ly Baptism; yet so, that by Ioseph of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (of whom to the III. Song) seeds of true Religion were here before sowne: by some I finde it r 1.593 without warrant, affirm'd that he conuerted Aruiragus,
And gaue him then a shilde of muer white,
A Crosse endlong and ouerthwart full perfect,
These armes were bsed through all Britaine
For a common signe each man to know his nation
From enemies, which now we call certaine.
&. Georges armes—
But thus much collect, that, although vntill Lucius we had not a Christian King (for you may well suspect, rather denie, for want of better authority, this
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of Aruiragus) yet (vnlesse you beleeue the tradition of Gundafer K. of Indy, * 1.594 a 1.595 conuerted by S. Thomas, or Abagar b 1.596 K of Edessa, to whom those letters wri∣ten, as is supposed, by our Sauiours owne hand, kept as a pretious relique in c 1.597 Constantinople vntill the Emperour Isaacius Angelus, as my authors say, were sent) it is apparant that This Island had the first Christian King in the world, and cleerely in Europe, so that you cite not Tiberius his priuate seeming Christiani∣ty (which is obserued out of d 1.598 Tertullian) euen in whose time also Gildas affirms, Britaine was comforted with wholsome beames of religious Light. Not much different from this age was Donald first King Christian of the Scots; so that if Priority of time swayed it, and not custome (deriued from a communicable at∣tribute giuen by the Popes) that name of Most Christian should better fit our Soueraigns then the French. This Lucius, by helpe of those two Christian aids, is said to haue, in roome of III. Arch-Flamins and XXVIII. Flamins (through whose doctrine, polluting sacrifices, and idolatry raigned here in stead of true seruice) instituted III. Archbishopriques at London, Yorke, and Caer-leon vpon Vske, & XXVIII. Bishopriques; of them, all beyond Humbre subiect to Yorke; al the now Wales to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Londō, the now England with Cornwal. And so al∣so was the custom in other Countries, euen grounded vpon S. Peters own com∣mand, to make substitution of Arch-bishops or Patriarches to Arch-Flamins, and Bishops to Flamins, if you beleeue a d 1.599 Popes assertion. For Yorke, there is now a Metropolitan Sea; Caerleon had so vntill the change spoken of to the V. Song. And London, the Cathedrall Church being at S. Peters in Cornhill, vntill translation of the Pall e 1.600 to Canterbury by Augustine, sent hither by Gregory the I. vnder K. Ethelbert, according to a prophesie of Merlin, that Christianity should faile, and then reuiue when the See of London did adorne Canterbury, as, after comming of the Saxons, it did. This moued that ambitious Gilbert of Folioth Bishop of London to challenge the Primacy of England; for which he is bit∣terly taxed by a great f 1.601 Clerke of the same time. If I adde to the British glorie that this Lucius was cause of like conuersion in Bauaria and Rhetia, I should out of my bounds. The learned Mark Velser, and others, haue enough re∣membred it.
Constantius worthy wife—
That is Helen, wife to Constantius or Constans Chlorus the Emperour, and mother to Constantine the great, daughter to Coile King of Britaine, where Constantine was by her brought forth. Doe not obiect Nicephorus Callistus that erroniously affirmes him borne in Drepanum of Bithynia, or Iul. Firmi∣cus g 1.602, that sayes at Tarsus, vpon which testimony (not vncorrupted) a great Critique h 1.603 hath violently offered to depriue vs both of him and his mother, affirming her a Bithynian; nor take aduantage of Cedrenus, that will haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his birth soile. But our Histories, and, with them, the Latine Ecclesiastique relation (in passages of her inuention of the Crosse, and such like) allowed also by Cardinall Baronius, make her thus a British woman. And for great Con∣stantines birth in this land you shall haue authority; against which I wonder how Lipsius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oppose his conceit. In an old Panegyrist i 1.604, speaking to Con∣stantine: * 1.605 Liberauit ille (he meanes his father) Britannias 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nobiles illic Oriendo fecisti; and another, * 1.606 O fortunata & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 omnibus beatior terris Britannia, qua Constantinum Caesarem prima 〈◊〉〈◊〉. These might per∣swade, that Firmicus were corrupted, seeing they liued when they might know as much of this as he. Nicephorus and Cedrenus are of much later time, and deserue no vndoubted credit. But in certaine orientall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 k 1.607 of State (newly published by Iohn Meursius professor of Greeke storie at Leiden) the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogennetes aduises his son Romanus, that he should
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not take him a wife of alien bloud, because all people dissonant from the go∣uernment * 1.608 and manners of the Empire by a law of Constantine, established in S. Sophies Church, were prohibited the height of that glory, excepting only the Franks, allowing them this honor * 1.609 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with might make you imagine him borne in Gaule; let it not moue you, but ob∣serue that this Porphyrogennetes liued about DCC. yeares since, when it was (& a∣mong the Turks stil is) ordinary with these Greeks to cal a 1.610 all (especially the We∣sterne) Europeans by the name of Frankes, as they did themselues Romans. Why then might not we be comprehended, whose name, as English, they scarce, as it seemes, knew of, calling vs b 1.611 Inclins; and indeed the indefinit forme of speech, in the author I cite, shewes as if he meant some remote place by the Franks, admit∣ting he had intended onely but what we now call French. If you can beleeue one of our countrey-men c 1.612 that liued about Hen. II. he was borne in London; others thinke he was borne at Yorke: of that, I determine not. Of this Helen, her Religion, finding the Crosse, good deeds in walling London & Colchester (which in honor of her, they say, beares a Crosse betweene foure Crownes, and for the Inuention she is yet celebrated in Holy-rood day in May) & of this Constantine her sonne, a mighty and religious Emperor (although I know him taxt for no small faults by Ecclesiastique writers) that in this ayre receiued his first * 1.613 light and life, our Britons vaunt not vniustly: as in that spoken to K. Arthur.
Now it worth iended that sthile the sage sede biuore
That there 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Brutaine thre men be ybore
That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 winne the aumpyr of Rome; of tweye pdo it is
As of * 1.614 Bely and Coustantin, and thou art the threddey wis.
For this Sibylle who she was, I must take day to tell you.
Against the Arrian Sect at Arles hauing ronne.
In the II. Councell at Arles in Prouence, held vnder Constantine and Syl∣uester, is subscribed the name of Restitutus Bishop of London, the like respe∣ctiuely in other Councels spoken of by the Author. It is not vnfit to note here * 1.615 that in later time the vse hath beene (when and where Romes Supremacy was acknowledged) to send alwayes to generall Councels, out of euery Christian State, some Bishops, Abbots and Priors; and I find it affirmed by the Clergie vnder f 1.616 Hen. II. that, to a generall Councell, onely foure Bishops are to be sent out of England. So, by reason of this course added to State-allowance afterward-at home; were those Canons receiued into our law; as of Bigamie in the Coun∣cell of Lions, interpreted by Parliament vnder Ed. I. Of Pluralities in the Coun∣cell of Lateran, held by Innocent III. raigning our K. Iohn; and the law of Laps in Benefices had so its ground from that Councell of Lateran in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. LXXIX. vnder Alexander the III. whither, for our part, were sent Hugh Bishop of Dur∣ham, Iohn Bishop of Norwich, Robert Bishop of Hereford, and Rainold Bishop of Bath, with diuers Abbots, where the g 1.617 Canon was made for presentation within six moneths, and title of Laps, giuen to the Bishop in case the Chapter were Patron, from the Bishop to them if he were Patron: which, although, in that, it be not law with vs, nor also their difference betweene a lay h 1.618 and Ecclesi∣astique patron for number of the months, allowing the lay-man but foure, vet shewes it selfe certainly to be the originall of that custom anciently & now vsed * 1.619 in the Ordinaries collation. And hither Henry of Bracton referres it expresly; by whom you may amend Iohn le Briton, and read Lateran in stead of Lions a∣bout this same matter. Your conceit, truly ioining these things, cannot but per∣ceiue that Canons & constitutions, in Popes Councels, absolutely neuer bound * 1.620 vs in other forme then, fitting them by the square of English law & policie, our
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reuerend Sages and Baronage allowed and n 1.621 interpreted them, who in their for∣mall o 1.622 Writs would mention them as law and custome of the Kingdom, and not otherwise.
Eleuen thousand maids sent those our friends againe.
Our common story affirmes, that in time of Gratian the Emperor, Conan King of Armorique Britaine (which was filled with a Colony of this Isle by this Conan and Maximus, otherwise Maximian that slew Gratian) hauing warre with the neighbouring Gaules, desired of Dinoth Regent of Cornwall, or (if you will) of our Britaine (by neerenes of bloud; so to establish and continue loue in * 1.623 the posterity of both countries) that he might himselfe match with Dinoth's daughter Vrsula, and with her a competent multitude of Virgins might be sent ouer to furnish his vnwiu'd Batchelers: whereupon were XI. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. of the nobler bloud with Vrsula and LX. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. of meaner ranke (elected out of diuers parts of * 1.624 the Kingdome) Shipt at London for satisfaction of this request. In the coast of Gaule, they were by tempest disperst; some rauisht by the Ocean; others for chast deniall of their maiden-heads to Guaine and Melga. Kings of Huns and Picts (whom Gratian had animated against Maximus, as vsurping title of the British Monarchie) were miserably put to the sword in some German coast, whi∣ther misfortune carried them. But because the Author slips it ouer with a touch * 1.625 you shall haue it in such old Verse, as I haue.
Some lay all this wickednes absurdly (for time endures it not) to Atilla's y 1.633 charge, who raigned King of Huns about CCCC. L. (aboue LX. yeares after Gratian) and affirme their suffering of this (as they call it) martyrdome at Co∣logne, whither, in at the mouth of Rhine, they were carried; others also particu∣larly tell you that there were foure companions to Vrsula, in greatnes and ho∣nor, their z 1.634 names being Pynnosa, Cordula, Eleutheria, Florentia, and that vnder these were to euery of the XI. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. one President, Iota, Benigna, Clementia, Sapt∣entia, Carpophora, Columba, Benedicta, Odilia, Celyndris, Sibylla and Lucia: and that, custome at Cologne hath excluded all other bodies from the place of their buriall. The strange multitude of LXXI. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Virgins thus to be transported, with the difference of time (the most excellent note to examine truth of histo∣rie by) may make you doubt of the whole report. I will not iustifie it, but only admonish thus, that those our old Stories are in this followed by that great Hi∣storian Baronius, allowed by Francis de Bar, White of Basingstoch; and before any of them, by that learned Abbot Tritemius, beside the Martyrologies, which to the honor of the XI. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. haue dedicated the XI. day of our October. But in∣deed how they can stand with what in some copies of Nennius z 1.635 we read, I can∣not
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see: it is there reported, that those Britons which went thither with Maxi∣mus (the same man and time with the former) tooke them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wiues, and cut out their tongues, lest they should possesse their children of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 language; whence our Welsh called them afterward * 1.636 Lehit-Widion, because they spake confusedly. I see a 1.637 that yet there is great affinity twixt the British Armorique, and the Welsh, the first (to giue you a tast) saying, Don tad pehunii sou en 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the other, En tad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hwn pdwit yn y nefoedd for Our Father which art in 〈◊〉〈◊〉; but I suspect extremely that fabulous Tongue-cutting, & would haue you, of the two, beleeue rather the Virgins, were it not for the exorhitant number, and that, against infallible credit, our Historians mixe with it Gratians suruiuing Maximus; a kind of fault that makes often the very truth doubtful.
That from the Scythian poore whence they themselues deriue.
He meanes the Saxons, whose name, after learned men, is to the IV. Song de∣riued from a Scythian nation. It pleases the Muse in this passage to speake of that originall, as meane and vnworthy of comparison with the Troian British, drawne out of Iupiters blood by Venus, Anchises, and AEneas; I iustifie her phrase, for that the Scythian was indeed poore, yet voluntarily, not through want, liuing commonly in field-tents; and (as our Germans in Tacitus) so Stoi∣call, as not to care for the future, hauing prouision for the present, from natures liberality. But, if it were worth examining, you might find the Scythian as no∣ble and worthy a nation as any red of; and such a one as the English and others might be as proud to deriue themselues from, as any which do search for their ancestors glory in Troian ashes. If you beleeue the old report b 1.638 of themselues, then can you not make them lesse then descended by Targitaus from Iupiter and Borysthenes; if what the Greekes, who, as afterward the Romans, accounted and stiled all barbarous, except themselues; then you must draw their pede∣gree through Agatbyrsus, Gelonus and Scytha, from Hercules; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 these haue, in this kind, their superior. If among them you desire learning, remem∣ber Zamolxis, Diceneus, and Anacharsis before the rest. For although to some of these, other Patronymiques are giuen, yet know that anciently (which for the present matter obserue seriously) as all, Southward, were call'd AEthiopians, all Eastward, Indians, all West, Celts, so all Northernes were stiled Scythians; as c 1.639 Ephorus is Author. I could adde the honorable allegories, of those their gol∣den Yoake, Plough, Hatchet, & Cup sent from heauen, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 enough deliue∣red by d 1.640 Goropius, with other coniecturall testimonies of their worth. But I ab∣staine from such digression.
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The ninth Song.
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Illustrations.
MOre Westerne are you carried into Merioneth, Carnaruan, Anglesey, & those maritime coasts of Northwales.
The last her genuine lawes which stoutlie did retaine.
Vnder William Rufus, the Norman-English (animated by the good successe which Robert Fitz-hamon had first against Rees ap Tiddour, Prince of South∣wales, and afterward against Iestin, Lord of Glamorgan) beeing very desirous of these Welsh territories; Hugh, a 1.657 surnamed Wolfe, Earle of Chester, did ho∣mage to the King for Tegengl and Ryuonioc, with all the Land by the Sea vnto Conwey. And thus pretending title, got also possession of Merioneth, frō Gruf∣fith ap Conan, Prince of Northwales: but hee soone recouered it, and thence left it continued in his posteritie, vntill Lhewelyin ap Gruffith, vnder Edward 1. lost it, himselfe, and all his dominion. Wheras other parts (of South and West∣wales especially) had before subiected themselues to the English Crowne; this,
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through frequency of craggie Mountaines, accessible with too much difficul∣ty; being the last stronge refuge vntill that period of fatall conquest.
Of those two noble armes into the land that beare.
In the confines of Merioneth and Cardigan, where these Riuers ioyntly poure themselues into the Irish Ocean, are these two armes or creekes of the Sea, famous, as he saith, through Guinethia (that is one of the old titles of this North-Wales) by their names of Craeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Craeth Bachan. i. as it were, the great hauen, and the little hauen; Craeth a 1.658, in British, signifying atract of Sand where on the Sea flowes, and the ebbe discouers.
Into that spacious Lake where Dee vnmixt doth flow.
That is Lbin-tegid (otherwise call'd by the English Pemelsmere) through which, Dee rising in this part runnes whole and vnmixt, neyther Lake nor Ri∣uer communicating to each other water of fish; as the Author anon tels you. In the b 1.659 ancients, is remembred specially the like of Rhosne running vnmixt and (as it were) ouer the Lake of Geneus; as, for a greater wonder, the most learned Casaubon c 1.660 hath deliuered also of Arua, running whole through Rhosne; and diuers other such like are in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 collection of Natures most strange effects in waters.
The multitude of Wolues that long this land annoy'd.
Our excellent Edgar (hauing first enlarged his name with diligent and reli∣gious performance of charitable magnificence among his English, and confir∣med the farre-spred opinion of his greatnes, by receipt of homage at Chester from VIII. Kings; as you shall see in and to the next Song) for encrease of his benefits towards the Isle, ioyned with preseruation of his Crowne-dueties con∣uerted the tribute of the Welsh into CCC. Wolues a yeare, as the Author shews; The King that paid it;
〈◊〉〈◊〉 yer he huld is terme rent ac the berthe was behinde
〈◊〉〈◊〉 he lende the king word that he ne mighte ne mo binde,
As, according to the story my old Rimer deliuers it. Whom you are to account for this Ludwall K. of Wales in the Welsh historie, except Howel ap Ieuaf, that made warre against his vncle Iago, deliuered his father, and tooke on himselfe the whole Principality towards the later yeares of Edgar, I know not. But this was not an vtter destruction of them; for, since that d 1.661 time, the Mannor of Pid∣dlesley in Leicester shire was held by one Henry of Angage, per serieantiam capi∣endi lupos, as the inquisition deliuers it.
S. Helens wondrous way—
By Festeneog in the confines of Caernaraan and Merioneth is this high way of note; so call'd by the British, and supposed made by that Helen, mother to Constantine (among her other good deedes) of whom to the last Song before.
As leuell as the lake vntill the generall flood.
So is the opinion of some Diuines e 1.662, that, vntill after the floud, were no Mountaines, but that by congestion of sand, earth, and such stuffe as we now see hils strangely fraughted with, in the waters they were first cast vp. But in that
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true Secretary of Diuinity and nature, Selomoh a 1.663 speaking as in the person of Wisedome, you read; Before the Mountaines were founded, and before the hils I was formed, that is, before the worlds beginning; and in holy b 1.664 Writ elsewhere, the Mountaines ascend, and the Valleyes descend to the place where thou didst found them; good authorities to iustifie Mountaines before the Floud. The same question hath beene of Isles, but I will peremptorily determine neither.
And with sterne Eolus blasts, like Thetis waxing ranke.
The South-West wind constrained betweene two hils on both sides of the Lake, sometimes so violently fils the Riuer out of the Lakes store, that both haue beene affirmed (but somewhat against truth) neuer to be disturbed, or ouerflow, but vpon tempestuous blasts, whereas indeed (as Powel deliuers) they are ouerfilled with raine and land-flouds, as well as other Waters; but most of all moued by that impetuous wind.
Still Delos like wherin a wandering Isle doth floate.
Of this Isle in the water on top of Snowdon, and of One-eide 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Trouts, and Perches, in another Lake there, Girald is witnes. Let him performe his word; I will not be his surety for it. The Author alludes to that state of Delos, which is fained c 1.665 before it was with pillars fastned in the Sea for Latona's child birth.
That with the terme of Welsh the English now imbase.
For this name of Welsh is vnknown to the British themselues, and imposed on them, as an ancient and common opinion is, by the Saxons, calling them Walsh. i. strangers. Others fabulously haue talk of Wallo and Wandolena, whence it should be deriued. But you shall come neerer truth, if vpon the community of name, customes, and originall, twixt the Gaules and Britons, you coniecture them call'd Walsh, as it were, Gualsh (the W. oftentimes being in steed of the Gu.) which expresses them to be Gaules rather then strangers; although in the Saxon (which is d 1.666 obserued) it was vsed for the name of Gaules, Strangers, and Barbarous perhaps in such kind as in this Kingdome the name of e 1.667 French∣man, hath by inclusion comprehended all kind of Aliens.
Was little Britaine call'd—
See a touch of this in the passage os the Virgins to the V III. Song. Others affirme, that vnder f 1.668 Constantine, of our Britons Colonies were there placed; and from some of these the name of that now Dukedome, to haue had its beginning. There be g 1.669 also that will iustifie the British name to haue been in that tract long before, and for proofe cite Dionysius h 1.670 Afer, and i 1.671 Pliny; But for the first, it is not likely that hee euer meant that Continent, but this of Ours, as the learned tell you; and for Pliny, seeing he reckons his Bri∣tons of Gaule in the confines of the now France, & lower Germany, it is as vnlike∣ly that twixt them and little Bretaigne should be any such habitude. You want not authority, affirming that Our Britons from them k 1.672, before they from ours, had deduction of this nationall title; but my beliefe admits it not. The surer opinion is to referre the name vnto those Britons, which (being expell'd the Island at the entry of the Saxons) got then new habitation in this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part, as beside other authority an expresse assertion is in an old Fragment of a
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French historie * 1.673 which you may ioyne with most worthy Camdens treatise on this matter; whither (for a learned declaration of it) I send you.
Forewarned was in dreames that of the Britons raigne.
Cadwallader driuen to forsake this land, especially by reason of plague & fa∣mine, tyrannizing among his subiects, ioyned with continuall irruptions of the English, retyred himselfe into little Bretaigne, to his cozen Alan there King:where, in a dreame he was admonisht by an Angel (I iustifie it but by the story) that a period of the British Empire was now come, and vntill time of Merlins prophecie, giuen to King Arthur, his country or posterity should haue no restitution; & further, that he should take his iourney to Rome, where, for a transitory he might receiue an eternall Kingdome. Alan, vpon report of this vision, compares it with the Eagles prophesies, the Sibylles verses, & Mer∣lin; nor found he but all were concording in praediction of this ceasing of the * 1.674 British Monarchie. Through his aduice therefore, and a prepared affection, Cadwallader takes voyage to Rome, receiued of PP. Sergius, with holy tincture, the name of Peter, and within very short time there died, his body very lately vnder Pope Gregory the XIII. was found k 1.675 buried by S. Peters Tombe, where it yet remaines; and White of Basing stoch sayes, he had a piece of his ray∣ment of a Chesnut colour, taken vp (with the corps) vncorrupted; which hee accounts, as a Romish Pupill, no slight miracle. It was added among British tra∣ditions, that, when Cadwalladers bones l 1.676 were brought into this Isle, then should the posterity of their Princes haue restitution: concerning that, you haue en∣ough to the II. Song. Obseruing concurrence of time and difference of relati∣on in the storie of this Prince, I know not well how to giue my selfe or the Rea¦der satisfaction. In Monmouth, Robert of Gloccster, Florilegus, and their follow∣ers, Cadwallader is made the sonne of Cadwallo K. of the Britons before him; but so, that he descended also from English-Saxon bloud; his mother being daugh∣ter to Penda K. of Mercland. Our Monkes call him K. of West-Saxons, successor to Kentwine, and sonne to Kenbrith. And where Caradoc Lhancaruan tels you of warres twixt Ine or Iuor (successor to Cadwallader) and Kentwine, it appeares in our Chronographers that Kentwine must be dead aboue three years before. But how soeuer these things might be reconcileable, I thinke cleerely that Cad∣wallader * 1.677 in the British, and Cedwalla K. of West-Saxons in Bede, Malmesbury, Florence, Huntingdon, and other stories of the English, are not the same, as Gef∣frey, and, out of Girald, Randall of Chester, and others since erroniously haue af∣firmed. But strongly you may hold, that Cadwallo or Caswallo, liuing about DC. XL. slaine by Oswald K. of Northumberland, was the same with Bedes first Cedwalla, whom he cals K. of Britons, and that by misconceit of his two Cedwals (the other being, almost L. years after, K. of West-Saxons) and by communica∣ting of each others attributes vpon indistinct names, without obseruation of their seuerall times, these discordant relations of them, which in storie are too palpable, had their first being. But to satisfie you in present, I keepe my selfe to the course of our ordinary stories, by reason of difficulty in finding an exact truth in all. Touching his going to Rome; thus: Some will, that he was Christi∣an before, and receiued of Sergius onely confirmation; others, that hee had there his first Baptisme, and liued not aboue a moneth after; which time (to make all dissonant) is extended to VIII. yeares in Lhancaruan. That, one K. Cedwall went to Rome, is plaine by all, with his now imposed name and buri∣all there: For his baptisme before, I haue no direct authority but in Polychroni∣con; many arguments prouing him indeed a well-willer to Christianity, but as one that had not yet receiued its holy testimony. The very phrale in most of
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our Historians is plaine that he was baptized; and so also his Epitaph then made at Rome, in part here inserted.
a 1.678 Percipiéns{que} alacer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 praemis vitae,
〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, nomen & inde suum,
Conuersus 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Petrúm{que} vocari,
Sergius antistcs, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vs ipse pater
Fonte renascontis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christi gratia purgans
Protinùs ablatum vexit in arce Polt.
This shews also his short life afterward, and agrees fully with the English story. * 1.679 His honorable affection to Religion, before his clensing marke of regenera∣tion, * 1.680 is seene in that kind respect giuen by him to Wilfrid first Bishop of Sele∣sey in Sussex; where the Episcopall See of Chichester (hither was it translated from Selesey, vnder William the Conqueror) acknowledges in publique monu∣ments, rather him founder then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the first Christian King of that Pro∣uince, from whom Cedwalla violently tooke both life and Kingdom: nor doth it lesse appeare, in that his paying Tenths of such spoyles, as by wars fortune, ac∣crued * 1.681 to his greatnes; which notwithstanding, although done by one then not receiued into the Church of eyther Testament, is not without many examples among the ancient Gentiles, who therein imitating the Hebrews, Tirhed much of their possessions, and acquired substance to such Deities as vnhallowed reli∣gion taught them to adore; which, whether they did vpon Mystery in the Number, or, therein as paying first fruits (for the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which was for A∣bels offerings, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for Melchisedechs tithes, according to that lesse * 1.682 cal∣culation in Cabalistique Concordance of identity's in different words, are of e∣quall number, and by consequent of like interpretation) I leaue to my Reader. Speaking of this, I cannot but wonder at that very wonder of learning b 1.683 Ioseph Scaliger, affirming, tithes among those Ancients onely payable to Hercules; whereas by expresse witnes of an c 1.684 old inscription at `Delphos, and the common report of Camillus, it is iustified, that both Greekes and Romans did the like to Apollo, and no lesse, among them and others together, was to Mars d 1.685 Iupiter, e 1.686 Iuno, f 1.687 and the number of Gods in generall, to whom the Athenians dedicated the Tenth part g 1.688 of Lesbos. He which the Author, after the British, cals here Iuor, is affirmed the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 K. of Westfex in our Monkish Chronicles, al∣though there be scarce any congruity twixt them in his descent. What follows is but historicall and continued succession of their Princes.
More excellent then those which our good Howel here.
For, Howel Dha first Prince of Southwales and Powis, after vpon death of his cozen Edwal Voel, of Northwales also, by mature aduise in a full Councell of Barons and Bishops, made diuers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 constitutions. By these, Wales (vn∣till Edward I.) was ruled. So some say; but the truth is, that before Ed. I conque∣red Wales, and, as it seemes, from XXVIII. but especially XXXV. of Hen. III. his Empire enlarged among them, the English Kings Writ did runne there. For when Ed. I. sent Commission to h 1.689 Reginald of Grey, Thomas Bishop of S. Dewies, and Walter of Hopton, to enquire of their customs, and by what lawes they were ruled, diuers Cases were vpon oath returned, which by, and according to; the Kingslaw, if it were betweene Lords or the Princes themselues, had beene de∣termined; if betweene Tenants, then by the Lords seising it into his hands, vn∣till discouery of the title in his Court; but also that none were decided by the lawes of Howel Dha. Of them, in Lhuya's annotations to the Welsh Chronicle,
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you haue some particulars, and in the Roule which hath aided me. Touching those other of Molmutius and Martia, somewhat to the IX. Song.
Vsto subiection stoup, or makes vs Britons beare Th'vnweldy Norman yoake—
Snowdon properly speakes all for the glory of his country, and followes sup∣positions of the British storie, discording herein with ours. For in Matthew Paris, and Florileg us vnder the yeare CIO. LXXVIII. I read that the Conqueror subdued Wales, and tooke homage and hostages of the Princes; so of Hen. I. CIO. C. XIII. Hen. II. in CIO. C. LVII. and other times; Of this Hen. II. hath beene vnderstood that prophecie of Merlin, When the freckle fac't Prince (so was the King) passes ouer, * 1.690 Khyd Pencarn, then should the Welsh forces be weakned. For hein this expedition against Rees ap Gryffith into South-Wales, comming mounted neere that Foord in Glamorgan, his Steed madded with sudden sound of Trumpets, on the banke violently, out of the purposed way, carries him through the Ford: which compar'd with that of Merlin gaue to the British ar∣mieno small discomfiture; as a i 1.691 Cambro-Briton, then liuing, hath deliuered. But, that their stories and ours are so different in these things, it can be no mar∣uell to any that knowes how often it is vsed among k 1.692 Historians, to flatter their owne nation, and wrong the honor of their enemies. See the first note here for Rufus his time.
And from the English Power the Emperiall Standard tooke.
Henry of Essex, at this time Standard bearer to Hen. II. in a straight at Coun∣sylth neere Flint, cast downe the Standard, thereby animating the Welsh, and discomfiting the English, adding much danger to the dishonor. He was after∣ward accused by Robert of Montfort, of a trayterous designe in the action. To cleere himselfe, he challenges the combat: they both, with the royall assent and iudiciall course by law of armes, enter the lists, where Montfort had the victory, and Essex pardoned for his life; but forfeyting l 1.693 all his substance, en∣tred Religion, and profest in the Abbey of Reding, where the combat was per∣formed. I remember a great m 1.694 Clerke of those times sayes, that Montfort spent a whole night of deuotions to S. Denis (so I vnderstand him, although his copie seeme corrupted) which could make Champtons inuincible; whereto he referres the successe. That it was vsuall for Combatants to pray ouer night to seuerall Saints, is plaine by n 1.695 our Law-annals.
Or any eare had heard the sound of Florida.
About the yeare CIO. C. LXX. Madoc, brother to Dauid ap Owen, Prince of Wales, made this Sea voyage; and, by probability, those names of Capo de Bre∣ton in Norumbeg, and Pengwin in part of the Northerne America, for a white Rocke and a white headed Bird, according to the British, were reliques of this discouery. So that the Welsh may challenge priority, of finding that new world, before the Spaniard, Genoway, and all other mentioned in Lopez, Mari∣naeus, Cortez, and the rest of that kind.
And with that Croggins name let th'English vs disgrace.
The first cause of this name, take thus: In one of Henry the II. his expedi∣tions
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into Wales, diuers of his Campesent to assay a passage ouer Offa's-Dike, at Crogen Castle were entertained with preuention by British forces, most of them there slaine, and, to present view, yet lying buried. Afterward, this a 1.696 word Crogen, the English vsed to the Welsh, but as remembring cause of reuenge for such a slaughter, although time hath made it vsuall in ignorant mouthes for a disgracefull attribute.
To his vnbridled will our neckes we neuer bow'd.
Sufficiently iustifiable is this of K. Iohn, although our Monkes therein not much discording from British relation, deliuer, that he subdued all Wales; e∣specially this Northern * 1.697 part vnto Snowdon, and receiu'd XX. hostages for sure∣ty of future obedience. For, at first, Lhewelin ap Iorwerth P. of North-Wales, had by force ioyn'd with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gem the better hand, and compeld the English Campeto victuall themselues with Horse-flesh; but afterward indeed vpon a second rode made into Wales, K. Iohn had the conquest. This compared with those changes ensuing vpon the Popes wrongfull vncrowning him, his Ba∣rons rebellion, and aduantages in the meane time taken by the Welsh, proues onely that, his winnings here were little better then imaginary, as on a Tra∣gique Stage. The stories may, but it fits not me to informe you of large parti∣culars.
As Fate had spar'dour fall till Edward Longshankes raigne.
But withall obserue the truth of Storie in the meane time. Of all our Kings vntill Iohn, somewhat you haue already. After him, Hen. III. had warres with Lhewelin ap Iorwerth; who (a most worthy Prince) desiring to blesse his feebler dayes, with such composed quiet, as inclining age affects, at last put himselfe into the Kings protection. Within short space dying, lest all to his sonnes, Dauid and Gruffyth; but Dauid onely being legitimat, had title of gouern¦ment. He by Charter b 1.698 submits himselfe and his Principality to the English Crowne, acknowledges that hee would stand to the iudgement of the Kings Court, in controuersies twixt his brother and himselfe, and that what portions soeuer wereso allotted to eyther of them, they would hold of the Crownein Chiefe; and briefly makes himselfe and his Barons (they ioyning in doing ho∣mage) Tenants, and subiects of England. All this was confirmed by oth, but the oth, through fauour, purchast at Rome, and delegat authority in that kind to the Abbots of Cowey and Remer, was (according to perswasion of those times, the more easily induced, because gaine of Regallliberty was the consequent) soone released, and in lieu of obedience, they all drew their rebellious swords; whereto they were the sonner vrged, for that the King had transferr'd the Prin∣cipality * 1.699 of Wales (by name of vn à cum Conquestu nostro Walliae) to Pr. Edward Long shankes (afterward Edward I.) since when our Soueraignes eldest sonnes haue borne that hopefull Title. But when this Edward, after his father, succee∣ded in the English Crowne, soone came that fatall conuersion, here spoken of by the Author, euen executed in as great and worthy a Prince, as euer that third part of the Isle was ruled by; that is Lhewelin ap Gruffyth, who (after vncertaine fortune of warre, on both sides, and reuolting of Southwales) was constrained to * 1.700 enter a truce (or rather subiection) resigning his Principality to be annexed wholly to the Crown, after his death, and reseruing, for his life only, the Isle of Anglesey and fiue Baronies in Snowdon, for which the Kings Exchequer should receiue a yearely rent of CIO. Markes, granting also that all the Baronies in Wales should bee held of the King, excepting those fiue reserued, with diuers
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other particulars in Walsingham, Matthew of Westminster, Nicholas Triuet, and Humfrey Lhuyd, at large reported. The Articles, of this instrument were not long obserued, but at length the death of Lhewelin, spending his last breath for maintenance of his Ancestors rights against his owne couenant, freely cast vpon K. Edward all that, whereof he was, as it were instituted there. What en∣sued, and how Wales was gouerned afterward, and subiect to England, Stories and the Statute of a 1.701 Ruthlan will largely shew you; and see what I haue to the VII. Song. In all that followes concerning Edward of Carnaruan, the Author is plaine enough. And concluding, obserue this proper personating of Snow∣don Hill, whose limits and adiacent territories are best witnesses, both of the English assaults, and pacifying couenants betweene both Princes.
Was call'd in former times her country Cambria's mother.
In the Welsh Prouerb * 1.702 mon mam symbry b 1.703, in such sense as Sicile was stiled Italies c 1.704 Store-house, by reason of fertile ground, and plentious liberality of corne thence yearely supplied. And Girald tels me, that this little Isle was wont to be able to furnish all Wales with such prouision, as Snowdon Hills were for Pasture. Of its antiquities and particulars, with plaine confutation of that idle opinion in Polydore, Hector Boethius, and others, taking the (now cald) Isle of Man for this Mon (now Anglesey) learned Lhuyd in his Epistle to Orte∣lius hath sufficient. Although it be diuided as an Isle (but rather by a shallow Forde, then a Sea: and in the Roman times, we see by Tacitus, that Paulinus and Agricola's souldiers swamme ouer it) yet is it, and of ancient time hath beene, a County by it selfe, as Caernaruan, Denbigh, and the rest neighbouring.
That the Eubonian Man, a Kingdome long time knowne.
It is an Isle lying twixt Cumberland, and the Irish Doun County, almost in the mid-Sea, as long since Iulius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could affirme, calling it d 1.705 Mona, which be∣ing equiualent, as well for this, as for Anglesey, hath with imposture blinded some knowing men. Nennius (the eldest Historian amongst vs extant) giues it the name of Eubonia-manay, like that here vsed by the Author. It was of an∣cient time gouerned by Kings of its owne, as you may see in the Chronicle of Russin, deduced from time of S. Edward, into the raigne of Edward the se∣cond. After this, the gouernment of the English and Scots were now and then interchanged in it, being at last recouered, and with continuance, ruled by such as the fauour of our Soueraignes (to whose Crowne e 1.706 it belonged) honoured with that title King of Man. It is at this day, and since time of Henry IIII. hath p 1.707 beene, in that Noble family of the Stanley's Earles of Derby; as also is the patronage of the Bishoprique of Sodor, whereto is all iudiciall gouernement of the Isle refer'd. There was long since a Controuersie, whether it belonged to Ireland or England (for you may see in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 g 1.708 law, with which, in that kind, ours somewhat agrees, that all lesser Isles are reckoned part of some ad∣ioyning continent, if both vnder the same Empire) and this by reason of the equall distance from both. To decide it, they tryed if it would endure vene∣mous beasts, which is certainly denied of Ireland; and, finding that it did, h 1.709 ad∣iudged it to our Britaine. The other Isles here spoken of, lie further North by Scotland, and are to it subiect.
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The fearles British Priests vnder an aged Oake.
He means the Druids; because they are indeed, as he cals them, British Priests, & that this Island was of old their Mother: whence, as from a Seminary, Gaule was furnisht with their learning. Permit me some space more largely to satisfie you in their NAME, PROFESSION, SACRIFICE, PLACES of Assembling, and lastly, SVBVERSION. The name of Druids hath beene drawne from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. an Oake, because of their continuall a 1.710 vsing that Tree as su∣perstitiously hallowed: according as they are call'd also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or b 1.711 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which likewise, in Greeke, is OldOakes. To this compare the British word Derw of the same signification, and, the Originall here sought for, will seeme surely found. But one, c 1.712 that deriues all from Dutch, and prodigiously supposes that the first tonguespoken, makes them so stiled from Crow wis. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 truely wise, so expressing their nature in their name. Nor is this without good reason of coniecture (if the ground were true) seeing that their like in proportion among the Iewes and Gentiles were call'd (vntill Pythagoras his tirne) VVise-man * 1.713, and afterward by him turn'd into the name of Philosophers. i. Louers of wisedome; and perhaps the old Dutch was, as some learned thinke, communicated to Gaule, and from thence hither; the coniecture being somewhat aided in that attribute which they haue in Pomponius d 1.714, calling them Masters of wisedome. A late great e 1.715 Scholler drawes it from Trutin, in an old Dutch copy of the Gos∣pel, signifying, as he saies, God; which might be giuen them by Hyperboly of super∣stitious reuerence: nay, we see that it is iustifiable by holy Writ, so to call great Magistrates and Iudges; as they were among the people. But that word Tru∣tin or Truchtin in the old Angelicall salutation, Zacharies Song, and Simeons, published by Vulcan, is alwayes Lord; as this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 li truehtin got 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, and so in the Saxon ten Commandements, Ic 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dnihten 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God. i. I am the Lord thy God. These are the etymologies which sauor of any iudgement. To speake of King Druis or Sarron, which that f 1.716 Dominican Frier hath cozened vulgar credulity withall, and thence fetch their name, according to Doctor White of Basingstoke, were with him to suffer, and, at once, offer imposture. Of them all, I incline to the first, seeing it meets in both tongues Greeke and British; and somewhat the rather too, because An∣tiquity did crowne their infernall Deities, (and from Dis, if you trust 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Gaules, and by consequence our Britons, vpon tradition of these Priests, drew their descent) with Oake; as g 1.717 Sophocles hath it of Hecate, and * 1.718 Catullus of the three Destinies. Neyther will I desire you to spend conceit vpon examinati∣on of that supposition which makes the name h 1.719 corrupted from Durcergliis, which in Scottish were such as had a holy charge committed to them; where∣vpon, perhaps, Bale sayes S. Columban was the chiefe of the Druids: I reckon that among the infinit Fables and grosse absurdities, which its Author hath, without iudgement, stuft himselfe withall. For their PROFESSION, it was both of learning Profane and Holy (I speake in all, applying my words to their times:) They sate as Iudges, and determined all causes emergent, ciuill and criminall, subiecting the disobedient, and such as made default to inter∣dicts, and censures, prohibiting them from sacred asseniblies, taking away their capacities in honorable offices, and so disabling them, that (as our now Out-lawes, excommunicats, and attainted persons) they might not com∣mence suit against any man. In a multitude of verses they deliuered what they taught, not suffering it to be committed to writing, so imitating both Cabalists, Pythagoreans and ancient * 1.720 Christians; but vsed in other priuat and publique busines Greeke letters, as Caesars copies haue: but hereof see more to the X.
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Song. Their more priuat and sacred learning consisted in Diuinity, and Phi∣losophy (see some what of that to the I Song,) which was such, that although I thinke you may truely say with Origen a 1.721, that, before our Sauiours time, Bri∣tain acknowledged not one true God, yet it came as neere to what they should haue done, or rather neerer, then most of other eyther Greeke or Roman, as by their positions in Casar, Strabe, Lucan, and the like discoursing of them, you may be satisfied. For although Apollo, Mars, and Mercury were worshipt a∣mong the vulgar Gaules, yet it appeares that the Druids inuocation was to one b 1.722 All-healing or All sauing power. In Morality, their instructions, were so per∣swasiue, and themselues of such reuerence, that the most fiery rage of Mars kindled among the people, was by their graue counsels c 1.723 often quenched. Out of Pliny receiue their forme of rituall SACRIFICE (here described by the Author) thus: In such gloomy shadows, as they most vsually for contempla∣tion retired their ascending thoughts into, after exact search, finding an Oake, whereon a Mistletoe grew, on the VI. day of the Moone (aboue all other times) in which, was beginning of their yeare, they religiously and with inuoca∣tion brought with them to it a ceremoniall banquet, materials for sacrifice, with two white Bulles, filleted on the hornes, all which they plac'd vnder the Oake. One of them, honoured with that function, clothed all in white, climbs the tree, and with a golden Knife or Sith cuts the Mistletoe, which they so∣lemnly wrapt in one of their white garments. Then did they sacrifice the Buls, earnestly calling on the * 1.724 All-healing Deity, to make it prosperous and happy on whom soeuer they shal bestow it, and accounted it both preseruatiue against all Poisons, and a remedy against Barrennes. If I should imagine by this All∣healing Deity, to be meant Apollo, whom they worshipt vnder name of Belin (as I tel you to the VIII. Song) my couiecture were euery way receiueable; seeing that Apollo d 1.725 had both among Greeks and Latins the Diuine titles of * 1.726 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Medicus, and to him the inuocation was * 1.727 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all concurring in the same proofe; but also if they had (as probability is enough to coniecture it) an Altar inscrib'd for this deuotion, and vsed Greek letters (which to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Song shall be somwhat examined) I could well think the dedication thus conceiu'd.
* 1.728 〈◊〉〈◊〉,.
〈◊〉〈◊〉,.
〈◊〉〈◊〉
OR,
* 1.729 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
Which, very probably, was meant by some, making in Latin termination, and neerer Apollo's name
* 1.730 DEO
ABELLIONI.
As, an Inscription, in Gaule, to abiding memory committed by that most no∣ble Ioseph e 1.731 Scaliger is red; and perhaps some reliques or allusion to this name is in that
DEO
SANCTO BELA∣TVCADRO......
Yet remayning in f 1.732 Cumberland. Nor is it strange that Apollo's name should be
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thus farre of ancient time, before communication of Religion twixt these Northerne parts and the learned Gentiles, seeing that Casar affirmes him for one of their Deities; and, long before that, Abarts (about the beginning of the g 1.733 Olympiads) an Hyperborean is recorded for h 1.734 Apollo's Priest among the vtmost Scythians, being further from Hellenisme then our Britisb. But I returne to the Mistle: Hereto hath some referred i 1.735 that which the Sibyll counsell'd AEneas to carrie with him to Proserpine 5
—* 1.736 latet arbore opacâ
Aureus & folijs & lento vimine ramus
Iunoni infernae dictus sacer: bunc tegit omnis
Lucus, & obscuris claudunt conuallibus vmbrae.
Which may as well be so applied, as to k 1.737 Chymistry; seeing it agrees also with what I spake before of Dis, and that, Virgil expresly compares it to the Mistle,
—* 1.738 quod non suaseminat arbos.
for it springs out of some particular Nature of the Oaken stemme, wherupon it is called by an old Poet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and although it be not ordinarily found * 1.739 vpon Oakes, yet, that of times it is, any Apothecary can tell, which preserueth it for medicine, as the Ancients vsed to make Lime of it to catch birds: of which l 1.740 Argentarius hath an admonitory Epigram to a Blacke-bird, that she should not sing vpon the Oake, because that
—* 1.741 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
but on the Vine, dedicated to Bacchus, a great fauorit of Singers. Vpon this Druidian custome m 1.742, some haue grounded that vnto this day vsed in France, where the yonger country fellowes, about New-yeares tide in euery Village giue the wish of good fortune at the Inhabitants dores, with this acclamati∣on, * 1.743 Au guy l'an neuf; which, as I remember, in Rablais is read all one word, for the same purpose. Whether this had any community with the institution of that n 1.744 Temple * 1.745 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Antiun, or that Ouid alluded to it in that verse, commonly cited out of him,
At (some read ad) Viscum Druide, Viscum clamare solebant;
I cannot assure you, yet it is enough likely. But I see a custome in some parts among vs, in our language (nor is the digression too faulty) the same in effect; I meane the yearely was-haile in the country on the vigil of the New yeare, which had its beginning, as some p 1.746 say from that of Ronix (Daugh∣ter to Hengist) her drinking to Vortigern, by these wordes * 1.747 Louero king was-heil, he answering her by direction of an Interpreter, Drinc-heile, and q 1.748 then,
Kuste hire and sitte hirc adoune and glad dronke hire heil
And that was tho in this land the berst was hail
As in langage of Saroyne that mt might euere iwite
And so wel he paith the folc about, that he is not yut voryute.
Afterward it appeares that was-haile and Drinc-heil were the vsuall phrases of * 1.749 quassing among the English, as we see in r 1.750 Thomas de la Moore, and before him that old s 1.751 Hauillan, thus:
Ecce vagante cifo distento gutture wass-heil
Ingeminant wass-heil—
But I rather coniecture it a vsuall ceremony among the Saxons before Hen∣gist, as a nore of health-wishing (and so perhaps you might make it wish-heil)
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which was exprest among other nations in that form of drinking to the Health of their Mistresses and friends,
Bene * 1.752 ves, benè nos, benè te, benè me, benè 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Stephanium.
in * 1.753 Plautus, and infinit other testimonies of that nature (in him Martiall, Ouid, Horace, and such more) agreeing neerely with the fashion now vsed; we calling it a Health, as * 1.754 they did also in direct termes; which, with an Idoll call'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉, anciently worshipt, at Cerne in a 1.755 Dorsetshire, by the English Savens, in name expresses both the ceremony of Drinking, and the New years acclama∣tion (whereto in some parts of this Kingdome is ioyn'd also solemnity of drin∣king out of a * 1.756 cup, ritually compos'd deckt, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with countrey 〈◊〉〈◊〉) iust as much & as the same 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that All-healing 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 medicine did among the Druids. Yo may to al this adde, that, as an Earnest of good luck to follow the New-yeare beginning, it was x 1.757 vsuall among the Romans, as with vs and I thinke, in all Europe, at this day is, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 each other with auspici∣ous gifts. But hereof you say I vnfitly expatiat: I omit, therefore their sacri∣ficing of humane bodies, and such like, and come to the PLACES of their assembly. This was about Chartres in Gaule, as Caesar telsvs; Poul Merula (for affinity of name) imagines it to be Dreux, some eight miles on this side Char∣tres. And peraduenture the Galatians publique Councell called y 1.758 Drymene∣tum had hence Originall. The British Druids tooke this Isle of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (then well stored with thicke Woods, and religious Groues, in so much that it was called * 1.759 〈◊〉〈◊〉) for their chieferesidence; as, in the Roman z 1.760 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Paulinus and Agricola's aduenturing on it, is deliuered. For their SVBVER∣SION; vnder Augustus and Tiberius they were prohibited a 1.761 Rome; and Clau∣dius', endeuoured it in b 1.762 Gaule; yet in the succeeding Emperors times there were of them left, as appeares in Lampridius and Vopisous, mentioning them in their liues; and, long since that, Procopius c 1.763 writing vnder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aboue D. yeares after Christ, affirmes that then the Gaules vsed sacrifices of human 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which was a part of Druidian doctrin. If I should vpon testimony d 1.764 of, I know not what, Veremund Campbell and the Irish Cornill, tell you that some CLX. yeares before Christ, Finnan K. of Scotland first gaue them the Isle, or that K. Crathlint in Diocletians persecution, turned their Religion into Christianisme, and made Ampbibalus first Bishop of Sodor, I should fabuleusly abusetime, as they haue ignotantly mistooke that Isle of Man, for this. Or to speake of the supposed their 〈◊〉〈◊〉. t. a Pentagonall figure, ingrauen with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (it is the same, in fashion, with the victorious seale of Antiochus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 e 1.765, being admonished by Alexander in a dreame, to take it) which in Germany they rec∣kon for a preseruatiue against Hobgoblins, were but to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 olde wiues traditions. Onely thus much for a corollary, I will note to you; Conrad f 1.766 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obserues, to be in an Abbey at the foot of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hil, neer Vottland, six Statues, of stone, set in the Church-wall, some VII. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 euery one tall, bare head and foote, cloakt and hooded, with a bagge, a booke, a staffe, a beard hanging to his middle, and spreading a Mustachio, an austere looke and eyes fixt on the earth; which he coniectures to be Images of them. Vpon mis∣taking of Strabo, and applying what he saith in generall, and bracelets and gold chaines of the Gaules, to the Druids, I once thought that Courad had beene deceiued. But I can now vpon better aduice incline to his iudgement.
Which with my Princes Court I sometimes pleas'd to grace.
For, as in Southwales, Caermardhin, and afterward Dineuomr; in Powis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and then Mathraual, so in Northwales was 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in Anglesey, chiefe place of the Princes g 1.767 residence.
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Least (by reason of the Composition in Print) some pages should haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 idle, and because also here is so much of the Welsh Storie, I inserted this Chronologie of the Kings and Princes of Wales, from Arthur, vntill the end of the British bloud in them.
- D. XVI.
- Arthur succeeded his father Vther Pendragon: of his death, see to the III. Song.
- D. XLII.
- Constantine, sonne to Cador Duke of Cornwall (vn∣derstand * 1.768 Gouernor or L. Lieutenant; for, neither in those times nor long after, was any such title particularly Ho∣norary:) he lies buried at 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
- DXLV.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Conan.
- D. LXXVIII.
- Vortipor.
- D. LXXXI.
- Malgo.
- D. LXXXVI.
- Catheric. In his time the Britons had much aduerse fortune in Warre with the Saxons; and then, most of all, made that secession into Wales and Cornwal, yet in name retayning hereof remembrance.
- About DC.
- Cadwan.
- About DC. XXX.
- Cadwalin or Cadwallo: the Britons as in token of his Powerfull resistance and dominion against the Saxons, put * 1.769 him, being dead, into a brazen Horse, and set it on the top of the West gate of London; it seemes he means Ludgate.
- DC. LXXVI.
- Cadwallader, sonne to Cadwallo. Of him and his name, see before. Nor thinke I the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and English Chro∣nicles, concerning him, reconcileable. In him the chief Monarchy and Glory of the British failed.
- DC. LXXXVIII.
- Iuor sonne to Alan, K. of Armorique Britaine. This Iuor they make (but I examine it not now) Ine K. of West-Saxons in our Monkes; that is, he which began the Pee∣ter-pence to Rome.
- DCC. XX.
- Roderique Molwinoc sonne of Edwal * 1.770 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
- DCC. LV.
- Conan Tindaet 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sonne of Roderique.
- Neer DCCC. XX.
- Meruin Vrich, in right of his wife Esylht, daughter and heire to Roderique.
- DCCC. XLIII.
- Roderique Mawr, sonne to Mervin and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. A∣mong his sonnes was the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 diuision of Wales (as to the VII. Song) into Powise, North, and Southwales.
- DCCC. LXXVII.
- Anarawd sonne to Roderique.
- DCCCC. XIII.
- Edward Voel, sonne of Anarawd.
- DCCCC. XL.
- Howel Dha, cozen German to Edwal, hauing, before,
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- DCCCC. XL VIII.
- Ieuaf and Iago, sonnes of Edwal Vocl.
- DCCCC. LXXXII
- Howel ap Ieuaf.
- DCCCC. XXCIV.
- Cadwalhon ap Ieuaf.
- DCCCC. XXCVI.
- Meredith ap Owen.
- DCCCC. XCII.
- Edwal ap Metric.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. III.
- AEdan ap Blegored.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉 XV.
- Lhewelin ap 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. XXI.
- Iago ap Edwal ap Meyric.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. XXXVII.
- Gruffyth ap Lhewelin.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉 LXI.
- Blethin and Rhywallon ap Conuin.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. LXXIII.
- Trahaern ap Caradoc.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. LXXVIII.
- Gruffyth ap Conan. He reform'd the Welsh Poets and Minstrels, and brought ouer others out of Ireland to in∣struct the Welsh, as to the IV. Song.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. XXXVII.
- Owen Gwineth ap Gruffyth ap Conan.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. LXIX.
- Dauid ap Owen Gwineth. In his time, Madoc his bro∣ther discouered part of the West Indies.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. XCIV.
- Lhewelin ap Iorwerth ap Owen Gwineth.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. XL.
- Dauid ap Lhewelin ap Iorwerth.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. XLVI.
- Lhewelin ap Gruffyth ap Lhewelin ap Iorwerth; the last Prince of Wales of the British bloud.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. LXXXII.
- Ed. 1. Conquered Wales, and got the Principality, Lhewelin then slaine; and since that (Henry III. before gaue it also to his sonne Prince Edward) it hath beene in the eldest sonnes, and heires apparant of the English Crowne.
But note, that after the Diuision among Roderique Mawr's sonnes, the Prin∣cipality was chiefly in Northwales, and the rest as Tributary to Prince of that Part: and for him as supreme K. of Wales, are all these deductions of time and Persons, vntill this last Lhewelin.
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The tenth Song.
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Illustrations.
REturning into the land, the Muse leads you about Denbigh and Flint, most Northerne and Maritim shires of Wales; which conclude these seauen last bookes dedicated to the glory of that third part of Great Britaine.
Prophetique Merlin Sate, when to the British King.
In the first declining State of the British Empire (to explane the Author in this of Merlin) Vortigern, by aduice of his Magicians, after diuers vnfortunat successes in warre, resolued to erect a strong Fort in Snowdon hils (not far from Conwey's head in the edge of Merioneth) which might be as his last and surest Refuge, against the increasing power of the English. Masons were appointed, and the worke begun; but what they built in the day, was alwayes swallowed vp in the earth next, night. The King askes counsell of his Magicians, touching this prodigie: they aduise that he must finde out a childe which had no father,
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and with his, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sprinkle the stones and motter, and that then the Castle would stand as on a firme foundation. Search was made, and in Caer-Merahin (as you haue it to the V. Song) was Merlin Ambrose found: he, being hither brought to the King, slighted that pretended skill of those Magicians as pallia∣ted ignorance; and with confidence of a more knowing spirit, vndertakes to shew the true cause of that amazing ruine of the stone-worke; tels them that in the earth was a great water, Which could endure continuance of no heauy super∣struction. The workmen digged to discover the truth, & found it so. He then be∣seeches the King to cause them make further inquisition, & affirms, that in the bottome of it were two sleeping Dragons: which proued so likewise, the one white, the other red; the white he interpreted for the Saxons, the red for the Bri∣tons: and vpon this euent here in a 1.789 Dinas Emrys, as they call it, began he those prophecies to Vortigern, which are common in the British storie. Hence questionles was that Fiction of the Muses best pupil, the noble Spenser b 1.790, in sup∣posing Merlin vsually to visit his old Timon, whose dwelling he places
—low in a valley greene
Vnder the foot of Rauran mossie hore
From whence the Riuer Dee as siluer cleene
His tumbling billows rols with gentle rore.
For this Rauran-Vaur hill is there by in Merioneth: but obserue with-all, the difference of the Merlins, Ambrose, and Syluester, which is before to the IV Song; and permit it, only as Poeticall, that he makes K. Arthur and this Mer∣lin of onetime. These prophecies were by Geffrey ap Arthur at request of Alex∣ander Bishop of Lincolne vnder Hen. I. turned into Latine, and some CCC. years * 1.791 since had interpretation bestowed on them by a German Doctor, one Alanus de Insulis, who neuer before, but twice since that happy inauguration & migh∣ty increase of Dominion in our Present Soueraigne hath beene imprinted. It is certaine that oftimes they may be directly and without constraint applyed to some euent of succeeding time; as that which we haue before to the V. Song of Caerleon, and this, the Isle shall againe be named after Brute; which is now seene by a publique Edict, and in some of his Maiesties present Coins, and with more * 1.792 such: yet seeing learned c 1.793 men account him but a professor of vniustifiable Ma∣gique, and that all prophecies eyther fall true, or else are among the affecters of such vanity perpetually expected, and that of later time the Councell of Trent haue by their Expurgatories prohibited it, I should abuse you, if I ende∣uored to perswade your 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to to conceit of a true foreknowledge in him.
And the delicious Vale thus mildly doth be speake.
If your conceit yet see not the purpose of this Fiction, then thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it. This Vale of Cluid (for so is the English of Dyphryn Clwyd.) extended from the middle of Denbigh-shire to the Sea, about XVIII. miles long, and some V. in bredth, hauing those three excellencies, a fertile soile, healthful 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & pleasant seat for habitation, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 through the middle with this Riuer, and encompast on the East, West, and South with high Mountaines, freely receiues the whol∣some blasts of the Northwinde (much accounted of among builders and Geo∣poniques for immission of pure ayre) comming in from that part which lies open to the Sea: whereupon the Muse very properly makes the Vale here 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his beloued; and in respect of his violence against the waters, supposeth him iealous of Neptune; whose rauishing waues in that troubled Irish Sea and the deprest state of the Valley warrants it. And for that of Moluennils loue to the Riuer, wantonly running by him; I know your conceit cannot but ap∣prehend it.
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That naturally remote six British miles from Sea.
It is in the Parish of Kilken in Flintshire, where it ebbeth d 1.794 and floweth in di∣rect opposit times to the Sea, as the Author describes; they call it e 1.795 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Such a one is there about a furlong from the Seuerne Sea, by Newton in f 1.796 Glamorganshire, and another ebbing and flowing (but with the common course of the Moone, ascending or setting) by Dineuor g 1.797 in Caermerdhinshire. Nor thinke I any reasons more difficult to be giuen, then those which are most specially hidden, and most frequently strange in particular qualities of Flouds, Welles, and Springs; in which (before all other) Nature seemes as if she had, for mans wonder, affected a not intelligible variety, so different, so remote from conceit of most piercing wits; and such vnlookt for operations both of their first and second qualities (to vse the Schoole phrase of them) are in euery Chronographer, Naturalist, and Historian.
Yet to the scared fount of Winifrid giues place.
At Haliwell a Maritime village, neere Basingwerke in Flint, is this Winifreds Well, whose sweetnes in the Mosse, wholsomnes for bath, and other such vsefull qualities, haue beene referred to her martyrdome in this place. But D. Powel vpon Girald, in effect thus: Hen. II. in his first Welsh expedition fortified the Castle of Basingwerke, and, neere by, made a Cell for Templers, which continued there vntill their dissolution vnder * 1.798 Edward II. and was after conuerted to a neast of lubberly Monkes, whose superstitious honouring her, more then truth caused this dedication of the Fountaine; so much to their profit (in a kinde of merchandize then, too shamefully in request) that they had large guerdons (it belonging to the Celle) of those, which had there any medi∣cine, beside increasing rents which accrued to them yearely out of Pardons to such as came thither in solemne Pilgrimage. This title of exaction they pur∣chast of PP. Martin V. vnder Henry the V. and added more such gaigning pre∣tences to themselues in time of Hen. VII. by like authority; nor, vntill the more cleere light of the Gospell, yet continuing its comfortable beams among vs, dissipated those foggie mists of error and smoake-selling imposture, ended these collected reuenewes. The Author followes the Legend; but obserue times compared, and you shall find no mention of this Well, and the healthfull operations of it, vntill long after the supposed time of S. Winifreds martyrdom.
That figure of the Crosse of which it takes the name.
Deprest among Mountaines this Valley expresses the forme of a Crosse, and so is call'd the Crosse vale, and in British Lhan Cwest.
To whom eight lesser Kings with homage did resort.
Vpon comparing our Stories. I find them to be Kenneth of Scotland, Mal∣colme of Cumberland, Malcuze K. of the Isles (whom Malmesbury giues onely the name of Archpirat) Donald, Siffreth, Howel, Iago, and Inchithill Kings of Wales. All these, he (thus toucht with imperious affection of glory) sitting at the Sterne, compelled to row him ouer Dee; his greatnes as well in fame as truth, daily at this time increasing, caus'd multitudes of aliens, to admire and visit his Court, as a place honored aboue all other by this so mighty and wor∣thy a Prince: and, through that abundant confluence, such vitious courses fol∣lowed
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by example, that, euen now was the age, when first the more simple and frugall natures, of the English, grew infected with what (in some part) yet we languish. For, before his time, the Angles hither traduc'd, being * 1.799 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and vsing, naturals simplicitate sua defensare, aliena non mirart, did now learn from the stranger-Saxons an vnciuill kind of fiercenes, of the Flemings effemi∣nacy, of the Danes drunkennes, and such other; which so increast, that, for a∣mendment of the last, the King was driuen to constitute quantities in quasfing boules by little pinnes of metall, set at certaine distances, beyond which, none durst swallow in that prouccation of good fellowship.
As thou, the Q. of Isles, great Britaine—
Both for excellence in soile and ayre, as also for large continent she hath this 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And although in ancientest time of the Greekes (that hath any story or Chorography) Sardinia was accounted the h 1.800 greatest Isle, and by some Sicily, as the oldverses of the i 1.801 Seauen tell vs, and that by k 1.802 Ptolemy the East-Indian Tapo∣bran, now called Sumatra, had preheminence of quantity before this of ours; yet certainly, by comparison of that with this, eyther according to the mea¦sure tooke of it by Onesicrit l 1.803 vpon Alexanders commandement, or what later time teaches vs, we cannot but affirme with the Author here in substance, that
— * 1.804 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
as, long since, Dionysius Afer of our Britaine, which hath giuen cause to call it Another world, as the attributes of it in Virgill, Horace, Claudian, and others iustifie.
And learning long with vs ere'twas with them in vse.
For the Druids, being in profession very proportionat in many things to Cabalistique and Pythagorean doctrine, may well be suppos'd much ancienter then any that had ncte of learning among the Romans, who m 1.805 before Liuius Salinator, and Naeuius, Ennius, Pacuuius, Accius, and others, not much prece∣ding Caesar, can scarce shew steps of Poesie, nor before Fabius Pictor, Valerius Antias, and some such now left onely in their names (although by pretence of Annius there be a piece of Pictor published) can produce the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a story; whereas we haue n 1.806 some that make that supposed eldest Historian (of the Gen∣tiles) extant, Dares Phrygius, trauslated by Cornelius Nepos, and dedicated to Sa∣lust, to haue liued here, but indeed vpon no such warrant, as I dare trust.
Our Geffrey Monmouth first our Brutus to deuise.
It was so laid to Geffrey's charge (he was Bishop of S. Asaphs, vnder K. Stephen) by Iohn of Whethamsted, Abbot of S. Albons, William Petit, call'd William of Newborough and some other: but plainly (let the rest of his storie, and the parti∣culars of Brute be as they can) the name of Brute was long before him in Welsn (out of which his storie was partly translated) & Latin testimonies of the Britains, as I haue, for the Author, more largely spoken, to the I. Song. And (a little to continue my first iustification, for this time) why may not we as well think that many stories & relations, anciently written here, haue been by the Picts, Scots, Romans, Danes, Saxons & Normaus, deuoured vp from poslerity, which perhaps, had they bin left to vs, would haue ended this controuersie? Shall we doubt of what Liuy, Polybius, Halicarnasseus, Plutarch, Strabo, and many others haue had out of Fabius, Antias, Chereas, Solylus, Ephorus, Theopompus, Cato, Quadrigari∣us, with infinit other, now lost, writers, because we see not the selfe Authors? No,
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Time hath ransackt more pretious things, and euen those superexcellent books, wherein that incomparable Solomon wrote from the Cedar to the Hys∣sop, were (vpon feare of the facile multitudes too much respecting naturall causes in them diuinely handled) by K. Ezechias supprest from succeeding ages, if my c 1.807 Authority deceiue not. So that the losse in this, and all kinds, to the Common-wealth of letters, hath beene so grieuous and irreparable, that wee may well imagine, how errour of conceit in some enuie in others, and hostile inuasion hath bereft vs of many monuments most precious in all sorts of lite∣rature, if we now enioy'd their instructing vse: and to conclude, the antiquities of these Originall ages are like those of Rome, betweene it built and burnt by the Gaules; * 1.808 cum vetustate nimiâ obscurae, velut quae (as d 1.809 Liuy sayes) magno ex interuallo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉: tum quod perrarae, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eadem tempora Literae fuêre, vna custodia fidelis memoriae rerum gestarum; &, quod etiam, si quae in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pontificum aliss{que} publicis priuatis{que} 〈◊〉〈◊〉 monument is, incensa vrbe, plera{que} interiere. But all this in effect the Muse tels you in the VI. Canto.
To letters neuer would their mysteries commit.
What they taught their Schollers for matter of law, Heathenish Religion, and such learning as they here were presidents of, was deliuered e 1.810 only by word of mouth; and, lest memory vnused might so faile, they permitted not com∣mission, of their Lectures and instructions, to the cuslody of writing, but deli∣uered all in a multitude of Verses and Pythagorean precepts, exactly imitating the Cabalists; which, vntill of late time, wrote not, but taught and learned by mouth and diligent hearing of their Rabbins. In other matters, priuat and publique (so is Caesars assertion) they * 1.811 vsed Greeke letters, which hath made some thinke that they wrote Greeke. But be not easily thereto perswaded. Per∣haps they might vse Greeke Characters, seeing that those which the Greekes then had, and now vse, were at first receiued from f 1.812 strangers, and as likely from the Druids as from any other; for it is sufficiently iustifiable out of old Coins, inscriptions, and expresse g 1.813 assertion, that the ancient Character among the Greekes was almost the same with that which is now the Latines. But thence to collect that therefore they wrote or spake Greeke, is as if you should affirme the Syriaque Testament to be Hebrew, because published in He∣brew letters; or some Latin Treatises, Saxon, because in that Character; or that the Saxons wrote Irish, because they vsed the h 1.814 Irish forme of writing; or that those bookes which are published in Dutch by some Iewes in aspeciall kind of Hebrew letter, should also be of the same tongue. Obserue but this passage in Caesar: He sends by a Gaule (allured to this vse against his countrey by large rewards) a letter to Q. Cicero, being then besieged about * 1.815 where now is Tour∣ney, & * 1.816 Graecis conscripsit literis, ne, interceptâ 〈◊〉〈◊〉, nostra (saith he him∣self) ab hostibus Consilia cognoscantur. To what purpose did he thus, if the Gaules, or their Statesmen the Druids Druids vnderstood Greeke? I know what he i 1.817 writes of those Tables of account found in the now Suitzerland, but shall not soone be∣leeue that they had much more Greeke in them then the Character. If you obiect k 1.818 Strabo his affirmance, that the Gaules (for as long as I speak of them in generall in this kind, I well include our Druids, as sufficient reason is elsewhere giuen) were growne such louers of that tongue, * 1.819 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, It is soone answered, that he speakes onely of those about Marsilles, which was, and is well knowne to all men, to haue beene a Colony of Phocians, out of the now Natolia (which were Greekes) by appointment of Fate arriuing at the mouth of Rhosne, about time of Tarquin the Proud; where Protis, one of their chief Leaders, entertained by Nannus K. of that coast, was chosen (accor∣ding
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to their custome) in a banquet by Gyptis the Kings daughter for her hus∣band; Hereto 〈◊〉〈◊〉 grew so fortunat, that honorable respect on both sides ioyn'd with imitation of Greeke Ciuility (after this Citie built neere their ar∣riue) it seem'd, as my author a 1.820 sayes, as if Gaule had beene turnd into 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ra∣ther then Greece to haue trauailed into Gaule. Wonder not then why, about Marsilles, Greeke was so respected, nor why in the Romaunt-French now such Hellenismes are: here you see apparant Originall of it; yet conclude, vpon the former reasons, that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Gaules vsed a peculiar tongue, and very likely the same with the now Welsh, as Most learned Camden hath euen demon∣strated; although I know some great Scholars there are, which still suspend their iudgement, and make it a doubt, as euer things of such antiquity will be. But (if you will) adde heereto that of the famous and great Lawier b 1.821 Hotoman, who presumes that the word * 1.822 Graecis in Caesars text is crept in by ignorance of transcribers, as he well might, seeing those Commentaries, titled with name of I. Caesar, commonly published, & indiuers Mss. with I. Celsus, are very vn∣perfect, now and then abrupt, different in stile, and so variable in their owne forme, that it hath beene much feared by that great * 1.823 Critique Lipsius, lest some more impolite hand hath sow'd many patches of base cloth into that more rich web, as his owne Metaphore expresses it. And if those Characters which are in the pillars 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Denbighshire, are of the Druids, as some ima∣gine (yet seeming very strange and vncouth) then might you more confident∣ly coucurre in opinion with Hotoman. In summe, I know that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 literis may be taken as wel for the language (as in d 1.824 Iustin I remember, and elsewhere) as for the Character: but here I can neuer thinke it to be vnderstood in any but the last sense, although you admit Caesars copie to be therein not interpo∣lated. It is very iustifiable which the author here implies, by slighting Caesars authority in British Originals, in respect that hee neuer came further into the Isle then a little beyond Thames towards e 1.825 Barkeshire; although some of Ours idly talke of his making the Bath, and being at Chester, as the Scotish Histori∣ans most senslesly of their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 built by him, which others referre f 1.826 to Vespasian, some affirme it a Temple g 1.827 of God Terminus; whereas it seemes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be built by Carausius, in time of Dioclesian, if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deceiue vs not. But, this out of my way.
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The eleuenth Song.
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Illustrations.
NOw are you newly out of Wales, returned into England: and, for conueni∣ency of situation, imitating therein the ordinary course of Chorography, the first Shire Eastward (from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Flint, last sung by the Muse) 〈◊〉〈◊〉, is here surueyed.
Of our great English blouds as carefull—
For, as generally in these Northern parts of England, the Gentry is srom an∣cient time left preserued in continuance of Name, Bloud, and Place; so most particularly in this Cheshire, and the adioyning Lancashire: which, out of their numerous families, of the same name, with their chiefe Houses and Lordships, * 1.841 hath b 1.842 beene obserued.
And, of our Counties, Place of Palatine doth hold.
We haue in England III. more of that title, Lancaster, Durham, and Ely: and, vntill later c 1.843 time, Hexamshire in the Westerne part of Northumberland, was so reputed. William the Conqueror, first created one Hugh Wolfe a Norman, Count Palatine of Chester, and gaue the Earledome to hold, as freely as the King held his Crowne. By this supremacy of liberty he made to himselfe Barons, which might assist him in Counsell, and had their Courts and Conisans of Pleas in such sort regarding the Earledome, as other Barons the Crowne. * 1.844 Ego Comes Hugo & mei Barones confirmauimus ista omnia, is subscribed to a Charter, wher∣by he founded the Monastery of S. Werburg there. For the Name of Palatine, know, that in ancient time vnder the Emperours of declining Rome, the title of Count Palatine was; but so, that it extended first only to him d 1.845 which had care of the Houshold and Imperiall reuenew; which is now (so saith e 1.846 Wesembech: I affirme it not) as the Marshall in other Courts: but was also communicated by that Honorary attribute of Comitiua Dignit as, to many others, which had any thing proportionat, place or desart, as the Code teacheth vs. In later times both in Germany (as you see in the Palsgrane of Rhine) in France, (which the Earledome of Champagne shewes long time since in the Crowne; yet keeping a distinct Pálatine Gouernment, as Peeter Pithou f hath at large published) and in this Kingdome such were hereditarily honored with it, as being neere the Prince in the Court (which they, as we, called the Palace) had by their State∣carriage, gain'd full opinion of their worth, and ability in gouernement, by de∣legat * 1.847 Power of territories to them committed, and heere after titled Countes de Palais, as our Law annals call them. If you desire more particulars of the Power and great State of this Palatine Earledome, I had rather (for a speciall reason) send you to the marriage of Hen. III. and Q. Elianor in Matthew Paris; where Iohn Scot, then Earle of Chester bare, before the King; S Edwards Sword, call'd Curtein, which the Prince at Coronation of Henry IV. is recorded to haue done as g 1.848 Duke of Lancaster; and wish you to examine the passges there, with what, Bracton h 1.849 hath of Earles, and our yeare i 1.850 books of the High Constable of England, then here offer it my selfe. To addethe royalties of the Earledom, as Courts, Officers, Franchises, formes of Proceeding, euen as at 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or the diminution of its large liberties by the Statute of k 1.851 Resumption, were to trouble you with a harsh digression.
Our Leopards they so long and brauely did aduance.
He well call's the Coate of England, Leopards. Neither can you iustly obiect
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the common blazon of it, by name of Lions, or that assertion of Polydores igno∣rance, telling vs that the Conqueror bare three Fleurs de lis, and three Lions, as * 1.852 quartred for one Coat, which hath bin, & is as al men know, at this present born in our Soueraignes armes for France and England; and so, that the quartering of the Fleurs was not at all vntill Ed. III. to publish his title, and gaine the Fle∣mish forces (as you haue it in Froissart) bare the French l 1.853 armes, being then A∣zure semy with Fleurs de lis, and were afterward contracted to III. in time of Hen. V. by Charles VI. because he would beare different from the English King, who notwithstanding presently seconded the change, to this houre continuing: Nor could that Italian haue falne into any error more palpable, and in a pro∣fest Antiquary so ridiculous. But to proue them anciently Leopards, * 1.854 Misit. ergo (saith Matthew m 1.855 Paris) Imperator (that is Frederique II) Regi Anglorum∣tres Leopardos in signum Regalis Clypei, in quo tres Leopardi transeuntes figuran∣tur. In a Ms. of I. Gowers Confessio Amantis, which the Printed books haue not,
Adlaudem Christi, quem tu Virgo 〈◊〉〈◊〉,
Sit laus RICHARDI, quem sceptra colunt Leopardi.
And Edward n 1.856 IV. granted to Lewes of Bruges Earle of Winchester, that he should beare d'Azure, a dix Mascles enarme d'un Canton de Nostre Propre armes d'Engleterre, Cestassauoir de Goules vng Leopard passant d'or, arme d'Azur, as the Patent speakes: and likewise o 1.857 Hen. VI. to Kings Colledge in Cambridge, gaue a Coat Armor, III. Roses, and Summo scuti Partitum Principale de Azoreo cum Francorum flore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rubeo cum peditante Leopardo, and cals them Parcellae Armorum, quae nobis in regnis Angliae & Franciaeture debenturregio. I know it is o∣therwise now receiued, but withall, that Princes, being supreme Iudges of Ho∣nor and Nobility, may arbitrarily change their Armes in name and Nature; as was done p 1.858 vpon returne out of the Holy warre in Godfrey of Bolognes time; and it seems it hath bin taken indifferently, whether you cal them the one or other, both for similitude of delineaments & composture (as in the Bearing of Nor∣mandy, the County of Zutphen & such more) being blazon'din Hierom de Bara, & other French Heralde, Lion-Leopards: and for that euen vnder this Hen. VI. a great. q 1.859 Student in Heraldry, and a writer of that kind, makes the accession of the Lion of Guienne, to the Coat of Normandy (which was by Hen. II his mariage with Q. Eltanor, diuorced from Lewes of France) to be the first three Lions, Borne by the English Kings.
Caerlegion whilst Proud Rome hir conquests here did hold.
You haue largely in that our most learned Antiquary, the cause of this name from the Tents of Roman Legions, there, about Vefpasians time. I wil only note, that Leland r 1.860 hath long since found fault with William of s 1.861 Malmesbury for affir∣ming it so cald, * 1.862 quòd ibi Emeriti Legionū Iulianarū resedêre; wheras it is plain, that Iulius Caesar neuer came neere this Territory. Perhaps, by Iulius, he meant Agricola (then Lieutenant here) so named, and then is the imputation laid on that best of the Monks, vniust: to helpe it with reading Militarium for Iuliae∣narum, as the Printed booke pretends, I find not sufficiently warrantable, in re∣spect * 1.863 that my Ms. very ancient, as neere Malmesbury's time as (it seemes) may be, and heretofore belonging to the Priory of S. Augustines in Canterbury, e∣uidently perswades the contrary.
—the fortresse vpon Dee.
At this day in British she is call'd t 1.864 Calr Lheon ar dour dwy. i. the Citie of Le∣gions vpon the riuer Dec. Some vulgar Antiquaries haue referr'd the name of Leon to a Gyant builder of it: I, nor they, know not who or when he liu'd. But indeed ridiculously they tooke * 1.865 Leon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for K. Leon the great; to whom the Author alludes presently.
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But in himselfe therby doth Holines retaine.
He compares it with Dee's title presently, which hath its reason giuen before to the VII. Song. Weuer by reason of the salt-pits at Northwich, Nantwich, and Middlewich, (all on his banks) hath this attribut, & that of the Sea-gods suite to him, and kind entertainment for his skil in physique, & prophecie; iustifiable in generall, as wel as to make Tryphon their Surgeon which our excellent Spen∣ser hath done; and in particular cause, vpon the most respected and diuinely honored name of Salt; of which, if you obserue it vsed in all sacrifices by ex∣presse commandement a 1.866 of the true God, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.867 in holy writ, the reli∣gion of the Salt, set first, and last taken away as a symbole b 1.868 of perpetual friend∣ship, that in Homer c 1.869 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the title of * 1.870 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 giuen it by Lyco∣phron, and d 1.871 passages of the Oceans medicinable e 1.872 Epithets because of his salt∣nesse, you shall see apparant and apt testimonie.
From VVoden, by which name they stiled Mercury.
Of the Britons descent from Ioue, if you remember but AEneas sonneto Anchises, and Venus, with her deriuation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Iupiters parents, suffi∣cient declaration will offer it selfe. For this of Woden, see somewhat to the III. Song. To what you read there, I here more fitly add this: Woden, in Saxon Ge∣nealogies, is ascended to, as the chiefe Ancestor of their most Roiall Proge∣nies; so you may see in Nennius, Bede, Ethelwerd, Florence of Worcester, an Anonymus de Regali Prosapia, Huntingdon, and Houeden, yet in such sort that in some of them they goe beyond him, through Frithwald, Frealaf, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Fin, Godulph, Geta, and others, to Seth; But with so much vncertainty, that I imagine many of their descents were iust as true as the Theogonie in Hestod, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or that of Prester Iohns, sometimes deriuing d 1.873 himselfe very neere from the loines of Salomon. Of this Woden, beside my Authors nam'd, speci∣all mention is found in Paul e 1.874 Warnfred who makes Frea his wife (others call her Fricco, and by her vnderstand Venus) and Adam f 1.875 of Breme, which de∣scribe him as Mars, but in Geffrey of Monmouth, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in Hengists own person, he is affirm'd the same with Mercurie, who by Tacitus report was their chiefe Detty; and that also is warranted in the denomination of our Wodensday (according to the Dutch Wodensdagh) for the fourth day of the week titled by the ancient Planetary account with Name of Mercury. If that allusion in the Illustrations of the III. Song to Merc, allow it him not, then take the other first taught me by g 1.876 Lipsius fetching Wodan frō Won or Win which is to Gain, and so make his name Wondan expressing in that sence the selfe h 1.877 name * 1.878 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vsed by the Greekes. But without this inquiry you vnderstand the Au∣thor.
Here put the German names vpon the VVeekly daies.
From their Sunnan for the sunne Monan, for the Moone, Tuisco, or Tuisto (of whom see to the IV Song) for Mars, Woden for Mercury, Thor for Iupi∣ter, Fre, Frie, or Frigo for Venus, Saetern for Saturne, they stiled their daies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: thence came our names now vsed Sunday, Munday, Tuesday, Wo∣densday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday; which Planetary accompt was very anci∣ent among the i 1.879 AEgyptians (hauing much Hebrew discipline) but so superstiti∣ous, that, being great Astronomers and very obseruant of misteries produced out of number and quantity, they began on the Iewish Sabboth and imposed the name of Saturne, on the next the Sunne, then the Moon, as we now rec∣kon omitting two Planets in euery Nomination, as you easily conceiue it.
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One might seeke, yet misse the reasons of that forme; but nothing giues satis∣faction equall to that, of All-penetrating Ioseph Scaliger, a 1.880 whose intended rea∣son for it is thus. In a Circle describe an Heptagonall and Equilaterall figure; from whose euery side shall fall equilaterall Triangles, and their angles respec∣tiuely on the corners, of the inscribed figure, which are noted with the Planets after their not interrupted order. At the right side of any of the Bases begin your account, from that to the oppositly noted Planet, thence to his opposite, and so shall you find a continued course in that Order (grounded perhaps among the Ancients vpon mysteries of number, and in terchanged gouernment by those superior bodies ouer this habitable Orb) which some haue swea∣ted at, in inquiry of Proportions, Musique distan¦ces, & refer'd it to Planetary howrs: wheras They (the very name of Houre for a XXIIII. part of a day, being vnusuall till about the Peloponesiaque warre) had their originall of later time, then this Hebdomadall account, whence the Hourely from the morning of euery day had his breeding, and not the other from this, as Pre∣tending & Vulgar Astrologers receiue in supposition. At last, by Constantine the great, and Pope Syluester, the name of Sunn-day, was turnd into the b 1.881 Lords day; as it is stiled Dominicus & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; of Saturday, into the Saboth; and the rest not long afterward named according to their Numerall order, as the First, Se∣cond, or Third Feria (that is Holiday, therby keeping the remēbrance of Easter∣week, the beginning of the Ecclesiastique yeere, which was kept euery day Ho∣ly) For Sunday, Munday, Tuesday. You may note here that Caesar c 1.882 was deceiued in telling vs, the Germans worshipt no other Gods * 1.883 but quos cernunt & quo∣rum opibus apertè iuuantur, Solem, Vulcanum, & Lunam, reliquos ne famá qui∣dem accepisse; For you see more then those thus honored by them, as also they had d 1.884 their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for April, dedicated to some adored Power of that name: but blame him not; for the discouerie of the Northerne parts, was but in weakest infancie, when he deliuered it.
Good Ethelbert of Kent first Christned English King.
About the yeere DC. Christianitie was receiued among the Saxons; this Ethelbert (being first induced to taste that happinesse by Berta his Queene, a Christian, and daughterto Hilperic (or Lothar the II.) K. of France) was after∣ward baptized by Augustine a Monk sent hither, with other work men for such a haruest, by PP. Gregory the I. zealously being mov'd to conuersion of the English nation: so that after the first comming of Hengist they had liued here C. L. yeers by the cōmon account without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of true religion: nor did the Britons who had long before (as you see to the VIII. song) receiued it, at all im∣part it by instruction, which Gildas imputes to them for merit of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣uenge. White e 1.885 of Basing stoke (I must cite his name, you would laugh at me, if I affirm'd it) refers to Kents Paganism, and British Christianitie before this con¦uersion, the originall of our vulgar by-word Nor in Christendom, Nor in Kent.
That abstinence of Flesh for forty daies 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
Began it here, (so vnderstand him; for plainly that fasting time was long * 1.886 before in other Churches, as appeares in the Decreeing f 1.887 Epistle of PP. Teles∣phorus, constituting that the Clergie should fast from Quinquagesima (that is, Shroue-sunday) to Easter, whereas the Laity, and they both were before
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bound but to VI. weekes accounted, as now from the first Sunday in Lent; so that, euen from the f 1.888 first of Christianitie, for remembrance of our Sauiour, it seemes, it hath been obserued, although I know it hath been refer'd to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as first author. He died in C. XL. of Christ. But if you com∣pare this of him with g 1.889 that of PP. Melchiades (some C. LXX. yeers after) ta∣king aware the fast vpon Sunday, and Thursday, you will loose therein fortie daies, and the common name of Quadragesime; but againe find it thus. S. h 1.890 Gregorte (after both these) makes Lent to be so kept, that yet no fasting be vp∣on Sundaies; because (among other reasons) hee would haue it as the Tenth of Time consecrated to God in Praier and abstinence (and the Canonists, i 1.891 how iustly I argue not, put it in their diuision of Personall tithes.) then, in this form, after the exception, calculates out his Number. From the first Sunday in Lent to Easter, are VI. Weekes, that is, XLII. dates, whence VI. Sundaies subtracted, remaine XXXVI. which (fractions auoided) is the quotient of CCC. LXV. beeing the number of the common yeere, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by X. But seeing that holy number (as he calls it) of XL. which our Sauiour honored with his fasting, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, by this reckoning excluded, he adds, to the first week, the foure last daies of the Quinquagesima that is Ashwednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday; so keeping both his conceit of Tithing, and also obseruation of that number, which we remember only (not able to imitate) in our assaied abstinence. For proofe of this in Erconbert, both Bede and Malmesbury, beside their later followers, are witnesses. Their Saxon name neere ours was k 1.892 〈◊〉〈◊〉-〈◊〉〈◊〉, as the other Foure Fasts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
So Ella comming in soone from the Britons wonne.
Neere XL. yeeres after the Saxons first arriuall, AElla (of the same nation) with his sonnes Pleucing, or Pleting, Cimen, and Ciffa landed at Cimenshore in the now Sussex (it is supposed l 1.893 to be neere the Witterings by Chichester) and hauing his forces increast by supply, after much bloud shed twixt him and the Britons, and long siege of the City Andredceaster, now Newenden in Kent (as learned Camden contectures) got supreme dominion of those Southerne parts, with title of K. of Sussex, whose sonne and sucoessor Cissa's name, is yet there left in * 1.894 〈◊〉〈◊〉-〈◊〉〈◊〉 for Chichester and in a Hill incircled with a deep trench for military defence, call'd Ciss-burie, by Offington. The Author fitly begins with him after the Kentish; for hee was the first that made the number of the Saxon Kings plural by Planting & here reigning ouer the South Saxons: & as one was alwaies in the Heptarchie, which had title of First, or chief King of the Angles and Saxons, so this AElla not only 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with m 1.895 it, but also the prerogatiue by priority of time, in first enioining it, before al other Princes of his nation: But his dominion afterward was for the most part stil vnder the Kentish, and VVest Saxon Kings.
Saint Wilfrid sent from York into his realm receiu'd.
This il ilfrid Archbish. of York expell'd that See by Egfrid king of Nortbum∣berland, was kindly receiued by Edilwalch (otherwise Ethelwalch, being before Christned through religious perswasion of his Godfather Wulpher K. of Merc∣land) and conuerted the South Saxons to the Gospell. He endow'd this Wolfrid with Seller a Cherronese in Sussex, and was so founder of a Bishoprique, after∣ward translated, vnder the Norman Conqueror, to Chichester, whose Cathedrall Church in publique Monuments honors the name of Cedwalla (of whom see to the IX. Song) K. of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sex for her first Creator: but the reason of that was rather because Cedwalla after death of Edilwalch (whō he slew) so honored Wil∣frid n 1.896 * 1.897 vt Magistrū & Dominū omni Prouinciae eū praefecit, nihil in tota 〈◊〉〈◊〉
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fine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 assensu factendum arbitratus; wherupon it was, as it seems, thought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (according to course of yeelding with thes way of fortune) to forget Edilwalch and acknowledge Cedwalla (then a Pagan) for first Patron of that Episcopall dignitie. It is reported that III. yeeres, before this generall receipt there of Christs profession, continued without raine; in so much that Famine, and her companion Pestilence, so vexed the Prouince, that in multitudes of XL. or L. at a time, they vsed hand in hand, to end their miseries in the swallowing waues of their neighbouring Ocean: But, that all ceased vpon Wilfrids preaching; * 1.898 who taught them also first (if Henry of Huntingdons teaching deceiue mee not) to catch all manner of Fish, being before skilled only in taking of Eeles. I know, a 1.899 some make Eadbert Abbot of the Monastery in Selsey, vnder K. Ine, first Bishop there, adding, that before his time the prouince was subiect to Winchester; but that rightly vnder stood discords not; that is, if you referre it to instauration of what was discontinued by Wilfrids returne to his Archbi∣shoprique.
Adopting for his heire yong Edmund—
Penda K. of Mercland had slaine Sigebert (or Sebert) and Anna Kings of East-Angles, and so in Dominion might be said to haue possest that kingdom; But Anna had diuers successors of his bloud, of whom, Ethelbirth was traite∣rously slaine in a plot dissembled by Offa K. of Mercland, and this part of the Heptarchy confounded in the Mercian Crowne. Then did Offa adopt this S. Edmund a Saxon, into name of successor in that kingdome: which he had not long enioy'd but that through barbarous crueltie, chiefly of one Hinguar a Dane (Polydore will needs haue his name Agner) he was with miserable torture martyred, vpon the XIX. of Nouember, whither his Canonization directeth * 1.900 vs for holy memory of him.
And slew a thousand Monks as they deuoutly prayd.
You may add CC. to the Authors number. This Ethelfrid or Edilfrid K. of Northumberland, aspiring to increase his territory's, made war against the bordering Britons. But as he was in the field, by Chester, neere the onset, hee saw, with wonder, a multitude of Monks assembled, in a place by, somewhat se∣cure; demanded the cause, and was soone inform'd that they were there ready to assist his enemies swords with their deuout Orizons, and had one call'd Brocmail, professing their defence from the English forces. The King no soo∣ner heard this, but * 1.901 〈◊〉〈◊〉th he being a Heathen) si aduersus nos, ad Domi∣num suum clamant, profecto & ip si quamuis arma non ferant, contra nos pugnant, qui aduersis nos imprecationibus persequūtur, presently commands their spoile: which so was perform'd by his Souldiors, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. were in their deuo∣tions put to the sword. A strange slaughter of Religious persons, at one time and place; but not so strange as their whole number in this one Monasterie, which was 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. not such idle lubberly scts as later times pester'd the world vvithall, truly pictur'd in that b 1.902 description of (their Character) Slouth.
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Not such were those Bangor Monks: but they * 1.903 Omnes de labore manuum sua∣rum viuere solebant. Obserue here the difference twixt the more ancient times and our corrupted neighbour ages, which haue been so branded, and not vn∣iustly, with dissembled bestiall sensualities of Monastique profession, that in the vniuersall visitation vnder Hen. VIII. euery Monasterie afforded shamefull discouerie of Sodomites and Incontinent Friers; in Canterbury Priory of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 IX. Sodomites; in Battell Abbey XV. and, in many other, like propor∣tion ; larger reckoning will not satisfie if you account their Wenches, which married and single (for they affected that variety) supplied the wants of their counterfeited solitarinesse, so that, hereupon, after an account of DC. Co∣uents of Monks and Friers, with Mendicants, in this kingdome, when time endured them, * 1.904 Ie laisseray, sayth c 1.905 one, maintenant au Lecteur calculer combi∣en pur le moins deuoint estre de fils de Putains en Angletere, ie di seulement fils de Moines & de Putaines. These were they who admir'd all for Hebrew or Greeke which they vnderstood not, and had at least (as many of our now professing Formalists) Latine enough to make such a speech as Rablais hath to Gargan∣tua for Paris Bels, and call for their Vinum Cos; which, in one of them persona∣ted, receiue thus from a Noble d 1.906 Poet.
How my Reader tastes this, I know not; therefore I willingly quit him; and add only, that William of Malmesbury grossely erres in affirming that this Bangor e 1.907 is turn'd into a Bishoprique; but pardon him, for he liued in his Cloi∣ster & perhaps was deceiued by Equiuocation of Name, ther being in Carenar∣uan a Bishoprique of the same title to this day, which some bodie later f 1.908 hath on the other side ill taken for this.
Who reordained Yorke a Bishops gouernment.
For in the British times it had a Metropolitique See (as is noted to the IX. Song) and now by Edwine (conuerted to Christian discipline both through means of his Wife Ethelburg, daughter to Ethelbert K. of Kent, and religious perswasion of Gods Ministers) was restored to the former Dignity, & Paulinus, in it, honored with name of Archbishop being afterwards banisht that Pro∣uince, and made Bishop of Rochester, which, some haue ignorantly made him before.
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Nor those that in the stem of Saxon Crida came.
Most of our Chronologers begin the Mercian race royall with 〈◊〉〈◊〉; But Henry of Huntingdon (not without his proofes and followers) makes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (Grandfather to Penda) first in that kingdome.
Confirm'd in Christs belief by that most reuerend Chad.
This Wulpher, sonne to Penda restored to his Fathers kingdome, is o 1.909 repor∣ted with his owne hands to haue slaine his two sonnes Wulphald and Rufin, for that they primly withdrew themselues to that famous S. Chad, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bishop of Lichfield, for instruction in the Christian faith; and all this is suppos'd to be done where the now Stone in Staffordshire is seated. Hereupon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣lies. But, the credit of it is more then suspicious, not only for that in Classique authority I find his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 only to be Kenred, and S. Werburge (by Ermengild daughter to Erconbert of Kent) but withall that he was both Christian, and a great Benefactor to the Church. For it appeares by concent of all, that Peada, Weda, or Penda (all these names he hath) eldest sonne of the first Penda, first receiued in Midle Engle (part of Mercland) the faith, and was Baptized by Finnan Bishop of * 1.910 Lindisfarne: after whose violent death, in spight of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King of Northumberland, Immin, Ebba, and Edberth Gentlemen of Power in Mercland saluted Wulpher (Brother to Peadà) King of all that Prouince, who was then, as it seemes, (by Florence of Worcester, and Bedes reporting of IV. Bishops in succession preferr'd by him) of Christian name; But howsoeuer he was at that time, it is certaine that in the II. or III. yeeres of his raigne, he was Godfather to K. Edilwalch of Sussex, and bestowed on him as a gift in to∣ken of that spirituall adoption, the Isle of Wight with an other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in West Saxonie, and gaue also to S. Cedda (made, by consent of him and K. Oswy, Bishop of Lindisfarne) L. Hides of land (a Hide, * 1.911 aplough land, or a Carue, I hold cleerly equiualent) towards foundation of a Monastery. All this com∣pared, and his life, in our Monks, obserued, hardly endures this note of perse∣cution; which in respect of his foundership of Peterborough Abbey, Robert of Swapham a Monk there reporting it, or those from whom he had it, might bet∣ter in silence haue buried it, or rather not so vngratefully fain'd it. I only find one thing notably ill of him; that he, first of the English Kings, by Simonie made a Bishop which was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of London, as Malmosbury is Author.
And (through his Rule) the Church from Taxes strongly freed.
Ethelbald K. of Mercland, Founder of Crowland Abbey in Lincolneshire, a Great, Martiall, and Religious Prince, in a Synod held (Cuthbert then Archbi∣shop of Canterbury) enlarged Ecclesiastique libertie in this forme, Donatio∣nem meam me viuente concedo, vt omnia Monasteria & Ecclesiae Regnimei à publicis Vectigalibus, Operibus, & Oneribus absoluantur, nisi Instructionibus Ar∣cium vel Pontium, que nunquam vlli 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i. He discharged all Mo∣nasteries and Churches of all kind of taxes, works, and imposts, excepting such as were for building of Forts, and Bridges; being (as it seemes the law was then) not Releasable. For, beside the authority of this statut of Ethelbald, it appeares frequent in Charters of the Saxon times, that, vpon Endowment, and Donations, to Churches with largest words of exemption, and libertie from all secular charges, the conclusion of the Habendum, was, * 1.912 Except is istis tribus, Expeditione, Pontis, Arcisue Constructione, which among common Notaries, or Scriueners, was so well known, that they call'd it by one generall name,
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* 1.913 Trinoda Necessitas, as out of Cedwalla's Charter, to Wilfrid, first Bishop of Selsey, of the Mannor of Pagenham (now Pagham) in Sussex, I haue seene tran∣scribed; whereupon in a Deliberatiue (concerning Papall exactions, and sub∣iection of Church-liuing) heldvnder Hen. a 1.914 III, after examination of Anci∣ent Kings indulgence to the Clergie, it was found, that; * 1.915 Non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de∣derunt huiusmodi possessiones, quin Tria sibi reseruarent semper propter publicam regnivtilitatem, videlicet, Expeditionem Pontis, & Arcis reparationes, vel re∣fectiones, vt per earesisterent Hostiū incursionibus; although by words of a sta∣tute of Ethelulph King of VVest-Saxons in the yeere DCCC. LV. made by ad∣uise both of Laity, and Spirituality, the Church was quitted also of those three Common-wealth causes of Subsidie, but inioy'd it not; For, euen the b 1.916 Ca∣nons themselues subiect their Possessions to these seruices and duties, and vp∣on interpretation of a Charter made by Henry Beauclerc, Founder of the Prio∣rie of S. Oswald in Yorkshire, containing words of immunitie and and liberty of Tenure, as generall & effectuall as might be, a great Lawyer c 1.917 long since af∣firm'd that yet the House was not freed of repairing Bridges and Causies. But all lands, as wel in hands of Clerks as Lay, were subiected to particular tenures after the Conquest: and so these kind of charges and discharges being made rather feodall (as d 1.918 Bracton calls them) then personall, vse of them in Charters consequently ceased. I note here to Students of Antiquitie, that, wherethe printed Ingulph saies this was done by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the III. yeere of his raigne, they must with correction make it the XXXIII. as is, without scruple, appa∣rant in the date of e 1.919 the synod which was DCC. XLV. of our Sauiour.
The Britons had interr'd their Proto-martyrs bones.
In that vniuersall persecution vnder Dioclesian, and Herculius, this Isle gaue, in S. Alban, testimonie of Christian profession; euen to his last breath * 1.920 drawn among tormenting enemies of the Cros. His death (being the first Martyr, as the Author here calls him, that this Country had) was at Werlam∣cester (.i. the old Verulam) where, by, the Abbey, of S. Albons, was afterward e∣rected.
(Extirping other stiles) and gaue it * 1.921 Englands name.
Look back to the last note on the I. Song. Thus, as you see, hath the Muse compendiously runne through the Heptarchie, and vnited it in name and Empire vnder Egbert K. of VVest Saxons: after whom, none, but his suc∣cessors, had absolut power in their kingdoms, as course of storie shewes you. Likely enough I imagine, that, as yet, expectation of the Reader is not satis∣fied * 1.922 in these VII. Kingdomes, their beginnings, territory, and first Christianity: therefore as a Corollary receiue this for the eyes more facile instruction.
Began in | First receiued Faith in | ||
I. Kent the now Kent. | I. Hengist CD. LVI. from whose sonne Oisc the succeeding Kings were call'd Ois∣cings. | I. Ethelbert, D. XCVII. of Augustine from Gregorie I. | |
II. South Sex, Sussex. Surrey. | II. In AElla about CD. XCI. | II. Edilwalch DC. LXI. and the whole Contry conuerted by VVilfrid DC. LXXIX. |
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Com∣prehē∣ded in * 1.923 |
| III. Certie, D. XIX. whose Grand-father was Gewise, & thence his people & Po∣steritie called Ge∣wises. | Kinegils DC. XXXV. baptized by Birin firlt Bi∣shop of Dorche∣ster in Oxford∣shire. |
| IV. Ida D.XL.VII. taking all Bernic∣land, as AElla XII. yeare after began in Deirland; but both kingdoms soone were con∣founded in one. | Edwin DC.XXVI. Christned by Paulin first Arch∣bishop (in the Saxon times) of Torke. | |
| V. Sleda after som (others say in Er∣chinwin before him) about D. LXXX. both vn∣certaine, and their successors. | Sebert D C.IV. dipt in holy tinc∣ture by Mellitus, first Bishop of London. | |
| VI. Redwald about DC. But some talke of one Vuf∣fa (whence these Kings were call'd Vuffings) to be Author of it neer XXX. yeeres be∣fore. | Eorpwald DC. XXXII. although 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were Christned, for he soone fel to Apo∣stasy, by perlwasi∣on of his wife, and in the same Chap∣pel made one altar to Christ, ano∣ther to the Diuel. | |
| VII. In Penda DC. XXVI. Others will in Crida, some XL. before. | Peada K. of Midle∣Engle * DC.LIII. baptized by Finna bishop of Lindis∣farne, but enlarged the professiō of it in Vulpher next K. there. |
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Perhaps as good authority may be giuen against some of my proposed Chronologie, as I can iustifie my selfe with. But although so. yet I am therefore freed of error, because our old Monkes exceedingly in this kind corrupted, or deficient, affoord nothing able to rectifie. I know the East-Angles, by both ancient and later authority, begin aboue C. yeares before; but if with Synchronisme you examine it, it will be found most absurd. For, seeing it is affirmed expresly, that Redwald was slaine by Ethelfrid K. of Northumberland, and being plaine by b 1.924 Bede (take his Storie together, & relie notvpon Syllables & false printed copies) that it must needs beneere DC. (for Edwin succeeded E∣thelfrid) and that, Vffa was som XXX. yeares before: what calculation will cast this into lesse then D. years after Christ? Forget not (if you desire accurat times) my admonition to the I V. Song, of the XXII. yeares error vpon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 account, especially in the beginning of the Kingdoms, because they are for the most part reckoned in Old Monkes from the comming of the Saxons. Where you find different names from these, attribute it to misreading old copies, by such as haue published Carpenwald for Eorpenwald, or Earpwald; Penda also perhaps for Wenda, mistaking the Saxon p. for our P. and other such, variably both Written and Printed. How in time they successiuely came vnder the West-Saxon rule, I must not tell you, vnles I should vntimely put on the person of an Historian. Our common Annals manifest 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But know here, that al∣though seauen were, yet but fiue had any long continuance of their supre∣macies:
The Sarons tho in ther power (tho thii were soriue)
Seue Kingdomes made in Engelonde and * 1.925 suthe but biue,
The King of Northomberlond, and of Eastangle also
Dl Kent and of Westsex, and of the March ther to.
as Robert of Glocester, according to truth of Story hath it; for Estsex & South∣sex were not long after their beginnings (as it were) annext to their Ruling neighbour Princes.
A Nation from their first bent naturally to spoile.
Indeed so were vniuersally the Germans (out of whom our Saxons) as Taci∣tus relates tovs; * 1.926 Nec arare terram aut exspectare annum tam facile persuaseris, quam vocare hostes & vulner a mereri. Pigrum quinimò & iners videtur sudore acquirere quod possis sanguine parare, and more of that nature we read in him.
Of famous Cambridge first—
About the year DC.XXX. Sigebert (after death of Eorpwald) returning out of France, whither his father Redwald had banished him, and receiuing the East∣angle Crown, assisted by Foelix a Burgognone, and first Bishop of Dunwich (then call'd Dunmoc) in Suffolke; desiring to imitate what he had seene obseruable in France, for the common good, * 1.927 Instituit scholam (read it scholas, if you will, as some do, I see no consequence of worth) in qua Pueri literis erudirentur, as Bede writeth. Out of these words thus generall, Cambridge being in Eastangle, hath beene taken for this Schoole, and the Schoole for the Vniuersity. I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beleeue it (in so much as makes it then a Vniuersity) not much sooner then that I know not what) Gurguntius with Cantaber, some CL. years before Christ, founded it; or, thoseCharters of K. Arthur, Buls of Pope Honorius and Sergius sent 〈◊〉〈◊〉; Anaximander or Anaxagor as their studies there, with more such pretended & absurd vnlikely hoods; vnles euery Grammar Schoole be an Vniuersity, as this was, where children were taught by * 1.928 Paedagogi & Magistri iuxta Morem Cantuariorum, as Bede hath expresly: which so makes Canterbury an Vniuersity also. But neither is there any touch in authentique and ancient story, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉
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stifies these Schooles instituted at Cambridge, but generally somwhere in East∣angle. Reasons of inducement are fram'd in multitudes on both sides. But, for my owne part I neuer saw any sufficiently probable, and therefore most of all relie vpon what authorities are affoorded. Among them I euer preferr'd the Appendix to the Story of Crowland, suppos'd done by Peeter of Blots, affirming that vnder Hen. I. (he liued very neere the same time: therefore beleeue him in a matter not subiect to causes of Historians temporizing) Ioffred Abbot of Crowland, with one Gilbert his Commoigne, and III. other Monkes came to his Mannor of Cotenham, as they vsed oftimes, to read; and thence daily going to Cambridge, * 1.929 Conducto, quodam horreo publico suas scientias palam profitentes, in breui tempor is excursu, grandem discipulorum numerum contraxerunt. Anno vero secundo aduentus illorum, tantum accreuit discipulorum numerus, tam ex¦tot a patria, quam ex oppido, quòd quaelibet domus maxima, horreum, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vlla eccle∣sia sufficeret eorum receptaculo; and so goes on with an ensuing frequencie of Schooles. If before this there were an Vniuersity, I imagine that in it was not profest Aristotl's Ethiques, which tell vs 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: for, then would they not haue permitted learned Readers of the sciences (whom all that hated not the Muses, could not but loue) to be compell'd into a Barne, in steed of Schools. Nor is it tolerable in conceit, that for neer D. years (which interceded twixt this, and Sigebert) no fitter place of profession should beerected. To this time others haue referr'd the beginning of that famous Seminary of good li∣terature: and, if roome be left for me, I offer subscription; but alwayes vnder reformation of that most honored Tutresses Pupils, which shall (omitting fa∣bulous trash) iudiciously instruct otherwise. But the Author here out of Poly∣dore, Leland, and others of later time relying vpon coniecture, hath his warrant of better credit then Cantilup, an other relater of that Arcadian Originall, which some haue so violently patronized.
Renowned Oxford built t' Apollo's learned brood.
So is it affirm'd (of that learned K. yet knowing not a letter vntill he was past XII.) by Polydore, Bale, and others; grounding themselues vpon what Alfreds beneficence and most deseruing care hath manifested in Royall Prouision for that sacred Nourice of Learning. But iustly it may be doubted, lest they tooke instauration of what was deficient, for institution: for although you grant that he first founded Vniuersity Colledge; yet it follows not, but there might be com∣mon Schooles, & Colledges, as at this day in Leyden, Giesse, and other Places of High and Low Germany. If you please, fetch hither that of Greeklade (to the III. Song) which I will not importune you to beleeue: but without scruple you can∣not but credit that of a Monke a 1.930 of S. 'Dewis (made Grammar and Rhetorique Reader there by K. Alfred) in these words of the yeare DCCC. LXXXVI. h 1.931 Ex∣ort a est pessima ac teterrima Oxoniae discordia inter Grimboldum (this was a great and deuout Scholar, whose aide Alfred vsed in his disposition of Lectures) do∣ctissimósq illos viros secūtlluc adduxit, & veteres illos scholasticos quos ibidē inve∣nisset: quiet' aduentu, leges, modos, ac praelegendi formulas ab codē Grimboldo insti∣tut as, omni ex parte amplecti recusabant. And a little after, Quinetiam probabant & oftendebant id{que} indubitatò veterum annalium testimonie illius loci Ordines ac Instituta, à nonnulis pys & erudit is hominibus, fuisse sancita, vt à Gildâ, (Melkino he was a great Mathematician, and as Gildas also, liued between D. and DC.) Nennio (the Printed booke hath falsly Nemrio) Kentigerno (hee liued about D. LX.) & alys, qui omnes liter is illic consenuerunt, omniatbidē foeiict pace & cōcordia administrantes; and affirm'd also that Letters had there beene happily profest in very ancient time, with frequency of Scholars, vntill irruptions f 1.932 of Pagans
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(they ment Danes) had brought thē to this lately restored deficiency. After this testimony, greater thē al exceptiō, what can be more plain, thē Noble worth & Fame of this Pillar of the Muses long before K. Alfreds. Neither make I any great question, but that, where in an old Copy of Gildas his life (published lately by a French a 1.933 man) it is printed, hat he studied at Iren, which cleerly he tooke for a place in this Land, it should be Ichen (& I confesse, before me one hath wel pub∣lisht the coniecture) for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Welsh name of that City, expressing as much as Oxenford. Yet I would not willingly fall into the extrems of making it Memprikes, as some do; that were but vain affectation to dote on my Reuerend Mother. But because in those remote ages, not only Vniuersities and Publique Schooles (being b 1.934 for a time prohibited by PP. Gregory for feare of breeding Pelagians & Arrians) but diuers Monasteries & Cloisters were great Auditories of learning as appears in Theodor & Adrians Professing at Canterbury, Mal∣dulph and Aldelm at Malmesbury (this Aldelm first taught the English to write * 1.935 Latin Prose & Verse) Alcuin at Yorke, Bede at Iarrow, & such other mo, I guesse that hence came much obscurity to their name, omitted or suppressed by enui∣ous Monkes of those times, then whose traditions descending through many hands of their like, we haue no credible authorities. But which soeuer of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 two sisters haue prerogatiue of Primogeniture (a matter too much controuer∣ted twixt them) None can giue them lesse attribute, then to be two Radiant Eies fixt in this Island, as the beautious face of the earths Body. To what Others haue by industrious search communicated, I adde concerning Oxford out of an c 1.936 ancient Ms. (but since the Clementines) what I there read: * 1.937 Apud Montē Pes∣sulanum * 1.938 Parisios, Oxoniam, Colonias, Boloniam, generalia studia ordinamus. Ad quae Prior Prouincialis quilibet possit mittere duos fratres qui habeant Studentium libertatē; And also admonish the Reader of an imposture thrust into the world this last Autumne Mart in a Prouinciall Catalogue of Bishopriques, by a Pro∣fest Antiquary d 1.939 & Popish Canon of Antwerp, telling vs, that the Ms. Copy of it, found in S. Victors Library at Paris, was written D. years since, & in the num∣ber of Canterbury Prouince, it hath Oxford; which being written Oxoniensis, I imagined might haue bin mistaken for Exoniensis (as Exonia for Oxonia some∣times) vntill I saw Exoniensis ioyn'd also; by which stood * 1.940 Petroburgensis, which brused all the credit of the monument, but especially of him that publisht it. For, who knowes not that Peeterborough was no Bishoptique till Hen. VIII? nor indeed was Oxford, which might be easily thought much otherwise, by inci∣dence of an ignorant eye on that vainly promising title. I abstain from expatta∣ting in matter of our Muses seates, so largely, & too largely treated of by others.
And into seuerall Shires the Kingdome did diuide.
To those Shires he e 1.941 constituted Iustices & Sherifes, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the office of those two being before confounded in Vice-Domini. i. Lieutenants; but so, that Vicedominus & Vicecomes remain'd indifferent words for name of Sherife, as, in a Charter of K. Edred DCCCC. L. Ego Bingulph Vicedo∣min{us} Consului § Ego Alfer Vicecomes audini § I find together subscribed. The Iustices were, as I thinke, no other then those whom they call'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 man∣num, being the same with 〈◊〉〈◊〉, now Earles, in whose disposition & gouern∣ment vpon delegatiō from the King (the title being Officiary, not Hereditary, except in som particular Shire as * 1.942 Leicester, &c.) the County was; with the Bi∣shop of the Diocese: the Earle f 1.943 sare in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 twise euery yeare, where, charge was giuen touching g 1.944 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: But by the h 1.945 Conqueror, this medling of the Bishop, in Turnes was prohibited. The Sherife had then his Monthly Court also, as the now County Court, instituted by the Saxon Ed. 1. as that other of the Turne by K. Edgar. The Sherife is now im∣mediat
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officer to the Kings Court, but it seemes that then the Earle (hauing al∣wayes the third part of the shires profits, both * 1.946 before and since the Normans) had chargevpon him. For this diuision of Countries: how many he made, I know not, but Malmesbury, vnder Ethelred, affirms, there were XXXII. (Robert of Glocester XXXV.) about which time Winchelcomb was one, i 1.947 but then ioyn'd to Glocestershire; those XXXII. k 1.948 were
IX. Go∣uerned by the West∣Saxon law.
| XV. by the Da∣nish law.
| VIII. by the Mercian Law.
|
Which he an heire loome left vnto the English throne.
The first healing of the Kings Euill is referr'd to this Edward p 1.953 the Confessor: and, of a particular example in his curing a yong married womā, an old q 1.954 monu∣ment is left to Posterity. In France such a kind of Cure is attributed to their Kings also; both of that and this, if you desire particular inquisition, take D. r 1.955 Tookers Charisma Sanationis.
Our Countries common lawes did faithfully produce.
In Lambards Archaonomy and Roger of Houedens, Hen. II. are lawes vnder name of the Confessor and Conqueror ioyn'd and deduced for the most partout of their predecessors; but those of the Confessor seeme to be the same, if Mal∣mesbury r 1.956 deceiue not, which K. Cnut collected, of whom his words are, * 1.957 〈◊〉〈◊〉 leges ab antiquis regibus & maximè antecessore suo Ethelredo lat as, sub intermi∣natione Regia mulcta, perpetuis tèmporibus obseruaripracepit, in quarum custodiā etiam nunc tempore Bonorum sub nemine Reg is Edwardt iur atur, non quod ille Sta∣tuerit, sed quod obseruauerit: & vnder this name haue they bin humbly desired by the subiect, granted with qualification, and controuerted, as a maine & first part of liberty, in the next age, following the Norman Conquest.
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The twelfth Song.
THE ARGVMENT.
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Illustrations.
TAking her progresse into the Land, the Muse comes Southward from Cheshire into adioyning Stafford, and that part of Shropshire, which lies in the English side, East from Seuerne.
And into lesser streames the spatious current cut.
In that rageing deuastation ouer this Kingdome by the Danes, they had
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gotten diuers of their Ships fraught with prouision out of Thames into the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (which diuides Middlesex and Essex) some XX. miles from London; Alfred holding his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that territory, especially to preuent their spoile of the instant Haruest, obserued that by diuiding the Riuer, then Nauigable betweene them and Thames, their Ships would be grounded, and themselues berest of what confidence their Nauy had promised them. He thought it, and did it, by parting the water into three channels. The Danes betooke themselues to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ships left as a prey to the Londoners.
Her Lords imbraces vow'd she neuer more would know.
This Alured left his sonne Edward successor, and, among other children, this Elfled, or Ethelfled his daughter, married to Ethelred Earle of Mercland. Of Alfreds worth and troublous raigne, because here the Author leaues him, I of∣fer you these of an ancient English wit:
Nobilit as innatatibi probitatis honorem
Armipotens Alfrede dedit, probitas{que} laborem
Perpetuúmq, labor nomen. Cui mixta dolori
Gaudia semper erant spes semper mixta timori.
Si modo Victor eras ad Crastina bella pauebas:
Simodo victus eras adcrastina bella parabas
Cui vestes sudore iugi, Cui sica cruore
Tincta iugi, quantum sit Onus regnare probarunt.
Huntingdon cites these as his owne; and if he deale plainly with vs (I doubted it because his Ms. Epigrams, which make in some copies the XI. and XII. of his Historie, are of most different straine, and seeme made when Apollo was eyther angry, or had not leisure to ouerlooke them) hee shewes his Muse (as also in an other written by him vpon Edgar, beginning Auctor opum, vindex scelerum Largitor honorum, &c.) in that still declining time of learnings-state, worthy of much precedence. Of Ethelfled in William of Malmesbury, is the Latine of this English: Shewas the loue of the subiect, feare of the enemy, a woman of a mighty hart; hauing once endur'd the grieuous paines of child-birth, euer afterward denied her husband those sweeter desires; protesting, that, yeelding iudulgence towards a plea∣sure, hauing so much consequent paine, was vnseemly in a Kings daughter. She was buried at S. Peters in Glocester; her name loaden by Monkes, with numbers of her excellencies.
For Constantine their King, an hostage hither brought.
After he had taken Wales and Scotland (as our Historians say) from Howel, Malmesbury call's him Ludwal, and Constantine; he restored presently their * 1.964 Kingdomes, affirming, that, it was more for his Maiesty to make a King then be one. The Scotish a 1.965 stories are not agreeing, here, with ours; against whom Bu∣chanan stormes, for affirming what I see not how he is so well able to confute, as they to iustifie. And for matter of that nature, I rather send you to the colle∣ctions in Ed. I. by Thomas of Walsingham, and thence for the same and other to Edw. Halls Hen. VIII.
A Neptune, whose proud sailes the British Ocean swept.
That Flower and delight of the English world, in whose birth-time S. Dun∣stane (as is said) at Glastenbury, heard this * 1.966 Angelicall voyce;
To holy Church and to the Lord Pays is ybore and blis
By thulke Childs time, that nouthe ybore is.
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(among his other innumerable benefits, and royall cares) had a Nauy of * 1.967 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. DC. Saile; which by tripartit diuision in the East, West, and Northern coasts; both defended what was subiect to Pirats rapine, and so made strong his owne Nation against the enemies inuasion.
By ciuill Stepdames hate to death was lastly done.
Edgar had by one woman (his greatest stains shew'd themselues in this variety and vnlawfull obtayning of Lustfull sensualitie, as Stories will tell you, in that of Earle Ethelwald, the Nunne Wulfrith, and the yong lasse of Andeuer) call'd Egelsled, surnamed Ened, daughter to Odmer a great Nobleman, Edward; and by Q. Elfrith, daughter to Orgar Earle of Deuonshire, Ethelred of some VII. yeares age at his death. That, Egelfled was a profest b 1.968 Nunne, some haue argued and so make Ethelred the onely legitimat heire to the Crowne: nor doe I think that, except Alfrith. he was married to any of the Ladies, on whom he got chil∣dren. Edward was anoynted King (for in those dayes was that vse of Anoin∣ting among the Saxon Princes, and began in K. Alfred) but not without disli∣king grudges of his Stepmothersfaction, which had neuertheles in substance, what his vaine name onely of King pretended: but her bloudy hate, bred out of womanish ambition, strayning to euery point of Soueraignty, not thus * 1.969 satisfied, compeld in her this cruelty. K. Edward not suspecting her dissembled purposes with simple kindnes of an open Nature, weary'd after the Chase in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ile in Dorsetshire, without gard or attendance, visits her at Corfe Castle; shee, vnder sweet words and saluting kisses, palliating her hellish designe, en∣tertaines him: but while he being very hot and thirsty (without imagination of treason) was in pledging her, she * 1.970 or one of her appointed seruants, stab'd the innocent King. His corps, within little space expiring its last breath, was buri∣ed at Warbam, thence afterward by Alfer Earle of Mercland, translated into Shafisbury, which (as to the II. Song I note) was hereby for a time called c 1.971 S. Ed∣wards. Thus did his brother in law Ethelred (according to wicked Elfriths cruell and trayterous Proiect) succeed him. As, of Constantine Copronymus, the Greekes, so, of this Ethelred, is affirmed, that, in his holy tincture he abus'd the Font with naturall excrements, which made S. Dunstan, then Christning him, angrily exclaime, * 1.972 Per Deum & Matrem eius ignauus homo erit. Some ten yeares of age was he, when his brother Edward was slaine, and, out of chil∣dish affection, wept for him bitterly; which his mother extremely disliking, being author of the murther onely for his sake, most cruelly beathim her selfe with d 1.973 an handfull of Wax
—Candlen long and towe
* 1.974 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ne bileued noght ar he lay at hir * 1.975 bet pswowe:
War thoru this child afterward such hey mon as he was
Was the worse wan he * 1.976 ysey Candlett bor this cas.
But I haue c 1.977 read it affirm'd, that Ethelred neuer would endure any Wax Can∣dles, because he had seene his mother vnmercifully with them whip the good S. Edward. Its not worth one of the Candles, which be the truer; I incline to the first. To expiat all, she afterward built two Nunneries, one at Werwell, the other at Ambresbury; and by all meanes of Penitence and Satisfaction (as the do∣ctrine then directed) endeuoured her freedome out of this horrible offence.
And in one night the throats of all the Danish cut.
History, not this place, must informe the Reader of more particulars of the Daues; and let him see to the I. Song. But, for this slaughter, I thus ease his In∣quisition.
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Etbelred (after multitudes of miseries, long continued through their * 1.978 exactions and deuastations, being so large, that XVI. Shires had endured their cruell and euen conquering spoyles) in the XXIII. of his raigne, strengthned with prouoking hopes, grounded on alliance, which, by marriage 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Emma, daughter of Richard I. Duke of Normandy, he had with his neighbour Poten∣tate, sent priuy letters into euery place of note, where the Danes by truce peace∣ably resided, to the English, commanding them, all as one, on the selfe same day and houre appointed (the day was S. Brictius, that is, the XIII. of Nouem∣ber) suddainly to put them, as respectiue occasion best fitted, to fire or sword: which was performed.
A Chronologicall order and descent of the Kings here included in Wrekins Song.
- DCCC.
- Egbert sonne to Inegild (others call him Alhmund) grandchild to K. Ine. After * 1.979 him scarce any none long, had the name of King in the Isle, but Gouernors or Earles; the common titles being Duces, Comites, Con∣sules, and such like; which in some writers after the Conquest were indifferent names, and William the I. is often called Earle of Normandy.
- DCCC. XXXVI.
- Ethelulph sonne to Egbert.
- DCCC. LV.
- Ethelbald and Ethelbert, sonnes to Ethelulph, diuiding their Kingdome, according to their fathers Testament.
- DCCC. LX.
- Ethelbert alone, after Ethelbalds death.
- DCCC. LXVI.
- Ethelred, third sonne of Ethelulph.
- DCC. LXXI.
- Alfred yongest sonne to Ethelulph, brought vp at Rome; and there, in Ethelreds lifetime, Anointed by P P. Leo IV. as in ominous hope of his future Kingdome.
- DCCCC. I.
- Edward I. surnamed in Storie * 1.980 Senior, sonne to Alfred.
- DCCCC. XXIV.
- Atbelstan, eldest sonne to Edward, by Egwine a She∣pheards daughter; but, to whom Beauty and Noble spi∣rit denied, what base Parentage required. She, before the K. lay with her, dream't (you remember that of O∣lympias, and many such like) that out of her wombe did shine a Moone, enlightning all England, which in her Birth (Athelstan) prou'd true.
- DCCCC. XL.
- Edmund I. sonne of * 1.981 Edward by his Q Edgiue.
- DCCCC. XLVI.
- Edred brother to Edmund.
- DCCCC. LV.
- Edwy first sonne of Edmund.
- DCCCC. LIX.
- Edgar (second sonne of Edmund) * 1.982 Honor ac Deliciae Anglorum.
- DCCCC. LXXV.
- Edward II. sonne to Edgar by Egelfled, murdred by his Stepmother Alfrith, and thence call'd S. Edward.
- DCCCC. LXXIX
- Ethelred II. sonne to Edgar, by Q. Alfrith, daughter to Orgar Earle of Deuonshire.
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- 〈◊〉〈◊〉.XVI.
- Edmund II. sonne to Ethelned by his first wife Elfgiue, surna∣med 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
Betweene him and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (or 〈◊〉〈◊〉) the Dane, sonne to Swaine, was that in∣tended single combat; so by their owne particular fortunes, to end the mise∣ries, which the English soile bore recorded in very great Characters, written with streames of her childrens bloud. It properly here breakes off; for (the composition being, that Edmund should haue his part Westsex, Estsex, Estangle, Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, and Sussex, and the Dane (who durst not fight it out, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for a Treaty) Mercland and the Northern territories) Edmund died the same yeare (some report was, that trayterous Edrique 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Earle of Mercland poysoned him) leauing sonnes Edmund and Edward: but they were, by Danish ambition, and trayterous periury of the vnnaturall English State, disinherited, and all the Kingdome cast vnder 〈◊〉〈◊〉. After him raign'd his sonne Harold I. Lightfoot a Shoomakers * 1.983 sonne (but 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as begotten by him on his Q. Alfgiue:) then, with Harold, Haracnut, whom he had by his wife Emma, K. Ethelreds Dowager. So that from Edmund, of Saxon bloud (to whose glory Wrekin hath dedicated his endeuor; and therefore should tran∣scend his purpose, if he exceeded their Empire) vntill Edward the Confessor, fol∣lowing Hardcnut, sonne to Ethelred, by the same Q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Kingdome con∣tinued vnder Danish Princes.
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The thirteenth Song.
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Illustrations.
INto the hart of England and Wales, The Muse here is entred, that is, Warwick∣shire her Natiue Country; whose territory you might call Middle-Engle (for here was that part of Mercland, spoken of in Story) for equality of distance from the inarming Ocean.
By hir Illustrious Earles renowned euery where.
Permit to your selfe credit of those, loaden with Antique fables, as Guy (of whom the Author in the XII. Song, and here presently) Morind and such like, and no more testimony might be giuen, to exceed. But, More sure iustifi∣cation hereof is, in those Great Princes Henry Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke, and * 1.1006 Praecomes Angliae (as the Record call's him) vnder a 1.1007 Hen. VI. and Richard Neuill making it (as it were) his gaine to Crown, and depose Kings in that blou∣dy dissension twixt the White and Red Roses.
That mighty Arden held—
What is now the Woodland in Warwickeshire, was heretofore part of a larger Weald or Forest call'd Arden. The reliques of whose name in Dene of Mon∣mouth Shire, & that Arduenna or La Forest d'Ardenne, by Henault and Luxem∣bourg, shews likelihood of interpretation of the yet vsed English name of Wood∣land. And, whereas, in old inscriptions. b 1.1008 Diana * 1.1009 Nemorensis, with other addi∣tions, hath beene found among the Latines, the like seemes to be exprest in an old Marble, now in Italy, c 1.1010 grauen vnder Domitian, in part thus:
* 1.1011 DIS. MANIBVS.
Q. CAESIVS. Q. F. CLAVD.
ATILIANVS. SACERDOS.
DEANAE. ARDVINNAE.
That comprehensiue largenes which this Arden once extended (before Ruine of her Woods) makes the Author thus limit her with Seuerne and Trent. By reason of this her greatnes ioyn'd with Antiquity, Hee also made choise of this place for description of the Chase, the English simples, and Hermit, as you read in him.
And thither wisely brought that goodly Virgin band.
Sufficient iustification of making a Poem, may be from tradition, which the Author here vses; but see to the VIII. Song, where you haue this incredible number of Virgins, shipt at London, nor skils it much on which you bestow your faith, or if on neither. Their request (as the Genius prayer) are the Authors owne fictions, to come to expresse the worth of his Natiue soiles Citie.
By Leofrique her Lord, yet in base bondage held.
The ensuing Story of this Leofrique and Godiua, was vnder the Confessor. I find it reported in Matthew of Westminster, that * 1.1012 Nuda, equum ascendens, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 capetis & tricas dissoluens corpus suum totum, praeter Crura 〈◊〉〈◊〉, inde vela∣uit.
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This Leofrique (buried at Couentry) was Earle of Leicester, not Chester (as some ill tooke it by turning Legecestra, being indeed sometimes for Chester, of old call'd Vrbs Legionum, as to the XI. Song already) which is without scru∣ple shew'd in a d 1.1013 Charter, of the Mannor of Spalding in Lincolneshire, made to Wulgat Abbot of Crowland, beginning thus: Ego Thoroldus De Buckenhale co∣rā Nobilissimo Domino meo Leofrico Comite Leicestriae, & Nobilissima Comitis∣sa sua Domina Godiua sorore mea, & cum confensu & bona voluntate Domini & Cognati mei Comitis Algari primogeniti & Haeredis eorum, donaui, &c. This Algar succeeded him; and, as a speciall title, Gouernment, & honor, this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was therin among the Saxons so singular, that it was hereditary with ave∣ry long pedegree, til the Conquest, from K. Ethelbalds time, aboue CCC. years. In Malmesbury, he is stiled Earle of Hereford; and indeed, as it seemes, had large * 1.1014 dominion ouer most part of Mercland, and was a great Protector of good K. Edward, from ambitious Godwins faction. You may note in him, what power the Earles of those times had for granting, releasing, or imposing liberties and exactions, which since onely the Crowne hath, as vnseparably, annext to it. Nay, since the Normans, I finde that e 1.1015 William Fitz-Osbern, Earle of Hereford, made a law in his County, * 1.1016 vt Nullus miles pro qualicúnq, commisso plus septem so∣lidis soluat, which was obseru'd without Controuersie, in Malmesburies time; and I haue seene originall letters of Protection (a perfect and vncommunica∣ble power Royall) by that great Prince Richard Earle of Poiters and Cornewall, brother to Hen. III. sent to the Shirif of Rutland, for & in behalf of a Nonnery a∣bout Stanford: and it is well knowne, that his successor Edmund left no small tokens of such supremacie in Constitutions liberties, and impos'd Subsi∣dies in the Stannaries of Connewall; with more such like extant in Monuments. But whatsoeuer their power heretofore was, I thinke, it then ceased with that f 1.1017 custome of their hauing the third part of the Kings profit in the County, which was also in the Saxon timesvsuall, as appeares in that; g 1.1018 In Ipswich Regi∣na Edeua II. partes habuit & Comes Guert tertiam; Norwich reddebat X X. libras Regi, & Comiti X. libras: Ofthe Borough of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; its profits erant II. partes Regis, tertia Comitis; & Oxford reddebat Regi XX. libras, & sex sextarios mellis, * 1.1019 Comitiverò Algaro X. libras. Andvnder K. Iohn, Geffrey Fitz-Peeter, Earle of Essex, and William le Marshall Earle of Striguil, * 1.1020 Administrationem suorum * 1.1021 Comitatuum habebant, saith Houeden. But Time hath, with other parts of Go∣uernment, altered all this to what we nowvse.
A witnes of that day we won vpon the Danes.
He meanes Rollritch stones in the Confines of Warwicke and Oxfordshire; of which the vulgar there haue a fabulous tradition, that they are an army of Men, and I know not what Great Generall amongst them, conuerted into Stones: a tale not hauing his superior in the ranke ofvntruth's. But (vpon the * 1.1022 conceit of a most learned Man) the Muse refers it to some battel of the Danes, about time of Rollo's Piracie and incutsion, and for her Country takes the bet∣ter side (as iustifiable as the contrary) in affirming the day to the English. But, to suppose this a Monument of that battell, fought at Hochnorton, seemes to me in matter of certainty, not very probable: I meane, being drawne from Rollo's name: of whose Story, both for a passage in the last Song, and here, permit a short examination. The Norman h 1.1023 tradition is, that he, with diuers other Danes transplanting themselues, as well for dissension twixt him and his King, * 1.1024 as for new seat of habitation, arriu'd here, had some skirmishes with the English, defending their territories; and soon afterward being admonisht in a Dreame, aided and aduised by K. Athelstan, entred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in France; wasted and won part
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of it about Paris, Baieux, elsewhere; returned vpon request by Embassage to assist the English King against Rebels; and afterward in the year DCCCC. XI. or XII. receiu'd his Dukedom of Normandy, & Christianity, his name of Robert, with AEgidia or Gilla (for wife) daughter to Charles, surnamed the Simple; as to the IV. Song I haue, according to the credit of the Story, toucht it. But how came such habitude twixt Athelstan and him, before this DCCCC.XII. when as it is plain, that Athelstan was not King till DCCCC.XXIV. orneere that point? Neither is any concordance twixt Athelstan and this Charles. whose Kingdome was taken from him by Rodulph D. of Burgunay, II. yeares before our K. Edward I. (of the Saxons) died. In the ninth yeare of whose raigne, falling vnder DCCCC.VI. was that battell of Hochnorton; so that, vnles the name of Athel∣stin be mistook for this Edward, or, be wanting to the Dominicall year of those XXII. of the `Dionysian calculation (whereof to the IV. Song) I see no meanes to make their Storie stand with it selfe, nor our Monkes; in whom (most of them writing about the Norman times) more mention would haue beene of Rollo, Ancester to the Conqueror, and his acts here, had they knowne any certainty of his name or warres: which I rather guesse to haue beene in our Maritime parts then Inlands, vnles when (if that were at all) he assisted K. Athelstan. Read Frodoard, and the old Annals of France, written neerer the supposed times, and you will scarce find him to haue beene, or else therevnder i 1.1025 some other name; as Godfrey, which some haue contectur'd, to be the same with Rollo. You may seein AEmilius what vncertainties, if not contrarieties, were, in Norman tradi∣tions of this matter; and, I make no question, but of that vnknowne Nation so much mistaking hath beene of names and times, that scarce any vndoubted truth therein now can iustifie itselfe. For, obserue but what is here deliuered, and compare it with k 1.1026 them which say in DCCC.XCVIII. Rollo was ouerthrown at Chartres by Richard Duke of Burgundy, and Ebal Earle of Poiters, assisting Walzelm Bishop of that Citie; &, my question is, Where haue you hope of Re∣conciliation? Except only in Equiuocation of name; for plainely Hastings, Godfrey, Hrornc and others (if none of these were the same) all Danes, had to do and that with Dominion in France about this age; wherein it is further re¦ported, that m 1.1027 Robert Earle of Paris, and in some sort a King twixt Charles and Rodulpb, gaue to certaine Normans that had entred the Land at Loire (they first n 1.1028 entredthere in clo. CCC. LIII.) all Little Bretagne and Nants, and this in DCCCC.XXII. which agrees, with that gift of the same tract to Rollo by Charles, little better then harshest discords. And so doth that of Rollo's being aided by the English King, and in league with him against the French, with another receiued truth: which is, that Charles was (by marriage with * 1.1029 Edgith of the English Kings Ioines) sonne in lawto Edward, and brother inlaw to Athelstan, in whose o 1.1030 protection here Lewes (afterward the IV.) was, while Roldulph of Burgundy held the Crowne. For that vnmannerly ho∣mage also, spoken of to the IV. Song by one of Rollo's Knights, it is repotted by Malmesbury and others, to be done by Rollo himselfe; and, touching that Egidia wife to Rollo, the iudicious French Historiographer P. Emilius (from who the Italian Polydore had many odde pieces of his best context) tels cleerly, that she was daughter to Lothar K. of Romans, and giuen by his cozen Charles the Grosse, to Godfrey King of Normans, with Westrich (that is Neustria) about DCCC.LXXX.VI and imagines that the Norman Historians were deceiued by equiuocation of name, mistaking Charles the Simple for Charles the Grosse, liuing neere onetime; as also that they finding Egidia a Kings daughter (be∣ing indeed Lothar's) supposed her Charles the Simple's. This makes me thinke also that of Godfrey and Rollo, hath beene like confusion of name. But both
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Times, Raignes and Persons are so disturbed in the Stories, that being insuffi∣cient to rectifie the Contrarieties, I leaue you to the liberty of common report.
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The fourteenth Song.
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Jllustrations.
SOmewhat returning now neere the way you descended from the Northern parts, the Muse leades you through that part of Worcestershire, which is on this side Seuerne, and the neighbouring Stafford, viewing also Cotteswold, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Glocester. The fictions of this Song are not so couuert, nor the allusions so difficult, but that I presume your conceit, for the most part, willingly dis∣charges my labour.
And of her cares represt with her delicious wines.
In this tract of Glocestershire (where to this day many places are stiled Vine∣yards) was of ancient time among other fruits of a fertile soile, great store of Vines and more then in any other place of the Kingdom. Now in many parts of this Realme we haue some: but what comes of them in the Presse is scarce worth respect. Long since, the Emperour a 1.1039 Probus * 1.1040 Gallis omnibus & Hispanis ac Britannis permisit vt vites haberent vinúmq, conficerent: But b 1.1041 Tacitus, before that, speaking of this Island commends it with * 1.1042 Solum praeter Oleam vitémq, & caetera calidioribus terris oririsueta, Datiens frugum; foecundum. Long since Pro∣bus, England had its Vineyards also & some store of Wine, as appears by that in Domesday, * 1.1043 Vnus & Parcus & CI. Arpenni Vineae (that is between V. and VI. Acres; Arpent in French signifying a Content 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ground of C Rods square, e∣uery Rod XVIII. foot) & reddit XX. modios vnt sibenè procedit, being recorded of a place c 1.1044 by Ralegh in Essex. This was vnder William I: and since him in time of Hen. I. d 1.1045 much Wine was made here in Glocestershire. That now the Isle enioyes not frequencie of this benefit, as in old time, whether it be through the soiles old age, and so like a woman growing sterile (as e 1.1046 in another kind
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Tremellius many hundred yeares since thought) or by reason of the earths change of place, as vpon difference in Astronomicall obseruations Stadius guest, or that some part of singular influence, whereon Astrologie hangs most of inferior qualities, is alter'd by that slow course (yet of great power in alte∣ration of Heauens System) of the eight Sphere (or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the AEquino¦ctiall) or by reason of industry wanting in the Husbandman, I leaue it to others examination.
—still falling Southward leaues.
He alludes to the difference of the Zodiaques obliquity from what it was of old. For, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time about 〈◊〉〈◊〉 CD.LX. yeares since the vtmost De¦clination of the Sunne in the I. of Cance (where she is neerest to our Verticall point) was XXIII. Gr. and about LII. Minut. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that. Albategin (about Char∣lemaines * 1.1047 time) obserued it some XV. Scruples lesse: after him (neere 〈◊〉〈◊〉. of Christ) Arzacheld found it XXIII. Gr. XXXIV. Scr. and in this later age ohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Comtgs-burg and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brought it to XXIII. Gr. XXVIII. Scrup which concords also with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 accompt, and as many as thence traduce their Ephemerides. So that (by this calculation) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 XXIIII Minuts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sunne comes not now so neere our Zenith, as it did in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time. But in truth (for in these things I accompt that truth, which is warranted by most accurat Obseruation; and those learned Mathematicians, by omitting of Pa∣ralax and Refractions, deceiued themselues and posterity) the declination in this age is XXIII. Gr. XXXI. Scrup. and ½ as that Noble Dane, and most Ho∣nor'd Restorer of Astronomical Motions, Tycho Brahe, hath taught vs: which, although it be greater then that of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and his followers; yet is much lesse then what is in Ptolome; and by two Scruples different from Arzachels, so iustifying the Authors conceipt, supposing the cause of our Climats not now producing Wines, to be the Sunnes declination from vs, which for euery Scru∣ple answers in earth, about one of our Miles; but a farre more large distance in the Celestiall Globe. I can as well maintaine this high-fetcht cause, being vp∣pon difference of so few Minuts in one of the slowest motions (and we see that greatest effects are alwayes attributed to them, as vpon the old conceit of the Platonique yeare, abridged into neere his halfe by Copernicus, those conse∣quents foretold vpon the change of f 1.1048 E'ccentriques out of one signe into an other, the Equinoctiall praecession, and such like; as others may their con∣uersion of a Planets state into Fortunat, Opprest or Combust, by measuring or missing their XVI. Scruples of Cazimi, their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and such curionties. Neyther can you salue the effect of this declination, by the Sunnes much neerer approach to the earth, vpon that decrease of his Eccentricity which Copernicus and his followers haue published. For, admitting that were true, vet iudiciall Astrologie relies more vpon Aspect and beames falling on vs with Angles (which are much altered by this change of Obliquity in the Zo∣draque) then distance of euery singular starre from the Earth. But indeede, vpon mistaking the Poles altitude, and other error in Obseruation, * 1.1049 Coperni∣cus was deceiu'd, and in this present age the Sunnes Eccentricity (in Ptolemy, being the XXIV. of the Eccentriques semidiameter, diuided into LX) hath beene g 1.1050 found betweene the XXVII. and XXVIII. P. which is farre greater 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that in Copernicus, erroniously making it but neere the XXXI. But this is too heauenly a language for the common Reader; and perhaps too late I leaue it.
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The fifteenth Song.
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Illustrations.
I Shall here be shorter then in the last before. The Muse is so full in herselfe, employ'd wholly about the Nuptials of Tame and Isis. In the Ghirlands of Tame are vvreathed most of our English Field-flowers: in them of Isis, our more sweet and those of the Garden; Yet vpon that,
The Garters Royall seat, from him who did aduance.
I cannot but remember the institution, (toucht to the IV. Song) of his most honorable Order, dedicated to S. George (in XXIV. Ed. III.) it is yeer∣ly at this place celebrated by that Noble companie of XXVI. Whether the cause were vpon the word of Garter giuen in the French wars among the Eng∣lish, or vpon the Queens, or Countes of Salisburies Garter fallen from her leg, or vpon different & more ancient Original whatsoeuer, know cleerly (without vnlimited affectation of your Countries glorie) that it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Maiestie, ho∣nor, and fame, all Chiualrous Orders in the world; and (excepting those of Templars, S. Iames, Calatraua, Alcantara, and such like other, which were more Religious then Military) hath precedence of Antiquity before the eldest rank of honor, of that kind any where established. The Anunciada (2 1.1073 instituted by Amades VI. Earle of Sauoy, about 〈◊〉〈◊〉 CCCC. IX. although others haue it by Amades IV. and so creat it before this of the Garter) and that of the Golden Fleece, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Duke of Burgundy 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCCC. XXIX. of S. Michael by Lewes XI. Della Banda, by Alfonso of Spaine, & such like, ensuedit, as imitating In∣stitutions, after a regard of the farre extended fame, worth, and glory of S. Georges Knights.
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The sixteenth Song.
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Illustrations.
IN wandring passage the Muse returnes from the Wedding, somewhat into the Land, and first to Hartford; whence, after matter of description, to London.
Thou saw'st when Verlam once her head alost did beare.
For, vnder Nero, the Britons intollerably loaden with weight of the Roman gouernment, and especially the Icens (now Norfolk & Suffulk men) prouok't by that cruell seruitude, into which, not themselues only, but the wife also and Posteritie of their King Prasutagus were, euen beyond right of victorie, con∣strained, at length breathing for libertie (and in a further continuance of warre hauing for their Generall R. Boudicea, Bunduica, or as the difference of her name is) rebell'd against their forraine Conqueror, and in Martiall oppositi∣on committing a slaughter of no lesse then LXXX M. (as Dio hath, although Tacitus misse 〈◊〉〈◊〉. of this number) ransackt and spoild Maldon (then Camalodunum) and also this Verulam (neer S. Albons) which were the two a 1.1098 chief Towns of the Ile; The first a Colony (wheros the VIII. Song:) this a * 1.1099 Municipal Citie, call'd expresly in a Catalogue at th'end of Nonnius, Caer-Municip. Out of b 1.1100 Agellius I thus note to you its Nature. * 1.1101 Municipes sunt Ciues Romaniex Mu∣nicipys suo iure & Legibus suis vtentes, Muneris tantùm cum Pop. Rom. honorary participes, a quo Munere capesiendo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 videntur; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 alijs necessitatibus ne{que} vlla Pop. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 astricti, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nunquam Pop. Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sundus factus esset. It differed from a Colony, most of all in that a Colony was a Progeny of the Citie, and this of such were as receiued into State-fauour and friendship by the Roman. Personating the Genius of Verlam, that euer famous c 1.1102 Spenser sang
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I was that Citie, which the Garland wore
Of Britaines Pride, deliuered vnto me
By Roman Victors, which it wonne of yore;
Though nought at all but Ruines now I be,
And lie in mine owne ashes, as ye see:
Verlam I was; what bootes it that I was,
Sith now I am but weeds and wastfull grass?
As vnder the Romans, so in the Saxon times afterward it endured a second Ruine: and, out of its corruption, after the Abbey erected by K. Offa, was gene∣rated that of Saint Albons; whither, a 1.1103 in later times most of the stone-workes and vvhatsoeuer fit for building vvas by the Abbots translated. So that,
— b 1.1104 Now remaines no Memorie,
Nor any little moniment to see,
By which the Traueller that fares that way,
This once was shee, may warned be to say.
The name hath bin thought from the Riuer there running call'd Ver, and Humfrey c 1.1105 Lhuid makes it, as if it were Her-Ihan. i. a Church vpon Ver.
Thou saw'st great burthen'd ships through these thy vallies pass.
Lay not here vnlikelihoods to the Authors charge; he tells you more iudi∣ciously towards the end of the Song. But the cause why some haue thought so, is, for that, d 1.1106 Gildas, speaking of S. Albons martyrdome and his miracu∣lous passing through the Riuer at Verlamcestre, calls it * 1.1107 iter ignotum trans Tha∣mesis fluuij alueum: so by collection they guest that Thames had then his full course this way, being thereto further mou'd by Anchors and such like here digd vp. This coniecture hath been followed by that e 1.1108 Noble Muse thus in the person of Verlam;
And where the Crystall Thamis wont to slide
In siluer channell downe along the lee,
About whose flowry bankes on either side
A thousand Nymphes, with mirth fulliollity,
Were wont to play from all annoyance free:
There now no Riuers course is to be seene,
But Moorish Fennes, and Marshes euer greene.
There also where the winged ships were seene,
In liquid waues, to cut their fomie way;
A thousand Fishers numbred to haue been
In that wide Lake looking for plentious pray
Of fish, with baites which they vs'd to betray,
Is now no Lake, nor any Fishers store,
Nor euer Ship shall saile there any more.
But, for this matter of the Thames, those two great Antiquaries, Leland and Camden, haue ioind in iudgement against it: and for the Anchors, they may be suppos'd of fish-boats in large pooles, which haue here bin; and yet are lest re∣liques of their name.
Since vs his Kingly waies Molmutius first began.
Neere D. yeers before our Sauiour, this K. Molmutius (take it vpon credit of
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the British story) constituted diuers lawes; especially that Churches, Plough's, and High-waeies should haue liberties of Sanctuarie, by no authoritie violable. That Churches should be free and enioy libertie for refuge, consenting allow∣ance of most Nations haue tolerated, and in this Kingdome (it being affirm'd also by constitution of g 1.1109 K. Lucius a Christian) euery Churchyard was a Sanc∣tuarie, vntill by act h 1.1110 of Parliament vnder Hen. VIII. that licence, for protec∣tion of Offences, being too much abused, was taken away; but, whether now restored in the last i 1.1111 Parliament, wherein all statutes concerning Abiuration or Sanctuarie made before XXXV. Eliz. are repealed, I examine not. The Plough and Husbandmen haue by our k 1.1112 statutes & especially by l 1.1113 Ciuil and m 1.1114 Persian law, great freedomes. High-waies, being without exception, necessarie, as well for Peace as Warre, haue bin defended in the Roman n 1.1115 lawes, and are ta∣ken in ours, to be in that respect (as they are by implication of the name) the Kings High-waeies, and o 1.1116 * 1.1117 res sacrae: & qui aliquid inde occupauer it excedendo fines & terminos terrae suae dicitur fecisse Purpresturam super ipsum Regem. Ac∣cording to this priuiledge of Mulmutius in the statute of Marlebridge p 1.1118 it is enacted, that none should distraine in the Kings High-way, or the common Street, but the King and his Ministers, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 authoritatem ad hoc habenti∣bus; which I particularly transcribe, because the printed books are therein so generally corrupted by addition of this here cited in Latine; You see it alters the Law much, and we haue diuers iudgements, that in behalfe of the King by common Bailifs without speciall authority Distres may be q 1.1119 taken, as for an amerciament in the Shrifes Torne or Leete, or for Parliament Knights fees. But the old Rolls of the statute (as I haue seen in a faire Ms. examined by the exemplification, for the Record it selfe is with many other lost) had not those words, as the r 1.1120 Register also specially admonishes, nor is any part of that Chap∣ter in some Mss. which I maruaile at, seeing we haue a formal writ grounded vpon it. Not much amisse were it here to remember a worse fault, but conti∣nually receiu'd, in the Charter of the Forest Art. VII. where you read Nullus Forestarius &c. aliquam collectam faciat nisi per Visum & Sacramentum XII. Re∣gardatornm quando faciunt Regardum. Tot Forestarij &c. the truth of the best Copies (and so was the Record) being in this digestion Nullus Forestarius &c. aliquam collectam faciat. Et per visum Sacramentum XII. Regardatorū, quando faciunt Regardū, tot Forestarij ponantur &c. as, beside authentique Mss. it is expresly in the like Charter, almost word, for word, giuen first by K. Iohn, and printed in Mathew Paris; twixt which, and that of ours commonly read, may he be made a time-deseruing comparison. Were it not for digression, I would speake of the sensles making of Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury witnes to the graund Charter in IX. Hen. III. When as it is plaine that he was not Archbishop vntill XXV. The best copie that euer I sawe had Simon Arch∣bishop of Canterburie: which indeed was worse, there being no such Prelate of that See, in those times; but the mistaking was by the transcriber turning the single S. (according to the forme of writing in that age) into Simon for Stephen, who was (Stephen of Langton) Archbishop at that time. But I forget my selfe in following matter of my more particular study, & return to Molmutius. His constitution being generall for libertie of High-waies, controuersie grew a∣bout the course and limits of them: wherupon his sonne K. Belin to quit the subiect of that doubt caus'd more specially these foure, here presently spo∣ken of, to be made, which might be for interrupted passage both in Warre and Peace; and hence by the Author, they are call'd Military (a name giuen by the Romans to such High-waies, as were for their marching armies) and indeed by more polit conceit s 1.1121 and iudicious authority these our waies haue bin thought
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a worke of the Romans also. But their courses are differently reported, and in some part their names also. The Author calls them Watling-street, the Fosse, Ikinild, and Rickeneld. This name of Rickeneld is in Randall of Chester and by him deriued from S. Dewies in Penbroke into Hereford, & so through Wor∣cester, Warwick, Derby, and York-shires to Tinmouth, which (vpon the Authors credit reporting it to me) is also iustifiable by a very ancient deed of Lands, bounded neer Bermingham in Warwickshire by Rickeneld. To endeuor certain∣ty in them, were but to obtrude vnwarrantable coniecture, and abuse time & you. Of Watling (who is here personated, & so much the more proper because Verlam was call'd also, by the English, m 1.1122 Watling-chester) it is sayd that it went frō Douer in Kent, & so by West of London (yet part of the name seems to this day left in the middle of the Citie) to this place, & thence in a crooked line through Shropshire by Wrekin hillinto n 1.1123 Cardigan; but o 1.1124 others say from Verlam to Che∣ster; and where all is refer'd to Belin by Geffrey ap Arthur, and Polychronicon, another p 1.1125 tels you that the sonnes of (I know not what) K. Wethle made, and denominated it. The Fosse is deriued, by one consent out of Cornwall into De∣uonshire, through Somerset, ouer Cotes-wold by Teukesburie, along neere Couen∣try, to Leicester, through Lincolne to Berwick, and thenceto Cathnes thevt∣most of Scotland. Of Restitution of the other you may be desperate; Ricke∣neld I haue told you of; In Henry of Huntingdon, no such name is found, but with the first two, Ickenild and Ermingstreet. Ickenild, sayth he, goes from East to West: Ermingstreet, from South, to North: Another tells me that Ermingstreet begins at S. Dewies, and conuaies it selfe to Southamp∣ton; which the Author hath attributed to Ichning, begun (vpon the words communitie with Icens) in the Easterne parts. Its not my power to reconcile all these, or elect the best; I only add, that, Ermingstreet (which being of Eng∣lish, Idions, seems to haue had its name from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in that signification wherby it q 1.1126 interprets an vniuersall pillar worshipt for Mercurie president of waies, is like enough (if Huntingdon be in the right, making it from South to North) to haue left its part in Stanstreet in Surrey, where a way made with stones and grauel in a soile on both sides very different continues neere a mile; and thence towards the Easterne shore in Sussex are some places seeming as o∣ther reliques of it. But I here determine nothing.
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The seuenteenth Song.
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Jllustrations.
AFter your trauailes (thus led by the Muse) through the Inlands, out of the Welsh coast maritime, here are you carried into Surrey and Sussex; the Southerne shires from London to the Ocean: and Thames as K. of all our Riuers, summarily sings the Kings of England, from Norman William to ye∣sterdaies age.
Mole digs her selfe a path, by working day and night.
This Mole runnes into the earth, about a mile from Darking in Surrey, and after some two miles sees the light againe, which to be certaine hath been affirmed by Inhabitants there about reporting triall made of it. Of the Riuer Deuerill neere Warmister in Wilshire is said as much; and more of Alphew, run∣ning out of Elis (a part of the now Morea anciently Peloponnesus in Greece) through the vast Ocean to Arethusa in a little Isle (close by Syracnse of Sictly) call'd Ortygia, and thither thus comming vnmixt with the Sea, which hath been both tried by a a 1.1142 cup, lost in Elis, and other stuff of the Olymptan sacrifices there cast vp, & is iustified also by expresse assertion of an old b 1.1143 Oracle to Ar∣chias, a Corinthian, aduising him he should hither deducea Colony.
—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
Likethis, * 1.1144 Pausantas reckons more; c 1.1145 Erasin in Greece, Lycus d 1.1146 that runs into Me∣ander, e 1.1147 Tiger, and diuers others, some remember for such qualitie. And Gaudi∣ana (the antient limit of Portugall and the Baetique Spaine) is specially famous for this forme of subterranean course: which although hath been thought fa∣bulous, yet by some learned and iudicious of that f 1.1148 Country, is put for an vnfai∣nedtruth.
He euer since doth flowe beyond delightfull Sheene.
Moles fall into Thames is neere the vtmost of the Floud, which from the German Ocean, is about LX miles, scarce equalled (I thinke) by any other Riuer in Europe; whereto you may attribute its continuing so long a course, vnlesse to the Diurnall motion of the Heauens, or Moone, from East to West (which hardly in any other Riuer of note falling into so great a Sea, will be
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found so agreeable, as to this, flowing the same way) and to the easinesse of the Channell being not ouer creeky, I cannot guesle. I incline to this of the hea∣uens, because such a 1.1149 testimony is of the Oceans perpetuall motion in that kind; and whether it be for frequencie of a winding, and thereby more resi∣sting shore, or for any other reason iudicially not yet discouered, it is certaine, that our coasts are most famous for the greatest differences, by ebbs & flouds, before all other whatsoeuer.
Left with his ill got Crowne vnnaturall debate.
See what the matter of Descent to the IV. Song tels you of his title; yet euen out of his owne mouth as part of his last will and testament, these words are re∣ported; b 1.1150 I Constitute no heire of the Crowne of England: but to the vniuersall Creator, whose I am, and in whose hand are all things, I commendit. For I had it not by inheritance, but, with direfull conflict, and much effusion of bloud; I tooke it from that periur'd Harold, and by death of his fauorites, haue I subdu'd it to my Empire. And somewhat after: Therfore I dare not bequeath the scepter of this kingdome to any but to God alone, least after my death worse troubles happen in it, by my Occasion. For my sonne William (alwaies, as it became him, obedient to me) I wish that God may giue him his graces, and that, if so it please the Almighty, * 1.1151 he may raigne after me. This William the II. (called Rufus) was his second sonne, Robert his eldest hauing vpon discontent (taken because the Dukedome of Normandie, then as it were by birth-right, neerly like the principality of Wales, anciently, or Dutchy of Cornwall at this day, belonging to our Kings Heires apparant, was denied him) reuolted vnnaturally, and moued war against him, aided by Philip I. of France, which caused his merited dishinheritance. Twixt this William and Robert, as also twixt him and Henry I. all brothers (and soris to the Conqueror) were diuers oppositions for the Kingdom and Dukedom, which here the Author allu'des to. Our stories in euery hand informe you: And will dicouer also the Conquerors adoption by the Confessor, Harolds oth to him, and such institutions of his lawfull title enforst by a case c 1.1152 reported of one English, who, deriuing his right from Seisin before the Conquest, reco∣uered by iudgement of K. William I. the Mannor of Sharborn in Norfolk a∣gainst one Warren a Norman to whom the King had before granted it: which had been vniust, it he had by right of warre only gotten the kingdom; for then had d 1.1153 all titles, of subiects before, been vtterly extinct. But, (admit this case as you please, or any cause of right beside his sword) It is plaine that his will and imperious affection (mou'd by their rebellions which had stood for the sworne Harold) dispos'd all things as a Conqueror: Vpon obseruation of his subiection of all Lands to tenures, his change of Lawes, disinheriting the Eng∣lish, and such other reported (which could be but where the profitable Domi∣nion, as Ciuillians call it, was vniuersally acquired into the Princes hand) and in reading the disgracefull account then made of the English name, it will be manifest.
Who by a fatall dart in vast New Forest slaine.
His death by an infortunate loosing at a Dear out of one Walter Tirrels hand in New Forest, his brother Richard being blasted there with infectiō, & Richard, * 1.1154 Duke Roberts Sonne, hauing his neck broken there in a boughs twist catching him from his horse, haue been thought as diuine reuenges on William the first, who destroy'd in Hantshire XXXVI. parish Churches to make dens for wild beasts; although its probable enough, that it was for security of landing new forces there, if the wheele of fortune, or change of Mars, should haue dispossest him of the English Crovvne. Our Stories vvill of these things
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better instruct you: but, if you seek Matthew Paris for it, amend the absurdity of both the London and Tigurin Prints in An. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. LXXXVI. and for Rex * 1.1155 magnificus & bonae indolis Adolescens; read, Rich. magnificus &c. for Richard bro∣ther to this Red William
Was by that cruell King depriued of his sight.
Thus did the Conquerors Posterity vnquietly possesse their Fathers inheri∣tance. William had much to do with his brother Robert, iustly grudging at his vsurping the Crowne from right of Primogeniture; but so much the lesse, in that Robert with diuers other German and French Princes left all priuate re∣spects for the Holy warre, which after the Crosse vndertaken (as those times v∣sed) had most fortunate successe in Recouery of Palestine. Robert had no more but the Dutchy of Normandy, nor that without swords often drawne, before his Holy expedition: about which (hauing first offer of, but refusing the King∣dome of Ierusalem) after he had some V. yeeres been absent, he returned into England, finding his younger brother (Henry I. ) exalted into his hereditarie throne. For, although it were vndoubtedly agreed that Robert was eldest son of the Conqueror; yet the pretence which gaue Henry the Crowne (beside the meanes of his working fauorites) was, that * 1.1156 he was the only Issue borne after his Father was a King: vpon which point a great question is disputed among f 1.1157 Ciuilians. Robert was no sooner return'd into Normandy, but presently (first animated by Randall, Bishop of Durham, a great disturber of the common peace twixt the Prince and subiect by intolerable exactions & vnlimited iniu∣stice vnder William II. whose * 1.1158 chief Iustice it seems he was, newly escaped out of prison (whither for those state-misdemeanors he was committed by Henry) he dispatches & enterchāges intelligēce with most of the Baronage, claiming his Primogeniture-right, & therby the kingdom. Hauing thus gain'd to him most of the English Nobility, he lands with forces at Portesmouth, thence marching towards Winchester: but before any encounter the two Brothers were perswa∣ded to a Peace; Couenant was made and confirmed by oth of XII. Barons, on both parts, that Henry should pay him yeerly 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pounds of siluer, and that the suruiuor of them should inherit, the other dying without islue. This Peace, vpon denial of paiment (which had the better colour, because, at request of Q. Maude, the Duke prodigally released his 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pounds the next yeere after the Couenant) was soone broken. The K. (to preuent what mischief might follow a second arriuall of his brother) assisted by the greatest fauours of Normandy and Aniou, besieged Duke Robert in one of his Castles, took him, brought him home Captiue, and at length vsing that course (next secure to death) so often red of in Choniates Cantucuzen, and other Orientall stories, put out his eyes, being all this time imprisoned in Cardiffe Castle in Glamorgan, where he miserably breathed his last. It is by Polydore added, out of some au∣thoritie, that K. Henry after a few yeers imprisonment released him, and com∣manded that within XL. daies and 12. houres (these houres haue in them time of two Flouds, or a Floud and an Ebb) he should, abiuring England and Nor∣manay, passe the seas as in perpetuall Exile; and that in the meane time, vpon new Treasons attempted by him, he was secondly committed, and endured his punishment and death as the common Monks relate. I find no warrantable authority that makes me beleeue it: Yet, because it giues some kind of ex∣ample of our Obsolet law of Abiuration (which it seems had its beginning frō one of the statutes published vnder name of the Confessor) a word or two of the time prescribed here for his passage: which being examined vpon Brac∣tons credit, makes the report therein faulty. For he seems confident that the
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XL. daies in abiuration, were afterward induced vpon the statute of * 1.1159 Clarindon, which gaue the accused of Felony, or Treason although quitted by the Ordell (that is iudgmēt by Water or Fire, but the Satute published, speaks only of Wa∣ter, being the common triall of meaner a 1.1160 persons) XL. daies to passe out of the Realme with his substance, which to other Felons taking sanctuary & confes∣sing to the Coroner, he affirms not grantable; although Iohn le 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is against him, giuing this liberty of time, accounted after the abiuration to be spent in the Sanctuary, for prouision of their voiage necessaries, after which complete, no man, on paine of life & Member, is to supply any of their wants. I know it a point very intricat to determine, obseruing these opposite Authors and no ex∣presse resolution. Since them, the Oth of Abiuration published among our Manuall Statutes neerly agrees with this of Duke Robert, but with neither of those old Lawyers. In it, after the Felon confesses, and abiures, and hath his Port appointed; I will (proceeds the Oth) diligently endeuor to passe ouer at that Port, and will, not delaie time there aboue a Floud, and an Ebb, if I may haue passage in that space; if not, I will euery day goe into the Sea vp to the knees, as∣saying to go ouer, and vnlesse I may do this within Fortie continuall daies I will re∣turne to the Sanctuarie, as a Felon of our Lord the King; So God mee help, &c. So here the XL. dayes are to be spent about the passage and not in the Sanc∣tuarie: Compare this with other b 1.1161 authorities, and you shall find all so disso∣nant, that Reconciliation is impossible, Resolution very difficult. I only offer to their consideration, which can here iudge, why Hubert de Burch (Earle of Kent, and chiefe Iustice of England vnder Hen. III.) hauing incurr'd the Kings high displeasure, and grieuously persecuted by great Enemies, taking Sanctuarie, was, after his being violently drawn out, restored; yet that the She∣riffes, of Hereford and Essex, were commanded to ward him there, and preueut all sustenance to be brought him, which they did, decernentes c 1.1162 ibi X L. Dic∣rum excubijs obseruare: And whether also the same reason (now vnknown to vs) bred this XL. daies for expectation of embarquement out of the king∣dome, which gaue it in an other kind for retorne? as in case of Disseisin, the law hath d 1.1163 bin that the Disseisor could not reenter without action, vnles he had as it were made a present and Continuall Claime, yet if he had been out of the Kingdome in single Pilgrimage (that is not in generall voiages to the Holy∣land) or in the Kings seruice in France, or so, he had allowance of XL. daies. II. Flouds, and I. Ebb, to come home in, and XV. daies, and fowre dayes, after his return; and if the tenant had been so beyond Sea he might haue been Essoin'd de vltra Mare, and for a yeere and a day, after which he had XL. daies, One Floud, and one Ebb (which is easily vnderstood as the other for two Flouds) to come into England. This is certaine that the space of XL. dayes (as a yeere and a day) hath had with vs diuers applications, as in what before, the Assise of Freshforce in Cities and Boroughs, and the Widowes Quaren∣tine, which seems to haue had beginning either of a deliberatiue time gran∣ted to her, to think of her conueniencie in taking letters of administration, as in an other e 1.1164 Country the reason of the like is giuen; or else from the XL. daies in the essoine of Child-birth allowed by the Norman Customs. But you mis∣like the digression. It is reported that when William the Conqueror in his death∣bed, left Normandie to Robert, and England to William the Red, this Henry askt him what he would giue him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pounds of siluer (saith he) and be contented my sonne; for, in time, thou shalt haue all which I possesse, and be greater then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of thy brethren.
His sacrilegious hands vpon the Churches laid.
The great controuersie about electing the Arch-bishop of Canterbury (the K. as his right bad him, commanding that Iohn Bishop of Norwich should
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haue the Prelacie, the Pope, being Innocent III. for his owne gaine. aided with some disloyall Monks of Canterbury, desiring, and at last consecrating Ste∣phen of Langton a Cardinal) was first cause of it. For K. Iohn would by no means endure this Stephen, nor permit him the dignity after his vniust Election at Rome, but banished the Moonks and stoutly menaces the Pope. Hee presently makes delegation to William Bishop of London, Eustace of Ely, and Malgere of Worcester, that they should, with monitory aduice, offer perswasion to the K. of conformity to the Romish behest; if hee persisted in Constancy, they should denounce England vnder an interdict. The Bishops tell K. Iohn as much, who suddenly, mov'd with imperious affection & scorn of Papal vsurpation, swears, * 1.1165 by Gods tooth, if they or any other, with vnaduised attempt, subiect his Kingdome to an interdict, hee would presently driue euery Prelate, and Priest of England to the Pope, and confiscat all their substance, and of all the Romans amongst them, hee would first pull out their eyes, and cut off their noses, and then send then all packing, vvith other like threatning tearmes, which notwithstanding were not able to cause them desist; but within little time following in publique denuntia∣tion they performed their authority; and the King, in som sort, his threatnings; committing all Abbeyes and Priories, to Lay mens custodie, and compelling euery Priests Concubine to a grieuous fine. Thus for a while continued the Realme without diuine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Exercise, excepted only Confession, Ex∣treame vnction, and Baptisme; the King being also excommunicated and burials allowed onely in high-waies, and ditches without Ecclesiastique Ce∣remonie, & (but only by indulgence procur'd by Archbishop Langton which purcha'st fauor that in all the Monasteries, excepting of White-Friers, might be diuine seruice once a week) had no change, for some IV. or V. yeers, when the Pope in a solemn Councell of Cardinals, according to his pretended plenary power, depos'd K. Iohn, and immediatly by his Legat Pandulph offered to Phi∣lip II. of France the kingdom of England. This with suspicion of the subiects heart at home, and another cause then more esteemed then either of these, that is, the prophecie of one Peter an Hermit in Yorkshire foretelling to his face that before Holy-Thursday following he should be no King, altered his stiffe, and re∣solute, but too disturbed affections; and perswaded him by Oth of himself and XVI. more of his Barons, to make submission to the church of Rome, & condis∣cended to giue for satisfaction, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pounds sterling (that name of Sterling f 1.1166 began, as I am instructed, in time of Hen. II. and had its Originall of name from som Esterling, making that kind of mony, which hath its essence in particular weight, & finenesse, not of the Starling bird, as som, nor of Sterlin in Scotland vnder Ed. I. as others absurdly; for in g 1.1167 records much more anci∣ent the expresse name Sterlingorū I hauered) to the Clergie, and subiect h 1.1168 all his dominions to the Pope; and so had absolution, and after more then IV. yeers release of the Interdict. I was the willinger to insert it all, because you might see what iniurious opposition, by Papall vsurpation, he 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and then coniec∣ture that his violent dealings against the church were not without intolerable prouocatiō, which madded rather then amended his trobled spirits. Easily you shal not find a Prince more beneficial to the holy cause then he if you take his i 1.1169 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of raigne, before this ambitious Stephen of Langtons election exas∣perated desire of reuenge. Most kind habitude then was twixt him & the Pope, and for alms toward Ierusalems aid he gaue the XL. part of his reuenew, & cau∣sed his Baronage to secōd his example. Although therfore he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no waies ex∣cusable of many of those faults, both in gouernment & religion which are laid on him, yet it much extenuats the ill of his action, that he was so besieged with continuall & vndigestable incentiues of the Clergy with traiterous confidence striking at his Crown, & in such sort, as humanity must haue exceeded itselfe,
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to haue indured it with any mixture of patience. Nor euer shall I impute that his wicked attempt of sending Ambassadors, Thomas Hardington, Ralish Fitz-Nicholas, and Robert of London, to Amiramuily, King of Morocco, for the Mabometan Religion, so much to his owne will and Nature, as to the persecu∣ting Bulls, Interdicts, Excommunications, Deposings, and such like, publi∣shed & acted by them which counterfeiting the vaine name of Pastors, sheere∣ing, and not feeding their Sheep, made this poore King (for they brought him so poore, that he was call'd * 1.1170 Iohannes sine terra) euen as a Phrenetique, co∣mit what posterity receiues now among the worst actions (and in themselues they are so) of Princes.
His Baronage were forc't defensiue Armes to raise.
No sooner had Bandulph, transacted with the King, and Stephen of Lang∣ton was quietly possest of his Archbishoprique, but he presently, in a Coun∣cell of both Orders at Pauls, stirs vp the hearts of the Barons against Iohn, by producing the old Charter of liberties granted by Hen. I. comprehending an instauration of S. Edwards lawes, as they were amended by the Conqueror, and prouoking them to challenge obseruation therof as an absolute dutie to subiects of free State. He was easily heard, and his thoughts seconded with rebellious designes: and after denials of this purpos'd request, armies were mustred to extort these Liberties. But at length by treaty in Ruingned neere * 1.1171 Stanes, he gauethem two Charters; the one, of Liberties generall, the other of the Forest: both which were not very different from our Graund Charter of the Forrest. The Pope at his request confirmed all: but the same yeere, discon∣tentment * 1.1172 (through too much fauour and respect giuen by the King to diuers strangers, whom since the composition with the Legate, he had too frequently, and in too high esteeme entertained) renewing among the Barons, Ambassa∣dors were sent to aduertise the Pope what iniury the Sea of Rome had by this late Exaction of such liberties out of a Kingdome, in which it had such great interest (for King Iohn had been very prodigall to it, of his best and most maiesticall Titles) and with what commotion the Barons had rebeld against him, soon obtain'd a Bull cursing in Thunder all such as stood for any longer maintenance of those granted Charters: This (as how could it be otherwise?) bred new but almost incurable broiles in the State twixt King and subiect: But in whom more, then in the Pope and his Archbishop, was cause of this dis∣sension? Both, as wicked Boutefeus applying themselues to both parts; som∣times animating the subiect by censorious exauthorizing the Prince, then as∣sting and mouing forward his pronenesse, to faithless abrogation, by pretence of an interceding vniuersall authority.
The generall Charter seiz'd—
The last note somewhat instructs you in what you are to remember, that is, the Grand Charters granted and (as matter of fact was) repealed by K. Iohn; his sonne Henry III. of some IX. yeeres age (vnder protection first of William * 1.1173 Mareshall Earle of Penbroke, after the Earles death, Peter de Rodes Bishop of Winchester) in the ninth yeere of his raigne, in a Parliament held at Westmin∣ster desired of the Baronage (by mouth of Hubert de Burch proposing it) a Fifteene: whereto vpon deliberation, they gaue answere, * 1.1174 quòd Regis Petitio∣nibus gratantèr adquiescerent siillis diùpetit as Libertates concedere voluisset. The King agreed to the Condition, and presently vnder the great seale deliuered Charters of them into euery county of England, speaking as those of K. Iohn
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(saith Paris) * 1.1175 it a quod Chartae vtrorúm{que} Regum in nullo inueniuntur dissimiles. Yet those, which we haue, published want of that which is in K. Iohns, wherin you haue a speciall Chapter that, if a lewes debtor die, and leaue his heire with∣in age subiect to paiment, the Vsury during the nonage should cease, which explaines the meaning of the Statut of Merton Chap. V. Otherwise but ill in∣terpreted in some of our yeere g 1.1176 books: After this, followes further, that no Aide, except, to redeem the Kings person out of Captiuity (example of that was in Richard I. whose Ransome, out of the hands of Leopeld Duke of Austria, was neere 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pounds of siluer, collected from the subiect) make his eldest sonne Knight, or marry his eldest daughter, should be leuied of the subiect, but by Parliament. Yet, reason, why these are omitted in Hen. III. his Charter, it seems, easily may be giuen; seeing X. yeeres before time of Edward Long∣shanks exemplification (which is that wheron we now rely, and only haue) all Iewes were banished the kingdome: and among the Petitions, and Grieuances of the Commons at time of his instauration of this Charter to them, one was thus consented to; * 1.1177 Nullum Tallagium vel Auxilium, per nos vel Heredes nostros de caetero in regno nostro imponatur seuleuetur sine voluntate & Consensu commu∣ni Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Abbatum & aliorum Praelatorum, Comitum, Baronum, Militum, Burgensium, & aliorum liberorum hominum: which al∣though compar'd with that of Aides by Tenure, bee no law, yet I coniecture that vpon this article was that Chapter of Aides omitted. But I returne to Hen∣ry: He, within some three yeeres, summons a Parliament to Oxford, and de∣clares his full age, refusing any longer Peter de Roches his Protection; but ta∣king all vpon his personalll gouernment, by pretence of past nonage, caused all the Charters of the Forrest to be cancell'd, and repeal'd the rest, (for so I take it, although my Author speake chiefly of that of the Forest) and made the subiect with price of great sums, rated by his chiefe Iustice Hugh de Burch, renew their liberties, affirming that his grant of them was in his Minority, and therefore so defesible: which, with its like (in disenheriting and seising on his Subiects possessions, without Iudiciall course, beginning with those two great Potentates Richard Earle of Cornewall, his brother, and William le Mar∣shall Earle of Pembrooke) bred most intestine trouble twixt him and his Ba∣rons, although sometime discontinued, yet not extinguisht euen till his de∣clining dayes of enthroned felicity. Obserue among this, that where our Historians and Chronologers, talke of a desire by the Baronage, to haue the Constitutions of Oxford restored, you must vnderstand those Charters can∣celled at Oxford; where after many rebellious, but prouoked, oppositions the King at last, by oath of himselfe and his sonne Edward, in full Parliament h 1.1178 (hauing neuerthelesse oft times before made show of as much) Granted a∣gaine their desired freedome: which in his spacious raigne, was not so much impeacht by himselfe, as through ill Counsell of Alien caterpillers crauling about him, being as seourges then sent ouer into this Kingdome. But Robert of Glocester shall summarily tell you this, and giue your Palate variety.
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If particulars of the storie, with precedents and consequents, be desired, a∣boue all I send you to Matthew Paris, and William Rishanger, and end in ad∣ding that this so controuerted Charters had not their set led suretie vntill Ed. I. Since whom they haue been more then XXX. times, in Parliament con∣firmed.
The seate on which her Kings inaugorated were.
VVhich is the Chaire and stone at Westminster, whereon our Soueraignes are inaugurated. The m 1.1191 Scottish stories (on whose credit, in the first part here∣of, I importune you not to relie) affirme that the Stone was first in Gallicia of Spaine at Brigantia (whether that be Compostella, as Francis Tarapha wills, or Coronna as Florian delCampo coniectures, or Betansos according to Maria∣na, I cannot determine) where Gathel, King of Scots there, sate on it as his throne: Thence was it brought into Ireland by Simon Brech first K. of Scots transplanted into that Isle, about DCC. yeeres before Christ: Out of Ireland K. Ferguze (in him by some, is the beginning of the now continuing Scot∣tish raigne) about CCC. LXX. yeeres afterward, brought it into Scotland, K. Kenneth some DCCC. L. of the Incarnation, placed it at the Abbey of Scone (in the Shrifdome of Perth) where the Coronation of his successors was vsuall, as of our Monarch's now at Westminster, and in the Saxon times at Kingston vpon Thames. This Kenneth, some say, first caus'd that Distich to be ingrauen on it.
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(Whereupon its call'd * 1.1192 Fatale marmor in Hector Boetius) and inclos'd it in a woden Chaire. It is now at Westminster, and on it are the Coronations of our Soueraignes; thither first brought (as the Author here speaks) among infinit other spoiles, by Edward Longshanks after his warres and victories against K. * 1.1193 Iohn Balliol.
Their women to enherite—
So they commonly affirme: but that deniall of soueraignty to their women cost the life of many thousands of their men, both vnder this victorious Ed∣ward, and his sonne the Black Prince, and other of his successors. His case stood briefely thu': Philip IV. surnamed the Faire, had issue III. sonnes, Lewes * 1.1194 the * 1.1195 Contentious, Philip the Long, and Charles the Faire, (All these successiuely raign'd after him, and died without issue inheritable:) he had likewise a daugh∣ter Isabell (I purposely omit the other, being out of the present matter,) ma∣ried to Edward II. and so was mother to Edward III. The issue male of Philip the Faire thus failing, Philip sonne and heire of Charles Earle of Valois, Beaumont, Alenson, &c. (which was brother to Philip the Faire,) challenged the Crowne of France as next heire male against this Edward, who answered to the obiecti∣on of the Salique law, that (admitting it as their assertion was, yet) he was Heire Male although descended of a daughter: and in a publique assembly of the Estates first about the Protectorship of the womb, (for, Queen Ione Dowager of the Faire Charles, was left with childe, but afterward deliuered of a daughter, Blanch, afterwards Durches of Orleans) was this had in solemne disputation by Lawiers on both sides, and applied at length also to the direct point of enhe∣riting the Crowne. What followed vpon iudgement giuen against his Right, the valiant and famous deeds of him and his English, recorded in Walsingham, Froissart, AEmilius, and the multitude of later collected stories make mani∣fest. But for the Law it selfe; euery mouth speaks of it, few I thinke vnder∣stand at all why they name it. The opinions are, that it being part of the an∣cient Lawes made among the Salians (the same with Franks) vnder King Pha∣ramond about 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. yeares since, hath thence denomination; and, Goro∣pius (that fetches all out of Dutch, and more tolerably perhaps this then ma∣ny other of his Etymologies) deriuing the Salians name from Sal, which in contraction he makes from k 1.1196 * 1.1197 Sadel (Inuentors where of the Franks, saith he, were) interprets them, as it were, Horsemen, a name fitly applied to the warlike and most Noble of any Nation, as l 1.1198 Chiualers in French, and Equites in Latine allowes likewise. So that, vpon collection, the Salique law by him is as much as a Chiualrous law, and Salique land m 1.1199 quae ad equestris Ordinis Dignitatem & in Capite summo, & in caeteris membris conseruandam pertinebat: which verie wel agrees with a n 1.1200 sentence giuen in the Parliament at Burdeux vpon an anci∣ent Testament deuising all the Testators Salique lands, which was, in point of iudgement, interpreted o 1.1201 Fief. And who knows not, that Fiefs, were Originally, military gifts. But then, if so, how coms Salique to extend to the Crown, which is meerly without Tenure? Therfore p 1.1202 Egoscio (saith a later q 1.1203 Lawyer) legem sa∣licam agere de Priuato Patrimonio tantùm. It was compos'd (not this alone, but with others as they say) by Wisogast, Bodogast, Salogast, and Windogast, wise Counsellers about that Pharamunds raigne. The text of it in this part is offe∣red vs by Claude de Seissell Bishop of Marsilles, Bodin, and diuers others of
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the French, as it were as ancient as the Origine of the name, and in these words * 1.1204 De Terra Salica nulla Portio Haereditas Mulieri veniat, sed advirilem sexum Tota terrae Hereditas perueniat, and insubstance, as referr'd to the person of the Kings heire female; so much is remembred by that great Ciuilian h 1.1205 Baldus, and diuers others, but rather as Custome then any particular law, as one i 1.1206 of that kingdome also hath expresly and newly written; Ce n'est point vne loy é∣critte, mais nee auec nous, que nous n'auons point inuentee, mais l'auons puisse de la nature méme, qui le nous a ainsi apris & donné cet instinct; But why, the same author dares affirme that King Edward yeelded vpon this point to the French Philip de Valois, I wonder, seeing all storie & carriage of state in those times is so manifestly opposite. Becanus vndertakes a coniecture of the first cause which excluded Gynaecocracie among them, guessing it to bevpon their obser∣uation of the misfortune in warre, which their neighbours the Bructerans (a people about the now Ouer Issel in the Netherlands, from neere whom he as many other first deriue the Franks) endur'd in time of Uespasian, vnder Conduct & Empire of one k 1.1207 Velleda, a Lady euen of Diuine esteeme amongst them. But howsoeuer the law be in truth, or interpretable, (for it might ill beseeme me to offer determination in matter of this kind) it is certaine, that to this day, they haue an vse of ancient l 1.1208 time which commits to the care of some of the greatest Peers, that they, when the Queene is in Child-birth, be present, and warily obserue lest the Ladies priuily should counterfeit the enheritable Sex, by supposing some other made when the true Birth is femall, or, by anie such means, wrong their ancient Custom Roiall, as of the Birth of this present Lewes the XIII. on the last of September, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. DC. I. is, after other such remembred.
Of these two factions stil'd, of Yorke and Lancaster.
Briefly their beginning was thus. Edward the III. had VII. sonnes, Edward the Black Prince, William of Hatfeild, Lionel D. of Clarence, Iohn of Gaunt * 1.1209 D. of Lancaster, Edmund of Langley D. of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstocke, and William of Windsor, in prerogatiue of birth as I name them. The Black Prince died in life of his Father, leauing Richard of Burdeux (afterward the II.) Wil∣liam of Hatfield died without issue; Henry D. of Lancaster (sonneto Iohn of Gaunt the fourth brother) deposed Richard the II. and to the V. and VI. of his name left the kingdome descending in right line of the family of Lancaster. On the other side, Lionel D. of Clarence the third Brother had only issue Philip a daughter maried to Edmund Mortimer, Earle of March (who vpon this title was designed Heire apparant to Rich. II.) Edmund, by her had Roger; to Roger wasissue II. sonnes, and II. daughters: but all died without posteritie, excep∣ting Anne; through her married to Richard Earle of Cambridge, sonne to Ed∣mund of Langley was conueied (to their Issue Richard D. of Yorke Father to K. Eward IV.) that right which Lionel (whose heire she was) had before the rest of that Royall stemm. So that Lancaster deriued it selfe from the IV. brother; Yorke, from the bloud of the III. & V. vnited. And in time of the VI. Hen∣rie was this fatall and enduring miserie ouer England, about determination of these titles, first conceiued in XXX. of his raign by Richard D. of York, whose sonne Ed. IV. deposed Henry some IX. yeeres after; and hauing raigned neer like space, was also, by readoption of Henry, depriu'd for a time, but restored and died of it possest, in whose family it continued vntill after death of Rich. III. Henry Earle of Richmond, and Heire of Lancaster marrying Elizabeth the Heire of York made that happy vnion. Some haue referr'd the vtmost m 1.1210 roote of the Lancastrian title to Edmund, indeed eldest sonne to Hen. III. but that by
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reason of his vnfit deformitie, his younger brother Edward had the successi∣on, which is absurd and false. For, onewhom I beleeue before most of our * 1.1211 Monks, and the Ks. Chronologer of those times, Matthew Paris, tells expresly the daies and yeeres of both their births, and makes Edward aboue IIII. yeers * 1.1212 elder then Crook-back. All these had that most honor'd surname x 1.1213 Plantage∣nest; which hath bin extinct among vs euer since Margaret Countesse of Sa∣lisbury (daughter to George Plantagenet D. of Clarence) was beheaded in the Tower. By reason of Iohn of Gaunts deuice being a Red Rose, & Edmund of Langleys a white Rose, these two factions afterward, as for Cogniseanes of their descent and inclinations, were by the same Flowers distinguisht
Yet iealous of his right descended to his graue.
So iealous, that towards them of the Lancastrian faction, nought but death (as, there, reason of State was inough) was his kindnesse. Towards strangers, whose slipping words were in wrested sense, seeming interpretable to his hurt, how he carried himselfe, the Relations of Sir Iohn Markham, his chief lustice, Thomas Burdet an Esquire of Warwickshire, and some Citizens; for idle spee∣ches are testimonie. How to his owne bloud in that miserable end of his bro∣ther George, D. of Clarence, is shewed: Whose death hath diuers reported cau∣ses, as our late Chroniclers tell you. One is supppos'd vpon a prophecie forspeaking that Edwards successors name should begin with G; which made him suspect this George (a kind of superstition not exampled, as I now remem∣ber; * 1.1214 among our Princes; but in proportion very frequent in the Orientall Em∣pire, as passages of the names in Alexius, Manuel, & others, discouer in Nicetas Choniates) and many more serious, yet insufficient faults (tasting of Richard D. of Glocesters practices) are laid to his charge. Let Polydore, Hall, and the rest disclose them. But of his death, I cannot omit, what I haue newly seene. You know, it is commonly affirm'd, that he was drown'd in a hogs-head of Malm∣sey at the Tower. One, a 1.1215 that very lately would needs disswade men from drink∣ing healths to their Princes, Friends, and Mistresses, as the fashion is a Batche∣lor of Diuinity and Professor of Story and Greeke at Cologne, in his diuision of Drunken natures, makes one part of them, b 1.1216 Qui in balaenas mutari cuperent, dummodo mare in generosissimum vinum transformaretur, and for want of an other example, dares deliuer, that, such a one was George c 1.1217 Earl of Clarence, who, when, for suspicion of Treason, he was iudged to die, by his brother Edward IV. and had election of his forme of death giuen him made choise to be drowned in Malm∣sey. First, why he cals him Earle of Clarence, I beleeue not all his Profest Histo∣rie can iustifie; neyther indeed was euer among vs any such Honor. Earles of d 1.1218 Clare long since were: but the title of Clarence began when that Earledome was conuerted into a Dukedome by creation of Lionell (who married with the heire of the Clares) Duke of Clarence. III. sonne to Ed. III. since whom neuer haue beene other then Dukes, of that Dignity. But, vnto what I should impute this vnexcusable iniury to the dead Prince, vnles to Icarius shadow, dazling the writers eyes, or Bacchus his reuengefull causing him to slip in matter of his owne Profession, I know not. Our Stories make the death, little better then a tyrannous murder, priuily committed without any such election. If he haue o∣ther Authority for it, I would his margine had bin so kinde, as to haue impar∣ted it.
Vpon a Daughter borne to Iohn of Somerset.
Iohn of Gaunt, D. of Lancaster, had issue by Catharine Swinford, Iohn of Beu∣fort
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Earle of Somerset, and Marques Dorset: To him succeeded his second son, Iohn (Henry the eldest dead) and was created first D. of Somerset by Hen. V. Of this Iohns Ioines was Margaret, Mother to Henry VII. His Father was Ed∣mund of Hatham (made Earle of Richmond, by Hen. VI.) sonne to Owen Tyd∣dour (deriuing himself from the British Cadwallader) by his wife Q. Catherine, Dowager to Hen. V. and hence came that royally ennobled name of Tyddour, which in the late Queene of happy memory ended.
Defender of the Faith—
When amongst those turbulent commotions of Lutherans and Romanists vnder Charles V. such oppositions increased, that the Popes three Crownes e∣uen tottered at such Arguments as were published against his Pardons, Masse, Monastique profession, and the rest of such doctrine; This K. Henry (that Lu∣ther * 1.1219 might want no sorts of Antagonists) wrote particularly against him in Defence of Pardons, the Papacie, and of their VII. Sacraments: of which is yet remaining the Originall in the g 1.1220 Vatican at Rome, and with the Kings own hand thus inscribed,
* 1.1221 Anglorum Rex, HENRICVS, LEONI X. mittit hoc Opus, & Fidei testem * 1.1222 & Amicitiae.
Hereupon, this Leo sent him the title of * 1.1223 Defender of the faith: which was, as Ominous to what ensu'd. For towards the XXV. yeere of his raigne, he began so to examine their Traditions, Doctrine, Liues, and the numerous faults of the corrupted Time, that he was indeed founder of Reformation for Inducement of the true ancient faith: which by his Sonne Edward VI. Q. E∣LIZABETH, and our present Soueraigne hath been to this day piously esta∣blished and Defended.
To ease your conceit of these Kings here sung, I adde this Chronologie of them.
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- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. LXVI.
- William I. conquered England.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. LXXXVII.
- William the Red (Rufus) second Sonne to the Conqueror.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C.
- Henry I. surnamed Beuclerc, third sonne to the first William.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. XXXV.
- Stephen Earle of Moreton, and Bologne, sonne to Stephen Earle of Blois by Adela daugh∣ter * 1.1224 to the Conqueror. In both the prints of Math. Paris, (An. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. LXXXVI.) You must mend Beccensis Comitis, and read Blesensis Comitis; and how soeuer it coms to passe, he is, in the same Author, made Son to Tedbald Earle of Blois, which in∣deed was his brother.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. LIV.
- Henry II. Sonne to Geffery Plantagenest Earle of Anion, and Maude the Empres, daughter to Henry Beuclerc.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. LXXXIX.
- Richard I. Ceur de Lion, Sonne to Henry II.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. C. CXIX.
- Iohn, Brother to Ceur de Lion.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. XVI.
- Hen. III. Sonne to K. Iohn.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. LXXIII.
- Edward I. Longshanks, Sonne to Hen. III.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCC. VIII.
- Edward II. of Caernaruan, Sonne to Ed. I. deposed by his Wife and Sonne.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCC. XXVI.
- Edward III. Sonne to Edward. II.
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- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCC. LXXXVII.
- Richard II. of Burdeaux (sonne to Ed. the Blacke Prince, sonne to Ed. III.) deposed by Henry D. of Lancaster.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCC. XCIX.
- Henry IV. of Bolingbroke; sonne to Iohn of Gaunt D. of Lancaster fourth sonne to Ed. III.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CD. XIII.
- Henry V. of Monmouth, sonne to Hen. IV.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CD. XXII.
- Henry VI. of Windsor, sonne to Hen. V. de∣posed by Edward Earle of March, sonne and heire to Richard D. of Yorke, deriuing title from Lionel D. of Clarence and Ed∣mund of Langley III. & V. Sonnes of Ed. III.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CD. LX.
- Edward IV. of Roane, sonne and heire of Yorke. In the X. of his raigne Hen. VI. got againe the Crowne, but soone lost both it, and life.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CD. XXCIII.
- Edward V. sonne to the IV. of that name, murdred with his brother Richard D. of Yorke, by his Vncle Richard D. of Glo∣cester.
- Richard III. Brother to Edward I V. slaine at Bosworth field, by Henry Earle of Rich∣mond. In him ended the name of Planta∣genet in our Kings.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CD. XXCIII.
- Edward V. sonne to the IV. of that name, murdred with his brother Richard D. of Yorke, by his Vncle Richard D. of Glo∣cester.
- Richard III. Brother to Edward I V. slaine at Bosworth field, by Henry Earle of Rich∣mond. In him ended the name of Planta∣genet in our Kings.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CD. XXCV.
- Henry VII. Heire to the Lancastrian family, married vvith Elizabeth, Heire to the house of Yorke. In him the name of Tyd∣dour, began in the Crowne.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. IX.
- Henry VIII. of Greenwich, son to Hen. VII.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. XLVI.
- Edward VI. of Hampton Court, sonne to Hen. VIII.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. LIII.
- Mary, sister to Edward VI.
- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. LVIII.
- Elizabeth, Daughter to Hen. VIII.
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Great Andredswalde sometime—
All that Maritime Tract comprehending Sussex, and part of Kent (so much as was not Mountains, now calld'd the Down's which in d 1.1225 British, old Gaulish, Low Dutch, and our English signifies but Hills) being all woody, was call'd Andredsweald e 1.1226 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Andreds wood, often mentioned in our stories, and Newenden in Kent by it Andredcester (as most learned Camden vpon good reason guesses) whence perhaps the Wood had his name. To this day we call those woody Lands, by North the Downes, the Weald: and the Channell of the Riuer that coms out of those parts, & discōtinues the Downs about Bramber, is yet known in Shorham Ferry, by the name of Weald-dich; and, in another Saxon word equiualent to it, are many of the Parishes Terminations on this side the Downs, that is, Herst, or Hurst. i. a wood. It is call'd by Ethelwerd f 1.1227 expresly g 1.1228 Immanis sylua, que vulgò Andredsuuda nuncupatur, and was h 1.1229 CXX. miles long, & XXX. broad. The Authors conceit of these Forrests being nymphs of this Great Andredsuuda, & their complaint for loss of Woods, in Sussex, so decal'd, is plain enough to euery Reader.
As Arun which doth name the beutious Arundel.
So it is coniectured, and is without controuersie iustifiable if that be the name of the Riuer. Some, fable it from Arundel, the name of Beuis horse: It were so astolerableas i 1.1230 Bucephalon, from Alexanders horse, k 1.1231 Tymenna in Ly∣cia from a Goate of that name, and such like, if time would endure it: But Be∣uis was about the Conquest, and this Towne, is by name of Erundele, knowne in time of King Alfred l 1.1232 who gaue it with othersto his Nephew Athelm, Of all men, m 1.1233 Goropius had somewhat a violent coniecture, when he deriued Haron∣dell, from a people call'd Charudes (in Ptolemy, towards the vtmost of the now Iuitland) part of whom hee imagines (about the Saxon and Danish irrupti∣ons) planted themselues here, and by difference of dialect, left this as a branch sprung of their Country title.
And Adur comming on to Shoreham.
This Riuer that here falls into the Ocean might well bee vnderstood in that n 1.1234 Port of Adur, about this coast, the reliques wherof, learned Camden takes to be Edrington, or Adrington, a little from Shoreham. And the Author here so calls it Adur.
Doth blush, as put in mind of those there sadly slaine.
In the Plaine neere Hastings, where the Norman William after his victorie found King Harold slaine, he built Battell Abbey, which at last (as diuers o∣ther Monasteries) grew to a Towne enough populous. Thereabout is a place which after raine alwaies looks red, which som o 1.1235 haue (by that authoritie, the Muse also) attributed to a very bloudy sweat of the earth, as crying to heauen for Reuenge of so great a slaughter.
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The eighteenth Song.
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Illustrations.
OVt of Sussex, into its Easterne neighbor, Kent, this Canto leads you. It begins with Rother, whose running through the woods, inisling Oxney, and such like, poetically here describ'd is plaine enough to any apprehending conceit; and vpon Medway's Song of our Martiall and Heroique spirits, be∣cause a large volume might be written to explane their glorie in particular a∣ction, and in lesse comprehension without wrong to many worthies its not performable, I haue omitted all Illustration of that kind, and left you to the Muse her selfe.
That Limen then was nam'd—
So the Author coniectures; that Rothers mouth was the place call'd Limen, at which the Danes in time of K. Alfred made irruption; which he must (I thinke) maintaine by adding likelyhood that Rother then fell into the Ocean about Hith; where (as the reliques of the name in Lime, and the distance from Canterbury in Antoninus, making * 1.1261 Portus Lemanis, which is misprinted in Su∣rita's Edition, Pontem Lemanis. XVI. Miles off) it seemes Limen was; and if Rother were Limen, then also, there was it discharged out of the Land. But for the Authors words read this; * 1.1262 Equestris Paganorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cum suis equis C C L. nauibus Cantiam transuectus in Ostio Amnis Limen qui de sylua magna Andred nominata decurrit, applicuit, à cuius ostio IIII. milltarijs in eandem syluam naues suas sur sum traxit, vbi quandam arcem semistructam, quam pauci inhabita∣bant villant, diruerunt, altamq, sibi firmiorem in loco qui dicitur Apultrea construx∣erunt, which are the syllables of Florence of Worcester; and with him in sub∣stance fully agrees Matthew of Westminster: nor can I thinke but that they imagin'd Rye (where now Rother hath its mouth) to be this Port of Limen, as the Muse here; if you respect her direct termes. Henry of Huntingdon names no Riuer at all, but lands them * 1.1263 ad Portum Limene cum 250. nautbus qui portus est in Orientali parte 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iuxta magnū nemus Andredslaige. How Rothers mouth can be properly said in the East (but rather in the South part) of Kent, I con∣ceiue not, and am of the aduerse part, thinking cleerely that Hith must be Por∣tus
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Lemanis, which is that coast, as also learned Camden teaches, whose authori∣ty cited 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Huntingdon, being neere the same time with Florence might be perhaps thought but as of equall credit; therefore I call another witnesse (that a 1.1264 liu'd not much past L. yeares after the arriuall) in these wordes, * 1.1265 In Limneo portu constituunt puppes, Apoldre (so I read, for the Print is corrupted) loco condi∣cto Orientali Cantiae parte, destruúntq, ibi prisco opere castrum propter quod rustica manus exigua quippe intrinsecus erat, Illicq, hiberna castra confirmant. Out of which you note both that no Riuer, but a Port onely, is spoken of, and that the Ships were left in the shore at the Hauen, and thence the Danes conueyed their companies to Apledowre. The words of this Ethelwerd I respect much more then these later Stories, and I would aduise my Reader to incline so with me.
What time I thinke in hell that instrument deuis'd.
He meanes a Gunne; wherewith that most Noble and right Martiall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Earle of Salisbury at the siege of Orleans in time of Hen. VI. was slaine. The first inuentor of them (I guesse you dislike not the addition) was one b 1.1266 Berthold Swartz (others say Constantine Anklitzen a Dutch Monke and Chymist, who hauing in a Morter, sulphurous powder for Medicine, couer'd with a stone, a sparke of fire by chance falling into it, fired it, and the flame re∣mou'd the stone; which he obseruing, made vse afterward of the like in little pipes of Iron, and shewed the vse to the Venetians in their warre with the Geno∣wayes at Chioggia about 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCC. LXXX. Thus is the common assertion: but I see as good c 1.1267 authority, that it was vsed aboue XX. yeares before in the Danish Seas. I will not dispute the conueniency of it in the world, compare it with Salmoneus imitation of Thunder, Archimedes his Engines, and such like; nor tell you that the Chinois had it, and Printing, so many ages before vs, as Men∣doza, Maffy, and others deliuer; but not with perswading credit to all their Readers.
Whereas some say before he vs'd on foote to passe.
The allusion is to Britaines being heretosoreioyn'd to Gaule in this straight twixt Douer and Calais (some XXX. miles ouer) as some Modernes haue con∣iectur'd. That learned Antiquary 1. Twine is very confident in it, and deriues the Name from Brith signifying (as he sayes) as much as 〈◊〉〈◊〉. i. a separation in Welsh, whence the d 1.1268 Isle of Wight was so call'd; Guith and Wight being soone made of each other. Of this opinion is the late Verstegan, as you may read in him; and for examination of it, our Great light of Antiquity Camden hath pro∣posed diuers considerations, in which, experience of particulars must direct. Howsoeuer this was in truth, it is as likely, for ought I see, as that Cyprus was Once ioyn'd to Syria, Euboea (now Negroponte) to Boeotia, Atalante to Euboea, Belbicum to Bithynia, Leucosia to Thrace, as is e 1.1269 affirmed: and Sicily (whose like our Island is) was certainly broken off from the continent of Italy, as both Vir∣gil expresly, Strabo and Pliny deliuers; and also the names of Rhegium, f 1.1270 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and of the selfe Sicily; which, rather then from g 1.1271 Secare, I deriue from h 1.1272 Sieilire, which is of the same signification and neerer in Analogie: Claudian call's the Isle
—* 1.1273 Diducta Britannia Mundo and Virgil hath
—* 1.1274 Toto diuisos Orbe Britannos;
Where Seruius is of opinion, that, for this purpose, the learned Poet vsed that phrase. And it deserues inquisition, how beasts of Rapine, as Foxes and such
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like came first into this Island (for England and Wales, as now Scotland and Ire∣land, had store of Wolues, vntill some CCC. yeares since) if it were notioyn'd to a firm land, that either by like coniunction, or narrow passage of swimming might receiue them from that Continent where the Arkerested, which is Ar∣menia. That, men desired to transport them, is not likely: and a learned i 1.1275 Ie∣suit hath coniectured, that the West Indies are therefore, or haue beene, ioyn'd with firme land, because they haue Lions, Wolues, Panthers and such like, which in the Barmudez, Cuba, Hispaniola, S. Domingo, and other remote Isles, are not found. But no place here to dispute the question.
Not suffring forein lawes should thy free customes binde.
To explane it, I thus English you a fragment of an old k 1.1276 Monke: When the Norman Conqueror had the day, he came to Douer Castle, that he might with the same subdue Kent also; wherefore, Stigand Archbishop, and Egelsin Abbot, as the chiefe of that Shire; obseruing that now whereas heretofore no Villeins (the Latine is Nullus fuerat seruus, & applying it to Our Law phrase, I translate it) had beene in England, they should be now all in bondage to the Normans, they assembled all the County, and shewed the imminent dangers, the insolence of the Normans, and the hard condition of Villenage: They, resoluing all rather to die then lose their free∣dome, purpose to encounter with the Duke for their Countries liberties. Their Cap∣taines are the Archbishop and the Abbot. Vpon an appointed day they meete all at Swanescomb, and harbouring themselues in the woods, with Boughes in euery mans hand, they incompasse his way. The next day, the Duke comming by Swanescomb, seemed to see with amazement, as it were a wood approching towards him, the Ken∣tish men at the sound of a Trumpet take themselues to Armes, when presently the Archbishop and Abbot were sent to the Duke and saluted him with these words: Behold, Sir Duke, the Kentish men come to meet you, willing to receiue you as their Liege Lord, vpon that condition, that they may for euer enioy their ancient Liber∣ties and Laws vsed among their 〈◊〉〈◊〉; otherwise, presently offering warre; being readie rather to die, then vndergoe a yoake of Bondage, and loose their ancient Laws. The Norman in this narrow Pinch, not so willingly, as wisely, granted the desire: and hostages giuen on both sides, the Kentish men direct the Normans to Rochester, and deliuer them the County and the Castle of Douer. Hither is commonly referr'd the retayning of ancient liberties in Kent. Indeed it is certaine that speciall customes they haue in their Gauelkind (although now many of their Gentle∣mens Possessions l 1.1277 are altered in that part) suffering for Felony, without forfei∣ture of estate, and such like, as in particular, with many other deligent traditi∣ons you haue in Lambards Perambulation: yetthe report of Thomas Spot, is not, me thinkes, of cleere credit, as wellby reason that no warrant of the Histo∣rians about the Conquest affirmes it (and this Monke liued vnder Ed. I.) as also for his commixture of a fauxete about Villenage, saying it was not in England before that time, which is apparantly false by diuers testimonies. m 1.1278 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (sayes King Ines lawes) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 on Sunnan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; &, vnder Edward the Confessor, n 1.1279 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Beuchenale grants to the Abbey of Crowland his Mannor of Spalding, with all the Appurtenances, Sci∣licet o 1.1280 Colgrinum praepositum meum, & totam sequelam suam, cum omnibus bonis & catallis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 habet in dicta Villa, &c. Item Hardingum Fabrum & totam seque∣lam suam; and the yong wench of Andeuer, that Edgar was in loue with, was a Nief. But for Kent, perhaps it might be true, that no villeins were in it, seeing since that time it hath been adiudg'd in our Law, that One Borne there could not without Conisans of Record be a Villein.
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And foremost euer plac't when they shall reckon'd bee.
For this honor of the Kentish, heare one s 1.1281 that wrote it about Hen. II. * 1.1282 Enu∣dus (as some Copies are, but others, Cinidus; and perhaps it should so be, or ra∣ther Cnudus, for K. Cnut; or els I cannot coniecture what) quantâ virtute An∣glorum, Dacos Danosq fregerit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 compescuerit Noricorum, vel ex eo perspi∣cuum est, quod ob egregiae virtutis meritum quam ibidem potentèr & patentèr exer∣cuit, Cantia Nostra, primae Cohortis honorem & primus Congressus Hostium vsque in Hodiernum diem in omnibus pralijs obtinet. Prouincia quóque Seueria∣na, quae moderno vsu & nomine ab incolis Wiltesira vocatur, eodem iure sibi vendi∣cat Cohortemsubsidiariam, adiectâ sibi Deuoniâ & Cornubiâ. Briefly, it had the first English King, in it was the first Christianity among the English, and Can∣terbury then honor'd with the Metropolitique See: all which giue note of Ho∣norable Prerogatiue.
Grim Godwin but the while seemes grieuously to lowre.
That is Godwin-sands, which is reported to haue beene the Patrimony t 1.1283 of that Godwin Earle of Kent, vnder Edward the Confessor, swallow'd into the Oce∣an by strange Tempest somewhat after the Conquest, and is now as a floating Isle or Quicksand, very dangerous to Sailers, sometime as fixt, sometime mo∣uing, as the Muse describes.
Notes
-
a 1.1
The Western or Spanish O∣cean.
-
b 1.2
The coast of little Britaine in France.
-
c 1.3
The furthest Ile in the Bri∣tish Ocean.
-
d 1.4
The Sea vpon the north of Scotland.
-
e 1.5
The old Bri∣tish Poets.
-
f 1.6
Priests a∣mongst the an∣cient Britaines.
-
g 1.7
The French Seas.
-
a 1.8
A smal Iland vpon the very point of Corn∣wall.
-
b 1.9
A hill lying out, as an el∣bowe of land, into the Sea.
-
* 1.10
A place al∣most inuironed with water, wel∣neer an Iland.
-
* 1.11
The brauery of Flamouth Hauen. This hath also the name of Alan.
-
* 1.12
The brauery of Flamouth Hauen. This hath also the name of Alan.
-
* 1.13
A worthy Gentleman, who writ the description of Cornwall. The words of Art in wrast∣ling.
-
* 1.14
The praise of Plymouth.
-
* 1.15
A worthy Gentleman, who writ the description of Cornwall. The words of Art in wrast∣ling.
-
* 1.16
Our first great wrastler ariuing heere with Brute.
-
* 1.17
Assaracus.
-
* 1.18
One of the titles of Diana.
-
* 1.19
The descrip∣tion of the wrastling be∣twixt Corineus and Gogmagog.
-
a 1.20
Rabbin. ad 10. Dan. Macrob. Saturnal. 3. cap. 9. Symmach. Epist. 40. leb. 1. D. Th. 2. dist. 10. art. 3. alij.
-
* 1.21
God afore.
-
b 1.22
Rob. Auesburi∣ens. A. XVII. Ed. III. The fortunate 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
a 1.23
Hypodigmatis Neustriae locus emendatus, sub anno 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCC. XLIV.
-
b 1.24
Pompon. Mela l. 2. 6. 7.
-
* 1.25
Happy. Vtmost ends of the earth. Vpon affinity of this with the Cape de Finistere, Goro∣pius thinkes the Elisian fields were by that Promontory of Spaine. v. Strab. lib. 7. A passing of soules from one to another.
-
c 1.26
Iliad.9. & He∣siod. in Theogon.
-
d 1.27
Plutar. de fa∣cie in Orbe Lu∣nae. & l. de defect oracul.
-
* 1.28
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
e 1.29
Rablais.
-
f 1.30
Clem. Alexan∣drin. stromat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Odyss. of. Iliad. 0.
-
* 1.31
Happy. Vtmost ends of the earth. Vpon affinity of this with the Cape de Finistere, Goro∣pius thinkes the Elisian fields were by that Promontory of Spaine. v. Strab. lib. 7. A passing of soules from one to another.
-
g 1.32
Plin. hist. nat. 16. cap. 44.
-
h 1.33
Eustat. ad Iliad 7 Herodot. lib. 7. Suid. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Censorin. de die nat. cap. 17.
-
* 1.34
Happy. Vtmost ends of the earth. Vpon affinity of this with the Cape de Finistere, Goro∣pius thinkes the Elisian fields were by that Promontory of Spaine. v. Strab. lib. 7. A passing of soules from one to another.
-
i 1.35
Physiolog. Stoic. l. 3. dissert. 12.
-
a 1.36
Iustin 〈◊〉〈◊〉
-
* 1.37
Spare in spen∣ding their liues. which they hoped to receiue againe. The Gaules call them Iupi∣ters Priests or Bawdes. Vaine.
-
b 1.38
Cicer. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1.
-
c 1.39
Ioann 〈◊〉〈◊〉. iampridem Etoniae gracè editus.
-
* 1.40
Spare in spen∣ding their liues. which they hoped to receiue againe. The Gaules call them Iupi∣ters Priests or Bawdes. Vaine.
-
* 1.41
Spare in spen∣ding their liues. which they hoped to receiue againe. The Gaules call them Iupi∣ters Priests or Bawdes. Vaine.
-
d 1.42
Solin. Polzhist. cap. 35.
-
e 1.43
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dio∣nys. Asro in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 muitis. n. pro arbitrio anti∣quorum S. literae adest vel abefi. v. Casaubon. ad a. Strab.
-
f 1.44
Origen. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. a. Clem. Alex strom. & b. Diogen. Laert. lib. a. Coniecture vpon Mela.
-
g 1.45
Festo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Insula sacra di∣cta Hihernta.
-
h 1.46
Girald. Caem∣brens. dist. 3. cap. 2.
-
i 1.47
Assuerus Cor∣donnier (dict{us} in historiâ Gallicâ Victoris ante triennium editâ de la paeix &c.) cuius partes olim egisse videntur Iosephus Charto∣phylacius (refe∣rente Episcepo Armeniato apud Matth. Paris in Hen. 3.) & Io∣annes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (Gui∣dom Bonato in Astrologiá indigitat{us}) But∣ta-dius.
-
i 1.48
In Bibliothec. Floriacens edit. per Ioann. à bosco.
-
k 1.49
Carew descript. Corn. lib. 2.
-
* 1.50
Dictus hine in Merlini vatici∣nio, Aper Cor∣nubia.
-
l 1.51
Euripid. An∣dromach. Bastards are ofttimes bet∣ter then. legiti∣mates.
-
* 1.52
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
a 1.53
Orteliusthea∣tro.
-
b 1.54
Thucydid. a & passim. de A∣then & Lace∣daem. & de The∣bis & Chalcide v. Columell. 1. de re rustic. cap. 4.
-
c 1.55
Onesicrit ap. Strabon. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
d 1.56
Ap. Censorin. de die nat. cap. 21. Christoph. Heluics Chrono∣logiā sequimur, nec, vt accurati∣ùs temporum subductioni hoc loci incumba∣m{us}, res postulat; verùm & ille satis accuraté, qui Samuelis praefecturam A. M 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. DCCC. L. haùt iniquo computo posuit.
-
e 1.57
10. Pris. def. hist. Brit.
-
f 1.58
Ex vetuftiss & perpulchrè m. s. Nennio sub titu∣lo Gildae.
-
g 1.59
L. b. de summi∣tatib{us} rerum qui 10. est historia∣rum in m. s. Huntingdon began his History at Casar, but vpon better inquisition added Brute. Librū illum, in quera ait se incidis∣se, Nennium fuisse obsignatis fermè tabulis sum potis adserere.
-
a 1.60
Harding. Nich. Vpton. de re militari. 2.
-
b 1.61
C.tit. de profes∣sorib. l. vnica.
-
c 1.62
Girald de∣script. cap. 15.
-
d 1.63
Camden.
-
e 1.64
Agesianax ap. Strab. lib. 31.
-
f 1.65
Trog. Pomp. lib. 31.
-
g 1.66
Melebior Can{us} lib. 11. de aut. hist. hum. de his plurima.
-
h 1.67
Origen. ad 3 5. Matth.
-
* 1.68
See the VI. Song.
-
i 1.69
Procopius de bell. V andilic. lib. 7.
-
k 1.70
Ad Cyg. Cant.
-
k 1.71
AEneid. 6. & ibid 〈◊〉〈◊〉. After thy death Lauinia brings a King borne in the woods, father of kings.
-
l 1.72
Basingstoch. lib. 1.
-
m 1.73
Cicer. de diui∣nat. lib. 2.
-
n 1.74
10. Lidgat. lib. de bell. Troian. 5. & alibi saepi{us}.
-
o 1.75
Chronic. S. Al∣bani.
-
p 1.76
Hugo de Ge∣nes. ap. Harding. cap. 3.
-
q 1.77
〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Laconic.
-
* 1.78
Happy. From white cliffs. In the hils of Britany. British Isles.
-
* 1.79
Happy. From white cliffs. In the hils of Britany. British Isles.
-
r 1.80
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Euripides in Andromachâ, magis 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quod canit Die∣nysius Afer.
-
s 1.81
Strabo lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & Sixt. Pompeius in Alpum.
-
t 1.82
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Lhuid. in Breuiar.
-
u 1.83
Moschion ap. Athen. dipno∣soph. 1.
-
* 1.84
Happy. From white cliffs. In the hils of Britany. British Isles.
-
x 1.85
Thucydid. hift 6.
-
* 1.86
Happy. From white cliffs. In the hils of Britany. British Isles.
-
y 1.87
Polyb. hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. qui 1. Casarem C C. fermè annot anteuertit.
-
* 1.88
The white Isle.
-
a 1.89
Vranius in A∣rabic. ap. Steph. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
b 1.90
Gen. 36. Num. 20.
-
c 1.91
Iesai. 23. Iirm. 2.
-
d 1.92
Odyss. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. fortè tamen, fluuius Aegypti, vt Hebraeis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gen. 15. commat. 17
-
e 1.93
Pausan. Arca∣dic. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
f 1.94
Festus in Al∣cedo.
-
g 1.95
Nebrissens. in quinquagen. cap. 49.
-
h 1.96
Camden.
-
i 1.97
Vocabulo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vsi sunt AEschylus, So∣phocles, Hellani∣c{us}, Archiloch{us}, Hecata{us} ap. A∣thenaeum dip∣nosoph. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 eiusdem ferè naturae cum Sy∣tho & Curmithe apud Dioscori∣dem lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. cap. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. fortè 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
k 1.98
Andrè du Chesne en les recerchez des villes 1. ca. 122.
-
l 1.99
Goropius in Hispanic. 4. 7. Strab. geograph. 7. & alios de Olyssippone.
-
m 1.100
Solin. Poly∣hist. cap. 35.
-
n 1.101
Rabbi E'eazar ap. Riccium in epit. Talmud. caterum in bâc re allegoriam 7. ap. D. Cyprianū serm. de montib. Sina & Sion.
-
a 1.102
II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
b 1.103
Bed. hist. Ec∣clesiast. 5. cap. 17
-
c 1.104
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Baruch. cap. 7. Consuie, si pla∣cet, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Becan. 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
-
d 1.105
Sueton. Octau. cap. 71.
-
e 1.106
Dio Cass. lib. 7.
-
f 1.107
Polyaen. strata∣gemat. n. in Cae∣sara.
-
g 1.108
Cornugallia dicta est Henri∣co Huntingdo∣nio, alijs.
-
h 1.109
Strabo lib. 7. & 1. Steph. Mel. Plin. Geogra∣phipassim.
-
* 1.110
Rams head.
-
i 1.111
Seleucus ap. Steph. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. & Suid. in Board.
-
k 1.112
De gest. reg. 2. cap. 6.
-
l 1.113
Rob. Gloce∣strens.
-
m 1.114
〈◊〉〈◊〉. LXXX. VII.
-
n 1.115
Audacter lege ducentos 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & trecentos in fol. 237. Hone∣deni, cui prolo∣gum libro quinto H. Huntindon. committas licet. Dangelt shewed against a com∣mon error, both in remis∣sion and insti∣tution.
-
o 1.116
Mariano Sco∣to XXXVI. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. librae, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wigorn.
-
* 1.117
Chronologiam hùc spectantem consulas in illu∣strat. ad. 4. Cant.
-
a 1.118
Ian, Douz. Annal. Holland. 1. & 6.
-
b 1.119
Procopius in frag. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. Go∣thic. ap. Camden. Name of Eng∣land.
-
c 1.120
Policratic. lib. 6. cap. 17.
-
* 1.121
Britaine sings in Hengists tongue.
-
d 1.122
Chronic. S. Al∣bani. Hector Boet. Scoter. hist. 7.
-
e 1.123
I. Gower Epi∣gram. in confess. amantis.
-
* 1.124
Britaine sings in Hengists tongue.
-
* 1.125
By Act of Par∣liament 21. Hen. 8.
-
* 1.126
The beautie of the many Swannes vpon the Chesills, no∣ted in this Poë∣ticall delicacie.
-
a 1.127
Sea-Nymphs.
-
b 1.128
A kind of neck-laces worne by coū∣try wenches.
-
* 1.129
Frampton.
-
a 1.130
Monsters of the Sea, suppo∣sed Neptunes Gard.
-
b 1.131
The ancient name of Pid∣dle.
-
* 1.132
The storie of Poole.
-
* 1.133
Stour riseth from six foun∣taines.
-
c 1.134
Cranburn Chase.
-
d 1.135
Holt Forest.
-
a 1.136
A wood in English.
-
* 1.137
The Forests of Hampshire, with their situ∣ations.
-
b 1.138
Nymphs that liue & die with Oakes.
-
* 1.139
A Poole neer vnto Alresford, yeelding an vn∣usual abūdance of water.
-
* 1.140
Curtius, that for his coun∣tries sake so la∣uished his life. Loftie.
-
* 1.141
Curtius, that for his coun∣tries sake so la∣uished his life. Loftie.
-
a 1.142
Ile of Wight.
-
b 1.143
The Fore∣lands of Corn∣wall and Kent.
-
b 1.144
The Fore∣lands of Corn∣wall and Kent.
-
* 1.145
The Solent.
-
c 1.146
Two Castles in the Sea.
-
* 1.147
Portsmouth.
-
a 1.148
Neptunes Trumpeters.
-
b 1.149
Proteus, a Sea-god, chan∣ging himselfe into any shape.
-
* 1.150
A poëticall de∣scription of the Soleut Sea.
-
c 1.151
Tichfield Ri∣uer.
-
d 1.152
Another little hill in Hamp∣shire.
-
a 1.153
The great & ancient forest of Warwick∣shire.
-
b 1.154
The goodly forest by No∣tingham.
-
a 1.155
Apud Plin. hist. nat. lib. 13. cap. 25.
-
* 1.156
Isis haire. Isis of the Sea. Loosehaird. A Ethiopian∣sunneburnt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wel hai∣red, and pretty∣footed; two speciall com∣mendations, dispersed in Greeke Poets, ioyned in Luci∣lium.
-
b 1.157
Leland. ad Cyg. Cant.
-
* 1.158
Ouse.
-
* 1.159
Isis haire. Isis of the Sea. Loosehaird. A Ethiopian∣sunneburnt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wel hai∣red, and pretty∣footed; two speciall com∣mendations, dispersed in Greeke Poets, ioyned in Luci∣lium.
-
c 1.160
Goltz. thes. antiq.
-
d 1.161
Philostrat. in six.
-
* 1.162
Isis haire. Isis of the Sea. Loosehaird. A Ethiopian∣sunneburnt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wel hai∣red, and pretty∣footed; two speciall com∣mendations, dispersed in Greeke Poets, ioyned in Luci∣lium.
-
e 1.163
Lucian. in six.
-
* 1.164
Isis haire. Isis of the Sea. Loosehaird. A Ethiopian∣sunneburnt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wel hai∣red, and pretty∣footed; two speciall com∣mendations, dispersed in Greeke Poets, ioyned in Luci∣lium.
-
f 1.165
Aduers. gent. 1. Blacke-haire.
-
* 1.166
Isis haire. Isis of the Sea. Loosehaird. A Ethiopian∣sunneburnt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wel hai∣red, and pretty∣footed; two speciall com∣mendations, dispersed in Greeke Poets, ioyned in Luci∣lium.
-
g 1.167
Camden.
-
* 1.168
Destruction of woods.
-
* 1.169
Isles newly out of the Sea.
-
h 1.170
Lucian dialog. Pindar. olymp.{is}. Strab. Pausani∣as.
-
* 1.171
A Sea three miles ouer, cal∣led Solente. lib. 4 hist. eccles. cap. :6.
-
* 1.172
1 Malmesb. lib. 2. de Pontifie. S. Edwards. D C C C C. 1. XXXX.
-
k 1.173
Camden takes this Cair for Bath.
-
l 1.174
Harding a∣mended.
-
m 1.175
Twin. in Albi∣onic. 2. See the 5. Song.
-
* 1.176
He plainly said that there would be a time of this re∣uerting of the Crowne. Hist. Scot. lib. 5. in Cong allo. His.
-
n 1.177
Distinct. Aquil Sceptoniae. A prophecie of an Angell to Cadwallader.
-
o 1.178
A Scepter in steed of a sword first in Hen. the thirds seale, but beleeue him not; the seales of those times giue no warrant for it: and euen in K. Arthurs, Leland sayes, there was a fleury Scep∣ter; but that perhaps as fai∣ned, as this false.
-
* 1.179
He plainly said that there would be a time of this re∣uerting of the Crowne. Hist. Scot. lib. 5. in Cong allo. His.
-
p 1.180
Matth. Paris post Hen. Hun∣tingd. and vnder Will. II. it was capital to steale Deere.
-
q 1.181
Robert. Glo∣cestrens.
-
* 1.182
He plainly said that there would be a time of this re∣uerting of the Crowne. Hist. Scot. lib. 5. in Cong allo. His.
-
* 1.183
With. Pastures. Tocke. Shot by Wal∣ter Tirell. His owne.
-
* 1.184
With. Pastures. Tocke. Shot by Wal∣ter Tirell. His owne.
-
* 1.185
With. Pastures. Tocke. Shot by Wal∣ter Tirell. His owne.
-
* 1.186
With. Pastures. Tocke. Shot by Wal∣ter Tirell. His owne.
-
* 1.187
With. Pastures. Tocke. Shot by Wal∣ter Tirell. His owne.
-
* 1.188
With. Pastures. Tocke. Shot by Wal∣ter Tirell. His owne.
-
r 1.189
Lucian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
* 1.190
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
s 1.191
Olymp. a. & Nem. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
* 1.192
G'astenburie.
-
a 1.193
The goodly Church at Sa∣lisburie.
-
b 1.194
Two places famous for Hares, the one in Buching ham∣shire, the other in North-hamp∣tonshire.
-
c 1.195
Eurley war∣ren of Hares.
-
d 1.196
The furthest part of Scotlād.
-
* 1.197
Gant.
-
e 1.198
A famous Yorkeshire hors∣race.
-
f 1.199
The best kind of Scotish nags.
-
* 1.200
The Western hounds gene∣rally the best.
-
g 1.201
Stonendge the greatest Won∣der of England.
-
* 1.202
Salisbury∣Plaine.
-
a 1.203
A Forest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sommer∣setshire.
-
b 1.204
〈◊〉〈◊〉 vs∣der the earth.
-
* 1.205
Wilton of Wil∣lie, and Wilt∣shire of Wilton.
-
c 1.206
A Forest in Wiltshire, as the Map will tell you.
-
d 1.207
The French Sea, as you haue in the note before.
-
a 1.208
The Plaine of Salisburies speech in de∣fence of all Plaines.
-
* 1.209
Boggy pla∣ces. A word frequent in Lancashire.
-
* 1.210
Diuers hils neere & about Salisbury Plaine.
-
* 1.211
Minerua and Hercules, the protectors of these fountains.
-
* 1.212
The delicacies of Bristow.
-
* 1.213
A catalog of many wonders of this Land.
-
a 1.214
The Diuels 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
b 1.215
The Salt Wels in Ches∣shire.
-
c 1.216
Bruertons pond.
-
d 1.217
A riuer by Westchester.
-
e 1.218
By sundry soiles of Bri∣taine.
-
f 1.219
Our Pikes, ript and sow'd vp, liue.
-
g 1.220
Barnacles a bird breeding vpon old ships.
-
h 1.221
Wondrous Springs in Wales.
-
i 1.222
Sheepe.
-
a 1.223
Ioseph of Ari∣mathea.
-
b 1.224
The won∣drous tree at Glastenbury.
-
* 1.225
Fruitful Moors on the bankes of Bry.
-
* 1.226
A supposed prophecie vpó Parret.
-
* 1.227
Ivel: from which, the town Ivelis denominated. Homer.
-
* 1.228
Ivel: from which, the town Ivelis denominated. Homer.
-
a 1.229
One of the fruitfull places of this Land.
-
b 1.230
Interpreted the noble Ile.
-
* 1.231
Rob. Gloce∣slrens.
-
* 1.232
Hen. 111. Willielm. de longs spatha. Richard Poore.
-
* 1.233
Hen. 111. Willielm. de longs spatha. Richard Poore.
-
* 1.234
Hen. 111. Willielm. de longs spatha. Richard Poore.
-
a 1.235
In his Sonets.
-
b 1.236
Histor lib. 1.
-
* 1.237
i. Take your swords. Not one of the stones but is good for somwhat in Physique. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ad Germ. Tacit. Woden or Wonden.
-
c 1.238
Girald. Cam∣brensis Topo∣graph. Hib. dist. 2. cap. 18. Chorea gigan∣tum.
-
* 1.239
i. Take your swords. Not one of the stones but is good for somwhat in Physique. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ad Germ. Tacit. Woden or Wonden.
-
d 1.240
Apud Mun∣ster. ad Dtuter. 3. If among them there be a Whetstone, let the Iew haue it.
-
e 1.241
Powel ad lib. 2. cap. 9. Girald. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
f 1.242
Aristot. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
* 1.243
i. Take your swords. Not one of the stones but is good for somwhat in Physique. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ad Germ. Tacit. Woden or Wonden.
-
* 1.244
i. Take your swords. Not one of the stones but is good for somwhat in Physique. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ad Germ. Tacit. Woden or Wonden.
-
* 1.245
Irmunrull. Sax. Mercury. Adam Bremens. cap. 5. & Hence 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
g 1.246
Pausan. saepiùs & Theocrit. sid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
h 1.247
Prouerb. 26. v. 8.
-
a 1.248
In Thucydid. & Liu.
-
b 1.249
Leland. ad cyg∣cant. in Iside.
-
* 1.250
i. The Physi∣tians lake.
-
c 1.251
Apud. Cai. de antiq. Canta∣brig. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. & Cod. Nig. Can∣tabr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aut. assert. antiq. Oxon.
-
d 1.252
Ad Cyg. Cant. in Iside & Isid. v4d.
-
* 1.253
Curu us Graecus sermo Britanic Galfred. Monu∣meth. lib. 1.
-
e 1.254
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Natu∣ral. quaest. lib. 3. cap. 24.
-
f 1.255
Pyndar. Pyth. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
g 1.256
Ex antiq. sched.
-
* 1.257
See the Au∣thors 8. Song.
-
h 1.258
Bal. cent. 1.
-
i 1.259
Malmesbury lib. 2. Pontific.
-
a 1.260
〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Itinerario.
-
* 1.261
Waters of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Or, Ochy.
-
* 1.262
Waters of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Or, Ochy.
-
b 1.263
Beat. Rhenan. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. rer. Ger∣manic.
-
c 1.264
Ortelius theat. mundi.
-
* 1.265
The wonders of England.
-
d 1.266
Hermathen. lib. 5.
-
e 1.267
Euterpe.
-
f 1.268
Chronicon. Glasconiens.
-
a 1.269
Taliessin. ap. Pris. defens. hist. Brit.
-
b 1.270
Dan Lidgat. lib. 8. vers. Boc∣cat. cap. 24. Naenias ad has refert Alanus de Insulis illud 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vatici∣nium. Exit{us} eius dubius 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.271
Hic iacet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quon∣dam Rexque su∣turus. Noble Coun∣seller. The work∣manship of the Ditches, Wals, and strange steepnes of them, makes it seeme a wonder of Art and Nature.
-
* 1.272
Hic iacet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quon∣dam Rexque su∣turus. Noble Coun∣seller. The work∣manship of the Ditches, Wals, and strange steepnes of them, makes it seeme a wonder of Art and Nature.
-
* 1.273
Hic iacet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quon∣dam Rexque su∣turus. Noble Coun∣seller. The work∣manship of the Ditches, Wals, and strange steepnes of them, makes it seeme a wonder of Art and Nature.
-
* 1.274
First Christiani∣tie in Britaine: but see the VIII. Song.
-
* 1.275
It was called the mother and tomb of the Saints.
-
* 1.276
A Hawthorne blossoming in Winter.
-
* 1.277
Hic iacet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quon∣dam Rexque su∣turus. Noble Coun∣seller. The work∣manship of the Ditches, Wals, and strange steepnes of them, makes it seeme a wonder of Art and Nature.
-
a 1.278
From Eng∣land or Wales.
-
a 1.279
Certaine little Iles lying with∣in Seuerne.
-
* 1.280
Severne.
-
b 1.281
Wales.
-
c 1.282
England.
-
d 1.283
Albion, Nep∣tunes son, war∣red with Her∣cules.
-
e 1.284
The Bathes. All these Ri∣uers you may see in the third Song.
-
a 1.285
Floods of North-wales.
-
b 1.286
Glamorgan & Mōmouthshires.
-
c 1.287
A supposed metamorpho∣sis of Brecans daughters.
-
* 1.288
Monmouth.
-
a 1.289
Henry the fift, stiled of Mon∣mouth.
-
b 1.290
A maritime hill in Catrnay∣uan Shire.
-
c 1.291
Hils diuiding Spaine and France.
-
* 1.292
Glamorgan. A word, vsed by the Anci∣ents, signify∣ing to versify.
-
a 1.293
A kind of Trench.
-
b 1.294
Englins, Coriths, and Ardells, British formes of verses. See the Illustrati∣ons.
-
* 1.295
Glamorgan. A word, vsed by the Anci∣ents, signify∣ing to versify.
-
c 1.296
Saint Wini∣frids Well.
-
d 1.297
A glistring Rock in Mon∣mouthshire.
-
a 1.298
See the eight Song.
-
b 1.299
In Monmoth∣shire.
-
a 1.300
Arthur, one of the nine Worthies.
-
b 1.301
K. Arthur.
-
* 1.302
The sundry Musiques of England.
-
* 1.303
Gen. 11. 8. 9.
-
* 1.304
The Normans and the Saxons of one blood.
-
* 1.305
The Normans lost that name and became English.
-
a 1.306
These & the rest following, the famouselt Hills in Breck∣nocke, Glamor∣gan, and Mon∣mouth.
-
a 1.307
Wclch-hook.
-
b 1.308
So named of his bald head.
-
a 1.309
Tho. dela Moore emen∣datus.
-
b 1.310
Dererum na∣tural. lib. 1.
-
* 1.311
Tripartit di∣uision of Wales.
-
* 1.312
Girald. descript cap. 2. & Powel ad Caradoc. Lancharuan.
-
* 1.313
So called per∣haps because it is almost ini∣sled within the Sea, and Lhogor as Rosay in Scotland, ex∣pressing almost an Ile. Bucha∣nan. hist. 5. in Eugenio. 4.
-
d 1.314
Pris. in de∣script. Walliae.
-
a 1.315
Antiquis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 certa∣minafuisse doce∣mur a scholiast. Aristoph. & D. Cypriano 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de Aleator. Censure vpon bookes publi∣shed.
-
a 1.316
Camd. in Epist. Fulconi Greuil. ad edit. Anglie. Norm. &c.
-
* 1.317
Did sing the valiant deeds of famous men to the sweete melody of the Harpe. S. Mary. For the Harp and other mu∣sique instru∣ments, their forme and anti∣quity, see to the V I. Song; whether a spe∣ciall occasion compeld at. Quantity of the Bards verses. Forme of the British musique. To make them gentle 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
c 1.318
Amnian Mar∣celin. hist. 15.
-
d 1.319
Parte secondae cap. 4. & 5.
-
e 1.320
Dau. Pouel. ad Girald. descript. cap. 3.
-
f 1.321
Suid. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.322
Did sing the valiant deeds of famous men to the sweete melody of the Harpe. S. Mary. For the Harp and other mu∣sique instru∣ments, their forme and anti∣quity, see to the V I. Song; whether a spe∣ciall occasion compeld at. Quantity of the Bards verses. Forme of the British musique. To make them gentle 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
g 1.323
Marcian. Heracleot. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
* 1.324
Did sing the valiant deeds of famous men to the sweete melody of the Harpe. S. Mary. For the Harp and other mu∣sique instru∣ments, their forme and anti∣quity, see to the V I. Song; whether a spe∣ciall occasion compeld at. Quantity of the Bards verses. Forme of the British musique. To make them gentle 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
h 1.325
Girald. Topog. dist. 3. cap. 11.
-
i 1.326
30. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. fol. 20.
-
* 1.327
Tropelophor{us} dict{us} in menolo∣gio Graeco apud Baronium, sorte 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 siue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quid n. Trope∣lophorus?
-
k 1.328
Faery Q lib. 1.
-
l 1.329
C. Sancta Rom. eccles. 3. dist. 15. Gelasius PP.
-
m 1.330
Ord. Rom. de diuin. of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 d∣pud Baronium in martyrolog.
-
n 1.331
Harding cap. 7. 2.
-
o 1.332
Th. de Walsing. A. M. C C C. L. & XXIV. Ed. III. Fabian puts it before this yeare, but erro∣niously.
-
p 1.333
Ex antiq. m. s. ap. Camd. in Berkscir.
-
m 1.334
Die ge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S. Geoigen 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
q 1.335
〈◊〉〈◊〉 CD. XXCV III.
-
r 1.336
10. Hen. 8. in statutis Hiberni∣cis.
-
* 1.337
Martin. Crus. annal. Sueuic. part. 2. lib. 9.
-
a 1.338
Polychronic. lib. 1. cap. 52.
-
b 1.339
Bal. cent. 1.
-
c 1.340
Nennius. bistor. Galfred. lib. 6. cap. 2. & lib. 7. cap. 2. Beginning of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and crests.
-
d 1.341
A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Euripid in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The Dragon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Standard of England.
-
* 1.342
Lips. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Polyb 4. dissert. 5.
-
f 1.343
Pindar. Pythio∣nic. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Homer. Iliad. l. suid. Epa∣minond. Hesiod. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Plutarch. Ly∣sand. Euripid. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
g 1.344
Camden.
-
h 1.345
Suid. in Iusti∣nian. No seales be∣fore the Con∣quest.
-
i 1.346
Ingulphas.
-
* 1.347
Emperour of Britaine, Gaule, Germany, and Danmarke; for so they falsly turned Dacia.
-
k 1.348
Plaut. in Sti∣cho.
-
* 1.349
Knights and Ladies sate in seuerall rooms.
-
a 1.350
Scholaft. ad Aristophan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & Suidas Round Tables.
-
b 1.351
Gemos. halo∣graph. lib. 3. cap. 9.
-
* 1.352
Armigeri, which is exprest in the word Schilpors in Paul Warnfred. lib. 2. de gest. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 28. The Knights of the Round Table vse to ferry spirits o∣uer Styx, Ache∣ron, and other 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and for their fare haue a fillip on the nose and a peece of moul∣dy bread.
-
c 1.353
Dipnosoph. lib. of.
-
d 1.354
Hoppenrod & spangberg. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ortelium in Mansfeld. Many places in Wales in hills and rockes, ho∣nor'd with Ar∣thurs name. Pris. defens. hist. Brit. & Cadair Arthur. i. Arthurs Chaire in Brecknock. Girald. Itin. Camb. cap. 2. & Arthurs Duen in Stitling of Scotland.
-
e 1.355
Liure 2. chapit. 30.
-
* 1.356
Armigeri, which is exprest in the word Schilpors in Paul Warnfred. lib. 2. de gest. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 28. The Knights of the Round Table vse to ferry spirits o∣uer Styx, Ache∣ron, and other 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and for their fare haue a fillip on the nose and a peece of moul∣dy bread.
-
b 1.357
Girald. Itiner. Camb. 2. cap. 8.
-
c 1.358
Orland. Furios. cant. 3. See Spencers Faery Q. lib. 3. cant. 3.
-
d 1.359
Gen. 10.
-
e 1.360
Munster. Cosm. lib. 3.
-
f 1.361
Goropius in Indoscythic.
-
g 1.362
Iodoc. Willich. con. m. ad Tacit. Germaniam. & Pantaleon lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
h 1.363
Elias Leuit. in Thist. Arias Mont. in Peleg.
-
i 1.364
Strab. lib. 7. 16. & 15. de alijs que his congeri∣mus.
-
k 1.365
Broughton in concent. pref.
-
l 1.366
Pet. Kirstenius Grammaticae Arabicae sub∣iunxit.
-
m 1.367
Scalig. in pro∣iegom. ad emen∣dat. temp.
-
n 1.368
Melancthan ap. Becan. in Indoscyth.
-
a 1.369
Ap. Camdenum
-
b 1.370
Dionys. Afer. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The English from their ori∣ginall, excellent Archers. See the VIII. Song.
-
* 1.371
The shoo∣ting Sacae none can teach them Art: For what they loos't at, neuer scapes their dart.
-
c 1.372
Strabo lib. 1 a.
-
d 1.373
Ptolem geo∣graph. lib. 7. cap. 17.
-
e 1.374
Herodot. Poly∣hymn. Xenoph. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Strabo lib. 11.
-
* 1.375
See the 8. Song
-
f 1.376
Iustin. lib. 24. & 41. Herodot. Clio. Wasingh. Hypodig. Neust. Gemetic és. lib. 1. cap. 4. Sabnis & Graecis morem hunc suisse me∣mini legisse me apud Varronem & Columellam.
-
g 1.377
Festus in eod. & Mamertinis.
-
h 1.378
〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Gen. 28. 14. Iesai. 54. 3.
-
i 1.379
Malmesb. lib. 4. de Pontisicib.
-
* 1.380
Mistakings in our Chronolo∣gies.
-
b 1.381
Paul. de Mi∣dleburgo part. 2. lib. 5.
-
* 1.382
Westrich.
-
c 1.383
Paul. A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hist. Franc. 3.
-
d 1.384
Guil. Gemiti∣cens. lib. 2. cap. 17. An vnmanner∣ly homage.
-
e 1.385
Marcian. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
* 1.386
〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 7. cap. 36. & lib. 3. cap. 18.
-
a 1.387
ff. rnde cogna∣ti l. 4. spurius. & tit. de grad. affin. l. 4. non facile.
-
* 1.388
Right of blood and kin∣dred comes on∣ly by lawfull marriage. A diuision, because he is separated from his fathers in∣heritance. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. LX. VI.
-
b 1.389
Histor. Cado∣mens.
-
* 1.390
Plantagenest.
-
a 1.391
Chirō brought vp Achilles, son to Thetis.
-
b 1.392
Iames the fourth, sirna∣med Steward, maried Marga∣ret, eldest daughter to Henry the 7. King of Eng∣land.
-
* 1.393
The seats of the Muses.
-
* 1.394
Severne, turn'd Sea.
-
a 1.395
A Poole or watry Moore.
-
* 1.396
Of South∣wales.
-
b 1.397
Ebbing and flowing with the Sea.
-
* 1.398
Merlin, borne in Caer-merd∣hin.
-
a 1.399
Passage into Penbrokrshire
-
* 1.400
The colony of Flemings here planted. See to the IV. Song.
-
a 1.401
Now Con∣stantinople.
-
* 1.402
Spaine.
-
* 1.403
The places frō whence the highest flying Hawkes are brought.
-
* 1.404
The Ilands vpon the point of Penbrooke∣shire.
-
a 1.405
Iliad 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Odyss. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
b 1.406
Hector Boet. lib. 12 et Bucha∣nan. in reg. 85. & 86. lib. 7. qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉; dem aeuo ci∣teriort Stuartos ait dictos, quos olim Thauos nuncupabant. Thani vcrò quaestoreserant regij per inter∣pretationem, vti Boetius. Certè in Charta illa quâ iure 〈◊〉〈◊〉 se Henrico II. obstrinxit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rex, leguntur in¦ter testes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Curcy Seneschallus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Filius Aldelmi Seneschalius, A∣lut edus de San∣cto Martino Seneschalius, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Malet Seneschallus, vnde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fuisse hoc nomen 〈◊〉〈◊〉. horum bi∣nt desunt apud Houedenum ve∣rum ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Anonymo ms. excerpts.
-
* 1.407
Yorke and Lancaster. Forte Drusij (quod vult 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 7. daemonoman.) quasi Syluani. aut Diyades. Durbitius di∣ctus Galsredo. Shrew now a word app'ted to the shrewish sex, but in Chau∣cer, Lidgat, and Gower to the quieter also.
-
a 1.408
Rabbi Abra∣ham in Zerror Hammor ap. Munst. ad 2. Genes.
-
b 1.409
Lib. 15. de Ciu. Dei cap. 23.
-
* 1.410
Yorke and Lancaster. Forte Drusij (quod vult 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 7. daemonoman.) quasi Syluani. aut Diyades. Durbitius di∣ctus Galsredo. Shrew now a word app'ted to the shrewish sex, but in Chau∣cer, Lidgat, and Gower to the quieter also.
-
c 1.411
Gen. 6. 2.
-
d 1.412
Illustres saepius viros indigetant historici nostri Consules, vnde et AEtium adlo∣quuntar Saxo∣nos Cos, quem tam etsi Consulē 〈◊〉〈◊〉 haut asse∣rent Fasti, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & in republicâ nobi∣lissimum Proco∣pij aliorumque historiae Gothicae produnt. See to the x. Song.
-
* 1.413
Yorke and Lancaster. Forte Drusij (quod vult 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 7. daemonoman.) quasi Syluani. aut Diyades. Durbitius di∣ctus Galsredo. Shrew now a word app'ted to the shrewish sex, but in Chau∣cer, Lidgat, and Gower to the quieter also.
-
* 1.414
Yorke and Lancaster. Forte Drusij (quod vult 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 7. daemonoman.) quasi Syluani. aut Diyades. Durbitius di∣ctus Galsredo. Shrew now a word app'ted to the shrewish sex, but in Chau∣cer, Lidgat, and Gower to the quieter also.
-
e 1.415
Spencers Faery Q lib. 3. cant. 3.
-
f 1.416
Giraid. Itin. 1. cap. 11. —Que te dementia cepit Querere sollicitè qued reperire times. Th. Mor. Epig.
-
* 1.417
Of Cuckol∣drie. Rablais.
-
* 1.418
Haukes.
-
b 1.419
Albert. de A∣nimal. 23. cap. 8.
-
c 1.420
Frederic. II. lib. 2. de arte Venand. cap. 4.
-
d 1.421
Monumeth. lib. 8. cap. 8. Girald. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. cap. 1. Bal. cent. 1. Vita S. Dewy.
-
e 1.422
Alan. de insul. 1. ad Proph. Merlin.
-
a 1.423
Giants
-
* 1.424
Falling of water.
-
a 1.425
The word in tumbling, whē one casteth himselfe ouer and ouer.
-
a 1.426
Of Cardigan.
-
a 1.427
Bacchus.
-
* 1.428
The storie of Severne
-
a 1.429
See to the fourth 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
b 1.430
Henry the se∣cond.
-
a 1.431
Topograpb. Hib. dist. 1. cap. 21. Itin. Cam. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 3.
-
b 1.432
Pouel. & Cam∣den.
-
* 1.433
Girald. Topo∣graph. 3. dift. cap. 11.
-
d 1.434
Horat. Ep. od. 9
-
e 1.435
Plutarch. de Isid. & Osiride.
-
f 1.436
Horat. Carm. 3. od. 11. Homer in Hymn. ad. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Seru. Honorat. ad 4. A Eneid, (vbi testudinem primòtrium Chordarū, quam à Mercurio Caducei precio emisse Apollinem Septémque dis∣crimina vocum addidisse legim{us}, & videndus Diodor. Sicul. lib. a.) vnde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. di∣citur Graecis.
-
g 1.437
Hist. Scot. 4. in Fethelmacho.
-
h 1.438
Comment. 6.
-
i 1.439
Iuuenal. Satyr. 15.
-
* 1.440
Eloquent Gaule taught the British Lawiers.
-
k 1.441
De pronuntiat. rect. Lat. ling. cap. 2. v. Viglium ad instit. Iustin. tit. quib. non est permiss. fac. test. Circa DCC. XC. Vniuersity of Paris instituted
-
l 1.442
Balaeus cent. 1.
-
a 1.443
Diodor. Sicul. de gest. fabuios. an∣tiq. lib. 6.
-
b 1.444
Arisiot. Polit. n. cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.445
Imitations.
-
c 1.446
Lips. od Polyb. 4. Dialog. 11.
-
* 1.447
Bardus Gallicè & Britannicè Cantor. Fest. & ride Bodin. meth. hist. cap. 9. qui Robartū Dagobartum & similia voca∣bula hinc (〈◊〉〈◊〉 verò) deducit.
-
d 1.448
Locus Taciti in de morib. Germ.
-
e 1.449
Suidán 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
f 1.450
Genes. 10.
-
a 1.451
Sophocles, Car∣minius, Virgil. ap. Macrobium Saturnal. lib. 5. cap. 19. Pausan. in Laconic. 7. & Arcadic. n. Sa∣muel. lib. 1. cap. 17.
-
b 1.452
Iliad. l.
-
* 1.453
Brasse re∣bounds from Brasse. Of remediall power. Ita. n. legendū, non Tantia aut Pontia, vti in∣eptiunt qui Io∣sepho nostro 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 co∣ronam in Codice Typis excuso.
-
* 1.454
Brasse re∣bounds from Brasse. Of remediall power. Ita. n. legendū, non Tantia aut Pontia, vti in∣eptiunt qui Io∣sepho nostro 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 co∣ronam in Codice Typis excuso.
-
c 1.455
Problem a. Sect. l〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
d 1.456
Camd. in Cor∣nub.
-
* 1.457
See for this more in the X. Song.
-
e 1.458
Lucret. de Rer. Nat. 6.
-
* 1.459
Cornelius Nepos challenged to an English wit.
-
* 1.460
Brasse re∣bounds from Brasse. Of remediall power. Ita. n. legendū, non Tantia aut Pontia, vti in∣eptiunt qui Io∣sepho nostro 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 co∣ronam in Codice Typis excuso.
-
a 1.461
Chronicis adde & Girald. Itin. Camb. 2. cap. 14.
-
b 1.462
Sarisburiens. Epist. 159. 210. 220. & 268.
-
c 1.463
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, win∣dy egges, bred without a Cocke.
-
d 1.464
Iustin. bist. lib. 44.
-
e 1.465
Iliad. 〈☐〉〈☐〉.
-
* 1.466
These did flie like the winde, which swift Podarge foaled to their Sire Ze∣phyrus, feeding in a Meadow by the Ocean. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ptolemaeo. Iotae sublato vera re∣stat lectio. Paull. Merul. cosmog. part. 2. lib. 2. cap. 26.
-
f 1.467
Geograph. a.
-
* 1.468
These did flie like the winde, which swift Podarge foaled to their Sire Ze∣phyrus, feeding in a Meadow by the Ocean. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ptolemaeo. Iotae sublato vera re∣stat lectio. Paull. Merul. cosmog. part. 2. lib. 2. cap. 26.
-
* 1.469
A Simile ex∣pressing the Boare or Higre.
-
* 1.470
Endymion foúd out the course of the Moone.
-
* 1.471
The excellen∣cie of Lemster wooll.
-
* 1.472
Wye or Gwy, so called (in the British) of her sinuosity, or turning.
-
a 1.473
Maluern Chase.
-
b 1.474
Seuerne.
-
* 1.475
A Fable in O∣uids Metamor.
-
* 1.476
Tripartite diui∣sion of Wales.
-
a 1.477
Girald. Camb. descript. cap. 2.
-
* 1.478
DCCC. LXX. VI.
-
* 1.479
The three crowned Princes. Marquesses, or Lord Mar∣chers of Wales.
-
b 1.480
D. Pouel. ad Caradoc. Lhan∣caruan.
-
* 1.481
Crownes, Dia∣dems, Band.
-
c 1.482
Stephan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gorop. Becce∣selan. 2. & Pet. Pithel aduersar. 2. c. 20. de Ban∣dâ, cui & Anda∣tem apud Dio∣nem conferas, & videsisst in altere alterius reliquie.
-
d 1.483
Galfred. Mo∣numeth. lib. I. & 9.
-
e 1.484
27. Hen. 8. cap. 26. v. 28. Ed. 3. cap. 2.
-
f 1.485
Lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Scac∣car.
-
g 1.486
Matth. West∣monast lib. 2.
-
* 1.487
The three crowned Princes. Marquesses, or Lord Mar∣chers of Wales.
-
* 1.488
For the limits see to the next Song.
-
a 1.489
〈◊〉〈◊〉 Const. Feud. 2. tit. quis dicatur Dux & iuris∣consulti 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.490
But see to the IX. Song more particularly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib. de Satyra. Mentò indige∣tatur hoc Epithe∣to longè doctissi∣mus à doctissimo Dan. Heinsto in annot ad Hora∣tium.
-
b 1.491
13. Hen. 3. tit. Gard. 147.
-
c 1.492
Stat. Ruth∣land. 12. Ed. 1.
-
d 1.493
14. Ed. 2. dors. claus. mem. 13.
-
e 1.494
V. 18. Ed. 2. tit. Assise 382. 13. Ed. 3. Iurisdict. 23. 6. Hen. 5. ib. 34. 1. Ed. 3. f. 14. & saepiusin an∣nalibus Iuris nostri.
-
f 1.495
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Malmes∣bur. lib. 4. degest. Pontisicum.
-
* 1.496
But see to the IX. Song more particularly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib. de Satyra. Mentò indige∣tatur hoc Epithe∣to longè doctissi∣mus à doctissimo Dan. Heinsto in annot ad Hora∣tium.
-
* 1.497
But see to the IX. Song more particularly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib. de Satyra. Mentò indige∣tatur hoc Epithe∣to longè doctissi∣mus à doctissimo Dan. Heinsto in annot ad Hora∣tium.
-
g 1.498
Stat. 9. Hen. 6. cap. 5.
-
h 1.499
About time of Edward III.
-
i 1.500
Varr. de re ru∣stic. 2. cap. 2. Co∣lumell. lib. 7. cap. 4.
-
k 1.501
〈◊〉〈◊〉. D. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. V.
-
a 1.502
England.
-
b 1.503
Wales.
-
c 1.504
Scotland.
-
a 1.505
Priests amōg idolatrous Gé∣tiles.
-
b 1.506
Canterbury.
-
a 1.507
Ferrex and Porrex.
-
* 1.508
Belinus and Brennus.
-
* 1.509
A great Gene∣rall of those Northren Na∣tions.
-
a 1.510
Martia.
-
* 1.511
A certain Mō∣ster often issu∣ing from the Sea, deuoured diuerse of the British people.
-
* 1.512
A people thē inhabiting Hamp. Dorset. Wilt. and So∣merset shires.
-
a 1.513
Those of Monmouth, and the adiacent Shires.
-
b 1.514
Those of Yorkeshire, and there by.
-
* 1.515
Nero.
-
a 1.516
Anglesey, the chiefe place of residence of the Druides.
-
a 1.517
By Saint Albans.
-
a 1.518
North-wales men.
-
b 1.519
In the midst of Scotland.
-
c 1.520
Ioseph of Ari∣mathea.
-
d 1.521
Ierusalem.
-
* 1.522
The ancient bounds of Wales.
-
* 1.523
Clun Forrest.
-
* 1.524
Bruge-North. By Chepstow 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
a 1.525
Caradoc Lhan∣caruanin Co∣nan Tindaeth∣wy. Girald. Iti∣nerar. 2. cap. 11. & Descript. cap. 15.
-
* 1.526
Bruge-North. By Chepstow 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.527
Claudh Offa See to the X. Song for Dee. A.D.CC. LXXX.
-
b 1.528
Higden. in Po∣lychronic. 1. cap. 43.
-
* 1.529
He compeld Ludwall K. of All Wales, and Constantine K. of Scots to leaue their Crownes. Emendatio histo∣rie Malmesburi∣ensis lib. 2. cap. 6. West-Wales. DCCCC. XX. VI. West-Britons Caratacus Lan∣carbensis in Ed∣wall. Voel Cor∣rectus. Cambalan or Camel. Because they were bred of earth, and the dew of heauen.
-
* 1.530
He compeld Ludwall K. of All Wales, and Constantine K. of Scots to leaue their Crownes. Emendatio histo∣rie Malmesburi∣ensis lib. 2. cap. 6. West-Wales. DCCCC. XX. VI. West-Britons Caratacus Lan∣carbensis in Ed∣wall. Voel Cor∣rectus. Cambalan or Camel. Because they were bred of earth, and the dew of heauen.
-
* 1.531
He compeld Ludwall K. of All Wales, and Constantine K. of Scots to leaue their Crownes. Emendatio histo∣rie Malmesburi∣ensis lib. 2. cap. 6. West-Wales. DCCCC. XX. VI. West-Britons Caratacus Lan∣carbensis in Ed∣wall. Voel Cor∣rectus. Cambalan or Camel. Because they were bred of earth, and the dew of heauen.
-
* 1.532
He compeld Ludwall K. of All Wales, and Constantine K. of Scots to leaue their Crownes. Emendatio histo∣rie Malmesburi∣ensis lib. 2. cap. 6. West-Wales. DCCCC. XX. VI. West-Britons Caratacus Lan∣carbensis in Ed∣wall. Voel Cor∣rectus. Cambalan or Camel. Because they were bred of earth, and the dew of heauen.
-
a 1.533
Callimach. in hymn. Iouis.
-
b 1.534
Orpheus ap. Nat. Com. My∣tholog 6. cap. 21.
-
* 1.535
He compeld Ludwall K. of All Wales, and Constantine K. of Scots to leaue their Crownes. Emendatio histo∣rie Malmesburi∣ensis lib. 2. cap. 6. West-Wales. DCCCC. XX. VI. West-Britons Caratacus Lan∣carbensis in Ed∣wall. Voel Cor∣rectus. Cambalan or Camel. Because they were bred of earth, and the dew of heauen.
-
c 1.536
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 terra.
-
* 1.537
See to the IV. Song.
-
d 1.538
Herodot. Mel∣pomene of.
-
e 1.539
Ephor. ap. Strab. 7
-
f 1.540
In 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 forsan reliquiae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. arcus & pun∣ctorum variatio∣ne, Sagittan{us}. 7. Goropium Bec∣ceselan. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Amazonic.
-
g 1.541
〈◊〉〈◊〉. leg. cap. 40.
-
a 1.542
Agathias lib. 1. Maeotidis Pal{us}.
-
b 1.543
Leland. ad Cyg. Cant in Hull.
-
* 1.544
Abus dictum ifthoc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ptolemaeo. Oxen-ford. Stane-ford. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, where, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Ri∣uer.
-
c 1.545
Girald. Itine∣rar. cap. 2 & 4.
-
d 1.546
〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hard. cap. 25. ex¦ijsdem & 〈◊〉〈◊〉{us}.
-
e 1.547
10 Cai. antiq. Cant. 2. Br. Tuin. lib. 3. apolog. Oxon. § 115. & Seqq.
-
* 1.548
Abus dictum ifthoc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ptolemaeo. Oxen-ford. Stane-ford. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, where, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Ri∣uer.
-
* 1.549
Abus dictum ifthoc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ptolemaeo. Oxen-ford. Stane-ford. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, where, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Ri∣uer.
-
f 1.550
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Faery Q. lib. 4. Cant. 11. Stanz. 35.
-
* 1.551
Abus dictum ifthoc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ptolemaeo. Oxen-ford. Stane-ford. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, where, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Ri∣uer.
-
a 1.552
Liu. dec. lib. 5. Plutarch. in Ca∣millo.
-
* 1.553
Wo to the Conquered. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. verò Stephan. Forcatulum lib. 2 de Gall. philo∣soph. qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in∣ter examinandū faedè, ast cum alijs, in historiâ ipsâ lapsus est. Thunderbolt. From the vt∣most West.
-
* 1.554
V. 10. Pris. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. hist. Brit. qui nimium hîc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
b 1.555
Halicarnass. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Liu. 5.
-
* 1.556
Wo to the Conquered. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. verò Stephan. Forcatulum lib. 2 de Gall. philo∣soph. qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in∣ter examinandū faedè, ast cum alijs, in historiâ ipsâ lapsus est. Thunderbolt. From the vt∣most West.
-
d 1.557
Pausanias in Phocic.
-
e 1.558
Strab. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
f 1.559
Polyb. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & Lin. dec. 1 lib. 5. dec. 4. lib. 8. Strab. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Pausan. Phocic. 1. Ap∣pian. Illyric. Iu∣stin. lib. 24. & 25. Plutarch. Camillo. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plerisque Del∣phis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 peremptis, qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in A Egyptum conductes sub sti∣pend ijs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Philadelphi me∣ruisse ait 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scholiastes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Delum.
-
* 1.560
Wo to the Conquered. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. verò Stephan. Forcatulum lib. 2 de Gall. philo∣soph. qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in∣ter examinandū faedè, ast cum alijs, in historiâ ipsâ lapsus est. Thunderbolt. From the vt∣most West.
-
g 1.561
Vet. Inscript. in Cumbria, & apud Ios. Sca∣lig. ad Auson. 1. cap. 9. & V. Rhodigin. lib. 17. cap 28. Plurade Belino, siue Bele∣no. i. Apolline Gallico Pet. Pi∣thaeus Aduers. subsec. lib. 1. cap. 3. qui Belenum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Phaebi epi∣theton autumat. v. notas Camd. ad Numismata. & Nos ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉. IX.
-
* 1.562
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Transmutati∣on of G. into C. was, anciently, often and easie, as Lipsius shews. lib. de pronunci∣at. ling. Latin. cap. 13.
-
h 1.563
〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 50.
-
i 1.564
Cael. Rhodig. Antiq. Lect. 1. cap. 6
-
k 1.565
Eustath. ad Di∣onys. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
* 1.566
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Transmutati∣on of G. into C. was, anciently, often and easie, as Lipsius shews. lib. de pronunci∣at. ling. Latin. cap. 13.
-
1 1.567
Plutarch. in Mario. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
-
m 1.568
Odyss. l. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—
-
* 1.569
Looke to the XI. Song. A limit or bound. But it is affir∣med that K. Coils daughter, mo∣ther to Constan∣tine the great, walled this first, and Colchester also. Huntingdon lib. 1. & Simon Dunelmens ap. Stou. in notitia Londini. I shall presently speake of her also. Patron of Cities. v. Homer. hymmad Dian.
-
* 1.570
Geruas. Tilburi∣ensis de Scacca∣rio.
-
* 1.571
Looke to the XI. Song. A limit or bound. But it is affir∣med that K. Coils daughter, mo∣ther to Constan∣tine the great, walled this first, and Colchester also. Huntingdon lib. 1. & Simon Dunelmens ap. Stou. in notitia Londini. I shall presently speake of her also. Patron of Cities. v. Homer. hymmad Dian.
-
b 1.572
Rob. Gloce∣sirens.
-
* 1.573
Looke to the XI. Song. A limit or bound. But it is affir∣med that K. Coils daughter, mo∣ther to Constan∣tine the great, walled this first, and Colchester also. Huntingdon lib. 1. & Simon Dunelmens ap. Stou. in notitia Londini. I shall presently speake of her also. Patron of Cities. v. Homer. hymmad Dian.
-
* 1.574
London deriued.
-
c 1.575
Iirme. cap. 43. comm. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.576
Looke to the XI. Song. A limit or bound. But it is affir∣med that K. Coils daughter, mo∣ther to Constan∣tine the great, walled this first, and Colchester also. Huntingdon lib. 1. & Simon Dunelmens ap. Stou. in notitia Londini. I shall presently speake of her also. Patron of Cities. v. Homer. hymmad Dian.
-
* 1.577
Stephan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. b.
-
e 1.578
Bed. lib. 1. cap. 2
-
p 1.579
Sueton. lib 4. cap. 44. & 46. & Dio Casiius.
-
g 1.580
Polybius hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
h 1.581
Solin. polyhist. cap. 35.
-
i 1.582
Girald. descript. cap. 10.
-
k 1.583
Hector. Boit. lib. 3.
-
l 1.584
Antiq. Inscript. Lapidee. & Numm.
-
* 1.585
* V. Fortiscut. de laud. leg. Ang. cap. 17. & Vitū Basing stoch. lib. 4. not. 36. Roman lawes vsed in Britaine.
-
m 1.586
Agellius lib. 16. cap. 13.
-
n 1.587
〈◊〉〈◊〉. annal. 14. Dio lib 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.588
Pictorum in Bri∣tannia (potius Pictonum it a. n. legitur) primus meminit Roma∣norum Panegy∣ristesille inter 〈◊〉〈◊〉, qui Con∣stantinum en∣comijs adloqui∣tur, & si placet adeas Humfred. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Breu. Brit. & Bucha∣nan. lib. 2. rer. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. aut Cam∣deni Scotos & Pictos. Rob. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dicun∣tur 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.589
Galfredus Monumethensis Correctus, & ibi∣dem vice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maesmarius lege Vestmaria.
-
o 1.590
Satyr. 4.
-
p 1.591
Suidas in Iuue∣nali.
-
q 1.592
These names are very diffe∣rently writen. S. Georges crosse.
-
r 1.593
Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Har∣ding. cap. 4 8. Ast Codices ij, quos consuluesse me Nennij antiquos contigit huiusce rei parùm sunt memores.
-
* 1.594
First Christian King in the world.
-
a 1.595
Abdias hist. Aposlo ic. lib. 9. Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 13.
-
b 1.596
Nicet. Choniat. in Andrenic. Comnen. lib. 2.
-
c 1.597
Nicephor. Cal list. lib. 2. cap. 7. & 8.
-
d 1.598
Distinct. 80 c. in illis. Clemens PP.
-
d 1.599
Distinct. 80 c. in illis. Clemens PP.
-
e 1.600
V. Kenulph in Epist. ad Leonem PP. apud G. Malmesb lib. 1. de reg. & 1. de Pontific. vide Basing stoch. hist. 9. not. 11. Stou. Suruay of Lon∣don. pag. 479.
-
f 1.601
Ioann: 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Epistol. 272. Helen mother to Constantine. Constantine born in Britain.
-
g 1.602
〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap 4.
-
h 1.603
Lips. de Rom. magnitud. lib. 4. cap. 1 1. nimium Lapsus.
-
i 1.604
Panegyric. di∣xerint licet. Maximiano &c
-
* 1.605
He freed Bri∣taine of bou∣dage, Thou enobledesl it with thy birth. O happy Bri∣taine that first of all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Constantine. Pa∣negyric. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Constanti∣ne.
-
* 1.606
He freed Bri∣taine of bou∣dage, Thou enobledesl it with thy birth. O happy Bri∣taine that first of all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Constantine. Pa∣negyric. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Constanti∣ne.
-
k 1.607
Constantin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de administ. im∣perio cap. 29.
-
* 1.608
10. 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉.
-
* 1.609
Because he was borne in their parts. Belinus.
-
a 1.610
Histor. Orien∣tales 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Themata 〈◊〉〈◊〉, cum su∣pra citate libro. Europeans call'd Franks.
-
b 1.611
Nicet. Choniat. 2. Isaac. Angel. § vlt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
c 1.612
G. Stephaiudes de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ba∣singstoch. hist. 6. not. 10.
-
* 1.613
Rob. Gloce∣strens.
-
* 1.614
Because he was borne in their parts. Belinus.
-
* 1.615
1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Concil.
-
f 1.616
Roger Houe∣den. fol. 332.
-
g 1.617
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Nubrigens. (cuius editionem nuperam & 10. Picardi annota∣tiones consulas) lib. 3. cap. 3. & Houeden{us} ba∣bent ipsas, quae sunt, Constitutio∣nes.
-
h 1.618
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Con∣cess. praebend. c. 2.
-
* 1.619
6. Decret. tit. iure patronat. § Verum. c. vnit.
-
* 1.620
〈◊〉〈◊〉 emen∣datus cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 92
-
n 1.621
D. Ed. Coke lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iure Regis ec∣clefiastic.
-
o 1.622
Regist. Orig. fol. 42.
-
* 1.623
See to the IX. Song.
-
* 1.624
But see to the XIIII. Song, of Couentry.
-
* 1.625
Rob. Glocestrens.
-
p 1.626
They.
-
q 1.627
There.
-
r 1.628
Most part.
-
s 1.629
Againe.
-
t 1.630
Of the Picts.
-
u 1.631
Them take.
-
x 1.632
Leud.
-
y 1.633
Hector. Boet. hist. Scotic. 7. ex antiquioribus, verùm falsireis.
-
z 1.634
Vsuard. Mar∣tyrolog. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Octob.
-
z 1.635
Sunt enim an∣tiqui Codices quibus hoc meri∣tò deest, nec. n. vt glossema illud non irreptâsse, sentire sum potis.
-
* 1.636
Halfe silent.
-
a 1.637
Paul. Merul. Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 15.
-
b 1.638
Herodot. Mel∣pom. 7.
-
c 1.639
Apud Strab. lib a.
-
d 1.640
Amazonic. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 8.
-
a 1.641
Merioneth∣shire.
-
* 1.642
Meeres or Pooles, from whence Riuers spring.
-
* 1.643
The Riuers as in order they fall into the Irish Sea.
-
a 1.644
North-wales.
-
* 1.645
The wondrous Mountaines in Merionethshire.
-
* 1.646
Nymphs of the Mountains.
-
* 1.647
The wonders of Lin-taged, or Pemble-mere
-
a 1.648
The most fa∣mous Moun∣taine of all Wales, in Car∣naryanshire.
-
* 1.649
The wonders vpon the Snow∣don.
-
* 1.650
The glory of Snowdon-hill.
-
a 1.651
The West-Saxons coun∣try, compre∣hending Deuō∣shire, Somerset, Wiltshire, and their adiacents.
-
b 1.652
A hill neere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.653
Offa's Ditch
-
* 1.654
A King both valiant and politique.
-
a 1.655
Iles vpon the West of Scot∣land.
-
a 1.656
Iles vpon the West of Scot∣land.
-
a 1.657
Pouel. ad Ca∣radic. Lhan∣caru. & Camd.
-
a 1.658
Girald. Itine∣rar. 2. cap. 6.
-
b 1.659
Ammian. Mar∣cel. hift. 15. Pōp. Mel. lib. 2. Plin. hist. Nat. 2. cap. 103.
-
c 1.660
Ad Strabon. lib. &.
-
d 1.661
Itin. Leicest. 27. Hen. 3. in Archiu. Tarr. Londin.
-
e 1.662
His post alios refragatur B. Pererius ad Ge∣nes. 1. quest. 101.
-
a 1.663
Prouerb. 8.
-
b 1.664
Psalm. 104.
-
c 1.665
Pindar. ap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 10.
-
d 1.666
Buchanan. Sco∣tic. Hist. 2.
-
e 1.667
Bract. lib. 3. tract. 2. cap. 15. Leg. G. Conquest. & D Coke in Cas. Caluin.
-
f 1.668
〈◊〉〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. reg.1.
-
g 1.669
Paul Merul. Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 31.
-
h 1.670
V. Eustath. ad eundem.
-
i 1.671
Hist. Nat. lib. 4 rap. 17 quem su∣per Ligerim Bri∣tanos hos Sitos dixisse, miror P. Merulam tam constanter 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
k 1.672
Bed. lib. 1. cap. 3. quem secutus P. Merula.
-
* 1.673
Ex Ms. Coe∣nab. Floriac. edit. per P. Pi∣theum.
-
* 1.674
See to the II. Song.
-
k 1.675
Anton. Maior. ap. Basingstoch. lib. 9. not. 32.
-
l 1.676
Ranulph. Hig∣den. lib. 5. cap. 20
-
* 1.677
Cedwalla Rex Britonum Bed. Hist. Eccles 3. cap. 1. caeterum 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Neunium ap. Camd. in Ottadi∣nis pag. 664. & 665. & Bed. lib. 5. cap. 7.
-
a 1.678
Bed. eccles. hist. lib. 5. cap. 7 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in sub∣stance, if you say, He was bap∣tized, and soone died.
-
* 1.679
A. CHR. DC. LXXX VIII.
-
* 1.680
〈◊〉〈◊〉 con∣lecture cannot but attribute ail this to the West∣Saxon Cedwall, and not the British.
-
* 1.681
See to the XI. Song.
-
* 1.682
Ratio 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Minor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quame Centenario quo∣libet & Denario vnitatem accipi∣unt, reliquos nu∣meros in vtroque vocabulo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vti Arch. angel. Burgono∣uens in Dog. Ca∣balisticis.
-
b 1.683
Ad Festum. verb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
c 1.684
Clemens Alex∣and. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Steph. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. tan∣tundem: praeter aliosquampluri∣mos.
-
d 1.685
Lucian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Varro ap. Macrob. 3. cap. 1.
-
e 1.686
Hero. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. a.
-
f 1.687
Samij apud He∣roduct. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
-
g 1.688
Thucydid. hist 〈◊〉〈◊〉
-
h 1.689
Rot. Claus. de ann. 9. Ed. 1. in Archiu. Turr. Londin.
-
* 1.690
The Foord at the Rockes head.
-
i 1.691
Girald. Itine∣rar. 1. cap. 6.
-
k 1.692
Diquo si pla∣cet, videas com∣pondiose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Alberic. Gentil. de Arm. Rom. 1. cap. 1.
-
l 1.693
Guil. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Burgo lib. 2. cap. 5.
-
m 1.694
〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ep. 159.
-
n 1.695
30. Ed. 3. fol. 20.
-
a 1.696
Gutyn Owen in Lhewelin ap Iorwerth.
-
* 1.697
Note that North-wales was the chiefe Principality, and to it South∣wales and Powis paid a tribute, as out of the lawes of Howel Dha is noted by Doctor Powel.
-
b 1.698
Charta Daui∣dis 25. Hen. 3. Seuen, wife to Gryffith then imprisoned, was with o∣thers a pledge for her hus∣bands part.
-
* 1.699
In 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scaccar. & Po∣lydor. hist. Angl. 15.
-
* 1.700
CIO. CC. LXX. VII.
-
a 1.701
XII. Ed. 1.
-
* 1.702
Mon the mo∣ther of Wales.
-
b 1.703
Girald. Hine∣rar. 2. cap. 7 & 9.
-
c 1.704
Strabe. lib. 5.
-
d 1.705
Commentar. 5.
-
e 1.706
Walsingh. in Ed. 11.
-
p 1.707
Camden. in In∣sulis.
-
g 1.708
Vlpian ff. de Iudicijs l. 9. & verb. fig. l. 99.
-
h 1.709
Topograph. Hi∣bern. dist. 2. cap. 15.
-
a 1.710
Plin. hist. nat. 16. cap. 44.
-
b 1.711
Diodor. Sicul. de Antiquorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is sab. 5.
-
c 1.712
Goropius Gal∣lic. 5.
-
* 1.713
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. dixerunt Sapi∣entes Capnio de Art Cabalistie. 1. 3. quod Habraeis in vsu vt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pythagoraeis, nec Druidum Discipulis refra∣gart sententijs Magistrorū sas erat. De nuptijs Pe∣lei & Thetidos. § His Corp{us} tre∣mulum, &c. vbi vulgatis deest ifla, quae, anti∣quorum Codicū side, est vera ie∣ctio. vti Scalig. Cael. Rhodigin. Antiq. lect. 10. cap. 1.
-
d 1.714
Geograph. 3. cap. 2.
-
e 1.715
Paul. Merula Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 11.
-
f 1.716
Praefat. ad Leg. Aluredi Saxo∣nic. Berosus (ille An∣nianus subditi∣tius) Chaldaic. Antiquitat. 5.
-
g 1.717
In 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a∣pud Scholiast. A∣pollonij vti Pri∣mùm didici à Iosepho Scalige∣ro in Coniecta∣neis.
-
* 1.718
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. dixerunt Sapi∣entes Capnio de Art Cabalistie. 1. 3. quod Habraeis in vsu vt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pythagoraeis, nec Druidum Discipulis refra∣gart sententijs Magistrorū sas erat. De nuptijs Pe∣lei & Thetidos. § His Corp{us} tre∣mulum, &c. vbi vulgatis deest ifla, quae, anti∣quorum Codicū side, est vera ie∣ctio. vti Scalig. Cael. Rhodigin. Antiq. lect. 10. cap. 1.
-
h 1.719
Hector Boeth Scot hist. 2.
-
* 1.720
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. dixerunt Sapi∣entes Capnio de Art Cabalistie. 1. 3. quod Habraeis in vsu vt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pythagoraeis, nec Druidum Discipulis refra∣gart sententijs Magistrorū sas erat. De nuptijs Pe∣lei & Thetidos. § His Corp{us} tre∣mulum, &c. vbi vulgatis deest ifla, quae, anti∣quorum Codicū side, est vera ie∣ctio. vti Scalig. Cael. Rhodigin. Antiq. lect. 10. cap. 1.
-
a 1.721
Ad Ichezkel. 4.
-
b 1.722
Plin. Hist. Nat. 16. cap. 44.
-
c 1.723
Strab. Geo∣graph. §
-
* 1.724
Omnia Sanan∣tem. All three words as much as Physitian. Heale Apollo. To All-hea∣ling Apollo: & Salutaris Apol∣lo in Numm. A∣pud Goltzium. in Thes. To God Be∣lin. To God A∣bellio.
-
d 1.725
Macrob. Sa∣turnal. cap. 17.
-
* 1.726
Omnia Sanan∣tem. All three words as much as Physitian. Heale Apollo. To All-hea∣ling Apollo: & Salutaris Apol∣lo in Numm. A∣pud Goltzium. in Thes. To God Be∣lin. To God A∣bellio.
-
* 1.727
Omnia Sanan∣tem. All three words as much as Physitian. Heale Apollo. To All-hea∣ling Apollo: & Salutaris Apol∣lo in Numm. A∣pud Goltzium. in Thes. To God Be∣lin. To God A∣bellio.
-
* 1.728
Omnia Sanan∣tem. All three words as much as Physitian. Heale Apollo. To All-hea∣ling Apollo: & Salutaris Apol∣lo in Numm. A∣pud Goltzium. in Thes. To God Be∣lin. To God A∣bellio.
-
* 1.729
Omnia Sanan∣tem. All three words as much as Physitian. Heale Apollo. To All-hea∣ling Apollo: & Salutaris Apol∣lo in Numm. A∣pud Goltzium. in Thes. To God Be∣lin. To God A∣bellio.
-
* 1.730
Omnia Sanan∣tem. All three words as much as Physitian. Heale Apollo. To All-hea∣ling Apollo: & Salutaris Apol∣lo in Numm. A∣pud Goltzium. in Thes. To God Be∣lin. To God A∣bellio.
-
e 1.731
Ausoniarum. Lect. 1. cap. 9.
-
f 1.732
Camd. ibid.
-
g 1.733
〈◊〉〈◊〉. ap. Suid. in Abar.
-
h 1.734
Malchus. vit. Pythagorae.
-
i 1.735
Virgil AEneid. 6. Petr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hist. Post. 6. cap. 10.
-
* 1.736
She directs him to seeke a golden branch in the darke woods, conse∣crate to Proser∣pine. Which grows not of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bred Lime to catch her. To the Mi∣stle, this new yeare. As if you should say of Mistled Fortune. To the Mistle, the Druids vsed to crie. Lord King a health.
-
k 1.737
Bracesch. in Ligno vitae.
-
* 1.738
She directs him to seeke a golden branch in the darke woods, conse∣crate to Proser∣pine. Which grows not of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bred Lime to catch her. To the Mi∣stle, this new yeare. As if you should say of Mistled Fortune. To the Mistle, the Druids vsed to crie. Lord King a health.
-
* 1.739
Sweat of the Oake. Ion apud Athenaeum Dip∣nosoph. 10.
-
l 1.740
Antholog. a. cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
-
* 1.741
She directs him to seeke a golden branch in the darke woods, conse∣crate to Proser∣pine. Which grows not of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bred Lime to catch her. To the Mi∣stle, this new yeare. As if you should say of Mistled Fortune. To the Mistle, the Druids vsed to crie. Lord King a health.
-
m 1.742
10. Goropius Gallic. 5. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.743
She directs him to seeke a golden branch in the darke woods, conse∣crate to Proser∣pine. Which grows not of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bred Lime to catch her. To the Mi∣stle, this new yeare. As if you should say of Mistled Fortune. To the Mistle, the Druids vsed to crie. Lord King a health.
-
n 1.744
Plutarch. Pro∣blem. Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Coelius Rhodi∣gin. Antiq. lect. 18. cap. 14.
-
* 1.745
She directs him to seeke a golden branch in the darke woods, conse∣crate to Proser∣pine. Which grows not of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bred Lime to catch her. To the Mi∣stle, this new yeare. As if you should say of Mistled Fortune. To the Mistle, the Druids vsed to crie. Lord King a health.
-
p 1.746
Galfred. Mo∣numeth l. 3. cap. 1.
-
* 1.747
She directs him to seeke a golden branch in the darke woods, conse∣crate to Proser∣pine. Which grows not of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bred Lime to catch her. To the Mi∣stle, this new yeare. As if you should say of Mistled Fortune. To the Mistle, the Druids vsed to crie. Lord King a health.
-
q 1.748
Rob. Gloce∣strens.
-
* 1.749
Drinke the litalth.
-
r 1.750
Vita Edwardi 11.
-
s 1.751
In Architren. lib 2.
-
* 1.752
Subintellige 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aut quid simile. In Stiche. Propino 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plenis faucib{us}, Plaut{us} eâdem comoediâ. The Dark Isle Brit.
-
* 1.753
Subintellige 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aut quid simile. In Stiche. Propino 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plenis faucib{us}, Plaut{us} eâdem comoediâ. The Dark Isle Brit.
-
* 1.754
Subintellige 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aut quid simile. In Stiche. Propino 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plenis faucib{us}, Plaut{us} eâdem comoediâ. The Dark Isle Brit.
-
a 1.755
Camdenus. The Wasshail∣boll.
-
* 1.756
Subintellige 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aut quid simile. In Stiche. Propino 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plenis faucib{us}, Plaut{us} eâdem comoediâ. The Dark Isle Brit.
-
x 1.757
Ouid. Faftor. 1. Feft in Strena.
-
y 1.758
Strab. Geo∣graph. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
-
* 1.759
Subintellige 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aut quid simile. In Stiche. Propino 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plenis faucib{us}, Plaut{us} eâdem comoediâ. The Dark Isle Brit.
-
z 1.760
Tacit. Annal. 14. & Vit. Agri∣colae.
-
a 1.761
Sueton. lib. 5. cap. 24. & Plin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Nat. 30. cap. 1.
-
b 1.762
Senec. in Apo∣coloc. & Sueton. vbi supra.
-
c 1.763
De bell. Gothic. b.
-
d 1.764
Hector. Boct. Scotor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. z. & 6.
-
e 1.765
Lucian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Alij & ha∣betur apud A∣grippam in 3. de Occulta Phi∣losoph. cap. 31. atque ex Antio∣chi nummis apud I. Reuchlinum in 3. de arte 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
f 1.766
Tract. de Her∣cynia Sylua.
-
g 1.767
Pris. in de∣script. Wall.
-
* 1.768
I will not iusti∣fie the times of this Arthur, nor the rest, before Cadwallader; so discording are our Chronolo∣gers: nor had I time to exa∣mine, nor think that any man hath sufficient meanes to recti∣fie them.
-
* 1.769
This report is, as the British storie tels, hard∣ly iustifiable, if examined. The Roo.
-
* 1.770
This report is, as the British storie tels, hard∣ly iustifiable, if examined. The Roo.
-
* 1.771
Penmenmaure.
-
* 1.772
Pearle in the Riuer Conway.
-
c 1.773
Little Britaine in France.
-
* 1.774
Part of the Snowdon.
-
* 1.775
The situation of Dyfferen Cluyd.
-
d 1.776
Iles vpon the North-east & West of Scot∣land.
-
* 1.777
In the vj. book of Ouids Meta∣morph.
-
* 1.778
The Tydes out of the North and South Seas, meeting in S. Georges chanel.
-
* 1.779
Riuerets run∣ning into Cluyd out of Denbigh and Flintshire.
-
b 1.780
Part of the Vale call'd Teg-Engle. i. Faire England.
-
* 1.781
A Fountaine ebbing and flowing, con∣trary to the course of the Sea.
-
* 1.782
Of Dee.
-
a 1.783
A place moū∣tainous, and some-what in-accessible.
-
* 1.784
Strange things.
-
* 1.785
The Riuers in the East of Denbigh, falling into Dee.
-
b 1.786
See to the VIII. Song.
-
a 1.787
At the Steth∣ua: see to the fourth Song.
-
* 1.788
The Druides would not cō∣mit their my∣steries to wry∣ting.
-
a 1.789
Ambroses Bu∣ry. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. cap. 8.
-
b 1.790
Faery Q. lib. 1. Cant 9. Stanz. 4.
-
* 1.791
Merlins Pro∣phecies.
-
* 1.792
Great Britaine.
-
c 1.793
Wier. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Demon. 2. cap. 16. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
d 1.794
Hum. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. descript.
-
e 1.795
Pouel. ad Gi∣rald. Itinerar. 1. cap. 10.
-
f 1.796
Stradling. ap Camd.
-
g 1.797
Girald. Itine∣rar. 1. cap. 10.
-
* 1.798
5. Ed. 2.
-
* 1.799
Honest men, by simplicity of nature, loo∣king onely to their own, neg∣lecting 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Malmesbur. No other Isle is equall to Eri∣taine.
-
h 1.800
Scylax Cary∣and. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Edit. per D. Hoe schelium.
-
i 1.801
Eust ath. ad Di¦onys. Asrum.
-
k 1.802
Geograph. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
l 1.803
Solin polybist. cap. 66.
-
* 1.804
Honest men, by simplicity of nature, loo∣king onely to their own, neg∣lecting 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Malmesbur. No other Isle is equall to Eri∣taine.
-
m 1.805
V. Liu. Decad. 1. lib. 6.
-
n 1.806
〈◊〉〈◊〉. centur. 1.
-
c 1.807
In Zerror Ham∣mor. apud Mūst. ad Exod. 15.
-
* 1.808
Worne away by deuouring time, and the enemies ran∣sacking the Ci∣tie, &c. Of the Druids see fully to the IX. Song. Graecis liter is vtuntur. What language and letters the Druids vsed. Neruij. de bel∣lo Gallic. 5. Wrote it in Greeke, lest the enemy might, by intercepting the letters, dis∣couer his de∣signe. That they wrote their in∣struments of Contract in Greeke.
-
d 1.809
Dec. 1. lib. 6.
-
e 1.810
Caesar. de Bell. Gallic. lib. 6.
-
* 1.811
Worne away by deuouring time, and the enemies ran∣sacking the Ci∣tie, &c. Of the Druids see fully to the IX. Song. Graecis liter is vtuntur. What language and letters the Druids vsed. Neruij. de bel∣lo Gallic. 5. Wrote it in Greeke, lest the enemy might, by intercepting the letters, dis∣couer his de∣signe. That they wrote their in∣struments of Contract in Greeke.
-
f 1.812
Varro de ling. lat. 7.
-
g 1.813
Plin. Hist. Nat. 7. cap. 58: & si placet, vide. as Annianos il∣los, Archilochum, de Temporib{us}, & Xenophontem in AEquiuocis.
-
h 1.814
Camd. in Hi∣bernia. &, Per Graecas literas in arâ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in confinio Rhetis & Germaniae, apud Tacitum, Lipfius Chara∣cteres solummodò intelligit.
-
* 1.815
Worne away by deuouring time, and the enemies ran∣sacking the Ci∣tie, &c. Of the Druids see fully to the IX. Song. Graecis liter is vtuntur. What language and letters the Druids vsed. Neruij. de bel∣lo Gallic. 5. Wrote it in Greeke, lest the enemy might, by intercepting the letters, dis∣couer his de∣signe. That they wrote their in∣struments of Contract in Greeke.
-
* 1.816
Worne away by deuouring time, and the enemies ran∣sacking the Ci∣tie, &c. Of the Druids see fully to the IX. Song. Graecis liter is vtuntur. What language and letters the Druids vsed. Neruij. de bel∣lo Gallic. 5. Wrote it in Greeke, lest the enemy might, by intercepting the letters, dis∣couer his de∣signe. That they wrote their in∣struments of Contract in Greeke.
-
i 1.817
De Bell. Gal∣lic. 1.
-
k 1.818
Geograph. of.
-
* 1.819
Worne away by deuouring time, and the enemies ran∣sacking the Ci∣tie, &c. Of the Druids see fully to the IX. Song. Graecis liter is vtuntur. What language and letters the Druids vsed. Neruij. de bel∣lo Gallic. 5. Wrote it in Greeke, lest the enemy might, by intercepting the letters, dis∣couer his de∣signe. That they wrote their in∣struments of Contract in Greeke.
-
a 1.820
Trog. Pomp. Hist. 43.
-
b 1.821
Franco-Gall. cap. 2. quem v. etiam ad Caesar. Com.
-
* 1.822
Greeke. Elect. 2. cap. 7. Episiolic. quaest. 2. cap. 2.
-
* 1.823
Greeke. Elect. 2. cap. 7. Episiolic. quaest. 2. cap. 2.
-
d 1.824
Hist. lib. 20. in extrema.
-
e 1.825
Caesarem si le∣gas, tibi ipsi satis∣facias, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & it a Leland. ad Cyg. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Baln.
-
f 1.826
Veremund. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hect. Boet. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3.
-
g 1.827
Buchanan. hist. 4. in Donaldo.
-
* 1.828
The generall bounds of Cheshire.
-
* 1.829
Meres, or stā∣ding Lakes.
-
* 1.830
A poëticall description of Wyrrall.
-
a 1.831
A wood gro∣wing on a hill or knole.
-
b 1.832
High wood.
-
c 1.833
Lowe coppis.
-
* 1.834
See, concer∣ning their cō∣ming, to the I. IV. and VIII. Songs.
-
* 1.835
Sebba, a Monk in Pauls.
-
* 1.836
In Suffolke.
-
* 1.837
Otta, brother to Hengist.
-
a 1.838
Offa's Ditch.
-
b 1.839
Egberts pre∣decessor.
-
c 1.840
See to the first Song.
-
* 1.841
Camden. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & Brigant.
-
b 1.842
Stat. 14. Eliz. cap. 13.
-
c 1.843
C. de Offic. Com. Sac. Palat. v. Eu∣seb. de vit. Con∣stantin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & Cod. lib. 12.
-
* 1.844
I Earle Hugh and my Barous haue confirmed all this.
-
d 1.845
In Paratit. C. 1 tit. 34.
-
e 1.846
Liure 1. des Comtes de Cham∣pagne & Brie.
-
* 1.847
De Palatinorum nostrorū nomine Sarisbur. Poli∣crat. 6. cap. 16. & Epist. 263.
-
g 1.848
Archiu. in Tur: Lond iam verò & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 com∣miss. apud Crōpt. Iurisdict. Cur.
-
h 1.849
De acq. rer. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 16. § 3.
-
i 1.850
6 Hen. 8. Kela∣way & v 〈◊〉〈◊〉. tit. Prerugat. 31.
-
k 1.851
27. Hen. 8. cap. 24.
-
* 1.852
A grosse error of Polydore.
-
l 1.853
V. Stat. 14. Ed. 3.
-
* 1.854
The Empe∣ror sent to Hen. III. three Leo∣pards, as allu∣ding to the armes of Eng∣land. Because the old Souldiers of Iulius his le∣gions resided there. A great legi∣on.
-
m 1.855
19. Hen. 3.
-
n 1.856
Pat. 12. Ed. 4. part. 1. memb. 12.
-
o 1.857
Pat 27. Hen. 6 num. 46.
-
p 1.858
Pont. Heuter. de Vet. Belgio. 2.
-
q 1.859
Nichol. Vpton. dere Militari lib. 3.
-
r 1.860
In Deua ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
s 1.861
De Pontificib. lib. 4.
-
* 1.862
The Empe∣ror sent to Hen. III. three Leo∣pards, as allu∣ding to the armes of Eng∣land. Because the old Souldiers of Iulius his le∣gions resided there. A great legi∣on.
-
* 1.863
Coniectura in Malmesburien∣sem.
-
t 1.864
Humf. Lhuid in Breuiario.
-
* 1.865
The Empe∣ror sent to Hen. III. three Leo∣pards, as allu∣ding to the armes of Eng∣land. Because the old Souldiers of Iulius his le∣gions resided there. A great legi∣on.
-
a 1.866
Leuit. 2. comm. 13. & Num. 18.
-
* 1.867
Salt of the Couenant. He sprinkled it with diuine Salt. A Clenser. Mercury pre∣sident of Gaine.
-
b 1.868
Cael. Rhodigin. Antiq. Lect. 12. cap. 1. V. Plu∣tarch Sympol. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 10.
-
c 1.869
Iliad. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. V. Lips. Saturnal. 1. cap. 2.
-
* 1.870
Salt of the Couenant. He sprinkled it with diuine Salt. A Clenser. Mercury pre∣sident of Gaine.
-
d 1.871
In Cassandra.
-
e 1.872
Cael. Ant. Lect. 11. cap. 22.
-
d 1.873
Damian. a Go∣es de morib. Ae∣thoipum.
-
e 1.874
De Longobard. 1. cap. 8.
-
f 1.875
Hist. Ecclesi∣ast. lib. 4. cap. 91.
-
g 1.876
Ad Tacit. Germ. not 32
-
h 1.877
Lucian. in Ti∣mone.
-
* 1.878
Salt of the Couenant. He sprinkled it with diuine Salt. A Clenser. Mercury pre∣sident of Gaine.
-
i 1.879
Dion. Hist. Rom. 7.
-
a 1.880
De Emendat. Temp. 1. Eun∣dem de hâc re 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & lib. 7. Doctorem meritò agnosci∣mus.
-
b 1.881
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Cal∣list. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hist. 7. cap 7. Po∣lyd. Invent. Rer. 6. cap. 5.
-
c 1.882
Comment. Gal∣lic. 6.
-
* 1.883
Whom they see and haue daily vse of, as the Sun, Moone, and the Fire, by name of Vulcan.
-
d 1.884
Bed. lib. de Temporibus.
-
e 1.885
Hist. 7. not. 24.
-
* 1.886
DC. XL.
-
f 1.887
Dist. 4. c. 4. sta∣tuimus & ibid. D. Ambrosius.
-
f 1.888
Ita etiam 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sed & vide 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chronie. in Sixto. 1.
-
g 1.889
Dist. 4. de Con∣secrat. c. 14. Ieiunium.
-
h 1.890
In Homil. dist. 5. de Consecrat. c. 16.
-
i 1.891
Rebuff 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de decim. quaest. 3 num. 31.
-
k 1.892
Canut. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 16
-
l 1.893
Ex antiq. Char∣ta Eccles. Sele∣sens. ap. Camden.
-
* 1.894
So is it cal'd in Florent. Wi∣gorn. page 331. Kingdom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sussex. That he com∣mitted the su∣preme gouern∣ment of that Prouince to him.
-
m 1.895
Ethelwerd. hist. 3. cap. 2. Bed. hist. 2. cap. 5.
-
n 1.896
Malmesb. de gest. Pontific. 3.
-
* 1.897
So is it cal'd in Florent. Wi∣gorn. page 331. Kingdom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sussex. That he com∣mitted the su∣preme gouern∣ment of that Prouince to him.
-
* 1.898
Suflex men taught to catch Fish.
-
a 1.899
Matth. West∣monasteriensis.
-
* 1.900
DCCC. LXX.
-
* 1.901
If they pray to their God a∣gainst vs, then plainly they fight against vs.
-
b 1.902
Rob. de Lang∣land siue Ioan∣nes Maluerne Pass. 5.
-
* 1.903
All liued of handy labour. I leaue it to the Reader to guesse, how ma∣ny Bastards the Monks and Friets got for the Laity.
-
* 1.904
All liued of handy labour. I leaue it to the Reader to guesse, how ma∣ny Bastards the Monks and Friets got for the Laity.
-
c 1.905
H. Stephen en l' Entrodact. au traite de la conformite &c. 1. chap. 21.
-
d 1.906
Ian. Denz. Satyr. 5.
-
e 1.907
Inhist. & lib. 4. de Pontifieib. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
f 1.908
Aut lib. Aca∣dem. per Europ. edit. 1590.
-
o 1.909
Robert. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Hist. Petroburgens. sp. Camd. in Stafford, & Northampton. & I 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.910
It is that now call'd Holy Is∣land, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 arts of Northumber∣land, whence the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about DCCCC XCV. was tran∣siated to Dur∣ham. DC. LX. Ita. n. apud Matth. Paris, Huntingdō. Th. Walsingham. docemur, licet alij 100. Acris, alij 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defini∣unt. Caeterùm quod me maxime 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & absque haesi∣tatione in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sententiam pedi∣bus ire cogit, en 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chartâ (An DCCCC. LXIII) qua Terroe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 concedit septem Aratro∣ru quod 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dicitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hidas. Nec immemorem bîc te vellem voca∣buli 〈◊〉〈◊〉 apud I. C. tos nostros, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉; quod Areum re∣stibile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ignorat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quis∣piam. Excepting those three, Aide in warre, mending of Bridges and Forts. V 〈◊〉〈◊〉 huiusmodi apud D Ed. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ad lib. 6.
-
* 1.911
It is that now call'd Holy Is∣land, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 arts of Northumber∣land, whence the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about DCCCC XCV. was tran∣siated to Dur∣ham. DC. LX. Ita. n. apud Matth. Paris, Huntingdō. Th. Walsingham. docemur, licet alij 100. Acris, alij 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defini∣unt. Caeterùm quod me maxime 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & absque haesi∣tatione in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sententiam pedi∣bus ire cogit, en 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chartâ (An DCCCC. LXIII) qua Terroe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 concedit septem Aratro∣ru quod 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dicitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hidas. Nec immemorem bîc te vellem voca∣buli 〈◊〉〈◊〉 apud I. C. tos nostros, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉; quod Areum re∣stibile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ignorat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quis∣piam. Excepting those three, Aide in warre, mending of Bridges and Forts. V 〈◊〉〈◊〉 huiusmodi apud D Ed. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ad lib. 6.
-
* 1.912
It is that now call'd Holy Is∣land, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 arts of Northumber∣land, whence the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about DCCCC XCV. was tran∣siated to Dur∣ham. DC. LX. Ita. n. apud Matth. Paris, Huntingdō. Th. Walsingham. docemur, licet alij 100. Acris, alij 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defini∣unt. Caeterùm quod me maxime 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & absque haesi∣tatione in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sententiam pedi∣bus ire cogit, en 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chartâ (An DCCCC. LXIII) qua Terroe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 concedit septem Aratro∣ru quod 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dicitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hidas. Nec immemorem bîc te vellem voca∣buli 〈◊〉〈◊〉 apud I. C. tos nostros, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉; quod Areum re∣stibile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ignorat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quis∣piam. Excepting those three, Aide in warre, mending of Bridges and Forts. V 〈◊〉〈◊〉 huiusmodi apud D Ed. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ad lib. 6.
-
* 1.913
A three knot∣ted necessity. DC. LXXX. They alwaies reseru'd those that so they might the bet∣ter be furnisht against the ene∣miesinuasion. A. Circa DCCC.
-
a 1.914
Math. Paris pag. 838.
-
* 1.915
A three knot∣ted necessity. DC. LXXX. They alwaies reseru'd those that so they might the bet∣ter be furnisht against the ene∣miesinuasion. A. Circa DCCC.
-
b 1.916
Gregor. decret. tit. de Imm. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. Perue∣nit. 2.
-
c 1.917
Kniuet 44. Ed. 3. fol. 25. 4.
-
d 1.918
DeAcquir. rer. Dom. 2. cap. 16 § 8. Ingulphus 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
e 1.919
Malmesb. lib. degest. Pontif. 1.
-
* 1.920
See the Author in the XVI. Song.
-
* 1.921
A three knot∣ted necessity. DC. LXXX. They alwaies reseru'd those that so they might the bet∣ter be furnisht against the ene∣miesinuasion. A. Circa DCCC.
-
* 1.922
See the XVI. Song.
-
* 1.923
I follow here the ordinary Chronologie of our Monks.
-
b 1.924
〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
-
* 1.925
Afterward. You could not so easily∣perswade them to husbandry, as to Martiall conflict; Nor thought they it better then slouthful, to get that by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which they might haue by bloud. Instituted a Schoole for children. To Schoole∣masters, accor∣ding to the fa∣shion at Can∣terbury.
-
* 1.926
Afterward. You could not so easily∣perswade them to husbandry, as to Martiall conflict; Nor thought they it better then slouthful, to get that by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which they might haue by bloud. Instituted a Schoole for children. To Schoole∣masters, accor∣ding to the fa∣shion at Can∣terbury.
-
* 1.927
Afterward. You could not so easily∣perswade them to husbandry, as to Martiall conflict; Nor thought they it better then slouthful, to get that by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which they might haue by bloud. Instituted a Schoole for children. To Schoole∣masters, accor∣ding to the fa∣shion at Can∣terbury.
-
* 1.928
Afterward. You could not so easily∣perswade them to husbandry, as to Martiall conflict; Nor thought they it better then slouthful, to get that by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which they might haue by bloud. Instituted a Schoole for children. To Schoole∣masters, accor∣ding to the fa∣shion at Can∣terbury.
-
* 1.929
Hired a barne to read in, and so continued, til the number of their Schollars exceeded the content of that, or any Church.
-
a 1.930
Asser. Mene∣uens. de geft. Al∣fred.
-
h 1.931
A great con∣trouersie grew twixt those new Scholars which A'fred brought thither, & those which of anci∣ent time were there before, &c.
-
f 1.932
About Alfreds time before his instautation a Grammarian was not found in his Kingdom to teach him Florent. Wigorn. pag, 309.
-
a 1.933
Ioann. a Bosco Parisiensis in Bibliothec. Flori∣acens. vit. Gild. cap. 6.
-
b 1.934
Bri. Tuin Apo∣log. Oxon. 2 § 84
-
* 1.935
Camd in Wil∣toniâ.
-
c 1.936
Leland ad Crg. Cant. in Grantâ.
-
* 1.937
At Mompelier, Paris, Oxford, Cologne, Bologua we institute general Studies. V ad Cant. XIII.
-
* 1.938
Constitutiones Fratrum. cap de Studijs & Ma∣gist. Student.
-
d 1.939
Aubert. Mirae{us}. in Not it. Episco∣pat edit. Parisys 1610.
-
* 1.940
At Mompelier, Paris, Oxford, Cologne, Bologua we institute general Studies. V ad Cant. XIII.
-
e 1.941
Histor. Crow∣landensis.
-
* 1.942
At Mompelier, Paris, Oxford, Cologne, Bologua we institute general Studies. V ad Cant. XIII.
-
f 1.943
Edgar. leg. Hu∣man cap. 5. Ed∣ward. cap. 11. Canut. cap. 17.
-
g 1.944
Rot Chart. 2. Rich. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 De∣can. & capit. Lincoln. tran∣scripsimus in Ia∣uo Anglorum lib. 2. § 14. & vide∣as apud Fox. hist. eccles. 4.
-
h 1.945
Gods right and the worlds.
-
* 1.946
See to the XIII. Song. He comman∣ded all lawes made by the ancient Kings to be kept, espe∣cially those of Ethelred, to which the Kings sweare vnder name of K. Edwards lawes, not that he made them, but obserued them.
-
i 1.947
Codek Wigor∣niensis apud Cam. in Dobunis.
-
k 1.948
Polychronicon lib. 1. cap. de Pro∣uincijs.
-
l 1.949
Matth. West. fol. 366.
-
m 1.950
Ingulph. hist. Crowland.
-
n 1.951
Thorp. 17. Ed. 3 sol. 56. 6.
-
o 1.952
Bract. lib. 3. tract de Corona cap. 10. Quàm∣plurimi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in annis Ed. 3. & 5. Iacob. apud Dom. Ed. Cok. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6. fol. 57. maximè verò bùe faciunt Itinera illa H. 3. & Ed. 1.
-
p 1.953
Polydor hist. 8.
-
q 1.954
Eilred, Rhiual∣lens. ap. Took. in Charismat. Sa∣nat. cap. 6.
-
r 1.955
De gest. Reg. 2. cap. 11.
-
r 1.956
De gest. Reg. 2. cap. 11.
-
* 1.957
See to the XIII. Song. He comman∣ded all lawes made by the ancient Kings to be kept, espe∣cially those of Ethelred, to which the Kings sweare vnder name of K. Edwards lawes, not that he made them, but obserued them.
-
d 1.958
Out of Plini∣limon, in the confines of Cardigan and Montgomery.
-
e 1.959
See to the 1. Song.
-
* 1.960
See to the next Song, of Rollo.
-
* 1.961
Humber.
-
h 1.962
See to the X. Song.
-
* 1.963
Trent signifieth thirtie.
-
* 1.964
DCCCC. XXVI.
-
a 1.965
Hector Boeth. lib. 11 & Ex∣chanan. Hist. 6. reg. 85.
-
* 1.966
Rob. Gloce∣strens.
-
* 1.967
Somesay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vide Malmesb. lib. 2. cap. 9. & Huntingdon. hist. 5. By God and his mother, he will be a sio∣uenly fellow. Shee. Feet in woe. Saw.
-
b 1.968
F.x Osberno in Vita Dunsran. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. hift. 4 Anointed Princes.
-
* 1.969
D C C C C. LXXVIII.
-
* 1.970
Somesay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vide Malmesb. lib. 2. cap. 9. & Huntingdon. hist. 5. By God and his mother, he will be a sio∣uenly fellow. Shee. Feet in woe. Saw.
-
c 1.971
Malmesb. lib. de Pontific. 2.
-
* 1.972
Somesay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vide Malmesb. lib. 2. cap. 9. & Huntingdon. hist. 5. By God and his mother, he will be a sio∣uenly fellow. Shee. Feet in woe. Saw.
-
d 1.973
Rob. Gloce∣strensis.
-
* 1.974
Somesay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vide Malmesb. lib. 2. cap. 9. & Huntingdon. hist. 5. By God and his mother, he will be a sio∣uenly fellow. Shee. Feet in woe. Saw.
-
* 1.975
Somesay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vide Malmesb. lib. 2. cap. 9. & Huntingdon. hist. 5. By God and his mother, he will be a sio∣uenly fellow. Shee. Feet in woe. Saw.
-
* 1.976
Somesay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vide Malmesb. lib. 2. cap. 9. & Huntingdon. hist. 5. By God and his mother, he will be a sio∣uenly fellow. Shee. Feet in woe. Saw.
-
c 1.977
Vit. S. Edwordi apud Ranulph. Cestrens. lib. 6.
-
* 1.978
〈◊〉〈◊〉 II.
-
* 1.979
See to the last Song before. Because in West∣sex all the rest were at last confeunded. These are most commonly written Kings of Westsex, al∣though in Seig∣niorie (as it were) or, as the Ciuilians cal it, Direct Property, all the other Prouinces (ex∣cept some Nor∣therne, & what the Danes vn∣iustly 〈◊〉〈◊〉) were theirs. The elder. Male enim & inepte Veremun∣di sequax Hector ille Boeth, lib. II. qui Edm. & E∣dredum AEthel∣stano scribit prognatos. The Minion of his subiects.
-
* 1.980
See to the last Song before. Because in West∣sex all the rest were at last confeunded. These are most commonly written Kings of Westsex, al∣though in Seig∣niorie (as it were) or, as the Ciuilians cal it, Direct Property, all the other Prouinces (ex∣cept some Nor∣therne, & what the Danes vn∣iustly 〈◊〉〈◊〉) were theirs. The elder. Male enim & inepte Veremun∣di sequax Hector ille Boeth, lib. II. qui Edm. & E∣dredum AEthel∣stano scribit prognatos. The Minion of his subiects.
-
* 1.981
See to the last Song before. Because in West∣sex all the rest were at last confeunded. These are most commonly written Kings of Westsex, al∣though in Seig∣niorie (as it were) or, as the Ciuilians cal it, Direct Property, all the other Prouinces (ex∣cept some Nor∣therne, & what the Danes vn∣iustly 〈◊〉〈◊〉) were theirs. The elder. Male enim & inepte Veremun∣di sequax Hector ille Boeth, lib. II. qui Edm. & E∣dredum AEthel∣stano scribit prognatos. The Minion of his subiects.
-
* 1.982
See to the last Song before. Because in West∣sex all the rest were at last confeunded. These are most commonly written Kings of Westsex, al∣though in Seig∣niorie (as it were) or, as the Ciuilians cal it, Direct Property, all the other Prouinces (ex∣cept some Nor∣therne, & what the Danes vn∣iustly 〈◊〉〈◊〉) were theirs. The elder. Male enim & inepte Veremun∣di sequax Hector ille Boeth, lib. II. qui Edm. & E∣dredum AEthel∣stano scribit prognatos. The Minion of his subiects.
-
* 1.983
Marian. Scot. & Florent. Wi∣gorn.
-
* 1.984
Warwickshire the middle Shire of Eng∣land.
-
* 1.985
The ancient Coat of that 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.986
Diuers Towns expressing her name: as Henly in Arden, Hāp∣ton in Ardē. &c.
-
d 1.987
Of all Birds, only the Black∣bird whistleth.
-
* 1.988
Of hunting, or Chase.
-
* 1.989
A description of hunting the Hart.
-
* 1.990
The tract of the foote.
-
f 1.991
One of the Measures in winding the horne.
-
* 1.992
The Hart wee∣peth at his dy∣ing: his teares are held to be precious in me∣dicine.
-
* 1.993
A descripti∣on of the af∣ternoone.
-
* 1.994
Hermits haue oft had their aboads by waits that lie throgh Forests.
-
* 1.995
The Authors of two famous Herbals.
-
* 1.996
Ancor.
-
f 1.997
The High∣crosse. supposed to be the midst of England.
-
g 1.998
See to the xvj. Song.
-
* 1.999
Newnham Wells
-
h 1.1000
Otherwise, Cune-tre: that is, the Towne vpon Cune.
-
* 1.1001
The Sheafe.
-
p 1.1002
The Edge-hil
-
* 1.1003
The bands of the Vale of Red-horse.
-
* 1.1004
A Similie of the place and people.
-
* 1.1005
Wondrous fruitful places in the Vale.
-
* 1.1006
Chiefe Earle of England. Diana of the wood. To the Iepa∣rated soules, Q. Casius, &c. Priest of Diana of Arden, or surnamed Ar∣den. As she was on horse-back, hir haire loose hung so long, that it couered all hir body, to bir thighes.
-
a 1.1007
Parl. rot. 23. Hen. 6. ap. Cam.
-
b 1.1008
Hubert. Goltz. Thesaur in Aris.
-
* 1.1009
Chiefe Earle of England. Diana of the wood. To the Iepa∣rated soules, Q. Casius, &c. Priest of Diana of Arden, or surnamed Ar∣den. As she was on horse-back, hir haire loose hung so long, that it couered all hir body, to bir thighes.
-
c 1.1010
Iul. Iacobon. ap. Paull. Merul. Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 11.
-
* 1.1011
Chiefe Earle of England. Diana of the wood. To the Iepa∣rated soules, Q. Casius, &c. Priest of Diana of Arden, or surnamed Ar∣den. As she was on horse-back, hir haire loose hung so long, that it couered all hir body, to bir thighes.
-
* 1.1012
Chiefe Earle of England. Diana of the wood. To the Iepa∣rated soules, Q. Casius, &c. Priest of Diana of Arden, or surnamed Ar∣den. As she was on horse-back, hir haire loose hung so long, that it couered all hir body, to bir thighes.
-
d 1.1013
Ingulphus Hist. fol. 519.
-
* 1.1014
Power of Earles anciently.
-
e 1.1015
Malmesb. de gest. reg. 3.
-
* 1.1016
That no Knight should beamercied a∣boue VII. shil∣lings. Had rule of their Counties. & v. 10 Carno∣tens. Epist. 263. Nicol. Vice∣comiti Essexiae.
-
f 1.1017
Lib. vetust. Monast. de Bello ap. Camd.
-
g 1.1018
Lib. Domes∣day in Scacca∣rio.
-
* 1.1019
Third part of the Counties profits to the Earle.
-
* 1.1020
That no Knight should beamercied a∣boue VII. shil∣lings. Had rule of their Counties. & v. 10 Carno∣tens. Epist. 263. Nicol. Vice∣comiti Essexiae.
-
* 1.1021
See to the XI.
-
* 1.1022
Inquisitiō in the Norman Story, partly toucht to the IV. Canto.
-
h 1.1023
Guil. Gemeti∣cens. de Ducib. Norm. 2. cap. 4. & seqq. Thom. de Walsingham in Hypodig.
-
* 1.1024
Neust. secundum quos, in quantum ad Chronologicā rationem spectat, Nerique alij.
-
i 1.1025
Ita quidā apud P. Emiliū hist. Franc. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quem de hac re vide, & Polydor. eiusdem sequacem Hist. 5.
-
k 1.1026
Floren. Wigorn. pag. 335. & Ro∣ger. Houeden. part. 1. fol. 241.
-
m 1.1027
Frodoard. Presbyt. Anual. Franc.
-
n 1.1028
Reichersper∣gens.
-
* 1.1029
Oginia dicta P. AEmilio.
-
o 1.1030
Membran. Ve∣tust. Caenob. Flo∣riacens. edit. a P. Pithaeo.
-
* 1.1031
Running by Sturbridge in Worstershire, towards Se∣rerne.
-
d 1.1032
The Lickey, supposed to be the highest ground of this Ile not being a Mountaine.
-
* 1.1033
The Salt Foū∣taine of Worce∣stershire.
-
e 1.1034
Severne.
-
* 1.1035
A Hill inuiro∣ned on euery side with the Vale of Eu∣sham.
-
* 1.1036
Kings Road.
-
* 1.1037
A nice descrip∣tiō of Cotswold.
-
* 1.1038
The fountaine of Thames, rising in the South of Cots∣wold.
-
a 1.1039
Flau. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in eiusd. vitâ.
-
* 1.1040
Permitted Vines to the Gaules, Spani∣ards & Britons, and leaue to make Wines. A soile fruit∣full enough, X. cept of Oliues & Vines, which are for houer limats. One Parke & fixe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Vineyard, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brings forth some XX sir∣kins of Wine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the yeare proue well.
-
b 1.1041
In Iul. Agrico∣la.
-
* 1.1042
Permitted Vines to the Gaules, Spani∣ards & Britons, and leaue to make Wines. A soile fruit∣full enough, X. cept of Oliues & Vines, which are for houer limats. One Parke & fixe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Vineyard, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brings forth some XX sir∣kins of Wine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the yeare proue well.
-
* 1.1043
Permitted Vines to the Gaules, Spani∣ards & Britons, and leaue to make Wines. A soile fruit∣full enough, X. cept of Oliues & Vines, which are for houer limats. One Parke & fixe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Vineyard, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brings forth some XX sir∣kins of Wine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the yeare proue well.
-
c 1.1044
Camd. in Tri∣nobantibus.
-
d 1.1045
Malmesb. de Pontisicum gestis 4.
-
e 1.1046
Ap. Columell. de re Rustic. 2. cap. 1.
-
* 1.1047
Copernic. Re. 3 cap. 3.
-
f 1.1048
〈◊〉〈◊〉. ad 2. Tetrabibl. & de Variet at. Rer. 2. qui prophanè 〈◊〉〈◊〉, à Mott∣tus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ijs scili∣cet quos cirea 〈◊〉〈◊〉 DCCC. contrario velut fier: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sup∣pontt sacrosan∣ciae Religionis mutationē inep∣rè simul et 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. x. t, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.1049
〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. omine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 minita∣tus est Iul. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exercitat. 90 sect. 2.
-
g 1.1050
Tycho Brahein Progym. asm.
-
* 1.1051
Tame, arising in the Vale of Alsbury, at the foot of the Chilterne.
-
* 1.1052
The richnesse of the Vale of Alsbury.
-
* 1.1053
The Chiltern-Country be∣ginning also to want wood.
-
* 1.1054
That Ouze ari∣sing neer Brack¦ley, running in∣to the German Sea.
-
* 1.1055
Watling.
-
* 1.1056
Riuers arising in Cotswold, spoke of in the former Song.
-
p 1.1057
Laurell for Learning.
-
q 1.1058
The Muses.
-
r 1.1059
They al three, Riuers, of grea∣test note in the Lower Germa∣ny, cast them∣selues into the Ocean, in the Coast opposite to the mouth of Thames.
-
h 1.1060
Mariage Song.
-
i 1.1061
White-horse striueth for so∣ueraignty with all the Vales of Britaine.
-
* 1.1062
Cotswold.
-
k 1.1063
Crownes of Flowers.
-
* 1.1064
Flowers of the Medowes and Pastures.
-
* 1.1065
Margarita, is both a Pearle and a Daisy.
-
* 1.1066
Flowers of Gardens.
-
* 1.1067
Strewing hearbs.
-
* 1.1068
A Hill betwixt Norhampton∣shire and War∣wick.
-
* 1.1069
Famous rings of Bells in Ox∣ford-shire, cal∣led the Crosse∣ring. That which was call'd Gal∣liaCisalpina, and is Lombar∣dy, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the West∣erne part of Italy
-
* 1.1070
A fine Poet.
-
* 1.1071
Famous rings of Bells in Ox∣ford-shire, cal∣led the Crosse∣ring. That which was call'd Gal∣liaCisalpina, and is Lombar∣dy, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the West∣erne part of Italy
-
* 1.1072
Breaking vp of Deare brought into the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
2 1.1073
V. Aubert. Mir. Orig. E∣quest. 2. cap. 4. & Sansonim. O rig. de Caualieri.
-
* 1.1074
The riuer run∣ning by Vae∣bridge and Col∣brooke.
-
* 1.1075
The little cleer riuer by Saint Albans.
-
* 1.1076
Whethamsted.
-
* 1.1077
Whethamsted.
-
* 1.1078
Look before to the X I. Song.
-
* 1.1079
With the el∣dest sonne of the Conquerour, into the Holy∣land.
-
* 1.1080
Watling, the chiefest of the foure great Waies.
-
* 1.1081
Notfarre from Dunstable.
-
* 1.1082
For a more plaine diuision of the English kingdomes see to the X I. Song.
-
* 1.1083
So call'd, of the East. Sax∣ons. A Riuer vp∣on the Con∣fines of Suff. and Essex.
-
* 1.1084
So call'd, of the East. Sax∣ons. A Riuer vp∣on the Con∣fines of Suff. and Essex.
-
* 1.1085
Sea-depths ncer the shores.
-
* 1.1086
Sea-depths ncer the shores.
-
* 1.1087
The Cymbries Land.
-
* 1.1088
Sea-depths ncer the shores.
-
* 1.1089
A tiuer running by Edenbrough into the Sea.
-
* 1.1090
Peryuale, or Pure-va'e, yeel∣deth the finest meal, of Eng∣land.
-
* 1.1091
Hampsted ex∣cellent for Simples.
-
* 1.1092
Hampsted-hill, famous for Simples.
-
* 1.1093
High woody Banks.
-
* 1.1094
See to the XII. Song.
-
* 1.1095
The goodly situation of London.
-
* 1.1096
The North & South winds.
-
* 1.1097
Tobacco.
-
a 1.1098
Sueton. Lib. 6. cap. 39.
-
* 1.1099
Municipium Tacit. Annal. 14. Such as liued in them were free of Rome, but vsing their owne lawes, ca∣pable only of honorarie ti∣tles in the Ra∣man state, and théce had their name.
-
b 1.1100
Noct. Attic. 16. cap. 13
-
* 1.1101
Municipium Tacit. Annal. 14. Such as liued in them were free of Rome, but vsing their owne lawes, ca∣pable only of honorarie ti∣tles in the Ra∣man state, and théce had their name.
-
c 1.1102
In his Ruines of Time.
-
a 1.1103
Leland. ad Cyg. Cant.
-
b 1.1104
Spens. vbi su∣pra.
-
c 1.1105
In Breu. Brit.
-
d 1.1106
In 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ex∣cid. Britan.
-
* 1.1107
An vnknown passage ouer Thames.
-
e 1.1108
Spenser.
-
g 1.1109
Florvegus.
-
h 1.1110
22. Hen. 8. cap. 14.
-
i 1.1111
Iacob. Sess. 1. cap. 25.
-
k 1.1112
West. 2. cap. 20 & 21. Ed. 1. District. Scacca∣rij.
-
l 1.1113
C. Quae res pig∣nort oblig. l. 7. Executores & alibi.
-
m 1.1114
Xenoph. Cy∣ropaed. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
n 1.1115
ff. dê vià pub∣lic.
-
o 1.1116
Bract. lib. 4. tract. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Nou. diss. c. 16. § 8.
-
* 1.1117
Priuiledged places, and he which trespas∣ses there com∣mits purpres∣ture vpon the King.
-
p 1.1118
52. Hen. 3. cap. 16. & V. Artic. Cler. cap. 9. Sta∣tutum Marl∣bridge sibi re∣stitutum.
-
q 1.1119
34. Ed. 1. Auoury 232. 8. Rich. 2 ibid. 194 11. Hen. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. 19. Ed. 2. Auoury 221. & 225. alibi.
-
r 1.1120
Original. fol. 97. b. Charta de Fore∣sta ad Ms. emē∣data.
-
s 1.1121
V. Camden Ro∣man.
-
m 1.1122
Lhuid. Breui∣or. Brit.
-
n 1.1123
Polichronic. lib. t. cap. de Plat. reg.
-
o 1.1124
Henric. Hun∣tingd. hist. I.
-
p 1.1125
Roger Houeden part I. fol. 248
-
q 1.1126
Adam Bremēs∣hist. Eccles. cap. 5. and see to the III. Song.
-
* 1.1127
Comming by Fernham, so called of Ferne there growing.
-
* 1.1128
Comming by Fernham, so called of Ferne there growing.
-
* 1.1129
Isis.
-
* 1.1130
Comming by Fernham, so called of Ferne there growing.
-
* 1.1131
A very woody Vale in Surry.
-
* 1.1132
Tames ebbes & flowes beyond Richmond.
-
* 1.1133
London lying like a halfe Moon.
-
* 1.1134
London-bridge the Crowne of Tames.
-
* 1.1135
See the last note to the IV. Song.
-
* 1.1136
See before to the IX. Song.
-
* 1.1137
The Sun in Aries.
-
* 1.1138
Henry III. and Edward III. the one raig∣ned 56. the o∣ther. 50.
-
* 1.1139
The Sun in Aries.
-
* 1.1140
The Sun in Aries.
-
* 1.1141
A Forrest, con∣taining most part of Kent, Sussex, and Sur∣rey.
-
a 1.1142
Strab. Geo∣graph. 5.
-
b 1.1143
Pausan. Eli∣ac. 1.
-
* 1.1144
There Al∣phers springeth again, embrace¦ing faire Are∣thusa.
-
c 1.1145
Herodot. hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
d 1.1146
Idem. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Poli∣hym.
-
e 1.1147
Iustin. hist. 42
-
f 1.1148
Ludouic. No∣nius in Fluu. Hispan.
-
a 1.1149
Scalig. de sub∣tilit. exercitat. 52.
-
b 1.1150
Guil. Picta∣uens. in lust. Ca∣domens.
-
* 1.1151
This is the bequest vnder∣stood by them which say he deuised his kingdome to William II.
-
c 1.1152
Antiq. Sched. in Icen. Camd.
-
d 1.1153
Atqui ad hanc¦rem enucleatius dilucidandam, Iure & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Anglicane, visendi sunt Ho∣teman. Illust. quest. 5. Albe∣ric. Gentil. de Iure Belli. 3. cap. 5. &. cas. Calu. in D. Coke lib. 7.
-
* 1.1154
See the II. Song.
-
* 1.1155
Matthei Paris locus sibi restitu∣tus.
-
* 1.1156
Solus omnium natus esset regiè. Malmesb. For he was borne the III. yeere after the Con∣quest. Plaecitator, & Exactortotius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Flor. Wig. & Monachoru turba.
-
f 1.1157
Hottom. Ilust. quaest. 2.
-
* 1.1158
Solus omnium natus esset regiè. Malmesb. For he was borne the III. yeere after the Con∣quest. Plaecitator, & Exactortotius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Flor. Wig. & Monachoru turba.
-
* 1.1159
Hen. 2. ap. Rog. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. fol. 314.
-
a 1.1160
Glanuil. lib. 14. cap. 1. caterū, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 placet, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 li. 2. § 67.
-
b 1.1161
Itin. North. 3. Ed. 3. Coron. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Lectur. ap Br. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Coron. 181 V. Stamfordum lib. 2. cap. 40. qui de his graui∣ter, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
c 1.1162
Math. Par. pag. 507.
-
d 1.1163
Bract. lib. 4 tract. assis. Nou. Diss. cap. 5. & lib. 5. tract. de Esson. cap. 3. V. de Consuetudine in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 21. Ed. 3. fol. 46. b.
-
e 1.1164
Cust. Gene∣raulx. de Artois 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 164.
-
* 1.1165
9. Ioann. Reg.
-
f 1.1166
Io Stou. in No∣tit. Londin pag. 52. V. Camd. in Scot. Buchan. alios.
-
g 1.1167
Polydor. hist. 16.
-
h 1.1168
Norsf. 6. Rich. Fin. Rod. 13. & alibi in eisdem Archiuis V.
-
i 1.1169
Ante alios de bijs consulendus lit Matth. Paris.
-
* 1.1170
Iohn Had∣land. That they would willing∣ly grant his re∣quest, if he would vouch∣safe them those Liberties so long desired.
-
* 1.1171
16. Ioh. Reg.
-
* 1.1172
K. Iohns grand Charter.
-
* 1.1173
〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. XXV.
-
* 1.1174
Iohn Had∣land. That they would willing∣ly grant his re∣quest, if he would vouch∣safe them those Liberties so long desired.
-
* 1.1175
So that the Charter of both Kings are iust alike. No Tallage or Aide with∣out consent of Parliament shoudl after be exacted. Thom. de Wal∣singham in 26. Ed. 1. Polyd. Inst. 17.
-
g 1.1176
35. Hen 6 fol. 61. & 3. Eliz. Plowd. 1. sol. 236. at qui. V. Bract. lib. 2. cap. 26. § 2.
-
* 1.1177
So that the Charter of both Kings are iust alike. No Tallage or Aide with∣out consent of Parliament shoudl after be exacted. Thom. de Wal∣singham in 26. Ed. 1. Polyd. Inst. 17.
-
h 1.1178
42. Hen. 3.
-
i 1.1179
Guy of Lusig∣nan, William of Valence, and Athelmar, his halfe brothers, Sons of Isabel K. Iohns Dow∣ager, daughter to Aimar Earle of Engolisme, married to Hugh Browne Earle of March in Poiters
-
k 1.1180
Richard Eatle of Cornwall son to K. Iohn.
-
l 1.1181
Athelmarus.
-
m 1.1182
Elianor daughter to Raimund Earle of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
d 1.1183
They tooke.
-
e 1.1184
Haue.
-
t 1.1185
Stedfast.
-
g 1.1186
Liue.
-
h 1.1187
Againe.
-
i 1.1188
Good.
-
k 1.1189
Kindled ta∣pers.
-
l 1.1190
Cursed.
-
m 1.1191
Hector Boeth. hist. 1. 10. & 14. Buchanan. Rer. Scotic. 6. & 8.
-
* 1.1192
The fatall Marble. Hutin. As our word Saddle.
-
* 1.1193
〈◊〉〈◊〉. CC. XCVII 24. Ed. 1.
-
* 1.1194
Saligue law.
-
* 1.1195
The fatall Marble. Hutin. As our word Saddle.
-
k 1.1196
Francic. lib. 2.
-
* 1.1197
The fatall Marble. Hutin. As our word Saddle.
-
l 1.1198
Knights.
-
m 1.1199
Which belō∣ged to the pre∣seruation of chiualrous state in the posses∣sors.
-
n 1.1200
Bodin. de Re∣pub. 6. cap. 5. V. Barth. Chassan. Cons. Burgund. Rubris. 3. § 5. num. 70. as it were.
-
o 1.1201
Knights fees, or Lands held.
-
p 1.1202
Paul. Merul. Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 17.
-
q 1.1203
I know that the Salique law intends only Priuate posses∣sions.
-
* 1.1204
No part of the Salique land can descend to the daughter, but all to the masle.
-
h 1.1205
Adl. sf. de Se∣natorib.
-
i 1.1206
Hierome Big∣non. De L' Ex∣cel. des Roies Liure. 3. * this is no law writ∣ten, but learned of Nature.
-
k 1.1207
V. Tacit. Histor. 4.
-
l 1.1208
Rodulph. Boter. Commentar. 8.
-
* 1.1209
Ex Archiu. Parl. 1. Ed. 4. in lucē Edit. 9. Ed. 4. fol. 9.
-
m 1.1210
Ap. Polydor. hist. 16.
-
* 1.1211
Name of Plan∣tagenest.
-
* 1.1212
See to the end of the IV. Song.
-
x 1.1213
33. Hen 8. I. Stou. pag. 717. White & Red Roses, for Yorke and Lancaster. Remaines pag. 161.
-
* 1.1214
Of George D. of Clarence.
-
a 1.1215
Francise. Ma∣tenes. De Ritu Bibend. 1. cap. 1. edit. superiaribus Nundinis.
-
b 1.1216
Which would with themselues Whales, so the Sea were strong liquor.
-
c 1.1217
Comes Claren∣the. Caeterum A Euo Norma∣nico indiscrimi∣natim Comes & Dux vsur∣pantur & Will. Conquestor sae∣pius dictus Co∣mes Norm.
-
d 1.1218
From Glare in Suffolke. V. Polydor hist. 19 & Camd. in Ire∣nis.
-
* 1.1219
13. Hen. 8.
-
g 1.1220
Fràcisc. Swert. in Delic. Orbis Christ.
-
* 1.1221
Defensor Ex∣clesie I. Sleidano Comment. 3.
-
* 1.1222
Henry, K. of England, lends this to Pope Leo X. as a testimo∣nie of his Faith, and loue to him.
-
* 1.1223
Defensor Ex∣clesie I. Sleidano Comment. 3.
-
* 1.1224
In Matth. Paris disputation.
-
d 1.1225
Dunum vti ex Clitophonte apud Plut. habet 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & Dupnen Belgis dicuntur Tumuli Aenarij 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obiects. Gorop. Gallic. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
e 1.1226
We yet call a Desert, a wilder∣nesse from this roote.
-
f 1.1227
Lib. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3.
-
g 1.1228
Wood, call'd Andreds wood.
-
h 1.1229
Henric. Hun∣tingdon. hist. 5. in Alfredo.
-
i 1.1230
Plutarch in A∣lex. & R. Curt. lib 9.
-
k 1.1231
Steph. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
-
l 1.1232
Testament. Al∣fred. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Ritheramfeild, Diccalingum, Angmeringum. Felthā, & alie in hoc agro Ville legātur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉
-
m 1.1233
〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 7.
-
n 1.1234
Portus Adurni in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
o 1.1235
Guil. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. cap. 1.
-
* 1.1236
A description of Rumney Marsh.
-
* 1.1237
The naturall expressing of the surface of a Country in Painting.
-
* 1.1238
The naturall expressing of the surface of a Country in Painting.
-
* 1.1239
See to the XVII. Song.
-
* 1.1240
Kentish Cloth.
-
* 1.1241
The Weald of Kent. Maidstons. i. Medway's towne. In the Faiery Qutent.
-
* 1.1242
The Weald of Kent. Maidstons. i. Medway's towne. In the Faiery Qutent.
-
* 1.1243
The Weald of Kent. Maidstons. i. Medway's towne. In the Faiery Qutent.
-
* 1.1244
Peter, the Her∣mit.
-
* 1.1245
St Walter Maney.
-
* 1.1246
Little Brit∣tanne in France.
-
* 1.1247
Edward III. and the Black∣Prince.
-
* 1.1248
Bold Beuchamp; a Prouerbe.
-
* 1.1249
The honora∣ble bountie of the Lord Aud∣ley. The Black∣Prince.
-
* 1.1250
The honora∣ble bountie of the Lord Aud∣ley. The Black∣Prince.
-
* 1.1251
The Mar∣quesse of Mountferato. Brother to Galeazo, Vi∣count of Millā.
-
* 1.1252
The Mar∣quesse of Mountferato. Brother to Galeazo, Vi∣count of Millā.
-
* 1.1253
Great Ordi∣nance.
-
* 1.1254
Sir Edw. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
-
* 1.1255
Sir Francis, and Sir Horace.
-
p 1.1256
Sir Henry.
-
q 1.1257
Sir Edmond.
-
r 1.1258
Sir Oliuer.
-
f 1.1259
Neere Sand∣wich.
-
* 1.1260
Simples fre∣quent in these places.
-
* 1.1261
Lemannis in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vtr. Prouinc. The Danes with 250. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. came into the mouth of the Riuer Limen, which runnes out of An∣dredswald: from whence IV. miles into the wood they got in their ships, and built them a Fort at Aple∣dore. DCCC. XCIII At Port Li∣men by An∣dredswald in the East of Kent.
-
* 1.1262
Lemannis in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vtr. Prouinc. The Danes with 250. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. came into the mouth of the Riuer Limen, which runnes out of An∣dredswald: from whence IV. miles into the wood they got in their ships, and built them a Fort at Aple∣dore. DCCC. XCIII At Port Li∣men by An∣dredswald in the East of Kent.
-
* 1.1263
Lemannis in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vtr. Prouinc. The Danes with 250. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. came into the mouth of the Riuer Limen, which runnes out of An∣dredswald: from whence IV. miles into the wood they got in their ships, and built them a Fort at Aple∣dore. DCCC. XCIII At Port Li∣men by An∣dredswald in the East of Kent.
-
a 1.1264
Ethelwerd. lib. 4. cap. 4.
-
* 1.1265
They leaue their Ships in Port-Limen, making their Rendez vous at Appledoure in the East of Kent (for this may better endure that name) and there destroyed one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and built another. Britaine pull'd frō the world. Britains diui∣ded from the whole world.
-
b 1.1266
〈◊〉〈◊〉. Polyd. de Inuent. rer. 2 cap 2. & Salmuth. ad G. Panciroll. 2. tit. 18.
-
c 1.1267
Achilles Gas∣sar. ap. Munst. Cosmog. 3.
-
d 1.1268
Sam. Beulan. ad. Nennium.
-
e 1.1269
Plin. Hist. Nat. 2. cap. 88.
-
f 1.1270
From brea∣king off. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. hist. 4. & Strab. a.
-
g 1.1271
To cut off.
-
h 1.1272
Varr. de Re Rustic. 1. cap. 49.
-
* 1.1273
They leaue their Ships in Port-Limen, making their Rendez vous at Appledoure in the East of Kent (for this may better endure that name) and there destroyed one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and built another. Britaine pull'd frō the world. Britains diui∣ded from the whole world.
-
* 1.1274
They leaue their Ships in Port-Limen, making their Rendez vous at Appledoure in the East of Kent (for this may better endure that name) and there destroyed one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and built another. Britaine pull'd frō the world. Britains diui∣ded from the whole world.
-
i 1.1275
Ioseph. Acoft. De natur. Noui Orbis 1. cap. 20. & 21.
-
k 1.1276
Th Spotus ap. Lamb. in Ex∣plic. Verb.
-
l 1.1277
Stat. 31. Hen. 8. cap. 3.
-
m 1.1278
If a Villain worke on Sun∣day by his Lords com∣mand, he shall be free.
-
n 1.1279
Colgrin my Baylife and his issue, with all goods and chattels, &c.
-
o 1.1280
Itin. Cornub. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ed. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 46. & Mich. 5. Ed. 2. Ms. in Biblio∣thec. Int. Templ cas. Iohn de Garton.
-
s 1.1281
Ioann. Saris∣bur. De Nugis Curial. 6. cap. 18.
-
* 1.1282
What perfor∣mance K Cnut did among the Danes, and Norwegans by English valour, is apparant in that vntill this day, the Kentish men for their singular vertue then showne, haue preroga∣tiue alwayes to be in the Vant gard; as 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Deuon∣shire, and Corn∣wall in the Rere.
-
t 1.1283
Hect. Boeth. Hist. Scotic. 12. & 10. Twin. Al∣bionic. 1.