A voyage to East-India. Wherein some things are taken notice of in our passage thither, but many more in our abode there, within that rich and most spacious empire of the Great Mogol. Mix't with some parallel observations and inferences upon the storie, to profit as well as delight the reader. / Observed by Edward Terry minister of the Word (then student of Christ-Church in Oxford, and chaplain to the Right Honorable Sr. Thomas Row Knight, Lord Ambassadour to the great Mogol) now rector of the church at Greenford, in the county of Middlesex.

A Voyage to East-India. With a Description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great Mogol.

APologies doe more question than strengthen Truth; which Truth hath such power in prevailing, that she doth not know, and much less needs the use of Preface, or words of Perswasion to get her cre∣dit; for though she appear simple and naked unto open view yet dares she encounter with armed falshood, and is sure at last to overcome; which Truth being the best ornament of this ensuing discourse, looks to be credited, in what is here faithfully related.

Veritas est vita Historiae.

Some that in Countries far remote have been And safe return'd, write more than Known, than Seen, Or Heard, that boldness here disclaim shall I, Truth is the Life, and Soul of Historie.

So to make a re-entry upon a long-since fini∣shed Voyage; The third of February 1615. Our Fleet consisting of six good Ships, three great, viz. the Charles, Admirall of that Companie, then a New-built goodly Ship of a Thousand Tuns, (in which I sayled;) the Unicorn; a new Ship likewise, and almost of as great a burden; the James, a great Ship too; Three lesser, viz. the Globe, the Swan, the Rose, (all under the Com∣mand of Captain Benjamin Joseph) fell down from Graves-end into Tilbury Hope. where we continued till the eighth day following, when we weighed Anchor, and by a slow, that we might have the safer passage, the twelfth came into the Downs, where an adverse wind forced our abode till the ninth of March, on which day it pleased God to send us, what wee had much desired, a North-East wind, which made us leave that weary Road, and set sayl for East-India; and the eleventh about night, we were in the height of the Lizard in Cornwall, and that day, for that time took our last sight of our Country.

This wind was favourable to us till the six∣teenth day at night, at which time a most fearfull storm met us, we being then in the Bay of Portu∣gal, whose violence continued five whole dayes and nights; and that Tempest was the most live∣ly and reall Comment, that ever I observed▪ on that place recorded in Psal. 107. 23. verse, &c. thus rendred;

In winged Ships who passage make, And through vast Seas their journeys take, See, while their Ships on Billowes keep, God's works, and wonders in the deep; Who there Commands the Winds to storm, These mount the waves, on which are born The tottering Ships on watery heaps, Now high to th' Heavens, then low to th' Deep••; The Sea-mens hearts they melt for woe, Nor Head, nor Foot their office know; They reel like to a drunken one, And stagger, for their wisdome's gone. Then cry they to the Lord in these Great streights, who them hears, them frees; The winds, and waves obey Gods will, The storme's a calm, the waves lie still, Then are they glad—&c.

The 28. day we had sight of the Grand Canaries, and of that Mou••tain in the Island of Teneriffa, commonly called the Peake.

Qui—Caput inter nubila condit. —so high, As that it threats the Neighbouring skie. or—that shrowds It's loftie head amongst the Clouds.

This over-grown rise of Earth, is in shape like to a Pyramis or Sugar-loafe, circled, and wrapt

about which many wreaths of clouds, which en∣compass it by severall distances, as first earth, then clouds, above which the earth appears a∣gain, then clouds, again, then earth, the top of it being of such an immense height, that it may be as truly sayd of this, as Virgil. Eclog▪ 5. writes of Olympus.

Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi, Sub pedibus{que} videt Nubes, & sidera.—

So beautifull, it Heavens unwonted spires, And Clouds, and Stars under its feet admires.

This Peake of Teneriffa, in a cleer day, may be seen (if the Mariners report truth) more than forty leagues at Sea. These Islands lye 28 Degrees of North Latitude.

The 31. being Easter day, we passed under the Tropick of Cancer; and the seventh of April the Sun was our Zenith or Verticall, at noon day directly over our heads, which we found by this infallible Demonstration made by a slender knife, or long Needle, set upright, and did cast no shadow. The Sun in this course like the Equino∣ctiall, divides the Globe of the Heavens in two equall parts; and in this Motion ariseth so di∣rectly or upright, that there is but a very little time 'twixt the darkness and the appearance of the body of the Sun in the morning for 'tis dark

immediatly before the Sun then appears; and so 'tis in the Evening presently after the Sun hath left the Hemisphere. Here wee were becalmed fourteen dayes, enduring extreme heat.

The sixteenth we met with winds, (we being then against, and not far from the Coasts of A∣frica) which the Mariners call the Turnadoes▪ ve∣ry strange Gusts indeed, like those in Aeschylus, on the shore Aesc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: (ad finem.)

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

—Whirlwinds around Hurry the dust: the blasts rebound Storming on all sides: thus together. Enraged Gusts oppose each other.

Or like those in Virgil at Sea. Aeneid. 1. v. 85. &c.

Haec ubidicta, Cavum conversa cuspide montem Impulit in latus: at venti velut agmine facto, Quà data porta, ruunt, & terras turbine perslant. Incubuere mari, totum{que} à sedibus imis Unà Eurus{que} Notus{que} ruunt, creber{que} procellis Africus: & vastos volvunt ad littora fluctus.

Thus sayd, with his spears point the hollow Hill He turn'd aside, the winds left to their will

All sally out, and blustering through the world Fall on the Sea; which from the depth•• is hurld By th' East, and South at once, and stormy North, Which to th•• shore, huge wallowing waves roul forth.

Those self-opposing blasts we there had, were so variable and uncertain, that sometimes with∣in the space of one hour, all the thirty two seve∣rall winds, (which are observed in so many points of the Compasse) will blow, so that if there be many Ships in company, you may ob∣serve them all to sayl so many severall wayes, and every one of them seem to goe directly be∣fore the wind. Now that it should be so here, and not known so to be in any part of the world be∣side I ever heard of, if not in those winds, which they say are sometimes sold by the Lapland Witches, I can give no reason for it, unlesse Satan (who is most Tyrannicall where he is most o∣beyed) that Prince of the Ayr seems to rule more here, than hee doth in other parts. And most certain it is that he rules very much in the Inhabitants on that Main, the poor, ignorant, and most miserable Negroes, born for sale▪ and slavery, and slaughter. These strange Gusts were accompanied with much Thunder and Light∣ning and with extreme rain, so noysome, that it made their cloths who stir'd much in it▪ presently to stink upon their backs; the water likewise of

those slimy, unwholsome, hot, and unsavorie showres, wheresoever it stood, would presently bring forth many little offensive Creatures. These Turnadoes met with us when we were about 12. Degrees of North Latitude, and kept us company ere they quitted us, two Degrees South∣ward of the Equinoctial, under which we passed the 28. of April.

The 19th of May being Whitsunday, wee passed the Tropick of Capricorn, so that we were seven weeks compleat under the Torrid Zone.

Between the Tropicks wee saw (almost every day) different kinds of fishes, in greater abundance than else-where, as the great Leviathan whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Sea; Granpisces, or lesser whales, Sharkes, Turtles or Torteises, Dolphins, Bonitoes, Albicores, Porpisces, Flying fishes, with many others. Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatnesse, who in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water, where they appear like unto great Rocks, in their rise, spouting up into the Ayr with noyse, a great quantity of water which falls down again about them like a showr. The Whale may well challenge the Principalitie of the Sea, yet I suppose that he hath many ene∣mies in this his large Dominion; for instance, a little long Fish called a Thresher often encoun∣ters with him, who by his agilitie vexeth him as much in the Sea, as a little Bee in Sum∣mer,

doth a great Beast on the shore.

The Shark hath not this name for nothing; for he will make a morsell of any thing he can catch, master and devour. These Shark are most rave∣nous fishes; fo•• I have many times observed that when they have been swimming about our Ships (as oftentimes they doe) and we have cast over-board an iron hook made strong for this purpose, fastned to a roap strong like it, bayted with a piece of beese of five pounds weight▪ this bayt hath been presently taken by one of them and if by chance the weight of the fish, thus taken, in haling him up, hath broken out the Hooks hold, not well fastned (as sometimes it did) so that he fell again into the Sea, he would pre∣sently bite at an other Bayt, and so bite till he was taken. Not much unlike many vile men, who think they may safely take any thing they can finger and get, and having been fastned in, and escaped out of many Snares will take no warning but be still nibling and biting at what they like not once considering that there is an hook within the bayt, that will take them at last, and hamper them to their unavoydable de∣struction. This Sea-shark is a Fish as bad in eat∣ing, as he is in qual〈…〉〈…〉y a very moyst watery fish, yet eaten at Sea (because any f••esh thing will there down) but no good food. This Fish turns himself on his back to take his prey by which he gives warning to many other little fishes, who ever

swim about him, to avoyd his swollow. Those Fishes that thus keep him company, are called by the Mariners, Pilate-fishes, who alwayes shape their course the same way the Shark takes, and by consequence (nature having made them so wary) he becomes their guard, they not his food. And there are other fishes too they call Sucking∣fish, that stick as close to the body of the Shark, as a Tike on the shore doth to the body of a Beast, and so receive their nourishment from him and he must be contented, for while he is swimming up and down, he cannot possibly free himself of them▪ Many of these Sharks grow to a very large greatness; they have a broad roundhead, in which are three rowes of teeth very strong and sharp, by which they are able to take off the leg of a man at one bite, as some have found by wofull experience, while they have been carelesly swimming in these hot Seas, where these Sharks most use and certainly were they as nimble as they are mischievous, would doe very much hurt.

The Turtle or Torteis is one of those crea∣tures we call Amphibia, that lives sometimes in the Sea and sometimes on the shore, he is mar∣vellously fortified by Nature dwelling (as it were) continually under a strong roof, which moves with him, and covers (when he will) his whole body; therefore Testudo which signi∣fies a Torteise, signifies also the roof or vault of

an house, which covers all within it. Those con∣cave backs (like bucklets, but of an Oval shape) that cover these creatures, are many of them so exceeding strong, that they will bear off the weight of a Cart-wheel. These Torteises increase by eggs (as I have been often told) are very good to eat, the substance within them (whether you will call it flesh or fish) first boy∣led, and after minced with butter, tastes like but∣tered Veal, Their shell makes (as is very com∣monly known) excellent good Combes, Cups, or Boxes, and further it is used by them in East-India, to make or adorn little or great Ca∣binets.

The Dolphin is a fish called for his swiftnesse the Arrow of the Sea differing in this one parti∣cular from all other fishes I ever observed, in that he hath many little teeth upon the top of his tongue. Hee is very pleasing to the eye, smell and taste, of a changeable colour, finn'd like a Roach, covered with many small scales, having a fresh delightsome sent above other fishes, and in taste as good as any; these Dolphins are wont often to follow our ships, not so much I think for the love they bear unto man, (as some write,) as to feed themselves with what they find cast over board, whence it comes to pass, that many times they feed us, for when they swim close to our ships wee often strike them with a broad in∣strument, full of barbs, called an Harping-iron,

fastned to a roap, by which we hale them in; This Dolphin may be a fit Embleme of an ill race of people, who under sweet countenances, carry sharp tongues.

Bonitoes and Albicores, are in colour, shape, and taste, much like unto Mackrels, and as good fish as they, but they grow to be very exceeding large.

The Porpisces or Hogfish, are like the former; very large and great, but better to look upon than to taste; they usually appear at Sea in very great sholes or companies, and are (as if they came of the race of the Gadaren Swine, that ran violently into the Sea) very swift in their motion, and like a company matching in rank and file; They leap or mount very nimbly over th•• waves and so down and up again, making a melancholy noyse, when they are above the wa∣ter. These are usually, when they thus appear, certain presagers of very foul weather.

The Flying fishes have skinny wings like unto Batts, but larger▪ they are stifned and strength∣ned with many little bones, such as are in the back finns of Pearches, by which they fly▪ but a little way at a time; they have small bodyes like unto Pilchers, and appear when they fly, in marvellous great companies, and some of them often fly into our ships, by which we have tasted that they are excellent good fish. Of all other, these flying Fishes live the most miserable lives,

for being in the water, the Dolphins, Bonitoes, Albicores, and Porpisces, chase persecute and take them, and when they would escape by their flight, are oftentimes caught by ravenous Fowls, somewhat like our Kites, which hover over the water. These flying Fishes are like men profes∣sing two trades and thrive at neither.

I could further enlarge, but my business is not to write an History of Fishes, yet in those wee have named, as in thousands more which inha∣bite that watery Main, I desire with David, to admire and say, O Lord, how manifold are thy works; manifold, and wonderfull indeed, as he that will take notice, many observe every where, but in a speciall manner (because they are more rare) in the great varietie of strange Creatures, which the Sea, that womb of moysture, brings forth, in which many things we behold are won∣derfull, and many things besides we cannot see, are certainly more full of wonder.

In which unfadom'd, water y deep, Creatures innumerable keep, Some small, some great, among the waves, As if they liv'd in moving graves. Through which the ships doe plow their way, In which the Whales doe sport and play. Psal. 104. 24, 25, 26.

But to proceed on our Voyage, the 12. of June

early in the morning, we espied our long-wished for harbour the Bay of Souldania, about twelve leagues short of the Cape of good Hope, where we came happily to an Ankor that forenoon. In which Bay we found a Dutch-ship bound for Bantam, which had taken in her course, and brought thither, a small Portugal bound to An∣gola, a Colonie belonging to the Portugals, lying in the skirts of Africa, about ten degrees South of the Line; in which small ship amongst many rich Commodities (as we heard) to the value of five or six thousand pounds sterling, there were ten Portugal Virgins (as they call'd themselves) sent to that Colonie I suppose for Husbands. The young women were well-favoured, and well clad in silks, but such were the courtesies of these Dutch-men towards them, as that they took not only away all the goods, Artilerie, and good provisions of their ship, but they rob'd these poor captive Maidens of all their apparell, (which they most sadly complained of) to one poor suit (and I suppose of their honour too, if they brought it with them) then giving them water for their wine, and a very scant proporti∣on of all other provisions, turn'd them with their unarm'd, leakie, and ill-man'd ship, to the mercy of the Seas, the twentieth day following.

This Bay of Souldania lyeth in 34 degrees and half of South Latitude in a sweet Climate, full of fragrant herbs (which the soyl produceth of its

self) pleasing to the sense, where our ships com∣panies, when they have often-times there arrived, with very weak and feeble bodies, usually by that Sea disease the Scurvy, in which disease (I shall observe by the way) if any that have it, be not too much overgone with it, assoon as hee comes to enjoy the fresh ayr on any shore, with fresh water, and fresh food he will presently re∣cover; but if this disease have over-much pre∣vailed on him, immediatly after he sets his foot on shore, he usually dies. I say our people when they have come hither with very crazie bodies, have often found here much good refreshing; for besides a most delectable brook of pure good water, arising hard by, out of a mighty hill (call'd for its form the Table, close by which there is another Hill, which ariseth exceeding high like a Pyramis, and called by Passengers the Sugar∣loaf) there are good store of Cattell, as little Beeves, called by the barbarous Inhabitants. Boos; and Sheep which they call Baas, who bear a short coarse hairie wooll, and I conceive are never shorn. These Boos and Baas, (as they call them) were formerly bought in great plenty, for small quantities of Kettle-brasse, and Iron Hoops, taken off our Empty Cask; (which are all for this long voyage hoop'd with Iron.) These Salva∣ges had their cattell which we bought of them, at a very great Command, for with a call they would presently run to them, and when they had

sold any one of their bullooks to us, for a little inconsiderate peece of brasse, if we did not pre∣sently knock him down, they would by the same call, make the poor creature break from us and run unto them again, and then there was no get∣ting them out of their hands, but by giving them more brasse, and by this trick now and then, they sold the same beast unto us, two or three times; and if they had thus sold him more often, he had been a good penny worth; how ever in this wee might observe, the covetousness and deceit of this brutish people. Here yee must know that this people of all metals seem to love brasse, I think (as you may ghesse afterward) for the ranknesse of its smell; with which they make great rings to wear about their wrists; yea, so taken are they with this base metall that if a man lay down before them a peece of gold worth two pounds sterling, and a peece of brasse worth two pence, they will leave the Gold, and take the brasse On this shore there likewise are found excellent good, though small roots for Salads, which the soyl brings forth without husbanding. And in the head of the Bay, may be taken with netts, great store of fayr fat Mullets, of which we took abundance.

This remotest part of Africa, is very moun∣tainous, over-run with wild beasts, as Lions, Ty∣gres, Wolves, and many other beasts of prey, which in the silent night discover themselves by

their noyse and roaring; to the Teeth and Jawes of which cruell Beasts, the Natives here expose their old people, if death prevent it not, when once they grow very old and troublesome, laying them forth in some open place in the dark night, When the wild beasts (as David observes, Psal. 104. 20, 21.) doe creep forth, and the young lyons roar after their prey. One miserable poor old wretch was thus exposed when we were there, who by his pittifull cryes, was discovered by our Court of Guard, there on shore, and not far off from him, and by them relieved and delivered for that present time, out of the jawes of Death; And wee asking Coorce one of the Natives (whose story you shall have by and by) why they did so, he told us, it was their custome, when their people had lived so long, that they knew not what to doe with them, thus to be rid of them.

Wee saw in this Bay of Souldania many Whales, and about the shore divers party-colou∣red Fowles; And here are Ostriches to be seen. For the soyl about the Bay, it seems to be very good, but the Sun shines not upon a people in the whole world, more barbarous than those which possesse it; Beasts in the skins of men, rather than men in the skins of beasts, as may appear by their ignorance, habit, language, diet, with other things, which make them most brutish.

First for God, the great God of Heaven and Earth, whom generally all the people in the world, Heathen, as well as Christians doe confess, they (as this Cooree told us) acknowledge none. For their speech it seemed to us inarticulate noyse rather than Language, like the clucking of Hens, or gabling of Turkeys; and thus making a very strange confused noyse, when they walk here or there: if there be two or three, or five, or ten, or twenty, or very many more in company, it is their manner to walk in rank one after the other, in small paths they have made by their thus walking, as Kine in Summer many times doe, when they come home to the Payl; or as wild∣geese who fly in ranks, and as they fly make a noyse; so these walking together thus gabble from the first to the last in company, as if all spake, but none answered. Their Habits are their sheeps skins undrest, thonged together, which cover their bodies to the middle, with a little flap of the same skin tyed before them, being naked downward, and when tis cold keep the woolly, when hotter weather, the fleshy side of those skins next to their bodies. Their ornaments and Jew∣els. Bullocks or sheeps-guts full of excrement, about their necks, and therefore when we bought their Cattell they would take (and we were content they should) their skins, guts, and gar∣bage, which plentifully furnished them with that rich attire, and gay ornaments; and when they

were hungry, they would sit down upon some hillock, first shaking out some of that filthy pud∣ding out of the guts they wore about their necks, then bowing and bringing their mouths to their hands, almost as low as their knees, like hungry doggs would gnaw, and eat the raw guts, when you may conceive their mouths full of sweet green sawce. The women as the men are thus adorned, thus habited, and thus dieted only they wear more about their lower parts than the men. And (by the way) these carry their suck∣ing infants under their skins upon their backs, and their brests hanging down like Bag-pipes, they put up with their hands to their children, that they may suck them over their shoulders. Both sexes make coverings for their heads like to skull caps, with Cow-dung, and such like filth mingled with a little stinking grease, with which they likewise besmear their faces, which makes their company unsufferable, if they get the wind of you. I observed, that some of the rest of their dyet was agreeable to the former, for they would eat any refuse thing, as rotten and mouldy Bis∣kets, which we have given them, fit indeed for nothing but to be cast away; yea, they will eat that which a ravenous dog in England will re∣fuse. I once tooke notice of a Couple of them, who had found on the neighbouring shore a large piece of a dead fish the Sea had cast up, which did most sufficiently stink, they presently made a

little fire with dry Cow-dung, and with this they warm'd it, and then they eat it, with as much seeming appetite, as an hungry man with us, would feed upon a very choyse and savoury dish, which makes me almost to believe, that those wretched creatures have but three senses, wanting the benefit both of Smelling and Tasting. They lodge upon the earth in Hovels, so ill covered, that they keep not out the weather, made like to those we call Summer-houses, with Boughs and sticks.

Et pecus, & Dominus communi clauditur umbrâ.

The beast and's master under one shade dwell, But which the veriest beast, is hard to tell.

These Brutes devote themselves to idlenesse, for they neither dig nor spin. For their stature and making they are very streight, and well lim'd, though not very tall but in their faces very ill∣favoured, for the noses of most of them are flat. They have little or no beard; the hair on their heads short black and curled; their skins very tawny; swift they are of foot, and will throw Darts, and shoot Arrows, which are their wea∣pons very dangerously.

Me thinks when I have seriously considered, the Dresses the Habitations, and the Diet of this people, with other things, and how these beasts

of Mankind live all like Brutes, nay worse, I have thought that if they had the accommodati∣ons wee enjoy (to make our lives more com∣fortable) by good dwelling, warm clothing, sweet lodging, and wholsome food, they would be abundantly pleased with such a change of their condition; For as Love proceeds from Knowledge, and liking; and we can neither love nor like any thing we cannot know: so when we come to a sensible understanding of things wee knew not before; when the Belly teaches, and the Back instructs a man would believe that these should work some strong convictions. But I shall here insert a short story; About three years before I went to India, it happened, that one of the Companie ships returning thence, and arriving at this barbour, after a little stay, when she was ready to set sayl for England, and having then two of these Salvages aboard, her Com∣mander resolv'd to bring them both home with him, thinking that when they had got some Eng∣lish here they might discover something of their Country which we could not know before. These poor wretches being thus brought away, very much against both their minds, one of them (meerly out of extreme sullenness though he was very well used) died shortly after they put to Sea, the other who call'd himself Cooree (whom I mentioned before) lived and was brought to London, and there kept, for the space

of six moneths, in Sir Thomas Smith's house (then Governour of the East-India Company) where he had good diet good clothes, good lodg∣ing, with all other fitting accommodations; now one would think that this wretch might have conceived his present, compared with his former condition, an Heaven upon earth, but he did not so, though he had to his good entertainment made for him a Chain of bright Brasse, an Ar∣mour, Brest, Back, and Head-piece, with a Buck∣ler all of Brasse, his beloved Metall, yet all this contented him not, for never any seemed to be more weary of ill usage, than he was of Courte∣sies; none ever more desirous to return home to his Countrey than he; For when he had learned a little of our Language, he would daily lye up∣on the ground, and cry very often thus in broken English, Cooree home goe, Souldania goe, home goe; And not long after when he had his desire, and was returned home, he had no sooner set footing on his own shore, but presently he threw away his Clothes, his Linnen, with all other Co∣vering, and got his sheeps skins upon his back, guts about his neck, and such a perfum'd Cap (as before we named) upon his head; by whom that Proverb mentioned, 2 Pet. 2. 22. was lite∣rally fulfill'd, Canis ad vomitum; The dogge is return'd to his vomit, and th•• swine to his wal∣lowing in the mire. From all which wee may draw this Conclusion, that a continued Custome

may make many things that seem strange and loathsom to some, even naturall to others, and that the most brutish life may seem civill, and best to a most brutish man; and he thus plead∣ing for it.

Custome the Nurse of Nature oft is prov'd, Like Nurses, than the Mother more belov'd. Thus Bestiall crimes men by their wont excuse, And love not what is good, but what they use. So Plutarch's Gryllus argues (turn'd a Swine.) Against the Lawes that Wit and Arts refine; Affirmes that man too curiously nice, Bought his poor Reason at too dear a price; Since all his actions limited must bee, By measur'd Rules, when beasts have liberty; And unconfin'd on Natures Common feed, No Lawyer, no Physician, Taylor need, Clothes are but marks of shame, med••cines but show Diseases, and we Lawes to Quarrells owe: Cookes are the Instruments of Luxury, Painters of Lust, Builders of Vanity. Let all then live as Nature them produc'd, And frame their maners as they have bin us'd.

'Tis most strange that a Creature who hath any thing of Reason in him, should thus dege∣nerate, thus plead, or thus doe, but it is most true in these, as of millions more of brutish Hea∣thens

in the world, who live as if they had nothing at all of man left in them.

For man the worst of brutes, when chang'd to Beast, Counts to be civiliz'd, to be opprest; And as he tames Hawks, & makes Lions mild By Education: so himself growes wild.

After this fellow was returned, it made the Natives most shie of us when we arrived there, for though they would come about us in great Companies when we were new come thither, yet three or four dayes before they conceiv'd we would depart thence, there was not one of them to be seen, fearing belike we would have dealt with some more of them, as formerly we had done with Cooree. But it had been well if he had not seen England; for as he discovered nothing to us, so certainly when he came home, he told his Country-men (having doubtless observed so much here) that Brass was but a base and cheap commoditie in England, and happily we had so well stored them with that metall before, that we had never after such a free Exchange of our Brass and Iron for their Cattell. It was here that I asked Cooree who was their God? he lifting up his hands answered thus, in his bad English, England God, great God, Souldania n•• God.

Now if any one desire to know under whose Command these Brutes live or whether they have

any Superiority, & Subordination amongst them∣selves, or whether they live with their females in common, with many other questions that might be put, I am not able to satisfie them; But this I look upon as a great happiness not to be born, one of them, and as great, nay a far greater misery, to fall from the loyns of Civill & Christian Parents, and after to degenerate into all brutishness, as very many doe, qui Gentes agunt sub nomine Christia∣norum; the thing which Tertullian did most sad∣ly bewail in many of his time, who did act A∣theism under the Name of Christianity, and did even shame Religion by their light and loose pro∣fessing of it. When Anacharsis the Philosopher was sometime upbraided with this, that he was a Scythian by birth, he presently returned this quick and smart answer unto him that cast that in his teeth; Mihi quidem Patria est dedecus, tu autem Patriae, my Country indeed is some disparagement to me, but thou art a disgrace to thy Country, as there be many thousands more beside, who are very burdens to the good Places that give them Brea••h & Bread. Alas, Turkie, and Barbary, and these Africans, with many millions more in that part of the world & in America, and in Asia, I and in Europe too, would wring their hands into peeces, if they were truly sensible of their condition, because they know so little; And so shall infinite numbers more one day born in the visible Church of God, in the valley of visions, Es. 22. 1.

have their very hearts broken into shivers, because they knew so much, or might have known so much, and have known and done so little; for without all doubt, the day will one day come, when they who have sinned against the strongest means of Grace and Salvation shall feel the heaviest miserie, when their means to know God, in his will revealed in his Word, shall be put in one Balance, and their improvement of this means by their Practice in the other, and if there have not bin some good proportion betwixt these two, manifested in their lives, what hath been wanting in their Practice shall be made up in their Punishment. But I would not here more digress. I have one thing more which accidentally relates to this place, and then I will leave it.

In the year 1614. ten English men having received the sentence of death for their severall crimes at the Sessions house in the old-Baily at London, had their Execution respited by the in∣treaty of the East-India Merchants, upon con∣dition that they should be all banished to this place, to the end (if they could find any peacea∣ble abode there) they might discover something advantagious to their trade; And this was accor∣dingly done. But two of them when they came thither were taken thence, and carried on the voyage. One whose sirname was Duffield by Sir Thomas Row, that year sent Ambassadour to the Great Mogol; that fellow thus redeemed

from a most sad Banishment, was afterward brought back again into England by that noble Gentleman, and here being intrusted by him, stole some of his Plate and ran away; another was carried on the Voyage likewise, but what became of him afterward I know not. So that there remained eight which were there left with some Ammunition▪ and victual, with a small ••oat to carry them to and from a very little un∣••••habited Island lying in the very mouth of that Bay, a place for their retreat and safety from the Natives on the Main. The Island called Pen-guin Island, probaby so named at first by some Welshman, in whose language Pen-guin signifies a white head and there are very many great lazy fowls upon, and about this Island, with great cole∣black bodies, and very white heads, called Pen-guins. The chief man of the eight there left was sirnamed Cross, who took the Name upon him of Captain Cross, He was formerly a Yeo∣man of the Guard unto King James; But having had his hand in blood twice, or thrice, by men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by him in severall Duels, and now being condemned to die with the rest, upon very great fute made for him, he was hither Banished with them, whither the justice of Almighty God was dispatched after him, as it were in a Whirlwind, and followed him close at the very heels, and overtook him, and left him not till he had payd dear for that blood he had formerly spilt. This

Cross was a very stout, and a very resolute man▪ who quarrelling with, and abusing the Natives; and engaging himself farre amongst them, im∣mediatly after himself with the rest were left in that place, many of these Salvages being go〈…〉〈…〉 together, fell upon him, and with their Darts thrown, and Arrows shot at him, stuck his body so full of them, as if he had been Larded with Darts and Arrows, making him look like the Figure of the man in the Almanack, that seems to be wounded in every part, or like that man described by Lucan, totum pro vulnere corpus, Who was all wound, where blood touched blood. The retaliations of the Lord are sure and just; Hee that is mercy it self abhorrs cruelty above all other sins; Hee cannot endure that one man should devour another, as the Beasts of the field, Birds of the ayr, Fishes of the Sea doe, and therefore usually shewes, exemplary, signall re∣venges for that sin of Blood, selling it at a dear rate unto them that shed it. Every sin hath a tongue, but that of blood our-cryes; and drowns the rest; Blood being a clamorous, and a restless suter, whose mouth will not be stopt▪ till it re∣ceive an answer, as it did here. The other seven, the rest of these miserable Bandi••i, who were there with Cross, recovered their Boat, and go•• off the shore, without any great hurt, and so row∣ing to their Island, the waves running high, they split their boat at their landing, which engaged them to keep in that place, they having now no

possible means left to stirre thence. And which made their condition while they were in it most extremely miserable, it is a place wherein growes never a tree, either for sustenance or shelter, or shade, nor any thing beside (I ever heard of) to help sustein nature; a place that hath never a drop of fresh water in it, but what the showrs leave in the holes of the rocks. And besides all this, there are a very great number of Snakes in that Island (as I have been told by many that have been upon it) so many of those venemous worms that a man cannot tread safely in the long grasse which growes in it, for fear of them; And all these put together must needs make that place beyond measure uncomfortable to these most wretched men. To this may be added their want of provision having nothing but dry Bis∣ket, and no great quantity of that; so that they lived with hungry bellies, without any place fit for repose, without any quiet rest, for they could not choose but sleep in fear continually; And what outward condition could make men more miserable than this? Yet notwithstanding all they suffered, these seven vile wretches, all live to be made examples afterward of Divine Justice. For after they had continued in, and endured this sad place for the space of five or six moneths, and they were grown all even almost mad by reason of their several pressing wants and extremities, it pleased

God by providence, to bring an English Ship into that road, returning for England; four of these 7. men being impatient of anymore hours staythere, immediatly after that ship was come in, made a float with the ruines of their split boat, which they had saved togither, and with other wood which they had gotten thither, and with raveld and un∣twisted boat-roapes, fastned as well as they could all together (for there are no such sudden teach∣ers and instructers as extremities are) These four got upon the Float, which they had thus prepa∣red, and poysing it as well as they could by their severall weight, hoped by the benefit of their Oares, and strength of the tyde, (that then ran quick toward the ship newly arrived) they might recover it; but this their expectation failed them, for it being late in the day when they made this attempt, and they not discovered by the ship, which then road a good way up in the Bay, be∣fore they could come up neer unto her, the tyde return'd, and so carried them back into the main Sea where they all perished miserably. The day following, the ship sent a boat to the Island, which took those three yet surviving into her, as the other four might have been, if they could but have exercised their patience for one night lon∣ger; these survivers came aboard the ship, related all that had befallen to their fellows; But these three notwithstanding all their former miseries, when they were taken into the ship, behaved

themselves so l••wdly, as they returned home∣war••, that they were very often put into the Bilbowes, or ship-stocks, in the way returning, and otherwise many times punished for their great and severall misdemenours at last the ship being safely returned into the Downes, she had not been there at an anchor above three hours, but these three Willains got on shore, and they had not been ashore above three hours, but they took a Purse, and a very few hours after were apprehended and all taken for that fact, and suddenly after that, their very foul storie being related to the Lord chief Justice, and they looked upon as men altogether incorrigible, and uncapa∣ble of amendment by lesser corrections, by his speciall Warrant were executed upon their for∣mer Condemnation (for which they were bani∣shed, not to return hither again, but never pardo∣ned) neer Sandwich in Kent, where they com∣mitted the robbery; from whose example wee may learn, that it is not in the power of any affliction, how heavy soever it light, and how long soever it lye, if it be not sanctified, to do any man good. That when the rod is upon a man, if he be not taught as well as chastned; all the stripes bestowed on him are cast away. A man might have hoped that these wretched fellowes had been long enough in the fire to have purged away their dross. But afflictions, like fire, harden as well as soften; and experience teaches us, that

the winds and waves though they beat with their greatest violence upon the rocks, yet leave them as they found them unmovable; It being a most tryed truth recorded by Solomon, Prov. 27. 22. That bray or beat a fool in a morter, he will not leave his foolishness; But as he was put in, so will he come out a fool.

The year following we carried three more condemned persons to be left in this place, but they hearing of the ill successe of their predeces∣sors, and that it was very unlikely for them to find any safe footing here, when we were ready to depart thence, and to leave them on the shore, they all came and presented themselves on their knees, with many tears in their eyes unto our chief Commander Captain Joseph, most hum∣bly beseeching him, that he would give order that they might be hanged before he departed, in that place, which they much rather chose, than to be there left; wee thought it was a very sad sight to behold three men in such a condition, that made them esteem hanging to be mercy. Our Com∣mander told them, that he had no Commission to execute them, but to leave them there, and so he must doe, and so believed he had done; But our fift ship the Swan staying in this place after us a day or two, took these poor men into her, and then took her course for Bantam whither she was bound. And the Rose our last ship, whose sight and company we lost in that most violent

storm (before mentioned) at the beginning of our voyage was safely preserved, and happily af∣terward found her way to Bantam likewise.

Wee made our abode in this Harbour till the 28th following, on which day we being well watered, and refreshed, departed. And the 29th we doubled the Cape of good Hope, whose Lati∣tude is 35 Degree South. Off this Cape there setteth continually a most violent Current Westward, whence it comes to pass, that when a strong contrary wind meets it (as often-times it doth) their impetuons opposition makes the Sea so to rage, as that some ships have been swal∣lowed, but many more very much endangered amongst those huge mountains of water, and very few ships pass that way without a storm. We kept on in a circular course, to gain a South-west wind; for yee must know, that the wind in those parts, and so in East-India, blows (and but with a very little variation) half the year South-west, and the other half North-East; we sayled here Southerly, till we had raised the South-Pole almost forty degrees above the Horizon. This Pole is a Constellation of four starrs, the Ma∣riners call the Crosiers, these starrs appear neer one another like a Cross, and almost equidistant. And while we had the view of this Pole, the Sun (as it must needs be) was North at Noon un∣to us.

The 22. of July we discovered the great

M••dagascar, Commonly called St. Laurence, we being then betwixt it and the African Shore, which Iland lies almost every part of it unde••, or within the Southern Tropick: we touched not at it, but this I dare say, from the Credit of others who have been upon it, that as it is an exceeding great Iland (if not the greatest in the known world) So is it stored with abundance of very excellent good Provisi∣ons, though inhabited by a barbarous and heathenish people, but stout, and warlike, and very numerous.

Over against this Iland, on the main Con∣tinent of Africa, are Zef••la, and Mozambique, whereon the Portugals have got some footing; the places (as may be strongly sup∣posed) whither Solomon sent his Navy of Ships, built at Eziongeber, which stood on the banks of the R••d-Sea in Arabia the Happy, the Countrey of that famous Queen of the South, who hearing of the wisdome, and renown, took her journey thence to visit the Court of King Solomon, who had understanding like a flood. From that place forenamed, Solomon sent his Ships for gold and Silver, and ••vory, &c. 1 Ki. 10, 22. they Coasting all along the shore of Africa; for in the dayes of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known, and Sea-men then steering without Cart or Com∣pass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring

Land alwayes in their sights, as without questi∣on those ships did, and to those forementioned places, stored (as is related) above other Parts of Africa. with those richest Commodities.

I might have taken notice before, (but yet it will not be unseasonable) of many suddain, strong and violent Gusts of wind frequently to be observed in those-South-west Seas which sur∣prize a Ship so suddainly, that if she have ma∣ny sayles abroad, and the Mariners be not very watchfull, and Nimble to strike them their strength is such, that they will endanger her over∣turning And to these there are many strange wa∣tery Clouds they Call Spouts, which appear like a Funnel, or water tankard, very large and big at the one end but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length; They Contain a great Quantity of water wrapt to∣gether by a whirl-wind, that falls within a very narrow Compass, the abundance whereof by 'its great weight, if it fall directly (as sometimes it doth) upon the body of a small ship, it will much endanger it and would do much more harm but that these Spouts when they are seen, may be easily avoided.

From the Iland Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course, and the 5 of August follow∣ing approached neer the little Ilands of Mohi∣lia, Gazidia, St. John de Castro, with some o∣thers, whose Names I have not, called in general

the Ilands of Comora, lying about 12. Degrees South of the Equator.

The day following being the 6 of August, early in the morning our men looking out for Land espied a sail which stood directly in our Course. but far before us; at first sight she ap∣peared, as if there had been some great hill in∣terposed betwixt us: for first, we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop, af∣ter this, of her Masts and Sailes, and then of her Hull; after which manner, ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another, which proves that that mighty Col∣lection of waters called Seas, have a Convex, or Globous and round body placed by Almigh∣tie God, as it were in Hills, or Heaps, and being above the earth, and higher than it, they have set Limits, and Commanded they are to their Bounas, contrary to their Nature, which they may not passe, for to saith the Psalmist, Ps. 104. 9 Thou hast set a bound which they may not passe over, that they return not again to Co∣ver the earth. But this is known to all that have been at sea, therefore we proceed. Upon the first sight of that ship, we were all glad of the object. improving all endeavours we could to overtake her withall preparing our great ordnance, that if she were a Friend we might salute her▪ if an Enemy be in readinesse for her. so eagerly pursuing this unlooked for ship with

the wings of the wind, after that we had gi∣ven her Chase about five howers, her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Por∣tugal Caraque bound for Goa, lying in the Skirts of East-India, and principally inhabited by Portugals, the Citie of Residence for the Vice-Roy to the King of Spain, her Comman∣der called Don Emanuel de Meneces, a brave resolute man, as the sequent will demonstrate. About noon the Globe our least ship (by reason of her Nimblenesse sailing better than her fel∣lows) came up with her on her broad side to windward, and according to the Custome of the Sea, ••ayl'd her, asking whence she was; she answered indirectly of the Sea, calling our men Rogues, Theev, Hereticks, Devils, and the Conclusion of her rude Complement was, in loud Cannon language, discharging se∣ven great Peeces of Ar••lrey at our Globe (though she had very little reason so to do, we having four ships in Company, and she alone) whereof six pierced her through the Hull, maim∣ing some of her men, but killing none Our Globe replied in the same voice, and after that fel of.

About three of the Clock in the afternoon, the Charls our Admiral came up with her so near, that we were within pistoll shot, our Commaunder Captain Joseph proceeded re∣ligiously, in offering them a treaty, before he

proceeded to revenge; So we saluted her with our Trumpets, she us with her wind Instru∣ments, then we shewed our men on both sides aloft; this done, our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us; they answered, they had never a boat; our Commaunder replyed that he would send them one, and immediately cansed his Barge to be man'd, and sent off to them, which brought back one of their officers▪ and two o∣thers of inferiour ••ank, with this message from their Captain, how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship, and therefore forc'd he might, but never would be Commanded out of her. Captain Joseph received the message, and used those that brought it Civilly, and then ordered, that they should be shewed (in a broad side of great Guns, that lay all ready p••im'd to be sir'd a∣gainst them) how we were prepared to vindi∣cate our selves, which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling, and upon it desir'd out Commander to write a few words to theirs that happily with their perswasion might make him come, Captain Joseph. willing to preserve his honour▪ and to prevent blood, consented, and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrot unto him▪ That.

Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque

had offered violence to our ship that saild peaceably by him, he wil'd him to come pre∣sently, and give reason for that wrong, or else at his perill.

So he discharged those Portugals▪ sending one of our Masters Mates back with them, with those few words▪ and this further message, that if he refused to come, he would sink by his side, but that he would force him before he left him; Mor••entium verb•• sunt prophetica, his words came to passe, for he himself suddainly after, fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side. The Commander of the Caraque not∣withstanding the Message, and Menace sent to him, was still peremptory in his first answer; So our men returning, Captain Joseph himself made the three first Shot at them, all which, the mark being so fair, and neer, hit them; this done, the bullets began to fly on both sides, our Captain Cheering his Company immediate∣ly ascended the half-Deck, the place where Commanders use to keep in those encounters, to shew their own galantry▪ and to encourage the Company under their Command where he had not been the Eighth part of an hower, ere a great S••ot from the Caraques quarter deprived him of life in the twinkling of an eye. For this Captain Joseph, he was certainly one, who had very much of a Man in him for years antient, who had commanded before in Sea∣sights,

which he met withall, within the streights in the Madland Sea, and neer death, ma∣ny times in them, which took others round about him, while himself went off untouched, and the Reason was, because his appointed time for dy∣ing was not yet come. Certainly there is never a bulle•• flyes that carries not a Commission with it to hit, or m••sse, to kill, or spare, the time the Place, and every Circumstance beside of mans D••ssolution is fore-determined. That one dyes in the field, another in his bed one on the Sea, another on the Shore, one by Sicknesse, ano∣ther by Violence, one in his own, another in a forein Nation, is fore decreed in Heaven; the time of every mans change being set to a minute, which he must not pass. And though we hear it not vocally, yet Almighty God calls every one by his Name and saith to one, dye thou there; and to another dye thou ••onder; whence it was, that the Place where our Com∣mander then stood W••vi••g his sword must of necessity be the S••age of his present mortality. Before▪ what his purposes were in relation to his enemy with whom he now encounted I know not, but his thoughts what ever they were, in the shortest moment of time perished, Death surprizing him now swifter than ••ought, So that in his own Person he could do his enemy now no more hurt. For ••••ad Lions bi••e not. The Bullet which carried away his life, hit him on

the brest, beating out of his body his Heart, and other of his Vitals, which lay round about him scattered in his diffused blood. A Runner is tried by a Ra••e, A Pilate by a ••empest, A Commander, whether at Sea, or Land, by a Bat∣tail, and, Ducem oportet in acie mori.

—A Captain no where dyes Better, than in the face of Enemies.

Yet as Sophocles sometimes spake of Philo∣ctetes, that he killed others glorioussy when he was slam himself: So the blood of this resolute Commander was more than sufficiently reveng∣ed, as will appear by the Consequence in the fall and Ruine of most of his provoking enemies.

After Captain Joseph was slain, the Master of our ship continued the fight about half an hower, then (knowing there was another to be admitted into that prime place of Command) the night approaching, for that time gave over, putting out a flag of Counsel to call the Cap∣tain of the vice Admiral (Capt: Henry Pep∣well) who was to succeed, and the other Com∣manders aboard to consult about the prosecuti∣on of this encounter. The night being come, we now proceeded no further. The Caraque stood still on her Course, putting forth a light at her Poop for us to follow her▪ and about midnight ••ame to an Anker under the Iland of Mohilia,

which when we perceived, we let fall our An∣kers to.

The seaventh early before it began to dawn, we prepared for a new assault first Commending our selves in Prayer to Almighty God, who doth whatsoever he pleaseth in Heaven, and in Earth, in the Sea, and in all places, Ps. 135. 6. towards the close of which exercise, I spake some words of exhortation, and encouragment, to all the people of the ship there together assembled; But was presently out-Rhetorick'd by our New Commander, who spake to the Company thus; My master's, I have never a speech to make unto you, but to speak to the Cooper to give every one of you a good Cup of Sack▪ and so God blesse us. Here was a speech indeed that was Short and Sweet▪ that had somthing following it▪ to make it most savoury, that it might be tasted, as well as heard. Mine was verbal without any such relish, and there∣fore I for〈…〉〈…〉r to insert it.

The morning come we found the Caraque so close to the Shore and the nearest if our ships at least a league off that we held our hands for that day expecting when she would weigh her Ankers and stand off to Sea, a fitter place to deal wi••h her. And that afternoon, we chested our late slain Commander putting some great shot with him into it that he might presently sink, and without any Ceremony of Guns, &c.

usual upon such loccasions because our enemy should take no notice put him overboard∣gainst the Iland▪ of Mohil••a, whore he made his own Grave, as all dead bodies do, buried not in dust but water which shall one day as well as the earth give up its de••d, Rev. 20 13▪ when all the bodies of men since the wo••ld began, that have•• tasted Death in their several generations, however after death they have been bestowed▪ wheresoever laid up shall be raised again, And though all would not, yet all must.

A little before night that present day the Ca∣raque departed again to Sea, we all loosed our Ankers, opened our Sayles, and ••ollowed. The day now left us and our proud Adver∣sary unwilling as it should seem to escape, put forth a light (as before) for us to follow him, (as afterward we did to purpose) The night well∣••••gh〈…〉〈…〉 spent we commended again our selves and cause to God, when I observed more seem∣ing devotion in our Sea-men that morning, than at any time before, or after while I kept them company; who, for the generality are such a kind of people that nothing will bow them, to bring them on their knees, but extream Hazads. When this exercise was ended the day began to appear in a red ma••nt••l, which prov'd bloud•• unto many that beheld it. And now we entred upon a second encounter, our

four ships resolving to take their turns one after the other, that we might compel this proud Portugal either to bend, or break.

But before I shall give an account of our further engagement. I will take notice of two accidents which to me seemed very observable, and exemplary; the first this, there was one in our ship whose Sir name was Raven (a ser∣vant to our late slain Commander) who imme∣d••ately before we began to engage, came to me and told me that he had a very great de∣sire to follow his Master; with what mind he spake this I know not, but if hea〈…〉〈…〉ly and with desire his speech was very all for if it be an ex∣treme madnesse for a man to intreat God▪ to take away the life of his Beast, much more to request him to take away his own Life. But whatsoever his Petition was in respect of his inward desire it pleased Ma••ghev God pre∣sently to answer him herein, by the first great Shot that came from the E〈…〉〈…〉my, which strook off his Head. Aman may hope to speed well, that knows how to Peti••••on well▪ but by the Righteous ••udgment of God it oftentimes fall out, that such unadvised requests, meet with a return of most sad, and unwelcome an∣swers

There was another a Taylor (but not in our ship) who while the Company he sailed with, were engaged, brought his pressing▪ iron to

one of the Gunners, and desired him to put it into a Peece of Ordnance already laden, telling him that he would send it as a token to the Por∣tugals, withall swearing that he would never work again at his trade; it pleased God imme∣diately after to sentence him out of his own mouth, and to let his tongue to fall upon him∣self, for that great Peece was no sooner dis∣charged, but a great Bullet was returned from the enemy, which strook him dead.

And now Reader thou mayest suppose us speaking again to our adversary, and he to us, in the harshest and lowdest of all Dialects, no arguments being so strong as those that proceed from the mouths of Guns, and Points of Swords. Our Charles the Admiral played her part first, and e••e she had been at defyance with her ene∣my half an hower there came another great shot from him, which hitting against one of our iron Peeces mounted on our half Deck, brak into many little parts, which most dan∣gerously wounded our New Commander, and the Master of our ship▪ with three others be∣side, who received several hurts by it. Captain Pepwels left Eye, by a glance of a Peec•• of that broken bullet, was so Torn that it lay like Raggs upon his cheek; another hurt by a peece of the same bullet, he received on his Jaw-bone, and by another, on his Head, and a fourth hurt he received in his Leg, a ragged peece of that

broken shot sticking fast betwixt the two bones thereof, grating there upon an Artery, which seemed by his complayning to afflict him so much, that it made him take very little notice of all the rest of his Hurts, it being most true of bodily Pains, that the extremity of a greater pain will not suffer a man much to feel and complain of that which is lesse, as that tor∣men••ing pain by the Toot-ach, makes a man insensible of the a king of his head▪ and when the Gout and Stone surprise the Body at once together, the torture by the Gout is as it were lost in the extremity of the Stone.

And thus was our new Commander wel∣comed to his Authority; we all thought that his wounds would very suddainly have made an end of him, but he lived till about fourteen Moneths after, and then Dyed as he was re∣turning for England. I told you before, that this man suffered not alone by the scattered peeces of that broken shot, for the Master of the Ship had a great peece of the Brawn of his Arm strook off by it, which made him likewise unserviceable for a time, and three other of the Common sailers received several and dangerous hurts by it likewise.

The Captain and Master both thus disabled, deputed their Authority to the chief Masters mate, who behaved himself resolutely and wisely; so we continued Alternis vicibus

one after the other, shooting at our adversary, as at a But, and by three of the clock in the af∣ter noon had shot down Her Main-mast by the board her Mizen-masts, her fore top mast, and moreover had made such breaches in her thick sides▪ that her case seemed so des∣perate as that she must either yeild, or perish. Her Captain thus distressed stood in for the shore being not far ••rom the Iland of Gaziaia; we pursued as sar as we durst without hazard of Ship wrack then we sent off a Boat with a flag of ••••uce to speak with him, He waved us with another, upon which Mr. ••onnick our chief Merchant imployed in that service came up to them and being invited, entred their ship, where he was civi••ly used, and there he deliver∣ed this Message to the chief Commander, and his Company, that he had brought them Life, and Peace. if they would accept it, withall tel∣ling them that they had deserved so well by their undaunted valour, that if they would put themselves into our hands, they should be en∣tertained with all honour and respect; how, the Ordinary sort in the Caraque were taken with this profer I know not, yet all this would not work upon that high-resolv'd Commander, who like Fabr••c••us in 〈…〉〈…〉ly could not be turn'd in the least measure, from his former and firm resolution, But

Duris ut Ilex tonsa bipennibus Nigrae feraci frondis in Algido, Per damna, per caedes, ••b ipso Duc••t opes animum{que} ferro. Hor:

As the lop't Holm-tree that is made By two edg'd Bils to part with shade, Growing in Algid, fer••il•• grounds, New life receives and strength from wounds:

So he contemning the Misery he could not prevent; O•• like a prun'd hedge which growes stronger by Cutting answering our meffenger thus that no infelicity should make him alter his first resolution, and therefore must not be talk't out of the ship; That he would stand off to Sea if possibly he could and fight us again, and then if fire, or sword forc'd him, he might un∣happily be taken but he would never yield, and if we took him alive he hoped to find the respect of a Gentleman, and till then we had our answer. So our Meffenger was dis∣charged, and shortly after, this distressed Ship wanting her wings, was forc'd by the wind and waves upon the adjacent Iland of Gazidi••, where she stuck fast between two Rock••: those that were left alive in her, by their boats got upon the shore, which when they had all re∣covered, willing (as it should seem) to destroy what they could not keep, they set her on fire to

make her a Coal, rather than we should make her a Prize. She was a ship of an Exceeding great value in Coyn and Bullion, besides many other rich commodities▪ (if report afterward abused us not) but we got nothing from her but blows, for which she was repayed by us with Ruin. The poor distres••ed Portugalls after they had left their Ship were most inhumanly used by the barbarous Islanders, who spoyled them of all they brought on shore for their suc∣cour, some of them finding Death in the place they chose to escape, it and doubtless they had made havock of them all, had they not presently been relieved by two Arabian Junks (for so their small ill built ships are called) there in Trade; which, in hope I suppose of some great reward, took them in, and conveyed them safely to their own City Goa.

In this Sea-fight we lost, out of our four ships but five men; three out of our Admirall, and two out of the James besides we had a∣bout twenty in our whole Fleet hurt. But of seven hundred which sayled in the Carrague, (for she was a Ship of an exceeding great bulk and burthen our Charls, though a ship of a thousand Tunns, looking but like a Pinace when she was beside her) there came not near half her Company to Goa as afterward we were informed.

Our Charles in this opposition made at her

adversary for her part, three hundred seventy and five great Shot (as our Gunners reported) to these we had one Hundred▪ Musquetiers that plyed them with small shot all that while; neither was our Enemy Idle, for our ship received from him at least one hundred great shot, and many of them dangerous ones, through the Hull▪ Our fore-mast was peirced through the mid∣dle, our Main-mast hurt, our Main-stay almost spoyled, and many of our Main-shrouds cut asunder.

Thus, Reader, thou hast the sum of that sea∣encounter, which I did the rather insert, because I believe that of all warlike oppositions there are none that carry more horror in them than Sea-Fights do, if the parties engaged be both very resolute, as very many who use the Sea are, who will desperatly run upon the mouth of a Cannon, rush into the very jawes of Death, be∣fore they have at all learned what it was to live; that being most true, which was antiently ob∣served in the generality both of souldiers, and Sea-men, Armatis Divûm nullus timor, that they fear neither God nor Man. And therefore when I seriously consider of the terrours which usually accompany this kind of fighting, I do more pity and less wonder at the behaviour of a poor Scotch Merchant in such an encounter, who observing the Bullets to make quick re∣turns, gets into his Cabin, and there covered

himself as close as he could; but being pursued thither by his own tears, which he could not keep thence, they made his lower Passages both to open, and then feeling himself in those parts more warm and moyst than usually he was, cried out. Ice slene, Ice slene, Ice all goar blud; yet when he was searched his hurts proved not mortal. But in good earnest, there is no oppo∣sition in the World so full of dread as this, and no Contentions 'twixt men and men carry them so far out of themselves, and make them turn so savage, as these.

Where men act Wolves parts, where their high∣est skill Expressed is by knowledge how to kill; One Bullet throws a Leg into the Main, An Arm that follows it, as if again (Like a swife Post) in winged hast it meant To fetch it back toth' parts from which 'twas rent. In a torn Car••ase one here lodges, crying, And at his feet there others gasp a dying: Here goes an Head, and there an Heart is made Its lodging to forsake, and fly to's shade. Of all Encounters there are none so fell As Fights at Sea, where nought but Horrors dwell. Mongst all the Arts of Killing none more dire Than these by Bullets, Wracks, Noyse, Sword and fire.

I want words to express the extreme horror that is to be observed in these Sea-fights, where Fire like Lightning darts into mens Eyes, and the over-loud Cracks of great Ordnance like Thunder roars in their Ears, besides the Noyse made by Musquets, Drums and Fifes, with men hurrying up and down the Ship▪ in a con∣fused tumult, wrapt about in a thick Cloud of suff••cating smoak made by the Powder. Here a Bullet comes and leaves Death behind it, and there Splinters kill or ma••m others; so that a man in this Case is many times as if he were placed in the midst of a Beam holding two Bal∣lances, where the one Scale hangs over the Fire, and over the Water the other: For it often fals out in these Encounters, that by sink∣ing or firing a Ship a man is put to this most miserable choyce, either to Burn or Drown; and in these extremities there is no escaping by flight, as in Field-Battels. And therefore though it be easy and safe to sail in the Harbour, or to sit upon the shore, and there to make these most sad Conflicts matter of talk, discourse or, merri∣ment as some do, yet I conceive they should not be seen or heard of without grief and de∣testation: Because the very name of a man im∣plies Humanity, which a man forgets to shew, when he sees or hears of the ••uine and destructi∣on of others with Content, who are men like himself. It is well observed, that Almighty God

in Scripture shewing mercy is oftentimes called by the name of a Man, as Gen. 32. 24. & 29▪ A Man wrestled with Jacob and blessed him. So in many other places. But when God threa∣tens displeasure and vengeance against a man, he ••aith, I will not meet thee as a man, I••. 47. 3. that is, he will shew no pity, no compassion. Which implies thus much, that they who at any time are wanting in this, deserve not the names of Men, they being without natural affections; Appearing to be such, as if they had been hewen from the Rocks, and not fal•• from Loyns of flesh and blood; as if they had sucked the Dra∣gons in the Wilderness, rather than the Daugh∣ters of Men. But to conclude what I have to say of this; If it be very terrible (as indeed it is) to be in the midst of such Encounters as these, though a man come off untouched, it is much more to smart under the sad consequences thereof; It being by much more hard to feel, than it is easy to talk of them.

And now, Reader, if thou shalt be pleased to accompany me further, I shall carry thee from this sad discourse, where we may be both re∣freshed upon a near rich and pleasant Iland; And to make way for our entertainment there, take further notice, that after we saw the Car∣r••que in a flame (which was about midnight) we stood off and on till morning, to see if any thing might be found in her Ashes; of which

when we despaired, we sought about to succour and comfort our wounded and sick men on the shore. The Land there was very high, against which the Sea is alwaies deep; so that it was the tenth day of that month ••re we could be possessed of a good Harbour; which en∣joyed, we found the Iland called Moh••l••a, very pleasant, full of Trees, and exceeding fruitful, abounding in Beeves, Kids, Poultrey of divers kinds, Rice, Sugar-Canes, Plantens (of which Fruit more shall be spoken hereafter) Oranges, Coquer-nuts, as with many other wholsome things, of all which we had sufficient to relieve our whole Company, for little quantities of White Paper, Glass Beads, low prized Looking-Glasses, and cheap Knives. For instance▪ we bought as many good Oranges as would fill an Hat for one quarter of a shee•• of white writing-Paper, and so in proportion all other Pro∣visions.

Here we had the best Oranges that ever I tasted, which were little round ones▪ exceeding sweet and juicie, having but a little s••••ng••e skin within them, and the rinde on them almost as thin as the paring of an Apple: We eat all together, Rinde and Juice, and found them a Fruit that was extraordinary well pleasing to the Tast.

Much of their Fruits the Ilanders brought unto ••s in their little Canoos (which are long narrow

boats, but like troughs out of firm trees) but their Cattel we bought on the shore; Where I observed the people to be streight, well limm'd, stout, able men, their colour very tawney; most of the men, but all the women, I saw un∣cloathed, having nothing about them but a Co∣vering for their shame. Such as were cloathed had long Garments like unto the Arabians, whose Language they speak, and of whose Re∣ligion they are, Mahumetans, very strict (as it should seem) for they would not endure us to come near their Churches. They have good convenient Houses for their Living, and fair Se∣pulchres for their Dead.

They seemed to live strictly under the Obe∣dience of a King, whose place of residence was some miles up in the Countrey; His leave by Messengers they first craved, before they would sell unto us any of their better Provisions. Their King hearing of our arrival, bad us welcome by a Present of Be••ves, and Goats, and Poultrey, and the chief and choyce Fruits of his Coun∣trey, and was highly recompenced as he thought again, by a Quire or two of white Paper, a pair of low prized Looking-Glasses, some strings of Glass Beads, some cheap Knives, and with some other English toyes

We saw some Spanish Money amongst them, of which they seemed to make so little reckon∣ing, that some of our men had from them many

Royals of Eight in exchange for a little of those very low and very cheap Commodities which before I named.

The Coquer-nu••tree (of which this Iland hath abundance) of all other Trees may challenge the preheminence: for, meerly with these Trees, without the least help of any other Timber, or any other thing (unless a little Iron-work) a man may build, and furnish, and fit and victual a small Ship to Sea. For the Heart of this Tree (being very tough, firm and fast wood) growing up streight and high, will make Tim∣ber, and Planks, and Pins, and Musts and Yards; a strong Gum that issues out of it, with the Rinde that grows about it, will serve to calk the Ship; and that spongie Rinde (that looks like our Hemp when it is a little bruised) will make Cordage and Sails, and the very large Nuts that grow upon it (of which are made many excellent drinking Cups) when it is newly gathered▪ hath a milk-white substance that is tender (tasting like an Almond) round about of a good substance within it; and with∣in that a very pleasant Liquor, that is wholsom, as well as savoury, which may for a need serve those which sail in this Ship for meat and drink.

Now well-stored with these Nuts and other good Provisions, after six daies abode there; the breaches our Ship had lately received in fight

being repaired, and our men well refreshed, we put again to Sea the sixteenth day, and a pro∣sperous gale following us, were carried happily a second time under the Aequinoctial, without the le••st heat to offend us, the 24 day of the same Month. Our Course was for the Iland of Zocotora near the mouth of the Red Sea, from whence comes our Aloes Zocotrina; but an adverse gale from the Arabian shore kept us so off that we could by no means recover it. We passed by it the first of September.

Missing that Fort we proceeded on our Voyage, and the fourth of September made a solemn Fu∣neral in memory of our late slain Commander, when after Sermon the small Shot and great Ordnance made a large Peal to his Remem∣brance.

On the sixt of September at night, to our admiration and fear, the Water of the Sea seem∣ed to us as white as milk, which did not appear onely so in the body of the Sea, but it looked so likewise in Buckets of water which we did then draw out of the Sea. Others of our Nari∣on passing on that Course have observed the like: but I am yet to learn what should be the true reason thereof, it being there very far from any shore, and the Sea so deep as that we could fetch no ground.

The 21. we discovered the main Continent of Asia the Great, in which East-India takes

up a large part. The 22. we had sight of Deu and Damon, places that lye in the skirts of India, principally inhabited and well fortified by Portugals; and the 25 of September we came happily to an Anchor in Swally-Road within the Bay of Cambaya, the Harbour for our Fleet while they make their stay in these remote Parts.

Then after a long, and troublesome, and dangerous passage, we came at last to our de∣sired Port. And immediately after my arrival there, I was sent for by Sir Thomas Row, Lord Embassadour, then residing at the Mogol's Court (which was very many miles up in the Countrey) to supply the room of Mr. John Hall his Chaplain (Fellow of Corpus Christi Col∣lege in Oxford) whom he had not long before buried. And I lived with that most Noble Gentleman at that Court more than two years, after which I returned home to England with him. During which space of my abode there I had very good advantage to take notice of very many places, and persons, and thing, tra∣velling with the Embassadour much in Progress with that King up and down his very large Ter∣ritories.

And now, Reader. I would have thee to sup∣pose me setting my foot upon the East-Indian shore at Swally before named. On the banks whereof, amongst many more English that lye

there interred, is laid up the body of Mr. Thomas▪ Coryat, a man in his time Not us nimis omni∣bus, very sufficiently known. He lived there, and there died while I was in those parts, and was for some Months then with my Lord Em∣bassadour, during which time he was either my Chamber-fellow or Tent-mate, which gave me a full acquaintance of him. That Greek∣travelling-Thomas (they which know his story know why I call him so▪) formerly wrote a Book entituled Coryats ••rud〈…〉〈…〉ies, Printed in the be∣ginning of the year 1611. and then ushered into the World by very many Copies of excel∣lent Verses made by the Wits of those Times, which did very much advantage and improve, if not enforce the sale thereof (doing themselves much more honor than him whom they under∣took to commend in their several Encomiasticks) And if he had lived, he would have written his last Travels to, and in, and out of East-India, for he resolved (if God had spared him life) to have rambled up & down the world (as some∣times Ulysses did) and though not so long as he, yet ten full years at least before his return home, in which time he purposed to see Tartaria in the vast parts thereof, with as much as he could of China, and those other large Places and Pro∣vinces interposed betwixt East-India and China, whose true Names we might have had from him, but yet have not. He had a purpose after

••his to have visited the Court of Prester John in Aethiopia, who is there called by his own people, Ho B••ot, The King; and after this it was in his thoughts to have cast his eyes upon many other places; which if he had done, and lived to write those Relations, seeing as he did, or should, such variety of Countries, Cities, Na∣tions, Things, and been as particular in them as he was in his Venetian Journal, they must needs have swoln into so many huge Volumns, as would have prevented the perishing of Paper. But undoubtedly, if he had been continued in life to have written them, there might have been made very good Use of his Observations; for as he was a very Particular, so was he without question a very Faithful Relator of things he saw; he ever disclaiming that bold liberty which divers Travellers have, and do take, by speaking and writing any thing they please of remote parts, when they cannot easily be contradicted, taking a Pride in their feigned Relations, to overspeak things; being resolved in this case

Not onely things to do, but or'-do; Speaking, writing all, and more too:

I therefore for my part, believing this Relaton to be none of those▪ have taken some things from his trust and credit in this my following

Discourse; And because he could not live to give an account unto the world of his own Travels, I shall here by the way make some little discovery of his footsteps and flittings up and down, to and fro, with something besides of him, in his long peregrinations, to satisfie very many yet living, who if they shall please to read this Discourse, may recall that man once more into their remembrance, who while he lived was like a perpetual motion, and there∣fore now dead should not be quite for∣gotten.

In the year 1612. he shipt himself from London for Constantinople, now called by the Turks Stombole, where he took special notice of all things there most observable. In which place he found very great respect, and encou∣ragement from Sir Paul Pinder, then and there Embassadour, to whose House he had free and welcom access whensoever he pleased. Being there for some time, he took his opportunities to view divers parts in Grecia; and in the Hel∣lespont took special notice of those two Castles directly opposed to each other, called Sestos and Abydos, which stand on the several banks that bound that very narrow Sea; which Places Musaeus makes famous in his very an∣tient Poem of Hero and Leander.

He desired much to see where those seven Churches sometimes famous in Asia the Less

stood; but since their sin so darkned their light, and God removed their Candlesticks from them (as before he threatned) those Places lye so in the dark, that it cannot be well discovered where they once were: Onely Smyrna is fa∣mous at this present day for Trade, but not Re∣ligion; and Ephesus and some others of them keep their names still, though they left and lost their Faith, and profession of Truth, with the rest.

He saw what yet remains of the Ruins of sometimes great Troy, but

Jam Seges est ubi Troia fuit—

That place which was once so populous as if it had been sow'n with People,

And seeded thus, had after born Millions of men, now's sow'n with Corn. And

—O jam periere Ruinae, the very Ruins of that place are almost all gone to Ruine: The most observable thing there yet remaining is part of an exceeding great House, which is con∣tinued by Tradition to have been sometimes a part of the famous Palace of great King Priamus.

From Smyrna he found a Passage to Alex∣andria in Egypt, Egypt that is called by some in

regard of the Plenty it produceth, the Granary or Storehouse of the World. And in Egypt near Gran-C••iro (antiently called Memphis) he ob∣served what remains of the once fam'd Pyra∣mids. Returning thence back to Alexandria with one Englishman more, they found a pass by Sea to Jatta▪ antiently called Joppa, and there they met some others going to Jerusalem, which is about twenty English miles distant from Joppa, whence they departed together to∣wards Jerusalem, and found it a very solitary, rocky, uncomfortable way, full of danger, by reason of the wild Arabs who keep about those Passages to make poor Travellers their prey and spoyl. But they came safe to Jerusa∣lem, now inhabited by Turks, and that place called by them Cutts; where he told me, that himself and his Companion were courteously received by the Father Guardian of the Convent of Franciscan Friars that keep their residence in Jerusalem, and by some of them were met at the Gate of the City, where they were compel∣led by the Turkish Souldiers who keep those Gates (as all others that bear the names of Christians, are) at their first coming thither to redeem their heads by paying each of them the value of five shillings, before they could have admittance into that place; which they had no sooner ••nt••••d▪ but they were presently carried by those Franciscans which met them to their

Convent; and then the first thing they did to or for them, they washed their feet, then set some comfortable refection before them, and after went in Procession about a little Cloyster they had, praising God that he had brought in safety those two Votaries (as they called them) to visit that Holy Place. A day or two after they ac∣companied them to Bethlehem, the place of our Blessed Saviours birth, about five English miles distant from Jerusalem; and in the way be∣twixt those two places shewed them a Rock, on which (as they said) the Blessed Virgin sate down, as she went on a time betwixt Jerusalem and Bethlehem, to give her Babe suck; and that the Rock might not feel hard under her, it yielded (as they told them) to her body like a Cushion, and that impression made by her so sit∣ting remaineth unto this day; and is most de∣voutly kissed by Votaries as they pass up and down. After this they returning back shewed them all that was to be seen in and about Jeru∣salem. Many particulars they told them (sto∣ries which are there kept by Tradition) con∣cerning our Blessed Saviour and his Mother: Then they had a sight of as much of Mount Cal∣varie (where our Blessed Saviour suffered) as could be shewed them, that Hill being now en∣closed within the Wals of Jerusalem. They undertook to shew them afterwards the place wherein our Blessed Saviour was buried; and

after that upon Mount Olivet, the very place whence he after ascended, where upon a Rock there was an impression of the former part of two feet, such as is seen in soft earth, when a man lifts up his body to leap thence; and these Franciscans confidently affirmed, and seemed undoubtedly to believe, that it was so as they shewed and told them. Many other things they affirmed, which being but Circumstantials, (though appertaining to the best of all stories) were enough for these Pilgrims to believe, and enough to make doubt of.

At Jerusalem this our Traveller had made upon the Wrists of his left Arm the Arms of Jerusalem, a Cross Crossed, or Crosslets; and on the Wrist of his right, a single Cross made like that our Blessed Saviour suffered on; and on the sides of the stem or tree of that Cross these words written, Via, Veritas, Vita▪ some of the letters being put on the one side of that stem or tree, and some of them on the other; and at the foot of that Cross three Nails, to signifie those which fastned our Saviour unto it: All these impressions were made by sharp Needles bound together, that pierced onely the skin, and then a black Powder put into the Places so pierced, which became presently indelible Cha∣racters, to continue with him so long as his flesh should be covered with skin: And they were done upon his Arms so artificially, as if they had

been drawn by some accurate Pencil upon Parchment. This poor man would pride him∣self very much in the beholding of those Cha∣racters, and seeing them would often speak those words of St. Paul written to the Galati∣ans, Gal. 6. 17. (though far besides the Apo∣stles meaning) I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus.

Now after that himself and Camrade had seen what they desired in and about Jerusalem, they took their leave of those Franciscans, lea∣ving with them money to recompence the cur∣tesy they had received from them; the Friars being very poor, and consequently unable to en∣tertain them freely without requitals.

From hence they took their way to take a view of the Dead Sea (so called, either because the water therein is still, and moves not, or be∣cause no living Creature is in it, and nothing thrives on the banks thereof) the place where Sodom and Gomorrah, and Admah and Ze∣boim once stood, those Cities which Almighty God overthrew in anger, and repented not, Jer. 20. 16. Hence they went to have a sight of the River Jordan, which dischargeth it self into that most uncomfortable Lake; and from hence they journied North-east through those ten Tribes, (which for the sin of Salomon were rent from his son Rehoboam) till they came to Mount Li∣banus. Thence back to Sidon, which retaineth

that name still. And here he told me as his last observation made in that Land of Ca∣uaan, sometimes (like the Garden of the Lord) flowing with milk and honey, being then en∣riched with a very great variety, and abundance of Gods good Creatures; and in the daies of David so populous, that there were numbred in it at one time thirteen hundred thousand fighting men, 2 Sam. 24. 9. besides Women and Children, and others unfit to draw swords; which was a most wonderful thing, to consider that such a spot of ground in comparison, not above one hundred and sixty miles in length, from Dan to Beersheba, and not above sixty miles in bredth, from Joppa to Jordan, should be able to bear and feed such a numerous people; and now the very self-same tract of Earth, either for want of manuring, or (which is rather to be conceived) for the want of the blessing of Almighty God which once shined upon it, but now long since withdrawn from it, (For a fruitful Land the Lord makes barren for the wickedness of them that dwell therein, Psal. 107. 34.) is now become unable to sustein one in an hundred of such a number.

From Sidon they got a passage by Sea unto Alexandretta, now called Scanderoon (in the extremest bottom of the Mediterranean Sea) which is one of the unwholsomest places in the World; where I have often heard that no

Stranger (that was born far from it) comes to continue there for the space of one Month, but is sure to meet with a sickness, which very often proves Mortal. At this place his English Com∣panion left him, and turned his face towards England, and he presently took his way towards Aleppo in Syria, about seventy miles or more distant from Scanderoon, which is as much re∣nowned for wholsomness, as the place before∣named for being unwholsome; and therfore it is called, sweet-air'd Aleppo. Here he being kindly received by the English Consul, stayed a time to gain the company of a Carava••, which consists of a great mixt multitude of people from divers parts, which get and keep together travelling those parts, for fear of the incursions and vio∣lences by Thieves and Murtherers, which they would undoubtedly meet withall, if they tra∣velled single, or but few together. With these he after set forwards towards, and to that City antiently called Nineveh in Assyria, which we find in the Prophesie of Jonah was sometimes a great and excellent City of three daies journey, Jonah 3. 3. but now so exceedingly lessen'd and lodg'd in obscurity, that passengers cannot say of it, this was Nineveh, which now hath its old name changed, and is called Mozel. From hence they journied to Babylon in Chaldaea, si∣tuated upon the River Euphrates, once likewise so great that Aristotle called it a Countrey, not

a City, but now it is very much contracted, and 'tis called Bagdat. From this place they pro∣ceeded through both the Armeniaes, and either did, or else our Traveller was made to believe, that he saw the very Mountain Ararat whereon the Ark of Noah rested after the Flood, Gen. 8. And from hence they went forward to∣wards the Kingdome of Persia, and there to Uzspahan, the usual place of residence for that great King, then called Sha Abbas, or King Abbas. And after they went to Seras, an∣tiently called Shushan, where the great King Ahasuerus kept his Royal and most Magnifi∣cent Court, Est. 1 From hence they journied afterwards to Candahor, the first Province North east under the subjection of the Great Mogol and so to Lahore the chiefest City but one belonging to that great Empire; a place, as I have been often told by Tom: Coryat and others of very great trade, wealth and delight, lying more temperately out of the Parching Sun than any other of his great Cities do: And to this City he wanted not Company, nor afterwards to Agra, the Mogol's Metropolis or chief City.

And here it is very observable, that from La∣hore to Agra it is four hundred English miles, & that the Countrey betwixt both these great Ci∣ties is rich, even, pleasant and flat, a Campania; and the rode-way on both sides all this long di∣stance

planted with great Trees which are all the year cloathed with leaves exceeding beneficial unto Travellers for the shade they afford them in those hot Climes. This very much extended length of way 'twixt these two places is called by Travellers the Long Walk, very full of Vil∣lages and Towns for Passengers every where to find Provision.

At Agra our Traveller made an halt, being there lovingly received in the English Factory, where he staid till he had gotten to his Turkish, and Morisco or Arabian Languages, some good knowledge in the Persian and Indostan Tongues, in which study he was alwaies very apt. and in little time showed much proficiency. The first of those two, the Persian, is the more quaint; the other, the Indostan, the vulgar Language spoken in East-India: In both these he sud∣denly got such a knowledge and mastery, that it did exceedingly afterwards advantage him in his Travels up and down the Mogol's Territo∣ries, he wearing alwaies the Habit of that Na∣tion, and speaking their Language.

In the first of these, the Persian tongue, he made afterwards an Oration to the Great Mo∣gol, bringing in that Story of the Queen of She∣ba, 1 King. 10. (in which parts of that Sacred Historic the Mahumetans have some know∣ledge) and he told him, that as the Queen of Sheba having heard of the fame of King Salo∣mon,

came from far to visit him, which when she had done, she confessed that though she had heard very much of him and many things be∣yond her belief, yet now seeing what she did, acknowledged that she had not heard half of that which she now saw concerning the Wis∣dome, and Greatness, and Re••inue, and Riches of Salomon: So our Orator told the Mogol, that he had heard very much of him before he had the Honour to see him (when he was very far off in his own Countrey) but now what he beheld did exceedingly surmount all those for∣mer Reports of him which came to his ears at such a distance from him: Then larding his short Speech with some other pieces of Flat∣tery, which the Mogol liked well, conclu∣ded: And when he had done, the Mogol gave him one hundred Roopus, which amounts to the value of twelve pounds and ten shillings of of our English Money; looking upon him as a Derveese, or Votary, or Pilgrim (for so he called him) and such as bear that name in that Coun∣trey seem not much to care for money, and that was the reason (I conceive) that he gave him not a more plentiful Reward.

After this he having got a great mastery like∣wise in the Indostan or more vulgar Language, there was a woman, a Landress, belonging to my Lord Embassadors house, who had such a freedome and liberty of speech, that she would

sometimes scould, brawl and rail from the Sun-rising to Sun-set; one day he undertook her in her own language, and by eight of the clock in the morning so silenced her, that she had not one word more to speak.

I shall have occasion to say more of this man in some passages of this following Discourse, and therefore shall not wrap all I have to speak of him in this, although it be a very long di∣gression: Yet because I must now shortly bring you to his journies end, I shall take the freedome to enlarge my self a little further concerning him here in this place, before I leave him for the present; and to give thee, Reader, a piece of his Character, it speaks thus:

That he was a man of a very coveting eye, that could never be satisfied with seeing, as Salomon speaks, Eccles. 1. 8. though he had seen very much; and I am perswaded that he took as much content in seeing, as many others in the en∣joying of Great and Rare things. He was a man that had got the mastery of many hard Langua∣ges (as before I observed) to the Latine and Greek he brought forth of England with him; in which, if he had obtained wisdome to hus∣band and manage them as he had skill to speak them, he had deserved more fame in his gene∣ration. But his knowledge and high attain∣ments in several Languages made him not a little ignorant of himself, he being so covetous,

so ambitious of praise, that he would hear and endure more of it than he could in any measure deserve; being like a Ship that hath too much Sail, and too little Ballast: Yet if he had not fall'n into the smart hands of the Wits of those Times, he might have passed better. That itch of Fame which engaged this man to the under∣takings of those very hard, and long, and dan∣gerous Travels, hath put thousands more (and therefore he was not alone in this) into strange attempts onely to be talked of.

One long ago built a Temple to Diana in hope of Glory, intending it for one of the Great Wonders of the World; Another after in hope of Fame burnt it. Whither will not the thirst of Fame carry men! It hath made some seek to climbe up to Heaven, though by a wrong way: Thus the Builders of Babel say one to another, Let us build us a City, and a Tower, whose top may reach up to Heaven, and let us make us a Name, Gen. 11. 4 And it hath made others, who are penurious of their Honour, and prodigal of their Souls, not fear to run down headlong into Hell. 'Twas Fame, without doubt, that stirred up this man unto these voluntary, but hard underta∣kings, and the Hope of that Glory which he should reap after he had finished his long Tra∣vels, made him not at all to take notice of the hardship he found in them. That hope of name and repute for the time to come did even feed

and feast him for the time present. And there∣fore any thing that did in any measure eclipse him in those high conceivings of his own worth, did too too much trouble him, which you may collect from these following instances.

Upon a time one Mr. Richard Steel a Mer∣chant and servant to the East-India Company, came unto us from Surat to Mandoa, the place then of the Mogol's residence (of which place somewhat more hereafter) at which time Mr. Coryat was there with us▪ This Merchant had not long before travelled over-land from East-India, through Persia, and so to Constantinople, and so for England; who in his travel home∣ward had met with Tom: Coryat, as he was journeying towards East-India; Mr. Steel then told him, that when he was in England, King James (then living) enquired after him, and when he had certified the King of his meeting him on the way, the King replied, Is that Fool yet living? which, when our Pilgrim heard, it seemed to trouble him very much, because the King spake no more nor no better of him; saying, that Kings would speak of poor men what they pleased.

At another time when he was ready to de∣part from us, my Lord Embassadour gave him a Letter, and in that a Bill to receive ten pounds at Aleppo when he should return thither: The Letter was directed unto Mr. Libbeus Chapman,

there Consul at that time, in which that which concerned our Traveller was thus: Mr. Chap∣man, when you shall hand these Letters, I desire you to receive the Bearer of them, Mr. Thomas Coryat, with curtesy, for you shall find him a very honest poor Wretch; and further I must in∣treat you to furnish him with ten pounds, which shall be repayed, &c. Our Pilgrim lik••d tho gift well, but the language by which he should have received it did not at all content him, telling me, That my Lord had, even spoyled his curtesy in the carriage thereof; so that if he had been a very Fool indeed, he could have said very little less of him than he did, Honest poor Wretch! and to say no more of him was to say as much as nothing. And furthermore he then told me, that when he was formerly undertaking his journey to Venice, a Person of Honour wrote thus in his behalf unto Sir Henry Wott••n, then and there Embassodour: My Lord, Good Wine needs no Bush, neither a Worthy man Letters Commendatory, because whithersoever he comes he is his own Epistle, &c. There (said he) was some language on my behalf; but now for my Lord to write nothing of me by way of Com∣mendation, but Honest poor Wretch, is rather to trouble me than to please me with his favour. And therefore afterwards his Letter was phras'd up to his mind, but he never liv'd to receive the money. By which his old acquaintance may see

how tender this poor man was to be touched in any thing that might in the least measure dis∣parago him. O what pains this poor man took to make himself a Subject for present and after discourse! being troubled at nothing for the present, unless with the fear of not living to reap that fruit he was so ambitious of in all his undertakings. And certainly he was surprized with some such thoughts and fears (for so he told us afterwards) when upon a time he being at Mandoa with us, and there standing in a room against a stone Pillar, where the Embas∣sadour was, and my self present with them, up∣on a sudden he fell into such a swoon, that we had very much ado to recover him out of it; but at last, come to himself, he told us that some sad thoughts had immediately before pre∣sented themselves to his Fancy, which as he conceived put him into that distemper; like Fannius in Martial—Ne moriare mori, to prevent death by dying: For he told us that there were great Expectations in England of the large Accounts he should give of his Tra∣vels after his return home; and that he was now shortly to leave us, and he being at present not very well, if he should dye in the way to∣ward Surat, whither he was now intended to go, (which place he had not as yet seen) he might be buried in Obscurity, and none of his Friends ever know what became of him, he

travelling now, as he usually did, alone. Upon which my Lord willed him to stay longer with us, but he thankfully refused that offer, and turned his face presently after towards Surat, which was then about three hundred miles di∣stant from us, and he lived to come safely thi∣ther: but there being over-kindly used by some of the English who gave him Sack, which they had brought from England, he calling for it as soon as he first heard of it, and crying, Sack, Sack: Is there such a thing as Sack! I pray give me some Sack: and drinking of it, though, I conceive, moderately (for he was a very tem∣perate man) it increased his Flux which he had then upon him; and this caused him within a few daies after his very tedious and troublesome Travels (for he went most on foot) at this place to come to his Journies end; for here he over∣took Death in the Month of December, 1617. and was buried (as a foresaid) under a little Mo∣nument, like one of those are usually made in our Church-yards: On which he should have been remembred by this or the like Epitaph, if it could have been there engraved upon his Tombe.

Here lies the Wanderer of his age, Who living did rejoyce, Not out of need but choyce, To make his life a Pilgrimage. He spent full many pretious daies, As if he had his being To wast his life in seeing; More thought to spend, to gain him Praise. Some weaknesses appear'd his stains: Though some seem very wise, Some yet are otherwise. Good Gold may be allow'd its Grains. Many the Places which he ey'd; And though he should have been In all parts yet unseen, His eye had not been satisfi'd. To fill it when he found no Room By the choyce things he saw In Europe and vast Asia, Fell blinded in this narrow Tombe.

Sic exit Coryatus; Hence he went off the Stage, and so must all after him, how long so∣ever their parts seem to be: For if one should go to the extremest part of the World East, another West, another North, and another South, they must all meet at last together in the Field of Bones, wherein our Traveller hath now taken up his Lodging, and where I leave

him. And shall now proceed to give an ac∣count of what I have undertaken, and do prin∣cipally intend in the description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great Mogol. Which following Discourse (that I may put it into, and after continue it in some due order) I shall digest into several Parts or Sections: As,

SECTION I.

Of the several Provinces, the chief Ci∣ties, the Principal Rivers, the extent of this vast Empire in its length and bredth.

THE most spacious Monarchy under the subjection of the Great Mogol divides it self into thirty and seven several and large Pro∣vinces, which antiently were particular King∣domes, whose true Names (which we there had out of the Mogol's own Records) with their Principal Cities and Rivers, their Situation and Borders, their Extent in length and bredth, I shall first set down very briefly, beginning at the North-west. Yet as I name these several Provinces, I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most re∣markable.

1. Candahore, the chief City so called; it lyes from the heart of the Mogol's Territories North-west; it confines with the King of Per∣sia, and was antiently a Province belonging to him.

2. Cabut, the chief City so called, the ex∣tremest part North of this Emperours Domini∣ons; it confineth with ••artaria; the River Nilob hath its beginning in it, whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth it self into Indus.

3. Multan, the chief City so called; it lyeth South from Cabut and Candahore, and to the West joyns with Persia. This Province is fam'd for many excellent Bowes and Arrowes made in it: The Bowes made of Horn; excellently glued and put together; the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds, both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish: They which are made here are more neat and good than in any part of East-India besides.

4. Haiacan, the Province of the Baloches, who are a very stout and warlike people that dare fight. I insert this, because there are in∣finite multitudes of people in the Mogol's Terri∣tories who appear as likely as these, but so low∣spirited (as I shall after observe) that they dare not sight. This Province hath no renowned City. The famous River Indus (called by the Inhabitants Skind) borders it on the East;

and Lar, a Province belonging to the King of Persia, meets it on the West.

5. Buckor, the chief City called Buckor-Succor; that famous River Indus makes its way through it, and gently enricheth it.

6. Tatta, the chief City so called; the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruit∣ful and pleasant, the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sinde, a place very fa∣mous for many curious Handicrafts.

7. Soret, the chief City is called Janagar; it is but a little Province yet very rich; it lyes upon Guzarat; it hath the Ocean to the South.

8. Jesselmure, the chief City so called; it joyneth with Soret; but Buckor and Tatta lye to the West thereof.

9. ••ttack, the chief City so called; it lyeth on the East side of Indus, which parts it from Hai••can.

10. Peniab, which signifieth five Waters, for that it is seated amongst five Rivers, all Tri∣butaries to Indus; which, somewhat South of Labore, make but one Current: It is a large Province; and most fruitful. Lahore is the chief City thereof, built very large, and abounds both in people and riches, one of the most prin∣cipal Cities for Trade in all India.

11. Chishm••ere, the chief City called Sira∣nakar; the River Bhat finds a way through it,

though it be very mountainous, and so creeps to the Sea.

12. Banchish, the chief City is called Bishur; it lyeth East, somewhat Southerly from Chish∣meere, from which it is divided by the River Indus.

13. Jangapore, the chief City so called; it lyeth upon the River Kaul, one of those five Rivers which water Peniab.

14. Jenba, the chief City so called; it lyeth East of Peniab.

15. Dellee (which signifies an Heart, and is seated in the heart of the Mogol's Territories) the chief City so called; it lyeth between Jenba and Agra; the River Jemni (which runneth through Agra, and after falleth into Ganges) begins in it. This Dellee is both an antient and a great City, the Seat of the Mogol's Ancestors, where most of them lye interred. It was once the City and Seat of King Porus, who was con∣quered about this place by Alexander the Great, and here he encountring with huge Ele∣phants as well as with a mighty Hoast of Men, said, as Curtius reports, Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum, That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind. I was told by ••om: Cor••at (who took special notice of this place) that he being in the City of Dellee, observed a very great Pillar of Marble, with a Greek in∣scription upon it, which time hath almost quite

worn out, erected (as he supposed) there, and then, by Great Alexander, to preserve the me∣mory of that famous Victory.

16. Bando, the chief City so called; it con∣fineth Agra to the West.

17. Malway, a very fruitful Province; Rantipore is its chief City.

18. Chitor, an antient great Kingdome, the chief City so called, which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top, walled about at the least ten English miles. There appear to this day above an hundred ruin'd Churches, and divers▪ fair Palaces, which are lodged in like manner among their Ruins, besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone, and the Ruins likewise at the least of an hundred thousand stone houses, as many English by their obser∣vation have ghessed. There is but one ascent unto it, cut out of a firm Rock, to which a man must pass through four (sometimes very magni∣ficent) Gates. Its chief Inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim, Birds and Wild Beasts; but the stately Ruins thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride. It was won from Ranas, an antient Indian Prince, who was forc'd to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoyning to that Pro∣vince, and his Posterity to live there ever since. Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha (the Father of that King who lived and reigned

when I was in those parts) after a very long sieg••; which fa••••ished the besieged, without which it could never have been gotten. Let me digress here a little; and put my Reader in mind of a sad truth which he must needs know already, how that this Hunger is the most power∣ful Commander, the most absolute Conquerour in the World; for though Nature may be con∣tent, and in extremi••ies can make shift with a little, yet something must be had; Bread being the Staff of Life, the Prop, the Pillar which next under the Giver hereof keeps up these Hou∣ses of Gla••. Earthly Enemies, be they never so many, never so mighty, may be long opposed, but Famine is irresistible. A man may flee from a Sword, the Arrow of Pestilence may misshim; but there is no defence nor resistance against Hun∣ger, against Thirst; which sometimes made the besieged Bethulians (as their Story relates) to faint and dye in the streets of their City for want of water. The Widdow of Zarepthah was in a very low condition (in a time of a most mise∣rable Famine) when she told the Prophet Elias, that she had left for her sustenance but an hand∣ful of Meal in a Barrel, and a little Oyl in a Cruse, and she was gathering two sticks to dress it for her self and son, that they might eat and dye, 1 Kings 17. 12. For when that Provision was gone, all was gone: O how great is the extremity of Famine! in which some have been

threatned to eat their own dung, and to drink their own piss, 2 Kings 18. 27. In what a sad case were the people in the siege of Samaria, when one woman said unto another, Give me thy son and we will eat him to day, and we will eat my son to morrow? 2 Kings 6. 29. So in the siege and streightness of Jerusalem, when the Women did eat the fruit of their own bodies, their Children of a span long, Lam. 2. 20. when by reason of Famine the visages of these men were made blacker than coles, and the hands of pitiful women were forc'd, by reason of the most grievous ex∣tremities, by the want of all bodily provisions, to boyl their own children to be their meat. Lam. 4. 8. It were well if people in the enjoyment of spread Tables, and full Cups, would be often thinking of such sad stories, which indeed are much better apprehended by the empty, than by full and pampered bellies: Ingens telum ne∣cessitas: there is no such strong prevailing wea∣pon as want, as want of food is; the loss (as it hath been of many other places) so of this (sometimes most famous) City: And thus, gained, as it was, by the command of the Con∣querour, so, now, it is demolished.

19. Guzarat, a very goodly, and large, and an exceeding rich Province; it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya; its chief City is Amadavaz; besides, it hath in it Cambaya, Brodera, Baroch and Surat, fair Cities; but the first of those I

named, more spacious, and populous, and rich, than any of the other. It is watered with many goodly Rivers, as that of Cambaya (falsly sup∣posed to be Indus) with the River Narbodah (passing by Baroch, and so to the Sea) with the River Taplee, which watereth Surat. The Merchants which are the Natives of this Pro∣vince trade to the Red Sea, to Achin, and to divers other places.

20. Chandis, the chief City called Brampore, which is very great, and rich, and full of people. Adjoyning to this Province lived a petty Prince, called Partapsha, tributary to the Mogol; and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories.

21. Berar, the chief City is called Shapore, the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire.

22. Narvar, the chief City is called Gehud; it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it, and dischargeth it self into Ganges.

23. Gwaliar, the chief City so called, where the Mogol hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City, within an exceeding strong Castle, wherein the Kings Prisoners are likewise kept. The Castle is continually guard∣ed by a very strong Company of Armed Soul∣diers.

24. Agra, a principal and very rich Pro∣vince, the chief City so called, this great Em∣perours

Metropolis, in North Latitude about twenty eight Degrees and an half. It is very well watered by the River Jemni. This and Lahore are the two principal and choyce Cities of this Empire, betwixt whom is that Long Walk (I made mention of before) of four hun∣dred miles in length, shaded by great Trees on both sides: This is looked upon by Travellers, who have found the comfort of that cool shade, as one of the rarest and most beneficial Works in the whole World.

25. Sanbat, the chief City so called: the River Jemni parts it from Narvar; and after at the City Hellabass fals into that most fa∣mous River Ganges, which is called by the In∣habitants of East-India, Ganga.

26. Bakar, the chief City called Bikaneer; it lyeth on the West side of the River Ganges.

27. Nagracot, the chief City so called▪ in which there is a Chapel most richly set forth, being seeled and paved with Plate of pure Sil∣ver, most curiously imbossed over head in se∣veral Figures, which they keep exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it; and all this cost those poor seduced Indians are at, to do honour to an Idol they keep in that Chapel. What charge can Heathenish Idolaters be con∣tent to bear for their gross Idolatry! nothing is too rich, too pretious, or too dear for their Idol. And what cost the Superstitious Israelites

were content to bear for their leud devotion, we may further see, Exod. 32. 2. they are ready to give their Gold, not out of their Purses onely, but from their Ears too to further their mis∣devotion; most willing they were to part with their Jewels to their Molten God. O how do these Heathens and these Israelites condemn thousands, which call themselves Christians, who cannot abide to be at any cost for Religion! That service of God which is most cheap and chargeless, they like best. Those I first named were ready to give freely to their false Gods, these to take all they can from the true God, being very Prodigals for their Lusts, very Nig∣gards for their Souls. The Idol thus kept in that so Richly adorned Chapel, they call Matta, and it is continually visited by those poor blinded Infidels, who, out of the officious∣ness of their Devotion, cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice; which (they say) grow out again as before: but in this I shall leave my Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular. In this Province likewise there is another fa∣mous Pilgrimage to a place called Jallamakee, where, out of cold Springs that issue out from amongst hard Rocks, are daily to be seen con∣tinued Eruptions of Fire, before which the Ido∣latrous People fall down and worship. Both these places were seen, and strictly observed by Mr. Coryat.

28. Siba, the chief City is called Hardware, where the famous River Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks, makes presently after a pretty full Current: but both this and that other great River Indus have their Rise and O∣riginal out of the Mountain Caucasus, from whence they both first issue. That principal Rock, through which this River Ganges there makes a Current, is indeed, or (if not) according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians, like a Cowes Head, which of all sensible Creatures they love best (of which more hereafter) thither they assemble themselvs daily in Troops to wash their bodies, ascribing a certain Divinity to Wa∣ters, but more especially to the Water in the River Ganges. And thither our famous Coryat went likewise to view this place.

29. Kakares, the principal Cities are called Dekal••e and Purhola; it is a large Province, but exceeding mountainous; divided it is from Tartaria by the Mountain Caucasus; it is the extremest part North under the Mogol's subjection.

30. Gor, the chief City so called; it is full of Mountains; the River Sersily, a tributary unto Ganges, hath its beginning in it.

31. Pitan, the chief City so called; the Ri∣ver Canda waters it, and fals into Ganges in the Confines thereof.

32. Kanduana, the chief City is called Kar∣hakatenka;

the River Sersily parts it from Pi∣tan: This and Gor are the North-east bounds of this Monarchy.

33. Patna, the chief City so called; the Ri∣ver Ganges bounds it on the West. Sersily on the East; it is a very fertile Province.

34. Jesuat, the chief City is called Ra••apore; it lyeth East of Patna.

35. Mevat, the chief City is called Narnol; it is very mountaino••s.

36. Udessa, the chief City called Jikanat; it is the most remote part East of this Empire.

37. Bengala, a most spacious and fruitful Province, but more properly to be called a King∣dome, which hath two very large Provinces within it, Purb and Patan, the one lying on the East, the other on the West-side of the River Ganges: It is limited by the Golph of the same name, whereinto the River Ganges (which at last comes to be divided into four great Cur∣rents) dischargeth it self, after it hath found a way through the Mogol's Territories more than fifteen hundred miles in length The chief Ci∣ties in it are Ragamahat and Dekaka. It hath many Havens and Ports belonging unto it, which are places of very great trade.

Now these are the several Provinces belong∣ing to the Great Mogol, and all of them under his subjection, which may be beheld all together at one view in this most exact affixed Map, first

made by theespecial observation & direction of that most able and honourable Gentleman Sir Thomas Row, here contracted into a less compass; yet large enough to demonstrate, that this great Empire is bounded on the East with the King∣dome of Maug; West, with Persia; and with the Main Ocean Southerly; North with the Moun∣tain Caucasus and Tartaria, South with Decan and the Gulph of Bengala. Decan, lying in the skirts of Asia, is divided betwixt three Mahu∣meran Princes, and some other Indian Rhaiaes, which are Princes likewise.

The length of these Provinces is North-west to South-west more than two thousand English miles; North and South the extent thereof is about fourteen hundred miles; the Southermost part lying in twenty, and the Northernmost in forty and three degrees of North Latitude.

The breadth of this much enlarged and far extended Empire is North-east to South-west about fifteen hundred of the same miles.

And here a great errour in Geographers must not escape my notice, who in their Globes and Maps make East-India and China near Neigh∣bours, when as many large Countries are inter∣posed betwixt them; which great distance may appear by the long travel of the Indian Mer∣chants, who are usually (they going and return∣ing all the way by Land) in their journey, and return, and some stay there, two full years▪ from Agra to China.

Now to give an exact account of all those forenamed Provinces, were more than I am able to undertake; yet out of that which I have observed in some of them (by travelling many miles up into that Countrey▪ and then up and down with my Lord Embassadour unto many places there in progress with that King) I shall adventure to ghess at all, and think for my par∣ticular, that the Great Mogol, considering his most large Territories, his full and great Trea∣sures, with the many rich Commodities his Pro∣vinces afford, is the greatest and richest known King of the East, if not of the whole World. I shall now therefore fall upon particulars to make that my observation good: Where

SECTION II.

Of the Soyl there, what it is, and what it produceth, &c.

THis most spacious and fertile Monarchy (called by the Inhabitants Indostan) so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man, to feed, and cloath, and enrich him, as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it self, without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation.

Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most, Food, which this Empire brings forth in abundance; as, singular good Wheat, Rice, Barley, with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread (the staff of life) and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds, very good and exceeding cheap. For their Wheat, it is more full and more white than ours, of which the In∣habitants make such pure, well-relished Bread, that I may say of it, as one sometimes spake of the Bread made in the Bishoprick of Leige, it is Panis Pane melior, Bread better than Bread.

The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain, but both toothsome, and whol∣some, and hearty; they make it up in broad Cakes, thick like our Oaten-cakes; and then bake it upon small round iron hearths, which

they carry with them when they journey from place to place, making use of them in their Tents. It should seem to be an antient Cu∣stome in the East, as may appear by that pre∣sident of Sarah when she entertained the Angels, who found her in her Tent; She took fine meal, and did knead it, and made Cakes thereof upon the hearth, Gen. 18. 6.

To their Bread they have great abundance of all other good Provision, as of Butter (beat∣ing their Cream into a substance like unto a thick Oyl, for in that hot Climate they can ne∣ver make it hard) which though soft, yet it is very sweet and good. They have Cheese like∣wise in plenty, by reason of their great number of Kine, and Sheep, and Goats. Besides, they have a Beast very large, having a smooth thick skin without hair, called a Buffelo, which gives good milk; the flesh of them is like Beef, but neither so toothsome nor wholsome. These Buffeloes are much employed in carrying large skins of water (for they are very strong Beasts) which hang on both sides of them, unto Families that want it: their Hides make the most firm and excellent Buff.

They have no want of Venison of divers kinds, as Red-Deer, Fallow-Deer, Elks (which are very large, and strong, and fierce Creatures) Antilops, Kids, &c. but their Deer are no where imparked, the whole Empire being (as

it were) a Forrest for them; for a man can travel no way but he shall here and there see of them. But because they are every mans Game that will make them so, they do not multiply to do them much hurt, either in their Corn, or other places.

To these, they have great store of Hares, and they have plenty of Fowls wild and tame, as abundance of Hens, Geese, Ducks, Pigeons, Turtle-Doves, Partriches, Peacocks, Quails, and many other singular good Fowl. They have variety of Fish; all which, by reason of their Plenty. and because many of the Natives eat no kind of Flesh at all▪ nor of any thing that hath or may have life, and those that feed on such things eat not freely of any of those living Creatures they are all bought there at such easy rates, as if they were not worth the valuing. They do not cut their Chickens when they be little to make Capons, and therefore they have no Creatures of that name, but men, their Eunuchs called there Cogees or Capons in their Language: so made, when they be very young, and then deprived of all that might after pro∣voke jealousie; and therefore they are put to be attendants on their women, the great men of that Nation keeping many of them, a soft, tender people, tener Spado, as Juvenal cals one of them, that never come to have any Hair on their Faces.

But to return again to their Provisions, the Beeves of that Countrey differ from ours, in that there are none of them very large; and those they have, have each of them a great bunch of grisly flesh which grows upon the meeting of their shoulders. The flesh of their Beeves is much whiter than the flesh of ours, and very sweet, tender and good. Their Sheep differ from ours by their great fleshy Bob-tails, which se∣vered from their bodies are very ponderous. Their Wool is generally coarse, but their flesh is not so.

Now to season all their good Provisions, there is great store of Salt; and to sweeten all, abundance of Sugar growing in that Countrey; which, after it is well refined, may be there had at a very low rate; out of which they make very pure white Sugar-Candy, which may be had there at a small easy Price likewise.

Their Fruits are every way answerable to the rest, the Countrey abounding in Musk-Melons (very much better, because they are better di∣gested there by the heat of the Sun, than these with us) They have many Water-Melons, a very choyce good Fruit, and some of them as big as our ordinary Pompions, and in shape like them; the substance within this Fruit is spongie, but exceeding tender and well tasted, of a colour within equally mixed with red & white,

and within that an excellent cooling and pleasing liquor. Here are likewise store of Pome-granats, Pome-citrons; here are Limons and Oranges, but I never found any there so good as I have seen elswhere. Here are Dates, Figs, Grapes, Prunelloes, Almonds, Coquernuts (of which I observed something before) and here they have those most excellent Plums called Mirabolans, the stone of which Fruit differs very much from others in its shape, whereon Nature hath cu∣riously quartered several strakes equally divided, very pretty to behold; many of which choyce Plums (they write) are very cordial, and there∣fore worth the prizing, are there well preserved, and sent for England.

They have to these another Fruit we English there call a Planten, of which many of them grow in Clusters together; long they are in shape, made like unto slender Cucumbers, and very yellow when they are Ripe, and then tast like unto a Norwich Pear, but much better. Another most excellent Fruit they have, called a Manggo, growing upon Trees as big as our Walnut-trees; and as these here, so those Trees there, will be very full of that most excellent Fruit, in shape and colour like unto our Apri∣cocks, but much bigger; which taken and rolled in a mans hands when they are through ripe, the substance within them becomes like the pap of a roasted Apple, which then suck'd

out from about a large stone they have within them, is delicately pleasing unto every Palate that tasts it. And to conclude with the best of all other their choyce Fruits, the An••anas, like unto our Pine-Apples, which seems to the Ta∣ster to be a most pleasing Compound made of Strawberies, Claret-wine, Rose-water and Sugar well tempered together. In the Northernmost parts of this Empire they have variety of Pears and Apples, every where good Roots, as Car∣rets, Potatoes, and others like them. They have Onions and Garlick, and some Herbs and small Roots for Salads; and in the Southern∣most parts, Ginger growing almost in every place: the large Races whereof are there very excellently well preserved, as we may know by our tasting them in England. And all these things I have last named may be there likewise bought at very low rates And lastly, some one kind or other of their very good and choyce Fruits may be there had at every time or season of the Year.

And here I cannot chuse but take notice of a very pleasant and clear liquor, called Toddie issuing from a Spongie Tree, that grows strait and tall without Bowes to the top, and there spreads out in tender branches, very like unto those that grow from the Roots of our rank and rich Artichokes, but much bigger and longer. This Toddie-tree is not so big, but that it may

be very easily embraced, and the nimble people of that Countrey will climb up as fast to the top thereof (the stem of the Tree being rough and crusty) as if they had the advantage of Ladders to help them up. In the top tender branches of those Trees they make incisions, which they open and stop again as they please, under which they hang Pots made of large and light Gourds, to preserve the influence which issues out of them in a large quantity in the night season, they stopping up those vents in the heat of the day. That which thus distils forth in the night, if it be taken very early in the mor∣ning, is as pleasing to the tast as any new White∣wine, and much clearer than it. It is a very piercing, and medicinable, and moffensive drink, if taken betimes in the day, onely it is a little windy: but if it be kept till the heat of the day, the Sun alters it so, as if it made it an∣other kind of liquor, for it becomes then very heady, not so well relished, and unwholsome; and when it is so not a few of our drunken Sea-men chuse to drink it; and I think they so do, because it will then presently turn their brains; for there are too too many of the common sort of those men who use the Sea, who love those brutish distempers too much, which turn a man out of himself, and leave a Beast in the skin of a man. But for that drink, if it be taken in its best, and most proper season, I conceive it to be

of it self very wholsome, because it provokes urine exceedingly; the further benefit whereof some there have found by happy experience, thereby eased from their torture inflicted, by that shame of Physicians, and Tyran of all Maladies, the Stone. And so cheap too is this most pleasing Wine, that a man may there have more than enough for a very little money.

At Surat, and so to Agra, and beyond, it seldome or never rains, but one season of the year; but yet there is a refreshing Dew during all that time the Heavens there are thus shut up, which every night fals, and cools, and com∣forts, and refresheth the face of the earth. Those general Rains begin near the time that the Sun comes to the Northern Tropick, and so con∣tinue till his return back to the Line. These showers at their beginning most extremely vio∣lent▪ are usher'd in▪ and usually take their leave with most fearful Tempests of Thunder. Light∣ning, more terrible than I can express, yet seldome do harm; the reason in Nature may be, the subtilty of the Air in those parts where∣in there are fewer Thunder-stones made, than in such Climates where the Air is thick, gross, and cloudy. During those three months it rains usually every day more or less, sometimes one whole quarter of the Moon together, scarce without any intermission; which abundance of moysture, with the heat of the Sun, doth so

enrich their Land, which they never force (if I observed right) by Soyling of it, as that, like Egypt, by the inundation of Nilus, it makes it fruitful all the year after. When the time of this Rain is passed over, the face of the Skye there is presently so serene and clear, as that scarcely one Cloud appears in their Hemisphere the nine months after.

And here a strong Argument that may fur∣ther, and most infallibly shew the goodness of their Soyl, shall not escape my Pen, most ap∣parent in this, That when the Ground there hath been destitute of Rain nine months to∣gether, and looks all of it like the barren Sands in the Deserts of Arabia, where there is not one spire of green Grass to be found, within a few daies after those fat enriching showers begin to fall, the face of the Earth there (as it were by a new Resurrection) is so revived, and through∣out so renewed, as that it is presently covered all over with a pure green Mantle. And more∣over, to confirm that which before I observed concerning the goodness of that Soyl, amongst many hundred Acres of Corn of divers kinds I have there beheld, I never saw any but what was very rich and good, standing as thick on the Ground as the Land could well bear it.

They till their Ground with Oxen and Foot-Ploughs, their Seed-time in May, and the be∣ginning of June, they taking their time to dis∣patch

all that work before that long Rainy sea∣son comes; and though the Ground then hath been all the time we named before without any sufficient moysture by showers, or otherwise, to supple and make it more fit for tilliage, yet the Soyl there is such a brittle fat mould (which they sow year after year) as that they can very easily till it. Their Harvest is in November and December, the most temperate months of all that year.

Their Ground is not enclosed, unless some small quanty near Towns and Villages, which stand scattered up and down this vast Empire very thick, though, for want of the true names, not inserted in the Map.

They mow not their Grass (as we) to make Hay, but cut it off the ground, either green, or withered, as they have occasion to use it.

They sow Tobacco in abundance, and they take it too very much, but after a strange way much different from us; for first, they have little Earthen Pots, shaped like our small Flower-pots, having a narrow neck, and an open round top, out of the belly of which comes a small spout, to the lower part of which spout they fill the Pot with water, then putting their Tobacco loose in the top, and a burning coal upon it, they having first fastned a very small strait hollow Cane or Reed (not bigger than a small Arrow) within that spout, a yard or ell

long, the Pot standing on the ground, draw that smoak into their mouths, which first falls upon the Superficies of the water, and much dis∣colours it. And this way of taking their To∣bacco, they believe, makes it much more cool and wholsome. The Tobacco which grows there is doubtless in the Plant as good as in any other place of the world, but they know not how to cure and order it, like those in the West-Indies, to make it so rich and strong.

The Countrey is beautified with many Woods and Groves of Trees, in which those winged Choristers make sweet Musick. In those Woods some excellent Hawks make their nests, and there are very often to be seen great flocks of Parakeetoes, or little Parrats, who have their breeding and lodging amongst those Melancholy Shades. And (in the number of many other Creatures covered with Feathers) there are some very little Birds less than our Wrens, who are exceeding pretty, for their neat shape, and their covering, with most curious parti-colour'd Fea∣thers, full of variety of little spots. I have seen there many of those rare Creatures kept to∣gether in large Cages, who please the Eye with their curious Colours, and the Ear with their variety of pleasant Notes. The Woods and Groves in the Southernmost parts of Indostan, have great store of wild Apes, and Monkeys, and Baboons in them, some of which I have seen

as high as our tallest Greyhounds, which live among the Trees, and climbe them at pleasure. Those Apes, &c. are very terrible to those little Birds, which make their Nests in those Woods; and therefore Nature hath taught them this subtilty (to preserve their young ones from those Creatures which would otherwise destroy them) to build their Nests in the twigs, and the utmost boughs of those Trees, where some of them hang like little Purse-nets, to which those Apes and Monkeys, be they never so little and light, cannot come to hurt them.

Besides their Woods, they have great variety of fair goodly Trees that stand here and there single, but I never saw any there of those kinds of Trees which England affords. They have very many firm and strong Timber-trees for building, and other uses; but much of their brush, or small wood, I observed to be very sappie, so that when we brake a twig of it, there would come a substance out of some of it, like unto Milk, and the sappiness of that under∣wood may (as I apprehend it) be ascribed in part to the fatness of that Soyl. Some of their Trees have Leaves upon them broad as Bucklers, o∣thers are parted small like out Fern or Brakes, as the Tamerine Tree, which bears Gods some∣what like our Beans, in which when the Fruit is ripe, there is a very well tasted pulp, though it

be sowr, most wholsome to open the body, and to cool and cleanse the blood.

There is one very great and fair Tree grow∣ing in that Soyl, of special observation, out of whose Branches or great Arms grow little Sprigs downward till they take Root (as they will certainly do if they be let alone) and ta∣king Root, at length prove strong supporters unto those large Branches that yield them. Whence it comes to pass, that those Trees in time (their strong and far-extended Arms being in many places thus supported) grow to a very great height, and extend themselves to such an incredible breadth, they growing round every way, as that hundreds of men may shade them∣selves under one of them at any time; the ra∣ther, because these, as all other Trees in those Southern parts of East-India (as particularly I observed before) still keep on their green Coats.

For their Flowers, they are for the generality like unto painted Weeds, which, though their colour be excellent, they rather delight the eye than affect the smell; for not many of them, except Roses, and some few kinds more; are any whit fragrant: Amongst them that are, there is one white Flower, like to Spanish Jes∣samin (if it be not the same) which is exceeding∣ly well sented, of which they make a most ex∣cellent

pure sweet Oyl, with which they anoynt their heads, and other parts of their bodies; which makes the company of those that do so very savoury and sweet.

This Empire is watered with many goodly Rivers (as they are expressed in the Map) the two principal are Indus and Ganges; where this thing is very observable (for they say there that it is very true) that one pint of the water of Ganges weigheth less by one ounce than any other water in that whole great Monarchy▪ And therefore (they say) that the Mogol, where∣soever he is, hath water brought him from that River, that he may drink thereof, by some ap∣pointed for that service, who are continually either going to it, or coming from it: The wa∣ter is brought unto the King in fine Copper Jars, excellently well tin'd on the inside, and sealed up when they are delivered to the Water∣bearers for the King's use; two of which Jars every one carries, hanging upon Slings fitted for the Porter's shoulders.

Besides their Rivers, they have store of Wels fed with Springs; and to these, they have many Ponds, which they call Tanques, some of them exceeding large, fill'd with water when that abundance of Rain fals (of which more here∣after.)

That most antient and innocent Drink of the World, Water, is the common drink of

East-India; it is far more pleasant and sweet than our water; and must needs be so, because in all hot Countries it is more rarified▪ better digested, and freed from its rawne••s by the heat of the Sun, and therefore in those parts it is more desired of all that come thither, though they ne∣ver made it their drink before, than any other liquor and agreeth better with mens bodies. Sometimes we boyl the water there with some wholsome seeds and after drink it cold, and then it is by much more cold after an heat. (Like unto some men, who have shewed for∣merly much zeal and heat for good, and after∣ward become more chill and cold than ever they were before) Sometimes we mingle our water there with the juice of Limons and Sugar, which makes an exceeding pleasant drink, which we call there Sherbet.

Some small quantity of Wine, but not com∣mon, is made amongst them; they call it Ra••k, distilled from Sugar, and a spicy rinde of a Tree called Jagra; it is very wholsome, if taken very moderately.

Many of the people there, who are strict in their Religion, drink no Wine at all; but they use a Liquor more wholsome than pleasant, they call Coffee, made by a black seed boyled in water, which turns it almost into the same colour, but doth very little alter the tast of the water; notwithstanding it is very good to

help digestion, to quicken the spirits, and to cleanse the blood.

There is yet another help for those that for∣bear Wine, by an Herb they have, called Beetle, or Paune, in shape somewhat like an Ivy-leaf, but more tender; they chew it with an hard Nut, somewhat like a Nutmeg (but not in tast like that) and a very little pure white-lime amongst the leaves, and when they have sucked down the juice, put forth the rest. It hath (as they say and I believe very much of it) many rare qualities, for it preserves the Teeth, strengthens the Stomack, comforts the Brain, and it cures or prevents a tainted Breath. This I am sure of that such is the pleasing smell of this Beetle, being chewed in a close room, that the breath of him so chewing it fils it with a very pleasing savour.

This Empire further affords very excellent good Horse, curiously made, high mettled, and well managed by the Natives. Besides their own, they have many of the Persian, Tartarian, and Arabian breed, which have the name to be the choyce ones of the World. But of these more when I come to speak of the In∣habitants.

Here are a great number of Camels, Dro∣medaries, Mules and Asses, imployed for the carriage of burthens, or the carrying of the people, to which use also they employ many

of their Oxen, and their Buffeloes likewise. (which before I spake of) The Camels, as I oft observed there, have one strange quality, who cry and make a very piteous noyse at night, when they take off their burthens; but in the morning, when they are laid on, the poor Creatures are very still and quiet, making no noyse at all. Many wicked men, who are most fitly called by the Psalmist, the Beasts of the people, P••al. 68. ••0. (for so it is in the Vulgar Translation, Beast•• for want of Reason, and for not using Reason well, worse than Brutes) may be most fitly resembled by those dull Camels, who being burthen'd and clogg'd with a great load of sin already, enough to press them down into that bottomless pit, seem to feel nothing, nor to complain at all, but with much quiet and content keep on their burthens▪ and take up, more still; as if that wickedness, which the Prophet Zachary, 5. 7. compares to a Talent of Lead, were as light as a Feather. But when we go about by our Exhortations, Intreaties, Perswasions of them, and by the strongest Ar∣guments besides we can invent, press them to suffer God through Christ Jesus to save their souls, and consequently to get themselves freed from that most intollerable burthen, which will unavoydably sink them into Hell at last, if they be not freed from it; then these, like those stu∣pid Creatures, cry and complain, and seem to

be much disquieted, as if we did them much wrong, while we labour to do them the great∣est right. The reason is, because their Pride (as every beloved sin besides) compasseth them as a Chain, Psal. 73. 6. it is their Jewel, their Ornament (as they think) and therefore they will keep it, they will not part from it, though it be their greatest shame, because they esteem it their chiefest Glory. I would intreat my Reader, when he comes to this digression, to read it over and over again.

The Dromedary is called by the Prophet Je∣remy, 2. 23. the swift Dromedary; the reason may be, because these, like the Camels, have very long legs, and consequently make long steps, and so travelling rid ground apace; or because at a pinch, or time of need, they will carry a man exceeding far without rest, and but with a very little food.

They have some Rhynocerots, but they are not common, which are very large square Beasts, bigger than the largest Oxen England affords; their skins, without hair, lye in great wrinkles upon their necks, breasts and backs, which doth not make them seem lovely unto the beholders. They have very strong, but short Horns, grow∣ing upon very firm bones, that lye over their Nostrils; they grow upwards, towards the top of their head, every one of these Creatures be∣ing fortified with one of them, and that enough

to make them so terrible, that they are shunn'd by other, though very large Creatures. With these Horns (from which those Creatures have their Names) are made very excellent Cups, which (as is conceived) give some virtue unto the liquor put into them, if it stand any whit long in those Cups.

And now to conclude with the largest and the most intelligent (as we shall hereafter shew) of all the sensible Creatures the Earth produceth, the Elephant, of which this vast Monarchy hath abundance; and of them, the Mogol is Master of many thousands; and his Nobles, and all men of quality besides, in those large Territo∣ries, have more or less of them. But of these much shall be spoken in my sixt Section.

I observed before, that the Inhabitants of this Empire did carry most of their burthens upon the backs of their Beasts, and in a special manner this people employ their Camels and Dromedaries for this use, to carry their Mer∣chandizes from place to place, and therefore I shall let my Reader see

SECTION III.

What the chief Merchandizes, and most Staple, and other Commodities are, which are brought into this Empire.

THE most Staple Commodities of this Empire are Indico and Cotten-Wool; of that Wool they make divers sorts of Callico, which had that name (as I suppose) from Calli∣cute, not far from Goa, where that kind of Cloth was first bought by the Portugals.

For the Spices brought hither by the East-India Fleet they are had more Southerly; from the Islands of Sumatra, from Java major and minor, from the Moluccoes, and from other places thereabout: In which, as in the Molucco Islands, and those other parts too from whence the richest Spices come, the Low-Countrey Merchants have got such footing, and such a particular interest, that our English Factors there (for the present) buy those Commodities, as we sometimes do buy Provisions and Com∣modities here at home, out of the engrossing Hucksters hands: So that our English in those parts have a free Trade for no kind of Spice, but for that, which is one of the lowest prized, namely Pepper, which they fetch from Bant〈…〉〈…〉. Which more general Trade of the Dutch, they have

formerly gained, at a very vast expence, by for∣tifying them••••••ves there, i•• the places where∣ever they settle; and then standing upon their Guard, put a kind of force upon the Natives to fell them their Commodities.

What the carriage of that people hath for∣merly been in those parts towards our English, (where th〈…〉〈…〉 Sword hath been longest) is suffici∣ently made known by other Pens: This I may conclude from their example (and I would that they were ••••ingular and alone in it) that when a people will not be ordered by that Royal Law, which commands us, Mat. 7. 12. to do nothing, but what we would be content to suffer: as to do nothing unto other's, but what we would be well content to suffer from others: But on the contrary when they measure things, not by the strait and even Rule of Equity, but by the crooked and oblique Line of Power▪ arming their In justice to do what they please, because they can do what they will; This causeth many to make very bold with God in cases that seem to give advantage unto their high Thoughts and Com∣modities: for what evil cannot Ambition and Covetousness do, when they are back•• with an arbitrary and unlimited power here below, if they be not ch〈…〉〈…〉 by a stronger Arm from above? Whence we se•• it often come to pass, that when the Laws of Nature and Nations, yea of God himself, lye in the way of their profit,

or earthly advantages (whatever their sufferings or loss be afterward) they either spurn them thence, or else tread and trample upon them at pleasure, to compass their ends for the present. This I can say of the Dutch (something from my own knowledge, but more from the report of others) that when I lived in those parts, and we English there were more for number than they, and consequently could receive no hurt from them, we there used them as Neighbours and Brethren; but in other places, where they had the like advantage of us, they dealt with us neither like Christians, nor Men. But I will not here any longer digress, but return to speak further of the Commodities to be had in East-India.

The Indico we bring thence, is a good, and a rich Commodity. It is there made of little leaves, not bigger than those on our Gooseberry bushes, and the shrubs that bear those leaves are about their bigness. These leaves they slip off from the small branches of those bushes, which grow with round and full heads without pricks. The leaves thus stripp'd off, are laid in great heaps together certain daies, till they have been in a hot sweat; then are they removed, and put into very great and deep Ve••sels fill'd with a sufficient quantity of water to sleep them in, where they leave their blew tincture, with their substance! this done, the water is drain'd out

into other exceeding broad, but very shallow Vessels▪ or Vats, made of Plaister (like to that we call Plaister of Paris) which will keep in all the Liquor till the hot Sun in short time ex∣tracts the moysture from it; and then what re∣mains in the bottom, is a Cream about one quarter of an inch thick, which suddenly be∣comes hard, and dry, and that is our Indico; the best sort whereof comes from Biana, near unto Agra, and a coarser sort is made at Cir∣keese, not far from Amadanaz; about which two places are a very great number of those shrubs planted which bear those leaves.

For their Cotton-wool, they sow seed, and very large quantities of Ground in East-India are thus seeded. It grows up like small Rose-b••shes; and then puts forth many yellow blossoms; those afterward falling off, there remain little Gods, about the bigness of a Man's thumb, in which the substance at first is moyst, and yellow; but as they ripen, they swell bigger, till they break their Covering, and after, in short time, that within them becomes Wool, as white as Snow, and then they gather it. Amongst that Wool they find seeds to sow again as they have occasion; but those shrubs bear that Wool three or four years e're they supplant them. Of this Cotton-wool they make divers sorts of white Cloth (as before I observed) some broad, some narrow, some coarse, some sine, and very fine indeed,

for some that I have seen there I believe was as fine as our purest Lawn. Much of the coarser sort of that Cloth they dye into Colours, or else stain in it variety of well-shaped and well∣coloured Flowers or Figures, which are so fixed in the Cloth, that no water can wash them out. That pretty art of staining, or printing and fix∣ing those variety of Colours in that white Cloth, the People of Asia have engrossed to themselves, where the most curious Pint••daes are made; whither neighbouring, as well as more remote Nations, bring their Monies to fetch them thence.

In Decan, which bounds upon the Mogol's Territories South (the Princes whereof are Tri∣butaries unto him) there are many Diamond Rocks, in which are found those most pretious of all other Stones; and they are to be sold in this Empire; and consequently to be had by those who have skill to buy them and Money to pay for them. But as all the Stones in East-India are not pretious▪ so those that are, the Natives know very well how to value.

But further, for the Merchandizing Com∣modities the Mogol's Provinces afford, there is Musk (by reason of their abundance of Musk-Cats) to be had in good quantity; and there are Bezar-stones, which are not so called from any Beast of that name, but they grow in the maws of Goats, which when they observe to

grow exceeding lean, they kill them, and find those Stones in them; and if they did not so, that Stone in them would make an end of them; by which we may observe, how that pretious Bezar-stone, that proves, many times, such a Cordial, and Preservative to the Life of Man, is destructive and mortal unto the poor Creature from whence it is taken: Like that pretious Word of God, that may proceed from the lips of him that hath a lean soul, and may do others good, but himself nothing but mis∣chief. The greatest number of those Goats, from whence those Bezars are taken, feed on the Mountains of Lar in the Persian's Terri∣tories, the West bound (as before) of the Mo∣gol's great Empire.

They have some store of Silk here; but the greatest quantity of that rich Commodity, that any place in the whole World affords, comes out of Georgia, a Province belonging unto the King of Persia. Those Georgians▪ and Armenians, (both under the Command of the Persian King) are by profession Christians, like those of the Greek Church. And the Abissins, under the Command of Prester John, are in profession Christians likewise, but these Abissins circumcise their Males before they baptize them. Alas poor People! who for want of better instruction cannot know what they should, and therefore know not what they do. All those Armenians,

Georgians, and Abissins (as I have it from others, but can relate something of it out of my own knowledge) even all of them see Christ but in the dark, and by reason of the general ignorance that is in them, cannot know God as they ought in Jesus Christ. These are the dif∣ferent cases of many which profess Christ in the World; some cannot know him, some care not to know him, and some will not know him; Amongst the first of these, they all may be ranked whom I but now named, as many others of the Greek, and those that profess Christia∣nity in Russian Churches, with many-many others of the Romish, who have the Truths of God sealed up in an unknown tongue, to keep, and to continue them in ignorance; who in∣stead of the two Breasts of the Church, the Law, and the Gospel, are fed with mouldy and finnowed Traditions; and their case being so, our Charity towards them may lead us thus far, to believe, that they would do better, if they knew better; and this may speak much in their excuse. But what plea may be made for us of this Nation, that do not what we know; or if we be ignorant, it is because we will be so; not because we cannot know, but because we care not for knowledge, and will not know?

But to return to the place where I began my last digression; I told you that the People there have some store of Silk, of which they

make Velvets, Settins, Taffat••es, either plain, or mingled, or striped in party-colours; but the best of them for richness and goodness come not near those which are made in the parts of Italy.

Many curious Boxes, Trunks, Standishes, Car••ets, with other excellent Manufactures, may be there had. They have medicinable Drugs, and amongst them very much Cassia growing there in Canes. They have Gums well sented, and much Lignum Aloes, which burnt, yields a perfume better than any one thing in the World that I ever smelled. They have great store of Gum-lac, of which they make their hard Wax, and that Gum likewise they there imploy for many other ••eat usis. The Earth there yields good Minerals of Lead▪ Iron, Copper, Brass; and (they say) that they have Silver-Mines too, which (if true) they need not open, be∣ing so enriched from other Nations of Europe, and other parts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who yearly bring thither great Quantities of Silver to purchase their Com••∣modities. Which I collect from our English Trade there; for though we ••ent some quan∣tity of our Woollen Cloth, with some other things we carry thithe••, yet the greatest part by far of Commodities brought thence〈…〉〈…〉 are caught by the Silver hook. And this is the way to make any Nation of the World rich ••••to bring, and leave Silver in it, and to take away Com∣modities.

And, as all Rivers run into the Sea: so many Silver Streams run into this Monarchy, and there stay; the People of any Nation be∣ing there very welcome that bring in their Bul∣l••on, and carry away the others Merchandizes, but it is look'd on as a Crime that is not easily answered, to transport any quantity of Silver thence.

The Coyn, or Bullion brought thither from any place, is presently melted, and refined, and the Mogol's Stamp (which is his Name, and Titles, in Persian Characters) put upon it. The Coyn there is more pure than in any other part of the World, being (as they report) made of pure Silver without any Allay; so that in the Spanish Money, the purest of all Eur••pe, there is some loss.

They call their pieces of Money Roopees, of which there are ••ome of dive••s values, the mea∣nest worth two shillings and three pence, and the best two shillings and nine pence sterling. By these they account their Estates and Payments. They have another Coyn of inferiour value in Guzarat, called Mamoodies, about twelve pence sterling; both the former, and these, are made in halfs, and some few in quarters; so that three pence is the least piece of Silver cur∣rent in those Countryes, and very few of them to be seen. That which passeth up and down for exchange under this rate, is Brass or Copper

money, which they call Pices; whereof three, or thereabouts, countervail a Penny. Those pices▪ are made so massie, and thick, as that the baser-metal of which they are made, put to other uses, is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at. Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square, but so thick, as that it never breaks, nor wears out. They have pure Gold Coyn likewise, some pieces of great value; but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them.

I have now done with this Section, wherein I have related much of the Commodities, Ri∣ches, as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy, and I conceive nothing but what Truth will justifie. And now, lest that place I have de∣scrib'd, should seem to be an Earthly Paradise, I must acquaint my Reader, that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts; are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things, which he must needs know, when he takes notice

SECTION IV.

Of the discommodities, inconveniences, and annoyances, that are to be found or met withall in this Empire.

AS the Poets feigned that the Garden of the Hesperides (wherein were Trees that bare Golden apples) was guarded by a Serpent: so there are stings here, as well as fruits; all con∣sidered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mentioned, Re. 9. 7, 8, 10. verses, who had the Faces of men, and the haire of wo∣men, and Crowns as of Gold on their heads, but they had too, the teeth of Lyons, and the tayles of Scorpions, and there were stings in those tayles. Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them, to make their life more com∣fortable, but withall here are Teeth to tear, and stings to Kill: All put together, are nothing but a mixture made up (as indeed all earthly things are) of good, and bad; of bitter, and sweet; of what contents, and of what contents not.

The annoyances of these Countryes are, first many harmfull beasts of prey, as Lions, Tygres, Wolves, Jackalls, with others; those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs, who in great companies run up and down in the silent night, much disquieting

the peace thereof; by their most hidious noyse. Those most ra••enous creatures will not suffer a man to rest quietly in his grave, for if his body be not buried very deep they will dig him thence, and bury as much of him again, as they can consume, in their hung••y bellyes. In their Rivers are many Crocodiles, and—Latet anguis in herbâ, on the land, not a few overgrown snakes, with other vene••••ous, and pernicious creatures. In our houses there we often see Lyzards, shaped like unto Crocodiles, of a sad green co∣lour, and but little creatures, the fear of whom presents its self most to the eye, for I do not know that they are hurtfull. There are many Scorpions to be seen, which are oftentimes felt, which creep into their houses especially in that time of the raines, whose stinging is most sensible, and deadly, if the patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions, to annoint the part affected, which is a suddain, and a certain cure. But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him, (as sometimes they do) the oyly sub∣stance it affords, being beaten in peeces, sudden∣ly applyed, is a present help. The sting of the Scor∣pion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death, the bitterness and angu••sh whereof no∣thing can asswage; and cure so well, as a serious consideration, and a continuall application of the thoughts of Dying. Facile contemnit omnia, qui cogitat se semper moriturum, that man may

trample upon every thing, whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his change. He cannot dye but well, who dyes dayly, dayly in his preparations for death, though he dye not pre∣sently.

The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Cra∣fishes, and not bigger, and look black like them, before they are boyled: they have a little round tayl which turns up, and lyes usually upon their backs, at the end whereof is their sting, which they do not put in, and l••t out of their bodyes, as other venemous creatures doe, but it alwayes appeares in their tayles ready to strake; it is very sharp, and hard, and not long, but crooked like the talon of an Hawk.

The aboundance of Flyes (like those swarmes in Egypt Ex. 8. 21.) in those parts did likewise very much annoy us, for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such, as that we could not be quiet in any place for them, they beeing ready to fly into our cupps, and to cover our meat assoon as it was placed on the table, and therefore we had alwayes some of the Na∣tives we kept there, who were our servants, to stand round about us on purpose while we were eating, with Napkins to fright them away. And as in the day one kinde of ordinary flyes troubled us; so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqu••etoes, like our Gnatts, but somewhat less, and in that

season we were very much troubled with Chin∣ches, another sort of little troublesome and of∣fensive creatures, like little Tikes, and these an∣noyed us two wayes, as first by their biting, and stinging, and then by their stink. From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in tents (as there we did much) than when we a∣bode in houses; where in great cities and towns, (to adde unto the disquiets I before named) there were such an aboundance of large hungry Ratts, that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our bedds, either on our toes or fin∣gers, or on the tipps of our eares, or on the tops of our noses, or in any part of our bodies besides they could get into their mouths.

The winds in those parts (as I observed be∣fore) which they call the Mo••t soone, blow con∣stantly one way, altering but few points, six months Southerly, and six months Northerly. The months of April, May, and the beginning of June, till the rain falls, are so extremely hot, as that the winde when it blowes but gently, re∣ceives such heat from the parched ground, that the reflection thereof is ready to blister a mans face that receives the breath of it, And if God did not provide for those parts, by sending a breeze or breath, or small gale of winde daily, which somewhat tempers that hot sulphureous air there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English, who have been used to breath in a tē∣perate

climate; and notwithstanding that bene∣fit, the air in that place is so hot to us English, that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture, but that we stirre very little in the heat of the day, and have cloathing about us as thin as we can make it. And no marvail, for the coldest day in the whole year at noon (un∣less it be in the time when those raines fall) is hot∣ter there than the hottest day in England.

Yet I have there observed most strange and suddaine changes of heat and cold within few houres, as in November and December the most temperate months of their year (as before) and then at midnight the air was so exceeding fresh and cold, that it would produce a thin Ice on the water, and then as we lay in our Tents, we would have been very glad of the warmth of a Rugg upon us, and the Noon of that following day would be so extreme hot, as that it was troublesome then to keep on the thinnest cloath∣ing.

Sometimes there, the winde blowes very high in those hot and dry seasons, not long before the rain begins to fall raising up into the air a ve∣ry great height, thick clouds of Dust and Sand, which appear like dark clouds full of moy∣sture, but they deceive like the bro••k in Job 6. 15. that hath no water in it. These dry showers (which Almighty God threatens to send among a people as an heavy judgment, Deut. 28. 34.

When he will make the rain of a land pouder and dust) most grievously annoy all those amongst whom they fall, enough to smite them all with a present blindness; filling their eys, ears, nostrills and their mouths are not free if they be not also well guarded; searching every place as well with∣in as without our tents or houses, so that there is not a little Key-hole, of any trunk or cabinet, if it be not covered, but receives some of that dust into it, the dust forced to finde a lodging any where, every where, being so driven and for∣ced, as it is, by the extreme violence of the winde.

But there is no place nor Countrey under Hea∣ven, nor yet ever hath been, without some dis∣commodities. The Garden of Eden had a Serpent in it, Gen. 3. He that made all things by his ab∣solute command, hath so mixed, and tempered, and ordered all things here below by his infinite wisdom, that either too much Heat, or too much Cold; Either the barrenness of the soyl, or the unwholesomeness of the air, or some thing else, ministers matter of exception more or less against every place, that the sons of men might hence learn, that there is no true and perfect content to be found in any Kingdom, but in that of Hea∣ven: For while we are here, trouble and peace, mourning and joy, comfort and discontent come all of them by courses and successions, so that there is no weeding up of those tares, no remo∣ving

of those Annoyances from the life of man.

And so having observed what is truth, and what is enough to be said of the inconveniences and annoyances, as well as of the commodities and contentments which are to be found in those parts, I come now to speak of the people that in∣habit there. And because many particulars will necessarily fall within the compass of this part of my observations, which would more w••ary my Reader if they should be presented unto him in one continued discours••▪ I shall therefore (as I have begun) break this into Sections, and pro∣ceed to speak

SECTION V.

Of the Inhabitants of East-India, who they are, of their most excellent ingenui∣ty expressed by their curious manufa∣ctures, their Markets at home to buy and sell in, and their Trade abroad.

THe Inhabitants in generall of Indostan were all antiently Gentiles, called in generall Hin∣does, belonging to that very great number of those which are called Heathens, which take up al∣most two thirds of the number of the people who Inhabit the face of the whole earth: But of this

more hereafter. There are some Jewes (but they are not many) here and there scattered and lost as it were, in those other great numbers of peo∣ple; the greatest company of Jewes now to be found together in any one place of the world (as I have been made to believe from the observa∣tion of others) are to be seen at Grand Cairo in Egypt, whither they are returned, and where setled, to take their fill of their fore-fathers Flesh-pots. For the Inhabitants of East-India, ever since they were subdued by Tamberlain, they have been mixed with Mahumetans, which though they be by far in respect of their number less than those Pagans, yet they bear all the sway, and command all in those Countreys.

There are besides these, (now become as it were natives there) a great number of Persians and Tartars (who are Mahumetans by Reli∣gion) that there inhabit, very many of which the Mogol keeps for Souldiers to serve on hors-back called there Haddees: There are of both these many daring, stout, hardy and valiant men. For the Persians there are of them many comely persons, not so swart as those of East-India. But for the Tartars I have there seen, (and I have seen many of them) they are more to be commended for their valour than beauty, a square, stout, strong people, having pla••ter faces, and flat Noses. There are many Armentans and some Abissins amongst them, who wear the

Livery of Christ in being called Christians, the greatest part of whose Christianity lyes in their Name. Those Armenians there make some wine to sell, of Reysons, Sugar, and other ingredients, that is strong and heady, and luscious, tasted too much by many Christians that Come thither, as by those too that make it. Of the green grapes there, though they have abundance and they great, and sweet, and good, yet they make no wine at all: The Mahumetans (in obedience to a precept of Mahumets which forbids wine) nei∣ther make, nor drink it, and others are not suf∣fered there to make it of those green grapes, for fear (as I suppose) they should make, and drink too much of it.

To those I have named of other nations, (that are to be seen in East-India) there are be∣sides some few almost of every people in Asia, and many Europeans of divers parts (that use to stirre from their own fires) to be found amongst them; and among that great variety of people and nations there to be observed, I have taken speciall notice of divers Chinesaas, and Japane∣saas there, and those I have seen of them for the generality, are a people of no large stature, with little eyes, and noses something flatted, de tribus Capillis, with a few black hayres that stand scattered on their upper lipps, which make them as handsome beards as are to be seen on our Hares, or Catts.

There are some Jewes here (as before I ob∣served) whose stubbornness and Rebellion, long agoe, caused Almighty God to threaten them, that they should be after sifted, and scattered a∣among all the Nations of the world. So the Pro∣phet Jeremy speaks Jer. 24. 9. That God would deliver them, to be removed into all the King∣domes of the earth, for their hure, to be a re∣proach, and a Proverb, and a taunt, and a curse, in all places whither he should drive them. And Jer. 42. 18. they were threatned to be made an execration and an astonishment, &c. and so after it came to pass, For, there is no word of the Lord that shall fall to the ground, unfulfilled. And since those prophesies, that antient imprecation of their own spoken against themselves in derision of our Blessed Saviour, Mat. 27. 25. His Blood be on us, and on our Children▪ followes them close all the world over, they beeing every where stran∣gers, but no where beloved, though they be a people that get wealth wheresoever they come, yet this frees them not from being a Proverb (as was long before prophesied) of contempt and re∣proach.

Those ancient Satyrists Persius, and Juvenal, after that most horrid act committed by them in Crucifying our B. Saviour (though not in res∣pect unto that most cruell action, for they were Heathens) yet they call them Verpos, that is cir∣cumcised, Worms, vermin. Tacitus after gives thē

a most unsavoury Epit••ite, calling them foetentes Judaeos, stinking Jewes. Marcus the Emperor observing them well, concluded that they were a generation of men worse than savages or Cani∣bals, to be even the worst of men, as if they were the very refuse and dreggs of mankind.

How usuall is that Proverb, that when men are suspected to do otherwise than they should, to answer, what, am I Jew, that I should do so, and so? I have observed something to this pur∣pose, from the people of East-India, who are very valiant at tongue-fights, though not so with their weapons (as you will hear after∣ward) that people I say, who have a very nimble but a base quality in rayling at, and miscalling one another, and their language is so full, and significant, that they can call a man in it, two or three base things in one word; But when they come to call him, whom they miscall, Judeo Jew, they believe (as I have been often told) that they can goe no higher, esteeming that, above all o∣ther tearms, the heighest name of obloqu••.

Yet we do believe, (because the Lord hath promised it) that he will finde a time to call home this people again to himself, when they shall receive honour above all the contempt they have been long under, after they shall see with sorrow, and with the eye of faith, Him, 〈…〉〈…〉 their Forefathers, out of ignorance, a〈…〉〈…〉 and unbelief Pierced.

For the stature of the Natives of East-India they are like us, but generally very streight, for I never observed, nor heard of, any crooked per∣son amongst them. And one reason may be, be∣cause they never lace nor g••rt in their b••dyes, and when they sleep, they accustome themselves to stretch out their bodyes at their full length with∣out any thing to raise up their heads. And fur∣ther amongst many other things I take speciall notice of there, I never observed any deformed person, nor Idiot, or naturall fool in those parts.

Now for the cōplexion of this people, they are all of them of a sad tawney or Olive colour, their hair black as a Raven, very harsh, but not curl'd. They like not a man or woman that is very white or fair, because that (as they say) is the colour of Lepers common amongst them. Most of the Mahumetans except the Moola••s (which are their Priests) or those which are very old and re∣tyred, and have (as it were) given the world quite over, keep their chinns continually bare, but suffer the hair on their upper lipp•• to grow very long; and they keep it in its naturall colour by combing it continually with black-lead combes, till they be of good yeares; but afterward, when time hath so snowed upon them, that they can no longer keep in nor conceal their gray haires, 〈…〉〈…〉 use the Rasor (as they did) no more but let 〈…〉〈…〉 of their chins to grow long and large,

which makes many gray-beards amongst them, and I conceive that there are of those, many old men.

And further it is the manner of the Mahu∣metans to shav•• all the hair from off their heads, reserving only one lock on the crown of them for Mahume•• to pull them up to heaven (as they fondly conceit). The Hindooes shave their heads likewise, but cut all off, and both of them, shave thus and that very often, but however their bald∣nes appe••res not at all, because their Heads are continually covered with a shash, or a wreath of narrow▪ Callico-cloth many times wrapt about them (usually for the colour white, or red) which they never pull off as we doe our hatts in com∣plements. Their much and often shaving makes many excellent Barbers amongst them, who be∣sides their Sizers and Rasors use a little instru∣ment about the length of a short bodkin, very sharp, made like a chizell, but not broader at the cutting end than the shank of a six-penny nayl, with which they pare and cleanse the nayles on their fingers, and toes. Every Barber carryes al∣wayes about him, a round looking-glass made of steel, about the compass of a large tr••ncher∣plate, made somewhat hollow, and kept by them exceeding clean and sleek, so that it will represent the face of him that beholds it on the convex side very well. These Babers, as they walk up and down, often present these glasses un∣to

men whom they finde sitting still, which is a tender of their service if they shall please to make use of them.

The people there often wash their bodyes, and keep their feet as clean and as sweet as their hands. The better sort annoint themselves very much with sweet oyles, which makes their com∣pany (as before I observed) very savoury.

The Natives there (of which there is some∣thing before in my third Section) shew very much ingenuity in their curious manifactures; as in their silk stuffs which they most artificially weave, some of them very nearly mingled either with silver or gold, or both. As also in making excellent quilts of their stayned cloth, or of fresh coloured Taffata lined with their Pintado••t, or of their satten lined with Taffata, betwixt which they put Cotton wooll, and work them together with silk. Those Taffata or Satten quilts, are ex∣cellently stitched by them, being done as evenly, and in as good order, as if they had been drawn out to them, for their direction, the better to work them. They make likewise excellent car∣petts of their Cotten-wool, in fine mingled colours, some of them more than three yards broad, and of a great lenghth. Some other Richer Carpets they make all of Silk, so artificially mixed, as that they lively represent those flowers, & figures made in them. The ground of some other o their very Rich Carpets is Silver or Gold, abou••

which are such silken flowers, and Figures (as before I named) most excellently and orderly disposed throughout the whole worke.

Their skill is likewise exquisite in making of Cabinetts, or Boxes, or Trunks, or standishes, curiously wrought, within, and without; inlaid with Elephants tooth, or Mother of Pearl, or Ebony, or ••ortoyse shell, or wire; they make ex∣cellent Cupps, and others things of Agate, and Cornelian, and curious they are in cutting all manner of stones Diamonds as well as others.

They paint staves, or bedsteads or cheasts of Boxes, or Fruit dishes, or large Chargers, extreme neatly, which, when they be not inlayd (as be∣fore) they cover the wood (first being handsomely turnd) with a ••hick Gumme, then put their Paint on, most artificially made of liquid silver, or gold, or other lively colours, which they use, and after make it much more beautifull with a very cleer varnish put upon it.

They are excellent at Limning, and will cop∣pie out any picture they see to the life: for confir∣mation of which, take this instance; It happened that my Lord Ambassadour visiting the Mogol on a time, as he did often, He presented him with a curious neat small oval Picture done to the life in England. The Mogol was much plea∣sed with it; but told the Ambassadour withall, that happily he supposed that there was never a one in his Countrey that could do so well in that

curious Art, and then offered to wager with him a Leck of Roopies (a sum which amounted to no less then 10000 l. sterl.) that in a few dayes he would have two Coppies made by that presented to him, so like, that the Ambassadour should not know his own. He refused the great Wager, but told the King he would adventure his judgmēt on it: Two Coppies taken from that Originall were within few dayes after made, and brought & laid before the Ambassadour, in the presence of the King; the Ambassadour viewing them long, ei∣ther out of Courtship to please the King, or else unable to make a difference 'twixt the pictures being all exquisitly done, took one of them which was new made, for that which he had formerly presented, and did after Profess that he did not flatter, but mistake in that choise. The truth is, that the Natives of that Monarchy are the best Apes for imitation in the world, so full of inge∣nuity that they will make any new thing by pat∣tern, how hard soever it seem to be done, and therefore it is no marvell, if the Natives there make Shooes, and Boots, and Clothes, and Lin∣nen, and Bands and Cuffs of our English Fashion, which are all of them very much different from their fashions and habits, and yet make them all exceeding neatly.

They have Markets, which they call Bazars, to sell and buy their commodities, in all their great Towns twice every day, a little before, and

an hour after Sun rising in the morning, and so a little before and a little after Sun-set at night. The other parts of the day being too hot for those great confluences of people to meet toge∣ther; and those are the seasons we English-men there make use of, to ride abroad and take the air, the rest of the day we usually spend in our houses. The people there ••ell almost all their provisions, as very many other things, by weight.

For the forein Trade of this people, it is usu∣ally once a year into the Red Sea to a City cal∣led Moha in Arabia the happy, about thirty leagues from the mouth of it; It is a principall Mart for all Indian commodities, but the staple and most principall there vented is their Cotten-cloth, either white, or steyned, and their Cotten-wooll. Hither they come from grand Cai∣ro in Egypt, as from many other parts of the Turks Dominions to trafique; Hither they come from Prester Johns Countrey which lyes on the other side of the Arabian Golfe (for so the Red Sea is there called) and not above fourteen leagues over at the City Moha.

The Ship or Junk (for so it is called) that usually goes from Surat to Moha is of an excee∣ding great burden, some of them I believe four∣teen or fifteen hundred Tunns, or more, but those huge vessels are bery ill built, like an over-grown Liter, broad and short, but made exceed∣ing big, on purpose to waff passengers forward

and backward: which are Mahumetans, who goe on purpose to visit Mahomets sepulcher, at Medina neer Mecha, but many miles beyond Moha. The passengers, and others in that most capacious vessell that went and returned that year I left India, (as we were credibly told) amounted to the number of seventeen hundred. Those Mahumetans that have visited Mahu∣mets Sepulcher, are ever after called Hoggees, or holy men.

This Junk bound from Surat to the Red-Sea, as she hath many people in her, so hath she good Ordnance, but those Navigators know not well how to use them for their defence. She begins her voyage about the twentieth of March, and finisheth it, about the end of September fol∣lowing. The voyage is but short, and might easi∣ly be made in less than three moneths, but the ship is very slow, and ill-built to abide foul wea∣ther, and in the long season of the rain, and a little before and after it, the winds upon those coasts are commonly so violent that there is no comming but with much hazard into the In∣dian Sea. This Ship returning is usually worth (as I have heard it faithfully reported and if my credit given to that report make me not to abuse my Readers two hundred thousand pounds ster∣〈…〉〈…〉g, and most of it brought back in good Gold and Silver; some fine Chamlets they bring with them home likewise, but that huge mass of

wealth thus brought home into India, is another especiall thing, and might have been added to that I spake of before towards the continuall enriching of this great Monarchy: where, in the next place I shall speak

SECTION VI.

Of the care and skill of this people in keep∣ing and managing their excellent good Horses. Of their Elephants and their ordering and managing them. And how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place.

THe Souldery here, and so many of the Gen∣try, and better sort of the people, who live at Court, shew excellent good skill in riding and managing of their well turn'd, high metald, choise horses, which are excellent good at moun∣ting up, bounding and curvetting, and when they runne them at their full swiftest speed will stop them at a foots breadth; for the scantling of those creatures, they are in proportion like ours, but excellently well eyed, headed, limn'd; for their colours there are some of them Raven black, but many more of them white, curiously dap∣led; and a very great number Pied and spotted

all o••er, and there are some of other bright co∣lours. But it is a usual custom there amongst Gal∣lants who ride upon the bright coloured horses, to have their leggs & lower parts of their Bellyes and Brests died into a Saffron colour (of which they have much there) which makes them look as if they had stood in some Dyars vate, just up to such an height of their bodyes.

The hair upon their Horses (whom they keep plump and fat) is very short, soft, and lyes sleek upon them, and I wonder not at it, they are kept so daintily, every Horse being allowed a man to dress and feed him, and to run by him when he is rode forth, and this is all his work.

They tye not down their horse heads when they stand still (as we do) with hal ets, but se∣cure each horse by two ropes, fastned to their hinde feet, which ropes are somwhat long to be staked down behind them in tents, or other places wherein they are kept.

They cut grass for them green or withered on the earth as they have occasion to use it, never mowing their ground and making hay as we do. But that which keeps their Horses in heart, and in flesh, is the provender they eat which is a kinde of round grain they call Donna, somewhat big∣ger than our Tares, which they give not unto them drye but boyl'd. and mingled with some corse sugar amongst it and when it is cold give it them, made up in round Balls, which they put

into their mouths, as if they cramb'd them; and sometimes they put a little Butter into these bals to scour their bodyes.

Their choyse good horses are valued there at as dear if not an higher rate, than those we esteem most of in England are prized with us. They make excellent Sadles, and some of them of great value adorned with handsome and rich trapings, all of them very easy both for the horse, and his rider. They manage their horses with strong snafles, whose reigns and head-stalls are made suitable to their Saddles and Trapings.

The Elephants in this vast Monarchy are very numerous, and though they be the largest, and that by far, of all the Creatures the earth brings forth, yet are they so tractable, unless at some times when the Males are mad (of which more afterward) as that a boy of twelve years old is able to rule the biggest of them, in which we may in a speciall manner read a Comment on that truth which tells us how that the Lord hath put the fear of man upon all the creatures here below; even upon the greatest of them, as well as the least. Thou makest him saith David Psal. 8▪ 6, 7. to have domixion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet; all sheep and Oxen, yea and the beasts of the field, &c. Now if Almighty God should let loose the Crea∣tures upon man, if he should let go those reigns by which they restrained, and suffer the Crea∣tures

to renounce their obedience to man, when man throws off his yoak of obedience to God, what mischief might not those vast overgrown Creatures do in those parts where there are so many of them? nay, What mischief might not any other Creatures do, even the least of them, as the Locust, and Canker-worm, and Catterpillar, &c. which are called Gods great Army, Joel 2. 25. If God should give them Commission to put themselves in Battel-aray, and to march forth, to vex and annoy the Nations of the earth?

We may read Ex. 8. how that all the Power that Pharaoh and Egypt were able to make, could not guard and defend them from the in∣cursions made upon them, and mischiefs done to them, by Froggs, and Lice, and Flyes. There are spirits which are Created for vengeance (saith Syracidos) &c. as the teeth of wild beasts, and Scorpions, and Serpents, punishing the wicked to destruction, they rejoyce to do Gods Com∣mandement, &c. If Almighty God should free the Creatures from their subjection, they would be able with their Horns, and Hoofs, and Fangs, and Teeth, and Beaks, and Claws, and stings, (which are their natural Artillerie) exceedingly to annoy, if not to destroy man from the face of the Earth.

But for the Elephants (I have begun to speak of) they are very huge vast overgrown Crea∣tures, some of whem which I have seen, I con∣ceive

at the least twelve foot high, but there are amongst them (as they say) fourteen or fifteen foot in height. The colour of them all is black; their skins thick, and smooth without hair; They have full eyes, but not proportionable to their great bodys, they have eares like our Oxen, but not exceeding large, and those eares edged (as it were) about with a short hair-fringe; and at the end of their tayls (which are slender and not very long) there growes some hair likewise, and a little on their eyelids; but no where els about their bodyes.

The feet of the Elephants look like the trunks of small trees cut square off from their roots, round about which there are thick, and short, and broad claws growing.

Some that write of them have abused the world with this tradition that they have no joints in their leggs, and therefore stand when they sleep against trees to hold them up, which is all very false, for they ly down and arise again at their pleasure as other beasts do.

Their motion is not swift, a walking rather than a pace, about three miles at the most an hour, but of all heasts that carry burdens, they are most sure of foot, for they never fall, nor yet stumble to endanger their Rider.

They are most docile creatures, and of all those we account meerly sensible come neerest unto reason.

Lipsius in his Epistles Cent. 1. Epist. 50. out of his observation from others, writes more of them than I can confirm, or any, I perswade my self, believe; yet many things most remarkable, which seem indeed to be acts of reason rather than sense, I have observed in them, for instance, an Elephant will doe any thing his keeper Com∣mands him, as if he bid him to affright a man, he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him into peeces, but when he is come at him do him no hurt at all; so if he would have him, to abuse or to disgrace a man, he will take dirt or dust, or kennel-water into his Trunk, and dash it on his face.

Their Trunks are grisly snouts of a great length, hanging down betwixt their long teeth, which teeth nature hath given them for their de∣fence, otherwise they are of little use to them. In their Trunks they have such marvellous strength, that by them they can do very much mischief, for if they strike an Horse, or Camel, or any other the like beast with them, (as sometimes they do when as they are mad) they will so break their bones, as that they will spoyl, nay kill them at one blow, and much more a man if he chance to come in their way.

Those Trunks of the Elephants are to them as an hand by which they ••eed themselves, and make great use of them otherwise upon all occa∣sions, for with those Trunks they tear off bowghs

from trees, by winding them about them, and after, with them, put boughs into their mouths, and eat the tenderest parts of them. With these they pull up green corn (if they be suffered) and grass by the roots, and then against their leggs beat off the earth and dust that hangs a∣bout them, before they eat thereof. Thus they deal with sedgs, or weeds which they find in the water, first washing off the dirt which hangs on the roots thereof, and then down they go in∣to their vast bellyes.

The Elephants delight much to bathe them∣selves in water, in which, when they find depth enough, they swim as well as any other Crea∣tures.

I observed before, that the male Elephants when they grow lusty are sometimes mad for their Femals, but in few dayes come again in temper; before which time they are so mischie∣vous, that they will strike any thing, but their Keepers, that comes in their way; and their strength is such (as before I observ'd) that there is no blow they give which lights either upon men or beast, but carryes death with it. At those times to prevent mischief they are kept apart from Company, fetterd with strong chaines unto trees; but if by chance in their phrensie they get loose (as sometimes they do) they will make after every thing they see stir, in which case they have no means to stop them

in their violent course, but by firing of Crackers made of Gunpowder, whose sparkling, and noyse makes them to stand still and tremble. When those creatures are in that mad distem∣per, they sweat much, which makes their sa∣vour exceeding rank and filthy like that ill smel of a Boa•• when he is fatting in his Stye, but by much more strong, and more offensive than that.

An English Merchant there, of good credit upon his own knowledge, reported this thing which followes, and is very observable, of an Elephant in Adsmeer, (the place then of the Mogols residence) who being brought often through the Bazar or Market place, a woman who usually sat there to sell herbs, was wont to give this great Elephant an handfull, as he many times passed by; this Elephant after, be∣ing mad, brake his fetters, and took his way through that Bazar; the people being all of them much affrighted, made hast to secure themselves by getting out of his way, amongst whom was this herb-woman, who, for fear and hast, forgot her little Child which she had brought thither; the Elephant came to the place where this woman usually sate, stopt, and seeing a little Child lying there about her herbs, took it up gently with his Trunk, not doing it the least harm, and presently after layd it down upon the stall of an house that was hard by;

and then proceeded on in his furious course. Acosta, a Jesuit, relates the like of an Elephant in Goa from his own experience.

The Elephant, though he be vast, and terrible, yea and cruell too, when he is set to do mis∣chief, or when he is mad, yet otherwise is a tame gentle Creature, so that the dread of this huge beast, most appears to the eyes. But not∣withstanding his terribleness, I once there saw a Creature compared with an Elephant, not much bigger than a small Fish compared with a Whale, boldly to encounter one of them. The occasion by which this so came to pass of∣fers it self thus; that year I went for East-In∣dia, the Merchants here (as from the King of England, in whose name they sent all their pre∣sents) amongst many other things, then sent the Mogol some great English Mastives, and some large Irish Greyhounds, in all to the num∣ber of eight, dispersed in our severall ships; one of those high spirited Mastives in our voyage thither, upon a day seeing a great Shoale or company of Porpisces (before described) moun∣ting up above the waves, and coming toward that ship wherein he was, suddenly lept over-board to encounter with them, before any did take notice of that fierce creature, to prevent that engagement, wherein he was irrecovera∣bly lost, the ship then having such a fresh gale of winde, that she could not suddenly slack her

course, whereby that poor creature might have been preserved. Another, one of the Irish Grey∣hounds had his head shot off in our fight. The Mange was the destruction of four more of them, only two of the Mastives came alive to East-India, and they were carried up, each of them drawn in a little Coach, when I went up to the Embassador, that he might present them to the Mogol. The fiercest of these two, in our way thither, upon a time breaking loose, fell upon a very large Elephant that was hard by us, fastning his teeth in the Elephants Trunk, and kept his hold there a good while, which made that huge beast extremely to roare; and though the Elephant did swing the Mastive up and down above ground many times (as not fee∣ling his weight) that he might throw him off; yet he could not suddenly do it, but at last free∣ing himself from the dog by throwing him a good space from him, the••e came a Mungrill Curr of that Countrey towards our Mastive, who then lost this his most unequal match, fell upon that dog and kild him, by which means we recovered our Mastive again into our custo∣dy, he having not received any apparent hurts; by which we may see how much Courage and Mettle there is in those right fierce Mastives.

This storie pleased the Mogol very much when the dogs were presented to him, and he allowed each of them four attendants of those

Natives to wait upon them, who by turnes two and two together carried them up and down with him in Palankees, (after described) to which they were tyed, and the other two went by them, fanning the flyes from off them; and the King caused a pair of silver ••ongs to be made on purpose, that with them when he pleased, he might feed those dogs with his own hand. But this story by the way.

The Mogol hath many of his great Elephants train'd up for the war, who carry each of them one iron gun, about five foot long, lying upon a strong frame of wood, made square that is fit∣ted to a thick broad Pannel fastned about him; with very strong and broad Girses or Girts. The gun like an Harquebush hath a peece of iron like a Musket-rest fastned on the sides thereof, made loose to play up and down. The bottome of that Iron Rest so fixed, is long, to be let through that frame of wood on the foreside, and so to be keyed in at the bottom. At the four corners of this frame are small flags of silk, with sundry devices painted on them, put upon little neat coloured staves; upon the neck of the Elephant sits a man to guide him, and within the frame a Gunner, to make his shot as he finds occasion. The peece thus mounted, car∣rves a bullet about the bigness of a Tennis Ball.

Some Elephants the King keeps for the exe∣cution

of Malefactors, the manner how, fol¦lowes in Section 23. And some he keeps to car∣ry himself, and women; and some Elephants are kept for State (of which more when I shall come to speak more particularly of the great Mogol.) Other Elephants are there imployed for the carrying of burdens▪ their strength be∣ing so great as that they will bear a marvailous weight.

The Elephants are all governed with a small rod of steel about half a yard long, made sharp on the lower end, and towards that end there is an hook returned, life a fish-hook, that is very sharp likewise, by which their Riders sit∣ting on their necks, pull them back, or prick them forward at their pleasure.

These vast Creatures, though the Countrey be exceeding fruitfull, and all provisions in it cheap, yet by reason of their huge bulk, if they be well kept and fed, are very chargeable in keeping; they are kept usually under the shade of great trees, where by a strong chain of iron upon one of their hinde leggs they fasten them. And as they stand, the abundance of flyes vex them, and therefore with their fore-feet they make dust, (the ground usually being very dry) and with their Trunks cast the dust about their bodyes to drive away those flyes from them.

The King allowes every one of those great male Elephants four femals, which in their

language they call their wives. These brutes (as they say) will not endure any to behold them when they are coupling together; which may condemn many who call themselves men and women, but have so lost all modesty, that they are not ashamed when they commit any act of filthiness, no they are not ashamed, neither can they blush. The Female Elephants (as they fur∣ther say) carry their young, one whole year ere they bring them forth, Thirty years expire ere they come to their full growth, and they fulfill the accustomed age of men ere they dye. And lastly, notwithstanding the great Number there of those vast Creatures, and the excessive charge in keeping them well, they value them at ex∣ceeding high rates.

For this people, when as they journey from place to place, the men of the inferiour sort go all on foot, their women that cannot so tra∣vell, ride on little Oxen, inured to carry bur∣dens, or on Asses, which carry their little chil∣dren with them; the women like the men a∣stride. Others that are of better quality ride on Horses, Mules, Camels, Dromedaries, or else in slights Coaches with two wheeles cove∣red on the top and back end, but the fore-part and sides open, unless they carry women. Those Coaches will carry four persons beside the dri∣ver, but two may lye at ease, and at length in them upon quilts, that ly in the body of them,

upheld by girt-webb, with which they are bot∣tom'd, which makes them by far more easie These Coaches are covered for men of qualityr with some thing that is costly; much of ou English broad cloth that is dyed red, is there bought from us and imployed for that use. At the back end of this coach they have a long round bolster, that reacheth both sides, stuffed with Cotten-wool, and covered with Velvet or Sattin, or with some other thing that is rich. These Coaches are drawn by Oxen, one yoak to a Coach, some of which Oxen have their short hornes neatly tipped with silver plate, and some others with brasse; and they have each of them a fine Collar of large round bells, some of them made of Silver. They are P••r••d & suted as our Coach-horses for stature and colour; most of them thus imployed are white, and some pide, or spotted all over with several colours. They are guided with small cords which goe through the parting of their Nostrils, and so twixt their hornes into the Coach mans hand who by these restrain them when, and guides them how he pleaseth, and when he would have them go on, pricks them forward with a s••••al and short staff he keeps in his hand pointed like a goad. These Oxen there are very neatly made, slender, strait limb'd and not very large, but naturally very nimble, and by daily use made so fit to per∣form that labour, (being kept well shod) as

that they go 20 miles a day & more, with good speed. They keep those Oxen for this service, as their horses, well dressed, and so well fed, that they be plump and fat, and consequently very handsom to behold.

The men there of the greatest rank and qua∣lity, ride sometimes in those Coaches, and some∣times on their curious Horses, and sometimes on their brave Elephants but however they are car∣ried, they have their horses which wait upon thē, when they go abroad, that they may bestride them when they please And at other times they ride on mens shoulders, in a slight thing they call a Palankee, made somewhat like a couch or stan∣ding Pallat, covered with a Canopie, wherein a man may lye at his full length, as many of those Grandees do, when they are removed from place to place, giving themselves up to ease, and over unto those sins which follow it; and while they are thus carried, they make the shoulders and joints of those that feel their heavy weight, to bow and buckle under their burdens. This as it should seem was an ancient, but a base effemi∣nacy sometimes used in Rom. Juvenal in his first Satire, describing a fat Lawyer thus carried.

Causidi••i, nova cum veniat Lectica, Mathoni••. Plena ipso.—

Matho the pleader comes in his new Chaire, Fild with himself; when he takes the air.

It had been well, if such carriages as these had

been never heard of, but in then heathen Rome, or amongst poor blinded Indians. But, Vae nobis miseris ad quos Paganorum vicia transterunt. Wo to us wretched people of this Nation, unto whom the vices of Pagans are derived. It was a curse that the old Cretans were wont to wish might fall upon their greatest enemies, that they might fall in love with evill customes. This doubtless is one amongst many more, fallen upon us of this Nation, when some, not out of necessity, but choise, make other men their Pack-horses to ride upon them, a thing (as I conceive of it) most unworthy of a man, as he is a man, so to do.

I am no Leveller, I hate the thought of it, as a wild fancy, and phrensie that is most de∣structive; knowing, that there is an absolute ne∣cessity amongst men of superiority and subordi∣nation, where some must command, and o∣thers obey. An head alone without inferiour members, is a monster, not a body. Yet how∣ever, I would have all those who are Masters and Superiours, so to demean themselves to∣wards their underlings & servants in all things, as always remembring that they have a Master in Heaven, with whom there is no respect of persons, Eph. 6. 9.

For men, let them exalt themselves never so high, if they will not for the present learn, they shall one day be made to know, that there are

higher than they. All great ones therefore, who over-look those of low degree, believing them∣selves taller than all of them by head and shoul∣ders, had need of such a daily remembrancer as Symonides was to Pausanias; or that Page to Philip King of Macedon, who, by that Kings special commandement, was to cry every morning in his ears, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Remem∣ber O King, that thou art but a man. I say, very many have need of such remembrancers, (who exalt themselves too much above others) to tell them, that they are but men. Homo sum, humanum a me nil alienum puta. And being but men, should do nothing but what well becomes humanity. Therefore though many which are very poor, who to gain bread are content to submit themselves unto any Low Conditions; yet others (twixt whom and them nothing so much as an inequality of estate makes the maine difference) should not thus imploy them, if not for the mans, yet for his manhood sake; not put such a vast distance, such a maine difference betwixt others and themselves, made of the very selfesame mould, and happily more graciously beheld by that invisible eye than themselves are, before whom they must first or last all appear, and that upon equal tearmes.

But I shall here degress no further; but return again to that people (I mean

those of quality amongst them) who out of Pride, or Idleness, or both, are thus carried up and down, or by some other meanes I named before, though they remove never so little way from one place to another, accounting it very dishonorable for them to go on foot. And so much of this. I shall now proceed, (having made mention of their huge multitudes of Horses, and Elephants) &c. to take notice,

SECTION VII.

Of their numerous Armies; Their Am∣muniton for war; How they lade themselves with weapons; How terri∣ribly they appear; yet how pusillani∣mous, and low spirited they are.

WHere first, for their numerous Armies, it will appear to be no strange thing, if we consider the Great Mogol to be what he is, an overgrown Prince, (as before described) in the vast extent of his large territories, being like a huge Pike in a great Pond, that preys upon all his neighbours, who therefore pur∣chase, and keep his favour by very great Pre∣sents given him by any of homage, and a sub∣miss acknowledgment of his mighty Power. And besides, the Mogol is a master of unknown

treasure, having Silver as 'tis written of Solo∣mon, 1 K. 10. 27. Like stones in the streets. And certainly in far greater abundance than ever Solomon had. Though I must tell my Rea∣der, that all metals there, are not silver and gold, nor all stones precious. Now he that can command what treasure he will, may likewise command what men he please, as the Mogol doth besides his own people. Many Persians and Tartars (before spoken of) very valiant men, who serve him as Souldiers on horse-back, and so the major part by far; whether Natives, or strangers, are mounted for his service in his wars.

Hence it is that the Armies there consist of incredible multitudes; they talk of some which have exceeded that mightie Host which Zerah King of Ethiopia brought against King Asa, 2 Chron. 14. 9. but they having not well lear∣ned that horrid bloody art of war, as the Eu∣ropeans have; and wanting Commanders, and other Officers to manage their great Compa∣nies, are not so skilfull to destroy▪ as otherwise they might be: it is a phrase most properly and fitly applyed unto savage, and absurd, and bru∣tish, and unreasonable man, to the Enemies of God, and of his Church by the Prophet Eze∣kiel, 21. 31. Where Almighty God threatens that he will deliver them into the hands of bru∣tish men, and skilfull to destroy.

The weapons they use in their Wars are Bowes, and Arrowes, Swords, and Bucklers, short Lances, having excellent good steel-heads, & short peeces like unto Carbines, besides those carried upon Elephants (before described) some footmen in their warrs carry those lesser Guns, with Bowes and Arrowes, Swords and Bucklers, and they are excellent Marks-men. They make good Gun-powder for their own use, and fire their Guns with March, or Touch-wood. Their swords are made crooked like Falchons, and are very sharp, but for want of skill in those that temper them, will easily break, but not bend. And therefore we sell at good rates our English Sword-blades that will bow, and be∣come strait again. They have, (and they say that for many generations past have had) great Ordnance, though they seldom make use of them in their Wars.

Their warlike musick are some Kettle-drums carried on horse-back, with long winde Instru∣ments, which make not Musick, but noyse so harsh, and unpleasing, that it is enough to fright away their enemies.

They say, that in their military engage∣ments, they make at the first very furious on∣sets, which are too violent long to continue, for the Scale quickly decides the Controversy, when that side which happens first to be worsted, and to be put into disorder, knowes better to Run than to Rally again.

There are some of the Mogols own subjects which are men of courage; those of note among the Mahometans are called Baloches, inhabi∣ting Haiacan, adjoyning unto the Kingdom of Persia, (spoken of before) and there are others called Patans, taking their denomination from a Province of that name in the Kingdom of Bengala. These will look an enemy boldly in the face, and maintain with their lives, their reputation and valour. Amongst the many Sects of Hindooes or Gentiles (after spoken of) which are subject to this King, there is but one race of fighters called Rashboots, a number of which live by spoyl, who in troops surprize poor passengers, for the most part murthering those whom they get under their power. These excepted, the rest of the Mogols, natives for the generality of them had rather eate than quarrel, and rather quarrel than fight. I say quarrel, for I have several times observed there, that when two of them, have been both well armed, and have most shamefully abused one another, in baser language than I can express, yet durst not draw their weapons; in conclu∣sion, when one of them hath caught the other by the throat, and forced him up against some wall, the sufferer would cry out pitiously, and the standers by would admire the other for his valous, saying Sha-Abas; a proverbial speech amongst them relating to the late King of Persia,

called Sha-Abas, a Prince much renowned for valour; and when any man did a thing they thought gallantly, they cryed Sha-Abas, as much to say, it was done as well as the Persian King could have done it.

Yet, however the people here in general are Cowardly they appear men of very terrible as∣pects, having great long Mustachos upon their upper lipps, their Chins continually kept bare by the rasor, which makes them all to look like the Pictures of our old Britaines; or like those our rude Painters daub upon clothes, and call them the Nine-worthies. And further, to make them the more formidable, they will appear on horse-back as if they were surrounded with an Armorie, or carrying an whole Armorie a∣bout them, thus appointed; At their left sides swords hanging on belts, under them sheaves of many arrowes; on their left shoulders broad Bucklers fastned, and upon their backs smal Gunns like to Carbines fixed likewise; at their right sides Bowes hanging in cases, and Lances (about two yards and an half long) hanging in loops neer their stirrops (when they carry them not in their hands) yet for all this Harness the most of them are like those Ephramites, Psal. 78. 9. Who being armed, and carrying bowes, turned their heads in the day of battell. For they dare not look a man of courage in the face, though they be thus fortified, with such

variety of weapons for their defence. Nay, a man of resolution will beat one of these out of all his weapons, with a small stick or cane. So that I shall do the Natives of that Countrey no wrong, if I say of them, that they are Solâ Li∣bidine fortes, most strong and valiant in their base lusts, and not otherwise.

The base Cowardise of which people, hath made the great Mogol sometimes to use this Proverb, that one Portugal would beat three of his people; and (because the English there have many times prevailed much at Sea against those Portugals) he would further add, that one English-man would beat three Portu∣gals.

The truth is, that the Portugals, especially those which are born in those Indian Colonyes, most of them a mix'd seed begotten upon those Natives, are a very low, poor-spirited people, called therefore Galijnas del•• Mar, the Hens of the Sea.

One notable instance to prove this, it hap∣pened that the East India Company had a ve∣ry little Pinnace they called the Coaster, which they kept in those parts for discoveries; mann'd she was but with ten men, and had only one small murdering-peece within her. She upon a time met with a Portugal ship, going then to∣wards Ormos, which had one hundred and thir∣ty men aboard her, and Guns answerable to

her burden, and Company; Our petty Pinnace came up with her, discharged her murdering peece, which slew one of her chief Officers, up∣on which, without any further resistance, she presently strook her Sayles and yeelded. Our English presently commanded her Gunners, and some other of her Chief Officers, to come a∣board them, which immediatly they did, and there kept them bound, till they had taken what they ••leased out of their Ship, and then let them go being most deservedly used in that their suffering, they being thirteen to one, and yet such beasts they were, as that they durst not make any resistance.

But take some stories of valiant Portugals before I leave them, and these you shall have from some of that Nation themselves, whom, we not seldom met in Ind••a & would there beg relief of us; but I never knew any come to us upon those tearmes, but his pride would excuse his Poverty thus, that he was Challenged into the field, and there in single combat had fairly slain a man, how that he durst not return again any more into the Portugal Colonyes, for fear of the law, and it was that which put him at present into that sad exigent to ask relief, and this was their usual plea there, when in truth and in deed, we did believe them to be such pit∣tifull wretches, or men of such a strange resolu∣tion, as that, (as it was written of one called

Pisander) they would be made to fear their own shadowes.

However, upon this account there came up∣on a time at my first coming into India, unto the factorie at Surat, where I then was, a most valiant Portugal (if you will give him leave to tell his own storie, and believe it when he hath done) who first for his person was a Quantus tantus, tantillus, a very poor, little dwarfish man, whose person promised as little valour as any that I ever saw, though I know that high Courage is not tyed to an huge bulk, for (if stories abuse us not) Alexander the great was But a little man; but what ever Alexander was, I am sure, that this was a poor little thing, but however he told us, that he was by birth an Hidalgo, which signifies in Spanish the Son of somebody, or no ordinary man, but a Gentle∣man of Spain, and that he came from thence as a Companion to the King of Spains Vice-Roy, sent to Goa, and himself was called the Knight with the Golden Rapier, and that suddenly af∣ter his coming to Goa, he was honorably in∣vited into the field, there to fight a single Com∣bat with a very gallant man of that place, but he soon left him there dead; and having done so, the Vice-Roy prevented him with a pardon for that fact, before he ask'd it, but willing him withall, now he had been sufficiently tryed, to confine his Rapier to its scabard. But he told

us further, that he could not long after live quietly there, but was provoked again by a man of high resolution, unto a second encoun∣ter, when he had the like success as before, in killing his Adversary. The Vice-Roy now was very angry with him, but upon much intreaty, as he said, pardoned him a second time; upon the receit of which favour he told us that he was then resolved to throw away his Rapier, to get into a Religious house, and there to remain the residue of his dayes, a Convertado or Peni∣tent. But the Vice-Roy could not be long with∣out his Company, and therefore to gain it, re∣stored him again into his former favour: But for himself he was still so unhappie (the fame of his great valour being spread abroad) as that he could not long enjoy that Peace, and quiet, which he now so much desired, but received a third Challenge from a very gallant, and very valiant man, as he describ'd him, a man big enough to beat a Goliah, and then he further told us, that his honour was ever more dear unto him than his life, and therefore notwith∣standing the loss of the Vice-Royes favour, and what els might happen, he entred the lists with him, and though he found him the stoutest ad∣versary that ever he opposed, yet after a long conflict this little Knight kild that great Giant, and left him there dead likewise, which done, He (not daring to return any more unto Goa)

told us, that he came naked out of the field as we then saw him with no ornaments (I assure you) about him, fit to make him a Vice-Royes cōpanion, nor any weapon fit to Dub him Knight of the Golden Rapier. He further added, that he was now resolved not to live any longer a∣mongst the Christians, but that he desireth to live amongst the English; but when we replyed that we were Christians, he cried Jesu Maria! as wondring at it, and further told us that, he never heard so before.

When this Rhadomantadist had ended his perillous story, it was dinner time, and the Merchants bid him to sit down with us and eat, and so he did, where certainly he layd about him more valiantly than ever he had done be∣fore in the field, giving our meat many a cut, and eating, as if he had been more than half starved. He continued with us there for some few dayes, and after, when his hunger was well satisfied, and his spirits well refreshed, he began to take some exception against his place at the Table, because he eat at the lower end thereof, saying, that the company there were but Fa∣ctors, Servants, but he was a Gentleman, and therefore his due place was higher at the board, but then corrected himself, saying, that it was not to be much considered where he sate, for his place made the upper end of Table where ever he was placed, & suddenly after, this Don Quixet

being weary of his stay with us (though he was but too well used) and having a great minde to ramble further, told our Company, that he being an Hidalgo, it was very dishonorable for him to take entertainment upon the Tearmes he had it, and therefore desired us to make a little Purse for him, on which he would live as long as he could, and then Creep into some Desert place, and there repent and dy. And now our great Ghest, having spent all his humor, and told us all his Dream, had his desire granted in some money that was given to him, and so we parted with our Knight Errant, who lived longer than he told us he would live, for half a year after I took notice of him at the Mogols Court, and there I leave him.

I will now shortly relate a story of another of his Nation (and I do believe as good a Gen∣tleman as himself) who called himself Anto∣nio de la Valla. It happened, that a little before our comming thence, my Lord Am∣bassador going from his own house to dine at the English Factory in Surat, and I waiting on him, there appeared then to us a walking Skeli∣ton, most miserably clothed, the poorest, and leanest creature that ever mine eyes beheld, who faintly begg'd of him some relief, telling (what was true) that he was almost quite starv'd; the Ambassadour pittied, and relieved him, and as we returned back, found this poor Creature

eating with so much greediness, as if he could not have been satisfied. He was then willed to come to our house, and he did so, and there was fed, and hear••ned up again, & then when he was come to himself, told us, that he had endu••ed there abundance of misery which, as he acknow∣ledged, did most justly befall him because he had there renounced his Religion, and become a Ma∣hometan, which when he had done, no care was taken of him there (for they regard not a man that will not be constant in his Religion, belie∣ving, that if that bond cannot tye him, nothing will) He told us further, that he was very sorry that he had so done, and desired a passage for England, which was granted him; and he was put unto me as my servant, and therefore I fitted him with clothes, &c. fit for his return, but af∣terward (we being at Sea) he would often Curse and Ban, and cry out, O Mal v••n∣tura! O his hard hap! and that of all the mi∣series which he had endured, this was the greatest, that he an Hidalgo, a Gentleman of Spain, should live to become a servant, and which was worse, to serve an Heretick. I would when I heard this of him (for he spake not so to me) tell him of it, and further minde him of that most sad condition in which we found him, how that he had starv'd to death, if our pitty, in the relief he found from us, had not even then prevented it. He would reply, that he knew

not what he said; telling me that his many mi∣series had turn'd his brains; (not to bestow any more ink and paper on him) we brought him afterward to Plimmouth and immediatly after our arrive there, he desired his liberty, which was very easily granted him, and from thence (ha∣ving some money given him more than he de∣served) took his course whither I cannot tell, neither will my Reader desire to know. And therefore I will return again, as swift as medi∣tation or thought can carry me, unto East-In∣dia, where I shall in the next place speak

SECTION. VIII.

Of our safe and secure living amongst the Natives there, if we do not pro∣voke them. Of their faithfulness un∣to those that entertain them as ser∣vants: for how little they serve, and yet how diligent they are, &c.

WHere first for our living in East-India, it is with as much freedom and safety, in our journeys, and Tents, when we travell; in our houses when we are more fix'd, as if we were in an army of Banners appointed for our guard; or

as if the Vines and Fig-trees under which we there sit were our own.

But there are spoylers sometimes met withall, in those Provinces, that live by their swords, and bowes, having nothing for their subsistence (because they will take no other course) but what they get by rapine and spoyl; of whom somewhat more afterward.

And now by the way for those villains who thus live, wherever they be, and those sturdy rogues who are next to them in guilt, by eating up the bread of the poor, having able limbs to carry them, that they may beg from house to house, and hands to receive Almes, but none to labour; both thefe being the very vermin of those Commonwealths wherein they are suffe∣red to breath, it were very well if such of these as have not deserved to be cut off by the hand of Justice, were all served as Philip King of Macedon dealt with two Rogues, alterum é Macedonio fugere, alterum persequi jussit. He made one of them to whip the other out of his Countrey, and so he was rid of both of them.

But to return unto the place from whence I am now digressed. I travelled from Surat with four Englishmen more, and about twenty of the Natives in our Company, we beginning our journey the first of January towards Sir Thomas Row, at the Mogols Court, then above

four hundred miles distant from Surat. We had six wagons drawn with Oxen, in our Company, laden with rich English goods (the principal part whereof was English broad cloth) assign'd to an English Merchant at the Court, and some other Carriages we had, of all which we made a ring every night neer some large Town or Village, where we resolved to stay, and pitched our Huts within that Circle, some of us watching, and the Natives with us, every night; we went on that long journey ve∣ry safely, only in some places where there was any suspicion of danger, we had a guard of horse appointed to go with us for our defence, by the Command of Sultan Caroon the Prince, and now King, (who had his revenue out of those parts we then travelled thorough) who sent a Footman, that continually kept us company, with his letters to command a Company of Souldiers that were horsemen, to guard us where he thought good, who as they did not expect, so they would take no recompence for their paines, though we freely offered it them. But the providence of God did so order it, that though we had their company in several places, we never had need of their help for our de∣fence. The truth is, that the people there in ge∣neral are very civil, and we never had any af∣fronts or ill usage from them, if we did not first provoke them.

But if we did, they would not well bear it, for twice in one week at my first comming to Surat the whole town in general were in an uproar, and surrounded our house there, both times some of our English Provok'd those Na∣tives to stir against us, but by our speedy ad∣dresses unto the Governour of that place, we excusing the fault of those that ministred the occasion of their discontent, they being newly come thither, and altogether unacquainted with their customes, he presently commanded that wild Assembly to depart from our house, and so immediatly they did, we receiving no hurt at all from any of them.

When my Lord Ambassadour at first arri∣ved at Surat, it so was, that an English Cook he carried with him, the very first day of his comming thither, found a way to an Arme∣nian Christians house, who sold wine in that place, they call Armenian Wine. But (by the way) I do believe that there was scarce ano∣ther in that populous City of that trade; the greater shame for those whosoever they be that suffer so many unnecessary tipling-houses (in the places where they have power to restrain them) which are the Devills nursery, the very Tents wherein Sathan dwells, where Almighty God receives abundance of dishonour, drun keness being a sin which hath hands and fingers to draw all other sins unto it; For a drunkard can

do any thing, or be any thing but good. That Armenian Wine I speak of is made of Reysons of the Sun and Sugar, with some other things pur and boyled in water, which Wine, when it is ripe and cleer, is in Colour like to our Mus∣cadels, pleasant enough to the tast, but heavy and heady. The Cook had his head quickly o∣ver-freighted with it, and then staggering home∣ward, in his way met the Governors Brother of Surat, as he was riding to his house, the Cook made a stand, staying himself up upon his sword & scabbard, and cry'd out to the Go∣vernours Brother, Now thou Heathen dog. He not understanding his foul language, replyed civilly in his own Ca-ca-ta, which signifies, what sayest thou? the Cook answered him with his sword and scabbard, with which he strook at at him, but vvas immediatly seised on by his follovvers, and by them disarm'd and carried to Prison; the Ambassadour had present intel∣ligence of the misbehaviour of his drunken servant, and immediatly sent vvord unto the Governours Brother, that he vvas not come thither to patronize any disorderly person, and therefore desir'd him to do vvith him what he pleased, upon which he presently sent him home, not doing him the least hurt. But before I leave this storie, it will not be amiss to en∣quire who was the Heathen dog at this time, whether the debaucht drunken Cook who call'd

himself a Christian, or that sober and tempe∣rate Mahometan who was thus affronted.

In our journey towards the Court (after we had been in our way about seven dayes from Surat) we rested at a place called Ditat, where many of the Inhabitants offered to guard us and our goods, though we (observing there no dan∣ger) desired it not, but they would do it, and in the morning expected and asked something of us, by way of recompence. One of our Com∣pany (who had been in East India a year or two before) told them, that what they had done they did without ou•• desire, and therefore they should have nothing from us, but some ill language which he then gave them. We set forward in the morning according to our wonted custom they followed after us, to the number at the least of three hundred men (for the place was great and populous) and when we were gone about a mile from that Town, stopped our carriages; he of our Company who told them they should have no recompence, was presently ready to shoot at them with his Mus∣ket, which made them all to bend their Bowes at us, but I happily and suddenly stepping in, prevented his firing at them, and their shooting at us, which if I had not by Gods good Provi∣dence done, but we had madly engaged such a great multitude, there could not have been less expected in the sad issue thereof, than the

loss of all our lives, and goods, but having a little Parlee with them, for the value of three shillings of English money given amongst them, they were all quieted and contented, and im∣mediatly left us, wishing us a good journey.

After this, when we had gone forward a∣bout twenty dayes journey (which daily re∣mooves were but short, by reason of our heavy carriages, and the heat of the weather) it hap∣pened, that another of our Company, a young Gentleman about twenty years old, the Bro∣ther of a Baron of England, behaved himself so ill, as that we feared it would have brought very much mischief on us.

This young man being very unruly at home, and so many others that have been well born, when their friends knew not what to do with them, have been sent to East India, that so they might make their own Graves in the Sea, in their passage thither, or els have Graves made for them on the Indian shore, when they come there. A very cleanly conveyance (but how just and honest, I leave to others) for Parents to be rid of their unruly Children; but I never knew any who were thus supposed to be sent thither, but they outlived that voyage.

For the young Gentleman I spake of, his im∣ployment was to wait upon our chief Com∣mander in his Cabin, who very courteously when he came to Sea, turn'd him before the

mast amongst the common saylors [a great pre∣ferment for a man of his birth,] but for all this he outliv'd that harsh usage, and came safely to East India, and my Lord Ambassadour hea∣ring of him, and being well acquainted with his great kindred, sent for him up to the Court, and there entertain'd him as a Companion for a year, then giving him all fit accommodati∣ons, sent him home again as a passenger for England, where after he safely arrived.

But in our way towards that Court, it thus happened, that this hot-brains being a little behind us, commanded him [then neer him] who was the Princes servant [before spoken of] to hold his horse, the man replyed, that he was none of his servant, and would not do it. Upon which this most intemperate mad youth, who was like Philocles that angry Poet; and therefore called Bilis, & Salsigo, Choler and Brine, [for he was the most hasty and cho∣lerick young man that ever I knew] as will ap∣pear by his present carriage, which was thus; first he beat that stranger, for refusing to hold his horse, with his horse-whip, which I must tell you, that people cannot endure, as if those whips stung worse than Scopions. For of any punishments that carry most disgrace in them, as that people think one is to be beaten with that whip, where with all they strike their beasts; the other to be beaten [and this they esteem the

more disgracefull punishment of the two) a∣bout the head with shooes. But this stranger (being whipt as before) came up and com∣plained to me, but to make him amends, that frantick young man (mad with rage, and he knew not wherefore) presently followed him, and being come up close to him, discharg'd his Pistol laden with a brace of bullets directly at his body, which bullets, by the special guidance of the hand of God, so flew, that they did the poor man no great hurt, only one of them first tearing his coat, brused all the knucles of his left hand and the other brake his bow which he carried in the same hand. We presently dis∣armed our young B••dlam, till he might return again to his witts. But our greatest business was how to pacifie the other man whom he had thus injured: I presently gave him a Roo∣pee; in our money two shillings and nine pence; he thanked me for it, and would have taken it with his right, but I desired him to take it with his maym'd hand, and so he did, and could clinch it very well, which I was glad of. Then we did shew (as we had cause) all the dislike we could against that desperat act of him, from whom he received his hurt, telling him, that we were all strangers, and for our parts had done him no wrong at all, and there∣fore hoped that we should not be made any way to suffer for the faults of another, and we

further told him, that if he would be quiet till we came up to the Con••t, he should have all the satisfaction he could desire. He told us, that we were good men, and had done him no wrong, and that he would til then rest contented; but he did not so, for about two houres after we met with a great man of that Countrey, having a mighty train with him, (as al the Grandees there have when they travel (of whom more after∣ward) He presently went towards him, that to him he might make his complaint; and so did, telling him, that he was the Princes ser∣vant, why he came to us, and how he had been used by us, shewing him his hand and his other breaches. The great man replied, that it was not well done of us, but he had nothing to do with it, and so departed on his way. That night, after we came to a strong large Town, and pla∣cing our selves on the side of it, he did what he could (as we imagined) to rayse up that peo∣ple against us, some of them comming about us to view us, as we conceived, but putting on the best confidence we could, and standing then upon our guard, and all of us watching that night, but (in a special manner) by the good providence of God, who kept us in all our journey, we here felt none of that mischief we feared, but early in the morning quietly de∣parted without the least molestation. After which, with a little money, and a great many

good words, we so quieted this man, that we never after heard any more complaining from him. So that (as before I observed) we were not at any time in any dangers of suffering by that people, but some of our own Nation were the procuring causes of it.

For the people there, they are generally very Civil, and usually keep themselves so within the bounds of command received from their su∣periours, over which they do not pass, as that they are not apt to take fire, and to throw off their voak, that they might do mischief; They happily considering, that as in a natural, so in a body Politick, there must be hands and feet, as well as head and shoulders, all parts as well as any, the defect of the least being so prejudi∣cial to both those bodyes, that they know not how to want it; But for both, when they are fitted with all their integral parts, all mem∣bers must do their several offices, the foot not medling with the business of the Head, fur∣ther than to receive Commands from it. And therefore that precept of the Apostle, Ephes. 6. 5. Servants be obedient unto them that are your Masters according to the flesh &c. though they never learn'd it from S. Paul, yet having found that lesson cleerly written even in the Law of Nature, with all carefulness they remember, and with all diligence they practise it, as well knowing the absolute necessity of superiority,

and inferiority amongst men, that some must give, others must take command; for were it not for those cords to lead some, and to hamper and restrain others, there were no living for men amongst men, but one would destroy another, as the Beasts of the field, the Fowles of the Air, and Fishes of the Sea do; were it not for those ligaments and tyes, the very sinewes and nerves of every Kingdom and Commonwealth would crack asunder, and all would run into confu∣sion.

I have often heard it observed of the Welsh, that they are Optimi servi, but Pessimi Domini, ill Masters, but good servants. I shall not fur∣ther enquire into the truth of that proverbial speech; but, for this people, this I can affirm; that they are excellent servants, who are as much at the command of their Masters, as the people of Israel, after the death of Moses, were unto Joshua, Josh. 1. 17. there telling him, all that thou commandest us we will do, or whither∣soever thou sendest us we will goe; Or as the Cen∣turions servants in the Gospel were at the word of command to their Captain, Matth. 8. 9. who, if he bad them go, they went, if come, they came, if do this, or that, they did it: So these, if they be commanded to carry letters of a sud∣den many miles distant, from one place to ano∣ther, they yield obedience in this, as to all other the commands of their Masters, without regret

or dispute, not objecting against, but doing the wills of those that imploy them.

Before I observed, that for the generality of this people they have very low and timorous spirits, but there are some I named in my last Section, who are stout daring men, as the Ba∣loches, Patans, and Rashbootes, who, as they have the honour above all the rest of the people in those large Provinces to be accounted va∣liant; so, as occasion is offered, they will shew themselves so to be: and therefore they are much hyred as Convoyes to secure mens Per∣sons and goods, from place to place.

For those Provinces, they are not without Mountains of prey, and Tabernacles of Robbers, as David and Job speak, where desperate men keep in some woods and deserts, which are not far from great road-wayes, most frequented & used, and there, like the wild Arabs, in Com∣panies meet, and spoyl, and destroy poor pas∣sengers, when they expect them not; it being the cursed manner of those spoylers, if they pre∣vail against; them whom they surprise, to kill them before they rifle them, and therefore the first thing heard from them is, Mor, mor, mor, that is, Kill, kill, kill, which they all speak out as loud as they can. We were often told of them as we travelled sometimes in the night, by rea∣son of the extreme heat of the day, after we had taken leave of the King; and so wer jour|

journeying towards Surat, that we should meet with those cruell villans, but, through Gods mercy, we were never in danger of them but once, and that was about midnight, neer a large City called Brodera, but we being a competent number of English men together, about twenty, and all of us resolved to fell our lives at as dear a rate as we could, and having twice so many Indian servants with us, which are very nimble with their Bows and Arrowes, we with our Pistols and Carbines, which we presently discharged amongst them, and our In∣dians plying them with their arrowes, made them suddenly to retreat, we receiving little hurt from them, but after this we made no more night marches.

Those Indians I named before, are so faith∣full to their trusts unto whomsoever they en∣gage, to the English as well as to any other, that if they be at any time assaulted, they will rather dye in their defence, than forsake them at their need. So that I am very confident, that if an English Merchant should travel alone with a very great treasure in gold, and Jewels, both, or either, from Surat to Lahor, which is more than one thousand English miles, and take those Indian servants only for his compa∣ny, and guard, and all they knew what be car∣ried with him, He paying them their wages, they would be so far from injuring him of the

least penny of his wealth, that whosoever be∣sides should attempt his spoyling, must make a way through their blood, before they should be able to do it

Here is a great and good example of Faith∣fulness, and it is very true. But I much doubt, that if a great Indian Merchant, I mean a na∣tive of that Countrey, should come for England with the like treasure, with a desire to pass through this whole nation, and should for his more safe passage take a guard of sword∣men here, and pay them well for their service, they might lye under such a strong tentation, as might make them to spoyl the Egyptian, by shortning his journey, dividing his substance, and by disposing so of his person, that it should never tell tales.

But for that people, as their faithfulness is ve∣ry remarkable, so is their diligence very exem∣plary likewise; for they keep continually within the call of their Masters, and will not at any time depart thence without special leave. And the plenty of all provisions being very great throughout the whole Monarchy, they serve at very low rates, which I never knew them to rayse, not requiring more than five shillings ster∣lings every new Moon, payd the next day after its Change, which is all the recompence they do desire, or expect from their Masters, to provide themselves with all necessaries

—quibus hinc toga, Calceus hinc est, Et Panis, fumus{que} Domi.—Juvenal-sat. 1.

Their coat, their shooes, their bread, their fire, And all besides, bought with this hire.

And for this do as good service, as if they had ten times as much wages.

They stand to be hyred in the Bazar or Mar∣ket-place, an antient custom, as may appear, Matth. 20. 3. where some of them may be at all times had.

But it is their manner, when they are hyred to receive advance-money, that is, one moneths pay before hand, and to have their pay thus in hand every moneth so long as they serve, and so honest they are, that if they be bidden to pro∣vide themselves of other Masters, they will serve out the time for which they have received pay, to an hour before, they depart.

Now these who are so exact in performing their dutie by their faithfulness and diligence, must be exactly paid their Salary at the time they expect it, otherwise they will be ready to quit their service, as one of them whom we thus hyred, left us as we we were travelling up to the Court, the reason, because our money was almost quite gone (though we were supplyed again a day or two after) and we could not punctually pay him at his day, as we had for∣merly

done. This fellow led one of our Ca∣mels, and had been with us two moneths be∣fore, but upon this little fayling him, would needs leave us, but before he departed he made a speech to his Camel, telling him, that he had led him thus long, and had during that time lived by him, but now our money (as he sup∣posed) quite fayling, he told him that he must begon, desiring God to bless him, and that he might have some other to lead him that might not be less carefull of him than he had been. So he took leave of his Camel, though not of us, and departed. All the rest of his company were perswaded to continue with us, and had their pay a day or two after, and so we proceeded on our journey, and so shall I further in this dis∣course. And now I have spoken something of the people, I shall speak

SECTION IX.

Of their buildings in Villages, Townes, and Cities. How their Houses are fur∣nished. Of their Sarraes or houses for the entertainment of Passengers. Of their Tents, Wells, and of their places of pleasure, &c.

I Observed before the Richness of their Soyl, and how those Provinces are watered by ma∣ny goodly Rivers, fed with abundance of Springs and how their fields are clothed with very much plenty of Corn of divers kind, sold there at such low rates that every one may there eat bread without scarceness.

Now I come to take notice of their buildings; and here I must tell my Reader, that this people are not much taken or infected with that plague of building (as the Italians call it) wishing the love of it as a Curse to posses the thoughts of them they most hate; and there∣fore, as the stones in India are not all precious, so the houses there are not at all Palaces; the poor there cannot erect for their dwellings fair Piles, and the Grandees do not cover their heads under such curious Roofs, as many of the Eu∣ropeans doe; the reason, first, because all the

great men there live a great part of the year, (in which their Moneths are more temperate, as from the middle of September, to the middest of April) in Tents, Pavilions, or moveable ha∣bitations, which, according to their Fancyes, they remoove from place to place, changing their air as often as they please. And secondly, because all the great men there have their Pen∣sions and whole subsistence from the King, which they hold upon very fickle and uncertain tearmes; for as they are setled upon, and con∣tinued unto them by the Kings favour, so are they forfeited and lost by his frown. Of which more afterward.

Yet though they make not much use of them, they have in plenty, excellent good materials for building, as Timber, Bricks, stone and marble of divers kinds and colours, of which I have seen some very good Vaults and Arches, well wrought, as in their Mosquits or Churches, so in some of their high erected Tombos, (of which more afterward) and so in some other places likewise.

For their buildings in Cities and Towns, there are some of them handsome, others fair, such as are inhabited by Merchants, and none of them very despicable.

They build their houses low, not above two stories, and many of their topps flat, and thick, which keep off the violence of the heat, and

those flat topps supported with strong Timber, and coated over with a plaster (like that we call plaster of Paris) keep them dry in the times of the Raines.

Those broad ••arases, or flat Roofs, some of them loftie, are places where many people may stand (and so they often doe) early in the mor∣ning, and in the evening late, like Camelions, to draw, and drink in fresh ayr; and they are made after this fashion, for prospect, as well as pleasure.

After this manner (as it appeares in the sa∣cred storie) the Jewes were wont to build, for David from the Roof of his house, 2 Sam. 11. 2. espies an object, &c. such a one, as if God had not been very mercifull, was sufficient to have undone him for ever, as they write of the Basi∣lisk, that it kills by sight.

By the way, let me here further adde, that Davids eyes thus wandred to fetch home a temptation, immediatly after he had risen from the bed of idlleness and ease; for while he was imployed in business, he was innocent and safe. The industrious have not such leisure to sin, as the idle have, who have neither leisure, nor power to avoid it. Exercise, as it is wholesome for the body, even so for the soul. The remissi∣on whereof breeds diseases in both.

David from the roof of his house sees Bath∣sheba, when probably she saw not him; lust is

quick-sighted. David had no sooner seen that object, but his eyes presently betray, and re∣coyl upon his Heart, smiting it with sinfull desires, which made him to covet her; and pre∣sently to send for her, that he might enjoy her.

That which David here did, (and after∣ward grievously repents for so doing,) shall one day be the wofull song of many a wretched soul; as the Lascivious mans song; the Covetous mans song, the song of Theeves, Idolaters, Glut∣tons, Drunkards, as of others. I saw, I coveted, I took, for all these receive their death, by their eye.

There Bathsheba was washing herself from her uncleaness, and presently after in an Adul∣terous bed, became more unclean than ever she was before; never was Bathsheba more foul than when she was newly washed, the worst of na∣ture being cleanliness to the best of Sin. But I proceed.

Those houses of two stories, have many of them very large upper roomes, which have ma∣ny double doores in the sides of them, like those in our Balconies, to open and let in fresh air, which is likewise conveyed in unto them, by many lesser lights made in the walls of those roomes, which are always free and open; The use of glass windows, or any other shuttings, be∣ing not known there, nor in any other very hot Countreyes.

Neither have they any Chimneyes in their

buildings, because they never make any use of fire but to dress their food, which fire they make against some firm wall, or without their Tents against some bank of Earth, as remo••e as may be from the places where they use to keep, that they may receive no annoyance from the heat thereof.

It is their manner in many places, to plant a∣bout, and amongst their buildings, trees which grow high and broad, the shadow whereof keeps their houses by far more cool; this I ob∣served in a special manner when we were ready to enter Amadavar, for it appeared to us, as if we had been entring a Wood, rather than a City. That Amadavar is a very large and po∣pulous City, entred by many fair Gates girt a∣bout with an high and thick Wall of Brick, which mounts above the topps of their houses, without which wall there are no suburbs. Most of the houses within the City are of Brick, and very many of them ridged & covered with tiles.

But for their houses in their Aldeas, or Vil∣lages, which stand very thick in that Country, they are generally very poor and base. All those Countrey dwellings are set up close together, for I never observed any house there to stand single, and alone. Some of their houses in those villages are made with earthen walls, mingled with straw, set up immediatly after their Raines, and having a long season after to dry them

throughly, stand firm, and so continue; they are built low, and many of them flat: but for the generality of those Countrey Villages, the Cottages in them are miserably poor, little, and base; so that as they are built with a very little charge, set up with sticks rather than Timber, (if they chance to fire, as many times they do) for a very little they may be reedified.

Those who inhabit the Countrey Villages, are called Coolees, these till the ground, and breed up Cattel, and other things for provision, as Henns &c. These they who plant the Sugar, the Cotten-wooll, and Indico &c.—for their Trades and manifactures they are kept in Cities and Towns, about which are their choicest fruits planted. In their Cities and Towns, without their dwellings, but fix't to them, are pend∣houses where they shew and sell their provisions, as bread, and flower-Cakes made up with Su∣gar, and fruits, and other things, and there they shew their manifactures, and other Com∣modities, some of which they carry twice every day to sell in the Bazar or Market.

I saw two houses of the Mogols, one at Man∣doa, the other at Amadaver, which appeared large and stately, built of excellent stone well squared and put together, each of them taking up a large compass of ground, but we could ne∣ver see how they were contrived, within because there▪ are none admitted, strangers or others, to

have a sight of those houses, while the Kings wives and women are there, which must not be seen by any but by himself, and his servants the Eunuchs.

The Mogols Palace Royal is at Agra his Metropolis (of which more afterward) but for the present I shall take a little notice of a very curious Gro•• I saw belonging to his house at Mandoa, which stood a small distance from it, for the building of which there was a way made into a firm Rock, which shewed it self on the side of an Hill, Canopied over with part of that Rock. It was a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the Curious work-manship bestowed on it; and much pleasure by reason of its cooleness.

That City Mandoa I speak of, is situated upon a very high mountain, the to whereof is flat, and plain, and specious. From all parts that lye about it but one, the ascent is very high, and steep; and the way to us seemed exceeding long, for we were two whole dayes Climbing up the Hill, with our Cariages, vvhich vve got up vvith very much difficulty; not far from the bottom of vvhich Hill, vve lodged at a great tovvn called Achabar-pore, vvhere vve ferried over a broad River (as vve did in other places) for I observed no bridges made there, over any of their Rivers vvhere their high-vvayes lye. That Hill on vvhich Mandoa stands, is stuck∣round

(as it vvere) vvith fair trees, that keep their distance so one from and belovv the other, that there is much delight in beholding them either from the bottom or top of that Hill.

In those vast and far extended woods, there are Lions, Tygres, and other beasts of Prey, and many wild Elephants. We lay one night in that wood with our Carriages, and those Lions came about us discovering themselves by their Roaring, but we keeping a very good fire all night, they came not neer enough to hurt ei∣ther our selves, or cattel; those Cruel Beasts are night-walkers, for in the day they appear not.

After (when through Gods most gracious assistance) we had overcome those difficulties, and dange••s, we came into a plain and even Countrey in which travelling a few dayes more we first met with my Lord Ambassador mar∣ching towards Mandoa with that great King, with whom I then setled, and continued with him, till he was returned home.

We were in our journey to the Court from the beginning of January 〈…〉〈…〉ill the end of March, we resting a while at Brampore, which is a very spacious and populous City, where we had a Factorie. And after that, we were vio∣lently deteined in our journey by Sultan Caroon the Prince, vvhom vve met in his march to∣vvards Brampore, & a very marvelous great re∣tinue with him. The reason why he interrupted

us in our course was, that he might see the pre∣sents we had for his Father the King; but we having command from the Ambassador to tell him, that we durst not open them, till we came to the King, we most humbly craved his pardon to spare us in that; so presenting him with a pair of Rich Gloves (though they be things they wear not in those hot Countryes) and a rich embrodered bag for perfume (which amongst many other things of the like kinde were brought from England to be given away for presents, after that he had carried us back three dayes journey, he let us go, taking further order for our safe Convoy.

And now Reader, thou mayst suppose us al∣most setled in Mandoa, the place then of the Mogols residence, not much inhabited before we came thither, having more ruines by far a∣bout it, than standing houses. But amongst the Piles of building that had held up their heads above Ruin, there were not a few unfrequen∣ted Mosquits or Mahometan Churches; yet I observed, that though the people who attended the King there, were marvailously streightned for room, wherein they might dispose of very great numbers of most excellent horses, which were now at that place, they would not make stables of any of those Churches, though before that time, they had been forsaken, and out of use.

One of those deserted Mosquites, with some large Tomb neer it, both vaulted over head (which shall be after described) were the best places there to be gotten for my Lord Ambas∣sadour and his Company to lodge and be in, we carrying our bedding, and all things apper∣tayning thereto, all necessaries belonging to our Kitchin, and every thing beside for bodily use, from place to place, as we occasionally remoo∣ved. Here we stayed with the Mogol from the middle of April, till the twentieth of Septem∣ber following and then began our progress with him, towards the City Amadavar.

Our abiding place at Mandoa, was very neer one of the sides of that vast wilderness, out of which, some of those wild beasts ofttimes in the night came about our habitation, and sel∣dom returned back without a Sheep or a Goate, or a Kid, some of which we always kept about us for our provision. And it was a wonderfull great mercy, those furious, and ravening, and and hungerbit Creatures, did not make their prey sometimes, in the dark and silent nights, while we were sleeping, on some of our bodyes, the fore-part of our dwelling standing upon pillars, and there was nothing in those open di∣stances, that had any strength in it to keep them from us.

One night, early in the evening, there was a great Lion which we saw, came into our yard,

though our yard was compassed about with a stone-wall, that was not low.) And my Lord Ambassadour having a little white neat shock, that ran out barking at him, the Lion prefently snapt him up, leapt again over the wall, and a∣way he went.

But for a ravening and roaring Lion, as I be∣lieve that he cannot be made tame when he is old; yet certainly he may be bred tame, being kept full, and high fed. For the Mogol, at my being there, had a very great Lion (I often saw) which went up and down, amongst the people that frequented his Court, gently as a dog, and never did hurt only he had some Keepers which did continually wayt upon him.

For those wild and Cruell Beasts, one of our English-men watching in a tree by night; (that stood not far from our dwelling) with a fire-lock charged with some small bullets, shot a Tygre, and kill'd him stone▪ dead, as he was comming towards us. It was a large Beast, higher than an Irish-Greyhound, with Grizled hayr, a long head, and sharp and short picked eares, having a mouth filled with cruell teeth; after which (we usually keeping a little fire without our house every night) were not so much troubled with those night-walkers.

Now to return to that from which I am oc∣casionally digressed. I told you before what their buildings are. And now for the furniture

that the greatest men have in them, it is Curta supellex, very little; they being not beautified with hangings, nor with any thing besides to line their walls, but where they are best adorned, they are kept very white, and set off with a little neat painting and nothing else; for they have no Chaires, nor stooles, nor couches, nor tables, nor bedds, enclosed with Canopies, or Curtains, in any of their rooms. And the truth is, that if they had them, the extreme heat there would forbid the use of many of them; all their brave∣ry is upon their sloores, all which are made even with fine earth, or plaster, on which they spead their most excellent Carpets in their Tents, as well as in their dwelling houses, laying some Coarse thing under to preserve them; on which they sit as ••aylors on their shop-boards, when they meet together, putting off their shooes (which they usually wear as slippers and their feet bare in them) when they come to tred up∣on those soft Pavements, and keeping them off till they remoove thence, this helps to keep cool their feet, and is very pleasant in those hot Countreyes. On those Carpets they sleep in the night time, or else upon an hard quilt, or lying upon a slight and low bed-stead they call a Cot, bottomed with broad girt-web made of Cotten-Wool. But where ever they lye, they stretch themselves out at their full length when they go to sleep, usually upon their backs, without any

pillow, or bolster, to raise up their heads. Very many of the meaner sort of people (as I have often observed) lye thus stretched out to take their rest upon the ground, in the dry sea∣son of the year, with a white Callico Cloth spread all over them, which makes them to appear like so many dead corps layd forth for burial. This lying so even, and at length with their bodyes thus extended, may be one reason why the people there are all so streight lim'd, having none crooked amongst them, and another, because they never girt, nor lace in their bodies (as before was observed). Some of those slight bedsteads, they call Cotts, in their standing houses hang by rops, a little above ground, which are fastned to the four corners thereof; moved gently up and down, by their servants, to lull them asleep

They have no Inns in those parts for the en∣tertainment of strangers, but in some great Townes large Houses they call Sarraas very substantially built, with brick, or stone, where any passengers may find house-room and use it without any recompence; but there is nothing to be had beside room, all other things they must provide and bring with them, as when they lodge in Tents.

Amongst their buildings I must take special notice of their Wells and Tankes, upon both which in very many places they bestow excee∣ding

much cost in stone-work; for their Wells which are fed with Springs, they make them round, but very wide and large. They are wrought up with firm stones layd in fine Pla∣ster; they usually cover those Wells with a buil∣ding over head, and with Oxen draw water out of them, which riseth up in many small Buckets, whereof some are alwayes going down, others continually comming up, and emptying them∣selves, in troughs, or little rills, made to receive, and Convey the water whither they please.

Their Tanks are made in low places, and many of them very deep and large, one mile, and some of them much more in compass, made round or four square, or in more squares, about which there is a low stone-wall, that hath ma∣ny doors in it, and within that wall steps, made one below the other round about it, that go down to the bottom thereof, (which is paved likewise) those steps are made of well squared lasting stone, layd firm, and even in very good order, for people that have not plenty of water otherwise, to go down and take it. These great receptacles of water, are made neer places that are very populous, fill'd when that long season of rain (before spoken of) comes, immediatly before which time, they clense them, that the water may be more cleer, and wholsom. They hold water all the dry season of the year.

For their places of pleasure, they are in their

Groves, where their curious fruit-trees (before described) grow; but especially in their Gardens, wherein they plant little vineyards that afford marvailous fair & sweet Grapes, which they cut green, for their eating, or make Reisons of them. But for Wine, they make none, because their Mahomet forbids the drinking thereof. In those Gardens likewise, they have many Pome-Granat-trees, with all other of the choy∣sest fruits and flowers their Countrey affords; to which nature daily yields such a supply, as that there is beauty to be seen in those trees, and plants, and that continually. In the middle of those Gardens, they have such Wells (as be∣fore are described) the topps whereof stand a good deal higher than the planted ground, which lyes even, and flat below them, from whence water is conveyed in narrow open pas∣sages, (they knowing not the use of leaden Pipes) to all the parts of them in the dry season of the year. In those Gardens likewise they have little round Tanks to bath in; whose sides and Bot∣tomes are made firm and smooth with that plaster before named; they are fil'd by aqua∣ducts from those Wells, and they can empty them when they please, as well as fill them. The water that is conveyed into those small Tanks, usually runns down broad stone Tables, that have many Hollowes made in them, like to scollop-shels, with water in its passage, makes

such a pretty murmure, as helps to tye their senses with the bonds of sleep, in the hot sea∣sons of the day when they constantly keep their houses, and then they lye down neer them on their Carpetts, to be lul'd asleep. Those Bathing places are within, or very neer their Garden-houses, which usually are by far more neat, than any other of their dwelling.

In such a Garden-house, with all those ac∣commodations about it, my Lord Ambassadour lay with his company at Surat, the last three moneths before he left East India.

And further, in those hot seasons of the day; the people of better quality lying or sitting on their Carpets, or Pallats, have servants standing about them, who continually beat the Air up∣pon them with Flabellas, or Fanns, of stiffened leather, which keeps off the flyes from annoy∣ing them, and cool them as they lye. Thus ta∣king their ease, they call for Barbers, who very gently gripe their armes, and shoulders, and other parts, they can in any measure grasp, and they strike likewise very softly those parts with the sides of their hands; it is very pleasing as they do it, and causeth their blood to stir in their veins, it is therefore very much used in those parts, to such as do not heat their blood by bodily motion.

For their pastimes within doores, they have Cards, but much different from ours in the fi∣gures

made in them, and in their greater num∣ber of suits. Those Cards I have often seen and have been more often told, that they have very good skill in that most innocent and ingenious game we call Chests.

They delight themselves sometimes with the Company of Mountebanks, and Juglers; for their Mountebanks, they keep venemous Snakes in baskets, and will suffer themselves to be bitten or stung by them; which part thus bitten, or stung, presently swells, and immediatly after that, they cure themselves again by Oyles and Pouders, which they apply unto the place, and then offer to sell them unto the people standing by.

Their Juglers are the cunningst that ever I saw, to do strange things by sleight of hand; as in this trick I shall here name, where I have ob∣served them to lay down scu••tles or broad open wicker Basketts upon the ground, three or four one upon another, all which appeared empty, as they laid them down; but taking them up a∣gain one after the other, in the bottom of them there would appear, three or four living Turtle-doves: which they would cover again with the same scuttles, and tossing and turning them as they took them off, and up the second time, none of those pretty creatures were to be seen any more. But how they first conveyed them thither, and how after thence, we could not possibly discover.

For their Pastimes abroad they have Hawks of divers kinds, greater and less, and Partridges, and other choise Fowl grear store to fly at. They have Hares, and Antilops, with other wild Beasts to hunt, and these not a few. Their doggs for chafe are made somewhat like our Grey∣hounds, but much less, who never open in the pursute of their game. They hunt likewise with Leopards train'd up and made fit for their sport, who by leaping seize on that they pursue; but by reason of the heat of the Countrey, those sports are not there much used. The Mogol when he hunts, carryes Hawks and Doggs, and all things beside with him, to make him Pastime, that if one sport fail, he may be plea∣sed with another.

They say, that they have a curious devise to take wild fouls that use the water, into which a fellowgoes, with a foul of that kinde he desires to catch, whose skin is stussed so artificially, as that with a noyse he counterfets of that foul, it appears to be alive, the man keeps all his bo∣dy but head under water, on which he fastens that counterfet foul to stand foreright on the top thereof, and thus comming amongst them, he plucks them (as they say) by their leggs un∣der water at his pleasure. But this I have only by tradition.

For other Pastimes abroad, this I am sure of, that when the weather is more temperate, they

shoot much in their Bowes, and are very ex∣cellent Marks-men, somewhat like those left∣handed men spoken of Judg. 20. 16. And with their Gunns in which they shoot single bullets (for they have not the use of small shot) they are somewhat long in taking their aim, but they will come very neer the mark.

Others delight themselves very much in ma∣naging their excellent Horses; But so shall not I delight my Reader, if I dwell too long in par∣ticulars. And therefore having spoken of their buildings, I shall now invite him, though not to eat, or taste, yet to take notice

SECTION. X.

Of their Diet, their Cookery in dressing it, &c.

AND though this Countrey affords very much variety of excellent good provisions, yet the Mahometans feed not freely on any flesh, but on that which is strange, and forbidden (of the Hindooes diet I shall speak afterwards) but for the Mahometans they are a people, as I conceive, not much given to their Palate, but are very carefull of, and temperate in their diet,

as having learn'd by experience, that full bel∣lyes do more oppress, than strengthen the body, that too much of the Creature doth not com∣fort but destroy Nature. It being a tryed truth, that Gluttony reacheth, and kills those whom swords cannot touch. All diseases of the body for the most part being contracted to it by sur∣••etts, in one kinde or other, and therefore they keep themselves to a thin diet, and eat not to pamper and please their appetite, but to satisfy and support nature, which is contented with a little every where, but with less in hot Coun∣treyes, where mens digestion of food is not so quick and good; this being further a tried truth, that those bodyes are most strong, active, and healthy, which are most temperate.

Therefore though they have abundance of flesh and foul, and have fish too, yet are they temperate in all of them. For Swines flesh it is an abomination unto the Mahometans, and therefore they touch it not. And for other kinde of flesh, they eat very little of them alone, to make their full meals of them, for they dress no kinde of flesh in great peeces, or whole joynts, nor scarce any of their Foules whole.

For boyling of flesh in water, or Baking or Rosting any flesh, are peeces of Cookery (if I observed well) they know not; but they stew all their flesh as their Kid, and other Venison, &c. cut into sippets, or flices, or little parts, to

which they put Onions and Herbs and Roots, and Ginger (which they take there Green out of earth) and other Spices, with some Butter, which ingredients when as they are well pro∣portioned, make a food that is exceedingly pleasing to all Palates, at their first tasting there∣of most savoury meat, happily that very dish which Jacob made for his Father Isaac, when he got the blessing Gen. 27.

With their flesh and herbs, &c. they some∣times stew Henns and other foul cut in peeces, which is like that the Spaniards call an Olio, but more toothsome.

But their great common standing dish there is Rice, which they boyl with more art than we: for they boyl the grain so as that it is full and plump and tender, but not broken in boyling: they put to it a little green Ginger, and Pepper, and Butter, and this is the ordinary way of their dressing it and so tis very good.

Sometimes they boyl peeces of flesh, or Hens, and other foul cut in peeces in their Rice, which dish they call Pillaw; as they order it, they make it a very excellent, and a very well-tasted food.

Once my Lord Ambassadour had an enter∣tainment there by Asaph Chan, who invited him to dinner (and this was the only respect in that kinde he ever had, while he was in East In∣dia) That Asaph Chan was a man made by

his great alliances, the greatest subject and fa∣vourit in all that Empire; for his sister was the Mogols most beloved wife, and his daughter was married unto Sultan Caroon the Prince, and very much beloved by him, but of all these, more afterward.

This Asaph Chan entertained my Lord Am∣bassadour in a very spacious and a very beauti∣full Tent, where none of his followers besides my self, saw, or tasted of that entertainment.

That Tent was kept full of a very pleasant Perfume; in which sents the King and Gran∣dees there take very much delight. The floor of the Tent was first covered all over with very rich and large Carpets, which were covered a∣gain in the places where our dinner stood, with other good Carpets, made of stich't Leather, to preserve them which were richer; and these were covered again with pure white and fine Callico Clothes, and all these covered with ve∣ry many dishes of silver, but for the greater part of those silver dishes they were not larger than our largest trencher-plates, the brimms of all of them gilt.

We sate in that large Room as it were in a Triangle; The Ambassadour on Asaph Chans right hand a good distance from him, and my self below; all of us on the ground, as they there all do when as they eat, with our faces looking each to the other, and every one of us had his

several mess. The Ambassadour had more dishes by ten, and I less by ten, than our enter∣tainer had, yet for my part I had fifty dishes. They were all set before us at once, and little paths left betwixt them, that our entertainers servants (for onely they waited) might come and reach them to us one after another, and so they did. So that I tasted of all set before me, and of most did but tast, though all of them ta∣sted very well.

Now of the provision it self, for our larger dishes, they were filled with Rice, dressed (as before described) And this Rice was presented to us, some of it white, in its own proper co∣lour, some of it made yellow with Saffron, and some of it was made green, and some of it put into a purple colour, but by what ingredient I know not, but this I am sure, that it all tasted very well; And with Rice thus ordered several of our dishes were furnished; and very many more of them with flesh of several kinds, and with Hens, and with other sorts of foul cut in peeces, as before I observed in their Indian Cookery.

To these we had many Jellie, and Culices; Rice ground to flower, and then boyled, and after sweetned with Sugar-Candy and Rose-water to be eaten cold. The flower of Rice mingled with sweet Almonds, made as small as they could, and with some of the most fleshy

parts of Henns, stewed with it, and after, the flesh so beaten into peeces, that it could not be discern'd, all made sweet with Rose-water and Suger-Candy, and sented with Amber-Grec••e; this was another of our dishes, and a most lus∣cious one, which the Portugals call Mangee Real, Food for a King. Many other dishes we had, made up in Cakes, of several formes, of the finest of the wheat-flower, mingled with Almonds, and Sugar Candy, whereof some were sented and some not. To these Potatoes ex∣cellently well dressed; and to them divers Salads and the curious fruits of that Countrey, some preserved in Sugar, and others raw, and to these many Roots Candied, Almonds blanched, Rey∣sons of the Sun, Prunellas, and I know not what, of all enough to make up that number of dishes before named; and with these quelque chose, was that entertainment made up.

And it was better a great deal, than if it had consisted of full & heaped up dishes, such as are sometimes amongst us provided, for great and profuse entertainments. Our bread was of very good excellent wheat, made up very white and light, in round Cakes; and for our drink, some of it was brew'd for ought I know, ever since Noah his flood, that good innocent water, being all the drink there commonly used (as before) and in those hot Clymates (it being better digested there than in other parts)

it is very sweet, and allayes thirst better than a∣ny other liquor can, and therefore better plea∣seth, and agreeth better with every man, that comes and lives there, than any other drink.

At this entertainment we sat long, and much longer than we could with ease cross leg'd, but all considered, our feast in that place was better than Apicius, that famous Epicure of Rome, with all his witty Gluttony (for so Paterculus calls it, ingeniosa Gula,) could have made with all provisions had from the Earth, and Air, and Sea.

My Lord Ambassadour observed not that uneasy way of sitting at his meat, but in his own house had Tables and Chayres &c. served he was altogether in Plate, and had an English, and an Indian Cook to dress his dyer, which was very plentifull, and cheap likewise; so that by reason of the great variety of provisions there, his weekly account for his house-keeping came but to little.

The meaner sort of people there eat Rice boyled with their green-Ginger, and a little Pepper, after which they put Butter into it, which is their principal dish, and but seldom eaten by them: but their ordinary food is made (not of the flowr of wheat▪) but of a course well tasted grain, made up in round broad and thick Cakes, which they bake upon their thin iron plates (before spoken of) which they carry

with them, when as they travell from place to place; when they have bak'd those cakes, they put a little butter on them, and doubtless the poor people find this a very hearty food▪ for they who live most upon it, are as strong as they could be, if they had their diet out of the Kings Kitchin. I shall here say no more of this, but proceed to speak

SECTION XI.

Of the Civilities of this people; Of their Complements, and of their Habits.

AND here the people in general (as be∣fore was observed) are as civil to stran∣gers, as to their own Countrey-men; for they use when they meet one another, or when they meet strangers, to bow their heads, or to lay their right hands on their brests, and to bow their bodyes as they pass, saluting them fur∣ther with many well-wishes.

They use not to uncover their heads at all, as we do in our salutes, (from which custom of ours, the Turks borrow this imprecation for their enemies, wishing their souls no more rest after death than a Christians hat hath, which

••s alwayes stirred) but the meaner sort, instead of uncovering their heads to their superiours use these abject ceremonies, by putting their right hand to the earth, and then laying it on their head, or by falling down on their knees; and then bowing their heads to the earth, both sig∣nifying, that those unto whom they shew these reverences, and respects, may tread or trample on them, if they pleased.

When we visite the people there, of better quality, they entertain us with much humani∣ty, first rising up to us, they bow their bodyes, and then intreat us to sit with them on their Carpets, where they are free in their discourse, which we usually exchange with them by an Interpreter. If we have any business with them, they return very civill and fair answers, and for our further entertainment give us Beetle or Paune to chew (before spoken of)

In their neer, and more close and hearty Sa∣lutes, they do not joyn hands as we, but do that which is hatefull to the Spaniard, and not at all in use with us; for they take one another by the Chin, or Beard, and cry. Bobba, which is Father, or Bij, which is Brother: and this ap∣peares to be a very ancient Complement, for thus Joab long ago saluted Amasa, 2 Sam. 20. 9 but this they do in love, not as Joab did there, in treacherie.

In their Complements they express many

good wishes to one another, as Salam Alla∣cum, God give you health; the reply, Alla∣cum Salam, the same health God give you. And Greb-a Nemoas, I wish you the prayers of the poor. And Tere gree gree kee Bulla doore, which made English speaks thus, I wish one good to come, unto you after another every Gra, (which is a space of time a little more than a quarter of an hour) and they have many more Complements like these, handsom, and significant. As inferiour people (who have their dependance on others) use to say unto them, I eat your Breat and Salt (as much to say) I am your servant, I live by you, and you may do with me, or to me, what you please.

Now as this people of East India are Civil in their speeches, so are they Civilly clad, for there are none who weare their own skin alone for their covering, as very many in the Western India do.

For the Habites of this people, from the highest to the lowest, they are all made of the same fashion, which they never alter, nor change; their Coats sitting close to their bodyes unto their wasts, then hanging down loose a little below their knees, the lower part of them sit∣ting somewhat full; those close Coats are fast∣ned unto both their shoulders, with slips made of the some cloth, which for the generality, are

all made of courser, or finer white Callico; and in like manner are they fastned to their wast, on both sides thereof, which Coats coming double over their brests, are fastned by like slips of cloth, that are put thick from their left arme∣holes to their middle; The sleeves of those coats are made long and somewhat close to their Armes, that they may ruffle, especially from their elbowes, to their wrists. Under this Coate they usually weare another sleight one, made of the same cloth, but shorter than the other, and this is all they commonly weare upon the up∣per part of their bodies. But some of the greater sort in the cooler seasons of the day there, will s••ip on loose Coats over the other, made either of quilted silk, or Callico, or of our English Scarlet Broad-cloth (for that is the colour they most love). Under their Coats they have long breeches like unto Irish-Trouses, made usually of the same Cloth, which come to their Ankles, and ruffle on the small of their leggs. For their feet they keep them (as was before observed) alwayes bare in their shooes.

Some of their Grandees make their Coats and Breeches of striped Taffata of several co∣lours, or of some other silk stuff all of the same colour, or of slight cloth of Silver or Gold, all made in that Countrey. But pure white and fine Callico-Laune, (which they there make like∣wise) is for the most part the height of all their

bravery; the collars, and some other parts of their upper coats, being set off with some neat stitching.

Upon their heads they weare a long wreath of cloth, about half a yard broad, usually white, but sometimes of other colours. Which cloth worn for their head covering, is sometimes in∣ter-woven in spaces with threds of coloured silk, or silver, or gold, and when not so, one end of that wreath of cloth worn by Gallants is usual∣ly thus interwoven, and so put upon their heads, that its gayness may appear. This head-cove∣ring of theirs, they call a Shash, which incircles their heads many times, and doth mervailously defend them from the violence of the Sun. And because this covering must needs keep their heads hot▪ they provide for this, as well as they can, by shaving the haire continually from off them. And they have girdles made of the same wreaths of cloth for the better sort, thus interwoven▪ which come twice at least about them, made very trim with that kinde of wea∣ving, especially on both ends, which hangdown directly before them.

And thus have I presented a Mahometan there in his proper dress, whose habit will more visibly appear together in the Mogols Picture, portrayed and after put into this discourse.

Now for the Mahometan▪ women; (because I had never sight of those of the greatest quali∣quality)

I cannot give such an account of them in respect of the Habits; for these, unless they be dishonest, or poor, come not abroad; but for the fashion of their garments, they do not differ much from those the men weare, for they weare Coats, and Breeches one very like the other, onely women bind their long haire with Philets, which hang down behind them. They wear likewise upon their heads Mantles or Vailes (usually made of white Callico, or of their Pintadoes) which hang down over their other garments. Further, the women have their Eares boared, not only in their flapps, but round about them, wherein they weare very little Pendants; those of the richer sort are made of flat, narrow and thin peeces of Gold or Sil∣ver; those worn by the poorer sort made of Brass, or Iron kept bright, so that all are in the same fashion; they bestow some work upon the edges and ends of those Pendants. And those women have the lower part of their left nostrils pierced, wherein they weare a Ring (when they please) of Gold, or Silver, or of some o∣ther baser metals. Those Rings of Gold have little pearles fastned to one end of them▪ and that Pearle is dril'd through, that both ends of the ring may meet in it. And doubtless, the wo∣men of the greatest quality, (though I saw it not) are bedeck't with many rich Jewels. This I have observed in some of those of the better sort I there saw, that they did wea••e great

broad Hollow Rings of Gold enamel'd; and some made of Silver, or Brass, upon their wrists, and upon the small of their leggs, to take off and on; two or three of them upon each Arm, and Leg, which make a tinkling noyse, very probably such Ornaments as the Jewish women were threatned for, Esaiah 3. where Al∣mighty God tells them, that he would take a∣way their tinkling Ornaments about their feet, the Bracelets, and the Ornaments of their leggs, their Rings, and Nos••-Jewels.

For my Lord Ambassadour, and his Compa∣ny, we all kept to our English Habits, made as light and coole as possibly we could have them. His wayters in Red Taffata Cloakes guarded with green Taffata, which they alwayes wo••e when they went abroad with him, my self in a long black Cassock; and the Colours and fa∣shion of our garments were so different from theirs, that we needed not, wheresoever we were, to invite spectators to take notice of us.

And now, the Constancy there observed by the Natives of both sexes, in keeping to their old fashions in their habits, exampled to them by their predecessors in many foregoing Gene∣rations, and by them still continued, is the great prayse of this people, as the Commendation of every Nation in the world almost, besides ours, still constant to their ancient fashions in the••r apparell.

The consideration of this might shame, and

make us to blush at it (if we were a people whom shame in this case could take) shame I say, and condemn too, the lightnes, and wan∣tonnes, the want of sobermindedness, and in∣constancy of our people here in this case, who most justly deserve, even for this very thing, ••o be made Bare and Naked, because they are ne∣ver long pleased, scarce at all contented, with the fashion of that they weare for their cove∣ring, continually varying and multiplying their vanities, expressed by their habits. So that what the Prophet Hosea 5. 5. speaks of Israel, may be applyed to England that the pride thereof doth testifie to its face.

It is an Observation in Heraldry, that the richer the Coate is, the fewer are the Colours in it. But whatsoever many Gallants of these times bear in their Scutcheons, I am sure they want no colours in their cloathing, as if they were created Knights of the Sun, and engaged to wear about them every Colour in the Rain∣bow.

Unto what a shamefull & unjustifiable length is the Haire of very many grown to, fitter to be measured by a Carpenters Rule, than by a Combe, when mens haire hangs about their shoulders like Manes on the necks of Horses. A wild & strange fashion never taken up till these rylate times (almost in the memory of Chil∣dren) which puts such strange disguises upon

many, that when it first took its rise here in this Nation, if then a man had met a few of them (who now thus bury, and loose their heads in their haire) he would have then con∣ceived that he had met with Furies, rather than men. Since which time that evill custome hath so prevailed amongst us, as if the commonness thereof, were a sufficient excuse for its unde∣cency.

And (by the way) I should be exceeding glad, if I could exempt and wholy separate from their Company, all those whose business it is to be the teachers and instructers of others, yet in this particular deserve that blame which gives very much offence unto many of those who are sober, minded. Thou which teachest another, teachest thou not thy self? saith the Apo∣stle, Rom. 2. 21. the very coal••s of which Scrip∣ture burns out against them, who do not labour to live up unto every rule they prescribe to o∣thers, who dare without blushing to do that themselves, which they are bound to reproove in others.

If these would but consider, how much gra∣vity there is required in a Minister of the Go∣spel, and look but a little with other mens eyes, they would presently see a long haire (I had al∣most said a s••agpoule) to become a Pulpit so ill, that they would never presume to ascend that place again in that shamefull disguise.

I might hereunto add the many trickings and trimmings of some likewise which appear in that place, very much unbecomming the gra∣vity of their profession; In which respect, the de∣cency and comeliness which hath appeared in others, in those particulars I named, may be a strongwitness against them; in others, who have been thought fit to be removed from their places, and to be thereby layd aside; In others, who have made room for those, either by their death, or otherwise. Now those great undecen∣cies (as I apprehend them) are faults, whatso∣ever is said in their justification, which, as for∣mer times could not paralel them, so the times present cannot excuse them.

But for others whom before I named, rather than they will not come up unto this height of vanitie, they make the haire of Women, which before was dead, to live again (as it were) upon their heads. Concerning whom, if you put that question in the Prophet Jeremy 18. 13. and ask among the Heathen, who hath heard or done such things? It will be answered, none there, none of them; yet this unnatural sin makes ma∣ny amongst us, even to pride themselves in this their shame. For doth not Nature it self teach, that if a man wear long haire, it is a shame un∣to him, 1 Cor. 11. 14.

And for the other Sex amongst us, they are so carryed on by the foot of Pride, as they come

never a whit behind, of whom there are too too many, when God hath bestowned upon them a very large portion of outward feature, and beauty, more than upon many others, it is ve∣ry strange, that those, not yet content with his most excellent workmanship, should go about to amend it, as they think, by spending many precious houres to varnish a little Rottenness, spotting and painting themselves, as if beauty could be increased by deformities, thus presen∣ting themselves to the view of others, as if they had received many skarres and wounds, &c. so they have by the rod of pride (to take those words in a borrowed sense) which they cover with their black patches.

For outward beauty, without doubt it is an excellent gift of God, and so to be esteemed; but when the Soul answers not the face, in not being beautifull like it, it leads to a Curse. And experience teacheth us, that many of the foulest Souls in this respect dwell fairest. There are no two things help to people Hell more, than wanton witts and beautifull faces; that beauty therefore is worse than any deformity, when it abuseth the Soul; when the Soul is made worse by it in making the party on whom it is bestowed, either proud or filthy.

In the one and thirtieth of the Proverbs, 3. 14. a woman is compared to a Merchants ship, which as it is there spoken of a good wo∣man,

so it may be applyed to a bad one like∣wise, that she is like a ship, alwayes ready for trade, and therefore setts off herself as much as possibly she can with all variety of rigging. And further, concerning both Sexes in this case, I shall borrow something from another to speak of them, which I long since observed in these following verses, but a little varied.

Our women here in Gauds excell, And in their loose attires do swell More light then sailes when fresh gales play: Yet are our men more loose than they, More Kemb'd & poudred, Rub'd & trim'd, More bath'd, & sleek'd, & slacker limm'd; Grown so, effeminate in their Mind. As if resolv'd to loose their kind. Both swell in plenty, wealth, and Ease, And health abus'd, made their disease.

Now much of all this proceeds from Fashi∣ons, one fashion bringing in another, and the fa∣shion must bear out, and excuse all; This Fa∣shion [as it should seeme] is the best Preacher and Oratour in our Nation. It were well if our preachings, exhortations, and reproofs were in fashion too, for then I am sure they would gain a great party, win a great many both men and women unto them, that now of all things can∣not abide them; for they leave these, and still fashion themselves after the world, in every

Garish devise, disguise, and dress; or rather af∣ter the Devill himself, for they are Satanae inge∣nia, as [Tertullian calls them] inventions of the Divell, and not of men. And both may just∣ly fear, that when Almighty God shall come to judge the quick, and dead, he may not own these, who have so deformed that simple fa∣shion, in which he first Created them, but may say as Cyprian observes, Opus hoc meum non est, haec mea non est imago, This is not my workmanship, nor this the similitude I first made. When God shall say otherwise of their Garments, then Jacob sometimes did of Josephs, Genes. 37. 33. Haec non est tunica silii mei, This is not my Sons Coate. When their own clothes, [to take that of Job in a literal sense] Job. 9. 33. shall make them to be abhorred.

Little do these consider, that Almighty God can give them a rent, instead of a Garment, and and can cover them with Leprosie, instead of Clothing; that when he pleaseth, he can put a vizard upon their faces, and can strike as well the daughters of England, as those of Sion, with a scab Es. 3. 17. And cover them with blackness and deformity, instead of beauty.

Pardon [good Reader] my length and lan∣guage in this digression, for I am not bitter, but Charitable. Infector vitia, non homines. They are the vices and vanities of people, not their persons I reproove.

—Librum Si malus nequeo Laudare.—Ju.

I cannot like to praise ildle Pamphlets, nor yet honour and esteem vain persons, whatsoever their outsides be. It is a mark, amongst others, of a good man, that he is one in whose eyes a vile person is contemned, Num. 15. 4. in whose eyes, or before whom, and in whose judgment, a vile person [whatsoever he may otherwise be] who makes himself vile by his irregular course, and carriage, is contemned, or little or nothing set by, or regarded.

They were wont to cry out against the Court, for bringing forth and nursing up many strange and new Fashions. Now in respect of this, the whole Nation is an enlarged dissipated Court; and the great City in it, as it shares very much in this National sin, so it must bear a very great part of blame for this, and if, even for this very thing, it escape a, signal judg∣ment, it will fare much better than it de∣serves.

When Augustus the Emperour some∣times rode in Triumph through Rome, and then observed the state and bravery of that City, he said, se tot vidisse Reges, quot Ci∣ves, that he beheld as many Kings, as Citi∣zens: the like may be said of our great Ci∣ty London, wherein a very great number appear, by reason of their strange excess

in apparell, Princes, and Princesses! rather than Citizens.

Which varied and multiplyed Pride in Clothing there, took a very great Rise in that greatest visitation by the plague of Pe∣stilence that ever that City felt, in the year 1625. When very many of that populous City left their houses, and shops, and went into the countrey, putting themselves, and wives into the dresses then in fashion (a thing never done by them before) which were worn by the Gentlemen, and Gentlewomen of the best rank, and e∣ver since have kept in, if not exceeded them in their Habits. A sad use made of such an extraordinary judgment. And ever since, he that strictly viewes that place, may observe a great contest twixt Pride and Luxury for the upper end of the Table. Be∣fore which time, none but the princi∣pal sort of women there were clothed in silks; now very many even ordinary ser∣vants are thus clad. That City then began to lead the way into this bravery; since (evill examples being easily imitated) all the populous places in this Nation follow them. So that we may take up a general Lamentation against the pride of this whole Nation, but of that City in a more special

manner, wherein so many thousands are like the Sinamon-tree, whose bark is much better than its body. How may we complain against the garnish, glittering dresses, of very-very many even of the inferiour rank of people throughout this whole Land, when Sackcloth and Ashes would become them much better.

I cannot deny but that things which are rich, and of the greatest value that are made, may be worn, yet doubtless this is a truth too, that all who can finde money to pay for them, are not fit to wear them. For (as it is well distinguished) there is, necessi∣tas Naturae & personae. The bodyes of all re∣quire covering, to defend them from cold, and mean cloth may warm as well as a rich Plush: yet such as are of high Birth, and Place, are fit to wear rich garments, which will not become others, the consideration of their persons gives them liberty herein, which it doth not to other people, who would finde much more comfort in frieze, or cloth, or stuff, then in velvet, or in any other Rich thing infected by the pride or fashion of those that wear them, whosoever they be.

But here I might borrow the words of the, Prophet and cry, How is our silver be∣come

dross? here take up further complaint, when I do consider how much pride and va∣nity (like worms) bread in Greatness, more by far (as I conceive) in the present, then in those foregoing ages; when so ma∣ny amongst us of great Birth, have tainted and corrupted their blood, and quite ruin'd their manners by strange exorbitancies, which have forfeited that honour and res∣pect they might otherwise challenge, and be sure to receive from all people of sober mindes.

When the rude Souldiers saw the Sena∣tors of Rome sit gravely, and demeaning themselves as became their places, they held them to be Gods; but as soon as they dis∣covered the failings and passions of men, they presently took them to be men & des∣pised and spoiled them. It will be thus with all men of honour, and birth, and place, while they do things becoming themselves, in expressing Noblenes, and honour, and vertue in their lives & courses, they cannot choose but be highly esteemed; but if they discover in themselves the passions, the pride, the vanitie and vilenes that is in the worser sort of people, if they make themselves. Cheap, they will grow into contempt; as the horrid vices of Tiberius the Emperour, made him

to be hated even of his greatest flatte∣rers.

A good heart knowes not how to reve∣rence, and put an high esteem upon any thing it observes in man besides, Gods Image; and when that appeares not, but the contrary, mens tongues and penns will make bold with the greatest.

But why do I spend so much time, and ink, and paper, in such a seeming impertinent, unplausible, and unprofitable reproof? for though that which I have named be such a fault in this Nation, as no language can ever excuse, and no time, I fear, will re∣form; because the people of this Land by a long custome, and continuance, do chal∣lenge such a propriety in new fashions, are so habituated to them, that in probability nothing which can fall, either from the tongues, or penns of men shall ever be able to reform it.

Yet before I leave this just reproof, I shall add a few words more, for those that invent, and urge arguments in the defence thereof; as first, some say that these new in∣vented things, which multiply fashions, serve to keep, and maintain many poor people in work: To these I answer, as it was spoken of Judas, when he grumbled at the expence

of that oynment bestowed on our Blessed Saviour, John 12. 5. 6. saying, This might have been sold for three hundred pence, and given to the poor; but this he said (saith the text) not that he cared for the poor, &c. So, this some speak, not that they love the poor, but the fashion; which poor doubtless might finde as comfortable a subsistence, if they were not thus imployed. And Secondly, whereas others pretend, and say that their hearts may be good and humble, whatsoever their habits be, I dare conclude, that it is as impossible for a good, and humble, and mo∣dest heart to dwell under a vain and fanta∣stick habit, as for evill to be good.

I know that it is a very strange Case which can finde no Advocate; A poysoned pill may be gilded over, as well as that which is wholesome. Favorinus long agoe wrote in the Commendation of a Quartan Ague. That ••oul and filthy disease, hath not wan∣ted a pen to excuse, and commend it. Fools, saith Salomon, make a mock at sin. Prov. 14. 9. Others have made a very bad wife the subject of their Commendation, because (they say) she brings a man to repentance. What is it not that the Luxuriancy and ranknes of wit cannot put a varnish on? when men, like the silly Fly, play with fire

till they sindge their wings, and fall into it. Let me speak therefore as a Divine to all those which plead for new fashions, and therefore think they may be, because they are generally taken up, and followed. That sinns are by so much the greater, by how much they are more general and universal, and that sin is so far from being extenua∣ted by the multitude of offenders, which live under the guilt thereof, that nothing can more aggravate it.

With men, commoness pleads for favour; with God, it pleads for judgment; the Le∣prosie of the whole body being by far more loathsome, then that which appears but in a part thereof; and so much of this, I will now proceed to take notice of other par∣ticulars, which follow in this relation, As,

SECTION XII.

Of their Language, their Books, their Learning, &c.

THE Language of this Empire, I mean the Vulgar, bears the name of it, and is called Indostan; it hath much affinitie with the Persian, and Arabian tongues, but the Indostan is a smoother language, and more easy to be pronounced than the other, a language which is very significant, and speaks much in few words; They write it (as we) to the right hand. It is expressed by letters, which are very much different from those Alphabets, by which the Persian and Arabian tongues are formed. The Per∣sian there is spoken as their more quaint and Court-tongue. The Arabian is their learned language, both written backward to the left hand like the Hebrew, from whence they borrow many words, which come so neer it, as that he who is a good Critick in the Hebrew may very well guess at the meaning of much in both those languages. The Persian is a language, as if it consisted all of Guttur all letters, (as some

in the Hebrew Alphabet are called) filling the mouth in the Pronunciation of them; for as the words in that language are full of sense: so in their speaking they are full of sound.

For the Latin and Greek, by which there hath been so much knowledge conveyed in∣to the world, they are as ignorant of them both, as if they had never been; and this may be one great reason why there is so little learning amongst them. But for the people themselves, they are men of very strong reason, and will speak ex re natâ, upon any offered occasion, very exceeding well; and doubtless they are a people of such strong Capacities, that were there litera∣ture amongst them, they might be the Au∣thors of many excellent works; but as the case stands with them, all that is there at∣tainable towards learning, is but to read and write.

And here by the way let me insert this, that I never saw any Idiot or natural Fool, nor any deformed person amongst them, in any of those parts.

For Logick and Rhetorick which are so instrumental, the first to enlarge, and the second to polish discourses, they have none but what is Natural. They say, that they

write some witty Poems, and compose ma∣ny handsome Annals and Stories of their own, and other adjacent Countreys.

They delight much in Musick, and have some stringed, but many more winde Instru∣ments; They have the use of Timbrils like∣wise; but for want of pleasing Airs, their Musick in my ears never seemed to be any thing but discord.

Their Books are not many, and those are Manuscripts. That rare and happie in∣vention of Printing, which hath been the advancement of so much learning within Christendom, is not known without it.

They have heard of Aristotle, whom they call Aplis, and have some of his books (as they say) in the Arabian tongue, in which language (they further say) they have ma∣ny books written by Avicenna, that anci∣ent Physician, who was born in Samar∣chandia, one of the most fam'd places within the Tartarian Empire, the Countrey (as they believe) where Tamberlain, the Mo∣gols great Ancestor, drew his first breath.

Some parts or fragments they have of the old Testament; of which more, when I shall come to speak of their Religion.

Many amongst them profess themselves to have great skill in judicial. Astrologie,

that great Cheat, which hath been very an∣ciently, and often put upon (as the Sacred Storie witnesseth) the people inhabiting the East, and South parts of the world. I call it a Cheat, because there is, and must needs be, so much uncertainty in it, all things here below being ordered, and overruled, by the secret, and unerring pro∣vidence of Almighty God, which frustra∣teth the tokens of the Lyars, and maketh Diviners mad, that turneth wise men back∣ward, and maketh their knowledge foolish, Esay 44. 25. First, these Diviners are mad when things fall not out according to their bold predictions; And secondly, they have been, and not without cause, esteemed as mad-men, in foretelling things which they could not know, and much less bring to pass.

And therefore I have heard a great Ma∣ster in, and a publick Professor of Astrono∣mie, who could see as far into Constellations and observe as much from them as, any o∣ther, often say, that he would go by the ve∣ry selfesame rules that others did, to pre∣dict things to come, and would write that which was quite contrary to what they ob∣served, yet what he wrote should as often fall to be as true as what they 〈…〉〈…〉old.

Yet notwithstanding the truth of these premises, the great Mogol puts so much confidence in his Astrologers, that he will not undertake a journey, nor yet resolve to do any thing besides of the least conse∣quence, unless his wizards tell him it is a good and a prosperous hour, to begin, and set upon such an undertaking, and at the ve∣ry instant he hath his directions from them▪ he sets upon the thing he undertakes, and not before.

It is strange to consider what ignorance or despair in this ••case may not put men upon, may not put men into: ignorance in that King thus besotted with an high opi∣nion of his Astrologers. So despair in Saul another King long before him, who after he had lost the favour of God grew despe∣rate, and resolved that if God would not answer him, Sathan should. And therefore he said in his distress unto his servants, 1 Sam. 28. 7. Seek me out one that hath a familiar spirit. The condition of Saul was at this time exceeding sad, as appears by his complaint, v. 15. The Philistins make war against me, and God is departed from me, and answers me no more either by Pro∣phets, or Dreams, and what shall I do? I confess that the loss of God is the greatest

of all losses. For, as his favour to a believing Soul, in the want of every thing besides, is enough, because his loving kindnes is better than life it self) Psal. 63. 3. So, the gaining of every thing the world can afford with the loss of Gods Countenance, makes profit loss, a Chaire of State uneasy, an heredita∣ry, (and much more) a usurped Scepter so unweildy, as that it cannot be managed with comfort.

Here Saul, a King, is so perplexed in his thoughts, when as Almighty God had taken his loving kindnes from him, that he asks the question, what shall I do? Not what thou did'st (wretched Saul) against the streame of thine own Conscience, to seek unto those whom thou had'st but of late condemned, and punished, to take a course which thou knowest to be divellish. Mise∣rable Saul, how couldst thou hope to find God at thy Command, that wouldst not be at His! How couldst thou look that God should regard thy voyce in trouble, that wouldst not regard his in Peace? Saul had now forfetted Gods favour, and God takes the forfeture; and there••ore it was not to be wondred at, that he walked so irregu∣larly, when he had put himself out of Gods Protection.

Thus before (Numb. 22.) when all help failed Moab, the Magician was sought unto. If there be any one Project worse than another, a wicked heart will finde that out; though it be a sign of a most des∣perate cause, when Sathan is made either a mans Counsellor or Refuge.

What men may do by the help of Astro∣logie, and do it safely and without sin, de∣serves Commendation, not blame, nor Cen∣sure. But certainly to conclude of future events, is above Art or, Man; because those things Almighty God hath lockt up among his secrets, far above all reach, or search. Nay, the most intelligent Spirits know no∣thing of future Events; or could those evill Spirits truly foretell things to come no way pre-existent, they could not without great danger and sin be consulted withall; for the evill of their Nature debarrs all the benefit that can come by their information; for they never do a man an apparent good one way, but they do him a Real mischief another.

The Devill (as we may conceive) knows things past, and as he animates and encou∣rages a man to theft by his suggestions, tel∣ling him, that he is poor, and must live, and therefore may steal; that if he cannot sup∣port

himself by warrantable, he must live, and therefore may take other courses. Now that Devill which courts a man to Theft, can certainly tell what he steales, and there∣fore can discover goods stol'n: wherein the Devill makes a double advantage unto him∣self; first, in making the Thief his own, and secondly, the other, who leaves God, and repaires to him in his instruments for a discovery of goods thus stoln.

Now for a Mahometan who lives in the dark to consult Southsayers, and Wizards, it is no great marvell, because his igno∣rance of God puts him upon those mad shifts and conceits to have recourse unto Sathan: But for such as profess themselves Christians, who live under that cleer light, which strictly forbids all such courses; for these in their losses to repaire unto cun∣ning men, and women (as they call them) who cannot possibly help them, but by some secret compact with the Devill, is certainly a very grievous sin, an undertaking most horribly impious. So then, they whosoever they be who to find out their stoll'n goods, hazard the loss of their Souls, however they speed shall gain nothing by that en∣quiry.

Yet this hath been a sin very ancient in

the world, and undertaken for more ends, than I have named. When

Filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos. The naughty Children, of as bad Parents, have sought out to have the Nativity of their Fa∣thers Calculated, that they might be told (if such a thing could be discovered) how long they had to live, thinking every minute a month till they see them kneeling in Brass, or stone, or more cheaply buried; that so they might be setting that abroach with profuse Lu∣xury which their parents had been long bar∣relling up with great Avarice. It falling out many times by the righteous judgment of Al∣mighty God, that when wickedness getts, wic∣kedness shall consume that estate so gotten; ac∣cording to that in the Prophet Micha. 1. 7. She gathered it of the hire of an Harlot, and to an Harlot it shall return. But I proceed to speak,

SECTION. XIII.

Of their Physicians, Diseases, Cures. When they begin their year. How they measure their time, &c.

HEre are those which pretend unto much skill in Physick, though (for ought I could ever there observe) the people make but little use of them, they fearing more Medicum quam Morbum; and therefore do believe the Physician to be the more dangerous dis∣ease.

The common diseases of that Countrey are bloody fluxes, with others that come not to blood, hot-Feavers, Calentures, which ceise on and fire the head and brain, more than o∣ther parts. These, many times put our men at Sea into very high distempers, especially while they are under the Torrid Zone, which makes the poor creatures visited with them, sometimes to conceit the spacious Sea and Waves therein to be great Fields full of Heycocks; and if they were not sometimes happily prevented, would leap over-board to tumble in them.

For ordinary Agues, such as are so common among us, and for those two torments rather

than diseases (when they are selt in extremity) the Gout and the Stone, they have the happiness to be ignorant of them.

But sometimes they are visited with an in∣flamation, or an extreme burning, such as is spoken of, Deut. 28. 22. or rather with a most grievous Pestilence, which on a sudden sweeps away many thousands when it comes into great Populous Cities. This Pestilence makes the bo∣dyes of men there which are visited with it, like an house, which on a sudden is covered all over wi••h fire at once. The City Amadavar (at our being there with the King) was visited with this Pestilence, in the Month of May, and our fa∣mily was not exempted from that most incom∣fortable visitation, for within the space of nine dayes, seven persons that were English of our family were taken away by it, and none of those which dyed lay sick above twenty houres, and the major part well, and sick, and dead in twelve houres. As our Surgeon (who was there all the Physician we had) and he led the way, falling, sick at Mid-day, and the fol∣lowing Mid-night dead. And there were three more that followed him, one immediatly after the other, who made as much hast to the grave as he had done, and the rest went after them; within that space of time (I named before.) And (as before I observed) all those that died in our family, of this pestilence, had their bo∣dyes

set all on fire by it, so soon as they were first visited; and when they were dying, and dead, broad spots of a black and blew colour appeared on their brests; and their flesh was made so extreme hot by their most high distem∣per, that we who survived, could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it.

It was a most sad time, a siery trial indeed. But such is the goodnes of Almighty God, that he makes the miseries of men here, Aut tolera∣biles, aut breves, either sufferable, or short; so that if the thing imposed be extreme heavy to be born, it continues not long, as this most grie∣vous visitation; most violent for the time, like a mighty storm, and then blown away. For here the mercy of God suddenly stept in, betwixt the living and the dead; so that not only in our family, but also in that great City, the Plague was stayed.

All our family [my Lord Ambassadour only excepted] were visited with this sickness; and we all, who through Gods help and goodnes outlived it, had many great blisters, fild with a thick yellow watry substance, that arose upon many parts of our bodyes, which when they brake, did even burn and corrode our skins, as it ran down upon them.

For my part, I had a Calenture before at Mandoa, which brought me even into the ve∣ry Jawes of Death, from whence it pleased

God then to rescue and deliver me, which a∣mongst thousands and millions of mercies more received from him, hath, and shall for ever give me cause to speak good of his Name.

There are very few English which come thi∣ther, but have some violent sicknes, which if they escape, and live temperately, they usually enjoy very much health afterward. But death made many breaches into my Lord Ambassa∣dors family, for of four and twenty wayters, besides his Secretary and my self, there was not above the fourth man returned home. And he himself by violent Fluxes, was twice brought even to the very brink of the Grave.

The Natives of East India, in all their vio∣lent hot diseases, make very little use of Physi∣cians, unless in be to bre••th a veine sometimes, after which they use much fasting as their most hopefull remedy.

That foul disease [a most into consequence of filthy incontinency] is too common in those hot climates, where the people that have it are much more affected with the trouble it brings, than with the sin or shame thereof. As many a∣mongst us, who care not for issue, but lust; and after pay dear for their filthines, which many times rotts, or else makes bare the bones of them that are thus filthy. For as vertue and goodnes rewards it self: so to it self wickednes is a punishment, poena peccati peccasse: saith Seneca,

this is cleer in the sad consequences of many o∣ther sins, cui ••hu? cui vae? who hath wo? who hath sorrow? Solomon askes the question, and resolves it too, Prov. 23. 29. they that tarry long at the wine, &c. for it will bite like a Ser∣pent, and sting like an Ad••er. How many sad diseases are contracted to mens bodyes by this kind of intemperancy? who can recount the hurts that by this means come to the whole body, especially to the Head, Stomack, Liver, and the more noble párts? who can recite the Rheumes, Gouts, Dropsies, Appoplexies, In∣flamations, and other distempers hence arising? Drunkennes being like that Serpent Amphisbae∣na, which hath a sting in the mouth, and a sting in the tail, for it kills two wayes, first the Body, and after that the Soul.

How were the thoughts of Amnon rackt a∣bout the compassing of that incestuous, unna∣tural and brutish lust with his Sister Tamar? for first he is sick for her, and after he had reaped the bitter fruit of his beastly desires, (his lust en∣ding in loathing) he was sick of her, and hated her exceedingly, and said unto her, arise, be gone, 2 Sam. 13. 15.

Brutus, and Cassius were traytors which Julius Caesar fear'd, Macilenti & pallidi, men pal'd with Anger, whose thoughts to do mischief, drank up all their own sap and moi∣sture. Envy (••aith Solomon) is the rottennes

of the bones, Prov. 14. 30. hence the heart of the malicious and envious man, is never without torment, for it boyles continually, as it were in Brine; And therefore this sin is said to have much justice in it self, Justius invidia ni∣hil est, because it eateth the heart and marrow of her master, as he desireth to have the heart of another to be eaten up. And thus may it be said of Anger, when it boyles up to rage (as ma∣ny times it doth) in se s••mper armatur furor, that it is always in Armes against it self.

The people in East India live up to our greatest ages; but without all question they have more old people than we; a thing not to be wondred at▪ if we consider the great Tempe∣rance of that people in general in their eating and drinking.

But to proceed. The Hindooes or Hea∣thens there begin their year the first day of March. The Mahometans begin theirs, the tenth, at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries, their year as ours is divided into twelve Months, or rather into thirteen Moons, for according to them they make many payments. They di∣stinguish their time in a much different manner from us, dividing the day into four, and the night into as many parts, which they call Pores; which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts, which they call Grees; measured ac∣cording

to the ancient custome, by water drop∣ping out of one vessell into another, by which there alwayes stands a man appointed for that service, to turn that vessell up again when it is all dropped out, and then to strike with an hammer (upon the brim of a concave peece of Metal, like the inner part of a large platter, hanging by the brim on a wire) the number of those Pores, and Grees as they pass. It hath a deep sound, and may be heard very far; but these are not common amongst them. Neither have they any Clocks, or Sun-Dials to shew them fur∣ther how their time passeth.

We lived there some part of our time a little within, or under the Tropick of Cancer, and then the Sun was our Zenith, or Verticle at noon day directly over our heads, at his return to his Northern bounds. (of which I have spo∣ken something before) The Sun-rising there, was about six houres in the Morning before its appearing here, so that it is twelve of the clock with them, when it is but six with us. We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December, when the dayes are shortest neer eleven houres, and in▪ June when they are at their fullest length, somewhat more than thirteen houres; which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the earth, was very advantagious to cool both the Earth, and Air. I proceed to speak.

SECTION. XIV.

Of the most excellent moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations.

NExt to those things which are Spiritually good, there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation, than those things which are Morally and Ma∣terially so; and many of these may be drawn out ••o life, from the examples of great num∣bers amongst that people.

For the Temperance of very many, by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles, it is such, as that they will rather choose to dye, like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Machabees and seventh Chap∣ter, then eat or drink any thing their Law for∣bidds them. Or like those Rechabites, mentio∣ned Jer. 35. Where Jonadab their father com∣manded them to drink no wine, and they did for∣bear it for the Commandement sake. Such meat and drink as their Law allowes them, they take only to satisfie Nature, (as before) not, appetite, strictly observing Solomons Rule, Proy. 23. 2. in keeping a knife to their throats, that they may

not transgress in taking too much of the Crea∣ture; hating Gluttony and esteeming drunken∣nes, as indeed it is, another Madnes, and there∣fore have but one word in their language, (though it be very Copious) and that word is Most, for a drunkard, and a mad-man. Which shewes their hatred of drunken distempers; for none of the people there are at any time seen drunk, (though they might find liquor e∣nough to do it, but the very offal and dreggs of that people, and these rarely, or very sel∣dom.

And here I shall insert another most heedfull particular to my present purpose, which de∣serve a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general, how poor and mean soever they be; and that is, the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Pa∣rents, that notwithstanding they serve for very little (as I observed before) but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelyhood and subsi∣stence; yet if their Parents be in want, they will impart at the least half of that little to∣wards their necessities, choosing rather to want themselves, then that their Parents should suf∣fer need.

I would have this read, and read over again by many who call themselves Christians, yet most shamefully neglect those loynes from which they fell, looking upon their Pa∣rents,

if they be in need, either with a scorn∣full, or a grudging eye. Whence we have this saying amongst us (which that people would spit at) that one Father and Mother will better provide for ten helpless Children, then so many Children make fitting provision for one poor Father and Mother, as if they were not the Sons and Daughters of men, but rather Chil∣dren of the Horseleeches, who are ever Crying, Give, give, never returning ought, or any thing proportionable to answer that love and care they have received from their Parents.

It is the Precept of the Apostle, Ephes. 6. 2. (which is often repeated before in the sacred storie) Honour thy Father and thy Mother, which is the first Commandement with promise, with promise of a blessing unto all those who perform that duty as they ought. Now this ho∣nouring of Parents must be expressed by all wayes that manifest Childrens duty, not only in an outward respect and distance, but also in a free release of them, if Children be able, and Parents stand in need.

'Tis well observed, that when Noah once surprized by wine, had layd open his Nakednes in his Tent, Gen. 9. and by one houres drunken∣ness had discovered that, which more then six hundred years sobriety had modestly concealed, (for drunkennes doth both make imperfecti∣ons, and prefents them thus made to others

eyes) that his Sons Shem and Japhet, out of du∣ty and respect unto their Father, took a garment and went backward, that they might cover, not behold their Fathers nakednes. Which act of Duty and respect unto their Father, was large∣ly repayed unto them in their posterity; whereas Cham their brother for his undutifulnes in this case, beares his Fathers curse, and lives under it, and is plagued in his children. We may con∣clude it as a rule, that there have not been any very neglectfull of, or rebelliously undutifull unto their Parents, that have prospered in them∣selves and seed. Absolon lifts up his hand a∣gainst his Father David, and his head is after lifted up, and hanged in an Oke, where he dyed miserably. 2 Sam. 18. I could instance further, if it were the busines of this discourse. But I re∣turn again to the place from whence I am di∣gressed, and must say

Further for this people, (which is not the least commendation of them) they are in gene∣ral a Nation that do never pride it in any new Fashions; for as they are very civilly clad, so I am confident, that they keep to the very selfe same Fashion, that their Ancestors did weare, many hundred yeares agoe (as before I ob∣served)

And certainly if a man should take his jour∣ney from the rising of the Sun, to the going down of the same, he should not find a people in all

the world so overrun with an Itch after a new fashion, as the French and English are, [of which likewise something before.]

For the Mahometans [who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes, keeping them un∣der, because they formerly conquered them] there are many of them Idle, and know better to eat than work, & these are all for to morrow, a word very common in their mouths, and the word is Sub-ba, which signifies to morrow, and when that day comes, to morrow, and so still to morrow, they will set down upon their busi∣nesses to morrow, will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow, they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba, to morrow. Pol∣licitis divites, most rich in promises, in perfor∣mances not so. That being true of many of those Mahometans, which Livie sometimes spake of Hannibal, that he stood most to his pro∣mise, when it was most for his Profit [though to do the Mahometans in general right, such as are Merchants and Traders▪ are exact in their dealings] or, as Plutarch writes of Anti∣gonus the King, who was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as being ever about to give, but seldome giving. Or as Martial of his Posthumus.

Cras te venturum, Cras dicis Posthuma semper: Dic mihi cras istud Posthume quando venit.

To morrow still thou sayest thou't come to me: Say Posthumus when will that morrow be.

But for the Hindooes or Heathens, the an∣cient inhabitants of East India, they are a very industrious people very diligent in all the works of their particular callings, believing that bread sweetest, and most savoury, which is gain'd by sweat. These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground; These they which make those curious Manifactures that Empire affords; working [as we s••y with tooth and nail] imploying their eares and toes, as well as their fingers, to assist them [by holding threds of silke] in the making of some things they worke. These are a people who are not a∣fraid of a Lion in the way, of a Lion in the streets, as the slothfull man is, Prov. 26. 13. but they lay hold on the present time, the opportunity, to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day, they being very laborious in their several imployments, and very square and exact to make good all their engagements.

Which appeares much in their Justnes ma∣nifested unto those that trade with them; for if a man will put it unto their consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it, they will deal squarely, and honestly with him; but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price,

they will be apt to say, what, doest thou think me a Christian, that I would go about to de∣ceive thee?

A salt, a sharp, a biting Sarcasme, or rather an horrible truth to be put upon the Score of many who call themselves Christians, yet re∣solve, quocun{que} Modo Rem, to get what they can gain, however they get it. It therefore con∣cernes all, and that most highly, who trade in those parts, and are called by that Name, if they will trade for Heaven as well as Commodities (which if they do not, their returnes will be sad and poor, and all their labour lost) to look a∣bout them, and to be very circumspect, in all their doings and dealings, that the Name of God & his Doctrine be not blasphemed, and Chri∣stianity it self made to suffer, by any of their unjustifiable carriages.

I never observe that place, Gen. 20▪ 18. where Abimelech reprooves Sarah, but methinks it is sad for Sarah, the wife of Abraham, of A∣braham the Father of the Faithfull, to do that for which she might be reprooved by Abime∣lech. It was a shamefull reproof indeed for a woman of her sort to be taught her duty, and upbraided with her faults by an Heathen man. Surely, it cannot but grieve every good heart, to hear that which is too often, and truly spo∣ken, to the shame and reproach of the Gospel; that there is more Truth and Fidelity, more just

dealing and moral honesty, more care of their word, more good neighbourhood and kindnes, more Charity and mercifulnes, among a num∣ber of meer natural men, nay, among Turks and Infidels, than amongst a great many, who are of chief note for the profession of the Go∣spel.

When the Canaanites and Perizzitos had seen what the Sons of Jacob, Symion and Levi, had done unto the Shechemites, how that they had broken their promise and Covenant with them, how cruelly and barbarously they had us'd them, this made Jacob to say (though alas he was far from approoving and consenting to that they did) that it would make his Religion to stinke among the Inhabitants of the Land. Gen. 34. 30.

Surely for Moral Honesty it is most true, (that even those Heathens I have named) mar∣vailously exceed us in it; and Oh! that Christi∣ans would be made to blush at the Considera∣tion thereof. Christians, that have the Book of God for their direction, where they may run and read their duties, besides that Book of Na∣ture, which is the only guide that people have to walk by; yet that these who live in darknes and in the shadow of death, should perform ma∣ny of the strictest things of the law of bondage, and Christians who li•••• under a Law of Liber∣ty, Liberty in and though Christ Jesus, Liberty

(I say) for all those that do not abuse it, should be so blinded with light, that they perform not the things, no no•• of Nature.

It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider, what scandal there is brought upon the Chri∣stian Religion, by the loosenes, and remisnes, by the exorbitances of many, which come a∣mongst them, who profess themselves Chri∣stians, of whom I have often heard the Natives [who live neer the Port where our shipps arrive] say thus, in broken English, which they have gotten, Christian Religion, Devil Religion, Christian much drunk, Christian much do wrong, much beat, much abuse others.

The unmatcht extremities of Tyranny and Cruelty [to which nothing could be added to make it more cruel] practised by the Spaniards upon the people of West India, is above all example, and almost belief. When their bloo∣dy outrages were such, as made those wretched Natives to submit unto any kinde of death, which they would voluntarily impose upon themselves, rather than endure the Spaniards Tyranny. Benzo in his story of West India, writes strange things of them. First, of their cru∣elty, that they destroyed more than twenty Mil∣lions of people amongst them, and then that those Indians would say of them, En Christia∣ne, quid sunt Christian 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. O Christian, what are Christians? and thus they answered them∣selves

by defining them. Christians are such as thirst after innocent blood, Christians such as desire other mens Lands, other mens Wives, o∣ther mens Gold, and Silver, and would hold out little wedges of Gold, and say, En Deus Christianorum, behold the God of the Christi∣stians! They would further add, that the Chri∣stians said, that they were the Children of God, and that after death they went to Heaven, upon which they gave this judgment. Qualis Deus iste, qui tam impuros & sceleratos filios habet? What kind of God was the God of the Christians, which had such impure and wicked sons? And if he were like them, there could be no goodnes in him. And if those Christians went to heaven, they would not desire to go thi∣ther, for they would not be where the Christi∣ans were. And thus was the honour of God, the Name of Christianity, by their most lewd and most cruel behaviour, derided, defamed, re∣proached by those which were Infidels and Pay∣nims.

But to return again unto the people of East-India, though the Christians which come a∣mongst them do not such horrible things, yet they do enough to make Christianity it self evill spoken of, as a Religion that deserves more to be abhorred, than imbraced. For truly it is a sad sight there to behold, a Drunken Christian, and a sober Indian; a temperate Indian, and a

Christian given up to his appetite. An Indian that is just and square in his dealing, a Chri∣stian not so, a Laborious Indian, and an Idle Christian, as if he were borne only to fold his Armes, or fruges tantum Consumere natus: to devour Corne, and wear out wooll. Oh what a sad thing is it for Christians to come short of In∣dians, even in Moralities, to come short of those, who themselves believe, come short of Heaven.

Now if any aske whence those moral virtues flow that so much adorne Heathens; I answer in those words of our Saviour spoken to Peter in another case, Mat: 16. 17. that flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto them. But certainly it proceedes from more then these, and that is, from those Remnants & Remaines, from those common impressions & norions, which are sealed up in the minds of every one that hath a reaso∣nable Soule, a part of Adams first integrity be∣fore his fall, a substance or blessing in a tree that seemed to be dead. Little sparkes raked up (as it were) under many ashes, which can never die nor be utterly extinguished so long as the Soule liveth. Hence the Apostle speaks this of the Gen∣tiles, Ro: 2. 14, 15. that they having not the Law, doe by nature the things conteyned in the law, which shews the works of the law written in their hearts, &c. But so much be spoken of the Moralities of that people. I come now to take notice

SECTION. XV

Of their Religion, their Priests, their Devotion, their Churches &c.

ANd now I come to speake of their Religi∣on I shall first take notice of the Mahome∣tan Religion there professed. That of the Hin∣does or Heathens shall finde a place wherein I may speake of it afterwards.

But first of the Mahometan Religion, because the great Mogol with his Grandees, and allother of quality about him are Mohometans; which Religion (if it deserve that name) took its first Rise, and began to be professed in the world a∣bout the yeare of Christ 620, as hath been ob∣served by many writers.

The Ringleader to it, and chiefe founder of it was Mahomet, an Arabian by birth, born (as is said) in a very obscure place, and of very meane & low Parentage, but a man fill'd with all subtilty and Craft; who, (as they write) af∣ter that he had much enriched himselfe by wives, came to be the Commander of a Com∣pany of Arabian Volunteers that followed Heraclius the Emperour in his Persian warrs; but not long after himselfe and Soul∣diers, f••lling first into Mutiny, and after that

to Rebellion, which was an excellent prepara∣••ve to put an innovationor change on Religion, and his Souldiers standing close unto him, he himselfe, with the help of Sergiues a Christian by profession, but an Heretical Nestorian Monke, & of Abdala a Jew composed a Reli∣gion that hath nothing in it, or that savours of nothing so much, as of rude ignorance, and most palpable imposture; it being a Monster of many heads; a most damnable mixture of horrid im∣pieties, if it be considered alltogether.

Yet because it conteins much in it very plea∣sing to flesh and blood, and soothes up, and com∣plies exceedingly with corrupt nature, it want∣ed no followers presently to embrace, and as∣sert it; so that in a little time, like a Gangrene, it spred it selfe into many parts of Asia, and since that hath enlarged it selfe like Hell; so that, at this present day it hath more that profess it in the world, then those which profess Christani∣ty, if we take in all collectively that doe but beare the Names of Christians, the world over.

The poore people, that are so much abused by the strong delusions of that great Impostor, say for themselves thus, that God hath sent three great prophets into the world, first Moses, and after him Christ, and then Mahomet, and further adde that when Christ left the world hee promised to send a Comforter into it, and that Comforter w Mahomet,

and therefore they close with him.

I shall not neede amongst men professing Christianity to write any thing in answer to those their frantick assertions, neither will Imake it my business to enlarge my selfe in the discove∣ry of the Mahometan Religion, because that hath beene done by so many hands already; only this I wil say of it, & not much more, that it hath Will-worship for its Foundation, Fables and Lyes for its support, and a groundless presumption for its super-structure.

For its Foundation, first, abundance of will-worship, manifested in many outward perfor∣mances, which are not hard to be performed, because the depraved will of man, is ready prest and bent to performe things of that kind with readiness, Cheerfullness, and delight. The works of your Father the Devil you will doe, saith our Saviour, of the obstinate Jews, doe them, be they never so hard, with content and willingness.

Secondly, the Mahometan Religion hath a∣bundance of strange, monstrous, fables and Lyes for its support, their Alcoran (for the sub∣stance of it) being a fardle of foolish impossibili∣ties, fit to be received by none but fooles, and mad-men; for they can gaine no more credit with those that are judicious, then what is rela∣ted in the ryming story of that antient Knight Errant, Bevis of Southampton; or in the Poems of Orlando the furious, where may be found some

like such paralel fictions, as of Astalpho who mounted a Griffin, which car∣ried him up immediately into the Moon, where (they say) Mahomet somtime was, the reason I conceive which made himselfe, and his followers ever since so full of Lunacy, or mad∣ness.

Thirdly, it hath a groundless presumption for its superstructure, which presumption drawes that mis••-ed people into a carless security, they esteeming themselves the only true believers of the world, and none true belivers but them∣selves

Yet it cannot bee denied, but that there are some things in the precepts which Mahomet hath prescribed to be received and observed by his followers, that are good; layd downe in eight commandements which are these.

First, that God is a great God, and the only God, and Mahomet is the Prophet of God.

Second, that Children must obey their pa∣rents, and doe nothing to displease them either in word or deed.

Third, that every one must doe to another that, and only that which he would have ano∣ther doe to him.

Fourth, that every man five times every day must repaire to the Mosquit or Church, to pray there, or wheresoever hee is, hee must pray e∣very day so often, if not in the Church, then elsewhere.

Fift, that one whole moone in every yeare, e∣very man, come to yeares of discretion, must spend the whole day, twixt the rising, and set∣ting of the Sunne•• in fasting.

Sixt, that every one out of his store, must give unto the poore liberally, freely, and volun∣tarily.

Seventh, that every one (except those Vota∣ries which renounce marriage) must marry, to increase and multiply the Sect, and Religion of Mahomet.

Eight, that no man must kill, or shed blood.

Now much in these commandements agrees with the word of truth; and we neede not wonder at it, when we consider, that even the Devil himselfe (as we may observe in the Gos∣pel) hath sometimes had a Scripture in his mouth. So have Hereticks, and so did Ma∣homet and his assistants mix some Scripture in their Alcoran, to put a fairer gloss upon their irreligion. But what Scriptures they all urge, are for the most part, if not ever, wrest∣ed, by their mayming, or perverting, or misap∣plying of them. Thus the Devill quotes a Scrip∣ture Mat 4. 6. but one part is left out, and the rest miss▪ applied. Those therefore who wrest or mangle scripture to serve their owne turne, we may see from whose schoole they have it. Thus Mahomet cites scripture to doe more

mischiefe by it; let no man content himselfe, and think all is well, because he can some∣times speak good words, have a scripture in his mouth; when he considers that Hereticks, Hypocrits doe so, that Mahomet, nay Satan himselfe hath done as much.

Satan can transform himselfe into an An∣gel of light, and seeme holy to doe mischiefe. Thus Simeon, and Levi (out of conscience pretended) could not give their Sister to an uncircumcised man. Gen. 34. there was God in their mouthes, but Satan in their hearts, they hide their Cruelty with Craft, and cover their Craft with Religion. Of all mischiefes, those that smile most, are most deadly. the uglyest and vilest of all projects well make use of Reli∣gion as a Foyle, to set them off; Poysoned Pills can finde Gold to cover them; because the worse that any thing is, the better shew it de∣sires to make.

But to proceed; the Mahometan priests are called Moolaas who read some parcells out of their Alcoran, upon Frydays (which are their sabboths, or days of rest) unto the people assem∣bled in their Mosquit or Churches, and then fur∣ther deliver some precepts, which they gather out of it, unto their miserably deluded hearers.

These Moolaas are they which joyn those of that Religion in marriage; and these imploy

much of their time as Scriveners to doe busi∣nesses for others; or to teach their yong Chil∣dren to write and reade their language in writ∣ten hand, for (as before) they have no Printing. Those Moolaas are more distinguished from the rest of the Mahometans by their Beards (which they weare long) then by any other of their habits. Their calling gaines, and gives them very much reverence and esteeme amongst the People; as another sort of priests there have, of an high order or ranke▪ which live much re∣tired; but when they appeare openly are most highly reverenced; they are called Seayds who derive themselves from Mahomet.

The Mahometans have faire Churches which (as before) are called Mosquits; their Churches are built of Marble or Courser stone, the broad side towards the West is made up close like a firme wall, and so are both ends, in which there are no lights; the other broad side towards the East is erected upon Pillars (where a man may take notice of excellent workemanship both in vaults, and arches) the spaces betwixt them pillars stand open. Their Churches are built long and narrow, standing North and South which way they lay up the bodies of their dead, but none of them within their Churches.

At the four Corners of their Mosquits which

stand in great Cityes or in other places much peopled, the••e are high and round, but small Turrets, which are made open with lights every way, wherein a man may be easily seene, and heard; their devout Moolaas five times every day ascend unto the tops of those high Turrets, whence they proclaim, as loudly as they can possibly speake, their Prophet Mahomet, thus in Arabian, La alla illa alla, Mahomet Resul-alla that is, he re is no God but one God, and Ma∣homet the messenger from God, That voyce in∣stead of Bells, (which they use not in their Churches) puts the most devout in minde of the houres of their devotion, those Priests being exceedingly zealous to promote the cause, and to keep up the honour of their Mahomet, as the men of Ephesus sometime were, when they feared that the credit of their baggage Diana was like to be called into question, they took up a Cry which continued for the space of two houres, Crying out with one voyce, greaet is Diana of the Ephesians Act. 19. 24.

When a mans Religion is right, he ought to be very zealous in the maintenance of it, very fearefull of the hazard, or loss thereof. And therefore if these Mahometans, or those men of Ephesus had had truth on their side, they would both have deserved much commendation for what they did. And so Micha too who thus

complained when he had lost his jmages, Judg. 18. 24. they have stol'n away my Gods, and what have I more? I confess that the loss of God is the greatest of all losses, but those were proper Gods which Micha there bewayled, that would be stol'n, that could not save themselves; who if the fire spare them, rust or rottenness, or time will consume them. But those Mahometans though they doe not en∣dure either Idoles or Images, in their houses, or Churches, yet are they very forward to cry up their irreligion and to shew much zeale for it.

Zeale, is derived from a word that signifies to burne, it is a compound made up of many affections, as of griefe, joy, love, anger, well tempered together, and when it is so, it hath its due commendation both of God and man; and cursed is he that goes about to extinguish that holy fire, that holy fire (I say) which hath light in it as well as Heat, and heate as well as light. The truth of Zeale may be further discovered (of zeale that is good) if we confi∣der first the Roote from which it springs, and thats the knowledg and Love of God; Second∣ly the Rule by which it is carryed on, and acts, and that's the word, and will of God, and last∣ly the end it aymes at, and intends, and that's the honour and glory of God; and zeale thus

ordered cannot be too violent: but when for want of these it becomes irregular, and shews it selfe over much in bad causes (such as before were nam'd) it is, Cursus celerrimus, sed prae∣ter viam, a swift violent motion but quite out of the way.

And if it be good to be zealous in a good cause, then it is better to be zealous in the best: and the best cause to shew zeale in, is the cause of God, Pro Aris & Focis was the old good Proverb; first to stand up for Gods rights, and afterward for our owne: and to believe that that vnum necessarium, which our Saviour commends unto us, Lu. 10, 42. is that one thing principally and especially necessary, though the Devill, and our owne corruption will tell us, (if we will believe them) that there is nothing more needless. When Moses and Aaron came to Pharaoh and spake unto him about sacrifi∣cing unto the Lord their God, Pharaoh replyes, yee are idle, yee are idle, therefore yee say let us goe and sacrifice unto the Lord, Ex. 5. 17. the same Devill that there spake in Pharaoh, speaks in all ignorant and prophane people, who call Religion idleness and hypocrisie; a strict and e∣ven walking with God, singularity or a doing more then God requires us to perform.

But however that is most true which was spoken by Philo judeus, ubi de religione, ibi

quo{que} de vita agitur, we must act for religion as we would strive for life. Philosophy tels us that Tactus est fundamentum animae sensitivae, that the very foundation of natural life is feeling; so then no feeling no life, and the want of spi∣rituall feeling argues a want too of spirituall life. The poore seduced Mahometans, and many others in the world are very keene, and sharp and forward to maintaine that which they call Religion; the more shame for those who profess themselves Christians, and have a sure word to build their hope upon, yet are ferventissimi in terrenis, in coelestibus frigi∣dissimi, as hot as fire in earthly, as cold as ice in heavenly things. A sad thing to consider that so many should have their tongues bent like Bowes for lyes, (as the prophet Jeremy complaines Jer. 9. 37.) and Christians not vali∣ant for the truth; that others should drive like Jehu, furiously, madly, and that in the waies of error, injustice, oppression, prophaness, as in all other kinds of wickedness; and Christians in the cause of God more heavily, slowly, like the Egyptians in the Red-Sea when their chariot wheeles were off. Shall Turks and In∣fidels solicit bad causes so earnestly; and Chri∣stians those actions which are good so faintly! Acrius ad p••rniciem, quam nos ad vitam; make more hast to destruction then Christians

to life, and happiness! It was St. Jeromes com∣plaint, considerare pudet quantus feruor, quae cura, &c. That he was asham'd to consi∣der how solici••ous some men were in earthly, and how sluggish others in heavenly things, as if they durst not so much as to owne the cause of God▪ they were wont to say of cowards in Rome, that there was nothing Roman in them; it may be applyed to Christians who shew no resolutions for Christ that there is nothing Christian in them, they even betraying the cause of Christ while they so faintly maintain it. Hardly would they dye for Christ, who dare not speake for him; certainly they would never be brought to afford him their blood, that will not for the present afford him their breath.

But to returne againe to those Mahometan Priests, who out of zeale doe so often pro∣claim their Mahomet. Tom Coryat upon a time having heard their Moolaas often (as be∣fore) so to cry got him upon an high place di∣rectly opposite to one of those Priests, and con∣tradicted him thus. La alla illa alla, Hasaret Eesa Ben-alla, that is, no God, but one God, and the Lord Christ the Son of God, and further added that Mahomet was an Impostor: and all this he spake in their owne language as loud as possibly he could, in the eares of many Ma∣hometans

that heard it. But whether (circum∣stances considered) the zeale, or discretion of our Pilgrim were more here to be commend∣ed, I leave to the judgment of my Reader. That he did so, I am sure, and I further believe how that bold attempt of his, if it had been acted in many other places of Asia, would have cost him his life with as much torture as cruel∣ty could have invented. But he was here taken for a mad-man, and so let alone.

Happly the rather, because every one there hath liberty to profess his owne Religion freely and if he please may argue against theirs, with∣out feare of an inquisition, as Tom Coryat did at another time with a Moolaa, and the Questi∣on which of these two was the Mussleman or true Believer, after much heate on both sides, Tom Coryat thus distinguished, that himselfe was the Orthodox Mussleman or true true be∣liever, the Moola the pseudo Mussleman or false true believers; which distinction, if I had not thought it would have made my Reader smile had been here omitted.

The Mahometans have a set forme of pray∣er in the Arabian tongue, not understood by many of the common people, yet repeated by them as well as by the Moolaas, they likewise rehearse the Names of God and of their Ma∣homet certain times every day upon Beads, like

the miss-led Papists, who seem to regard more the Number, then the weight of prayers.

Certainly Will-worship is a very easy duty, and if Almighty God would be as much pleas∣ed with it, as man is, so much of that service would not be quite lost: But in those services wherein God is highly concern'd to rest in the performance of any duty, when tis done, or any other way to fayle in the manner of doing it, makes those services which some may e∣steeme holy, no better then Sins; Prayers, an Abomination: there being a vast difference twixt saying of prayers, and praying of prayers; twixt the service of the head, and that of the heart; prayer, and prayer (heedefull circum∣stances considered) differing as much as Reli∣gion, and Superstition.

But for the carriage of that people in their devotions, before they goe into their Churches they wash their feet, and entring into them put off their shooes. As they begin their devotions they stop their eares, and fix their eyes, that nothing may divert their thoughts, then in a soft and still voyce they utter their prayers, wherein are many words most significantly expressing the Omnipotency, and Greatness, and Eternity, and other Attributes of God. Many words likewise that seeme to express much Hu∣miliation, they confessing in divers submissive

gestures, their owne unworthiness, when they pray casting themselves low upon their Face, sundry times, and then acknowledg that they are Burdens to the Earth, and poyson to the Ayre, and the like, being so confounded and asham'd as that they seeme not to dare so much as to lift up their eyes towards Heaven, but after all this, comfort themselves in the mercyes of God, through the mediation of Mahomet.

If this people could as well conclude, as they can begin and continue their prayers, in respect of their expressions, and carriages in them, they might find comfort; but the con∣clusion of their devotions marrs all.

Yet this, for their commendation (who doubt∣less, if they knew better would pray better) that what divorsins, and impediments soever they have arising either from pleasure or profit, the Mahometans pray five times a day. The Mogol doth so, who sits on the Throne; the shepherd doth so that waits on his flock in the field, (where by the way, they doe not follow their flocks; but their flocks, them) all sorts of Mahometans doe thus whether fixed in a place or moveing in a journey, when their times, or hours of Prayer come, which in the morning are at Six, Nine, and Twelve of the clock; and at three and six in the afternoone.

When they pray it is their manner to set their Faces that they may look towards Me∣dina neere Mecha in Arabia where their great Seducer Mahomet was buried, who pro∣mised them after one thousand years, to fetch them all to Heaven; which terme, when it was out, and the promise not fulfilled, the Mahome∣tans concluded that their fore-Fathers miss∣tooke the time of the promise of his comming, and therefore resolved to waite for the accom∣plishment of it one thousand years more. In the mean time they doe so reverence that place where the body of Mahomet was lay'd up, that whosoever hath beene there (as there are divers which flock yearely thither in Pilgrimage) are for ever after called, and esteemed Hogg••es, which signifies holy men.

And here the thing being rightly and serious∣ly considered, it is a very great shame that a Mahometan should pray five times every day, that Paganes and Heathens should be very fre∣quent in their devotions, and Christians (who only can hope for good answers in Prayer) so negligent in that great prevailing duty. For a Mahometan to pray five times every day, what diversions soever he hath to hinder him, and for a Christian to let any thing interrupt his devotion; for a Mahometan to pray five times a day, and for one that is called a Christian not

to pray (some believing themselves above this and other ordinances) five times in a weeke, a moneth, a year.

But this will admit less cause of wonder if wee consider how that many bearing the Names of Christians cannot pray at all, those I meane which are prophane and filthy, and who live as if there were no God to hear, or to judg, and no Hell to punish. Such as these can but babble, they cannot pray, for they blas∣pheme the Name of God, while they may thinke they adore it.

I shall adde here a short storie, It happen∣ed that I once having some discourse with a Mahometan of good quality, and speaking with him about his frequent praying I told him that if himselfe, and others of his profession who did believe it as a duty to pray so often, could conclude their Petitions in the Name of Jesus Christ, they might finde much comfort in those their frequent performances, in that great duty: He answered, that I needed not to trouble my selfe with that, for they found as great comfort as they could desire in what they did. And presently he would needs inferr this Relation.

There was (said hee) a most devout Mus∣sleman who had his habitation in a great City where Mahomet was zealously professed, and that man for many yeares together spent his

whole day in the Mosquit, or Church, in the mean time, he minding not the world at all, became so poor that he had nothing left to buy bread for his family, yet notwithstanding his poor condition he was resolved still to ply his devotions, and in a morning (when he percei∣ved that there was nothing at all left for the fur∣ther subsistence of himselfe and houshould) tooke a solemne leave of his wife and Children resolving for his part to goe and pray and dye in the Mosquit, leaving his family (if no relief came) to famish at home. But that very day he put on this resolution, there came to his house in his absence a very beautifull young man (as he appeared to be) who brought and gave unto his wife a very good quantity of Gold bound up in a white Napkin, telling her, that God had now remembred her husband, and sent him his pay for his constant paines taken in his devo∣tion, withall charging her not to send for her husband, for though he had taken such a so∣lemne leave of her that morning, yet he would come home to her againe that night, and so he departed from her. The woman presently bought in some necessaryes for her house (for they had eaten up all before) and further made some good provision for her husband against his coming home in the evening, (for so he did) and finding all his family very cherefull and merry, his Wife presently told him, that there had been

such a one there (as before described) and left so much gold behinde him, with that fore men∣tioned message delivered with it. Her husband presently replyed that it was the Angel Gabriel sent from God, (for the Mahometans speak much of that Angel) and he further added that himselfe had nothing to bring home unto her but a little grett, or sand which he tooke up in his way homeward, and bound it in his gir∣dle, which he presently opening to shew her, it was all turn'd into pretious stones, which a∣mounted unto a very great value in Money. The Seventh part of which as of his gold likewise he presently gave to the poore, (for, said he, a Mussleman is very charitable) and then in∣ferrd, that if we doe not neglect God, God will not forget us, but when we stand most in need of help will supply us. Vnto which con∣clusion we may all subscribe, leaving the pre∣mises which are layd downe in that story, unto those that dare believe them.

The Mahometans say, that they have the Bookes of Moses, but they have very much cor∣rupted that story, in ascribing that to Ishmael which is said of Isaac Gen: 22. as if Ishmael should have beene sacrificed, not Isaac. (of which more afterward) They say that they have the Booke of Davids Psalmes; and some Writings of Solomon, with other parcels of the old Testament; which, if so, I believe a

made much to vary from their original.

They speak very much in the Honour of Mo∣ses whom they call Moosa Calim-Alla; Moses the publisher of the minde of God. So of Abra∣ham whom they call Ibrahim Carim-Alla Abraham the Honored, or Friend of God.

So of Ishmael whom they call Ismal, the Sacrifice of God. So of Iacob▪ whom they call Acob the blessing of God. So of Joseph, whom they call Eesoff▪ the betray∣ed for God. So of David, whom they call Dahood the Lover, and prayser of God. So of Solomon, whom they call Selymon the wisdome of God, all expressed, as the former, in short A∣rabian words, which they sing in ditties unto their particular remembrances.

And, by the way, many of the Mahometans there are called by the names of Moosa, or Ibrahim, or Ismal, or Acob▪ or Eesoff or Dahood, or Selymon: so others are called Mahmud, or Chaan, which signifies the Moone; or Frista, which signifies astarre, &c. And they call their women by the Names of Flowers or Fruits of their Countrey, or by the names of Spices or Odours, or of pearls, or precious Stones, or else by other Names of pretty or pleasing signification. As Iob named one of his daughters Jemimah, which signifies, Cleare as the day, the second Keziah, which signifies pleasant as Cassia or sweete spice. And the name of the third Keren-happuch, signify∣ing

the Horne or strength of beauty, Iob 42. 14.

But I'll return again to that people that I may acquaint my reader with one thing of spe∣ciall observation and tis this: That there is not one among the Mahometans (of any under∣standing) which at any time mentions the name of our blessed Saviour called there Hazare•• Ee∣sa the Lord Christ, but he makes mention of it with high Reverence and respect. For they say of Christ that he was a good man and a just, that he lived without sin, that he did greater miracles than ever any before or since him nay further they call him Rha-how-Alla, the breath of God, but how he should be the Son of God, cannot conceive, and therefore cannot believe.

Perhaps the Socinians first tooke that their o∣pinion from these, which bids them to have e∣very thing they receive as truth, to be cleered up unto them by the strength of Reason, as if there were no need of the exercise of faith.

And truly (I must needs confess) that to beleeve the Incarnation of the Son of God, is one of the hardest and greatest taskes for Faith to encoun∣ter withall that God should be made a Man, that this Man Christ should be born of a Vir∣gin, that Life should s••ring from Death, and that from Contempt and Scorne, Triumph, and Victorie should come, &c. But Christians must bind up all their thoughts, as to these, in that

excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula, say∣ing, Mirandam Dei Incarnationem, &c. concerning that admirable, and wonderfull In∣carnation of Christ the Son of God, I shall not say much, it being sufficient for me, as for all others that look for benefit by Christ, to be∣lieve, that he was begotten, and that he was born. These are Articles of our Faith; and we are not christians if we believe them not.

It may seem very strange therefore, that the Mahometans (who understand themselves better) should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ, and yet think us who profess our selves Christians to be so un∣worthy, or so uncleane, as that they will not eat with us, any thing that is of out dressing, nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels.

There are more particulars which challenge a roome in this Section as their proper place: but because I would not have it swell too bigg, I shall here part it, and speak further.

SECTION. XVI.

Of their votaries, where of the volunta∣ry and sharpe Penances, that people undergoe. Of their Lent, and of their Fasts, and Feasts &c.

AMong the Mahometans there are ma∣ny Votaries they call Derve••ses who relin∣quish the world, and spend all their dayes fol∣lowing in solitude, and retiredness, expecting a recompense (as they say and are very well content to suffer and wait for it) in that better life. Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present vo∣luntarily undergoe, far exceede all those the Romanists boast of; for instance, there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills (which are clothed or covered with trees, and stand re∣mote from any Company) and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contem∣plation, stirring not at all from the places they first fix on, but ad requisita naturae, crying out continually in these or the like expressions Alla Achabar. &c. that is, God Almighty looke up∣on me, I love thee, I love not the world, but I love thee, and I do•• all this for thy sake, look up∣on

mee, God Almighty.

These, after they thus retire, never suffer the Razer or Scissers to come againe upon their heads, and they let their Na••les grow like un∣to Birds Claws, as it was written of Nebuchad∣nezzar. D••n. 4. When he was driven out from the society of men.

This people after their retirement, will choose rather to famish then to stirr from their Cells: and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others, who take care to send them some very meane covering for their bodies (for it must be such otherwise they will not accept of it) when they stand in neede thereof, and something for their bodily sustenance, which must be of their courser food, otherwise they will not take it, and no more of that at one time then what is sufficicnt for the present support of nature.

Some againe impose long times of fasting up∣on themselves, and will take no food at all, till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent.

And others there are amongst them they call religious men, who wear nothing about them but to hide their Shame, and these (like the men∣dicant Fryars) beg for all they eate. They usually live in the skirts or out sides of great Cities, or Townes, and are like the man our blessed Savi∣our mentions Luk: 8. 27. about the City of the Gadarens, which had Devills, and wore no cloths

neither abode in any house but in the Tombes. And so doe these, making little fires in the day▪ sleeping at night in the warm ashes thereof, with which they besmear and discolour their bodies. These Ash-men will somtimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly, and strangely (as some of our Quakers doe in their strange distempers) and then the foolish com∣mon people will flock about them, and (belie∣ving they then Prophesie) hearken unto them with all attention.

A very great difference twixt that people and ours, for there they call mad-men Prophets, and amongst us there are many prophets which are accounted but mad men.

There are another sort among them called Mende••, carried on likewise meerly by miss-takes and miss-conceiving in Religion; who like the Priests of Baal mentioned 1. K. 18. often cut their fl••sh with knives and launcers.

Others againe I have there seen, who meer∣ly out of Devotion put such m••ssie Fetters of Iron upon their leggs as that they can scarce stir with them, and then covered with blew mantles (the colour of mourners in those parts) as fast as they are able, goe many miles in Pilgrimage barefoote upon the hot parching ground, to visit the sepulchres of their deluding Saints: thus, putting themselves upon very great Hardships, and submitting unto extreme sharp penances,

and all to no purpose. O what pains will su∣perstition put men unto! It is said of Idolaters, that they hasten after another God. Ps. 16. 4. or they make post-hast after him. The Philistims flock't early, and in troopes to the Temple of their Dagon; A shame that Christians should goe singly and slowly, and many times late (as they doe) unto the house of God, dealing with religious duties, as school-boyes doe very often with their lessons, in minding every thing more than the business they are about. What pitty it is to see people so industrious in their miss-devotion in doing things very hard to be done which God never required at their hands! which may make us to believe that if they were rightly made acquainted with what God would have them to doe, they would be carefull in do∣ing it.

Further it is very sad to consider, if we thinke of many others borne in the visible Church of Christ that might be happie, and Gods Freemen; yet make themselves the drudges and slaves of Satan, who leades them Captive at his will. For the works of their Father the Devill, they will doe, though never so full of trouble and difficul∣ty. The way of transgressors is hard. Pr: 13. 15. Thus the heart set upon covetousness disquiets it self in vaine; is early up, late at rest, fares hard and labours hard, to get a little wealth, and it knows not for whom. So it may be further said

of many other gross sinners, who engage them∣selves far, and deepely in other services or rather drudgeries of the Devill, even wearying them∣selves to commit iniquity. As of starv'd beggers who make that a calling, which God makes a curse, to be fugitives & vagabonds; who are so in love with their Raggs, and Scabs, and Lice as that they will set themselves in no good way, wherein they might live comfortably; certaine∣ly abundance of these, as of others I before named (their present state and condition right∣ly considered) endure two Hells, one here, and the other, hereafter.

But to returne againe to those Indian Vota∣ries who undergoe such hard things and out of this gross miss-take that they doeGod good ser∣vice in the things they doe. Concerning which actings, Lucretius (though accounted an epicu∣rean and an Atheist) in his first book, speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion.

—Saepius olim Relligio peperit scelerosa atque implafacta▪

oft of old, Religion bred acts impiously bold.

And presently after he instances in Iphigenia sacrificed to Diana by her owne Father, to pro∣cure a winde for the Grecians more safe, and more speedy passage to Troy.

Nam sublata virum manibus tremebunda{que} ad aras Deducta est, non ut solenni more sacrorum. Perfecto, possit claro comitari Hymenoeo: Sed Casta inceste nubendi tempore in ipso. Hostia concideret mactatu moesta Parentis: Exitus ut classi felix faustus{que} daretur. Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum.

For in mens armes born to the Altar shee, Was trembling brought; not with fayre rights to be To famous Hymen led: but the Chast maid, Now ripe for Marriage, fouly thus betrayd, Fell a sad Sacrifice by her owne Sare, So a safe voyage might the Fleet acquire; To that dire fact perswaded on, By error of Religion.

When Dionysius the Tyrant had a safe and a prosperous voyage by Sea, as he was returning home from the spoyle of a rich Temple, he pre∣sently concluded that the Gods lov'd Sacriledg.

Honesta quaedam scelera successus facit, Sen. Trag.

Thus good success Could Rapine bless.

Tamberlaine, the Mogols great Ancester (of whom more afterward) might have drawn as good arguments from success as ever any be∣fore or since him. And who so is acquainted

with the Historie of the Turks, as with ma∣ny other people who have been great in the world, (yet not own'd at all by Almighty God) might from their stories draw the like conclusions. But such as have learned Christ, and consequently know better, are taught to conclude better, they having learn∣ed of Wisdome to make Demonstrative Syllo∣gismes a Priori from Causes, and not from folly to make Parallogismes á Posteriori, from events and successes.

If I enlarge any more on this argument, I must further add, that to judg any cause good because the success is so, is to conclude besides, & against, the rule of Christ, who commands us to judg not according to appearance, but to judg righteous judgment, Joh. 7. 24. For there is ve∣ry much deceipt in appearance.

The appearance or face is of things as of men, Fronti nulla fides (is an old proverb) we see mens faces, wee cannot see their hearts, and therefore there is no certain judgement to be drawn from their Countenances. No more can we make a judgment from the face of things, till wee looke further into them; be∣cause, vitia virtutes mentiuntur, vice too oft makes a Maske of the skin of virtue, and lookes lovely, like some houses o•• entertainment that have Angels for their signes, and Devills for their Ghests.

A man is naturally apt to think that God is with him while he prospers though in evill. And tis observed of wicked men that they have enjoyed as much, nay more than their hearts could wish. The posterity of Cain before the Flood, were the mighty men, the men of Name, the men of renown, the triumphing men in that old world, and ever since that spurious race have been the great ingrossers of outward prosperity: behold, (saith the Psalmist, 73. 12) these are the ungodly that prosper in the world; But many of the mercyes they receive, if not all, come out of Gods left hand, not in love but an∣ger, as the mutinous Israelites had Qvailes in the wilderness not to feed them so much, as to choake them; they being dealt withall herein much like as the Old Heathens dealt with their Sacrifices, first they fed them, and then they crownd them, and then they kild them, the substance of which I finde thus rendred; Thus Beasts for sacrifice they feed, First they are crown'd, and then they bleed.

Thus God advanced and lifted up Pharaoh not in Mercy, but Displeasure, that he might first shew his Judgments before him; and then upon him. Thou hast lifted me up and cast me down, lifted me up very high, that my fall might be greater.

It is most true, that nothing comes to pass, neither can be done without the Knowledge

and Permission of Almighty God; thus Good things are done by his Privity, Assistance and Approbation; things that are Evill, by his Pri∣vity, Permission, but not Liking. The wicked are called the sword of God. Ps. 17. &c. They do his will in executing his vengeance, so Babylon was called the Hammer, and Assyria the Rod of the Lord; But these Swords, and Hammers, and Rods when they have done the service which was appointed for them to doe, are thrown into the fire, and meet with grea∣ter Vengeance afterward, then they had for∣merly executed. They did the secret Will of God, in doing what they did; as no doubt but the Devill did in afflicting of Iob; in winnow∣ing of Peter; in buffetting of Paul; but his recompense for these and all other his works, is Chains under darkness and that for ever and ever. And thus Iudas did the will of God in betraying his innocent Master, the Son of God; and consequently furthering the Redemption of Mankind, but his Reward was sad for so do∣ing; his End, Perdition.

And therefore in all our undertakings, we must learn wisely to distingvish twixt God's appro∣ving and permiting will, the first of these must limit us in all the things we set about, his signifyed, declared, approved will laid down in his Word; We may do the Will of God otherwise as it were against his Will; do the

will of God and have little thanks for our la∣bour in doing things which God permits but approves not,

It must needs be therefore a sin transcendent∣ly wicked, for any who know God and his Truth, to entitle God and Religion unto acti∣ons that are Evill, by fathering prosperous wickedness upon them, as if they did at all countenance such things as Reli〈…〉〈…〉ion flatly for∣bids, and Almighty God professedly abhors.

Religion is the best Armour in the World, but the worst Cloak, and all they who thus put it on, shall, first or last, find no more com∣fort in it than Ahab found in the Harness he put on him as a Disguise, aswell as for his De∣fence. 1. K. 22. which he had no sooner don, but immediately an Arrow (though shot at ran∣dom) found a passage through the Joints thereof, and so carried away his Life.

But to return again to these Mohometans; They keep a solemn Lent, they call the Ram-jan, or Ramdam, which begins the first New∣moon, which happens in September, and so con∣tinues during that whole Moon. And all that time, those that are strict in their Religion, forbear their Women: and will not take either Meat or Drink any Day during that time, so long as the Sun is above their Horizon, but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure. The last day of their Ramjan, they consecrate as a

day of mourning to the memory of their deceas∣ed friends, when I have observed many of the meanner sort, seeme to make most bitter la∣mentation. But when that day of their general mourning is ended, & begins to dye into night, they fire an innumerable company of lamps, and other lights; which they hang or fix very thick, and set upon the tops of their houses, and all other most conspicuous places near their great Tanks, that are surrounded with build∣ings, where those lights are doubled by their Reflection upon the water, and when they are all burnt out; the ceremoy is done, and the people take food.

The day after this Ram-jan is fully ended, the most devout Mahometans in a solemn manner assemble to their? Misquits, where by their Moolaas, (some selected parts of the Al∣coran) are publickly read unto them, which book the Moolaas never touch without an ex∣pression of much outward reverence.

For their works of charity, there are some rich men that build Sarraes in great Cities, and Towns (spoken of before) where passen∣gers may find house-room and that freely, without a return of any recompence, wherein themselves, and goods may be in safety.

Others make wells and Tanks for the pub∣lick benefit; Or maintain servants, which con∣tinually attend upon road-wayes that are much

travelled, and there offer unto Passengers wa∣ter for themselves and beasts, which water they bring thither in great skins hanging upon the back, of their Buttelos, which as it is freely gi∣ven, so it must be freely taken by all those, who desire to refresh themselves by it.

There are some which build rich Monu∣ments to preserve the memories of those whom they have esteemed eminent for their austeri∣ty and holiness, these they call Paeres or Saints, amongst whom some of those (before men∣tioned) help to fill their Number, who se∣quester themselves from the world (as they think) and spend their life alone upon the tops of Hills, or in other obscure corners.

Now lastly for a close of this section. I shall intreat my Reader to call to mind, and to take a second, and a very serious view of the reve∣rence and a we which seemes (so far as eyes can judge) to be in that people; Reverence and awe (I say) of the Majestie before whom they appear when they are in their devotions.

Whose most submissive carriage in that du∣ty, doth very much condemn infinite numbers of those. who professe Christ while they are in Religious services, rushing upon, and conti∣nuing, in those holy duties, without any seem∣ing reverence or regard at all of the dreadfull Majestie before whom they appeare, as if God were not, or as if he were not worth the regard∣ing;

As if Death, and Hell, and judgment, an everlasting separation from the prelence of God for evermore, were tearms meerely inven∣ted to affright people withall, and as if there were no such places and no such things.

I confesse it is true that external Ceremonies, by bowing the body in the performances of Religious duties and the like may be found in the falshood of Religion, and when a man rests in these alone easy performances, it is to com∣plement with Almighty God, & not to worship him, yet as he looks for more than these in our humble addresses to him: So he expects these likewise, for without all doubt the most sub∣missive gesture of the body in this case may both expresse and further the piety of the soul.

And therefore though the God of spirits, doth most regard the soul of our devotions, and looks most at the heart, while holy duties are performing, yet it is true likewise that it is not only unmannerly, but most irreligious, to be misgestured in them, the carless and uncomly carriage of the body in this case, making the soul to be prophane & signifying it so to be. To him will I look even to him, that is poor and of a contrite spirit, that trembleth at my words Es. 66. 2. I shall therefore never be of their mind in this case, who think the heart may be devout, when the outward man shews no regard.

Sancta Sancté, holy duties must be done in

an holy manner, great reverence must be used in them, and therefore when the hands, and knees, and mouth, and eyes, and tongue forget to do their offices as they should, they discover an ungodly, as well as a negligent heart, that should command them to do otherwise, for as God will be worshipped in spirit; so in the out∣ward man likewise; otherwise St. Paul might have spared that precept, which commands thus 1 Cor. 6. 20. Glorifie God in your bodies, and in your spirit which are Gods, as if he had said, both are bought with a price, the body redeemed as well as the soul, and therefore God looks for, and expects reverence from both.

In all our addresses to God, he expects at once familiarity, and feare; familiarity in the expression of our prayers, for we speak not to an implacable an inexorable judge, but to a ten∣der Father, and there fear and reverence to accompany those expressions; hence it is said that God is greatly to be feared in the assembly of his Saints, and to be had in reverence of all that are about him Ps. 89. 7▪ and serve the Lord in fear, and rejoyce with trembling Ps. 2. 11. and again, let all the earth fear the Lord, let all the inhabitants of the world stand in awe of him Ps. 33. 8. in awe of him at all times, and in all places, but especially there, where he is in a more special manner present, as he hath promised to be in his ordinances. The Lord is

in his holy Temple, Heb. 2. 20. when Jacob was in his journey to Padan-Aran, he had a vision in the way, which signified and shewed unto him nothing but love, mercie, and comfort, and peace, yea, he cried out how dreadfull is this place, &c. Gen. 28. 17. Almighty God is al∣together as awfull to his own in his mercies, as he is in his judgements. Great is thy merci••, O Lord, that thou mayest be feared, not slighted, not neglected, but feared. For to them who have a through acquaintance with God, there is no lesse Majesty shines in the favours of God, than in his judgements and justice, the wicked heart never fears God, but thundring, or shaking the eartl; never but then when he appears most terrible, but the good can dread him in his Sun-shine, when he appears most gracious, and so they do, and so they must.

Primus in orbe Deos fecit Timor,—it is a saying that hath much truth in it, though spoken by a Heathen, because the foundation of Religion is fear, without which there can be no Religion; as Lactantius wisely argues, saying, quod non metuitur contemnitur, quod contemnitur non colitur; that which is not fear∣ed is contemned, and that which is contemned cannot be worshipped, from whence it comes to passe, that Religion and earthly power must needs be very much supported by fear. First Religion expressed in all our duties to God, if I be your father where is my honour?

if your master, where is my fear, Mat. 1. 6. Se∣condly obedience manifested in our subjection to men, unto the powers here below, whom God hath appointed to bring, & to keep men in order, is very much regulated by fear, for were it not for this prop that holds up governments, it would presently be dissolved: were it not for this curb to restrain men, for that cord to lead some, and to compel & binde others, all societies of men would presently run into dis∣order, Kingdoms and Common-wealths would immediately come to confusion.

I shall conclude this digression with a most remarkable example, when Ehud came to Eglon (though an idolater, and a Tyrant) and told him that he had a message to him from God, Judg. 3. 20. he arose presently out of his seat or Chair of state, and though the unwildiness of his fat body was such, that he could not arise with readines and ease, yet no sooner doth he hear news of a message from God, but he riseth as fast as he was able from his Throne (that he might not shew himself unmannerly in the business of God) and reverently attend to the tenor thereof; though it proved as sharp a message as could be delivered, or received. Now

How shall those Mahometans before men∣tioned, and this Heathen mans carriage con∣demne thousands, nay, most of those which call

themselves Christians, that shew no more re∣verence nor regard at the hearing of messages from God whatsoever they be, than if they heard an old wives fable; that neither when they speak unto God by the mouth of their Mini∣nisters, nor when God speaks to them by the same mouth, shew any outward regard, reve∣rence, or respect, such an Atheisme for the ge∣nerality possesseth their hearts. But I return again to that people, and in the next place shall speak.

SECT. 17.

Of the Marriages of the Mahometans, and of their Poligamy, &c.

AMongst many other things that confirm the Mahometans in their irreligion, this certainly is not the least, the indulgence which Mahomet gives them to take more wives than one (for they may take four if they please) and that further promise which that monstrous Seducer hath made unto his followers of a fleshly Paradise hereafter, wherein he will pro∣vide for them all wives which shall have large rowling eyes, which they look upon in that sex as a great beauty. And it is a very suitable comfort for such as walk so much after the flesh.

For Poligamy, or the having of more wives than one, Lamech a great Grand-child of Cain, was the first that brought it into the World, Gen. 4. 19. And it was first brought into the Church by Abraham: which act of his, as of others after him (good men in their generation) though it found permission, never had approba∣tion from Almighty God. And further, though under the times of the Law it found some con∣nivence, yet since the Gospel there hath been no such custom in any of the Churches of Christ.

And in those former times it was the charge of Almighty God to the Kings of Israel, even before they were, that they should not multiply wives, Deut. 17. 17. Yet Solomon (who in this discovered a great deal of folly, as in other things abundance of wisdom) went further be∣yond the bounds of that Law, than any other whom God owns in Scripture. The poor man in his later age lost himself amongst an house full of wives. For the storie saith, that he loved many strange women, 1 King. 11. 1. Every word had nothing but Bane in it. He loved women, many women, outlandish, idolatrous women, and these not onely had, but doted on, he being so taken with their persons, that he humour'd them in their sins. And if one wo∣man in the beginning undid all mankinde: it is no great marvel, if so many women did so much mischief to one Solomon.

The Abissins say, that when the Queen of Sheba came to visite Solomon, that she return∣ed back with Childe by him, from whose issue (they further say) have come the race of their Kings ever since. But here I leave my Reader to believe in that as much, and no more than he please. This is clear in the sacred storie, that Solomon, though he had a thousand wives and Concubines, he had but three Children, Reho∣boam his onely Son, and Taphal, and Basmah his two Daughters, 1 King. 4. 11. 15. an evi∣dent sign that God never approved of his mul∣titude of wives, when by his blessing on the single and holy wedlock of others, he hath mul∣tiplied them in a very happy and numerous issue.

In the old World when the Sons of God saw the Daughters of men that they were fair, they took wives of all that they liked, Gen. 6. 2. and these multiplied not Children so much as ini∣quities.

Sampson in the choise of his wife, had no other guides and counsellours but his own eyes. He went down to Timnah, and saw a Daughter of the Philistines, and presently he speaks to his Father get her for me to wife, for she pleaseth me well, Judg. 14. 1. 2. He who fol∣lows nothing but his eyes in the choise of a wife, that marries a beauty, or a face, or a por∣tion, may after finde a Philistine in his bed,

and be as unhappy in his choise as Sampson was.

Sampson sees a woman (and we will suppose her beautifull) and as soon as ever his eyes fix on her, he must presently have her to wife. Wisdom and Passion cannot dwell under one roof, for a man cannot love, nor desire, nor mourn, nor grieve, nor rejoice over much and be wise, for when the heart is taken up very much with the later, there is no room left in it for the former.

The Kings daughter is all glorious within, Psal. 45. 13. and love, that reciprocally settles upon this inward beauty, must needs be lasting. Magnes amoris Amor. Love in this case is the Load-stone of love, so attractive that it draws love to it, and holds it fast, when as he who marries a portion, or a face findes it often otherwise. The portion that flies, and the beau∣ty that decayes; tres veniunt rugae.—Ju. the forehead begins to be wrinkled whereon love was first setled, and in those wrinkles, or surrows it is immediately buried.

But yet for all this, as men are generally va∣lued amongst men by the pound and acre,

—Quot possidet agri Jugera:Ju. Sat. 3.

So in the choise of wives virgins are usually thus rated,

Protinus ad censum; de moribus ultima fiet Quaestio.—Ju.

Men commonly asking the question at the wrong end, as first, what hath she? and then, what is she? concerning which a Gentleman of this age wrote wittily, but it is good earnest▪

Who wooes a wife for state, or face: May win a Mare to loose a Race.

The truth is, that many a Childe hath been cast away upon riches, and therefore wealth in peoples matches should be as some Grains, or Scrupses in a Ballance, superadded unto the Gold of virtuous qualities, to weigh down the Scales. For when it is made the substance of the weight, and good qualities but the appen∣dants, there is one earth poysed with another, which whensoever it is done, it is a wonder if either the Children prove not the Parents sor∣row, or the Parents theirs.

It was Balaams most damnable Counsel, to make the men of Israel wantons by the beau∣ties of Moa••, that then they might be soon made Idolaters, and so they were, Numb. 25. Sin commonly enters in at the eye, and so creeps down to the heart, and therefore that Soul lies open unto very much hazard, when a Covenant is not made & kept with the eyes: which if Sampson had done, he that had so much strength, had not discovered so much

weaknesse, & Solomon (whom before I nam'd) so much renowned for wisdom, had not mani∣fested so much folly in miscarrying so fearfully by wives, which turned away his heart from God; and therefore when he was come again to himself, he freely confesseth to all the world, Eccles. 7. 28. that he found more bitter than death the woman, whose heart is as snares and nets, and her hands as bands, who so pleased God shall escape from her, but the sinner shall be ta∣ken by her.

But the Mahometans trouble not them∣selves with these thoughts for though some of that people, as the strict votaries there, marry not at all; and the Moolaas content them∣selves with one wife, and so do some others: yet they that please may have four wives, and as many women beside as they can get, and keep; whom they command as wives, and this liberty there is denied to none that will make use of it.

I remember that my Lord Ambassador had a servant of that Nation, who de〈…〉〈…〉d leave to be absent one day & being asked why, he told us, that he was then to marry a wife, though he had three living then, a man would think enough for his means but five shillings a Moon (the usual pay of servants there (as before I observed) to maintain himself, and all the rest of his family.

Often have I heard this question put how these Mahomitans can do with so many wives, some of which they keep pent up in little Cot∣tages, or Tents, and in other places and parts of the World, where mens dwellings are ve∣ry large and spacious, there is scarce room e∣nough to be found for one wife, in a great house.

The Mahometans, who have most wives, and women, are most jealous, and their jealousie such, as that they will not suffer the Brothers, or Fathers of their wives to come to them, or to have any speech with them, except it be in their presence. And a continued custom by this restraint hath made it odious for such wo∣men, as have the reputation of honesty, to be seen at any time by any man, besides their own husbands, or by those before named, and by them but very seldom. But if they dishonour their husbands beds, or being unmarried are found incontinent and filthy, professing chastity, rather than they shall want the severest punish∣ment, their own Brothers hands will be first against them to take away their lives, and for so doing, shall be commended, but nor questi∣oned.

The women there of the greater quality have Eunuchs in stead of men to wait upon them, who in their minority are deprived of all that might provoke jealousie.

Here is a free toleration for Harlots, who are listed and enrouled (as they say) before they can have liberty to keep such an open house. Which Creatures in general there, and so all the World over whosoever they be, imbrace those they pretend to love as Monkies and Apes do their little ones, for they kill them with kind∣nesse, those base prostitutes are as little asham'd to entertain, as others are openly to frequent their houses.

Other Creatures (as they say) are there kept for base, and abominable ends, many of those Nations being deeply engaged in those sins of the Gentiles, Rom. 1. in doing things which should not be named, and make no scruple at all for their so doing, ut honeste peccare vide∣antur, (as Lactantius speaks) as if they might sin honestly.

Some of the finer sort of those base strum∣pets before named, at certain times appear in the presence of the Mogol, before whom they sing their wanton songs, playing on their Tim∣brels.

The Marriages of all the Mahometans are solemnized with some Pomp, for after the Moolaa hath joyned their hands, and perform∣ed other ceremonies, and bestowed on the par∣ties some words of Benediction, (which is done in the evening) immediately after the night coming on, they begin their jollity, the man on

horse-back, be he poor, or rich, with his kin∣dred and friends about him, many lights be∣fore him, with drums and winde instruments, and some mixt pastimes to increase the mer∣riments. The Bride she follows with her women friends in Coaches covered, and after they have thus passed the most eminent places of the Citie, or Town they live in, return to the place of the married couples abode, (where (they say) if the parties be able they make some slight entertainment for them, immediately af∣ter which, they all disperse, & the show is over.

Women there have a very great happinesse, above all I have heard of, in their easie bring∣ing forth of Children into the world; for there it is a thing very common, for women great with Childe, one day to ride, carrying their in∣fants in their bodies, and the next day to ride again, carrying them in their arms.

How those of the greater quality, order their little Children when they are very young, I could not observe, but those of the meaner sort keep them naked for some years after they are born, covering them onely, and that but some∣times, with slight Callico Mantles.

The Mahometans (as I have before ob∣served) who please so to do, may take to them∣selves each four wives, and that filthy liberty given unto them by their fleshly Mahomet al∣lows them in it. I have heard of some in this

Nation of late times, who have been married here to more than so many at once, but that wickednesse here is not (as amongst them) committed by a Law, but by Law made Capi∣tal, and so punished.

Yet there are amongst us of the greater sort (and made so by their luxurient estates) which though they take but one wife whom they marry (as they say) for convenience, that they may have Heirs to inherit (if their sin consume not all their Patrimony.) But, some of these believing the bonds of Wedlock to straight, must have one other at the least whom they call a Mistresse (too good a name for such a creature) and though in this case the wife bears the mans name, the Prostitute hath the greatest share by far of his affection, who will some∣times say that he cannot love his wife, be she never so amiable and lovely, and onely for this reason, because she is his wife, and if she were not so, could he at any expence to gain her com∣pany. To what an height of wickednesse can licentiousnesse raise up a man, in making him to urge such a relation as a wife (and because a wife) to be the onely reason of his dislike, or disaffection; which should be the firmest bond of his love. A strange expression, which can∣not possibly come out of the mouthes of any but of such (who if they think as they speak) are so forward in their journey, as that they

are come very near unto the very brink of Hell.

The eldest Son they have by any of their married wives, hath a prerogative above all the rest, whom their other Children call Budd••, By their great brother. And so much of their mar∣riages of their Children, and of their births. In the next place I shall speak.

SECT. 18.

Of their burials, of their mourning for their dead, and of their stately Se∣pulchres and Monuments.

FOr the Mahometans, it is their manner to wash the bodies of their dead before they interre them. An ancient custom as it should seem among the Jews, for it is said of Dorcas, that after she was dead, they washed her bo∣dy, as a preparative to her burial, Act. 9. 37.

They lay up none of the bodies of their dead in their Misquits, or Churches (as before) but in some open place in a grave, which they dig very deep and wide, a Jewish custom, like∣wise to carry the bodies of their dead to bury them out of their Cities and Towns, Luke 7. 12.

Their mourning over their dead is most im∣moderate,

for besides that day of general la∣mentation at the end of their Ram-Jan, or Lent, (before mentioned) they houl and cry many whole dayes for their friends departed, immediately after they have left the world and after that time is passed over, many foolish wo∣men, so long as they survive, very often in the year, observe set dayes to renue their mourn∣ing for their deceased friends, and as a people without hope, bedew the graves of their hus∣bands, as of other their near relations, with abundance of (seemingly) affectionate tears; as if they were like those mourning women mentioned, Jer. 9. 17. who seemed to have tears at command, and therefore were hired to mourn and weep in their solemne lamenta∣tions.

And when they thus lament over their dead, they will often put this question to their deaf and dead Carkasses, why they would die? They having such loving wives, such loving friends, and many other comforts, as if it had been in their power to have rescued themselves from that most impartial wounding hand of death.

Which carriage of theirs deserves nothing but censure and pity though if it be not Theatrical, we may much wonder at it, and say of it as it was said of the mourning in the floor of Atad, Gen. 50. 11. that it is a grievous mourning, or

as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the val∣ley of Megiddon, Zech. 12. 11. if we take those lamentations onely in a literal sence.

But to speak unto this as a Christian; cer∣tainly the Apostle, who forbids immoderate mourning for friends departed, 1 shef. 4. 13. imployes and allows of that mourning which is moderate.

To behold a great Funeral, where there are abundance of mourning garments, and no weeping eyes, is not a good sight; for a man to die as Jehojakim (a very bad Son of an excel∣lent good Father) of whom it was sadly pro∣phesied, that he should die without lamentation, non plangent eum, Eheu frater, they shall not la∣ment for him, saying, Ah my brother! his Ashes should not be moistned with one tear, and to be buried as Jehojakim was with the burial of an Asse, Jer. 2. 18, 19. is very sad. And doubt∣lesse it had been better for a man never to have been born, than to live undesired and to die unlamented. For a man to run a long race through the world, and to leave no token of good behinde him but to be like an Arrow shot by a strong arm up into the aire; wherein it flies a great circuit, yet immediately after it is fal'n, it cannot be discern'd that it was ever there, I may say of such a one, that he was born out of due time, or rather that it had been good for him if he had not been born at all.

But now further concerning their places of Burial, many Mahometans of the greatest qua∣litie in their life time provide fair Sepulchres for themselves and nearests friends compassing with a firm wall, a good circuit of ground near some Tank, (before spoken of) about which they de∣light to Burie their dead, or else they close in a place for this use, near springs of water, that may make pleasant fountains, near which they erect little Misquits, or Churches, & near them Tombs▪ built round, or four square, or in six, or eight squares, with round vaults, or Canopies of stone over head, all which are excellently well wrought, and erected upon P••llars, or else made close to be entered by doors every way, under which the bodies of their dead lie inter∣red, the rest of that ground thus circled in, they plant with fruit Trees, and further set therein all their choisest flowers, as if they would make Elysian fields (such as the Poets dream'd of) wherein their Souls might take repose.

Thus to bury (as it should seem) was an ancient custom, for it is written of Manasseh King of Judah, that he was buried in the gar∣den of his own house so of his Son Amon, that he was buried in that garden likewise, 2 King. 21. 18. and 26. verses, thus I seph of Arima∣thea had his Sepulchre in his garden, and it was well placed there, that when he was in the place of his greatest delight, his meditations

might be seasoned with the thoughts of his death.

There are many goodly Monuments which are richly adorned; built (as before was ob∣served) to the memory of such as they have esteemed Paeres, or Saints (of whom they have a large Kalender) in which are Lamps conti∣nually burning, attended by votaries, unto whom they allow Pensions for the maintaining of those lights; and many (transported there with wilde devotion) dayly resort to those mo∣numents, there to contemplate the happinesse those Paeres (as they imagine) now enjoy.

And certainly of all the places that Empire affords, there are none that minister more de∣light, than some of their burying places do, neither do they bestow so much cost, nor shew so much skill in Architecture in any other structures, as in these.

Now amongst many very fair Piles there dedicated to the remembrance of their dead, the most famous one is at Secandra, a Vil∣lage three miles from Agra; it was begun by Achabar-sha the late Mogols Father, who there lies buried, and finished by his Son, who since was laid up beside him. The materials of that most stately Sepulchre are Marble of divers colours, the stones so closely cemented together, that it appears to be but one conti∣nued stone, built high like a Pyramis with ma∣ny

curiosities about it, and a fair Misquit by it, the Garden wherein it stands very large planted (as before) and compassed about with a Wall of Marble, this most sumptuous Pile of all the structures that vast Monarchy affords, is most admired by strangers. Tom. Cor••at had a most exact view thereof, and so have many other English men had, all which have spoken very great things of it.

And if we here step aside, to look into other Countreys and stories, we may observe much to this purpose, (though none that I have ever heard of like that I last named) where many, whose foregoing lives, have little deserved those following remembrances, yet after death have had their bodies lodged in rich Monuments, when others of great worth•• and most deserved memory have been very obscurely buried.

Varro writes of Licinius, or Licinus, but a Barber to Augustus Caefar, who getting wealth, was after his death honoured with a fair Monument of Marble, when grave and wise Cato had but a small meer stone to cover him, and renowned Pompey had in this kinde no remembrance at all, of all whom Varro briefly writes thus:

Marmoreo Licinus tumulo jacet, at Cato parvo, Pompeius nullo.—

Licinus entomb'd under rich Marble stone: Cato a small one had: Great Pompey none.

When Iulius Caesar had vanquished Ptolo∣mey, and the distressed King hoped to preserve his life by flying into a Boat, there were so ma∣ny of his Souldiers which followed him, that they lost their lives by that very means they hoped to preserve them; for their too much weight sunk the Boat, and they all with their most unhappy King drown'd together. Con∣cerning whom, I have what here follows (but a little varied) thus observed to my hand.

Mixt with Plebeians there a Monarch lies, The last o'th race of Egypts Ptolomeys. Under no covert but his Niles cold waves: No Pyramids, nor rich Mansolian graves, Nor Arched vaults whose structures do excell As his forefathers Ashes proudly dwell. And dead, as living do their wealth expresse, In sumptuous Tombes, or gorgious Palaces.

This was the Fate of that last Egyptian Mo∣narch, and it is sad to consider, that an Egypti∣an Monarch should be buried under water and mudd, and a Roman Barber covered with Marble.

The like hath been the condition of many others, who have deserved in their generation lasting remembrances in this kinde, but have not found them, when others, who have merited

nothing at all, have had much said, and (in that respect) much done for them after death. And therefore one of this age, very eminent for great parts, writing of a great man, by place, and deserts, but obscurely buried; and observing rich Monuments set off with large and unde∣served Encomiums for others, which deserved them not, first blames

—The flattering stone Which oft belies the dead when he is gone.

And after writes further in relation to him before mentioned; thus

Let such, as fear their rising, purchase vaul••s, And statues, onely to excuse their faults. While, thou shalt rise thorough thy easie dust At the last day, these would not, but they must.

And truly if we consider, and impartially read many Hyperbolical expressions engraven upon some Monuments, we may make a pause at the two first words, which are commonly these. Here lies, and write them thus, hear lies, and there make a stop, because little, or nothing that follows hath any truth in it. And there∣fore though many great and rich men, have their bodies after death covered with stately Piles, which hold forth many, and high com∣mendations of them, yet these cannot keep their

names from putrifying and rotting as much above ground, as their bodies do under it. The name of the wicked shall rot, Prov. 10. 17. His remembrance shall perish from the earth, and he shall have no name in the street, Job 18. 17. or if their names survive, and be remembred, they shall but continue their shame, as here lies, or there dwelt such an oppressor, such a cruel, or such a covetous Muck-worm, or such a filthy, or such a prophane ungodly person, or such an intemperate drunken sot; whom many times such an inscription would fit, (if it were writ∣ten over their doors) as Diogenes sometimes caused to be written upon the door of a like in∣temperate person, who had written before that his house was to be sold, under which that Cy∣nick wrote thus, I thought this house would surfet so long, that it would spue out its master, for God shall take such away, and pluck them out of their dwelling places, and root them out of the land of the living, or as the Prophet Jere∣miah speaks, their dwellings shall cast them out.

But however they which deserve true honour, should have it both alive and dead. The me∣mory of the just shall be blessed. Abel was the first that ever tasted death, and he died by vio∣lence, he died for Religion. Oh how early did Martyrdom creep into the world! yet Abol, who hath been so long dead, yet speaketh, Heb. 11. 4. or the Testimony which Almighty God

gave of that righteous Abel is yet spoken of, and so shall be, till eternity hath swallowed up time.

The remembrance of Josiah is like a compo∣sition of the perfume that is made by the art of the Apothecary, sweet in all mouths &c. and so shall remain; when stately Monuments erected to preserve the memorie of others, shall be so defaced, that it will not appear where they once were.

In a word, all Kings and Potentates of the earth of what Nation soever they be, must first, or last lay down their swords and Scepters, and Trophies at the gates of death. No earthly King shall ever carry his Crown further, than Simon the Cyrenian did the Crosse, to Golgotha, to the grave, which narrow compasse of earth, shall at last put a confinement to all their great thoughts, who have believed (as Alexander sometime did▪ the whole world by much to little, to bound their desires.

Unus Pellaeo juveni non sufficit Orbis: Aestuat infelix angusto limite mundi, Ut Gyarae clausus scopulis, parvaque Seripho. Cū tamen a figulis munitam intraverit urbem, Sarcophago contentus erat. Mors sola fatetur Quantula sint hominū corpuscula.— Ju. Sat. 10.

One world the youth of Pella cannot hold, He sweats as crouded in this narrow mold.

To close Seriph's and Gyara's Rocks consin'd, But when into the Towns with brick-walls lin'd, He entered once, there must he rest content. In a straight Coffin, and slight Monument. For death alone is that which will confesse (Though great mens mindes) their bodies lit∣tlenesse.

Ecce vix totam Hercules implevit urnam. Behold great and victorious Hercules, the sub∣duer of the Monsters of the World, when he was dead, and his body resolved into aslies, scarcely fill'd one earthen Pitcher.

Death is the great Loveller which cuts down, and then layes all people flat before God. Oh if sicknesse and death could be brib'd how rich they would be! this death makes all men to appear as they are men upon even ••erms in the sight of God. The great men there shall not be offered a Chair and Cushion to sit down while others stand and wait. I saw the dead both small and great stand before God, Rev. 21. 12. The small and the great are there, and the ser∣vant is free from his master, Job 3. 19. The distinction then in that day shall not be 't wixt poor and rich; 'twixt mean, and migh∣ty, 'twixt them that are nobly born, and those of low parentage: But good and bad shall be the onely Terms to distinguish one man from another before that great Tribunal, when every

one of what degree, or condition soever he hath been, shall receive from the hands of God ac∣cording to that which he hath done in the flesh, be it good, or evil. When the two Cups, the two reward••, the two recompences shall be im∣partially distributed, and none but those which shall be found in Christ accepted, rewarded, in the mean time, as it is in natural rest, it is much better to lodge in a very poor base and mean cottage, upon an hard open pallat, and there to have sweet, and quiet sleep, than in a most sum∣ptuous. Palace upon a bed of down, enclosed with the richest Curtains that cost can make, and there to have no sleep at all: so for that rest which is eternal, it matters not how mean∣ly and basely the body is laid up, while the Soul rests in peace. But if the body be embalm∣ed with all sweet Odors and Spices, if chested in, or covered with Marble, or with any thing that is richer, and the Soul all this while in torments, condemned to everlasting burnings, what comfort can it take; no more, nay, not so much as a man who hath a curious Crimson Silk-stocking, drawn over a broken, or a Gou∣ty and tormenting Leg.

For the Saints departed hence non tumulos curant, when their Souls are bound up in a; bundle of life, and they enjoy the company of all the blessed spirits made perfect, they care not what becomes of their earthly parts. As be∣fore

they went into their Chambers to undresse themselves: so now they go down into their graves to put off their nasty and dirty raggs, that when they arise thence they may be inve∣sted with Roabs that are rich and glorious, well knowing that Christ at the last day will change their vile bodies, and make them like unto his glorious body. While a mans Soul is safe it is not at all to be heeded what becomes of his body: That may be slain, but cannot be hurt, as bold and good Ignatius told his persecutor occidere potes, laedere non potes, thou canst kill me, but thou canst not hurt me. The good man may be stripped of all his temporall riches, but that long enduring substance laid up for him in the Heavens, is above all his enemies reach. They may be degraded here from all their worldly honours, but not of this honour to be the servants of God. They may be deprived of their lives, but not of their salvation. The ex∣ecutioner that cut off Saint Paul's head, could not take away his Crown. And therefore whither they breath forth their lives out of the mouth of the body, or the mouth of a wound, it is all one—vivit post funer a virtus; the virtuous man out-lives his life, and after findes, that there are no such lasting monuments, as to be entomb'd in the hearts of the good who will be ever shewing forth the praises of those, which have deserv'd them. And as for earthly▪

Monuments made to continue in the remem∣brances of the dead.

Quandoquidem data sunt ipsis quoque fata Se∣pulchris.

These shall have their periods as well as men, and when time shall crumble and consume them all into dust and forgetfulnesse, the righte∣ous shall be had (in a lasting) and everlasting remembrance.

And now Reader I have done with this, and shall proceed to speak more particularly.

SECT. XIX.

Of the Hindooes, or Heathens which inhabite that Empire, &c.

ANd for these, the first that I shall take notice of, is, that they agree with others in the world, about the first Roots of man∣kinde Adam and Eve, and the first of them they call Babba Adam, or Adamah, Father Adam, and the second Mamma Havah, Mo∣ther Eve. And from Adam they call a man Adams.

For Adam they further say, that when his wife was tempted to eat the forbidden fruit, she took it and chaud it, and then swallowed it down, but when her husband was swallowing it, the hand of God stop't it in his Throat, and

from hence (they say) that every man hath there an hollow bunch which women have not.

The names they give to distinguish one man from another are many, and amongst them these following are very common. As Juddo, or Midas, or Cooregee, or Hergee, and the like. Casturia and Prescotta, are Womens names amongst them, but whither these, as those names they call their men, or women by, are names of signification, or onely of sound I know not.

Those Hindooes are a very laborious, and an industrious people: these are they which till and plant the ground, and breed the Cattle, these are they which make and sell those cu∣rious Manufactures, or the Cloath and stuffe which this Empire affords.

This people marry into, and consequently still keep in their own Tribes, Sects, Occupa∣tions, and Professions. For instance all Bramins (which are their Priests, the Sons of all which are Priests, likewise) are married to Bramins daughters, so a Merchants son marries a Mer∣chants daughter, and so men of several trades marry to the same trade. Thus a Coolee, (who is a tiller of the ground) marries his son to a Colees daughter; and so in all other professions they keep themselves to their own Tribes and Trades, not mixing with any other, by which means they never advance themselves higher than they were at first.

They take but one wife, and of her they are not so fearfull and jealous as the Mahometans are of their several wives and women, for they suffer their wives to go abroad whether they please. They are married very young, about six, or seven years old, their Parents making Matches for them, who lay hold of every op∣portunity to bestow their Children, because confin'd to their own Tribes, they have not such variety of choise as otherwise they might have▪ and when they attain to the age of thir∣teen, or fourteen, or fifteen years at the most they bed together.

Their marriages are solemnized (as those of the Mahometans) with much company, and noise, but with this difference, that both the young couple ride openly on Hors-back, and for the most part they are so little, that some go on their Horse sides to hold them up from falling. They are bedeckt, or strewed all over their Cloathing, with the choise flowers of that Countrey, fastned in order all about their Gar∣ments.

For their habits they differ very little from the Mahometans, but are very like them civil∣ly clad, but many of their women were Rings on their Toes, and therefore go bare foot. They we••r likewise broad Rings of Brasse, or better Metal upon their Wrists, and small of their Legs, to take of and on.

They have generally (I mean the women) the flaps, or tips of their ears boared when they are young, which holes daily extended and made wider, by things put and kept in them for that purpose, at last become so large, as that they will hold Rings (hollowed on the out-side like Pullies) for their flesh to rest in that are as broad in their circumference, some of them (I ••dare say) as little Sawcers. But though those fashions of theirs seem very strange at first sight, yet they keep so constantly to them, as to all their other habites without any alteration, that their general and continual wearing of them makes them to seem lesse strange unto others which behold them.

And for their Diet very many of them (as the Banians in general (which are a very strict Sect) will eat of nothing that hath had, or may have life. And these live upon Herbs, & Roots, and Bread▪ and Milk, and Butter, and Cheese, and Sweet-meats, of which they have many made very good by reason of their great abun∣dance of Sugar. Others amongst them will eat fish, but of no living thing else. The Rash∣boots will eat Swines flesh, which is most hate∣full to the Mahometans, some will eat one kinde of flesh, some of another (of all very sparingly) but all the Hind••os in general ab∣stain from Beef, out of an high and over-excel∣lent esteem they have of Kine, and therefore

give the Mogol yearly, besides his other e••a∣ctions, great sums of money as a ransom for ••hose Creatures; whence it comes to passe, that amongst other good provisions, we meet there but with little Beef.

As the Mahometans Burie ••o the Hindoos in general (not believing the resurrection of the flesh) burn the bodies of their dead near some Rivers (if they may with convenience) wherein they sow their ashes.

And there are another Sect, or sort of Hea∣thens living amongst them called Persees, which do neither of these; of whom, and how they bestow the bodies of their dead, you shall hear afterward.

The Widows of these Hindoos (first men∣tioned) such as have lived to keep company with their Husbands, for (as before) there is usually a good space of time 'twixt their wed∣ding and bedding. The Widows (I say) who have their Husbands separated from them by death, when they are very young, marry not again, but whither, or no this be generally ob∣served by them all I know not, but this I am sure of, that immediately after their Husbands are dead, they cut their Hair, and spend all their life following as Creatures neglected both by themselves, and others, whence to be free from shame, some of them are ambitious to die with Honour (as they esteem it) when their fiery

love carries them to the flames (as they think) of Martyrdom, most willingly following the dead bodies of their Husbands unto the fire, and there imbracing, are burnt with them.

A better agreement in death than that of Eteocles and Polynices, the two Theban bro∣thers, of whom it is said that they were such deadly enemies while they were alive, that af∣ter, when both their bodies were burnt together in the same fiery Pile, the flame parted and would not mix in one, of which Statius thus:

Nec furiis post fata modus; flammaeque rebelles Seditione Rogi.—

Whose rage not death could end, rebellious ire Inflam'd to civil War their funeral fire.

—Nec mors mihi finiit iras.

Mine anger with my body shall not die, But with thy Ghost, my Ghost shall battel trie.

But those, which before I named, agree so well in life, that they will not be divided by death, where their flames unite together. And although the Woman, who thus burns with her Husband, doth this voluntarily, not by any compulsion (for the love of every Widow there is not thus fired) and though the poor Crea∣ture, who thus dies may return and live if she please, even then when she comes to the Pile,

which immediately after turns her into ashes: yet she who is once thus resolved, never starts back from hir first firm and setled resolution, but goes on singing to her death, having taken some intoxicating thing to turn or disturb her brains; and then come to the place where she will needs die, she settles her self presently in the middest of that combustable substance pro∣vided to dispatch her, which fuel is placed in a round shallow trench, about two foot deep, made for that purpose near some River, or other water (as before) and though she have no bonds but her own strong affections to tie her unto those flames, yet she never offers to stir out of them. But

Her breathlesse Husband then she takes In foulded arms; this done she makes Her humble sute to 'th flames to give Her quick dispatch, she cannot live Her honour dead. Her friends there come Look on, as if't were, Martyrdom; And with content are hit her led, As once to view her marriage bed.

And thus, she being joyfully accompanied unto the place of her dying by her Parents and other friends, and when all is fitted for this hellish Sacrifice, and the fire begins to burn; all which are there present shout, and make a

continued noise so long as they observe her to stir, that the screeches of that poor tortured Creature may not be heard. Not much unlike the custom of the Ammonites, who, when they made their Children passe through the fire to Molech, caused certain Tabrets, or Drums to sound, that their cries might not be heard, whence the place was called Tophet, 2 King. 23. 10. which signifies a Drum, or Tabret.

Now after their bodies are quite consumed, and lie mixed together in ashes, and those ashes begin to grow cold, some of them are gathered up by their nearest friends, and kept by them as choise Relicks, the rest are immediately sowen by the standers by upon the adjacent River, or water.

Alas poor wretches! what a hard Master do they serve, who puts them upon such unrea∣sonable services in the flower of their youth and strength, thus to become their own executio∣ners; to burn their own bones when they are full of marrow, and to waste their own breasts, when they are full of milk. Now Almighty God requires no such thing at his peoples hands, & therefore it is by far the more strange to consider that the Devil should have such an abundance of servants in the World, and God so few.

But for those poor silly Souls, who sing them∣selves into the extremity of misery, & thus mad∣ly

go out of the World, through one fire into another, through flames that will not last long into everlasting burnings, and do it not out of necessity, but choise, led hereunto by their tempter and murderer, and consequently become so injurious and mercilesse to them∣selves▪ certainly they deserve much pity from others, who know not how to pity themselves. For nemo miserius misero non miserants scip∣sum. There are none so cruel as those, which are cruel, and pitilesse to themselves. But though (I say) there are some which thus throw away their own lives, yet if we consider those Hin∣doos in general we may further take notice.

SECT. XX.

Of the tendernesse of that people in pre∣serving the lives of all other infe∣riour Creatures, &c.

FOr they will not (if they can help it by any means) take, but on the contrary do what they can to preserve the lives of all inferiour Creatures, whence (as before I told you) they give large money to preserve the lives of their Kine (a reason for this you shall have after∣ward) and I have often observed, that when our English boyes there have out of wanton∣nesse been killing of Flies (there swarming in

abundance) they would be very much troubled at it, and if they could not perswade them to suffer those poor Creatures to live, they would give them mony, or something else to forbear that (as they conceived) cruelty.

As for themselves (I mean a very great num∣ber of them) they will not deprive the most uselesse, and most offensive Creatures of life, not Snakes, and other venomous things that may kill them, saying, that it is their nature to do hurts, and they cannot help it, but as for themselves they further say, that God hath gi∣ven them reason to shun those Creatur••s, but not liberty to destroy them.

And in order to this their conceit, the Ba∣nians (who are the most tender hearted in this case of all that people) have Spittles (as they say) on purpose to recover lame birds & beasts.

Some ground for this their tendernesse hap∣pily proceeds from this consideration; that they cannot give life to the meanest of the sensible Creatures, and therefore think that they may not take the lives of any of them: for the poor∣est worm, which crawleth upon the face of the earth, tam vita vivit, quam Angelus, (as one of the ancients speaks) live for the present as much as the Angels, and cannot be willing to part with that life, and therefore they imagine that it is most injurious by violence to take it.

But (as I conceive) the most principal cause

why they thus forbear to take the lives of in∣feriour Creatures, proceeds from their obedi∣ence unto a precept given them by one of their principal, and most highly esteemed Prophets and Law-givers they call Bremaw; others, they have in very high esteem, and the name of one of them is Ram, of another Permissar. I am ignorant of the names of others, and I con∣ceive that my Reader will not much care to know them. But for him they call Bremaw, they have received (as they say) many precepts, which they are carefull to observe, and the first of them. This

Thou shalt not kill any living Creature what∣soever it be, having life in the same, for thou art a Creature, and so is it, thou art indued with life, and so is it, thou shalt not therefore spil the life of any of thy fellow-Creatures that live.

Other precepts (they say) were delivered un∣to them by their Law-giver about their devoti∣ons, in their washings and worshippings where they are commanded.

To observe times for fasting, and hours for watching, that they may be the better fitted for them.

—Other directions they have about their festivals wherein they are required,

To take their food moderately, in not pamper∣ing their bodies.

—Concerning Charity they are further commanded.

To help the poor as far as they are possibly able.

—Other precepts (they say) were given them likewise in charge; as

Not to tell false tales, nor to utter any thing that is untrue.

Not to steal any thing from others, be it never so little.

Not to defraud any by their cunning in bar∣gains, or contracts.

Not to oppresse any, when they have power to do it.

Now all those particulars are observed by them with much strictnesse; and some of them are very good, having the impression of God upon them, but that scruple they make in for∣bearing the lives of the Creatures made for mens use, shews how that they have their dwel∣ing in the dark, which makes them by reason of their blindnesse to deny unto themselves that li∣berty, and Soveraignty which Almighty God hath given unto man over the beasts of the field, the fowles of the Air, and the fishes of the Sea, appointed for his food, given unto him for his service and sustenance, to serve him, and to seed him, but not to make havock and spoil of them.

However, the tendernesse of that people over inferiour Creatures shall one day rise up in judgement against all those, who make no

scruple at all in taking the lives, not of sensible Creatures, but men, not legally to satisfie good and known Laws, but violently to please their cruel and barbarous lusts.

Histories are fill'd with many inhumane, and strange examples of this kinde. Valerius writes of Lucius Sylla (whose cruelty and thirst after bloud, made him a Monster of mankinde, a very Prodigy of Nature) that when he had cau∣sed some thousands of men to be put to death, or (more properly) to be murdered in one day, he presently gave command that this monstrous fact of his should be recorded, least the memory of so honourable an action (for so he call'd in) might be forgotten.

He kill'd a Gentleman of Rome at the same time for not enduring the sight of an innocent man of quality, whom he saw causelesly mur∣dered. Never (saith the Author) was it heard of before, that pity should be punished, and that it should be thought a Capital offence to be∣hold a Murder with grief.

For that Sylla, it might have been said of him as it was afterward of Nero, that he was a Creature made up of dirt and bloud, a Mon∣ster set upon mischief, who had so much ma∣lice and cruelty in his Nature (as any other may have left in his bloud) that Valerius writes thus further of him, ut in dubio esset Syll••ne prior, an iracundia Syll•• sit extinct••, that it was

a question whither himself, or anger were first extinguished, most strange and turbulent per∣turbations and storms, o anger, and malice, and mischief, quando ir a mortalium debet esse mor∣talis (as Lactantius well spake) when the an∣ger of mortal men should be mortal like them∣selves.

And so most barbarous and cruel are all they whatsoever they be, who have their hearts (so bound and confirm'd as it were with sinews of iron) that they delight in nothing so much as in the slaughter of men whatsoever they be, whither strangers, or brethren, and then make their boasts and brags, I have knockt so many on the head, saith one, and I have kill'd so ma∣ny saith another, and I so many saith a third, and others so many, and so many, which clear∣ly shews that they are Children of their Father the Devil, who was a murderer from the be∣ginning: for his language is ever in their mouths, ure, seca, occide, burn, cut, kill, do execution, and take no pity, spare not, sparo none, whether strangers, or known persons, old, or young, men, women, children, brethren, or whosoever else comes and crosseth them in their way, as it was in the dayes of that monstrous Sylla before named, when

Gray-heads, young Orphans, Virgins, pregnant wives, All died: 't was crime enough that they had lives:

That Empresse was of a far better minde, who wisely advertised her husband, sitting and playing at Tables, & minding his Game more than the Prisoners before him, on whom he pronounced the sentence of death: his wife (I say) thus spake unto him as Aelian reports, non est vita hominum talorum ludus, &c. the life of man is not as a Game at Tables, where a woodden-man is taken away by a blot, and thrown aside, and after taken again into the play, and there is no hurt done; but the life of a living man, once lost is irrecoverable.

When Vedius Pollio a Roman, at a Supper provided for Augustus the Emperour, would have drown'd his servant, because he had bro∣ken a cup of Christal, the Emperour (though an Heathen) withheld him, and controuled him in these words (as Plutarch reports) saying, Homo cujuscunque conditionis quatenus homo, &c. a man of what condition so ever he be, if for no other cause, yet because he is a man, is more to be valued than all the Crystal cups in the world. And doubtlesse he deserves not the name of a man, who knows not how to va∣lue a man.

But how is mankinde in these last ages of

the world become degenerate, and wilde from that which Nature first shaped it unto. For man was made in the beginning to man, as Moses was made to Aron, Ex. 4. 16. in some sense a God, for succour and comfort: but how contrary to this rule do most men walk; so that we may justly complain with that noble and virtuous French-man Philep Morney, saying, what is more rare amongst men than to finde a man, that is, (as he interprets himself) amongst men, how many beasts are there for want of the use of reason, and for not using reason well, how many Devils. Lions, (saith Plini••) fight not against Lions, Serpents bite not Serpents, but the most mischief man sustains comes from man.

Thou art deceived (saith Seneca) if thou givest credit unto the looks of those that meet thee, who have the faces of men, but the qua∣lities of wilde beasts. Some like the Crocodiles of Nilus that can flatter and betray, weep and murder, cry and kill. Oh how hath mankinde in these latter ages justified the madness of the most savage and untractable beasts, and steel'd their affections with more cruelty, than ever Lions, or Serpents could learn in the wildernes.

But certainly that crying clamouring sin of bloud, or murther, unlesse it be washed away with a floud of tears, issuing from a bleeding, and a broken heart, and died into another co∣lour

by the bloud of Christ, will in conclusion bring woe and misery enough upon them that shed it. For there was never any drop of inno∣cent bloud spilt upon the earth, from the bloud of righteous Abel to this present hour, or that shall be shed so long as there are men, and ma∣lice, and mischief in the world, but it swells as big as the Ocean Sea in the eyes of God, and cannot be washed away by all the waters therein. And further, neither the heat of the Sun, nor the dust of the ground shall ever be able to drie, and drink it up till it be either avenged▪ or pardoned; unlesse the earth and heavens, and all that are therein can be bribed to keep silence, and to take no notice thereof.

Without all doubt, when God shall make in∣quisition for bloud, he will remember: for he that bottles up the tears of his poor people, cannot forget their bloud. Whence it comes to passe by the righteous judgement of Almighty God, that they, who delight in bloud, have usually enough of it before they die, or if bloud do not touch bloud for the present, it will deny a man 〈◊〉〈◊〉 peace after the fact committed. Had Zim•••• peace; who slew his Master? 2 King. 9 31. no he had no peace, no more have any guilty of that sin, if their consciences be not for the pre∣sent ••oof'•• over: if the mouth of them be not for the present bung'd up. But as it was in that first plague of Egypt, wherein Pharaoh and

the Egyptians were smitten, all their waters in their Rivers, Ponds, and Pools, as in their Ves∣sels of wood & stone were changed into bloud: So in the minde and conscience of a murtherer, there usually remains a plague of bloud; His eyes shall behold no other colour but Sanguine, as if the air were died into it; The visions of his head in the night shall cast a boul of bloud in his face, all the cogitations and thoughts of his heart shall overflow with the remembrance of that bloud he hath spilt. The consideration of which, (methinks) should be enough to trou∣ble and affright men that lie under the guilt of this sin, if they fear either guilt, or conscience, which will first, or last fly in their faces.

Plutarch writing de serâ numinis vindictâ of the late but sure revenges executed upon men by divine justice, hath this story of the Del∣phians, who made no scruple to murder Aesop amongst them, but after this when they were most grievously plagued by variety of heavy judgements, they, who had imbrued their hands in his bloud, walked up and down in all the publick assemblies of Greece, and caused this to be proclaimed by noise of Criars, that whosoever would, should be avenged on them for Aesops death. They believing themselves, the procurers of those plagues which were then upon them. Deus patiens redditor, God is a patient rewarder, whose revenges are slow, but

sure. Fortis▪ ••st Deus, Deus retributionum. Jet. 51. 56. the Lord God of recompences shall surely requite, who is many times long before he strike, but, tarditatem supplicii gravitate compensat; the severity of his justice shall at last make a full amends for the slownesse thereof.

'Tis sad to consider that Heathens (as before was observed) should have so much tendernesse in their Nature, and any bearing the names of Christians so much cruelty: that Heathens should make so much scruple in taking away the lives of base inferiour Creatures, of those which are not onely uselesse but offensive, and men called Christians so forward by wayes of violence to cut off the lives of men, never▪ en∣quiring into the justice of their quarrel, but the rate of their pay, and (as if their own lives, and the bloud of others were not worth the valuing) will adventure to kill, or be kill'd for a dayes wages. Thus making havock of men as fearfully made, as dearly redeemed, as ten∣derly cherished, & brought up as themselves yet occidendi causa occidunt, they kill, because they take pleasure in killing, and are no more trou∣bled at the death of a man, than if a Dog had fallen before them.

'Tis true that Lions will tear, and Dogs will bark and bite, and Serpents will sting, because it is in their nature so to do; yet men, Christians

must do otherwise; and not make the slaugh∣ters of men, of multitudes of people professing Christ, delightfull arguments of their ordina∣ry discourse, or Table talk, as if it were a rela∣tion that had pleasure in it, as if there were no difference 'twixt the cutting down of men, and the mowing of Straw and Stubble.

I confesse that when men have an imme∣diate commission from God, to execute ven∣geance on those he would have destroyed, they may do execution with boldnesse, without pity, or regret: for it is as great a fault to spare when God bids destroy (for he wrongs the in∣nocent, who spares the gu••lty) for which very thing Saul payes dear, 1 Sam. 15.) as to de∣stroy when God bids spare. The Israelites had such a Commission often granted, and renewed, for the rooting out of those Nations, which God would have grubb'd up root and branch, and then they were to destroy without pity. But afterward that people, because they did so much abuse their prosperity, and successe, and after both, their peace, they perish themselves by the Sword of War. Jerusalem had many-many warnings; but would not take them, be∣fore the woe took hold of it. And therefore after all those monitions, Titus the Son of Vespa∣tian the Emperour was made instrumental to fulfill those many Prophesies, which threatned Jerusalems 〈◊〉〈◊〉 overthrow. But that Com∣mander,

and Conqueror, though a stranger•• an adversary, and a profest enemy to the Jews, and sent to destroy them, when he saw (as Josephus reports) the spoyl and slaughter which fell up∣on that wofull, and most miserable City, he calls his Gods to witnesse that he was exceed∣ingly troubled at it. He that is glad at cala∣mity shall not be unpunished, Prov. 17. 5. And if an Heathen, a forraign enemy sent to destroy, could take no pleasure in executing of punish∣ment, though upon enemies, but the contrary: men which enjoy the light, should be by much more troubled, in the beholding of slaughters, which happen among themselves, or brethren. And therefore Tully writing to Atticus speaks exceeding wisely in telling him thus, extremum est malorum omnium bells civilis victoria. His reason, because men having done much mi∣schief already in those unnatural engagements, are flesh't and heartened to go on, and to do more mischief still. Hence it was that the very Heathens were not wont to make any triumphs for victories gain'd in their Civil Wars, as Lu∣can speaks.

Bella geri placuit nullos habitura Trium∣phos.

And there is very much to this purpose in that sad, but very remarkable story of the Isra∣elites and Benjamites, as we may observe in the

of Judges, Chapters 20. and ••1. Some Benja∣mites there at Gebiah had committed an abo∣minable wickednesse, the rest of that Tribe, in∣stead of punishing, did patronize it, and chose rather to die in the resisting of justice than live, and prosper in the furthering thereof.

It is one of the mad principles of wicked∣nesse, that when men have once resolv'd to do a thing, be it never so bad, and to say they will do it, it is very great weaknesse to relent, therefore they will chuse to suffer, to die rather then yield, or go back from their resolutions, thinking that causes, whatsoever they be when they are once undertaken, must be upheld, although with bloud. And from this false ground, the Ben∣jamits there put themselvesin Arms, and will be Champions to defend the leud••••ss•• of their brethren, and make themselves worse by the ab••tting of a monstrous sin, than the others were by the commission thereof. Because the last was done upon resolution, and so probably was not the other. Now that no man may conclude a cause therefore good, because the successe is so, the Tribes of Israel that went against the Benjamits had by far the better of the cause: But the Benjamits for the present the better in their success, for the wickednesse of Benjamin sped better for a time, than the hone∣sty of Israel. Twise was the better part foil'd by the lesse and worse, the good cause was sent

back with shame: The evil returned with vi∣ctory and Triumph. But wickednesse could never brag of any long prosperity. The trium∣phing of the wicked is short. And wickednesse cannot complain of the lack of payment, for still God is even with it at the last, as we may observe in the story of those Benjamits, who in conclusion were made to pay extreamly dear for their sin. In whose example we may take notice, that the retaliations of the Lord are sure and just. But after all this, when the rest of the Tribes of Israel (being so highly provo∣ked) had slain such a very great number of the Benjamites, almost to the utter ruine of their Tribe, for acting and abetting such a mon∣strous wickednesse, observe how the rest of Is∣rael behaved themselves towards their Breth∣ren, they did not rejoyce, and make Triumphs for that their victory▪ but they weep over their dead bodies, Judg. 21. 2. and study how that breach a mong the Benjamites (which their sin and provocation had enforced the rest of Israel to make) might be made up again.

The Prophet Oded gave good counsel (in a case which was something parallel to this) and it was well followed, 2 Chr. 28. for when they of Samaria had taken a very great number of their brethren of Judah & Jerusalem Captives▪ two hundred thousand, and much spoil, and were carrying it, and them to Samaria; the Prophet

(I say) gave this counsel, that they should not strip, and starve, but put cloathing on their loins, and shoes on their feet, and meat, and drink in their bellies, and send them home again; and so they did.

There are very many who walk quite con∣trary to these rules, and dare do as those wic∣ked ones (mentioned in the second Chapter of the book of wisdom) saying, let us oppresse and let our strength be the rule of Justice, as if there were no power, either in Earth, or Hea∣ven to contradict them. But however let o∣thers, who observe the courses of Gods Provi∣dence, and withall see the oppression of the poor, and the violent perverting of judgement and justice in a Province, not marvel at the matter: for he that is higher than the highest regard∣eth, and there be higher than they.

In that Parable, Luke 16. Dogs are men∣tioned, and why so? that their tongues might condemne the mercilesse bowels of their Ma∣ster, who shewed pity in their kinde. When their Master had no Compassion on the poor Lazar, he not considering that there is a mer∣cy, a pity, and a care due unto the most despi∣cable piece of humanity. Frustra misericor∣diam petit, qui misericordiam non facit; in vain shall they one day hope for mercy and pi∣ty that will not now exercise it.

Undoubtedly there is nothing becomes power

and greatnesse better than bowels, and inwards of pity and mercy. These make the faces of men in power to shine, and themselves to re∣semble God, who is most properly called opti∣mum, maximum, first by the name of his good∣nesse, and then by the name of his greatnesse, first by the name of his mercy, and then by the name of his might.

But the ignorance of those Indians (before spoken off) makes them more pitifull than they need to be: and if they had knowledge to make doubt of) and to scruple other things as they should, I might have spared my next Se∣ction, which will acquaint my Reader by tel∣ling him further.

SECT. XXI.

Of other strange and groundlesse, and ve∣ry grosse opinions, proceeding from the blacknesse, and darknesse of ignorance in that people.

ALl error in the World proceeds either from ignorance (commonly joyned with pride) or else from wilfulnesse. This is most true as in natural, and moral, so in spiritual things. For as knowledge softens & sweetens mens manners: so it enricheth their mindes:

which knowledge is certainly a most divine, a very excellent thing, otherwise our first Parents would never have been so ambitious of it. This makes a man here to live twice, or to en∣joy here a double life in respect of him that wants it. But for this knowledge it certainly must be esteemed better, or worse, by how much the object of this knowledge is worse, or better. Now the best object of this knowledge is a right understanding, and knowledge of the true God, which that people wants.

For there is scientia contristans (as Bernard speaks) a sad, an unquiet, an unpeaceable, and an unsatisfying knowledge, as to know that there is a God, (for so this people do) and to be ignorant, (as this people, & ••••llions more are) to serve him aright, and how to make him their God. As for men to know that they are sin∣ners, and not to know this unto amendment of life: as to know that there is an Heaven and not to know how to attain it. As to know that there is an Hell, and not to know how to avoid it. And more particularly for such as professe Christ, to know that Jesus Christ died for sinners, and to be ignorant how to apply a Plaster of his bloud, and merits unto the hurts of their poor wounded Souls & further, though knowledge be so excellent; for any, to seek af∣ter the Tree of knowledge more than the Tree of life, is a most uncomfortable search.

Now touching this people, they are altoge∣ther ignorant of God, as they ought to know him, and they have no learning amongst them, but as much as enables them to write and to read what they have written and they having no insight into the reasons and causes of things (I mean the ••uder sort, both of the Mahome∣tans and Gentiles) when they observe things which are not very ordinary, as when they see any Eclipses, but especially of the Moon (hap∣pily some of them sacrificing to her, and cal∣ling her the Queen of Heaven, as those Idola∣ters did, Jer. 44. 18.) they make a very great stir and noise, bemoaning her much, which helps (as they conceive) to free, and bring her out of it. Juvenal observing that custom, (which ap∣pears to be very ancient among the Heathens) re••roves a very brawling clamorous Woman in his sixt Satyre thus:

Una, laboranti poterit succurrere Luna.

That she made noise enough to deliver the Moon out of an Eclipse.

Their ignorance in this, as in many many other things is much to be pitied: as the know∣ledge and learning of many others, which (by their not improving of it) is to them as the letters which Uriah sometimes carried against himself, it condemnes the bearer.

But though the Hindoos, or Heathens there

have no learning, yet they want not opinions, for their divided hearts are there distracted into four-score, and four several Sects, each differing from others, very much in opinion about their irreligion, which might fill a man, even full of wonder, that doth not consider, how that Sa∣tan, who is the author of division, is the seducer of them all.

Those many Sects (as I conceive among them) consist of people there of several trades, occupations, and conditions of life, which seve∣ral sorts of people (as before I observed) marry into their own tribes, and so unite and keep to∣gether amongst themselves, that they had not much correspondency with any other people. These without doubt have several wayes of worship within themselves, which makes them so seperate from others, as that they will not eat with any, but those of their own Tribes.

For Heathens, that have neither light nor guide to be thus divided, and to live in dark∣nesse hath not so much wonder in it, but for Christians, who have been in the valley of visi∣ons thus to separate, ministers matter of won∣der, or pity, nay, of both. And for us of this Nation, if we still continue to multiply opini∣ons in Religion as we have begun▪ which God forbid) we shall enlarge the proverb, that if a man have lost his Religion and cannot finde it, either in Poland, nor yet in Amsterdam, let him seek for it in England.

The illiterare Priests of all that people for the generality of them are called Bramins, who derive themselves from Bramon, whom (they say) was one of the first men that inhabited the World, and after the sin of that first World brought the Flood: the race of that Bramon (whose very name they highly reverence) was continued in Bremaw, who (as they say) out-lived that deluge, and is honoured by them likewise as one of their great Prophets & Law-givers.

Those Bramins (as I conceive) are they, which the ancient stories call Brachmanes, but with this difference, that those Brachmanes were accounted learned men, for the learning of those times wherein they lived: But those Bramins are a very silly, sottish, and an igno∣rant sort of people, who are so inconstant in their principles, as that they scarce know, what the particulars are which they hold, and maintain as truths.

As anciently amongst the Jews, their Priest∣hond is hereditary, for all those Bramins Sons are Priests, and they all take the daughters of Bramins to be their wives. (Of which some∣thing before.)

They have little Churches they call Pagode, standing near, or under their green Trees, built round; But as their ancient Brachmanes were said not to èndure, these on the contrary have

Images in their Pagods made in monstrous shapes, but for what end they have them, I know not.

Now, from the manner of those Heathens, which I believe hath been for many-many years retained in their Idolatrous worships. I conceive that the Jews long ago borrowed that unwarrantable custom of worshipping God in Groves, or under green Trees.

Both men and women before they go to their devotions (which are very frequently per∣formed) wash their bodies, and keep off all their cloaths, but the covering of modesty till they have done, led hereunto by a precept (as they say) commanded them to be perform'd by their Law-giver Bremaw, which requires them dayly to observe their times of devotion expres∣sed by their washings, and worshippings, & prayer to God; which must be all done with purity of hearts.

And it is the manner of this people before they take their food to wash their bodies, then (which I much observed while we lived in Tents) they make a little Circle upon the ground, which they seem to consecrate, after which they sit down within that Compasse, and eat what they have provided; and if any come within that Circle before they have ended their meal, they presently quit the place, and leave their food behinde them.

That outward washing (as this people think) avails very much to their cleansing from sin, not unlike the Pharisees, who were all for the out-side of Religion, and would not eat with unwashen hands, Marc. 7. 2. unlesse they washed themselves up to the Elbows, (as Theophi••act observes) hence those Hindoos ascribe a cer∣tain Divinity unto Rivers, but above all to that Famous River Ganges, whither they flock day∣ly in Troups, that there they may wash them∣selves; and the nearer they can come to the head of that River, the more virtue they be∣lieve is in the water. After they have thus washed, they throw pieces of Gold, or Silver (according to their devotion and ability) into that River, and so depart from it.

Thus Reader thou hast somewhat of the car∣riages of this people in life. Now after death some of them talk of Elyzian fields (such as the Poets dream'd of) to which their Souls must passe over a Stix, or Acheron, and there take new bodies. Others of them think that ere long the World will have an end, after which they shall live here again on a new earth. Some other wilde conceivings of this people follow afterward.

Some Bramins have told me that they ac∣knowledge one God, whom they describe with a thousand eyes, with a thousand hands, and as many feet, that thereby they may expresse his

power, as being all eye to see, and all foot to follow, and all hand to smite offenders. The consideration whereof makes that people very exact in the performances of all moral duties, following close the light of Nature in their dealings with men, most carefully observing that Royal Law, in doing nothing to others, but what they would be well contented to suffer from others.

Those Bramins talk of two books, which no•• long after the Creation, when the World be∣gan to be peopled (they say) were delivered by Almighty God to Bramon (before spoken of) one of which books (they say) containing very high and secret, and Mysterious things was sealed up & might not be opened; the other to be read, but onely by the Bramins, or Priests. And this book, thus to be read came after (as they further say) into the hands of Br〈…〉〈…〉 (of whom likewise something before) and by him it was communicated unto Ram, and Per∣missar, two other fam'd Prophets amongst them, which those Heathens do likewise ex∣ceedingly magnifie, as they do some others, whose names I have not. Now that book which they call the Shester, or the book of their written word, hath been transcribed in all ages ever since by the Bramins, out of which they deliver precepts unto the people.

They say that there are seven Orbi, above

which is the seat of God and that God knows not small and petty things, or if he do, regards them not.

There have been Philosophers of the like minde, who madly thought that Almighty God had no regard of humane affairs. For which very thing Tully, though an Heathen, doth most highly condemne them.

The Peripateticks housed the Providence of God above the Moon, and thought that it had no descent beneath the Circle thereof, to intend inferiour things and businesses.

The Atheists in the Psalm, who say that there is no God, inferre from hence, how can God see? what do the Epicures in Job say lesse; or Eliphaz speaking in their names, Job 22. how can God know? can he judge through the dark clouds? the clouds hide him that he cannot see, and Chap. 24. 14, 15. he brings in the mur∣derer and adulterer, acting their parts with much boldnesse, confidence, and presumption, & upon this false ground that no eyes see them, for if they did believe the contrary, then cer∣tainly they would not dare to do what they do, which shews that there is a very Atheisme in the hearts of most men, which makes them not afraid to do that in the presence of an all∣seeing God, which for fear, or shame they durst not do in the sight of a little Childe.

Averroes, a Spanish Phisician (that he

might seem to be mad with reason) by reason goes about to exempt, and with-draw smaller things from the sight and providence of God, as if it were most injurious to bring down the Ma∣jesty of God so low, thinking that the know∣ledge and understanding of God would be∣come vile, if it were abased by taking notice of mean and inferiour objects.

A very strange opinion, as if a looking-glasse were deformed, because it represents deformi∣ties: Or the Beams of the Sun defiled, because they fall upon dunghils and other filthy places, or the Providence of God vilified, who though he hath his dwelling so high, yet he abaseth him∣self to behold the things in heaven and in earth, Psal. 113. 6.

As he spake the word in the beginning, so all things were made, Gen. 1. thus ever since he sustaineth, and beareth up all things by the power of that word, Heb. 1. His Creation was the Mother to bring things forth; his Provi∣dence the Nurse to bring them up. His Crea∣tion a short Providence, his Providence a per∣petual Creation; The first setting up the frame of the house, the second looking to the stand∣ing▪ and reparations thereof.

And therefore I will bring in Tully again to gain-say, and condemne those forenamed mad opinions, who (in his first book de naturâ deorum) tells us, that the Providence of God

reacheth, usque ad Apium, For〈…〉〈…〉que per∣fectionem, to the husbanding of Bees and Pis∣〈…〉〈…〉ir••s. And in his eight book on the same sub∣ject, (where speaking against the Epioures and Atheists of that age) he saith, curiosus, & plenus negotii Deus▪ that God is a curious God, exquisite in all things, and full of businesse, So far he an Heathen could see, and so much say.

But a Christian that knows more, can speak further, that God is not a carelesse, an impro∣vident God, or a God to halves and in part, above and not beneath the Moon, as the Sy∣rians dreamed, upon the mountains, and not in the valleys; but he is a God in lesser, as well as in greater matters: Who beholds at one view all places, and all persons, and all things. And as our times are in Gods hands: so he takes notice of every thing done by us in every minute and moment of our time; He know∣ing all things not as they appear, but are, sim∣plici notitia, (as the Schools speak) with a sure, certain exact knowledge. Thus he takes no∣tice of every sin that is committed, and of eve∣ry circumstance in sinning. He saw the ••ins of the whole World in the book of his eternity, long before the foundations of the World were laid. He sees them in every mans breast before his hands commit them. I knew thee (saith God) before thou camest forth of the Womb; Jer. 1. 5. And God tells Israel, that he knew what

they meant to do long before they came out of the land of Egypt: the consideration whereof may curb, and confound all those that say God shall not see.

This Providence of God did reach to the handfull of Meal, and the cruise of Oil in the poor Widows house, 2 King. 4. And so it reach∣eth to the Calving of Hindes; to the feeding of young Lions and Ravens; to the falling of Spar∣rows on the ground; to the numbring of our hairs, as to every thing beside.

But to return again to that people, the Hin∣doos I spake of, and these circumscribe God to place, and further conceit that he may be seen, but as in a m••st afar off, but not near.

They further believe that there are Devils, but so fettered and bound in chains, as that they cannot hurt them.

I observed before the tendernesse and scr••∣ple, which is in very many of that people in ta∣king the lives of any inferiour, and mee••ly sen∣sible, I & of hurtfull Creatures too. And those which are most tender hearted in this case are called Banians, who are by far more nume∣rous than any other of those Indian Sects, and these hold Pythagoras his Metempsycosis, as a prime Article of their Faith, and from hence it is that they cannot abide to kill any living Creatures, and from this ground, that Philoso∣pher disswades from eating of flesh, by many

arguments laid down in the fifteenth book of Ovids Metamorphosis.

Heu! quantum scelus est in viscere viscera condi, Congestoque avidum pinguescere corp••re cor∣pus: Alt••riusque animantem animantis viver•• Letho!

Ah sinfull! who in Bowels Bowels hide, And flesh, by greedy eating flesh do breed: That Creatures life, by Creatures death may feed!

And after this, that Philosopher placeth the Souls immortality in its Transmigration, from one Creature to another, saying:

Morte car••nt animae: semperque priore relict•• Sede, ••ovis domibus vivunt habitant{que} receptae, Ipse ego (nam memeni) Trojani tempore belli Panthoides Euphorbus eram.—

Souls are immortal, and when ere they leave Their former houses, new ones them receive. I'th Trojan War, (I well remember) I Was Panthos Son Euphorbus.—

And a little after he thus speaks:

Omnia mutantur, nihil interit, errat, & illinc Huc venit, hinc illuc, & ••u••slibe•• occupat artus

Spiritus eque feris humana in corpora transit, Inque fer as noster, nec tempore deperit ••llo. Utque novis facilis signatur cera figuris, Nec manet ut fuerat, nec formas servat easdem. Sed tamen ipsa eadem ••st▪ animam sic semper ••andem Esse, sed in varias doceo migrare figuras. Ergo ne pietas sit victa cupidine ventris, P••rcite (vaticinor) cognatas c••de na••andâ Exturbare animas, ne sanguine sanguis alatur.

Things are not lost, but chang'd, the Spirit strayes Hence thither, hither thence nor lodged stayes In any limbs: to humane bodies flies From beasts, from these to these, nor ever dies. And as new prints in easie wax we make, Which varying still several impressions take, Yet is it self the same: so the same Soul (I teach) doth into several fashions roul. Then let not piety by lust subdued, Suffer your hands in Parricide imbrued Dislodge the souls, or nourish bloud with bloud.

Thus much from Ovid of that Pythago∣rian fancy, which that untaught people come up very near unto, thinking that all the Souls, both of men and women after they leave their bodies make their repose in other Creatures, and those Souls (as they imagine) are best lodged that go into Kine, which (in

their opinion) are the best of all sensible Crea∣tures; & therefore (as before) they give year∣ly large sums of mony unto the Mogol to re∣deem them from slaughter. And this people further conceit, that the Souls of the wicked go in••o vile Creatures, as the Souls of Gluttons and Drunkards into Swin••. So the Souls of the voluptuous and incontinent into Monkies & Apes. Thus the Souls of the furious revenge∣full cruel people into Lions, Wolves, Tygres, as into other beasts of prey. So the Souls of the envious into Serpents, and so into other Crea∣tures according to peoples qualities and dispo∣sitions, while they lived successively from one to another of the same kinde, ad infinitum for ever and ever, by consequence they believing the immortality of the world. And upon that same mad and groundlesse phansie, probably they further believe, that the Souls of froward, peevish, and teachy women go into Waspes; and that there is never a silly Fly, but (if they may be credited) carries about it some Souls (happily they think of light women) and will not be perswaded out of their wilde concei∣vings, so incorrigib ••are their sottish errours.

The day of rest which those Hindoos ob∣serve as a Sabboth is Thursday, as the Maho∣metans Friday. Many Festivals they have which they keep solemnely, and Pilgrimages, the most famous briefly spoken of before in

those short descriptions of Nagraiot, and Syba observed in my first section.

Now there are a race of other Heathens (I named before) living amongst those Hindoos, which in many things differ very much from them, they are called Persees, who (as they say) originally came out of Persia, about that time Mahomet and his followers gave Laws to the Persians, and imposed a new Religion on them, which these Persees not enduring left their Countrey, and came and setled themselves in East-India, in the Province of Guzarat, where the most part of them still continue (though there are some of them likewise in other parts of India) but where ever they live they confine themselves strictly to their own Tribe, or Sect.

For their Habits, they are clad like the other people of that Empire, but they shave not their hair close as the other do, but suffer their bea••••s to grow long.

Their profession is for the generality all kinds of husbandry, imploying themselves very much in sowing and setting of Herbs; in planting and dressing of Vines, & Palmeeto, or Toddy, Trees, as in planting and husbanding all other Trees bearing fruit, and indeed they are a very indu∣strious people, and so are very many of t〈…〉〈…〉 Hindoos (as before observed) and they do all very well in doing so, and in this a due, and

deserved commendation belongs unto them. For,

There is no condition whatsoever can pri∣viledge a foulded arm. Our first Parents be∣fore their fall were put into the Garden of E∣den to dress it. Certainly if idlenesse had been better than labour, they had never been com∣manded to do work but they must labour in their estate of innocency, because they were hap∣py, and much more we in our sinfull lost estate that we may be so. It was a Law given be∣fore the Law, that man should eat bread by the sweat of his brows, and it is a Gospel-precept too that he, who will not work, should not eat. The sluggard desireth and hath nothing (saith Solomon) because he doth nothing but desire, and therefore his desires do him no good, be∣cause his hands refuse to labour. That body therefore well deserves to pine and starve with∣out pity, when two able hands cannot feed one mouth.

B••t further for those Persees they use their li∣berty in meats & drinks, to take of them what they please, but because they would not give offence, either to the Mahometans, or Banians, or to other Hindoos amongst whom they live, they abstain from eating Beef, or Swines flesh.

It is their usual manner to eat alone, as for every one of them to drink in his own Cup, and this is a means (as they think) to keep them∣selves

more pure, for if they should eat with others, they are afraid that they might parti∣cipate of some uncleannesse by them.

Alas poor Creatures that do not at all un∣derstand themselves, and their most miserable condition, for to them that are defiled, and un∣believing is nothing pure.

Yet I observed before, the Mahometans and Gentiles there are very strict in this particular; so that they will not eat with any mixt com∣pany, and many of the Gentiles not eat with one another. And this hath been an ancient custom among Heathens. It is said, Gen. 43. 32. that the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews, for that was an abomination to the Egyptians, for this very reason it was, that the women of Samaria spake thus unto our blessed Saviour, John 4. 9. how is it that thou being a Jew askest water of me, which am a woman of Samaria, for the Jews have no deal∣ings with the Samaritanes. But without doubt that forbearance, or shy-ness to eat, one man with another can fetch no ground, either from religion, or reason, if it could, Peter would ne∣ver have eaten with the Gentiles, Gal. 12. Nor our blessed Saviour with Publicans & sinners, at which the Scribes & Pharisees take very much exception, Marc. 2. 16. No man as a man is to be accounted common, or unclean, Act. 10. 28. and a man shall do much better, who eats and

drinks with a sober Heathen, than to keep company with a debaucht drunken sensual man, though he call himself a Christian, eat∣ing and drinking with him such things as please him, by being his companion in his Riot and excesse.

For those Persees, further they believe that there is but one God, who made all things, and hath a Soveraign power over all. They talk much of Lucifer, and of other evil Spirits, but they say, that those and all Devils besides are kept so under, and in awe by two good Angels, that have power over them, as that they cannot hurt or do the least mischief, with∣out their leave, and licence.

As many of the Hindoos ascribe to much unto water, (as before) so these to fire and the reason of it is this, because they have had this tradition from many ages & generations past, that their great Law-giver, whom they call Zertoost was rapt up into Heaven, and there had fire delivered unto him, which he brought down thence, and he ever after commanded his followers to worship it and so they do, and further they love any thing that resembles fire, as the Sun and Moon, and therefore when they pray in the day time they look towards the sun, and so towards the Moon in their night-devo∣tions, and from that so over-high esteem they have of fire, they keep fires continually burn∣ing

in their Eggarees, or Temples in Lamps fed with Oyl, which are alwayes attended by their Priests, and they talk of many of these which have burned without extinguishment from many foregoing generations.

And by the way, that wilde and mad phan∣sie of theirs, that their Zertoost did fetch fire from Heaven is as certainly true, as that ancient fiction and fable of Prometheus, that he did steal fire thence.

But to proceed, their Priests they call Da∣roos, or Harboods above both which they have a Chief, or High Priest they call the Destoor, who not often appears openly, but when he doth, he meets with much reverence and re∣spect given unto him by the common people, and so do those other Church-men which are his inferiours: unto all which they allow free maintenance for their more comfortable sub∣sistance.

Those Church-men by their Law are com∣manded to dwell near, and to abide much in their Eggar••••s, or Temples to give advice, or direction unto any that shall repair unto them for it. They observe divers Feasts, and imme∣diately after, each of them a Fast follows.

That living sensible Creature, which they first behold every morning (that is good & ser∣viceable) is to them (as they say) a remembran∣cer all the day after, to draw up their thoughts

in thanks-giving unto Almighty God; who hath made such good Creatures for mans use and service.

There are good things (as I have been in∣formed) in that book of their Religion deliver∣ed them in precepts, which their Law-giver hath left unto them for the direction of their lives.

As first, To have shame and fear ever pre∣sent with them, which will restrain, and keep them from the committing of many evils.

Secondly, when they undertake any thing, seriously to consider whither it be good, or bad, commanded, or forbidden them.

Thirdly, To keep-their hearts and eyes from coveting any thing that is anothers, and their hands from hurting any.

Fourthly, To have a care alwayes to speak the truth.

Fifthly, To be known onely in their own bu∣sinesses, and not to enquire into, and to busie themselves in other mens matters.

All which are good moral precepts, but they have another which mars and spoils all the rest, and that is upon the greatest penalties they can be threatned withall.

Sixthly▪ Not to entertain, or believe any other Law besides that which was delivered unto them by their Law-giver.

This people take but one wife, which hath

liberty, as the wives of the Hindoos, to go a∣broad. They never resolve to take Wives, or Husbands without the advice of their Church-men, and when they come to be married, they stand some distance one from the other, there being two Church-men present on in the be∣half of the Man, and in behalf of the Woman the other. The first of these asks the Woman whither, or no she will have that man to be her Husband, and the other asks the Man whither, or no, he will have that Woman to be his Wife, and they both consenting, the Priests bring them together and join their hands, pray∣ing that they may live in unity and love toge∣ther, and then both those Church-men scatter Rice upon the married couple, intreating God to make them fruitfull in sending them many Sons and Daughters, that they may multiply as much as that seed doth in the ears that bear it. And so the Ceremony being thus performed, which is about the time of midnight, the whole company depart, leaving the married couple together.

At the birth of every Childe, they imme∣diately send for the Daroo, or Church-man, who comes to the parties house, and there being cer∣tainly enform'd of the exact time of the child∣birth, first undertakes to calculate its Nativi∣ty▪ and to speak something of it by way of pre∣diction, after which he confers with the Pa∣rents

about a name whereby it shall be called, which when they have agreed upon, the Mo∣ther, in the presence of the company there as∣sembled, gives it that name.

And now lastly, touching the Burials of that people, they incircle pieces of ground with a round Wall, that is of a good height, set apart for that purpose. These burying places stand remote from houses & roade wayes the ground within them is made smooth, or else paved on the bottom, in the middest whereof they have a round pit, made deep like a draw▪ well: The bodies of their dead, both men, women, and children are carried to those places, upon a Beer made of slight round Iron bars (for they will not have dead bodies touch any wood, least they should defile it, because that is fewel for their adored fire) and thus brought thither are laid round about near the inside of that Wall upon the ground, or pavements. Covered with a thin white Cloath; the Daroo, or Harboode accompanies the dead body near unto the door which enters that place (alwayes kept fast shut, but when it is opened upon this occasion to let in their dead) and come thither, speaks these words in the audience of all those which are thither assembled, That whereas the party deceased consisted of all the four Elements, he de∣sires that every one of them may now take his part. And this is the form they use, when they

there thus dispose of the bodies of their dead. Which being there so left in that open place, are presently laid bare by the Fouls of the Air, who in short time after pick all their flesh clear from their bones, by consequence their fleshly part having no other Sepulchres, Graves, or Tombs, but the Craws and Gorges of those ravenous Fouls. And when upon this occa∣sion they enter that round stage of Mortality, the bare Skelitons they there finde, which have parted with all their flesh, are by those bearers of the dead cast into that deep round pit, where they mix promiscuously together, and so make room for other dead bodies.

But now that my Reader may not ••onceive that I have endeavoured in some of these strange relations to write a new Romance, I would have him to think, that for my part I do believe that there is very much of truth in the particulars I have inserted, if there be any credit to be given to some men of much inte∣grity that lived amongst them, who made it a great part of their businesse to be satisfied in many of the particulars here spoken of, or if I might trust mine own eyes and ears that saw and heard much of it, which could have en∣abled me to have written a great deal more concerning the Rites, Ceremonies, Customes, wilde conceivings; and mad Idolatries of this people, as of the Hindoos spoken of before, if

I durst have thrown away more time upon them; all which would have made my judici∣our Reader thus to have concluded with me, that those Mahometans and Heathens ground very many of their opinions upon custom, tra∣dition and phansie not reason, much lesse upon safe rules that might lead them into and after keep them in the way of truth. They esteem∣ing it a very great boldnesse, a very high pre∣sumption to be wiser in their Religion th••n their forefathers were (as many of the more ignorant sort of Papists will often say, though it be directly against themselves) and therefore are desirous to do, and to believe as their An∣cestors have before them; to fare as they have fared, and as they have sped to speed, though they perish everlastingly with them, never con∣sidering of, or ruminating on those things which they hold and maintain for truths, being like unto unclean Beasts, which chew not the Cudde.

So much of that people in general: I come now more particularly to speak.

SECT. XXII.

Of their King the great Mogol, his discent, &c.

NOw those Mahometans and Gentiles I have named, live under the subjection of the great Mogol, which Name, or rather Title (if my information abuse me not) signifies cir∣cumcised, as himself, and the Mahometans are; and therefore for his most general title he is called the great Mogol, as the chief of the cir∣cumcised, or the chief of the circumcision.

He is lineally descended from that most fa∣mous conqueror, called in our stories Tamber∣lane, concerning whose birth and original Hi∣stories much differ, and therefore I cannot de∣termine it; but in this, all that write of him agree, that he having got together very many huge multitudes of men, made very great con∣quests in the South-East parts of the World, not onely on Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks, but also in East-India, and elsewhere; for what cannot force by multitudes do? This Tamberlane in their stories is called Amir Timur, or the great Prince and Emperor Ti∣mur, who (as they say) towards his end, either by an hurt received in his thigh, or else by an unhappy fall from his Horse, which made him

halt to his grave, was ever after that called Ti∣mur lang, or Timur the lame, from whence he is corruptly in our stories, named amberlane, the late Mogol, at whose Court we lived, was the ninth in a direct line, from that his great Ancestor.

And now that my Reader may see the great Mogol in a Portrature (which was taken from a Picture of his drawn to the life) I have caused that to be here inserted, which presents him in his dayly unvaried Habite, as he is bedeckt, and adorned with Jewels, he continually wears; for the fashion of the Habite, in which he is here presented, it is for the fashion the Habite of that whole vast Empire; so that he who strictly views this; may see the dresse of the men throughout that whole great Monarchy.

After this I have set up the Royal standard of the great Mogol, which is a Couchant Lyon shadowing part of the body of the Sun.

And after that I have caused his Imperial Signet, or great Seal to be laid down before my Readers eyes, wherein nine rounds, or Cir∣cles, are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane, and his lineal successors in Persian words, which I shall make presently to speak English, and (as I conceive) no more in English, than what is fully expressed in those original words.

This Seal (as it is here made in Persian words) the great Mogol, either in a large, or

[illustration]

The Royall Signet of y^e great MOGOL.

lesser figure causeth to be put unto all Fir∣maunes, or Letters Patents, the present Kings Title put in the middle, and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest, the impression whereof is not made in any kinde of Wax, but Ink, the Seal put in the middle of the Paper and the writing about it, which Paper there is made very large, and smooth, and good, and in divers colours, beside white, and all to write on. And the words on the Mogols Seal being imboss't, are put upon both sides of his Silver and Gold Coin, (for there is no image upon any of it.) And the like little Signets, or Seals are used by the great men of that Countrey, and so by others of inferiour rank, having their Names at length engraven on them with which they make impressions, or subscriptions by Ink put on them, to all their acts & deeds, which round Circle is their hand and Seal to.

For Timar-lang, or Tamberlane, he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Se∣cond, King of England. And he the first of the Race of those great Monarchs hath a Title, which speaks thus:

1. Amir, Timur, Saheb Ceran, that is the great Conqueror, or Emperor, Timur, or Tam∣berlane, Lord possessor of the Corners, or of the four Corners of the World.

2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha,

the King and inheritor of Conquests, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the inheritor of his Fathers Conquests.

3. The third his Son was called Mirzae, Sultan, Mahomeds, the Prince and Comman∣der for Mahomet; or the Desender of the Ma∣hometan Religion, for this King (as it should seem) was the first Indostan Emperor that pro∣fessed Mahometisme, which Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great enemy too, & there∣fore ever strongly opposed it. But this third Monarch of that line, and all his successors since have been Mahometans.

4. The fourth his son was called Sultan Abusaid, the Prince and Father, or fountain of Beneficence.

5. The fifth his son was called Mirzee A∣mir Sheick, the Imperial Princely Lord.

6. The sixth his son was called Baba Pad∣sha, the King the Father, or the King, the Fa∣ther of his Countrey.

7. The seventh his son was called Hama∣saon Podsha, the King Invincible.

8. The eight his son was called Achabar Padsha, the great King, or Emperor that is most mighty▪ or the King most mighty.

9. The ninth his son was called Almoza∣phar, Noor, Dein, Gehangeir, Padsha, Gaze, the most warlike and most victorious King, the Light of Religion, and the Conqueror of the World.

Here are very high titles taken by Tamber∣lane and his successors, and the lower we go, the greater still they are, but the last of them swels biggest of all, calling himself amongst other phansies the Conqueror of the world, and so he conceits himself to be; As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian, who believed that all the ships on the Sea were his own, and there∣fore he would call them, my ships, when ever he saw them floating on the waters; and thus the great Magol imagines all the Kings, Nations, and people of the world to be his Slaves and Vassals.

And therefore when the Grand Signiour, or great Turks sent an Ambassador to the great Mogol, who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue, and after when he was ready to take his leave, desired of the Mogol to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned; tell thy Master said the Mo∣gol that he is my slave, for my Ancestor Con∣quered him.

The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit, that he is Conqueror of the world, and therefore (I conceive that he was troubled upon a time, when my Lord-Ambassador, have∣ing businesse with him, and upon those terms; there is no coming unto that King empty handed without some present, or other (of which more afterward) and having at that

time nothing left, which he thought fit to give him, presented him with Mercators great book of Cosmography (which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use) telling the Mogol that that book described the four parts of the world, and all several Countreys in them contained, the Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken with it, desiring pre∣sently to see his own Territories, which were immediately shewen unto him, he asked where were those Countreys about them, he was told Tartaria, and Persia, as the names of the rest which confine with him, and then causing the book to be turn'd all over, and finding no more to fall to his share, but what he first ••aw, and he calling himself the Conqueror of the world, and having no greater share in it, seemed to be a little troubled, yet civily told the Ambassa∣dour that neither himself, nor any of his peo∣ple did understand the language in which that book was written, and because so, he further told him that he would not rob him of such a Jewel, and therefore returned it unto him a∣gain.

And the truth is, that the great Mogol might very well bring his action against Mer∣cator and others, who describe the world, but streighten him very much in their Maps, not al∣lowing him to be Lord & Commander of those Provinces, which properly belong unto him.

But it is true likewise that he, who hath the greatest share on the face of the earth, if it be compared with the whole world, appears not great. As it was said of the Lands of Alcibia∣des that compared with the Glob of the whole earth, they did not appear bigger than a small tittle. The Mogols Territories are more ap∣parent, large, and visible, as any one may take notice, who strictly views this affixed Map, wch is a true representation of that great Em∣pire in its large dimensions. So that although the Mogol be not master of the whole World, yet hath he a great share in it, if we consider his very large Territories, and his abundant riches, as will after more appear, whose wealth and strength makes him so potent, as that he is able, whensoever he pleaseth to make inroades upon, and to do much mischief unto any of his Neighbours, but I leave that, and come now to speak.

SECT. XXIII.

Of the Mogols policy in his govern∣ment exercised by himself and substitutes, &c.

ANd it is that indeed, which is the worst of ••ll governments, called by Aristotle

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Arbitrary, illimited, Tyrannical, such as a most severe Master useth to Servants, not that which a good King administreth to Sub∣jects.

Which makes it very uncomfortable for those that live as subjects there, under the com∣mand of others, taller than themselves by their swords length, or so to be fixed in any part of the World.

—Where no Laws resist The sword, but that it acteth what it lists.

As in that Empire where the King measureth his power by his sword, or Launce in making his will, his guide, and therefore any thing lawfull that likes him; which carriage of his might very well become that Embleme of ill••∣mited power, which is a sword waved by a strong arm and hand, and the word si•• volo, sic jubeo, or thus will I have it; and if any there be so far discontented as to make any the least question at what he doth, he hath a far stronger argument still in readinesse, than all the force of Logick can make, and that is very many thousands of men that are ••••ou•• and able Souldiers, whom he keeps continually in arms, and pay, that can make any thing good, which he shall please to command.

There are no Laws for Government kep•• in that Empire upon record (for ought I could ever

learn) to regulate Governours there in the ad∣ministration of Justice, but what are written in the breast of that King and his Substitutes, and therefore they often take liberty to proceed how they please, in punishing the Offender ra∣ther than the offence, mens persons more than their Crimes, aegrotum potius, quam morbum.

Yet ever they pretend to proceed in their wayes of judicature (which is the right pro∣gresse in judgement) secundum allegata & pro∣bata, by proofs and not by presumptions.

The great Mogol will sit himself as Judge, in any matters of consequence that happen nere unto him. And there are no Malefa∣ctors that lye more than one night in prison, and many times not at all, for if the party of∣fending be apprehended early in the day, he is immediately brought before him that must be his Judge, by whom he is presently either ac∣quitted, or condemned; if he be sentenced to be whipt, he hath his payment, and that (usually with very much severity) in the place (often,) where he received that sentence. If condem∣ned to dye, he is presently (which as I appre∣hend it is a very hard course, though used an∣ciently among the Jews) carried from his sen∣tence to his execution, which is done usally in the Bazar, or Market-place. And this round and quick Justice keep, the people there in such order, and awe, as that there are not many ex∣ecutions.

Murder and Theft they punish with death, & with what kinde of death the Judge pleaseth to impose, for some Malefactors are hang'd, some beheaded, some impaled, or put upon sharp stakes (a death which hath much cruel∣ty, and extream torture and torment in it,) some are torn in places by wilde Beasts, some kill'd by Elephants; and others stung to death by Snakes.

Those which are brought to suffer death by Elephants (some of which vast Creatures are train'd up to do execution on Malefactors) are thus dealt withall. First if that overgrown Beast be commanded by his Rider to di••patch that poor, trembling Offender presently, who lies prostrate before him, he will with his broad round foot immediately presse him to death, but if that wretched Creature be condemn'd, it〈…〉〈…〉 mori, ut se mori sentiat, so to dye as that he may feel tortures, and torments in dying (which are as so many several deaths.) The Elephant will break his bones by degrees, (as men are broken upon the wheel) as first his Legs, then his Thighs, after that, the bones in both his Arms, this done, his wretched Spirit is left to breath its last out of the middest of those bro∣ken bones.

But it is a very sad thing, and very much un∣beseeming a man, as he is a man, to seem to take pleasure in executing of punishment, as

those appear to do, who make it their businesse to study, and invent tortures to inflict on o∣thers.

Thus those Monsters of men did (in the pri∣mitive times of Christianity) devise new tor∣ments (for the exercise of the Faith, and pa∣tience of Christians) which in their relations are extream hard and sad to read of, much more in their suffering of them were they to be endured. Yet almighty God did then so sup∣port his people in the middest of all those grie∣vous extremities they were made to suffer, that their Tormentors were more troubled to in∣vent, then they were to endure tortures, so that they overcame, while they were overcome, and were (not more than men) but mor•• tha•• Con∣querors, over those, who seemed to conquer them.

I cannot deny but that the strength of pride may carry men very far, the strength of del••∣sion much further, as we may observe from the examples of the ancient Stoicks, and since them from others, whose Frantick opinions have made so prodigal of their limbs and lives, as that they would seem very little to regard ex∣treamity of tortures and sufferings, yea death it self.

When one told Theodorus, (Seneca the Phi∣losopher reports the stories) that he would hang him up alive in the Air, he answered thus, mi∣nitare

istud purpuratis tuis, &c. threaten this to thy Carpet Knights, Theodoru•• cares not whither his body rot in the Air, or in the Earth, and that when others were upon the Rack, they would cry, ô quam suave, &c. Oh what pleasure is there in racking. Now what pity wrought in others, pride and delusion wrought in these.

The truth is, non p〈…〉〈…〉a, sed ••ausa facit Mar∣tyr••m, it is not a mans suffering, but the reason of it, which made a Martyr, and therefore (however others bear things ou••) they, and they onely to whom it is given not onely to be∣lieve, but also to suffer, can behold their suf∣ferings so with a clear eye of Faith, that though they be intolerable in themselves, and seem so to others, yet are they made easie to them. Ignatius came to the stake and kissed it, at which he was presently burnt. Others have in∣imbraced those flames which immediately af∣••••r ••••••n'd them into ashes, whence Tyrants & persecutors have often served, though much a∣gainst their wills to build and enlarge the Church of Christ. As the persecution of Ste∣phen served to spread the Doctrine of salvation, in the Countreys thereabouts, and to raise up a number of Churches, that happening to per∣secutors, which might happen to a man, who to put out a quick fire of burning Coals should scatter them all over his Chamber, and so set

on fire his whole House. The Church of Christ hath ever gained in persecution what it hath lost in prosperity. Therefore those Christians in the primitive Church when they were tor∣tured, would not except of deliverance, Heb. 11. 35. that is a••••••pt of it upon any sinfull terms, and in the 138. of the same Chapter, they re∣ceived, or took possession of the promises which they had onely in hope a far off, and embraced them, as if they had had them in hand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they hug'd them, they kiss'd them as re∣sting abundantly satisfied, with the hope and expectation of them.

If in thi•• life onely the people of God had hope, then were they of all m••n most miserable, for they are here as some chief & tender plants of another Countrey, who have much ado to live, and grow, whereas the wicked like weeds th••ive without watering. The Devil is called the Prince of the World, and therefore it would be very strange, if any of Gods people should finde very much content where Satan hath so much to do. Here in this World optimi pissim•• agunt, the best usually fare worst & the righte∣ous have most wrong. But it will not alwayes be thus, a time of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord, and then all tears shall be wiped from his peoples eyes, and all sadnesse shall be removed from their Spirits. Nec Malleus Tyrannorum, nec secur is p••rse∣cutionis,

and (as one of the ancients sweetly comforts) when the Hammer of Tyranny can∣not touch, nor the Ax of persecution hurt them, for they shall be out of the reach of all fears, troubles, annoyances which make their lives here, sometimes for the present seem bitter unto them.

Without doubt the services of Gods people would be very ill rewarded, if they should con∣tinue here in this life still. But God (who lends them to the world) ••owes them a far better turn than the whole earth can pay them, and therefore when he sees good removes them hence, because it is for their preferment, in the mean time though the miseries of Gods people be great, their dayes are short. And although Almighty God do not say it vocally, yet se∣cretly he speaks to all his people, as sometimes he did to Moses; after he had done all the words, which he appointed him to do here; he bids him go up to Mount Nebo, and dye there, Deut. 32. 50. go up and dye; as if he had said, go up and eat. So Joseph before him, said unto his brethren, I dye, Gen. 50. 24. as if he had said, I eat, I drink, I sleep. It is neither news or strange for any dear servant of God to think of dying: because he knows that he shall part with nothing by death, but what is a burden to him, his sin: loose nothing by dying, but what he would fain be rid of, his corruption.

Hence the ancient Fathers naming the death of the faithfull their birth, and the day of their Martyrdom the day of their Nativity, shewed what great satisfaction and content they had, in the thought and hope of the life to come. In the mean time they beheld their sufferings whatsoever they were so with the eye of Faith, (as before) that it made them easie to be en∣dured, while they looked not at things which were seen, or did not much regard them, but at the things which were not seen: for the things they saw, or felt here, how bitter, or sharp so∣ever they were, were temporal, transient, would have an end, but the things they saw not, but assuredly expected were eternal, where they should finde weight of glorie for lightnesse of affliction, 2 Cor. 4. 17, 18. And therefore said the same Apostle, Rom. 8. 18. I reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared unto the glorie which shall be revealed. I reckon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it is a Metaphor, either taken from accountants that put many particulars into one entire summe; or else from Logicians, who draw certain, or infallable con∣clusions from foregoing premises, Thus, I rec∣kon, or I conclude when I compare profit and losse together, as what I shall certainly gain, and what I may happily loose by the profession of the Gospel; when I have put all crosses and incumbrances in the one Scale, and the recom∣pence

of the reward in the other, it amounts all to this, that the eternal w••ight of the Crown doth exceedingly outweigh the momentary weight of the Crosse.

Thus it is with all men, who in their greatest pressures can see further than earth, as that first Martyr, professing the Gospel, Stephen did, (who died not upon a bed of Down, but under a shower of stones) yet could out of that terrible and thick storm look▪ into Heaven; and so do others, who can behold whatsoever they feel with the eye of Faith, and this is like that Tree which Moses cast into the bitter waters of Marah, and it made them sweet, Exod. 15. But as for others I have named, and shall further name, to behold their sufferings and torments, onely with the eye of sense, it must needs make their tortures (however they bear them out) out of measure to torment.

I have been told by some, who were eye-witnesses (whom I dare credite, and therefore I dare relate it) of strange kindes of death exe∣cuted by the command of the King of Japan upon his subjects, where some are Crucified, or nailed to a Crosse: Others rather roasted, than burnt to death; Thus, there is a stake set up, and a Circle of fire at a pretty distance, made round about it; the condemned person being naked, is so fastned to that stake, as that he may move round about it, and so doth as

long as he is able to stir, till his flesh begins to blister; then he falls down, and there lyes roar∣ing till the fire, made about him puts him to silen••e by taking away both his voice and life.

Now they say that one great reason, why they put men there unto such exquisite tor∣ments, is, because they hold it a thing of the greatest dishonour there for any man to dye by the hand of an Executioner: therefore they are usually commanded, when they are sentenced to dye, to rip up, or cut open their own bellies, and those who will not so do are tormented in dy∣ing. Hence most of that people, when as they have received that hard command to prevent death, by dying; call for their friends about them, eat, and seem to be merry with them, & then in the close of the meal, and in their pre∣sence, commit this sad slaughter upon them∣selves, as first those poor wretches make them∣selves naked to the middle, he, or they, who are to dye, then the most wretched self-murderer, who is to act that bloudy part, strikes a sharp Knife into the bottom of his belly, then rips himself up, and after gives himself one other cut cross his belly, and when he hath done both these, if after he can but wipe his bloudy knife upon a white paper, or Napkin that is laid by him, he is believed to part with his life with a very great deal of honour, and imme∣diately (as he is made to believe) goes to Faka∣man,

whom they say is the God of War. So much power the Devil hath in those dark pla∣ces of the World, to make the people there do what he please. Oh 'tis a misery of all miseries here, to be a drudge, a bond-man, a slave to the Devil! as those, and so infinite multitudes more professing Christ are, by obeying Satan in his most unreasonable commands, and yet will not be made sensible of that, their basest bond∣age.

But to return again to the place frō whence I have made some excursion, when I was in India there was one sentenced by the Mogol himself, for killing his own father to dye thus; first he commanded that this Paricide should be bound alive by his heels, fastned to a small iron Chain, which was tied to the hinde leg of a great Ele∣phant, and then that this Elephant should drag him after him one whole remove of that King, from one place to another, which was about ten miles distant, that so all his flesh might be worne off his bones, and so it was, when we saw him in the way following that King in his progresse, for he appeared then to us a skeliton, rather than a body.

There was another condemned to dye by the Mogol himself, (while we were at Ama∣davar) for killing his own Mother, and at this the King was much troubled to think of death; suitable for so horrid a crime, but upon a little

pause, he adjudged him to be stung to death by Snakes, which was accordingly done. I told you before that there are some Mountebanks there, which keep great Snakes to shew tricks with them; one of those fellows was presently called for to bring his Snakes to do that exe∣cution, who came to the place where that wretched Creature was appoin••ed to dye, and found him there all naked (except a little co∣vering before) and trembling. Then suddenly the Mountebank (having first angred and pro∣voked the venomous Creatures) put one of them to his Thigh, which presently twin'd it self about that part, till it came near his Groin, and there bit him till bloud followed, the other was fastned to the outside of his o∣ther Thigh, twining about it, (for those Snakes thus kept are, long and slender) and there bit him likewise, notwithstanding, the wretch kept upon his feet nere a quarter of an hour, before which time the Snakes were taken from him; But he complained exceedingly of a fire that with much torment had possessed all his Limbs, and his whole body began to swell exceed∣ingly, like Nasidius, bit by a Lybian Serpent, called a Prester, of whom Mr. May in his Translation of Lucan, the ninth Book thus writes:

His face and cheeks a sudden fire did rost; His flesh and skin were stretch'd, his shape was lost. His swelling body is distended far, Past humane growth, and undistinguish'd are His limbs, all parts the poyson doth confound, And he lies hid in his own body drown'd.

Now much after this manner did the sting∣ing of those Snakes work upon that wretch, & about half an hour after they were taken from him, the Soul of that unnatural Monster left his growing Carkasse, and so went to its place. And certainly both those I last named so sen∣tenced, and so executed, most justly deserved to be handled with all severity, for taking away the lives of those from whom they had receiv'd their own▪ Some of our family did behold the execution done upon the later, who related all the passages of it, and for my part I might have seen it to, but that I had rather go a great way not to see, then one step to behold such a sight.

After the example of that King, his Gover∣nours deputed and set over Provinces and Ci∣ties proceed in the course of Justice, to impose what punishment and death they please upon all offendors, and malefactors.

That King never suffers any of his Vicege∣rents to tarry long in one place of Govern∣ment,

but removes them usually (after they have exercised that power, which was given un∣to them in one place, for one year) unto some other place of Government, remote from the former, wherein they exercise their power, and this that King doth, that those, which be his Substitutes, may not in any place grow Popu∣lar.

I told them before that this people are very neat, shaving themselves so often, as that they feel the Rasor almost every day; but when that King sends any of them unto any place of Go∣vernment, or upon any other imployment, they cut not their hair at all, till they return again into his presence, as if they desired not to ap∣pear beautifull, or to give themselves any con∣tent in this while they live out of the Kings sight; and therefore the King, as soon as he sees them, bids them cut their hair.

When the Mogol by Letters sends his com∣mands to any of his Governours, those papers are entertain'd with as much respect as if him∣self were present; for the Governour having intelligence that such Letters are come near him, himself with other inferiour Officers ride forth to meet the Patamar, or messenger that brings them, and as soon as he sees those Let∣ters▪ he alights from his horse, falls down on the earth, and then takes them from the messenger and layes them on his head, whereon he binds

them fast, and then returning to his place of publick meeting, for dispatch of businesses, he reads them, and answers their contents with all care and diligence.

The King oft times in his own person and so his substitutes appointed Governours for Pro∣vinces and Cities, Judge in all matters Crimi∣nal that concern life and death. There are other Officers to assist them, which are called Cut-walls (whose Office is like that of our She∣riffs in England) and these have many substi∣tutes under them, whose businesse it is to ap∣prehend, and to bring before these Judges such as are to be tried for things Criminal, or Capi∣tal, where the Offender (as before) knows pre∣sently what will become of him. And those Officers wait likewise on other Judges there, which are called Cadees, who onely meddle with Contracts and Debts, and other businesses of this Nature 'twixt man and man. Now these Officers arrest Debtors, and bring them before those Judges, and their sureties too, bound as with us in Contracts confirmed (as before) under their hands and seals, and if they give not content unto those which complain of them, they will imprison their persons, where they shall finde and feel the weight of fetters; nay, many times they will sell their persons, their Wives and Children into bondage, when they cannot satisfie their Debts; And the cu∣stom

of that Countrey bears with such hard and pitilies courses, such as was complain'd of by the poor widow unto the Prophet Elisha; who when her husband was dead, and she not able to pay, the Creditor came and took her two sons to be bond men, 2 King. 4. 1.

The Mogol looked to be presented with some thing, or other, when my Lord Ambassa∣dour came to him, and if he saw him often empty handed, he was not welcom, and there∣fore the East-India Company were wont eve∣ry year to send many particular things unto him, in the name of the King of England, that were given him at several times, especial∣ly then when the Ambassadour had any re∣quest unto him, which made a very fair way unto it.

Amongst many other things, when my Lord Ambassadour first went thither, the Company sent the Mogol an English Coach, and Harnesse for four Horses, and an able Coach-man, to sute and mannage some of his excellent Horses, that they might be made fit for that service. The Coach they sent was lined within with Crimson China velvet, which when the Mogol took notice of, he told the Ambassadour that he wondred the King of England would trou∣ble himself so much, as to send unto China for Velvet to Line a Coach for him, in regard that he had been informed, that the English King

had much better Velvet near home, for such, or any other uses.

And immediately after the Mogol caused that Coach to be taken all to pieces, and to have another made by it, for (as before) they are a people that will make any new thing by a pattern, and when his new Coach was made according to the pattern, his work-men first putting the English Coach together, did so with that they had new made, then pulling out all the China Velvet which was in the Eng∣lish Coach, there was in the room thereof put a very rich Stuffe, the ground silver, wrought all over in spaces with variety of flowers of silk, excellently well suited for their colours, and cut short like a Plush, and in stead of the brasse Nails that were first in it, there were Nails of silver put in their places. And the Coach, which his own work-men made was lined and seated likewise with a richer stuffe than the for∣mer, the ground of it Gold, mingled like the other with silk flowers, and the Nails silver and double guilt; and after having Horses and Har∣nesse fitted for both his Coaches, He rode some∣times in them, and contracted with the English Coach-man to serve him, whom he made ve∣ry fine, by rich vests he gave him, allowing him a very great Pension; besides, he never carried him in any of those Coaches, but he gave him the reward of ten pounds at the least, which

had raised the Coach-man unto a very great Estate, had not death prevented it, and that immediately after he was setled in that great service.

The East-India Company sent other pre∣sents for that King, as excellent Pictures which pleased the Mogol very much, especialy if there were fair and beautifull Women portrayed in them. They sent likewise Swords, Rapiers, ex∣cellently well hatcht, and pieces of rich im∣broidery to make sweet baggs, and rich Gloves, and handsome Looking glasses, & other things to give away, that they might have alwayes some things in readiness to present both to the King, and also to his Governours, where our Factories were setled, for all these were like those rulers of Israel mentioned, Hosea 4. 18. who would love to say with shame, give ye. They looked to be presented with something, when our Factors had any especial occasion to repair unto them, and if the particular thing they then presented did not like them well, they would desire to have it exchanged for something else, happily they having never heard of our good and modest proverb, that a man must not look into the mouth of a given Horse. And it is a very poor thing indeed which is freely given, and is not worth the taking.

The Mogol sometimes by his Firmauns, or

or Letters Patents, will grant some particular things unto single, or divers persons, and pre∣sently after will contradict those Grants by other Letters, excusing himself thus, that he is a great, and an absolute King, and therefore must not be tied unto any thing, which if he were, he said that he was a slave, and not a free man: Ye what he promised was usually enjoyed, although he would not be tied to a certain performance of his promise. There∣fore there can be no dealing with this King upon very sure terms, who will say and un∣say, promise and deny. Yet we English men did not at all suffer by that inconstancy of his, but there found a free Trade, a peaceable re∣sidence, and a very good esteem with that King and people; and much the better (as I conceive) by reason of the prudence of my Lord Ambassadour, who was there (in some sense) like Joseph in the Court of Pharoah, for whose sake all his Nation there, seemed to fare the better. And we had a very easie way upon any grievance to repair to that King, as will appear now in my next Section which speaks.

SECT. XXIV.

Of him, shewing himself three times pub∣lickly unto his people every day, and in what state and glory he doth oftentimes appear.

FIrst, early in the morning at that very time, the Sun begins to appear above the Horizon, He appears unto his people in a place very like unto one of our Balconies, made in his houses, or Pavilions for his morning ap∣pearance, directly opposite to the East, about seven, or eight foot high from the ground, a∣gainst which time a very great number of his people▪ especially of the greater sort, who de∣sire as of••en as they can to appear in his eye, as∣semble there together to give him the Salam, or good morning, crying all out as soon as they see their King with a loud voice Padsha Sala∣met, which signifies, live ô Great King, or O great King, health and life, (as all the people cried, 1 King. 1. 39. God save King Solomon: and thus they clapped their hands for joy when Jehoash was made King, crying, God save the King, or let the King live, 2 King 11. 12.) At noon he shews himself in another place like the former, on the South-side, and a little be∣fore Sun-set, in a like place, on the West-side

of his house, or Tent, but as soon as the Sun forsakes the Hemisphear, he leaves his people ushered in and out with Drums and Winde in∣struments, and the peoples acclamations.

At both which times likewise very great numbers of his people assemble together to present themselves before him: And at any of these three times, he that hath a suite to the King or desires Justice at his hands, be he poor, or Rich, if he hold up a Petition to be seen, shall be heard and answered.

And between seven and nine of the Clock at night, he sits within his House, or Tent, more privately in a spacious place, called his Goozal∣can, or bathing house made bright, like day by abundance of lights, and here the King sits mounted upon a stately Throne, where his Nobles and such as are favoured by him stand about him, others finde admittance to, but by special leave from his Guard, who cause every one that enters that place to breath upon them, and if they imagine that any have drunk wine, they keep him out.

At this time my Lord Ambassadour made his usual addresses to him, and▪ I often waited on him thither, and it was a good time to do businesse with that King, who then was for the most part very pleasant, and full of talk unto those which were round about him, and so con∣tinued till he fell a sleep, (oft times by drink∣ing)

and then all assembled immediately quit∣ted the place, besides those which were his tru∣sted servants, who by turns watched his Per∣son.

The Mogol hath a most stately, rich and spacious house at Agrae, his Metropolis, or chief Citie, which is called his Palace Royal, wherein there are two Towers, or Turrets a∣bout ten foot square covered with massie God (as ours are usualy with Lead) this I had from Tom. Coriat, as from other English Merchants, who keep in a Factory at that place. And fur∣ther they told me, that he hath a most glorious Throne within that his Palace, ascended by di∣vers steps, which are covered with plate of silver, upon the top of which ascent stand four Lions upon pedestals (of curiously coloured Marble) which Lions are all made of Massie silver, some part of them guilded with Gold, and beset with precious stones. Those Lions support a Canopy of pure Gold, under which the Mogol sits, when as he appears in his greatest state and glory.

For the beauty of that Court it consists not in gay and Gorgious apparel, for the Countrey is so hot, that they cannot endure any thing that is very warm, or massie, or rich about them. The Mogol himself for the most part is cover∣ed with a garment (as before described) made of pure, white, and fine Callico Laune, and so

are his Nobles, which Garments are washed after one dayes wearing. But for the Mogol, though his cloathing be not rich and costly, yet I believe that there is never a Monarch in the whole world that is dayly adorned with so ma∣ny Jewels as himself is. Now, they are Jewels which make mens covering most rich, such as people in other parts sometimes wear about them, that are otherwise most meanly habited, to which purpose I was long since told by a Gentleman of honour sent as a Companion to the old▪ Earle of Nothingham, when he was imployed as an extraordinary Ambassadour by King James, to confirm the peace made 'twixt himself and the King of Spain, which Ambassadour had a very great many Gentle∣men in his train, in as Rich cloathing as Velvets and Silks could make, but then there did appear many a great Don, or Grandee in the Spanish Court, in a long black bayes Cloak and Cas∣sack, which had one Hatband of Diamonds, which was of more worth by far, than all the bravery of the Ambassadours many followers.

But for the Mogol I wonder not at his ma∣ny Jewels, he being (as I conceive) the great∣est, and richest Master of precious stones that inhabites the whole earth. For Diamonds (which of all other are accounted most pre∣cious stones) they are found in Decan (where the Rocks are, out of which they are digged)

the Princes whereof are the next Neighbours and Tributares to the great Mogol, and they pay him as Tribute many Diamonds yearly, and further, he hath the refusal of all those rich stones they sell, he having Gold and Sil∣ver in the greatest abundance, (and that will purchase any thing but heaven) and he will part with any mony for any Gems beside, that are precious and great, whither Rubies, or any other stones of value, as also for rich Pearls.

And his Grandees follow him in that phan∣sie, for one of his great Lords gave our Mer∣chants there, twelve hundred pounds sterling for one Pearle, which was brought out of Eng∣land. The Pearle was shaped like a Pare, very large, beautifull, and Orient, and so its price deserved it should be.

Now the Mogol having such an abundance of Jewels, wears many of them dayly, enough to exceed those women, which Rome was wont to shew in their Starlike dresses, who in the height and prosperity of that Empire

—Were said to wear The spoils of Nations in one ear.

Or, Lollia Paulina, who was hid with Jewels. For the great Mogol, the Diamonds, and Ru∣bies, and Pearls, which are very many, & dayly worn by him, are all of an extraordinary great∣nesse, and consequently of an exceeding great

value. And besides those he wears about his Shash, or head covering, he hath a long Chain of Jewels hanging about his Neck (as long as an ordinary Gold Chain) others about his wrists, and the Hilts of his Sword and Dag∣ger are most curiously enriched with those pre∣cious Stones, besides others of very great value, which he wears in Rings on his fingers.

Ventilat aestivum digitis sudantibus aurum, Nec sufferre queat majoris Pondera gemmae. Ju. Sat. 1.

He airs his sweaty fingers with rings freight, And Jewels, as if burdened with their weight.

The first of March the Mogol begins a royal Feast, like that which Ahasuerus made in the third year of his Reign, Esth. 1. wherein he shewed the riches of his glorious Kingdom. This feast the Mogol makes, is called the Noo∣roos, that signifies nine dayes, which time it continues, to usher in the new year, which be∣gins with the Mahometans there, the tenth day of March.

Against which Feast, the Nobles assemble themselves together at that Court in their greatest Pomp, presenting their King with great gifts, and he requiting them again with Prin∣cely rewards, at which time I being in his pre∣sence, beheld most immense and incredible

riches, to my amazement, in Gold, Pearls, Pre∣cious stones, Jewels, and many other glittering vanities. This Feast is usually kept by the Mo∣gol while he is in his Progresse, and lodges in ••ents.

Whether his Diet at this time be greater than ordinary I know not, for he alwayes eats in private among his Women, where none but his own Family see him while he is eating; which Family of his consists of his Wives and Children, and Women, and Eunuchs, and his boyes, and none but these abide and lodge in the Kings houses, or Tents, and therefore how his Table is spread, I could never know, but doubtlesse he hath of all those vanities that Em∣pire affords, if he so please. His food (they say) is served in unto him in Vessels of Gold, which covered, and brought unto him by his Eunuchs, after it is proved by his Tasters he eats, not at any set times of the day, but he hath provision ready at all times, and calls for it when he is hungry, and never but then.

The first of September (which was the late Mogols birth day) he retaining an ancient yearly Custom, was in the presence of his chief Grandies weighed in a Balance, the Ceremony performed within his House, or Tent, in a fair spacious Room, whereinto none were admit∣mitted but by special leave. The Scales in which he was thus weighed were plated with

Gold, and so the beam on which they hung, by great Chains made likewise of that most precious Metal, the King sitting in one of them was weighed first against silver Coin, which immediately after was distributed among the poor, then was he weighed against Gold, after that against Jewels (as they say) but I observed (being present there with my Lord Ambassa∣dour) that he was weighed against three several things, laid in silken Bags on the contrary Scale, when I saw him in the Balance I thought on Belshazzar, who was found to light, Dan. 5. 27. By his weight (of which his Physicians yearly keep an exact account) they presume to guesse of the present estate of his body, of which they speak flatteringly, however they think it to be.

When the Mogol is thus weighed, he casts about among the standers by thin pieces of sil∣ver & some of Gold, made like flowers of that Countrey, and some of them are made like Cloves, and some like Nutmegs, but very thin and hollow. Then he drinks to his Nobles in his Royal wine (as that of Ahasuerus is called) Esth. 1. 7.) who pledge his health, at which so∣lemnity he drank to my Lord Ambassadour, in a Cup of Gold most curiously enameled, and set all over the outside with stones (which were small Rubies, Turkesses, and Emeralds) with a Cover, or Plate to set it in, both of pure Gold,

the brims of which plate, and the cover were enameled, and set with stones as the other, and all these together weighed twenty & four ounces of our English weight,, which he then gave un∣to my Lord Ambassadour, whom he ever used with very much respect, and would moreover often ask him why he did not desire some good, and great gifts at his hands, he being a great King, and able to give it, the Ambassadour would reply, that he came not thither to beg any thing of him, all that he desired was that his Countrey-men the English might have a free and safe and peaceable trade in his Domi∣nions, the Mogol would answer that he was bound in honour to afford them that, we co∣ming from the furthermost parts of the world to trade there, and would often bid the Ambas∣sadour to ask something for himself, who to this would answer, that if that King knew not better to give, then he knew to ask, he must have nothing from him, upon these terms they continually both stood, so that in conclusion the Ambassadour had no gift from him, but that before mentioned, besides an horse, or two, and sometimes a Vest, or upper Garment made of slight Cloath of Gold, which the Mogol would first put upon his own back, and then give it to the Ambassadour. But the Mogol (if he had so pleased) might have bestowed on him some great Princely gift, and found no

greater misse of it, than there would be of a Glasse of water taken out of a great Fountain; yet although the Mogol had such infinite Trea∣sures, yet he could finde room to store up more still, the desires of a covetous heart being so unsatiable, as that it never knows when it hath enough, being like a bottomlesse purse that can never be fill'd, for the more it hath, the more still it covets.

See an image hereof in Alcmaeon, who being will'd by Craesus to go into his Treasure house, and there take as much Gold as himself could carry away, provided for that purpose a long Garment that was double down to his ankles, and great bootes, and fill'd them both; nay, he stuffed his mouth, and tied wedges of Gold to the locks of his head, and doubtlesse, but for killing himself, he would have fill'd his skull & bowels therewith. Here was an heart set upon Gold, and Gold over-lading an heart, for the Man stowing so much about him, as that he could not stir with it, forfeited what he might have had, and was turned out of the Trea∣sury, as poor and empty as he came into it. He is a rich man whatever he hath (be it more, or lesse) that is contented. He is a poor man, who still wants more, in becoming poor by plenty, wanting what he hath, as well, as much, as what he hath not, and so do very many, who are the greatest engrossers of the worlds wealth.

But certainly there is no heart more poor and barren than that which is set upon abun∣dance, and as a the ground wherein there are Mines of Gold and Silver, and the most pre∣cious Stones is most barren; so the hearts of such as are most violently carried on after the desire of these things are most barren likewise. Therfore almighty God in wisdom hath laid up Treasures in the bowels of the earth secretly, and basely, secretly that they should not be to much sought after, and basely, that they should not be too much desired nor valued. Hence the Prophet Habak. 2 6. speaks thus to covetous men, woe be to him that lades himself with thick clay, how long? where riches are compared to thick clay, because they are but the very self-same earth we tread on, better hardened and coloured; and because they are many times a burden unto him that hath them, how long? saith the Prophet is there no end of encreasing? how long? hath the Sea bars and bounds. and the desires of man in this case without all mo∣deration? how long? can any ever hope to fill and satisfie their hearts with this? let them know that the barren womb, and the unmerci∣full grave, and unsatiable death will sooner be satisfied, than the hearts set upon riches find sa∣tisfaction from them, for he that loveth silver shall not be satisfied with silver, Eccles. 5. 10. and therefore they who can come up to a right

understanding of themselves in this case, will have a far greater cause to fear, than to desire abundance.

Which that great Emperour hath, yet still would have more. This covetousnesse carries men very far; and ambition (which is a refin'd, or rather an heightned covetousnesse) still fur∣ther.

I have observed much of the Riches, and Pomp, and Greatnesse, and Glory of the great Mogol, So in the book of Esth. Chap. 1. we may read of the goodly Tabernacle of King A∣hasuerus, in the Garden of his Palace, where were white, green, and blue hangings, fastned with Coards of fine linnen, and purple, and silver rings, and pillars of Marble! the Beds were of Gold and Silver, upon a Pavement of Porphyre and Alabaster, and Stone of blue-colour; and he gave those (whom he there feasted) drink in changes of vessels of Gold, & royal wine in abun∣dance, according to the state of the King. We may further read there of his hundred and se∣ven and twenty Provinces, and his Princes, and Captains thereof, his Throne and his Palace at Shushan, &c. So of the Treasures of Hezekiah, Esa. 39. his Silver and Gold, his spices and pre∣cious Oyntments, and Armory, and all the store of his house, which he and his Fathers had laid up, &c. So of Belshazzar his thousand Princes, Wives and Concubines, Dan. 5. O what shadows

do these hundreds and thousands cast over the heads of men, to give comfort unto them for the present, and to make them say under these co∣verts will we sit and be at rest, and forget, that some sudden messenger from the Lord, either sicknesse, or death, or the like can presently de∣prive them of all their present enjoyments and comforts.

But the Mogol takes a course to put the re∣membrance of death as far from him, as possi∣bly he can, and therefore there is no man that at any time wears any blue thing in that Kings presence, which is there the colour of mourners, neither is the name of death at any time men∣tioned in that Kings ears, but when any one is dead, of whom his Majesty must have intelli∣gence, the message is delivered unto him in milde, soft, flattering terms to this purpose, such, or such a one hath made himself a Sacri∣fice at your Majesties feet. ô Mors quam acer∣ba est memoria tua homini Pacem habenti in Possessionibus suis.

O death, how bitter are thy thoughts to one Who ••ase enjoyes in his possession! No losse he deemes so great, as losse of breath, Death 'tis to such a one, to think of death.

Certainly if death, when it comes to strike would take money & be gone, it would in short

time engross the wealth of the whole world, but it will not, for no wit, nor wisdom, nor wealth, nor policy, nor strength, nor any thing beside can keep off the impartial wounding hand of death. That mighty Prince (we speak off) who did all he could to stave off the thought of dying, and since dead, though while he lived he denied himself nothing that might please his corrupted nature, not high & richly compound∣ed wines, not strange flesh, nor any thing beside that might for the present give some seeming content to his brutish sensual appetite, ut ipsum voluptas potius quam ipse voluptatem, &c. that pleasures did possesse him, rather than he plea∣sures; which will further appear if we consider more.

SECT. XXV.

Of his pastimes at home and abroad, and where something of his qua∣lity, and disposition.

NOw what he doth, and how he behaves himself amongst his house-full of Wives and Women cannot be known, and therefore not related; but when he shews himself (as before) thrice openly to his people, every day he had alwayes something▪ or other presented

before him to make him sport, and to give him present content.

As sometimes he delighted himself in seeing Horses ridden, the Natives there (as before) being very excellent in their well managing of them. Sometimes he saw his great Elephants fight. And at other times he pleased himself in seeing wrestling or dauncing, or jugling, and what else he liked.

And it happened that (but a few years be∣fore our abode there) a Juggler of Bengala (a Kingdom famous for Witches, and men of that profession) brought an Ape before the King (who was ever greedy to please himself with Novelties) professing that he would do many strange feats, the Mogol was ready presently to make a trial of this, and forthwith called some boyes about him (which he was conceived to keep for such a use as I dare not name,) & pluc∣king a Ring from his finger gave it one of them to hide, that he might make a trial whither, or no the Ape could finde it out; who presently went to the boy that had it. The Mogol made some further trials like this, where the Ape did his part as before. And before the Ape was ta∣ken out of his presence, this strange, following, and unexpected thing came into the Kings thought. There are (said he) many disputes in the World about that true Prophet which should come into the World. We said the

Mogol are for Mahomet. The Persians mag∣nifie Mortis Hale (but they are Mahometans for Religion likewise.) The Hindoos, or Hea∣thens there, have many whom they highly extol & magnifie, as Bremaw, and Bramon, and Ram, and Permissar; The Parsees are for Zerto••st, the Jews for Moses, the Christians for Christ, and he added three more whose names I have not, who make up the number of twelve, who have all their several followers in that part of the World, and then he caused those twelve Names to be written in twelve several Scrolls, and put together, to see if the Ape could draw out the Name of the true Prophet, this done the Ape put his paw amongst them, and pull'd forth the Name of Christ. The Mogol a se∣cond time, caused those twelve Names to be written again in twelve other Scrolls, and Cha∣racters, and put together, when the Ape as be∣fore pull'd forth the name of Christ.

Then Mahobet-Chan, a great Noble man of that Court, and in high favour with the King, said, that it was some imposture of the Christians (though there were none that did bear that name there present) and desired that he might make a third trial, which granted, he put but eleven of those names together, reser∣ving the name of Christ in his hand; the Ape searching as before, pull'd forth his paw empty, and so twice, or thrice together, the King de∣manding

a reason for this, was answered, that happily the thing he looked for was not there, he was bid to search for it, and then putting out those eleven names one after the other, in a seeming indignation rent them, then running to Mahobet-Chan caught him by the hand where the Name of Christ was concealed, which de∣livered, he opened the Scrolle, and so held it up to the King, but did not tear it as the former, upon which the Mogol took the Ape, and gave his Keeper a good Pension for to keep him near about him, calling him the Divining Ape, and this was all that followed upon this admirable thing, except the great wonder and amazement of that people.

There was one some years since wrote this story (but somewhat varied from that I have here related) in a little printed Pamphlet, and told his Reader that I had often seen that Ape while I lived in those parts, which particular he should have left out; but for the Relation it self, I believe it was so, because it hath been often confirmed there in its report unto me by divers persons, who knew not one another, and were differing in Religion, yet all agreed in the story, and in all the circumstances thereof.

This I am sure of that Almighty God, who can do what he will do (for all things are so far from being impossible to him, that nothing is hard) can do wonderfull things by the weak∣est

means, that the weaker the instruments are, the more glory moy be ascribed unto him while he acts by them.

In the sacred storie Pharoah had no sooner asked, who is the Lord? Ex. 5. but presently some of the weakest of the Creatures rise up, and appear (as it were in Arms) to tell him, who the Lord was; so that he who formerly thought that there was no power, either in hea∣ven, or earth, to master, or contradict him, is presently confuted, and conquered by Frogs, and Flies, and Lice, and Caterpillars, by those poor, infirm, silly, and most despicable Crea∣tures, who when they had entred the lists, would not give proud Pharoah over, till they had humbled him, and magnified their maker, virtus Dei in infirmitate. Balaams Asse had more discovered unto him than unto his Rider, and so had this Ape (as it should seem) more, than to his beholders, or to his keeper.

Now for the disposition of that King, it ever seemed unto me to be composed of extreams, for sometimes he was barbarously cruel, and at other times he would seem to be exceeding fair, and gentle.

For his cruelties, he put one of his women to a miserable death, one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withall, but now she was superannuated, for neither himself nor Nobles (as they say) come near

their wives, or women, after they exceed the age of thirty years, though they keep them, and al∣low them some maintenance. The fault of that woman, this the Mogol upon a time found her, and one of his Eunuchs kissing one ano∣ther, and for this very thing the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth, and that her body should be put into that hole, where she should stand with her head onely above ground, and the earth to be put in again unto her close, round about her, that so she might stand in the parching Sun, till the extream hot beams thereof did kill her, in which torment she lived one whole day, and the night following, and almost till the next noon, crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language, as the Shu∣namites Childe did in his 2 King. 4. Ah my head, my head! which horrid execution, or ra∣ther murder was acted near our house, where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive, and there in her sight cut all into pieces.

That great King would be often overcome by Wine, yet (as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself) would punish others with very much severity, who were thus distempered.

I have long since heard a story which is some∣what pararel to this, that in former times when

this land, in which we live, did not so much stink of that beastly sin of drunkennesse, which robs a man of himself, and leaves a beast in the skin of a man, I say, when drunkennesse in England was not so common: There was a Ju∣stice of Peace in this Nation (and I believe that the story is very true) which laid a poor Butoher by the heels for presuming to be drunk, telling him that he was but a poor beggerly fellow, and he presume to be drunk, and therefore he would punish him, saying further, that it was enough for his eldest Son so to be, &c. but this by the way.

Sometimes for little, or no faults, the Mogol would cause men to be most severely whip't, till they were almost ready to dye under the rod, which after they must kisse in thankful∣nesse.

He caused one of his servants of the higher ranke, to be very much whipt for breaking a China Cup he was commanded to keep safe, and then sent him into China, (which is a mar∣velous distance from thence) to buy another.

Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemne men to servitude, or dismem∣ber, or else put them to death, as sacrifices to his will and passion, not Justice. So that it might be said of him quando male nemo pejus, that when he did wickedly none could do worse, as if it had been true of him which was spoken

of that monster Nero observed before, who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum, dirt soaked in bloud.

For his good actions he did relieve conti∣nually many poor people; and not seldom would shew many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother, then living, so that he who esteemed the whole World as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders, and in this he did exceeding∣ly differ from that most unnatural and cruel Nero, who most barbarously killed his own Mother Agrippina, causing (as they write) that Bed, in which he was conceived, and from whence born, and wherein he took up his first lodging to be ript up and spoiled.

The Mogol would often visite the cells of those he esteemed religious men, whose persons he esteemed sacred, as if they had been Demi∣gods.

And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ, but his Parentage, his poverty, and his crosse did so confound his thoughts, that he knew not what to think of them. (As Bernard complained of some in his time, that they took offence at the clowts and rags of our blessed Saviour, at the humility and meannesse of his birth) believing that it could not stand with the Majesty of the Son of God to appear in the World, in such meannesse

as he did; though he had been told that Christ Jesus came into the World in that low condi∣tion that he might beat down the pride thereof. And that at his first coming he came for sin∣ners, and then he came in great humility but at his second coming he shall come against sin∣ners, and then will he appear in power, & great glory.

Lastly, the Mogol is very free and noble un∣to all those which fall into, and abide in his af∣fection, which brings me now to speak.

SECT. XXVI.

Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his Subjects, how they are raised, and how long they are continued, &c.

WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy, makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men. Now for those Pensions, which are so exceeding great, the Mogol in his far extend∣ed Monarchy allowes yearly pay for one Mil∣lion of horse, and for every horse and man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum, which is exactly paid every year, raised from Land, and other Commodities which that Empire affords

and appointed for that purpose. Now some of the Mogol's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse; and there are others (at the least twenty in his Empire) which have the pay of 5000. horse, exceeding large Pen∣sions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World, they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man. Now others have the pay of four thousand horse; others of three, or two, or one thousand horse, and so downward, and these by their proportions, are appointed to have horses alwayes in readinesse well mann'd and otherwise appointed for the Kings service, so that he who hath the pay of five, or six thou∣sand, must alwayes have one thousand in rea∣dinesse, or more, according to the Kings need of them, and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the num∣ber, at the least of two hundred thousand horse, of which number, they have alwayes at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is.

There are very many private men in Cities and Towns, who are Merchants, or Trades∣men that are very rich, but it is not safe for them that are so, so to appear, least that they should be used as fill'd sponges.

But there is never a Subject in that Empire, who hath Land of inheritance, which he may

call his own, but they are all Tenants at the will of their King, having no other title to that they enjoy besides the Kings favour, which is by far more easily lost than gotten; It is true that the King advanceth many there, unto ma∣ny great honours, and allows them as before, marvelous great revenues, but no Son there en∣joyes either the Titles, or means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King, for the King takes possession of all when they are dead, appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence, which they shall not exceed, if they fall not into the Kings affe∣ction as their Fathers did, wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means, and therefore have a very nume∣rous train, a very great retinue to attend upon them, which makes them to appear like Prin∣ces, rather than subjects.

Yet this their necessary dependance on their King binds them unto such base subjection, as that they will yield with readinesse unto any of his unreasonable and wilfull commands. As Plutarch writes of the Souldiers of Scipio, nullu•• est horum, qui non conscensâ turri semet in mare praecipitaturus, si jussero, that there was never a one in his Army, by his own report, that would not for a word of his mouth, have gone up into a Tower, and cast himself thence head-long into the Sea, and thus the people here will do

thing the King commands them to do; so that if he bid the Fa••her to lay hands of violence upon his Son, or the Son upon his Father, they will do it, rather than the will of their King should be disobeyed. Thus forgetting Nature, rather than Subjection.

And this tye of theirs (I say) upon the Kings favour makes all his Subjects most servile flat∣terers, for they will commend any of his actions, though they be nothing but cru••lty, so any of his speeches, though nothing but folly. And when the King sits and speaks to any of his people publickly, there is not a word falls from him that is not written by some Scr••veners, or Scribes that stand round about him.

In the year 1618. when we lived at that Court, there appeared at once in the Moneth of November in their Hemisphear two great Blazing-stars, the one of them, North, the other South, which unusual sight appeared there for the space of one Moneth. One of those strange Comets in the North, appeared like a long blazing Torch, or Launce fired at the up∣per end, the other in the South, was round like a pot boyling out fire. The Mogol consulted with his flattering Astrologers, who spake of these Comets unto the King, as Daniel some∣times did of Nebuchadnezzars dream, Dan. 4. 19. My Lord, the dream is to them that hate thee, and the interpretation thereof unto thine

Enemies. For his Astrologers told him that he needed not trouble himself with the thought thereof, for it concerned other places and peo∣ple, not him nor his. But not long after this, their season of Rain, (before spoken of) which was never known to fail till then, failed them, and this caused such a famine and mortality in the South parts of his Empire, that it did very much unpeople it, and in the Northern part thereof (whether the Mogol then repaired) his third Son Sultan Caroom raised, and kept to∣gether very great forces, and stood upon his guard, and would not disband, till his Father had delivered his eldest Son Sultan Coobseroo into his hands, and how, when he had him in his power he used him, you shall after hear.

In the mean time, take one admirable ex∣ample of a very grosse flatterer, but a great fa∣vourite of that King, who was noted above o∣thers of that Nation to be a great neglecter of God, believing it Religion enough to please the Mogol his Master. This man was a Souldier of an approved valour: But upon a time he sitting in dalliance with one of his Women, she pluckt an hair from his breast (which grew about his Nipple) in wantonnesse, without the least thought of doing him hurt. But the little wound, that small, and unparalel'd instrument of death made, presently began to fester, and in short time after became a Canker incureable;

in fine, when he saw that he must needs dye, he uttered these words, which are worth the re∣membring of all that shall ever hear them, say∣ing:

VVho would not have thought but that I, who have been so long bred a Souldier, should have dyed in the face of mine Enemy, either by a sword, or a Launce, or an Arrow, or a Bullet, or by some such instrument of death: But now (though too late) I am forc'd to confesse that there is a great God above, whose Majesty I have ever despised, that needs no bigger Launce than an hair to kill an Atheist, or a despiser of his Majesty, and so, desiring that those his last words might be told unto the King his Master, died.

Till sin into the world had made a breach, Death was not heard of: ever since in each Poor creature may it, doth it couchant lye, The kernel of a Grape kills one; a fly Another choaks; by a c••rrupted breath Of air one dies; and others have found death In a small bit of meat; or by a Corn Too closely cut, or by a prick of Thorn. When death comes arm'd with Gods imperial word, An hair can pierce as deep as sharpest sword.

The Mogol never advanceth any, but he gives him a new name, and these of some pret∣ty signification; as Pharoah did unto Joseph, when he made him great in his Court, Gen. 41.

45. the new names (I say) that the Mogol gives unto those he advanceth and favours are significant. As Asaph Chan, the gathering or rich Lord, whose sister the Mogol married, and she was his most beloved wife, and her bro∣thers marvelous great riches, answered his name, for he died worth many Millions (as I have been credibly informed) the greatest sub∣ject (I believe) for wealth that ever the world had: so another of the Mogols Grandees was called Mahobet-Chan, the beloved Lord. An∣other Chan-Jahan, the Lord of my heart. An∣other Chan-Allaam, the Lord of the world. Another Chan-Channa, the Lord of Lords. He called his chief Physician Mocrob-Chan the Lord of my health; and many other names like these his Grandees had, which at my being there belonged to his most numerous Court.

And further for their Titles of honour there, all the Kings Children are called Sultans, or Princes; his daughters Sultanaus, or Princesses, the next title is Nabob equivalent to a Duke, the next Channa, a double Lord, or Earle. The next Chan, a Lord. So Meirsa signifies a Knight that hath been a General, or Comman∣der in the Wars. Umbra, a Captain; Haddee, a Cavalier, or Souldier on horse-back, who have all allowed them means by the King (as be∣fore) proportionable for the supports of their Honours, and Titles, and Names.

His Officers of State are his Treasurers, which receive his revenues in his several Pro∣vinces, and take care for the payment of his great Pensions, which, when they are due, are paid without any delay: There his chief Eu∣nuchs (which command the rest of them) take care for the ordering of his house, and are Stew∣ards and Controulers of it; his Secretaries, the Masters of his Elephants; and the Masters of his Tents are other of his great Officers, and so are the keepers of his Ward-robe, who are en∣trusted with his Plate and Jewels. To these I may add those which take care of his Customs for goods brought into his Empire, as for com∣modities carried thence. But these are not ma∣ny, because his Sea-ports are but few. The Cu∣stoms payd in his Ports are not high, that stran∣gers of all Nations may have the greater encou∣ragement to Trade there with him, but as he expects money from all strangers that Trade there: So it is a fault he will not pardon (as be∣fore) for any to carry any quantity of silver thence. He hath other Officers that spread over his Empire, to exact monies out of all the la∣bours of that people who make the curious ma∣nufactures. So that like a great Tree he receives nourishment from every, even the least Roots that grow under his shadow, and therefore though his Pensions are exceeding great (as be∣fore) they are nothing comparable to his enuch greater revenues.

By reason of that Countries immoderate heat, our English Cloath is not fit to make Ha∣bits for that people, that of it w^ch is sold there, is most of it for colour Red, & this they imploy for the most part to make coverings for their Elephants and Horses, & to cover their Coaches, the King himself taking a very great part there∣of, whose payments are very good, onely the Merchant must get the hands of some of his chief Officers to his bill, appointed for such dis∣patches, which are obtained as soon as desired. And this the King doth to prevent the abuses of particular, and single persons.

And now that I may present my Reader with the further glory of this great King, I shall lead him where he may take a view.

SECT. XXVII.

Of the Mogols Leskar, or Camp Royal, &c.

WHich indeed is very glorious, as all must confesse, who have seen the in∣finite number of Tents, or Pavilions there pitched together which in a plain make a shew equal to a most spacious and glorious Citie. These Tents I say, when they are altogether, co∣ver such a great quantity of ground, that I be∣lieve it is five English miles at the least, from one side of them to the other, very beautifull to

behold from some Hill, where they may be all seen at once.

They write of Zerxes, that when from such a place he took a view of his very numerous Army, consisting at the least of three hundred thousand men, he wept, saying, that in less than the compasse of one hundred years, not one of that great mighty Host would be alive. And to see such company then together of all sorts of people (and I shall give a good reason pre∣sently why I believe that mixt company of men, women, and children may make up such an huge number, as before I named, if not exceed it) and to consider that death will seize upon them all, within such a space of time, and that the second death hath such a power over them, is a thing of more sad consideration.

Now to make it appear that the number of people of all sorts is so exceeding great, which here get, and keep together in the Mogols Les∣kar, or Camp Royal; first there are one hun∣dred thousand Souldiers, which alwayes wait about that King (as before observed) and all his Grandees have a very great train of fol∣lowers and servants to attend them there, and so have all other men according to their several qualities, and all these carry their Wives and Children, and whole family with them, which must needs amount to a very exceeding great number. And further to demonstrate this,

when that King removes from one place to an∣other, for the space of twelve hours, a broad passage is continually fill'd with passengers, and Elephants, and Horses, and Dromedaries, and Camels, and Coaches, and Asses, and Oxen, (on which the meaner sort of men and women with their little Children, ride) so full as they may well passe one by the other. Now in such a broad passage, and in such a long time, a very great number of people, the company conti∣nually moving on forward, may passe.

Thus this people moving on from place to place, it may be said of them, what Salvian speaks of Israel, while they were in their jour∣ney to the land of promise, that it was Ambu∣lans respublica, a walking Common-wealth. And therefore that ancient people of God were called Hebrews, which signified passengers, and their dwelling so in Tents, signified thus much to all the people of God in all succeeding ages, that here they dwell in moveable habitations, having no continuing City here, but they must look for one, and that is above.

It is observed of Cain, that he (a wicked man) was a tiller of the ground, (though that calling of it self deserves much commendation) or as a man fastned to the earth, whereas Abel his brother (a man fearing God) was a Shep∣heard, which is a moving, rouling occupation, from one place to another, thou tellest my flit∣tings,

saith David, Here we often shift our places, and our company, and must do so, our businesses carrying us up and down, to and fro, but our felicity hereafter shall consist in rest, in not changing for ever after, either our compa∣ny, or place, but when the Godly man shall ac∣complish, as an hireling his day, when his work, which God hath appointed him here to do, is done and finished, he shall lye down in peace, and receive his penny, and enjoy his reward.

The Tents pitch'd in that Leskar, or Camp Royal are for the most part white, like the cloa∣thing of those which own them. But the Mo∣gols Tents are red, reared up upon Poles, higher by much than the other. They are placed in the middest of the Camp, where they take up a very large compasse of ground, and may be seen every way, and they must needs be very great to afford room in them, for himself, his wives, children, women, Eunuchs, &c.

In the sore-front, or outward part, or Court within his Tent, there is a very large room for accesse to him, 'twixt seven and nine of the Clock at night, which (as before) is called his Goozulcad.

His Tents are encompassed round with Ca∣nats, which are like our Screenes to fold up to∣gether; those Canats are about ten foot high, made of narrow strong Callico, and lined with the same, stiffened at every breadth with a Cane,

but they are strongest lined on their outside by a very great company of arm'd Souldiers, that keep close about them night and day. The Tents of his great men are likewise large, placed round about his. All of them throughout the whole Leskar reared up in such a due and con∣stant order, that when we remove from place to place, we can go as directly to those move∣able dwellings, as if we continued still in fixed and standing habitations, taking our direction from several streets and Bazars, or Market places, every one pitched upon every remove alike, upon such, or such a side of the Kings Tents, as if they had not been at all removed.

The Mogol (which I should have observed before) hath so much wealth, and consequent∣ly so much power, by reason of his marvelous great multitudes of fighting men; which he al∣wayes keeps in Arms, commanding at all times as many of them as he please, that as the Moabites truely said of Israel, (while they had Almighty God fighting with them, and for them) so it may be said of him (if God restrain him not) that his huge Companies are able to lick up all that are round about him, as the Oxe licketh up the grasse of the field, Numb. 22. 4.

When that mighty King, removes from one place to another, he causeth Drums to be beat about midnight, which is a signal token of his removing. He r••moves not far at one time;

sometimes ten miles, but usually a lesse di∣stance, according to the best convenience he may have for water, there being such an infinite Company of men, and other Creatures, whose drink is water, that in a little time it may be as truely said of them, as it was of that mighty host of Sennacherib that Assyrian Monarch, Es. 37. 25. that they are able to drink up Ri∣vers.

But when the place he removed to afforded plenty of good water, he would usually stay there three, or four dayes, or more, and when he thus rested in his Progresse, would go abroad to finde out pastimes, to which end he alwayes carried with him divers kindes of Halkes, and Dogs, and Leopards, which (as before) they train up to hunt withall, and being thus pro∣vided for variety of sports, would fly at any thing in the Air, or seize on any Creature he desired to take on the Earth.

The Mogol, when he was at Mandoa (which was invironed with great Woods as be∣fore was observed) sometimes with some of his Grandees, and a very great company beside of Persian and Tartarian hors-men, his Souldiers (which are stout daring men) would attempt to take some young wilde Elephants found in these Woods, which he took in strong toyls made for that purpose, which taken, were ma〈…〉〈…〉'd, and made fit for his serv〈…〉〈…〉 In which

hunting they likewise pursued on horse-back Lions, and other wilde beasts, and kill'd some of them with their Bowes, and Carbanes, and Launces.

An Heroick pastime, or rather an high and dangerous attempt becoming great personages, who, if their honour and greatnesse balance, will not be taken up with small things, Impe∣ria dura toll••, quid virtus erit, things difficult in their doing make them more honourable when done, Aquila non capit Muscas, Gnats and Flies are not pursued by Eagles.

In Tauros Lybici r••unt Leones, Non sunt Papilionibus molesti. Hor.

Thus on chac'd Bulls the Lybian Lion hies, But troubles▪ not the painted Butter-flies.

I waiting upon my Lord Ambassadour two years, and part of a third & traveling with him in Progresse with that King, in the most tempe∣rate moneths there, 'twixt September & April, were in one of our Progresses 'twixt Mandoa and Amadavaz nineteen dayes, (making but short journeys in a Wildernesse, where (by a very great company sent before us, to make those passages and places fit to receive us) a way was cut out and made even, broad enough for our convenient passage, and in the places where we pitche〈…〉〈…〉 ••ur Tents, a great compasse

of ground rid, and made plain for them, by grubbing up a number of trees and bushes, yet there we went as readily to our Tents, the same order being still observed, in the pitching of them, as we did, when they were set up in the plains. But that which here seemed unto me to be most strange, was, that notwithstanding our marvelous great company of men, women; and children there together, that must all be fed, and the very great number of other Crea∣tures which did eat Corn, as we never there wanted water: so, we had so many victualers with us, and so much provision continually brought in unto us, that we never felt there the want of any thing beside, but had it at as low rates as in other places.

The Mogols wives and women, when as they are removed from place to place are carried in Coaches (such as were before described) made up close, or in Palanke••s on mens shoulders, or else on Elephants in pretty receptacles, sur∣rounded with curtains which stand up like low and little Turrets on their backs, and some of the meaner sort ride in Cradles, hanging on the sides of Dromedaries, all covered close, and at∣tended by Eunuchs, who have many Souldiers which go before them to clear the way as they passe, they taking it very ill, if any (though they cannot see them) presume so much as to look towards them, and therefore though I

could never see any of them, I shall here take the liberty to speak somewhat I have heard and do believe:

SECT. XXVIII.

Of the Mogols wives and women; where something of his Children, &c.

WHom I conceive to be Women of good feature, though for their colour very swart, which that people may call beauty, it being the complexion of them all, as the Crow thinks his bird fairest, but (as before) I never observed any crooked, or deform'd per∣son of either sex amongst them: For the honesty of those great mens Wives and Women, there is such a quick eye of jealousie continually over them, that they are made so by force, though (as they say) they are never much regarded by those great ones after the very first, and prime of their youth is past.

For that great Monarch the Mogol in the choise of his Wives and Women, he was guided more by his eye and fansie, than by any re∣spect had to his honour, for he took not the daughters of neighbouring Princes, but of his own subjects, and there preferr'd that, which he looked upon as beauty, before any thing else.

He was married to four Wives, and had Con∣cubines, and Women beside (all which were at his command) enough to make up their num∣ber a full thousand (as they there confidently affirm'd.) And that he might raise up, his beast∣ly and unnatural lusts, even to the very height, he kept boyes as before &c.

His most beloved wife (when I lived at his Court) he called Noor-Mahal, which signified the light of the Court, and to the other of his Wives, and Women, which he most loved, he gave new names unto them, and such names as he most fancied.

For his Wife I first named, he took her out of the dust, from a very mean family, but how∣ever, she made such a through conquest on his affections, that she engrossed almost all his love, did what she pleased in the Government of that Empire, where she advanced her brother Asaph-Chan; and other her nearest relations, to the greatest places of Command and Ho∣nour, and profit in that vast Monarchy.

Her brother Asaph-Chan was presently made one of the Starres of the first Magnitude that shined in that Indian Court, and when he had once gotten, so kept the Mogols favour by the assistance of his sister Noor-Mahal, that by the Pensions given, and many Offices bestowed on him, he heaped up a Masse of Treasure above all belief (as before) and married his daughter un∣to Sultan Caroom, who is now King.

The Mogol of all his so many Wives and Concubines had but six Children, five Sons and one Daughter. The names he gave his Chil∣dren, and others were names that proceeded from Counsel (as he imagined) rather than chance. His eldest Son was called Sultan Coob∣surroo, which signified the Prince with the good face, his person and beauty answered his name, for he was a Prince of a very lovely presence. His second Son he called Sultan Perum, Prince of the Pleiades, or of the sweet influences of the Pleiades. His third Son (now King) though that great dignity was never intended to him by his Father, was called Sultan Caroom, or the Prince of bounty. His fourth Sultan Sha∣har, or the Prince of fame. His fift, and last Son was called by him Sultan Tauct, Tauct in the Persian tongue, signifies a Throne, and he was named so by the King his Father, because the first hour he sat peaceably on his Throne, there was news brought him of that Sons birth.

The first Son of that King, which he hath by any of his married wives, by prerogative of birth, inherits that Empire, the eldest Son of every man (as before) called there (the great brother.) And he that inherits that Monarchy, doth not openly slaughter his younger brothers, as the Turks do; yet it is observed, that few younger brothers of those Indostan Kings have long survived their Fathers.

Yet notwithstanding that long continued custom there for the eldest Son to succeed the Father in that great Empire; Achabar Sha, Fa∣ther of that late King; upon high & just displea∣sure taken against his Son, for climbing up unto the bed of Anarkelee, his Fathers most beloved Wife (whose name signified the Kernel of a Pomegranate) and for other base actions of his, which stirred up his Fathers high displea∣sure against him, resolved to break that ancient custom, and therefore often in his life time pro∣tested, that not he, but his Grand-childe Sultan Coobsurroo, whom he always kept in his Court, should succeed him in that Empire.

And now by the way, the manner of that Achabar Sha his death (as they report it in India) is worthy observation. That wicked King was wont often to give unto some of his Nobles (whom upon secret displeasure he meant to destroy) Pills prepared with Poison that should presently put them into incurable dis∣eases. But the last time he went about to pra∣ctise that bloudy treachery, he died himself by his own instrument of death, for then having two Pills in his hand, the one very like the o∣ther; the one Cord••••ll for himself, the other Corrasive, for one of his Grandee•• he meant to purge, and flattering him with many proffers of courtesie before he gave him the P••ll, that he might swallow it down the better, at last have∣ing

held them both in the palm of his hand long, by a mistake took the poysoned Pi•••• him∣self, and gave him the other, which Pill put the King immediately into a mortal flux of bloud, which in few dayes put an end to his life in his ••itie Lahore.

—Neque enim lex justior ulla est, Quam necis artifices arte perire sua.

When some to kill most deadly engines frame, 'Tis just that they themselves be caught it'h same.

Achabar Sha thus dead. Sultan Coobsurroo his Grand-Childe, then aged about twenty years, took his opportunity at the first bound, and ascended the Regal Throne at Lahore, where by a general Acclamation of that very great and populous City he was pronounced, and acknowledged King. His Father (the late Mogol) was thus acknowledged at Agra. Two great Armies were presently levied, and meet together to decide the controversie, and the generality of the people within that Em∣pire, thinking it meet that the Father should be King before the Son, clave by far, more to him then to his Son, by which means Sultan Coob∣surroo was defeated and taken prisoner, and a very great many of young Gallants with him, whereof his Father immediately after caused to

be impaled, or put upon Stakes (that most cruell and tormenting death) eight hundred in two severall ranks in one day, without the City Lahore, and then carried his Son most disgracefully through them, bidding him to behold the men in whom he trusted. His Son told him that he should have serv'd him so, and spared the other, who did nothing in that a∣ction but upon his command; his Father re∣plyed that he could serve him so presently if he so pleased) his Son, wild and desired him so to do, telling his Father that he had no joy at all to live, after the beholding of so many gal∣lant men dead. Notwithastanding, the King spared his life, casting him into Prison where his eyes were sealed up (by something put be∣fore them which might not be taken of) for the space of three years, after what time that seal was taken away, that he might with freedom enjoy the Light, though not his Liberty. And after his Father had taken him out of Prison, he kept him alwaies near about him, but with a very strong guard upon him, so that he fol∣lowing the King his Father in his Progresses, we sometimes saw him. And once he called my Lord Ambassadour to him as we passed by him, asking him many questions, as how far distant our Country was from them, and what we brought thither, and what we carried thence, and how the King his Father had u∣sed

him since his arrive there, whither or no he had not bestowed upon him some great gifts. The Ambassadour told him that his business there was to obtain a free trade for his Nation the English, and that being granted him, he had reward enough. The Prince replyed that this could not be denyed us, we coming so far to trade there with him; and the Prince further asked him how long he had been there, the Ambassadour told him about two years, the Prince replyed again, that it was a very great shame for the successor of Tamberlane, who had such infinite Rules, to suffer a man of his quality to come so far unto him, and to live so long about him, and not to give him some Royall gift; and he further added that for himself he was a Prisoner, and therefore could do him no good but he would pray for him, and so he departed.

For that Prince, he was a Gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage, so excee∣dingly beloved of the common people, that as S••••tonius writes of Titus, he was Amor & Deliciae, &c. the very love and delight of them. Aged then about thirty and five years. He was a man who contented himself with one wife, which with all love and care accompanied him in all his streights, and therefore he would never take any wife but her self, though the liberty of his Religion did admit of Plurality.

It was generally beleeved to be the intent of his Father (for he would often presage so) to make this Prince his first-born his successor, though for the present out of some jealousie (his being so much beloved of the people) he de∣nyed his liberty.

His Fathers love, brings upon him the ex∣tream hatred of his Brother Caroom the Mo∣gals third Son, who then lived in very great Pomp and splendor at that Court, ayming at that Empire, to which end he put many jea∣lousies into his Fathers head (now grown in years) concerning his Brother Coobsurroo, and that his Father might live more secure and out of all present fear of him, if he so pleased, upon which insinuations, partly by force (as I ob∣served before) and partly by intreaty of friends about the King, he was by the King put into the Cruel hand of his Brother Caroom, who told his Father that he would have both his eyes upon him, and further so provide, that he should never have cause to fear him any more, and he was as good as his word, for presently after he had gotten possession of him (tho••gh his Father had given him as great a charge as possibly he could to use him well, and to keep him honourably, and by no means to hurt him, which was all promised by Caroome, to be faithfully observed) he caused his second Bro∣ther Sultan Parveen to be poysoned, and not

long after that, strangled that most gallant Prince his eldest Brother, which did so trouble his Father, that the grief thereof (as it was strongly beleeved) shortned his days, who not long after this (much against his mind) made room for that murderer to succeed him in that Empire, who layd the foundation of his high advancement, in the blood of his Bro∣thers, and rather than he would have missed it, would certainly made a way through the blood of his Father likewise, All Laws of honesty, of Nature by him thrown down, trampled under foot, forgotten and made void to compass and gain his most unjust ends, as if he resolved to practise that language which Polynices out of the height of Ambition spake in the Tragedy

—Pro Regnovelim Patriam, Penates, Conjugem flammis dare; Imperia Precio quolibet constant bene Sen. Trag.

Fire on my Gods, Wise, Country for a Crown, An Empire can the dearest price weigh down.

But whatsoever he might think, I am sure that the holy Scriptures are stored with exam∣ples, that have fallen heavy upon usurpers and resisters of lawfull Authority, as upon Corah, and his Confederates swallowed up quick into the Earth. Upon Zimri burnt in his Palace, which he had but immediatly before usurped:

Upon Absolon hangd by his hairy Scalp, As Achitophel in an halter.

Certainly they, who ever they be, that come to rule upon hard and unjust tearms, shall first or last live to rue and to repent their bargain, as Ahab did in another case, after he had kild and taken possession: And as the Emperours of this large spreading and far extended Monar∣chy, have been like Pikes in a great Pond, that eat up all the lesser Fishes about them, which can make no resistance; by which they have enlarged themselves like Hell by a strong hand, and have gained what they have by force, and by force keep what they have gotten, ruling by an Arbitrary and an illimited Power: so time in probability will ravel and rent all again in pieces; for

Regum timend••rum in Proprios greges, Reges in ipsos imperium est Jovis. Hor.

Over slav'd men dread Powers do reign, God over them is Soveraign.

I shall adde but a few things more to this Relation before I conclude it. And one shall be to give my Reader a tast but very briefly,

SECT. XXIX.

Of the manner of the stile or writing of that Court.

WHich I shall here insert, and in some mea∣sure shew, by a Copy of a Letter writ∣ten by the great Mogol unto King James in the Persian tongue here faithfully translated, which was as follows.

UNto a King rightly descended from his an∣cestors, bred in Military affairs, clothed with honour and Justice, a Commander worthy of all Command, strong and constant in the Re∣ligion, which the great Prophet Christ did teach King James, whose love hath bred such an impression in my thoughts, as shall never be forgotten, but as the smell of Amber, or as a Garden of fragrant flowers, whose beauty and ••dour is still increasing: so be assured my love shall still grow and increase with yours.

The Letters which you sent me in the be∣half of your Merchants I have received, where∣by I rest satisfied of your tender love towards me, desiring you not to take it ill, that I have not wrote to you her etofore, this present Letter I send you to renew our loves, and herewith do certifie you, that I have sent forth my Fir∣maunes

throughout all my Countries to this effect, that if any English Ships or Merchants shall arrive in any of my Ports, my people shall permit and suffer them to do what they please, freely in their Merchandizing causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries that shall be offered them, that the least cause of discourtesie be not done unto them, that they may be as free, or freer than my own people.

And as now, and formerly, I have received from you divers tokens of your love: so I shall still desire your mindfulness of me by some No∣velties from your Countries, as an argument of friendship betwixt us, for such is the custome of Princes here.

And for your Merchants I have given ex∣press order through all my dominions, to suffer them to buy, sell, transport, and carry away at their pleasure, without the let or hinderance of any person whatsoever, all such goods and Mer∣chandizes as they shall desire to buy, and let this my Letter as fully satisfy you in desired Peace and love, as if my own Son bad been the Mes∣senger to ratifie the same.

And if any in my Countries not fearing God, nor obeying their King, or any other void of Religion, should endeavour to be an instru∣ment to break this league of friendship, I would send my Son Sultan Caroome a souldier appro∣ved in the wars to cut him off, that no obstacle

m••y hinder the continuance, and increase of our affections.

Here are likewise the Complements of two other Letters of later date, sent home by Sir Thomas Row, whereof the first doth thus be∣begin.

WHen your Majesty shall open this Let∣ter, let your Royal heart be as fresh as a small Garden, let all people make reverence at your gate. Let your throne be advanced higher. Amongst the greatness of the Kings of the Pro∣phet Jesus, let your Majesty be the greatest, and all Monarchs derive their wisdom, and Counsel from your breast, as from a fountain, that the Law of the Majesty of Jesus may re∣ceive, and flourish under your protection.

The Letters of love and friendship which you sent me, the present tokens of your good affecti∣on towards me, I have received by the hands of your Ambassadour Sir Thomas Row, who well deserveth to be your trusted servant, deli∣vered to me in an acceptible and happy hour, upon which mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remoove them unto any other objects, and have accepted them with great joy and delight, &c.

The last Letter had this beginning.

HOw gracious is your Majesty, whose great∣ness God preserve. As upon a Rose in a Garden, so are mine eyes fixed upon you. God maintain your estate, that your Monarchy may prosper and be augmented, and that you may obtain all your desires worthy the greatness of your renown, and as the heart is noble and up∣right: so let God give you a glorious reign, be∣cause you strongly defend the Law of the Ma∣jesty of Jesus, which God made yet more flou∣rishing, for that it was confirmed by mi∣racles, &c.

What followed in both those Letters, was to testifie his care and love towards the English. Now all these Letters were written in the Per∣sian tongue, the Court language there, and their Copies were sent to the Ambassadour, that he might get them translated. The O∣riginals rowled up somewhat long, were cove∣red with Cloth of Gold, sealed up on both ends, the fashion in that Court and Country to make up Letters, though they be not all cloathed there in such a glorious dress.

In which Letters notice may be taken (what was observed before) how respectively that King speaks of our Blessed Saviour Christ.

And here it will not be impertinent to speak something of those who pretend to enlarge the name of Jesus Christ in those parts, I mean,

SECT. XXX.

Of the Jesuits sent thither by their Su∣periors to convert people unto Chri∣stianity, &c.

IN that Empire all Religions are tolerated, which make the Tyrannicall Government there more easy to be endured. The Mogol would speak well of all of them, saying that a man might be happy, and safe in the profes∣sion of any Religion, and therefore would say that the Mahometan Religion was good, so the Christian Religion good, and the rest good; and therefore by the way,

The Priests or Ministers of any Religion find regard and esteem amongst the people. I shall speak something to this from my own particu∣lar usage there, then very young, while I lived in those parts; yet when I was first there brought into the presence of the Mogol, immediatly after my arrive at his Court, I standing near the Ambassadour (for no man there of the greatest quality whatsoever, is at any time suf∣fered

to sit in his presence) and but a little di∣stance from that King in his Goz••lca••, he sent one of his Grandees to me, to let me know, that the King bad me welcome thither, that I should have a free access to him when ever I pleased, and if I would ask him any thing, he would give it me (though I never did ask, nor he give) and very many times afterward (when waiting upon my Lord Ambassadour) I ap∣peared before him, he would still shew tokens of Civility and respect unto me, and I never went abroad amongst that people; but those that met me upon this consideration, that I was a Padrae (for so they call'd me) a Father or Minister, they would manifest in their be∣haviour towards me much esteem unto me. But for the Jesuits there.

There was one of that order in Goa (a City of the Portugals lying in the skirts of India) of very much fame and renown called Jerony∣mo Xauere, sent for by Achabar Sha the late Kings Father in the year 1596. to argue be∣fore him the doctrine of Christianity, there being alwaies present a Moolaa or Mahome∣tan Priest, and a third person, who followed no precise rule, but what the light of nature meerly led him to, and these two were to ob∣ject what they could against his reasoning.

The Jesuit in the Mogols own language (which was a great advantage to him) began

to speak first of the Creation, and then of the fall of man, in which the Mahometans agree with us.

Then he layd down divers grounds to bot∣tom his reasonings on.

That man by Creation was made a most excellent Creature, indued with the light of reason, which no other sublunary Creature be∣sides himself had; then

That man thus endued, must have some rule or Law to walk by, which he could not prescribe unto himself, and therefore it must be given him from above.

That this Law was first given unto man from God, and afterward confirmed by Pro∣phets sent into the world, in divers ages from God.

That this Law thus delivered must needs be one Law, in all things agreeing in it self. And so did not the Law of Mahomet.

That this thus delivered was most confor∣mable to right reason; And so was not the Law of Mahomet.

That man fall'n from God by Sin was not able to recover himself from that fall, and therefore it was necessary that there should be one, more than a man to do it for him, and that that one could not be Mahomet.

That this one was, Christ God, as well as man, God to satisfie (the Mahometans them∣selves

confessing that Christ was the breath of God) and man to suffer death as he did.

That Christ the Son of God coming into the world, about that great work of satisfy∣ing Gods anger against man for sin, it was ne∣cessary that he should live a poor and labori∣ous life here on Earth (at which the Maho∣metans much stumble) and not a life that was full of pomp, and pleasure, and delicacie.

That the Gospel of Christ, and other holy Books of Scripture, which the Christians re∣tain and walk by, contain nothing in them that is corrupt and depraved; But there is very much to be found in their Alcaron which is so.

That the great worth and worthiness shining in the person of Christ, was by far more ex∣cellent than any thing observable in Mahomet (for they themselves confess that Christ lived without sin, when Mahomet himself acknow∣ledgeth, that he had been a filthy person.)

That the feigned and foolish, and ridicu∣lous miracles, which they say were done by Mahomet, were nothing comparable to the miracles done by Christ, who (as the Maho∣metans confess) did greater miracles than ever were done before or since him.

That there was a great deal of difference in the manner of promulgating the Gospel of Christ, into the world, and the introducing of the Laws of Mahomet.

That Christ hath purchased Heaven for all that beleeve in him, and that Hell is prepared for all others that do not rely on him, and on him alone for Salvation.

There were many more particulars besides these, which that Jeronymo Xaucere laid down before the Mogol to ground his arguments on, which that King heard patiently at severall times during the space of one year and half, but at last he sent him away back again to Goa honourably, with some good gifts be∣stowed on him, telling him as Felix did, after he had reasoned before him, that he would call for him again when he had a convenient time, Acts 24. 25. Which time or season neither of them both ever found afterward.

These particulars which I have here inser∣ted (with many more I might have added to them, upon all which that Jeronymo Xaucere enlarged himself before the Mogol in his ar∣guings before him) were given unto me in La∣tine by Francisco Corsi, another Jesuit resident at that Court, while I was there, and long be∣fore that time. And further I have been there told b•• other people professing Christianity in that Empire, that there was such a dispute there held, and for my part do beleeve it.

For that Francisco Corsi he was a Floren∣tine by birth, aged about fifty years, who (if he were indeed what he seemed to be) was a

man of a severe life, yet of a fair and an affa∣ble disposition: He lived at that Court, as an Agent for the Portugals, and had not onely free access unto that King, but also encourage∣ment and help by gifts, which he sometimes bestowed on him.

When this Jesuit came first to be acquain∣ted with my Lord Ambassadour, he told him that they were both by profession Christians, though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it. And as he should not go about to reconcile the Ambassadour to them: So he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us. Onely he desired, that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them, but no dis∣putes. And further his desire was that those wide differences 'twixt the Church of Rome and us might not be made there to appear, that Christ might not seem by those differences to be di∣vided amongst men professing Christianity, which might be a very main obstacle, and hin∣derance unto his great design and endeavour, for which he was sent thither, to convent peo∣ple unto Christianity there. Telling my Lord Ambassadour further, that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and ser∣vice there, and so he was.

After his first acquaintance, he visited us often, usually once a week. And as those of

that society, in other parts of the world are ve∣ry great intelligencers: so was he there know∣ing all news which was stirring and might be had, which he communicated unto us.

And he would tell us many stories beside, one of which, if true, is very remarkeable. And it was thus; there are a race of people in East India, the men of which race have (if he told us true) their right legges extraordinary great and mishapen, their left legges are like other mens. Now he told us, that they were the po∣sterity of those who stamped St. Thomas the Apostle to death, come thither to Preach the Gospel, and that ever since the men of tha•• race have, and onely they of that Nation, that great deformity upon them. Some few people I have there seen of whom this story is told, but whither that deformity be like Gehiza's leprosie, hereditary, and if so, whither it fell upon that people upon the occasion before na∣med, I am yet to learn.

The Jesuits in East-India (for he was not alone there) have liberty to convert, any they can work upon, unto Christianity, &c. the Mogol hath thus far declared, that it shall be lawfull for any one, perswaded so in conscience, to become a Christian, and that he should not by so doing lose his favour.

Upon which, I have one thing, here to in∣sert, which I had there by report (yet I was bid

to beleeve it and report it for a truth) concer∣ning a Gentleman of quality, and a serv••nt of the great Mogol, who upon some convicti∣ons wrought upon him (as they say) would needs be Baptized and become a Christian. The King hearing of this convert sent for him, and at first with many cruell threats comman∣ded him to renounce that his new profession, the man replyed that he was most willing to suffer any thing in that cause, which the King could inflict.

The Mogol then began to deal with him another way, asking him why he thought him∣self wiser than his fore-Fathers, who lived and dyed Mahometans, and further added many promises of riches and honour, if he would re∣turn to his Mahometism, he replyed again as they say (for I have all this by tradition) that he would not accept of any thing in the world so to do; The Mogol wondring at his con∣stancy told him, that if he could have frigh∣ted, or bought him out of his new profession, he would have made him an example for all wa∣verers; but now he•• perceived that his resolu∣tion indeed was to be a Christian, and he bid him so continue, and with a reward dischar∣ged him.

The late Mogol about the beginning of his reign, caused a temple to be built in Agra, his chief City, for the Jesuits, wherein two of his

younger Brothers Sons were solemnly Bapti∣zed, and delivered into their hands to be tray∣ned up in Christianity, the young Gentleman growing to some stature (after they had had their tuition for some years) desired them to provide them wives out of Christendome fit∣ting their Birth, in which having not suddain content, they gave up their Crucifixes again into the Jesuits hands, and so left them; who had these conjectures upon this their revolt, that either the King their Unkle caused them to be Baptized; to make them more odious to the Mahometans, being so near of his blood; Or else it was his plot to get them beautifull wives out of Europe, which himself meant to take if he had liked them.

The Jesuit I last named Francisco Corsi upon a time (at our being there) having his house, amongst very many more consumed by a suddain fire, it so was that his wooden Cross, set on a Pole near the side of his house, was not (as he said) consumed. Upon which he pre∣sently repayred to that Court, carried that Cross with him, and told the King thereof. The Prince Sultan Caroome (who was no fa∣vourer of the Christians) being then present, and hearing him talk how his Cross was pre∣served, derided him, saying, that it was one of his fabulous miracles, and further added, that he would have a fire presently made before the

King, whereinto he would have that Cross cast, and if it consumed not, his Father himself, and all the people there would presently be∣come Christians, but if it did himself should be burnt with it. The Jesuit not willing to put himself upon so suddain and so hot a tryall, answered that he durst not tempt God, who was not tyed to times, and it might be that Almighty God, would never shew that people that infinite favour to make them Christians, or if he had such a great mercy for them in store, it might be that the time of manifesting it was not yet come, and therefore if he should now submit to that tryall, and Almighty God not please to shew a further and a present mi∣racle, his Religion would suffer prejudice there for ever after and therefore he refused.

It should seem that the Jesuits there do ex∣ceedingly extoll the Virgin Mary, which I have gathered from poor people there, natives of that Country, who have often asked Alms of me, when I stirred abroad amongst them, and whereas one hath desired me to give him some relief for Christs sake, there are many who have begged it for the Virgin Maries sake.

Well known it is, that the Jesuits there, who like the Pha••isees, Mat. 23. 25. that would go Sea and Land to make one Proselyte; have sent into Christendome many large reports

of their great Conversions of Infidels in East India; but all these boastings are but reports; the truth is that they have there spilt the pre∣cious water of Baptism upon some few Faces, working upon the necessity of some poor men, who for want of means, which they give them, are contented to wear Crucifixes; but for want of knowledge in the Doctrine of Christianity are onely in Name Christians. So that the Je∣suits Congregations there are very thin, con∣sisting of some Italians, which the Mogol en∣tertains (by great pay given them) to cut his Diamonds and other Rich stones. And of o∣ther European strangers which come thither, and some few others of the Natives before mentioned. So that in one word I shall speak this more of the Jesuits in East India, that they have there Templum, but not Ecclesiam.

When I lived in those parts it was my earnest desire and daily prayer, to have put my weak hands unto that most acceptable; but hard labour of washing Moors, that the Name of Jesus Christ might have been there enlarged (if God had pleased to honour me so far) by my endeavours. But there are three main and apparent obstacles (besides those which do not appear) that hinder the settlement and growth of Christianity in those parts. First the liber∣ty of the Mahometan Religion given the peo∣ple there in case of Marriage. Secondly, the

most debaucht lives of many coming thi∣ther, or living amongst them who profess themselves Christians, per quorum latera pa∣titur Evangelium, by whom the Gospell of Jesus Christ is scandalized, and exceedingly suffers. And lastly the hearts of that people are so confirmed and hardned in their own evill old ways, their ears so sealed up, their eyes so blinded with unbelief and darkness, that onely he, who hath the Key of David, that shuts when no man can open, and opens when no man can shut, can open to them the dore of life.

I have some things more by way of inference to adde unto this relation, which con••eins mat∣ter, a•• it appears to me,